.'sm,- itpi"M i^^^^ J-iStfi^ President White Library, Cornell university. J\'/dhnr ^ih/f-j Cornell University Library F 2331.B72V49 Official history of the discussion betwe 3 1924 021 109 370 £ ]^ Cornell University The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924021109370 OFFICIAL HI5T0RY OF THE Discussion Between Venezuela AND Great Britain ON THEIR GUIANA BOUNDARIES. ATLANTA, GA.: Franklin Printing & Publiehing Company, Geo. W. Haebison, Manager. INTRODUCTION. Hollavd cedes to Great Britain the Colonies of Demerara, Esse- quibo afid Berbice. Convejition between H. B. M. and the United Provinces of the Netherlands, relating to their colonies, signed in London o?i_ the ijth of August, 1814. ARTICLE I. His Britannic Majesty engages to restore to the Prince Sov- ereign of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, within the time which shall be specified here below, the colonies, fac- tories and establishments of which Holland was in possession at the beginning of the late war, that is to say, on the ist of January, 1803, in the seas and continents of America, Africa and Asia, with the exception of the Cape of Good Hope and of the establishments of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice, which the High Contracting Parties reserve the right to dis- pose of by a supplementary convention which shall be adjusted at once in conformity with the mutual interests of both parties, and more especially in relation to the stipulations contained in articles 6 and 9 of the treaty of peace concluded between His Britannic Majesty and His Most Christian Majesty on the 30th of May, 1 8 14. First Additional Article. 3. To defray, jointly with Holland, and in equal parts, all the ulterior expenses which may be determined and agreed upon by common consent by the High Contracting Parties and their allies, with the object of consolidating and definitely establishing, in a satisfactory manner, the union of the Nether- lands and Holland under the rule of the House of Orange, the quota to be furnished by Great Britain not to exceed three million pounds sterling. IV In consideration of the engagements above mentioned, the Prince Sovereign of the Netherlands consents to cede in all sovereignty to His Britannic Majesty the Cape of Good Hope and the establishments of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice, on condition, however, that the subjects of H. R. M., the Prince Sovereign, who own property in said colonies or estab- lishments, shall be at liberty (saving the regulations which shall be agreed upon in a supplementary convention) to navigate and trade between said establishments and the territories of said Prince Sovereign in Europe. Done in London on the 13th of August, 18 14. (K. S.) Castlereagh. (L. S.) H. Fagel. THE "SCHOMBURGK LINE.*' At the present moment, when Schomburgk's boundary line is being virulently discussed, it will be interesting to read the following communication, from a Parliamentary Paper dated May nth, 1840, as it gives the real object of the traveler's work : Foreign Office, 18 March, 1840. Sir : — I am directed by Viscount Palmerston to acknowledge the receipt o£ your letter of the 6th instant, enclosing copies and extracts of despatches and their en- closures from Mr. Light, Governor of British Guiana, relative to the expediency of an arrangement being made with the Brazilian, Venezuelan and Netherland gov- ernments, by which the boundaries of British Guiana may be accurately defined. With reference to that part of your letter in which you state that Lord John Rus- sell considers it to be important that the boundaries of British Guiana should be ascertained and agreed upon, if possible, and that Mr. Schomburgk's researches in those parts have qualified him in a peculiar manner to be of use, should the ser- vices of any person acquainted with the geography of British Guiana be required for fixing the boundaries of the British territory, I am to state to you, that the course of proceeding which Lord Palmerston would suggest for the consideration of Lord John Russell is, that a map of British Guiana should be made out according to the boundaries described by Mr. Schomburgk ; that the said map should be accom^ panied by a memoir, describing in detail the natural features which define and con' stitute the boundaries in question ; and that copies of that map and memoir should be delivered to the governments of Venezuela, of Brazil, and of the Netherlands, as a statement of the British claim. That in the meanwhile British commissioners should be sent to erect landmarks on the ground, in order to mark out by perma- nent erections the line of boundary so claimed by Great Britain. It would then rest with each of the three governments above mentioned to make any objection which they might have to bring forward against these boundaries, and to state the reasons upon which such objections might be founded, and Her Majesty's Govern- ment would then give such answers thereto as might appear proper and just. Lord Palmerston further considers, that It would be expedient that the Brazilian detachment should be required to withdraw from Pirara, and that the officer in command should be informed, that any claim which Brazil may imagine itself to have to that village should be stated by the Brazilian government to that of Great Britain, in order that it maybe discussed and settled between the two governments. I have, &G., James Stephen, Esq. LEVfiSON. [The above is taken from "The Argossy," vol. 30, No. 75S. October 13, 1895, of the City of Georgetown, Denierara.] OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE. PART I. Paragraphs from the instructions given by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of ancient Colombia to her Minister Plenipotentiary in Londofi, SenorJ, Rafael Rev enga (A. D. 1822). [Translation.] . . Allow me, nevertheless, to call your special atten- tion to article 2 of the draft of the treaty on limits. The English are now in possession of Dutch Guiana, being therefore our neighbors on that side. Therefore you must agree as .ex- actly as possible upon the dividing line between one and the other territory, in accordance with the latest treaties between Spain and Holland. The colonists of Demerara and Berbice have usurped a large tract of land that, according to said treaties, belongs to us on the side of the Essequibo river. It is absolutely necessary that said colonists either place themselves under the protection of and submission to our laws, or else retire to their former possessions. To this end they should be granted the necessary time according to the provisions in the draft for the treaty.^ ' Senor Revenga had no occasion to use this part of his instructions, since he had no opportunity to discuss the question of boundary during his mission to London. PART II. Hon. Robert Ker Porter, British Minister in Caracas, to the Vene- zuelan Mi7iister of Foreign Affairs. British Legation, Caracas, May 26, 1836. Sir :^From a recent correspondence I have held with His Majesty's Consul in Angostura, I have to request the serious attention of the Executive to a Representation I am about to make, relative to the more safe navigation for vessels on enter- ing the Principal mouth of the Orinoco, situated to the South West of the Island of Trinidad. Being particularly induced to address the Government on this subject, in consequence of the very imminent dangers vessels are exposed to, not ouly for want oi proper land and water marks to guide them, but likewise on account of the inefficient state of the Pilot Establishment on the Island of Pagayos, a considerable distance up the river. In proof of the results, from what I have just mentioned, allow me to state that on the 7th of January last the British Brig "Coriolanus," coming from St. Thomas to Angostura, ran on shore a little to the leeward of the Grand Mouth of the Ori- noco ; and totally for want of a Beacon to point out the -proper entrance. Every effort was made on the part of the Master and crew, assisted by some Indians, to get her off, but without success. She soon bilged and became a wreck. On the 29th she was totally abandoned, and on the 6th of February, the Cap- tain and crew reached Angostura ; when he duly reported his misfortune, and the cause of it,to the British Consul in that city. A second circumstance of the like nature (from similar causes) took place but a very few weeks afterwards — namely — The British vessel "The Sir Walter Scott" bound outwards, with a cargo of cattle for use of the troops in the English col- onies, ran aground (and for want of a Pilot) in crossing from the point of Crab Island to Cape Barima, where she remained in the greatest distress during three days. The Consul in re- porting this circumstance to me, adds: " Here is an additional "instance of ruinous tendency, arising out of the present imbe- "cile Pilot System of the Orinoco, and although the misfor- "tune was known at the Station of the Pilots in Pagayos, no ' ' assistance whatever was rendered. The vessel and cargo must "have sustained considerable injury, the particulars of which I "have not yet had, as the Captain, the moment he got off, pro- " ceeded on his voyage." Let me here refer you, for the pres- ent, to the enclosed copy of a letter addressed to the Governor of the Province of Guiana by the Consul, in illustration of the great neglect, as also disobedience to the Pilot regulations. From what I have already said, it becomes my official duty to represent to the Executive of this Republic the indispensable necessity (and that without further delay) of placing a conspicu- ous Beacon on Cape Barjma, the point forming the Grand Mouth of the Orinoco to the S. S. East, where I am given to understand it could be done with the greatest facility and to the greatest advantage. This object would effectually prove a sure mark, as also a safeguard to all vessels seeking for the proper entrance into this vast river ; and it becomes the more to be re- quired, from the great difficulty experienced by all navigators in finding the entrance, as the coast presents the same appeara?ice for many leagues together, and at this day has not a single mark to denote it. The Island of Cangrejos forms the other side of the Great Mouth, situated at a distance of about eighty leagues from the Cape to the W. N. West, whose dangerous sand banks re- duce the only navigable channel to scarcely three miles in width, which commences on passing the Bar (just without Cape Bar- ima), soon becoming difficult and intricate, particularly so after ascending for about three leagues, where the channel frequently changes its course on account of the shifting sands. In fact it cannot be denied but that the whole navigation up to the Island Pagayos (eleven leagues from the Cape) is extremely dangerous and uncertain, requiring to be well surveyed and carefully sounded by some one thoroughly acquainted with that part of the Orinoco and its probable casualties. Buoys ought to be forthwith laid down at those particular points, which either mark the channel or shew where sand banks or sunken rocks lay, both being numerous, impeding the Navigation and increasing the dangers of the River to the great risk of lives and property. The next subject of my representation regards the actual, and I may say almost useless, system of Orinoco Pilotage. I am vi^ell aware that a Pilot Boat was ifttended to have gone out every day from Point Barima to cruise for vessels bearing towards the entrance of the river, but a shameful want of proper arrange- ment, attended by neglect, rendered abortive this wise and well intended plan on the part of the Department of Marine. And it does not exist at this day. The only Pilot Station on the Ori- noco is at the Island of Pagayos, forty miles distant from the entrance at the Great Mouth of the river. And it appears very clear that great difficulties and perils must be encountered in reaching it. The amicable bearing at all times manifested by this Govern- ment in its Foreign Relations, not only political but commer- cial, assures me that it is vividly alive at all times to whatever may either augment that friendly feeling or increase the mercan- tile prosperity of the country. Under this firm belief, as well as- from a sense of my duties in watching over that of my own coun- try, I therefore seize the present occasion in endeavoring to im- press on the Executive the imperious necessity of promptly taking stable and energetic measmes in the regulation of that which is of such vital importance to the growing Trade of Angostura, whose increase or diminution cannot but very materially affect that of the whole of the neighboring Provinces of the Republic, and consequently influence the public revenue. Allow me to add (as materially connected with the subject in question), being a well known fact that not only in England, but in many of her colonies, the merchants are afraid to speculate, or even send their vessels to the Orinoco, in consequence of the dangers to which both property and life are exposed, from the causes I have already set forth, thus corroborating what I have stated touching the total abandonment in which the navigation of the Orinoco at present is left. Indeed, so deep is the impression of risk on the British mercantile mind, that at the Lloyds, in Lon- don, no Insurance can be effected to that river without a very con- sidetable advance on the Premium, and in many places not at all. His Majesty's Consul at Angostura (as the preceding enclo- sure would shew- you) found it his indispensable duty to call the observance of the Governor of the Province of Guiana to the subject I now write you on, under the full hope that he might be able, by his authority and remonstrance, to check in future the pursuance, on the Orinoco, of a system truly preju- dicial to the interest of individuals, as well as to the general •commerce. I have had the honor of just laying before you that gentleman's official note to the Governor, which, together with his answer, as also other documents connected with the present representation, were forwarded to me, mentioning at the same time, that such had been duly sent officially to his Government for its knowledge and guidance. These papers I cannot doubt, will further show the Executive how absolutely useless the Pilot Establishment is on the Island of Pagayos, being rather detrimental than advantageous to the intent and views of the Legislature ; hence, demanding a most radical reform in some way or other. Before I close this despatch I must once more repeat my solicitude, that the Minister of the Marine be directed to inves- tigate and correct the abuses which have frustrated the good intent of the Government and that Department, and likewise that he be directed to attend to the recommendation I now have the honor of making, by placing a proper Beacon on the Barima Cape, as also the appropriate Buoys in the Orinoco for the safer navigation of it, so that I may be enabled in a very short time (and I trust the urgency will be seen) to have the satisfaction of officially communicating to His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (for the information of the Merchants interested at Lloyds), the measures that have been taken by this Government, rendering the great entrance to the Orinoco perfectly perceptible ; as also the navigation of the river up to Aitgostura perfectly safe. I have the honor to remain sir, etc., etc. , (Signed) Robt. Ker Porter. The Honorable Senor Jose R. Gallegos, etc., etc. PART III. Extracts from, the Itistructions by the ^^eiiezuelan Government to Dr. Alejo Fortique, its Minister at Lofidon, September, 1841. [Translation.] Although Venezuela's rights in Guayana extended to the banks of the Essequibo, as you should show, this Government being anxious to remove all obstacles to a speedy adjustment, is not disposed to insist upon its rights to that extent, it being; manifest that England will not agree to surrender her establish- ments on • the Pumaron and Moroco rivers. You may, there- fore, direct the course of your negotiations accordingly, making gradual concessions until an agreement can be had on the fol- lowing line of boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, viz. : The Moroco from its mouth to its headwaters in the Imataca mountains; thence southward along the highest ridg^ of these mountains to Tupuro creek ; thence along the waters of said creek to the Cuyuni river ; thence along the northern side of the Cuyuni to its confluence with the Esse- quibo ; and thence southward along the left bank of the Esse- quibo to its confluence with the Rupuruni as a terminus. Dr. Fortique to Lord Aberdeen. [Translation.] The undersigned, ]Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Venezuela, has the honor to inform the Honorable Earl of Aberdeen, Prime Secretary of State and Foreign Affairs, that his Government, being informed of the appointment by Her Majesty's Government of a Commissioner to fix and mark the limits between British Guiana and Venezuela, proposed since the 28th of January ultimo, that a treaty of boundaries be agreed upon by Plenipotentiaries fully authorized thereto, and promised that, upon conclusion of said treaty, Venezuela would designate a Commissioner who, in accord with one appointed by Her Majesty's Government, would proceed to settle upon fixed bases and to mark the limits between British Guiana and Venezuela. Two days later the British Consul at Caracas announced that he had transmitted to his Government the proposition made by the Venezuelan Government, which is still awaiting a reply. The Honorable Earl of Aberdeen may now judge the sur- prise of the Government of Venezuela upon learning that, in the territory of the Republic, a sentry-box has been erected, upon which the British flag has been raised. The Venezuelan Government is in ignorance of the origin and purport of these proceedings, and hopes that they may receive some satisfac- tory explanation of this action. In the meantime, the under- signed, in compliance with the instructions communicated to him, urges upon the Honorable Earl of Aberdeen the necessity of entering into a treaty of boundaries, as a previous step to the fixation of limits, and begs to ask for an answer to the above mentioned communication of January 28th. With sentiments of the highest consideration and esteem, the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen's most obedient servant, (Signed) A. Fortique. No. 22 Wimpole St., October 5th, 1841. To the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen, etc., etc., etc. Lord Aberdeen to Dr. Fortique. The Undersigned, Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the note addressed to him on the 5th instant by M. For- tique, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Venezuela, referring to a correspondence which took place in January last between the acting British Consul at Caracas and the Venezue- lan Minister for Foreign Affairs, respecting the appointment of Mr. Schomburgk to survey and mark out the Boundaries between British Guiana and Venezuela, and stating that the 8 Government of Venezuela has been informed that a Guard House or Sentry Box has been erected upon the Venezuelan territory, and the British Flag has been hoisted thereon. The Undersigned has to inform M. Fortique that Her Majesty's Government has received from the Governor of Brit- ish Guiana Mr. Schomburgk's Report of his Proceeding in execution of the Commission with which he has been charged. That Report states that Mr. Schomburgk set out from Deme- rara in April last, and was on his return to the Essequibo River at the end of June. It appears that Mr. Schomburgk planted Boundary Posts at certain points of the country which he has surveyed, and that he was fully aware that the Demarcation so made was merely a preliminary measure open to future discus- sion between the Governments of Great Britain and Venezuela. But it does not appear that Mr. Schomburgk left behind him any Guard House, Sentry Box or other Building bearing the British Flag. With respect to the proposal of the Venezuelan Government that the Governments of Great Britain and Venezuela should conclude a Treaty as a preliminary step to the demarcation of the Boundaries between British Guiana and Venezuela, the Undersigned begs leave to observe that it appears to him that if it should be necessary to make a Treaty upon the subject of the Boundaries in question, such a measure should follow, rather than precede, the operation of the survey. The Undersigned requests M. Fortique to accept the assur- ances of his highest consideration. Aberdeen. Foreign Office, October 21st, 1841. Dr. Fortique to Lord Aberdeeii. f Translation. ] The undersigned. Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Venezuela, has the honor to acknowledge receipt of the note dated the 2 1 st of October ultimo, in which the Hon. Earl of Aber- deen, H. British Majesty's Prime Secretary of State in the De- partment of Foreign Affairs, referring to the report made by 9 Mr. R. H. Schomburgk on his topographical work in Guiana, rstates that said commissioner planted boundary posts in the territory visited by him and that he was fully convinced that the demarcation thus made was simply a preliminary step sub- ject to future discussion between Great Britain and Venezuela. The undersigned, since then, has received instructions from his Government to assert to H. B. Majesty's Government that Commissioner Schomburgk, doubtlessly overstepping his in- :structions, has planted, at a point on the mouth of the Orinoco, several posts, bearing Her Majesty's initials and raised, on the -Same place, with a show of armed forces, the British flag, and also performed several other acts of dominion and government. The Government of Venezuela, being successor to titles, never disputed by any nation, which Spain possessed to the province of Guiana ; being the peaceful possessor, not only of the Orinoco, but also of all the adjacent territory to a consid- ■erable distance, and finally, being confident of the integrity of the contiguous nations, were, until now under the belief that there was no reason to fear any invasion or any wrong, at least from a friend such as England, with whom they maintain such - close relations. This explains why, on the 12th of January of this year, -when the British Consul pto tern, in Caracas, addressed to the Secretary of State in the Department of Foreign Affairs a com- munication in which the information was conveyed by order of Viscount Palmerston that Her Majesty's Government had com- missioned the above mentioned Schomburgk to fix and mark the boundaries between British Guiana and Venezuela, the Ex- ecutive Power in reply to said communication proposed a boundary treaty to be negotiated by fully authorized plenipo- tentiaries as a previous step to the fixation and demarcation of limits, deeming that, this being a material operation, it was reasonable that its performance be made in accordance with whatever was stipulated. This proposition was not even an- swered and the commissioner acted as stated. If the mere fact of planting boundary posts in the territory of the Republic is an open violation of her rights, the under- signed leaves it to the consideration of Her Majesty's Govern- 10 ment, to their penetration and their perspicacity, to judge of the impression received in Venezuela upon learning that the erection of these posts had been accompanied by all the signs of actual possession. The dissatisfaction caused by this unde- served offense has been indeed great; suffice it to say, that the Executive Power has been accused of negligence in the preser- vation of the dignity and the possessions of the Republic, only because the Executive Power has always shown in this negotia- tion an unlimited confidence in the justice of Her Majesty's- Government. Fortunately this confidence, so ominous to the Venezuelan people, has been until now justified, and the undersigned takes pleasure in stating that he has found in the Honorable Earl of Aberdeen the noble sentiments of liberality and honor befitting his Lordship's high public office, as his Lordship must have inferred from the interviews the undersigned has had with him in reference to this matter. The undersigned, therefore, has- no doubts but that he will obtain from Her British Majesty's Government a reparation for the wrong done to the dignity of the Republic, and that those signs which have so unpleasantly shaken public confidence will be ordered removed. The Gov- : ernment of Venezuela might well, in justice and right, have had this done by their own order without offending, by so doing, the British Government, and the fact that, through extreme cour- tesy, this has not been done, must enhance before Her British Majesty's Ministers the deferential conduct of Venezuela. Aside from the subject matter of the foregoing, the following words have been noted as occurring in said communication of the acting British Consul at Caracas, to wit: "The Governor of British Guiana has been authorized to resist any aggression on the territories adjacent to the frontier until now occupied by independent tribes. " These words require explanation, because the Government of Venezuela cannot believe that Her Majesty's Government wanted to establish a principle of protection over the Indians living outside of the English frontier, who by this mere fact, occupy Venezuelan territory, or that England may pretend to recognize in the savage tribes the personality that the laws of nations concede only to nations constituted as a 11 political body, nor finally, that it be intended by this means to defraud Venezuela of the rights which, in America, have always been recognized as belonging to discoverers. The undersigned reiterates to the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen the sentiments of his highest consideration and esteem. A. FORTIQUE. No. 22 Wimpole st, November i8, 1841. To the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen, etc., etc., etc. Dr. Fortique to Lord Aberdeen. The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Venezuela, has the honor to again address the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen, Her British Majesty's Prime Secretary of State in the Department of Foreign Affairs, in reference to the subject matter of his communication of the i8th of last month. The undersigned is aware that said communication was sent by the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen to the Colonial Department and that the large amount of official business engaging Her Majesty's Ministers has prevented an opportune reply to said communi- cation ; two important subjects, however, compel the under- signed to trouble them again, notwithstanding the above mentioned considerations. The first is a recent order from the Government of the undersigned, directing him to insist, not only upon the con- clusion of a treaty fixing the boundaries between Venezuela and British Guiana, but also, and this very particularly, to insist upon the removal of the signs set up, contrary to all rights, by the surveyor, R. H. Schomburgk, in Barima and in other points of the Venezuelan territory. In his afore- mentioned communication of the 18th of last month, the un- dersigned has already informed the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen of the dissatisfaction prevailing among the Venezuelans on this account, and now adds that this dissatisfaction, far from dimin- ishing, grows stronger, as is but natural, as time goes on and no reparation of the wrongs is made. The second relates to the conduct of the Governor of British Guiana in his conferences with the two Commissioners accred- 12 ited by the Venezuelan Government to British Guiana with the mission of asking for explanations in regard to the aforesaid signs, as he stated to them that: " The true limits between the two Guianas being in reality undefined and under discussion, the work of Mr. Schomburgk has not been done, nor could it have been done, with the object of taking possession, but was a mere demarcation of the line pretended by British Guiana, and that, therefore, while the limits are undetermined the Government of Venezuela must be confident that no forts shall be constructed on the territory in dispute, and that neither "troops nor any other force shall be sent there." But, at the same time that the Governor was making this manifest declara- tion of the lack of England's right in support of the demarca- tion made by Schomburgk, he also stated that he did not believe himself authorized to alter it, and thus by a contradic- tion worthy of consideration the authorities of British Guiana pretend to support effectually an act which, according to them- selves, has no value in law, and although to cover it, the aforementioned Schomburgk added that such lines were as valid as though they were drawn on the map with ink, their persistence in not removing them gives rise to suspicions not calculated to calm the dissatisfaction of the Nation, nor to inspire the Government of the undersigned with that confidence necessary to proceed to an understanding requiring, as the boundary question does, a most friendly disposition between adjoining peoples. The Venezuelans, their Government and the undersigned know, however, how to discriminate between the conduct, gen- erally timid and irresolute, of subordinate authorities and the upright and pure intentions of Her Majesty's Government, and are far from believing that in order to support the conduct of Commissioner Schomburgk, that Government should ap- prove with regard to the Venezuelan Government the same thing which has been reproved to the United States of North America. Venezuela's right in this matter, the assurance that the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen has given to the undersigned of the non importance which Her Majesty's Government attaches to the aforesaid signs ; the statements made by the Governor 13 of Demerara and Surveyor Schomburgk on this same subject,, the damages sustained, not only by the interests of the Vene- zuelans, but also by many of the British subjects established in this Republic, on account of the alarm prevailing in the Nation, and, finally, the confidence that the principles of dig- nity and uprightness of a Government as strong and powerful! as that of Great Britain must inspire, these are all considera- tions which maintain the ever increasing hopes in the under- signed that the signs of all kinds erected by Commissioner Schomburgk will be removed as early as possible, and that immediately afterwards the negotiations tending to a definite settlement of the boundaries between the Guianas of Venezuela; and Great Britain will be commenced. The undersigned feels a particular satisfaction in renewing t» the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen the expression of his consideration) and respect. A. FORTIQUE. No. 22 Wimpole Street, December 8, 1841. To the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen, etc., etc., etc. Lord Aberdeen to Dr. Fortiq-ne. Foreign Office, December 11, 1841. The Undersigned, Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has the honour to reply to the notes ad- dressed to him on the i8th ultimo, and on the 8th instant, by M. Fortique, Minister Plenipotentiary of the RepubHc of Ven- ezuela, requiring Her Majesty's Government to order the removal of the Post fixed by Mr. Schomburgk near the mouth of the River Orinoco, 'and repeating that M. Fortique is em- powered to make a treaty with Great Britain for the settlement of the Boundary between the British and Venezuelan posses- sions in Guiana. The Undersigned begs leave to refer to his note of the 21st of October last, in which he explained to M. Fortique that the proceeding of Mr. Schomburgk in planting Boundary Posts at certain points of the country which he has surveyed was merely a Preliminary measure open to future dis- cussion between the two Governments, and that it would be 14 premature to make a Boundary Treaty before the survey will be completed. The Undersigned has only further to state that much unneces- sary inconvenience would result from the removal of the Posts fixed by Mr. Schomburgk, as they will afford the only tangible means by which Her Majesty's Government can be prepared to discuss the question of the Boundaries with the Government of Venezuela. Those Posts were erected for that express pur- pose, and not as the Venezuelan Government appear to appre- hend, as indications of Dominion and Empire on the part of Great Britain. And the Undersigned is glad to learn from M. Fortique's note of the 8th instant that the two Venezuelan Gentlemen who have been sent by their Government to British Guiana have had the means of ascertaining from the Governor of that Colony that the British Authorities have not occupied Point Barima. The Undersigned has the honor to renew to M. Fortique the assurance of his high consideration. Aberdeen. M. Fortique, etc., etc., etc. Dr. Fortique to Lord Abcniceti. The undersigned. Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Venezuela, has the honor to reply to the communication of the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen, Her British Majesty's Prime Secretary of State in the Department of Foreign Affairs, dated on I ith of last month, in which, referring to the signs placed on Venezuelan territory by Surveyor Schomburgk, his Lordship states that their removal would entail much useless trouble, as they ofler the only tangible means by which Her Majesty's Government could be prepared to discuss the boundary ques- tion, and that they were erected with this special object, and not, as the Venezuelan Government seems to fear, as signs of dominion and government on the part of Great Britain. The undersigned regrets to be obliged to again insist upon this point ; but the damages sustained by Venezuela on account of the permanence of said signs are so serious, that he hopes, 15 in view of these facts, that the trouble resulting from their removal may not appear useless. The undersigned has already stated, either by writing or verbally, that the unexpected proceeding of the English Com- missioner, the ostentatious performance of this act, and the fact that the English flag was raised upon these same signs and Her British Majesty's monogram placed thereon, have given rise, as ■was to be expected, not only to the dissatisfaction of the Venezuelan people, but have also excited grave fears that all the explanations received up to the present time, and the hope which the undersigned has imparted that such signs would soon be removed, cannot wholly dissipate. The Venezuelan Gov- ■ernment has vainly taken great pains to inspire confidence in the uprightness of Her Majesty's Government and to persuade the people that negotiations are preferable to force. Citizens, well worthy of the public esteem in which they are held, on seeing the position of the relations between the two countries, and fearing that the peace of English subjects resident in the Republic might be disturbed, have also vainly striven to the same end ; the Venezuelans have seen the English flag floating over their territory, and it is not to be expected that while such marks, erected so untimely, lest the Venezuelans should feel satisfied to let them remain, and malcontents will profit by this for their plots of ominous consequences. Congress will soon convene and the Executive must submit to that body both this matter and the Government's conduct in the premises. No one can tell in what light these will be looked upon by the Representatives of the Nation nor how far they may be influenced by public alarm. It would be desirable then that they learn at the same time that the confidence in Her Majesty's Government has not been misplaced and that the marks or signs have been removed. Contraband trade, which reduces the revenue of the Treasury and so completely demoralizes communities, is also one of the evil results of these unfortunate signs, because, under the British flag raised in Barima, a perfect system of fraudulent trade has been established from the Island of Trinidad, affect- ing most seriously the interests of honest merchants, either 16 English or otherwise, who respect the laws of the country and' who endeavor by means of honest trade to make profits pro- portionate to their labor. This is a calamity that at the present is deplored by British subjects resident in Trinidad, Barbadoes and other places, according to reports published by the news- papers of said islands and also by the city papers. Would the trouble resulting from the removal of the signs be useless if it is conducive to the preservation of the order and morality of a. State that has constantly given to England proofs of its friend- ship and good faith ? In addition to this, the fatal results of public restlessness and the fact that a disagreement is to be feared, must be taken into consideration, and it will be seen that, even were the signs less- significant than Her Majesty's Government proclaim them to be, the Governor of Demerara, Commissioner Schomburgk himself, a sentiment of justice, the consideration due to a friendly nation, demand their removal. But the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen is of opinion that these signs may serve as tangible means for the discussion of a boundary treaty, and it must be remarked at this juncture, that the line, such as it is described, is not the one H. B. M. believes to be the boundary of British Guiana, but the line that Commissioner Schomburgk has thought convenient to describe, as the map which he was instructed to draw after examination of the terri- tory has not, even yet, been received in London. In this un- certainty the undersigned is not of the opinion that the fixa- tion of points should be the initial operation, nor does he be- lieve most appropriate to inspire that confidence required for any transaction the fact that one of the parties concerned should ascribe to itself, without previous consent of the other, the ter- ritory the possession of which is claimed. When the points over which a boundary line will pass have been agreed upon; when, as was the case with the United States of North America, there is a previous boundary treaty in force, the commissioners of one or both parties may proceed' to the material operation of describing said boundary, and in case they should not come to an understanding, they may pro- ceed to the erection of any signs which they may deem con- 17 venient, until an arrangement can be arrived at which shall de- pend solely upon the understanding or realization of what has been agreed upon. Venezuela is ready to enter into such an agreement and has invested the undersigned with the proper authority to that effect and if, as it is to be expected, H. M.'s Government is well disposed toward a friendly settlement, the removal of the aforesaid signs is not only useful, but is also an absolute necessity. The undersigned takes pleasure in renewing to the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen the assurance of his highest consideration and esteem. A. Fortique. 22 Wimpole st., January lo, 1842. To the Hon. Earl of Aberdeen, etc., etc., etc. Lord Aberdeen to Dr. Fortique. [Copy.] Foreign Office, January 31, 1842. The undersigned. Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note addressed to him on the loth instant by M. Fortique, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Venezuela, repre- senting the alarm and excitement which have been created in Venezuela on account of the marks fixed by Mr. Schomburgk at different points of his survey near the mouth of the Orinoco, and renewing his request that Her Majesty's Government will order the removal of those marks. The undersigned begs to inform M. Fortique in reply, that in order to meet the wishes of the Government of Venezuela, Her Majesty's Government will send instructions to the Gov- ernor of British Guiana, directing him to move the posts which have been placed by M. Schomburgk near the Orinoco. But the undersigned feels it his duty distinctively to declare to M. Fortique, that, although, in order to put an end to the misapprehension which appears to prevail in Venezuela with regard to the object of M. Schomburgk's survey, the under- signed has consented to comply with the renewed representa- 18 tions of M. Fortique upon this affair ; Her Majesty's Govern- ment must not be understood to abandon any portion of the rights of Great Britain over the territory which was formerly held by the Dutch in Guiana. The undersigned begs to renew to M. Fortique the assurance of his high consideration. (Signed) Aberdeen. M. Fortique, etc., etc., etc. ]\Ir. Henry Light to Mr. Daniel F. O'Leary. British Guiana, Government House, Demerara, March 9, 1842. Sir — I have the honour to inform you, for the satisfaction of the Government of Venezuela, that I have received instruc- tions from the Right Honorable the Secretary of State for the Colonies to remove the landmarks placed by Mr. Schomburgk on the Barima and elsewhere in his survey of the assumed limits of British Guiana. These instructions having been given will, I trust, be received by you as a pledge of the friendly intentions of Her Majesty's Government, and shall be obeyed as soon as possible. In the meantime, if any delay arise in carrying into effect the orders I have received, I trust to your good offices to point out to the Venezuelan Government that all grounds of remon- strance may be considered removed, from the concession made to it by the British Ministers. I have the honor to be. Sir, your most obedient, humble servant, Henry Light, Governor British Guiana. Mr. O'Leary, British Consul at Caracas, to Dr. Arafida. Caracas, April 8, 1842. The undersigned, Her Britannic Majesty's acting Consul at Caracas, has the honor to transmit herewith to M. Aranda, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Venezuela, copy of a despatch which he has received from the Governor of British Guiana, acquainting the undersigned, for the satisfaction of the Venezuelan Government, that His Ex- cellency has been directed by the Right Honorable the Secre- tary for the Colonies to remove the landmarks placed by Mr. Schomburgk near the mouth of the Orinoco ; and expressing a hope that the Venezuelan Government will consider all grounds of remonstrance removed, from the concession made to it by Her Majesty's Government. The undersigned feels most happy when he has it in his power to communicate to M. Aranda any intelligence that may be agreeable to the Venezuelan Government, and he avails himself of this opportunity to renew to M. Aranda the assur- ance of his high consideration. Daniel F. O'Leary. His Excellency M. Aranda, etc , etc., etc. Dr. Fortique, Ve?tezuela9i Minister at London, to Lord Aberdeen, Chief Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of LL. B. M.'s Gov- ernment, January ji, 1844. [Translation.] Her Majesty's Government being desirous to learn which were the limits of English Guiana, ordered a map to be drawn. These instructions were carried out in a manner that caused the Government of Venezuela to complain of the conduct of the Commissioner, as he entered into Venezuelan territory and therein erected, at his will, posts and tents that were subse- quently removed by the express order of Her Majesty's Gov- ernment. Since that occurrence, the undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Venezuela, has not ceased to urge the Count of Aberdeen, Prime Secretary of State of Her Majesty in the Department of Foreign Affairs, to com- mence without delay negotiations for a treaty fixing definitely the boundry line that shall divide the two countries. Although it was undoubtedly the duty of the one who promoted this question to take the first steps toward the negotiation of the 20 treaty, the undersigned being well aware that other important matters claim the attention of Her Majesty's Government, and as he ought not to wait indefinitely, hastens to propose an agreement which, if left for a later date, may be difficult to con- clude. It cannot be expected, however, that in a communi- cation of this character he should undertake to justify the rights of the Republic, and even absolute silence on this question would be excusable ; but his confidence in the good faith, con- ciliatory spirit, and the sentiments of justice of Her Majesty's Government is so complete that, in the belief that they may lead to an amicable settlement of the question, he has decided to make a few remarks on the subject. No one has ever denied to Spain her rights as discoverer and first occupant of the New World. All nations have, directly or indirectly, recognized such rights, and it would be lengthy and unnecessary to enumerate here the facts that go to prove this. Upon this hei^g understood, it may not be amiss to re- call the fact that the coasts of the territory in question were the very same that Columbus saw when he first discovered the American Continent ; that it was here where Alonzo de Ojeda began his discovery and conquest of Venezuela ; that this was the same land the government of which was ceded to Diego de Ordaz by the Emperor Charles V., and that which in the early part of the sixteenth century was courageously explored by this same Ordaz, and by Herrera, Ortal, Cedeno, and others. It is also pertinent to recall that the occupancy of this land followed soon after its discovery, and with its occupancy a decided in- tention to retain possession of it ; then also followed the found- ing of towns, the sending of missionaries, and the civilization of the Indians based upon the gospel. This shows why, in 1579, the enemies of Spain found towns to destroy and priests to per- secute, as the effects of the war that alternately divided the nations of Europe were disastrously felt in those far-off regions, where invasions, attacks, and conflagrations were of frequent occurrence. The very rights that no one could dispute with Spain excited both envy and vengeance. But the sufferings of Spanish Guiana cannot be exclusively attributed to war. The report of the gold that was supposed 21 to exist in this section, its rich woods, its tobacco, and the facil- ities for enslaving the natives, excited cupidity, and several ex- peditions were formed. For the present, it will suffice to cite, among others, the famous one of Sir Walter Raleigh, in which the city of Santo Tomds was destroyed for the second time, tiot a trace remaining of it. The sad recollection of this fact is presented here simply to prove, even with the testimony of an old English traveler, that the Spaniards were in possession then of the Orinoco and of all its contiguous territory, that they already occupied the rivers Barima, Moroco, and Pumaron, that their domain extended to the Essequibo, and that, accord- ing to the document which he found in possession of Governor Antonio Berrio, formal possession of that territory was again taken in the name of the King of Spain, on the 23d day of April, 1593. Were it desirable to quote other testimony even less liable to •objection to prove the exclusive possession of the Spaniards in these lands, previous to the treaty of Munster, that of Juan de ILaet might be added. He was a Dutchman, a member of the Leyden University, who, about this time, undertook to write about the prowess of his countrymen in South America, as well as of that of the English and Spaniards ; and if he assumes that the Dutch were occupants of certain pbints on the Amazon, he also agrees with Sir Walter Raleigh in regard to the Spanish •occupancy of the Orinoco, Moroco, and Pumaron. The treaty of Miinster has been mentioned because all know that in it was expressly stipulated that whatever territory the .contracting parties were possessed of at that date was to be iretained, both of the contracting parties agreeing not to en- .croach upon any territory occupied by the other party. It follows then that the Dutch, not being possessors of any terri- tory in 'Guiana, at least on the opposite side of the Essequibo, they could not trespass upon that line without violating an ■express agreement, not to mention the violation of Spain's right as discoverer and first occupant. But there exist besides authentic documents, signed by the kings of Spain, in which the territory of the Province of Guiana is extended to the Ama- zon. It must be inferred from this that, in the belief of said 22 sovereigns, with the exception of what the Dutch had taken from the Portuguese in Brazil, nothing less belonged to Spain (A. D. 1750). In a public treaty Spain and Portugal recipro- cally guarantee their respective possessions in South America, and agree to aid and to support each other until they remain in peaceable enjoyment of their domains, this obligation, on the part of Portugal, extending from the Amazon or Maranon to the borders of the Orinoco on both sides. There also exists a royal decree which establishes (March 5, 1768,) the limits of Spanish Guiana and carries them to the south as far as the Amazons, extending them to the east to the Atlantic Ocean. It is not to be believed that the kings of Spain and all their ministers should make an error in so weighty a matter, nor that they should appear before all other nations as giving to themselves territories that did not belong to them. No; the truth is, as Martens says (Diplomatic Course, vol. 3, page 183) : "The conquests made by the Dutch in the Indies and in America during the long war of their revolt against Spain went as far as the Portuguese, then subjects to the crown of Spain. The Peace of Miinster therefore took nothing away from Spain when it was stipulated, in Article 5th, that each o^ the contracting parties should 'retain their possessions in the East Indies and on the coasts of Asia, Africa, and America.' "■ But, be this as it may, it cannot be denied that the Essequibo has been considered as the dividing line between the two pos- sessions, either on account of difficulty in crossing it, its current being so strong that the natives called it "the brother of the Orinoco," or that the kings of Spain, being unable to control such a vast expanse of coast, reserved to themselves particularly that part lying between the Essequibo and the Orinoco, with- out, however, resigning the right they had to the rest of the territory. "English Guiana" — says La Condamine — "com- mences at the Marawine river and ends at the Essequibo ; there remains for Spanish Guiana the territory lying between the Essequibo, where Dutch Guiana ends, and the Orinoco." Norie, the English geographer, author of the Chart of the coast of Guiana, makes the same assertion. His words are worth quoting: "British Guiana extends from the Corawine in a 23 northwesterly direction to the Essequibo. This was the true line of extension of the Colony as agreed upon between the Spaniards and the Dutch by the Miinster Treaty in 1648, which never since then has been revoked." Bellin, Engineer of the navy and ot the school of charts, Royal Censor of the Naval Academy and of the Royal Society of London, a man of whose impar- tiality and learning it were injustice to dispute, in treating of this subject finds himself compelled to make an assertion which, as coming from an old foreign writer, bears upon this case. He says that he gives the name of Dutch Guiana to "the territory that the Dutch occupied and were possessed of" when he wrote, "not attempting, however, to decide upon the rightful- ness of its possession, nor to injure in any way whatever the rights that the French or the Spaniards, their neighbors, may have upon the same land, where the Dutch have been seen increasing and extending step by step, advancing settlements as far as it has been possible for them to go." Countless quotations could be made with the authority of the men of learning who have treated on this subject, to show that the territory lying between the Essequibo and the Orinoco has been considered by the world as the exclusive property of Spain. It will be noticed that purposely quotations have been omitted from Spanish writers, who afford the most abundant evidence in favor of Venezuela, since the undersigned, as above stated, has only undertaken to make some brief remarks and has thought it best, for the present, to make use of the words of foreign writers. Moreover, the undersigned is riot ignorant of the fact that, the rights of Spain as first occupant and by the stipula- tions of the Miinster Treaty being established, upon Her Maj- esty's Government would devolve the difficult task of proving that the Dutch were the rightful possessors, or that Spain approved of their encroachments ; but instead of this we find that as far back as 1596, the Dutch, having undertaken to cross the Essequibo, were immediately repulsed by the Spaniards, who compelled them to retreat to the river headwaters, where it could not be said that they were tolerated, as even toward the middle and the end of the last century, particularly on the Pumaron and the Moroco, they were disturbed and attacked, 24 the Spaniards striving to expel them as intruders who violated an express agreement. It cannot be said that these hostilities emanated from private authority. They were, on the contrary, expeditions ordered and approved by the Kings of Spain (Royal Decree dated at Aranjuez, on the loth of August, 1780), who cautioned those intrusted to direct these expeditions that, "should the Director or Governor-General of Essequibo com- plain on this account, " he should be answered that they were acting in this matter "in accordance with the laws and general instructions for the proper government of the Indies, which do not countenance such intrusions of foreigners upon Spanish ter- ritory" such as this was; and that this same answer would be given in Madrid should the States-General of Holland either make any complaint or present any claims. These attacks, these orders, and solemn declarations do most certainly reject all idea of consent, on the part of the Spaniards, to the usurpa- tions of the Dutch. Without this consent no pretensions could be made, not even to the title of prescription, which is founded upon the belief that the owner has abandoned the right he owned. The undersigned is well aware that some modern travelers, such as Depons and Humboldt, indicate Cape Nassau, on the coast, and the Essequibo river, in the interior, as the boundary between the Spanish and the Dutch (now English) Guianas ; and it was, perhaps, referring to them that the Governor of Demerara gave his opinion that "the river Pumaron, west of the Essequibo, could be taken as the boundary of the colony." (Parliamentary Papers, desp'd, September i, 1838.) But these travelers followed Bellin's course ; not pretending to decide upon the rightfulness of the Dutch possessions, and without any injury to the right of the Spaniards, they divided the terri- tory according to the material occupation then existing. Hum- boldt, besides, refers to the chart of Major J. von Bouchenroeder, a. Dutchman, who made it by order of the Committee on Colo- nies and Possessions of the Republic of Batavia, which chart was dedicated to him. It is not, therefore, Humboldt's testi- mony, but the testimony of a Dutch commissioner, which in reality has served as a guide to the Governor of Demerara, who •25 can undoubtedly be excused, as showing his desire to increase, as much as possible, the country with whose government he has been entrusted. Depons conclusively declares that "the Dutch, violating the original treaties, had erected advanced posts on the Spanish territory." Enough has already been said in regard to this retention damaging to the rights of Spain as the first occupant and in vio- lation of the Miinster treaty, to render further insistence upon this point unnecessary. Therefore the undersigned will only recommend a very special circumstance in this effort of the Kings of Spain to defend their territory against the invasions of the Dutch, and this circumstance is that Great Britain, who suc- ceeded the latter, agreed at Utrecht by a public treaty (A. D. 17 1 3) to aid Spain as much as she could in the restoration of the old boundaries of its possessions in America, as they existed during the time of the Catholic King Charles II. The Dutch, themselves, acknowledged the justice of this agreement when acquainted with it, they ratified on the following year, and at the same place, the treaty of Miinster. These documents would make a strange contrast with the pretensions of disputing with Spain, or her successor, the Republic of Venezuela, the terri- tory contiguous to the Orinoco, if such pretensions should emanate from any of the sovereigns who so solemnly engaged themselves to fulfill the Treaty of Utrecht. Happily this state of affairs has not yet arrived, and probably, never will, as it is only a question of peaceable fixing, and in a conciliatory spirit, the dividing line of two friendly States, for whom the main object is the maintenance of their pleasant relations, which certainly are •worth much more than the uncultivated and barren land that ma)'' be the cause of a controversy. But, upon drawing this line the future must not be lost sight of, and such points must be selected as will allow a division to be made which will obviate all causes of further misunderstand- ing. There exists no doubt that the Essequibo seems to be a river purposely made by nature to fulfill this object, and as the British colonists, at present, occupy nothing, or almost noth- ing, of the land between this river and the Orinoco, their plan- tations being on the other side, a settlement of this question 26 upon this basis would suit the purpose, and would insure to Great Britain even the most remote rights that she may possess as the successor to Holland. The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to renew to the Earl of Aberdeen the assurance of his consideration and respect. (Signed) A. Fortique, 22 Wimpole street, January 31, 1844. To the Earl of Aberdeen, etc., etc., etc. Lord Aberdeen's Reply to the Foregoing Note. [Retranslation.] The undersigned, Her Majesty's Prime Secretary of State in the Department of Foreign Affairs, had the honor to receive, on the first of last month, a note from Senior Fortique, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Venezuela at this Court, call- ing the attention of Her Majesty's Cabinet to the question of limits between British Guiana and the Republic of Venezuela. Mr. Fortique commences said note by recalling to the under- signed certain acts of the Commissioners appointed by Her Ma- jesty's Government to examine the limits of the Colony, which gave rise to the complaint of the Government of Venezuela on the ground that they had invaded territory of the Republic and planted therein certain marks which, Seflor Fortique observes, were immediately removed by the express order of Her Majes- ty's Government. The undersigned believes that, before proceeding, he must remind Senor Fortique that Her Majesty's Government's con- sent to the removal of said marks must not be construed as a resignation of any of the rights that, in the future, it may be deemed proper to claim, but that it was only prompted by a friendly deference to the entreaties of the Government of Vene- zuela. Senor Fortique then remarks that, although it properly be- longs to the party who promoted this question to take the first steps toward its settlement, he hastens to propose an arrange- ment, which, if left for a later date, may be difficult to conclude. 27 and proceeds, therefore, to state some of the facts upon whicb the claims of Venezuela to a certain boundary line are based, observing, however, that it cannot be expected that in a com- munication he would undertake to justify the rights of the Re- public, and that even absolute silence on this point would be excusable. The undersigned believes that the claims presented- by Sefior Fortique, and the accounts upon which he based them, may be condensed to the following : That the American continent not only was discovered and originally occupied by subjects of the Spanish Crown, but thatr the territory now under discussion — that is, the country lying between the Orinoco, the Barima, Pumaron, and the Essequi- bo — was at a very early date explored and inhabited by the Spaniards, and that on this account became a point of attack for the enemies of Spain. Senor Fortique tries to account for' these facts by referring to a concession made by the Emperor, Charles V., and by the condition in which Sir Walter Raleigh found the coasts of the territory in question, at the end of the^ XVIth century and beginning of the XVIIth. That when the Miinster Treaty was concluded, this country remained under the exclusive power of the Spaniards, and that the Dutch, not having at that time any possessions on the coast west of the Essequibo, they could not cross the river unless in- violation of said treaty. Senor Fortique then states that no one could deny that the Essequibo was always considered as a dividing line between the- Spanish and Dutch possessions, either on account of the strong- currents which made navigation difficult, or because it not being possible for Spain to control all the coast, her occupation of the- territory was limited to the space lying between the Orinoco and the Essequibo. His Excellency states that he could cite count- less authorities to prove that this territory has been considered by all the world as the exclusive property of Spain. Seiior Fortique quotes three of these authorities, one of them the au- thor of a modern English Treatise on Coast Navigation, in which this author has not used his own data, being compelled, on ac- count of the character of the work, to rely on Spanish authori- ties ; the other two are French. In conclusion, after briefly 28 -quoting from Depons and Humboldt, whose testimony contra- -dicts the exclusive right claimed by Venezuela, Seiior Fortique rsays that — there being no doubt that the Essequibo is the nat- ural limit, and as the British colonists at present occupy noth- ing, or next to nothing, between the Essequibo and the Ori- noco — the selection of the former river as the boundary line of the colony would be a settlement of the question by which Great Britain would insure all her rights. The undersigned thinks this a fair exposition of Venezuela's rights, as Senor Fortique has wished to describe them in his communication. But that in so presenting this right there should be a desire to promote a friendly settlement of the question, as Senor Fortique states at the beginning of his communication, would appear, without the express declaration of His Excellency, doubtful to the undersigned, who can only state the surprise of H. M.'s Government at such an exposition. The fact that the American continent was discovered and largely occupied bv Spanish subjects cannot certainly be dis- puted, but this does not bear directly upon the matter under discussion. Senor Fortique wished it to be understood that up to 1648 (date of the Miinster Treaty) no section west of the Essequibo had been occupied bv the Dutch, and that their endeavors to cross the river had been fruitless. Were this true, it would be of greater importance for the object His Excellency has in view. But the undersigned must remark that this statement is so far from being true that, according to J. de Laet (the same authority quoted by Seiior Fortique), the Dutch since 1580 navigated the Orinoco river, with the object to establish themselves at such points as were not occu- pied by the Spaniards; and in 1581 the States-General granted to certain parties the exclusive privilege to trade with those set- tlements. It is also stated that, toward the end of the same century, there existed a company of merchants in Middle- burgh trading on the Barima river. Be this as it may, it is certain that in 1621, a body of merchants, under the name of the West India Company, obtained from the States-General the privilege of exclusive trade with America, and of govern 29 ing new colonies that they might have acquired, said States; reserving the right to appoint Governors. Hartsinck, the most truthful historian of Guiana, states, more than once, that the Orinoco river was the limit of the West India Company. As Sefior Fortique states, it was agreed between the Spanish Crown and the States-General by the Miinster Treaty in 1648, that both of the contracting parties should retain their posses- sion of all the points in Asia, Africa, and America, which they were occupying at that time, and including especially all the settlements of the West India Company. In proof of the fact that such settlements extended as far as the Orinoco, a document can be seen by which the West India Company donated to the Count Fernando Casimiro de Hanau a parcel of the land they owned on the American coast, and that the Orinoco was mentioned as the western limit of said possession. This document is dated 1669, only twenty- one years after the Miinster Treaty was concluded. Prior to this, in 1657, the Dutch erected the forts of New Zea- land and New Middleburgh on the Pumaron and on the Moroco. It was at the former of these forts that in 1797, during an attack made by the Spaniards, they were completely routed by the garrison, which was composed of Dutch and English sol- diers, and were compelled to seek refuge in their boats, with the loss of many lives. In 1674 the West India Company, formed in 1621, was dis- solved, but a new company was formed and authorized, re- stricting their rights to trade with certain parts of Africa, the Island of Curacao, and the colonies of the Essequibo and Boneverone (Pumaron), the latter extending, as above stated, as far as the Orinoco. Pursuing the examination of the authorities, which in more modern times confirm these data, it will be found that in the History of South America by Bolt, published about the mid- dle of the last century, Dutch Guiana is described as extending from the mouth of the Orinoco at 9° as far as the Marawaina to 6° 20' latitude north ; that in a map of said coast published in 1783 by Taden, the Orinoco river is established as the 30 western limit of the Dutch, according to their pretensions; and that in a more recent chart published by Fefferys in 1798 the Barima river is described as being the division between the Dutch and Spanish lands. The undersigned must declare that •these authorities cannot be rejected as being English, and, therefore, having an interest in this question because, although -at the date of the last cited chart the Dutch colony was under the protection of Great Britain, it was restored to the Batavian Republic in 1802, and there is no reason to doubt the testi- mon}- of Taden and Bolt, or to accuse them of partiality. It is doubtful whether the same could be said of La Conda- mine, Bellin, and other French writers, whose government :always showed itself to be jealous of the progress of the Dutch in the neighborhood of the settlements of Cayena. But, in reality, no doubt can exist that the mouth of the 'Orinoco was not only claimed by the Dutch as the western limit of their possessions, but also that, from the very begin- ning, they effected its military occupation and retained pos- session of it. Hartsinck says: "The first rivers found in Dutch Guiana coming from the Orinoco are the Barima, about one mile in width, where in olden times we had a fort." There ■exist documents of the West India Company showing that the directors recommended to the commander of Pumaron to keep the Barima fort in good condition. Colonel Moody found the xuins of these fortifications when in 1807 the English occupied -the coast, and were preparing to send some forces to Angos- tura to destroy the buccaneers that were pillaging the Coasts of Dutch Guiana, and also to fortify that place again. Mr. Schomburgk, when in the discharge of a commission, found the remains of the fort and also of cultivation in the neigh- boring territory. The undersigned does not deem further evidence necessary to show how erroneous are the assertions of Senor Fortique when he [states that the Essequibo has been considered as a dividing line between the two countries, and that the terri- tory lying between that river and the Orinoco has been consid- ered by the world as belonging exclusively to Spain. These 31 statements make the undersigned feel justified in doubting, whether Senor Fortique would be supported by his own coun- trymen in his views, taking into consideration that in the maps of the provinces of Venezuela published four years ago by. an officer of the Republic, the extreme limits of the Venezuelan eastern claim is the Moroco river; and, in truth, to judge from the exaggerated pretensions found in this work on other points, the author is not inclined to sin on the side of generosity with respect to the neighboring British colony. Were the undersigned inclined to act upon the spirit of Sefior Fortique's communication, it is evident, by what he has said, that he ought to claim, on behalf of Great Britain as the rightful successor to Holland, all the coast from the Orinoco to the Essequibo; and such claim, aside from all question of right, would certainly be much less injurious to Venezuela than the pretensions of Senor Fortique is to England, as Venezuela has no settlements on the disputed territory, and the admission or ac- knowledgment of the Essequibo as the limit of the Republic would, of course, mean that Great Britain should deliver about one-half of the Colony of Demarara, including Point Cartabo and the Island of Kykoveral where the Dutch founded their first settlements on the Mazaruni, the missions of Barlika Grove, and many settlements now existing on the Arabisi coast as far as fifty miles from the capital. But the undersigned believes that the negotiations would not be free from difficulties if the claims that cannot be sustained are presented, and shall not, therefore, follow Senor Fortique's example, but state here the concessions that Great Britain is disposed to make of her rights, prompted by a friendly con- sideration for Venezuela, and by her desire to avoid all cause of serious controversies between the two countries. Being convinced that the most important object for the in- terests of Venezuela is the exclusive possession of the Orinoco, Her Majesty's Government is ready to yield to the Republic of Venezuela a portion of the coast sufficient to insure her the free control of the mouth of this her principal river, and to pre- vent its being under the control of any foreign power. With 32 this end in view, and being persuaded that a concession of the greatest importance has been made to Venezuela, Her Majes- ty's Government is disposed to lay aside its rights upon the Amacuro as the western limit of the British territory, and to consider the mouth of the Guaima river as the boundary of Her Majesty's possessions on the coast side. Moreover, Her Maj- esty's Government will consent that the boundary in the interior be fixed by a line from the mouth of the Moroco to the point where the rivers Barama and Guaima meet ; continuing from this point the line follows up the Barama as far as the Aunama, whose upward course will be followed until this stream ap- proaches the point nearest the Acarabisi; then following the downward course of the Acarabisi as far as its confluence with the Cuyuni, it will pursue the upward course of the latter as far as the high lands contiguous to the Roraima mountain, where its waters are divided between the Essequibo and the river Branco. Great Britain is, then, disposed to cede to Venezuela all the territory lying between the above mentioned line and the Ama- curo river and the chain of mountains where it has its head, upon condition that the Government of Venezuela shall engage itself not to alienate any portion of said territory to any foreign power, and also upon condition that the tribes of Indians now living in said territory shall be protected against all ill-treat- ment and oppression. The undersigned has the honor to renew to Senor Fortique the assurance of the highest consideration. (Signed.) Aberdeen. Foreign Office, March 30, 1844. 33 PART IV. Mr. Belford Hititon Wilson, British Representative at Caracas, lo the Vetiezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs. British Legation. — Number ii8. Caracas, November i8, 1850. Senor Vicente Lecuna, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Ven- ezuela, etc., etc., etc. On the 3rd of April last, the undersigned, Her Britannic Majesty's Chargd d' Affairs, had the honour of showing to Mr. Fernando Olavarrla, then Secretary of State for Foreign Af- fairs of Venezuela, in original, a report which on the previous day the undersigned had addressed to Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, stating the character and object of a propaganda of falsehood and calumny in re- gard to the conduct and policy of the British Government in the boundary question between Great Britain and Venezuela; and at the same time the undersigned acquainted his Lordship with the steps he had taken to contradict the rumors which were mischievously being spread in Venezuela, that Great Britain intended to claim the Province of the Venezuelan Guiana. Those steps were to assure the Venezuelan Government that all that the propaganda had divulged on this was false, and to send to the Venezuelan Government a copy of a dispatch which on the 20th of the preceding March, he had addressed to Ken- neth Mathison, British Vice-consul at Bolivar; in which dispatch, after stating what the course and conduct of Her Majesty's Government in this matter had been in reality since November, 1847, he declared formally that the intentions which, with the manifest purpose of serving the private interest of certain well-known individuals, and the political schemes of the prop- 34 aganda, had been imputed since 1843 ^o Her Majesty's Gov- ernment, were not only wholly and absolutely destitute of the least foundation, but were precisely the reverse of the truth. A copy and translation of that dispatch to Mr. Mathison were published by the Venezuelan Government in the Official Gazette of Venezuela N° 981 ; and under date of the 13th May last, Her Britannic Majesty approved of the conduct of the undersigned on this subject. The undersigned begs to observe here that on the 5th of April he read in translation to His Excellency the President the above report to his Government, the original of which, as he has already said, he had shown on the 3d of that month to Mr. Olavarria, who reads English. On the 13th of the same month of April, the undersigned thought it his duty to transmit to His Government extracts of letters which Vice-consul Mathison addressed to him from Bolivar under date of 2, 8, 18, 22 and 30 of March, saying that orders had been communicated to the authorities of the Province of Guiana to place it in a state of defense, and to repair and arm the dismantled and abandoned forts, and that Governor Jose5 Tomas Machado had spoken of raising a fort at Point Barima, the right of possession to which is in dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela. The undersigned thought it likewise to be his duty to com- municate to his Government the introduction in the House of Representatives of a bill recorded in number 62 of the Diario de Debates (Journal of Debates), authorizing the Exceutive Government to construct at once a fort on the point serving as boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, without how- ever naming this point, thus authorizing the Executive Govern- ment to commit de facto an aggression and usurpation on the territory in dispute between the two countries, by the construc- tion of a fort on any point which Venezuela may claim, al- though Great Britain may also claim the lawful possession of that point. The tone and language employed towards Great Britain in the course of the debates on this bill, which the undersigned 35 will not stop to characterize, left no reasonable foundation to doubt of the imminence of the danger to which British rights would be exposed in the event of the bill becoming law. However, the undersigned made known with pleasure to his ■Government the friendly assurances which he received from His Excellency the President and the judicious conduct the latter observed in fact, and likewise that the bill has not yet become a law. But in relation to the existence of a propaganda to mislead and excite public opinion in Venezuela concerning the bound- ary question between British Guiana and Venezuela, and the consequent possibility of aggressions and usurpations on the part of the authorities of Venezuelan Guiana on the territory in dispute between the two countries. Viscount Palmerston, under date of June 1 5th, transmitted to the undersigned for liis knowledge and guidance a letter which His Lordship has addressed to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, noti- fying to them the Queen's injunctions in regard to the orders to be given to the Vice-Admiral commanding Her Majesty's naval forces in the West Indies, as to the course he is to pursue if the Venezuelan authorities construct fortifications in the ter- ritory in dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela. The undersigned has also been instructed to call the serious attention of the President and Government of Venezuela to this question, and to declare that while on the one hand Her Majesty's Government have no intention to occupy, or en- croach upon, the territory in dispute, on the other hand they will not see with indifference the aggressions of Venezuela upon that territory. The undersigned has been instructed furthermore to say that under these circumstances Her Majesty's Government expect that positive instructions will be sent to the Venezuelan author- ities in Guiana to refrain from taking measures which the Brit- ish authorities might justly regard as aggressive; for such measures, if taken, would forcibly lead to a collision which Her Majesty's Government would deeply regret, but for the consequences of which, whatever they might be. Her Majesty's 3G Government would hold the Government of Venezuela entirely responsible. The Venezuelan Government, in justice to Great Britain cannot mistrust for a moment the sincerity of the formal dec- laration which is now made in the name and by the express order of Her Majesty's Government, that Great Britain has no intention to occupy, or encroach upon, the territory in dispute; therefore, the Venezuelan Government, in an equal spirit of good faith and friendship, cannot refuse to make a similar dec- laration to Her Majesty's Government, namely, that Venezuela herself has no intention to occupy, or encroach upon, the ter- ritory in dispute. The systematic perseverance with which since 1843 the propaganda has fabricated and circulated false rumors in re- gard to the conduct and policy of Her Majesty's Government in what concerns the Venezuelan Guiana, among other mis- chievous effects, has produced th-at of serving the ends of that propaganda, and keeping alive an insane spirit of distrust and puerile credulity as to all the frivolous rumors respecting this boundary question, thus exposing the amicable relations be- tween Great Britain and Venezuela to be at any moment inter- rupted, by a collision between both countries arising out of any sudden and perhaps unauthorized aggression on the part of the local authorities of Venezuela, whether committed by con- structing forts, or by occupying and encroaching upon the ter- ritory in dispute. Her Majesty's Government, as above stated, will not order or sanction such occupations or encroachments on the part of the British authorities; and if at any time there should be any error about their determination in this respect, the undersigned is persuaded that they would willingly renew their orders on the subject : he is then satisfied that, in accordance with the friendly suggestions of Her Majesty's Government, the Gov- ernment of Venezuela will not hesitate to send to the Vene- zuelan authorities positive orders to refrain from taking meas- ures which the British authorities may justly consider as aggressions. 37 On the 14th and 15th ultimo the undersigned communicated privately to Mr. Vicente Lecuna and to His Excellency the President the instructions which Viscount Palmerston had given him, and then he explained fully the friendly considerations which had prompted him not to communicate their contents to the Venezuelan Government when he received them on the 1 8th of last July, and to continue to put off their formal com- munication in writing till a fitting opportunity presented itself. It seems that both His Excellency the President and Mr. Lecuna appreciated in all its value the friendliness of this pro- ceeding. However, being of the opinion, agreed upon in the inter- views which he held with Mr. Lecuna on the 15th and i6th instant, that the opportune moment for making that commu- nication has arrived, he has lost no time to state those instrut- tions in this note. The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to renew to Mr. Lecuna the assurances of his distinguished consideration. (Signed) Belford Hinton Wilson. Jieply to the foregoing by Senor Vicente Lecuna, Venezuelan Minis- ter of Foreign Affairs : [Translation.] Republic of Venezuela. Department of Foreign Affairs. Caracas, December 20th, 1850. The undersigned. Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Vene- zuela has had the honor of receiving and presenting to the Executive power the note of the Charg6'd' Affaires of H. B- M., dated on the i8th ultimo, the object of which is to contra- dict the rumors which have spread in Venezuela with reference to Great Britain's intention of taking possession of Venezuelan Guiana, stating the steps which he has taken to that effect, and of which he has advised the Government; declaring, in the name of his Government, that the latter has no intention what- 38 ever of occupying or encroaching upon the territory in dispute between the two countries, and he requests a similar declara- tion from the Venezuelan Government, asking them to instruct their authorities in Guiana not to take any measures which might be justly considered as aggressive by the British author- ities, and stating the reasons that had induced him to delay making this communication. The undersigned has been instructed by His Excellenc}- the President of the Republic to give the following answer: The Government never could be persuaded that Great Britain, in contempt of the negotiation opened on the subject and the alleged rights in the question of limits pending between the two countries, would want to use force in order to occupy the land that each side claims: much less after Mr. Wilson's re- peated assurance, which the Executive power believes to have been most sincere, that those imputations had no foundation whatever, being on the contrary quite the reverse of the truth. Fully confident of this, and fortified by the protest embodied in the note referred to, the Government has no difficulty in declaring, as they do declare, that Venezuela has no intention of occupying or encroaching upon any portion of the territoryr the possession of which is in controversy ; neither will she look with indifference upon a contrary proceeding on the part of Great Britain. They will furthermore instruct the authori- ties of Guiana to refrain from taking any steps which might clash with the engagement hereby made by the Government, and might give rise to fatal consequences, as Mr. Wilson affirms has been done, and in case of need will be willingly done again with regard to the authorities in British Guiana. In conclusion, I may add that the Government fully appreciates the motives which have led Mr. Wilson to abstain from at once carrying out the instructions which he has received on the subject. The undersigned seizes this opportunity to renew to Mr> Wilson the assurances of his distinguished consideration. (Signed) Vicente Lecuna. To Mr. Belford Hinton Wilson, H. B. M. Charge d'Affaires, etc., etc. 39 PART V. Dr. Ccdcano to Earl Derby. [Translation.] Department of Foreign Affairs. Caracas, November 14, 1876. The undersigned, Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the United States of Venezuela, has been instructed by the President of the Republic, to communicate with His Excellency, the Earl of Derby, Her Britannic Majesty's Prime Minister and Sec- retary of State for the Department of Foreign Affairs, and to set forth to His Excellency the rights of the Republic in the now pending question of boundaries between Vene- zuelan Guiana and British Guiana. The undersigned hastens to carry out said instructions, first stating to His Excel- lency, the Earl of Derby, that the President of Venezuela is impelled to no longer delay the negotiations he to-day initiates, both by his zeal for the interests of the Nation and by his confidence in the cordial feelings of friend- ship of Great Britain, and the favorable inclination of His Ex- cellency to preserve unaltered the harmonious relations now existing between the two countries ; the President being con- fident that, in view of these feelings, a prompt settlement of these questions will be arrived at which it is urgent to solve in a satisfactory manner, so as not to leave exposed to dan- gerous contingencies in the future, the peace which has so far been happily preserved through the sincere friendship of the two nations. From the year 1841 to 1844, the Government had already undertaken the interesting task of amicably settling the limits between Venezuela and the British possessions in Guiana, which negotiations had their origin in the fact of the invasion of the Venezuelan territory by the British Commissioner, Mr. Schom- burgk, who set up posts, placed monograms, and hoisted the 40 British flag upon the dominion of the Republic, when he had only been commissioned to make scientific explorations in order to ascertain the limits of British Guiana. Prompted by the feelings of justice which distinguish Her Majesty's Government, upon the protestation of Venezuela, they ordered the removal of the posts and other marks which had so justly alarmed the Venezuelan people. The necessity was understood then of guarding against ulterior difificulties by means of a final treaty on limits, the negotiations for which were unfortunately not completed at the time, owing to the regrettable demise of the Venezuelan Plenipotentiary in London, Doctor Alejo Fortique. It is with the purpose of resuming those negotiations, and being naturally convinced of the favorable inclinations of Her British Majesty's Government, since it was the originator of the question at the time referred to by the undersigned, that the President of the Republic has instructed this Department to make the following statements to that so ably conducted by His Excellency. The right of Spain over the territory of xA.merica which she had discovered and occupied before any other power, was always indisputably recognized by all the nations of the world. These are titles which have been universally accepted as proof of dominion, and they are at least equally as effectual as those that may be considered by International Law as the best. Thus it is, that there never was an instance of a voice having been raised to discuss Spain's rights over these regions ; on the contrary, they were sanctioned by the recognition, express on the part of some and tacit on the part of others, and in their favor she might even allege the bull of Pope Alexander VI., which, being at the time decidedly significant, to-day implies at least a new and valuable recognition. And if, in applying these reasons of the Spanish dominion over the whole Ameri- can territory, to the coasts of Guiana, which are the subject of this question, the notable circumstance is borne in mind, that said coasts were the very first that Columbus struck on the American Continent ; that it was there that Alonzo de Ojeda 41 •commenced the discovery and the conquest of Venezuela ; that it was the government of these lands that was given to Diego de Ordaz by the Emperor Charles V., and that they were the •object of the expeditions of the aforesaid Ordaz, and of Her- rera, Hortal, Cedeno, and other Spaniards, there is no possible hesitation in acknowledging the rights which Spain had at the time over those vast regions, and which Venezuela to-day has as her legitiinate successor. The spirit of hostility against Spain, which prevailed among her enemies who were engaged in the European wars of that period, combined with the covetousness which was awakened by the narratives that were made of the immense auriferous wealth of the new continent, were the causes of the attacks against and the invasion of these regions, which were as- saulted, burnt up, and possessed de facto by those who had no other character than that of spoliators against all recognized principles, and who did not even have in their ^avor the toler- ance of Spain, who was compelled to drive them away more than once, destroying their intrusive establishments, in so far as she was permitted to do so b}' the grave affairs which occu- pied her attention in Europe. Thus it was that in 1595 she drove the Dutch away from the Essequibo, and that in 1665 the inhabitants of the second city of Santo Tomas, aided by those of the province of Caracas, drove away from that city the same Dutchmen who had succeeded in surprising them, aided by their allies the Caribbean and the Araucan Indians. Spain, however, enforced her right as discoverer and first •occupant, by founding towns and establishing missions, in •order to civilize the natives and to preach the Gospel to them. It may be remarked here that England herself concluded sev- eral treaties with Spain, by which she tacitly recognized those rights, and even bound herself in 171 3 and 1721 to maintain Spain in the possession of the territories that she owned in the time of Charles II., and which were none others than the greater part of the New Continent. If the whole of the American territory was not under the dominion of Spain at the time when the treaty of Miinster was 42 concluded, it was not because the invasions effected and the establishments founded in some parts of it by other European nations deprived H. C. M. of his rights, but because Spain sanctioned that proprietorship which they assumed, by treaties in which she expressly renounced her own. The original right of Spain to the whole American territory being based upon such solid grounds, it is the duty of any one contesting any part of it, to produce authentic proof of his supervening proprietorship, which would establish an excep- tion to what is general. At all events, Venezuela, who is the legitimate successor to all the rights of Spain over the regions of Guiana, as England- is the successor of Holland to the Cape of Good Hope, Es- sequibo, Berbice and Demerara, by the treaty of London and Paris of 13th of August, 1 8 14, has the right to call hers the possessions which Holland, the constituent of Great Britain, had recognized as the latter's property by the treaty of Miin- ster concluded in 1648, and which England bound herlelf to leave integrally to Spain bv article 8 of the treaty of Utrecht,^ which these two nations concluded on the 13th of July, 1 71 3, as neither could cede to England what was not hers and she knew not to be hers; nor can it be supposed, without giving an offense, of which Venezuela is incapable, that the grave and honorable English nation can in any manner or at anj- time break her word and infringe the duty imposed upon her by her stipulations. By the treaty of Miinster, cited in the first place, by which Philip IV. recognized the freedom, the independence, and the sovereignty of the United Provinces and renounced all his rights over them, it was agreed that the contracting parties should remain in possession of the countries, strongholds, set- tlements, etc., which they occupied in the East and the West Indies; that the Spaniards should pnjoy the privileges which they possessed in the East Indies without being allowed to exceed them, and that the subjects of the States-General should refrain from visiting the places where the Castilians were established. That the Spaniards and the subjects of the 43 United Provinces, respectively, might not navigate nor trade in the bays, ports, or places having fortresses, lodgings, and castles, and generally in any place which either party might possess in the West Indies. Such is the context of articles 5 and 6. The express tenor of article 8 of the treaty of Utrecht, cited in the second place, is as follows: "And in order that the navigation and commerce of the West Indies shall be more firmly and amply established, it has been agreed that neither the Catholic King nor his heirs can either sell, cede, mortgage, or transfer to the French, or to any other nation, any lands, dominions, or territories of America, or any part thereof, or alienate it from themselves or from the Crown of Spain. And on her side, in order that the domin- ions of Spanish— America be preserved in a greater entirety, the Queen, of Great Britain promises that she will ask from and give assistance to the Spaniards, in order to re-establish and fix the former limits of their dominions in America as they were in the time of the aforesaid Catholic King Charles II. should they in any manner or under any pretext have undergone any dismemberment after the death of the afore- said Catholic King Charles II." • Now, the limits, as far as to where the possessions of Hol- land in the territory of Guiana extended in 1648, the date of the treaty of Miinster, are the only ones which this nation could have transferred to England, because, after that date, the Dutch dominions in the American territory were not extended by any concession, sale, or recognition of any kind on the part of Spain. And the limits which belonged to Spain at the time of the death of King Charles II., which occurred in 1700, are the same which England bound herself to leave integrally to her, and even to aid her in recovering them, should they have undergone any dismemberment. What then were their limits? This is the most important point to investigate in order to fully illustrate the matter and to definitively fix the respective rights of both countries in this question. 44 The undersigned will not stop to enlarge on the merits of the respectable testimony of Herrera, the famous chronicler of Spain and India, whose decades were written during the reign of Philip v., nor on that of Father Pedro Murillo Velarde, who wrote in 1752; these authors, agreeing with others of the period, unanimously attribute to Spain the proprietorship of the whole of Guiana; nor on that of the public treaty concluded between Spain and Portugal, by which both nations bound themselves to aid and assist each other until they should be left in the peaceful possession of their dominions in South America, the obligation of Portugal extending from the Amazon or Maranon to the banks of the Orinoco river on both sides; nor on that of the Royal Decree issued at Aranjuez on the 8th of March, 1768, in which, recalling the original limits of Spanish Guiana, it is stated that they extended as far as the Amazon on the South and on the East as far as the Atlantic Ocean. The undersigned, prompted by the cordial desire of the President of the Republic to place the question on the most favorable footing for Great Britain within the circle of the rights of Venezuela, and in order that the amicable settle- ment to which he aspires be more propitious to her without impairing the evident justice of the claims of the Republic, confines himself to quotations from authorities which most re- strict our dominion in the region of Guiana, provided that they are in any reasonable or serious manner deserving of attention. Observing this line of conduct, we find that all the documents and citations of that kind, which are the least favorable to the rights of Venezuela, fix, as the most advanced limit of the Dutch possessions, the river Essequibo, which separated Venezuela from the Dutch possessions in Guiana. The maps published in England, in France, and in Spain, the opinions of geographers and historians, and the official acts of the government of the Peninsula, all prove the truth of this statement. The learned La Condamine writes: "Dutch Guiana commences at the river Marawine and ends at the Essequibo; to Spanish Guiana is left the countr}- comprised between the Essequibo, where the Dutch colony- ends, and the Orinoco." 45 J. W. Norie, an English geographer, in his Chart of the Coast of Guiana printed in London in the year 1828, expresses him- self in the following terms: " British Guiana extends from the river Courani towards the northwest as far as the Essequibo." And he adds: "This was the true extent of the colony, which was settled between the Spaniards and the Dutch by the treaty of Munster, 1648, ivhich has fiever since been abrogated; but the English and Dutch owners of plantations having formed establishments north of these limits and established themselves on the banks of the Poumaron and beyond Cape Nassau, the limits claimed by the English ex- tend now as far as the meridian of Cape Barima, though this, in reality, constitutes what should be called Spanish or Colombian Guiana." Father Caulin, in his " Chorographical History of New Anda- lusia," Book 3, chap. 31, corroborates the assertion of Norie in the following words: "The Dutch possessed themselves of the river Essequibo, established colonies, and founded towns and plantations, at the same time that they carried on an unlawful trade, until they were driven away from there in 1595; but they returned later, spreading themselves upon the Spfinish territory, until they founded New Middleburg on the river Poumaron." J. de AlcaM, in his Manual of Geography printed in London in 1837, states, even at that date and referring to British Guiana, that " on the shores of the Essequibo is the establishment of the same name belonging to England." The Columbian historian, Jos6 Maria Restrepo, in explaining the atlas which accompanies his History of the Revolution of the Republic of Colombia, employs the following significant words: "Those (the limits) of the British Guiana to-day have been marked in accordance with the possessions formerly held by Spain as far as the Essequibo river, which are marked in the best maps published in England itself." The following quotation of Reynal, in his Philosophical His- tory of the Two Indies, vol. 6, book 12, No. 95, pages 282 and following, Paris edition of 1820, is worthy of special attention:. "The colony of Essequibo, situated near the river of the 46 same name, is distant twenty leagues from that of Berbice. It was here that the Dutch first established themselves when, like other Europeans, they flocked to Guiana at the close of the sixteenth century, in the hope of finding gold. It is not known at what time they established themselves at Essequibo, although it has been proved that the Spaniards drove them away from there in 1595. They returned, but were again driven away by the English in 1666. This establishment was an unimportant one, and in 1 740, after it was retaken, its products scarcely con- stituted the cargo of a ship. Two or three years later some colonists of Essequibo fixed their eyes upon the neighboring shores of Demerara, which turned out to be very fertile, and this discovery was followed by very favorable consequences. After a time work was suspended at Surinam on account of the sanguinary and ruinous war which thev had to wage against the negroes who had taken refuge in the woods. Berbice was at the same time perturbed by the rebellion of the slaves. This was the origin of the^three colonies which the Dutch successfully established in Guiana." From this historical statement of Reynal it may be seen that in 1648, the date of the treaty of Miinster, the Dutch had been driven away, even from the Essequibo, and that it was two years after 1 740, that is to say, forty-two years after the death of King Charles II., that some colonists of the Essequibo fixed their attention upon the neighboring shores of Demerara. "I do not believe," says Mr. Dauxion-Lavaysse, " that there is in the world a country healthier, better watered, more fer- tile, and more agreeable to live in than the one situated, on one side, between the Essequibo, and on the other, between the Caroni and Orinoco. This country, which forms a considerable part of Spanish Guiana, measures more than forty-five leagues from north to south, and seventy from east to west, and its ex- tent forms one-sixth of this Guiana." It was in this country that Spain established her numerous missions, which, according to the testimony of all the hi.sto- rians who have concerned themselves with the work of the Franciscan Fathers, and to the demarcations contained ia the royal decree regarding the creation of missions, embraced at Rio Negro an extent of more tlian fifty leagues; while the Capuchin Fathers occupied the space situated between the Orinoco and Cape Nassau, and between the sea and the river Caroni; extending from the eastern shores of the latter and of the Paraguay to the banks of the Imataca, of the Cumuru, and of the Cuyuni. On the southwest they bordered upon Dutch Guiana, or Colony of Essequibo, this river being the dividing line on the south, together with the deserted shores of the Paraguay and Paraguari, and crossing the Pacaraima chain, with the Por- tuguese colonies of the Rio Branco. On this point, the resistance which was continually made by the Government of the Spanish Peninsula against the invasions of the Dutch on the western shore of the Essequibo, long after the treaty of Miinster, is a decisive proof. This may be seen in the instructions which the Intendant of Caracas, Don Jos6 de Abalos, issued on the 4th of February, 1779, by which he established rules for the populating of the Province of Guiana, with the object of insuring the limits of that territory. Article 2 of said instructions is as follows: "The aforesaid Colony of Essequibo and others, which the States-General possess on that coast, are generally all in the neighborhood of the sea, not reaching far into the interior of the country, and for that reason the land situated at the back of the Essequibo and of the Dutch colonies on the east as far as French Guiana, and on the south as far as the river Amazon, are free of a por- tion of them, and occupied only by gentile Indians and a large number of runaway negroes, slaves of the Dutch, and also of the plantations of French Guiana. The commissioners shall endeavor, therefore, to occupy said lands, as being the prop- erty of Spain, the first discoverer thereof, and^not having been ceded since to, nor being now occupied by, any other power, none having any right thereto; they shall advance in the occu- pation on the eastern part as far as possible until they reach French Guiana, and extending it also as far as possible on the southern side, until they reach the boundaries of the crown of Portugal." Article 4 of the instructions says: "It would be very 48 convenient if the aforesaid occupation of lands and the popu- lating thereof commenced at the back of the Dutch establish- ments in the neighborhood of French Guiana, and more espe- cially of the rivers which have been named Oyapok and Aprovak." This part of the instructions which have been here reproduced was further enforced by the confirmation they re- ceived through a royal decree dated 13th of April, I779- The conviction of the Government of the Peninsula is still more explicit, if possible, regarding its dominion over the ter- ritory comprised between the Orinoco and the Essequibo, and its constant resistance is more energetic against the attempted invasion of the Dutch in the secret royal decree of ist of October, 1780, by which the officer of the Spanish navy, Don Jos6 Felipe de Inciarte, was commissioned to attack a fort which the Dutch had dared to erect on the shores of the river Moruca (Moroco), at a distance of from two and one-half to three leagues from Cano JNIoracabuco, on the northeast quarter east, which had been denounced on the preceding year by In- ciarte himself. On giving him his instructions, the minister, Don Jose Galvez, wrote the following words in the royal decree : " It being understood that if the Director-General or Governor of Essequibo should complain, answer shall be given that these proceedings are taken in conformity with the general laws and instructions given for the better government of our Indies, which do not allow of such intrusion of foreigners upon the Spanish dominions, such as they are; which same answer shall be given here if the States-General of Holland should make any complaint or claim." Thus far I have developed the strict, authentic, and indis- putable demonstration, not only of the right, but of the act by which Spain legitimately possessed, as sole sovereign and up to 1779, all the territories extending from the Orinoco to the river Essequibo; and if, as the undersigned has stated above, it sufficed to know which were the Spanish possessions that Holland, the constituent of Great Britain, recognized as the property of the Peninsula, the proof has been more than 49 sufficient since it has been brought to one and one-third cen- turies later. And if the Essequibo was still the limit between the domin- ions of both nations in 1779, it was so, with more reason, in 1648, and it is evident that it was also in 1700, the year of the death of Charles II., to which the obligation of Great Britain refers, which she contracted in the treaty of 171 3, to which the undersigned has referred. But there is something more decisive, of an insurmountable probatory force, as being taken from the mutual testimony of both parties, of Spain and of Holland, in the convention which they signed at Aranjuez on the 23d of June, 1791, to mutually return to each other the deserters and runaways from their re- spective American colonies. Its article 1st is of the following tenor: "The reciprocal restitution of white or black runaways is estab- lished between all the Spanish possessions in America and the Dutch colonies, especially between those in which the complaints of desertion have been more frequent, to wit : between Porto- Rico and Saint Eustace, Coro and Curacao, the Spanish estab- lishments on the Orinoco and Essequibo, Demarara, Berbice and Surinam." By which it is clearly expressed that, ■&& Porto- Rico is Spanish and Saint Eustace Dutch, Coro Spanish and Curacao Dutch, so are all the territories as far as the Orinoco Spanish. How far ? As far as the other extremity which designates what is Dutch, to wit, as far as the Essequibo, Berbice, and Surinam. Here we have it established by Holland herself that her limits with Spain did not reach to the west, only as far as the river Essequibo, which has been mentioned so often. And if this was still true one hundred and forty-three years later, was it not more so one hundred and forty-three years before; that is to say, on the date of the treaty of Miinster, and also nearly one century before, at the date of the death of Charles II. ? Any posterior occupation of a territory, which has not re- spected this right, would be an infringement of all laws and carried out in manifest violation of the treaties made in good 60 faith by the nations, guarded by the honor itself of the coun- tries which made them and which constitute the most obliga- tory law recognized in all their acts and relations by the gov- ernments of the civilized world. Usurpations of this kind, far from serving as a subject for an argument of prescription which would be untenable and absurd, firstly, because it is not admitted among nations, and, secondly, because even in civil law it would lack all the conditions required by its validity, would, on the contrary, present a fertile subject for claims against serious offenses, or at least for complaints, fully justi- fied to which it is not prudent to give rise when friendship is sincere and the desired harmony exists. This solid ground, upon which Venezuela bases her right to place the limits of her possessions at the mouth of the river Essequibo, and the well-founded confidence of the President of the Republic in the austere feeling of justice which is char- acteristic of the Government of H. M. the Queen of Great Britain, lead him to hope that the solution of this question, which has been delayed for so many years, will be the work of a most prompt and cordial settlement. The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to assure His Excellency, the Earl of Derby, of his highest considera- tion. Eduardo Calcano. To His Excellency the Earl of Derby, H. B. Majesty's Prime Minister and Secretary of State in the Department of Foreign Affairs. 51 PART VI. Lord Salisbury to Dr. Rojas. Foreign Office, January lo, 1880. Monsieur le Ministre : With reference to my letters of the 2d and 4th of June last, I have the honor to state that Her Majesty's Government have had under their consideration your two letters of the 19th of May, one relating to the boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, the other to the claim put forward by Vene- jzuela to the Island of Patos, which is held by Great Britain as a dependency of the Colony of Trinidad. With regard to the first of these questions, I have the honor to state that Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that to argue the matter on the ground of strict right would involve £o many intricate questions connected with the original dis- covery and settlement of the country, and subsequent con- quests, cessions, and treaties, that it would be very unlikely to lead to a satisfactory solution of the question ; and Her Maj- esty's Government would therefore prefer the alternative course suggested by you of endeavoring to come to an agreement with the Government of Venezuela as to the acceptance by the two Governments of a frontier of accommodation, which shall satisfy the respective interests of the two countries. The boundary which Her Majesty's Government claim, in virtue of ancient treaties with the aboriginal tribes and of subse- quent cessions from Holland, commences at a point at the mouth of the Orinoco westward of Point Barima, proceeds thence in a southerly direction to the Imataca mountains, the line of which it follows to the northwest, passing from them by the highlands of Santa Maria, just south of the town of Upata, until it strikes a range of hills on the eastern bank of the Caroni River, following these southwards until it strikes the great backbone of the Guiana district, the Roraima moun- 52 tains of British Guiana, and thence still southward to the Pacaraima mountains. On the other hand, His Excellency General Guzman Blanco, President of the Republic of Venezuela, in his Message to the National Congress of February 20, 1877, put forward a claim on the part of Venezuela to the River Essequibo as the boun- dary to which the Republic was justly entitled — a boundary, I may observe, which would involve the surrender of a province now inhabited by 40,000 British subjects and which has been in the uninterrupted possession of Holland and Great Britain successively for two centuries. The difference therefore between these two claims, Mon- sieur le Ministre, is so great that it is clear that, in order to arrive at a satisfactory arrangement, each party must be pre- pared to make very considerable concessions to the other; and although the claim of Venezuela to the Essequibo River boun- dary could not under any circumstances be entertained, I beg leave to assure you that Her Majesty's Government are anx- ious to meet the Venezuelan Government in a spirit of concil- iation, and would be willing, in the event of a renewal of negotiations for the general settlement of boundaries, to waive a portion of what they consider to be their strict rights, if Venezuela is really disposed to make corresponding conces- sions on her part. Her Majesty's Government will therefore be glad to receive and will undertake to consider in the most friendly spirit any proposal that the Venezuelan Government may think fit to make for the establishment of a boundary satisfactory to both nations. As regards the question to which your second letter relates, Monsieur le Ministre, I have the honor to state that in view of the fact that the Island of Patos has been held by Great Britain as a dependency of the Colony of Trinidad since 1797 and that the British title to it was not questioned by Venezuela until 1859, Her Majesty's Government consider that apart from all other grounds, so long a term of undisputed possession confers upon Great Britain an indefeasible title to the island.. 53 I have the honor to be with the highest consideration Monsieur le Ministre, Your most obedient humble servant, Sefior de Rojas. SALISBURY. Same to Same. Foreign Office, April 23, 1880. Monsieur le Ministre : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 1 2th instant upon the subject of the boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, and also of your letter of the 14th ultimo, relative to the claim of Venezuela to the Island of Patos. In reply I beg leave to state that the Attorney- General for the Colony of British Guiana is shortly expected in this coun- try, and that Her Majesty's Government would prefer to post- pone the discussion of these questions until the arrival of that officer. I have the honor to be with the highest consideration. Mon- sieur le Ministre, Your most obedient humble servant, Salisbury. Sefior Don J. M. de Rojas, etc., etc. Dr. Rojas to Earl Granville. [Translation.] Legation of the United States of Venezuela. Paris, September 27, 1880. 37 Rue de la Bienfaisance. My Lord: Your Excellency's predecessor, under date of April 23d ul- timo, did me the honor to inform me that in order to solve the question of boundaries between the two Guianas and also the one relative to the Island of Patos, Her Britannic Majesty's Government were expecting the arrival at London of the At- torney-General for the British Colony, who was to come in a few days. Five months having elapsed, and as your Excel- 54 lency has not honored me with any communication upon these subjects, I must suppose- that said Attorney-General has not realized his intended voyage, and this being the case, it would be useless to wait for him any longer. I deem it conducive to remind Your Lordship that on the 24th of March, 1877, the Honorable Lord Derby, your Ex- cellency's predecessor, informed me that as the arrival of the Governor of the British Colony was expected about that time. Her Majesty's Government then preferred to postpone the ad- justment of these questions until the arrival of said official, who, it seems, never came, as no communication informing me of his arrival there was ever sent me, as promised. It will be more judicious, therefore, not to wait any longer, either for the Governor or for the Attorney-General for the Colony, and to adjust these questions between ourselves, taking- into consideration the fact that my Government at the present time is .engaged in the preparation of an official map of the Republic and wishes, as is but natural, to fix the eastern limits of the country. In my communication of the 1 2th of April last, I informed: Your Excellency that my Government was disposed to accept, on the basis of an amicable compromise, the mouth of the Moroco river as the limit of the coast. If Her Majesty's Government accepts this starting point, it would be vary easy to determine the general direction or course of the frontier, either through the means of a correspondence or by verbal intercourse, as Your Excellency may prefer. In reference to the Island of Patos, I must hope that my communication of the 14th of April last will have con- vinced Your Excellency of the necessity of submitting this, matter to the decision of an arbitrator, and upon this ground I take the liberty to ask Your Excellency whether the appoint- ment of the arbitrator can now be made. I have the honor to subscribe myself, Your Excellency^ with sentiments of the highest consideration. My Lord, your humble and obedient servant, (Signed) J. M. de Rojas.. To His Excellency the Earl of Granville, etc., etc., etc. 55 Earl Granville to Dr. Rojas. Foreign Office, February 12th, 1881. Monsieur le Ministre : Her Majesty's Government have had under their considera- tion the desire expressed in your letters of the 12th of April and 27th of September last to reconsider the question of the boundary between British Guiana and Venezuela, and stating that your Government would be willing to accept the mouth of the river Moroco as the boundary on the coast. I have now the honor to inform you that Her Majesty's Government are unable to accept the mouth of the Moroco as the boundary on the coast. They would nevertheless be ready to consider any conventional boundary which the Ven- ezuelan Government may propose, commencing at a more northerly point on the coast, and would be glad to be favored with a general indication of their views, not only on that point, but also as to the general line of frontier which in their opinion might form a basis of negotiations. I have the honor to be with the highest consideration. Mon- sieur le Ministre, Your most obedient humble servant, Granville. Senor Don J. M. de Rojas, etc., etc. Dr. Rojas to Earl Granville. [Translation.] Legation of the United States of Venezuela. Paris, February 21, 1881. My Lord: I have had the honor to receive Your Excellency's dispatch of 1 2th inst. referring to the most important question of limits between Venezuelan Guiana and British Guiana. This is a question which my Government always has been anxious to have adjusted and with which it has seriously concerned- itself during the past forty-one years without, however, obtaining any practical results. 56 Your Excellency will permit me to make in the present communication a summary statement of the true state of the question which I am about to treat of. This question can only be considered under two phases: Either a treaty must be concluded between the two countries fixing in a friendly and cordial manner an accommodation and mutually convenient frontier; or it must be adjusted in accordance with the principles of universal law and with the titles which each side may present. In the latter case the frontier will be a consequence of the rights which either party may establish. Her Britaimic Majesty's Government claim in the event of the latter extremity of the foregoing dilemma the following frontier, judging from the dispatch which Your Excellency was pleased to address to me on the lOth of January, 1880: The mouths of the Orinoco as a starting point west of Point Barima in a southerly direction towards the Imataca moun- tains, which line would continue towards the northwest pass- ing through the high lands of Santa Maria exactly south of the city of Upata, as far as the foot of the mountains on the eastern shore of the Caroni river; continuing thence south- wards until it meets the Roraima mountains in British Guiana, and thence still further south, stopping at the Pacaraima chain. The Venezuelan Government maintains, in view of the titles, documents, and official maps and of all the proofs more or less irrefutable at law, which it will in its turn adduce, that the frontier between the two Guianas commences at the mouths of the Essequibo river, up said river as far as its confluence with the Rupumini and Rewa rivers to the eastern extremity of the Pacaraima chain, and that therefore all the immense terri- tory to-day occupied by Her Britannic Majesty's Government within said limits belongs to Venezuela. It was agreed between the two Governments that, in order to avoid any delay in this important question, the demarca- tion of an accommodation frontier satisfactory to the interests of both countries should be proceeded to. In fulfillment of this promise, I had the honor of proposing to Your Excellency 57 to designate the Moroco river as the starting point from the coast. The remainder of the frontier, when once said point had been fixed upon, would be a matter of secondary consid- eration. When this question was seriously discussed in 1844 the Honorable Lord Aberdeen proposed to my predecessor in London the following frontier: As a starting point at the •coast the mouth of the Moroco river at the point where the Barama river joins the Guaima; thence through the Barama up the river as far as Aunama in order to ascend through it to the Acarabisi, descending through the latter as far as its confluence with the Cuyuni, and up the latter river as far as the high lands of Mount Roraima, where the waters which pour into the Essequibo part from those which pour into the Rio Branco. It was therefore thirty-seven years ago that Her Majesty's Government spontaneously proposed the mouths of the Moroco as the limit on the coast, a limit which Your Excellency will not accept to-day as you are pleased to say in the dispatch to which I now have the honor to reply. The Venezuelan Government moved by the desire to pre- serve unaltered the relations of cordial friendship at present happily existing between the two nations, now propose the following conciliatory frontier as a mutually convenient onef in order to finally settle this question by means of a treaty; and in order to prove the sincerity of these feelings they will accept a starting point of the frontier on the coast, one mile northwards of the mouths of the Moroco. There a post shall be placed which shall indicate the true limit between the two countries on the coast. At said point a meridian of latitude shall be drawn westward until the point at which this line shall cross the longitude of sixty degrees of Greenwich and thence it shall continue southward through said meridian of longitude as far as the boundaries of both countries. This demarcation has the advantage of being precise and unaltera- ble and is the greatest of all the concessions which the Ven- ezuelan Government can make in this matter in order to come to a friendly understanding. 58 If Her British Majesty's Government do not think it con- venient to accept this proposed demarcation, there is them nothing left for both Governments but resort to the deter- mination of a strictly legal frontier. And as in case such a contingency should arise, the two Governments would be unable to come to a mutual agreement, as the titles adduced .by one would be rejected by the other and each would endeavor ta demonstrate the wrong of its adversary, a mutual agreement between both countries would be absolutely necessary in order to submit the decision of this important matter to arbitration or to a tribunal which would pronounce a final award. I have therefore received instructions from my Government to urge Her Britannic Majesty's Government to refer the question to aa arbitrator selected by both parties and to whose decision both Governments shall submit. This same arbitrator should de- cide whether the Island of Patos belongs to Venezuela or ta Her Britannic Majesty's Government. In view of the importance of this matter and of the con- venience for both countries to adjust it in a final manner, I beg Your Excellency to honor me with a reply as soon as possible, and meanwhile I have the honor to sign myself with highest consideration Your Excellency's most obedient, hum- Me servant. (Signed) J. M. de Rojas. To His Excellency Earl Granville, Her British Majesty's Secretary for Foreign, Affairs, London. Earl Granville to Dr. Rojas. Foreign Office, September 15, 1881. Monsieur le Ministrc : Her Majesty's Government have carefully considered the proposals contained in your letter of the 21st of February last for the settlement of the question of the boundary limits be- tween the Colony of British Guiana and Venezuela. In reply I have now the honor to state to you that they regret that they are unable to accept the line of demarcation indi- cated in that letter as a satisfactory solution of the question. 59 They are, however, anxious to meet the views of the Vene- zuelan Government fairly and with this object they are pre- pared to agree to the line suggested in the accompanying memorandum, which will leave to Venezuela the complete control of the mouths of the Orinoco, whilst it will furnish a convenient boundary in the interior conforming to the natural features of the country. In proposing a line which makes so important a concession to Venezuela, Her Majesty's Government desire to explain that they must not in any way be understood as admitting that they have not a rightful claim to the line which extends to the mouths of the Orinoco, and that the proposal is only made from a sincere desire to bring to a conclusion a question which has too long remained unsettled to the detriment of the in- terests of both countries. A map which has been drawn up after Schomburgk original is enclosed herewith, showing the exact position of the boun- dary proposed in the accompanying memorandum; and I may observe that the whole of the line, except that portion which lies between the source of the Amacuro and the seacoast, was surveyed by Schomburgk as far back as 1837. In conclusion, I have the honor to state that Her Majesty's Government will be happy to confer with you personally, should you think it desirable to communicate with them in that manner for the purpose of discussing the proposal con- tained in the memorandum which accompanies this letter. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir. Your most obedient, humble servant, Granville. Sefior Don Jose Maria de Rojas, etc., etc. Memorandum by Earl Granville. Memorandum on the question of boundaries between British Guiana and Venezuela: I. After careful consideration of the proposition made by the Venezuelan Minister for an adjustment of the boundary 60 between British Guiana and Venezuela, Her Majesty's Govern- ment are of opinion that the line proposed by him could not be accepted without serious injury to British Guiana. 2. They consider that the following are some of the more prominent objections which exist to a division of the territory by such a line as that suggested by Senor de Rojas: The line proposed would sever from the Colony existing settlements, and would cut off lands which have for a long series of years been held by lawful title of Dutch or British origin recognized by the Government. The acceptance of the line proposed would also involve a surrender of a larger portion of territory, to which the claim of Great Britain is unassailable, than any which can be reasonably yielded, even for the purpose of bring- ing this long-pending question to a close. 3. Moreover, the line proposed by Senor de Rojas offers practical difficulties, which appear to Her Majesty's Govern- ment to be insuperable. The meridian of 60° of longitude in- tersects, and would divide, the numerous rivers and creeks and different watersheds in a manner that would cause lasting in- convenience to both countries. It would also, they believe, be found impracticable to keep such a boundary line sufficiently marked or defined and thus, in an acute form, would be perpetu- ated the evils now felt. The Colonial Government would be exposed to all the special difficulties which would in conse- quence be created, more particularly with respect to the tribes of aboriginal Indians, who have never recognized other than British authority. 4. Further, the line proposed by Senor de Rojas would place within Venezuelan territory the outlets of that inland water system which, commencing in the center of the country of Essequibo, flows through a network of rivers and creeks to the sea, and enters the ocean by the Waini and Barima. It is by these channels that fugitives from justice are often enabled to baffle pursuit, and for the due administration of the law and repression of crime in British Guiana, it is essential that the Colonial Government should possess the control of these outlets. 5. As regards that portion of the territory which lies be- 61 tween the Moroco and the mouth of the Orinoco, Her Majesty's Government believe that no impartial person, after study- ing the records, can escape the conviction that the Barima was undoubtedly before, and at the time of the conclusion of the Treaty of Miinster (1648), held by the Dutch, and that the right of her Majesty's Governrnent to the territory up to that point is in consequence unassailable. 6. But they view it as of such importance to the welfare and material advancement of the Colony of British Guiana, that this long-pending boundary question should be speedily settled, that they think that if some of the rights of Great Britain can be waived, without serious detriment to the colony, it would be highly desirable to do so, if thereby settlement can be effected. 7. With this object in view, and in a spirit of conciliation, Her Majesty's Government have sought to suggest a boundary which, while it shall afford due protection to the interests of British Guiana, shall be such as to recognize the reasonable claims and requirements of Venezuela, and avoid the occasion for subsequent disputes. 8. They are disposed, therefore, to submit the following as a line of boundary, which they consider will yield to Venezuela every reasonable requirement, while securing the interests of British Guiana: The initial point to be fixed at a spot on the seashore twenty-nine miles of longitude due east from the right bank of the River Barima, and to be carried thence south over the mountain or hill called on Schomburgk original map the Yarikita Hill, to the 8th parallel of north latitude; thence west along the same parallel of latitude until it cuts the boun- dary line proposed by Schomburgk, and laid down on the map before mentioned, thence to follow such boundary along its course to the Acarabisi, following the Acarabisi to its junction with the Cuyuni, thence along the left bank of the River Cuyuni to its source, and thenee in a southeasterly direction to the line as proposed by Schomburgk to the Essequibo and Corentyne. 9. This boundary will surrender to Venezuela what has been called the Dardanelles of the Orinoco. It will give to Vene- zuela the entire command of the mouth of that river, and it 62 yields about one-half of the disputed territory, while it se- cures to British Guiana a well-defined natural boundary along almost its whole course, except for about the first fifty miles inland from the sea, where it is necessary to lay down an arbi- trary boundary in order to secure to Venezuela the undis- turbed possession of the mouths of the Orinoco; but even here advantage has been taken of well-defined natural land- marks. The Barima, connected as before mentioned by its tributaries with the center of the country of Essequibo, is also connected with the Waini by a channel through which the tide flows and ebbs. 10. The line of boundary now proposed will fall a little to the north of the junction of this channel with the Barima, thus placing these outlets within British Guiana, and enabling the Colonial Government to exercise efficient control over these means of communication with the interior of the colony. The high land referred to as Mount Yarikita is the top of the watershed between the Barima and the Amacuro at that point, and is near the range of hillocks shown on Schomburgk's map before mentioned. The line proposed does not encroach on any territory actually settled or occupied by Venezuela, and the difference between the line as proposed by Her Maj- esty's Government and that as proposed by Senor de Rojas, is as regards the portion of the territory most importantto Ven- ezuela, not very considerable, while anything short of this would fail to secure to British Guiana the command of the in- lets and outlets of her internal water communication. 11. The internal boundary suggested is one that would be well understood by the aboriginal Indians and others. All would soon learn that the boundary line ran along the Cuyuni from its source to its junction with the Acarabisi, and from that point along the Acarabisi to its source, and from there along the high lands which stretch thence in a northerly di- rection toward the sea. A line so well marked would prevent many complications and will commend itself, it is hoped, on that and the other grounds above stated, to the acceptance of the Venezuelan Government. 63 PART VII. Mr. Mansfield to Dr. Seijas. [Copy.] Caracas, October 15th, 1883. Monsieur le Ministre: By the last packet of the Royal Mail Company I received a communication from Lord Granville of no inconsiderable importance; the subjects therein treated are various, and I cannot too strongly impress upon Your Excellency my opinion that they should receive a careful and exhaustive considera- tion at the hands of the Venezuelan Government, a considera- tion which, indeed. His Excellency the President of the Republic is invariably disposed to accord to the communica- tions of friendly Governments and more especially to those of the Government of Great Britain; on the present occasion, however, when it is for the manifest and mutual advantage of both Governments that various outstanding points at issue, some indeed of long date, should receive a proximate and satisfactory solution, a careful consideration of the views of Her Majesty's Government becomes even yet more neces- sary. Lord Granville instructs me to invite the serious attention of the Venezuelan Government to the questions now pending between Great Britain and Venezuela, and I am to state that it is, in the opinion of Her Majesty's Government, desirable that an early settlement of them should be arrived at. Lord Granville has been for some time awaiting the arrival of Seflor Rojas in London in order to enter with him upon a discussion of the points at issue, but his recall has prevented Lord Granville from doing so, and his Lordship is desirous of knowing how soon His Excellency's successor may be ex- pected, and whether the new Minister will be furnished with such instructions as will enable him to take these matters in hand as soon as he arrives in Europe. 64 The questions to which Lord Granville refers are: ist. The boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana. 2nd. The differential duties imposed on imports from British Colonies. 3rd. The claims of the British creditors of the Republic. As a preliminary to entering upon negotiations, Lord Gran- ville considers it to be indispensable that an answer should be given to the proposals of Her Majesty's Government in re- gard to the Boundary; should that answer be in the affirma- tive, and should the other questions be satisfactorily settled,, the wishes of the Venezuelan Government in regard to the cession of the Island of Patos will receive favorable con- sideration. With reference to the differential duties, Her Majesty's Government will be prepared to discuss in the most friendly spirit, but without pledging themselves beforehand to accept them, the proposals of the Venezuelan Government for the- addition of supplemental articles to the treaty now existing between the two Countries. The question of foreign claims on Venezuela has formed the subject of a recent communication from the United States- Government to that of Her Majesty and before replying to it Lord Granville would be glad to be informed of the view which the Venezuelan Government take of the recommenda- tion, that they should pay to France over and above the stipulated pro-rata payments the sum of seven hundred and twenty thousand francs (frcs. 720,000). Her Majesty's Government consider that the questions to which Lord Granville refers should be dealt with as a whole,, and I am instructed to say that they attach great importance to a simultaneous settlement of them. Such, Your Excellency, are the exact views of Her Majesty's Government upon the subjects in question, and I cannot but feel convinced that the cordial and friendly spirit in which they are approached by Lord Granville will be met in a similar manner by the Government of Venezuela. The President of the Republic will not fail to observe the 65 tone of Lord Granville concerning the supplemental articles (not article) to the Treaty; and, although His Lordship enters into no distinct promise upon the subject I venture to think, that, when the matter comes regularly into discussion, the proposals of Venezuela will undergo every chance of meeting with acceptance by Her Majesty's Government. In renewing the assurance of my distinguished considera- tion, I have the honor to sign myself your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant. C. E. Mansfield. His Excellency Seiior Rafael Seijas, etc., etc., etc. Dr. Seijas to Mr. Mansfield. [Translation.] Department of Foreign Affairs — D. P. E. — No. 625. Caracas, November 15th, 1883. I have had the honour to receive the note dated 15th of October last, in which you set forth the tenor of the instruc- tions sent recently by Lord Granville, Minister of Foreign Affairs to Her Britannic Majesty, for the purpose of recom- mending most urgently to the Venezuelan Government the importance of coming to a speedy and complete conclusion of the questions pending between the two countries : viz., as His Lordship says: ist. Limits between Venezuela and Bristish Guiana; 2nd. Differential duties on the importations into Venezuela from British Colonies; 3rd. Pending claims of British creditors against the Re- public. And you add, with the authorization of Lord Granville, that the Government of Her Majesty will be disposed to consider favorably the reclamation of Venezuela referring to the Island of Patos, provided the arrangement of the questions mentioned heretofore come to a satisfactory solution, as it is to be hoped . 66 The terms in which the instructions of Lord Granville ap- pear to be conceived, as well as the interest they exhibit to arrive at a speedy and joint solution of the debated points, are highly appreciated by His Excellency the President of the Republic, as they are a proof of the very friendly tendency and elevated intentions of the Government of Her Majesty, and justify and confirm at the same time the persuasion, which never has abandoned the mind of His Excellency the Presi- dent, of its being impossible, in view of the antecedents, that the disposition of the Government of Great Britain towards the Republic of Venezuela could cease to be a noble one. Without any legitimate reasons or motives which in any way could be looked at as antagonistic between the two nations, considering the secular wisdom of the Cabinet of St. James, the constant cordiality of the young Republic to correspond in a worthy manner to those friendly feelings, and the recipro- cal demonstrations of special deference shown at all times, there could, at the present time, exist no other prospect besides the possibility of dispelling any cause of discussion between the two Governments. There remains one difficulty of a secondary character in ref- erence to the modus operandi, and I have been instructed by His Excellency the President to bring it to the consideration of the Government of Her Majesty, in the hope that it may be removed. This difficulty consists principally in the very desire of His Excellency the President of the Republic, to have the glory of arranging, in a manner convenient and effective to both sides, before the 20th of February next, at which day his Excellency has to retire from the Executive office, every difference in the important relations between the Republic and Great Britain, with the perfect security that the Congress of the Republic will give full approbation to whatever His Excel- lency may have agreed upon. This desire, which is in perfect harmony with that expressed so urgently by the noble Lord Granville, would not be opposed to the intention of carrying on the negotiations in London, if 67 His Excellency the President could at present, in accordance with our laws, decide to send a Miriister of the Republic to Her Majesty; but this unfortunately he cannot do under the "budget of the present fiscal year, nor shall he be able to do so before next spring, in accordance with the new budget. However, the question of limits being the principal point amongst those recommended by Lord Granville, it must be observed that precisely this point has caused a delay in the course of the negotiations for the time of one year, as the Government was anxious to overcome by any means whatever the serious difficulty which the Constitution or Fundamental Law of the Republic presents to the conclusion of Treaties on Boundaries. It denies most explicitly to its High Powers the faculty of alienating, or making cession of the smallest part of the territory under the recognized dominion of the Repub- lic, in no case or manner whatever, even if it were as an in- demnification in exchange. For one year the President has been consulting the opinion of jurisconsults and pubhc men of high standing, in order to get any information that might lead to the solution of the Guiana Boundary question by means of a Treaty. But all the documents and all men of talent that have been con- sulted, have confirmed more and more the belief that the river Essequibo is the lawful boundary inherited by the Republic, with the Colony belonging formerly to the Dutch, and now to England. Thus the impossibility became apparent to con- clude this discussion otherwise than through the interven- tion of an arbiter who, by the free and unanimous election of both Governments, should judge and give a final sentence. This is the obstacle which His Excellency the President finds to comply as readily as he should like to do with the desire of Lord Granville to put an end to all discussion between the two Governments by means of a Treaty. A sentence de jure would be an obligatory and expedient solution of the boundary question; and therefore His Excellency the President orders me to recommend most earnestly, through you as the worthy organ, to the consideration of Lord 68 Granville the urgency of unanimously electing an arbiter, sO' that from now till February the friendly intentions of both Governments may be satisfied; a measure which will be only dependent on the Government of Her Majesty being pleased to send instructions to the British Legation at Caracas, for the purpose of agreeing with the Venezuelan Government about such an election without any further delay. The negotiations about supplementing the actual Treaty, as proposed by Venezuela on account of this being most necessary to its better intelligence in the future, as well as the difficulties arising from differential duties, the claims of British creditors, and the Island of Patos, might be brought to a desirable solu- tion whilst the sentence in the boundary question is pend- ing, if the Government of Her Majesty, in view of the stress of circumstances resulting from the short term of the 20th of February, would agree to have these negotiations carried on at Caracas. Thus His Excellency would have the satisfac- tion to reach before the 20th of February the end he wishes for, to leave arranged every difficulty between the Republic and Great Britain, her friend for many years. It would be concurrent to the purpose if the noble Lord Granville were pleased to include the claims of British sub- jects against Venezuela in the instructions to be sent to the British Legation at Caracas, so as to accept the agreement proposed to the Government of Her Majesty for converting the remainder of these claims into Diplomatic Debt repre- sented by 3 per cent, bonds. In this connection it may be per- tinent to remember here that Italy, by virtue of a Treaty, has accepted this mode of payment, which is to-day the most common, and at the same time the most advantageous for the legitimate creditor and the honest debtor. Spain accepted it for liquidating the claims of her subjects, who are well satis- fied with it. Germany, in consequence, has declared that she will accept it also provided the other creditors do the same. With respect to the indication of Lord Granville which emanates from another one made by the Government of the United States referring to the French claims, this Govern- 69 ment has officially acquainted the French Government, who has declined to accept the fractional amount due to it of the 13 percent, set off by the law for the diplomatic claims, that the sum of 400,000 francs shall be paid in cash, in order that the remainder of the claims, which when liquidated perhaps does not come up to as much, should be paid in 3 per cent, bonds of the Diplomatic Debt or with fr. 13,242 a month, instead of fr. 11,637, which is to-day the fractional amount due to France. I have thus fulfilled the orders of the President with all the •clearness and precision consistent with the brevity of time from now till the 20th of February, and as the noble Lord Granville most urgently requests, a desire which you have so courteously communicated ; and His Excellency the Pres- ident hopes to see reaHzed the glory to which he aspires, namely, to leave the Government of the Republic in the most friendly accord and without point of discussion with that of Great Britain. I remain, sir, your obedient servant. (Signed) Rafael Seijas. To His Excellency, Colonel C. E. Mansfield, Minister Resident to Her British Majesty. Mr. Mansfield to Dr. Seijas. [Copy.] Caracas, March nth, 1884. Monsieur le Ministre : With reference to some communications which passed be- twecM Your Excellency's Office and this Legation in Novem- ber of the past year I have the honor to inform Your Ex- cellency that I am in receipt of a despatch from Earl Gran- ville dated the 15th of January which has been much delayed owing to the recent storms in the Atlantic. In the despatch in question I am instructed to state to Your Excellency that Her Majesty's Government fear that it would be found im- practicable considering the importance and complicated nature of the questions at issue between the two Governments, to 70 bring them to a settlement before the expiration of the Presi- dent's term of office; and, further, I am to say, that if the Venezuelan Government should not decide to send a Diplo- matic Representative to London, instructions will be prepared to enable Her Majesty's Representative at Caracas to carry on negotiations. Availing myself of this opportunity to renew the assurance of my distinguished consideration I have the honor to be Your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant. C. E. Mansfield. His Excellency Senor Rafael Seijas, etc., etc., etc. Dr. Seijas to Mr. Mamfield. [Translation.] Department of Foreign Affairs. — D. P. E. No. 219. Caracas, March 15th, 1884. Sir: I have read to the President of the Republic the official note in which Your Excellency communicates to me that Her Majesty's Government feared that the pending questions be- tween the two countries would not be brought to an end, on account of their importance and complicated nature, before General Guzman Blanco finishes his present term of office; and, that in case Venezuela does not send to London a Diplomatic Agent, instruclions would be given to Your Excellency to continue negotiations in Caracas. It may be easily understood that the President, having such a great interest for the welfare of his country, should desire to present his fellow-citizens, as a proof of his love for it, with the settlement of said questions, in order to secure thus the permanent good understanding of Venezuela and Great Britain, which has been one of the principal objects his Administration has aimed at. Since it has been impossible to do so during his Adminis- tration, he hopes that one of the first cares of the next will be 71 to appoint a Plenipotentiary of Venezuela in London ; and he entertains the hope that this will take place soon, and will make it possible to carry on the negotiations which have been mentioned, and bring them to an issue. I beg to renew to Your Excellency the assurances of my high consideration. Rafael Seijas. To His Excellency Colonel C. E. Mansfield, Her Britannic Majesty's Minister Resident. Mr. Mansfield to Dr. Seijas. [Copy.] Caracas, March 29th, 1884. Monsieur le Ministre : With reference to Your Excellency's note of November the 15th of last year, I have the honor to bring to the notice of the President of the Republic that I have received a dis- patch from Lord Granville, dated February 29, instructing me to state that Her Majest3''s Government are not of opinion that the boundary between this Republic and British Guiana should be referred to arbitration, but express, at the same time, the hope, that some other means may be desired for bringing this long-standing matter to an issue satisfactory to both powers. With sentiments of distinguished consideration, I have the honor to be Your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant. C. E. Mansfield. His Excellency Seiior Rafael Seijas, etc., etc., etc. [Translation.] Dr. Seijas to Mr. Mansfield. Department of Foreign Affairs. — D. P. E. — No. 251. Caracas, April 2nd, 1884. Sir: I have received Your Excellency's note of the 29th of last March in which you state that His Excellency, Her Britannic 72 Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, has authorized your Legation to inform the President of the Republic that Her Majesty's Government are not willing to submit the question of limits between Venezuelan Guiana and British Guiana to arbi- tration, expressing at the same time the hope that another means may be found of putting an end to this long-standing question in a manner satisfactory to both countries. In the note which I addressed on the 15th of November last to Your Excellency, I stated the grounds upon which the President based his proposals to submit the matter to arbitra- tion. The first and principal one was that Article 12 of the Constitution of the Republic forbids all alienations of territory; and, as there is a disagreement between the two parties as to the extent of territory belonging to each, the decision of an arbitrator could alone determine whether the pretension of this country has or has not any foundation. It was furthermore borne in mind that, precisely in regard to this same question of limits. Lord Aberdeen, then Her Britannic Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs proposed again and again to the Plenipotentiary of Venezuela, Dr. Fortique, in a conference held on the 29th of July, 1S43, to resort to arbitration as a' means of solving the question. It was furthermore recalled that, as the result of the agree- ment made at the conference held in Paris in 1856 on the prop- osition of the Plenipotentiary of Great Britain, the latter's Legation in Caracas suggested to the Venezuelan Govern- ment to invoke the good offices of some friendly Power in order to prevent international conflicts, which was promptly and willingly acceded to by the latter, with the understanding that this involved not only mediation but arbitration. It was thought likewise that this means of settling inter- national controversies, besides being the fittest, as far as boundary questions were concerned, is daily gaining the ap- proval of the most enlightened and hberal nations. Great Britain is one of those who have been foremost in this struggle of progress. The present Prime Minister of Great Britain once ex- 73 pressed himself in the following terms before the House of ■Commons: "As for the proposition to submit international misunderstandings to arbitration, I think that it is in itself a great triumph. This is. perhaps, the first time that the rep- resentatives of the principal nations of Europe have given an «mphatical expression to feelings which at least contain a limited disapproval of the resort to war, and vindicated the supremacy of reason, of justice, of humanity and of religion." The above referred to the spirit which prevailed at the afore- said Paris conference. The proposition of Mr. Richards, to recommend to Her Majesty to instruct the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to put himself in communication with other Powers in order to im- iprove International Law and to establish a general and per- manent system of arbitration between nations, was approved in 1S73 by a majority of 98 votes against 88. It is affirmed that Sir John Bowring introduced the principle •of arbitration into treaties which he negotiated with Belgium, Italy, Switzerland, Spain, Sweden, Norway and Hanover. I need not recall the practical instances in which Great Britain has adopted arbitration for the settlement of inter- national disputes, among them being questions of limits, as, for example, those submitted in 1830 to the King of Holland and in 1871 to the Emperor of Germany. I will mention in conclusion as it is of more recent occur- rence, the clause of arbitration introduced in the protocol an- nexed to the treaty made between Great Britain and Italy on the 5th of June, 1883, which met with the applause of the As- sociation of International Arbitration existing in England, in an address signed by eight members of the House of Lords, by forty-five of the House of Commons, and by Professors of the Oxford, Cambridge and London Universities, as well as by magistrates, merchants and other prominent persons of the United Kingdom. But, as Her Britannic Majesty's Cabinet is of a different opinion in the present instance, the President has instructed me to request them, without losing sight of the constitu- 74 tional situation of Venezuela, to kindly select and point out another acceptable way of obtaining a settlement of this diffi- culty, which the RepubHc so anxiously desires. I beg to renew to Your Excellency the assurance of my distinguished consideration. Rafael Seijas. To His Excellency Col. C. E. Mansfield, H. B. M. Minister Resident. Mr. Mansfield to Dr. Seijas. [Copy.] Caracas, April 7th, 1884. Monsieur le Ministre: I hasten to offer my best thanks for Your Excellency's very interesting note upon the subject of arbitration in the matter of the Boundary between British Guiana and the territory of this Republic. I shall not fail to transmit to Lord Granville a copy and translation of your Excellency's Note; Her Majesty's Govern- ment are as desirous as that of Venezuela to procure the set- tlement of this long-standing difference and the subject will doubtless be discussed between Lord Granville and the new Venezuelan Minister at an early period after the arrival of the latter in London. For the present Her Majesty's Government does not appear to be of opinion that arbitration is applicable to the question, and Lord Granville, I admit, holds out little expectation to me in his dispatch, that Her Majesty's Government will be dis- posed to alter their view of the case, but much may be ex- pected in the way of settlement of our various pending ques- tions, when the new Venezuelan Minister shall have arrived in England and find himself in direct communication with Her Majesty's Government. With the renewed assurance of my distinguished consider- ation, I have the honor to be Your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant. C. E. Mansfield. His Excellency Senor Rafael Seijas, etc., etc., etc. 75 Same to Same. [Copy. J Caracas, April 8th, 1884. Monsieur le Ministre : With reference to the last paragraph of Your Excellency's Note of the 2d of this monjth, inviting a suggestion for a so- lution of the question concerning the frontier between this Republic and British Guiana, a solution which must neces- sarily be in accordance with the provisions of the Venezuelan Constitution, I beg to say that I have been giving the subject my best consideration, examining, at the same time, the article of the Constitution to which allusion is made by Your Excel- lency. It has occurred to me, that it may be worthy of the consid- eration of the President to weigh whether a district about the sovereig7ity of which, since the earliest days of the Republic of Venezuela there has existed a discussion with a foreign Power, is to be regarded as forming so integral a. portion of the terri- tory of the Republic as to preclude the possibility within the limits of the Constitution of a rectification of frontier by treaty; I make use of the latter term with intention and advisedly; the question appears to me one essentially of rectification of frontier, for neither in the proposals of Lord Aberdeen, nor in those made by Lord Granville to Senor Rojas does Her Majesty's Government suggest that the whole of the territory which at 07ie time was assumed to be comprised in our posses- sions as inherited from the Dutch, should now be declared to be British territory. As I understand the case, the original frontier by both pro- posals has receded in 2, i&t\?,n by Dr. Pulido, left zuith Sir Th. Sariderson, Her Britminic Majesty's U?ider Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Jujie 24, i8go. The Government of the United States of Venezuela is very desirous to renew diplomatic relations with Her Britannic Maj- esty's Government and wishes to see the said relations re-estab- lished under cordial and durable basis. My Government has honored me with full instructions to this effect, and, animated by the most conciliatory feelings, I shall be most happy if I arrive at a final arrangement with Her Majesty's Government. My Government has seen with great regret the communica- tion exchanged in the months of February and March last, between ]Mr. Urbaneja, my predecessor, and yourself as Under Secretary at Her Majesty's Foreign Office. And with partic- ular regret has my Government received j-our last communi- cation, dated the 19th of March ultimo, addressed to Mr. Ur- baneja, as in the said communication the conditions under which Her ^Majesty's Government would consent to a settle- ment of the question pending with the United States of Ven- ezuela are peremptorilly defined. The emphatic statements therein contained in reference to the bonndary question be- tween Her Majesty's Colony of British Guiana and the United States of Venezuela, which is in fact the only serious differ- ence existing between both Governments, create difficulties not hitherto contemplated bv my Government, and which render impossible a just and honorable settlement. I am in- structed by my Government to formally decline the consider- ation of said proposals. I am, however, quite ready and most disposed to take part in an informal conference, as suggested by the Honorable Air. Blaine, Secretary of State of the United States of America, composed of the United States ^Minister, a representative of Great Britain, and myself as the representative of the United States of Venezuela, to endeavor to reach, by a friendly dis- cussion of the pending difficulties, a final settlement which would permit the Governments of Venezuela and Her Bri- tannic ^Majesty to renew their friendly relations. 239 The pending difficulties relative to the additional duties im- posed in Venezuela upon Colonial imports ; to the modifica- tion of the existing Treaty of Commerce and to certain British claims of other nature against my Government, will be arranged as soon as diplomatic relations between both Governments are re-established; and I do not hesitate to state that the instruc- tions of my Government on these matters are of the most cor- dial and satisfactory character. The only pending difficulty between the two Governments over which public opinion in Venezuela is exceedingly excited, and in regard to which my Government must act with great prudence, is the one relating to the boundary between Her Majesty's Colony of British Guiana and the United States of Venezuela. It is materially impossible to settle this question within a short time, but preliminary steps can be at once taken as basis for a final settlement, which steps I have the honor to submit to the consideration of Her Majesty's Government in the present Memorandum. I would suggest for the renewal of diplomatic relations be- tween the Government of the United States of Venezuela and Her Majesty's Government, that a preliminary agreement be made between both Governments for the purpose of arriving at the final settlement of the boundary question under the fol- lowing basis : 1st. The Government of the United States of Venezuela should formally declare that the Essequibo, its banks, and the lands covering it, belong to British Guiana, and Her Majesty's Government should formally declare that the Orinoco river, its banks, and the lands covering it, belong exclusively to the United States of Venezuela. 2d. Considering that the region to the West and Northwest of the Essequibo River toward the Orinoco River is not officially well-known, and considering that the surveys made by the explor- er, Mr. Schomburgk, cannot be invoked as a title of property against the United States of Venezuela, in the same manner in which the surveys made by several Venezuelan explorers can- not be invoked as a title of property against Her Majesty's Colony of British Guiana, both Governments should at once 240 agree to appoint a Mixed Commission, composed of two Chief Engineers and their respective staffs, to proceed to make without any dela}-, and in the course of one 3'ear, the choro- graphical, geographical, and hydrographical maps and charters of the said region, in order to officially determine the exact course of the rivers and streams, the precise position and situ- ation of the mountains and hills, and all other valuable de- tails which would afford to both Governments a reliable official knowledge of the territory which is actually in dispute. 3d. The said official maps and charters would enable both Governments to determine, with a mutual feeling of friendship and good-will, a boundary with perfect knowledge of the case, and a natural boundary between British Guiana and the United States of Venezuela should in all cases be preferred and de- termined. 4th. But, if in view of such official maps and charters, both Governments do not agree upon a friendly boundary, it should from the present moment be agreed that, in such an event, the final decision and settlement of the boundary question should be submitted to two arbitrators appointed, one by each Gov- ernment, and a third one elected by the two arbiters for cases of discord, to decide the question, and in view of the original titles and documents which both Governments would then sub- mit to justify their claims to the lands or territories in dispute,, the said arbitrators should be authorized to fix a boundary line, which, being in accordance with the respective rights and titles, should have the advantage of constituting as far as possible a natural boundary. 5th. In order to arrive at this desirable result and to pre- vent an}- chance of international susceptibilities, both Govern- ments should agree to withdraw or remove all posts or an^• other indications or signs of presumptive possession and do- minion on the said region; until the final boundary has been fixed in the manner aforesaid, and therefore neither Govern- ment shall exercise any jurisdiction upon the disputed region, pending the final arrangement. Lucio PULIDO. London, June 24, 1890. 241 Sir Th. Sa?iderson to Dr. Pulido. Foreign OpprcE, July 24th, 1890. Sir : I duly submitted to Lord Salisbury the memorandum which you were good enough to leave with me on the 24th ultimo, containing the proposals for the resumption of diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Venezuela, and for the settlement of the frontier between the Republic and the Colony of British Guiana: I have now the honor, by direction of Lord Salisbury, to transmit to you a Memorandum containing the reply of Her Majesty's Government to those proposals. The reply would not, as you will perceive, exclude further discussion on the special points connected with the frontier which you mentioned at our interview. But Lord Salisbury has received with great surprise during the last few days the intelligence of the issue by the Govern- ment of Venezuela of two decrees, of which copies are inclosed herewith, purporting to establish Venezuelan administration in the districts between Point Barima and the River Pumeroon, and in the neighborhood of the point where the Cuyuni de- bouches into the Essequibo. Such notices can have no prac- tical effect, and any attempt to put them into execution could only be regarded as an invasion of the Colony and dealt with accordingly. But Lord Salisbury desires me to state that he cannot but regard the publication of the decrees, at the present moment, as entirely inconsistent with the professed desire of the Vene- zuelan Government to come to a settlement of pending differ- ences by means of friendly discussion. Unless the decrees are withdrawn with satisfactory explana- tions, it appears to him that it will be useless to continue the present negotiations, and that although he will regret their suspension, it will be necessary to defer them until the Vene- 242 zuelan Government are prepared to treat the question in a more conciliatory spirit. I have the honor to be with the highest consideration, Mon- sieur le Ministre, Your most obedient and humble servant, Th. Sanderson. Senor Don Lucio Pulido. Memorandum Referred to in the Foregoing Note of Sir Th. Sanderson. Senor Pulido's Memorandum of the 24th ultimo has received the careful consideration of Her Majesty's Government, who have been desirous of examining in the most friendly and impartial spirit any proposals which the Venezuelan Govern- ment may wish to offer for the resumption of diplomatic rela- tions and the settlement of pending differences. In Senor Pulido's opinion the only matter which presents real difficulties is the question of the frontier between Vene- zuela and British Guiana, upon which he states that the public opinion in Venezuela is greatly excited. He thinks that it is materially impossible to settle this question in a short time, but as a step towards its final solution he proposes a preliminary agreement to the following effect : Venezuela to recognize the title of British Guiana to the ex- clusive possession of the River Essequibo, with its banks and the lands covering it, while Her Majesty's Government would similarly recognize the title of Venezuela to the exclusive pos- session of the River Orinoco, its banks, and the lands covering it. A Mixed Commission of Engineers appointed bj- the two Governments to survey in the course of a year, the country to the west and northwest of the Essequibo River and the two Governments then to proceed, with the information thus ob- tained, to lay down a frontier between their respective territo- ries, giving the preference to a natural boundary. In case of their being unable to agree on a line, the decision of the boun- dary to be referred to two arbitrators to be appointed one by 243 each GaLvernment, and if they should disagree, to a third arbi- trator to he chosea by the other two. Pending these discus- sions, both Governments to withdraw all posts and signs of presumptive possession or dominion from the territory in dispute. Her Majesty's Government regret that this proposal is not such as they would feel justified in accepting. The proposed declaration, if it be correctly understood, would recognize the right of Great Britain to the main stream only of the Essequibo and the land immediately upon its banks, without including its tributaries, in exchange for a sim- ilar recognition of the right of Venezuela to the main stream of the Orinoco and the lands upon its banks and in the neigh- borhood of its mouth, including Point Barimaand the adjacent district, while the whole intervening country would remain subject to discussion and in last resort to arbitration. Such a transaction is clearly inadmissible, For in this manner Vene- zuela would maintain her full claim, surrendering nothing to which she can hope to show any legitimate title, while Great Britain would not only admit the discussion of claims upon the part of Venezuela, for which she has constantly maintained that there is no serious foundation, but would at once and unconditionally abandon a considerable portion of territory of which she is in actual occupation. That territory, and by far the greater portion of the large tract of country which the Venezuelan Government seeks to put in question, accrued to the Netherlands under the Treaty of Munster of 1648 by right of previous occupation. It was constantly held and claimed by the States-General in succeed- ing years. It was publicly and effectively occupied by Great Britain during the wars at the close of the last century, and the formal transfer of the country so occupied was effected by the Treaty of Peace with the Netherlands of August 13th, 1814, and was in no way questioned by Spain in the conclusion of peace with her in the same year. Her Majesty's Government would have no object in joining in such a survey, as is proposed by Senor Pulido, of country 244 which is already sufficiently well known to them and which has been scientifically surveyed by British Engineers. For manj' years past British administration has been familiar with the greater part of the districts watered bj' the Cuyuni and Massaruni Riyers. There is, therefore, already at the disposal of the two Governments ample information for the purpose of settling a general line of frontier, although the decision of any minor points of detail might be properly left to a mixed com- mission of delimitation. Her Majesty's Government have indicated in previous state- ments the extent of the full territorial claim which they be- lieve themselves entitled to make. They have also defined the line within which they consider the British title to be un- questionable. In offering that certain portions of their claim beyond that line should be submitted to arbitration they ex- pressed their willingness to exclude from the proposed refer- ence those valuable districts in the neighborhood of Guacipati, which although falling within their claim, have for some time been in Venezuelan occupation, and in regard to which an arbitral decision adverse to Venezuela might have caused her consid- erable embarrassment and would have involved heavy pecuniary claims on the part of Great Britain on account of revenue re- ceived in past years. They regret to see that this offer on their part does not ap- pear to have been appreciated or to have met with any re- sponse on the part of Venezuela. Her Majesty's Government would not object to receive for examination and possible dis- cussion any suggestion for modification of their proposal in points where the Government of Venezuela consider that the interests of the Republic are seriously involved, but they are unable to depart from the general principle on which those proposals are based, or to accept an eventual reference to arbitration of a character so extensive as the method of procedure suggested by Senor Pulido would not improbably involve. Her Majesty's Government have more than once explained that they cannot consent to submit to arbitration what they 245 regard as their indisputable title to districts in the possession of the British Colony. Every fresh investigation tends only to enforce and en- large that title, and to make it more incumbent on them to maintain it as an act of justice to the rights and interests of the Colony. Personal Suggestion. {^M ode in Writing by Sir Th. Sanderson.') A line starting from Point Mocomoco, between Point Ba- rima and the River Waini, and striking S. W. to the Amacuro River. In exchange for compensation the frontier line would follow the course of the River Uruan from its junction with the River Cuyuni, and might be extended to the Sierra Usupamo and Sierra Rinocoto. Dr. Pulido to Sir Th. Sanderso?i. Plenipotency of the United States OF Venezuela. London, August 4, 1890. Sir : I have received your note of the 24th of last month, to which you have been pleased to join, in a memorandum. Her British Majesty's Government's reply to the one I had the honor to place in your hands on the 24th of June last, containing the counter propositions and the answer of the Government of Venezuela to the propositions presented by you to Senor Urbaneja, my predecessor, in the communication of March 19th of current year for the re-establishment of diplomatic re- lations between the two Governments, and the solution of the pending questions. In this note you inform me, "That Lord Salisbury has re- ceived with great surprise during the last few days the intelli- gence of the issue by the Government of Venezuela of two decrees of which copies are enclosed herewith, purporting to 246 establish Venezuelan administrations in the district between Point Barima and the River Pumaron and in the neighborhood of the point where the Cuvuni debouches into the Essequibo." And farther on, "Unless the decrees are withdrawn, with satisfactory explanations, that it appears to him that it will be useless to continue the present negotiations, and that although he shall regret the suspension, it will be necessary to defer them until the Venezuelan Government are prepared to treat this question in a more conciliatory spirit." I have no information from my Government in reference to this new incident ; but I think it opportune to suggest that this confirms the necessity of adjusting, in the form emplo3'ed between civilized nations, the frontiers between Venezuela and the English Colony of Guiana, and at the same time this shows how much it is to be regretted that Her British Majesty's Gov- ernment should persist in refusing to submit them to the study and decision of arbitrators, as Venezuela has been proposing for the last ten years, and as other nations are doing who have possessions in this same Guiana. In effect, these frontiers which are more or less uncertain or undefined, from Her Majesty's Government's point of view, as they have been successively extending them solely on their own authority during the last fifty years, cannot but give rise to conflicts upon the rights of authoritj' and territorial juris- diction. If Her British Majesty's Government has occupied in 1884 these territories, declared as contestable and neutral by both Governments in 1850, and takes measures proper to a permanent establishment therein, there is, in reality, no reason to be surprised that Venezuela does not abandon her rights and her jurisdiction upon them while the question is not settled in the customary form, or while said territories are not taken from her by force, which unhappily is still imposed upon them as an inexorable necessity. I will transmit to my Government the communication and memorandum you have sent me, reserving my definite answer for such a time as I may receive the necessary information and instructions. 247 I have the honor, sir, to present to you the assurance of my highest consideration. LUCIO PULIDO. This is a copy, The Chancellor, J. Pimentel. Sir Th. Sanderson, Under Secretary of Her British Majesty in the Department of Foreign Affairs. Dr. Pulido to the Venezuelan Mi?iister of Foreign Affairs. (Number i8.) Plenipotency of the United States of Venezuela. London, August 6th, 1890. Ciudadano Miiiistro : I write this communication as a necessary complement to the one addressed to you yesterday, numbered 17. Wishing to penetrate into the meaning of the intimations contained in the paragraphs from the communication and mem- orandum of Sir Th. Sanderson, dated on the 24th of last month, which I inserted in my said communication on the 30th of the same month, I asked him for an audience, which was imme- diately granted to me. I went to see him on the 31st, and we had a long and interesting conference, in which I maintained the rights of Venezuela. I asked him the meaning of said paragraphs, and he answered me that Her Britannic Majesty's Government was disposed to listen and to take into considera- tion the propositions of Venezuela to trace a line reciprocally convenient, not far removed from the " Schomburgk line,'' and that in reference to the mouth of the Orinoco and Point Bar- ima, they would be abandoned to Venezuela, upon condition that, in compensation for this, there should be given to them a certain tract of land, to be agreed upon, between the Uruan river (Yuruan on the map) and the Cuyuni west of the "Schom- burgk line," and he showed me on the map at the same time. Upon my solicitation to write down his idea, he did so with his own hand upon the paper which I enclose herewith, the translation of which is as follows : 248 " A line starting from Point Mocomoco between Point Bar- ima and River Guaima, and touching the Amacuro river at the southwest." " In exchange or compensation, the boundary line will follow the course of the river Uruan (Yuruan) from its junction with the Cuyuni river, and might be extended to the Usupamo range or to the Rinocoto range of mountains." When I had the papar in my hands, he asked for it, and wrote on the top " Personal Suggestion," saying that a di- plomat should not expose his ideas in such a manner ; but I am convinced that the purpose of the "suggestion" is really official. He then added that Great Britain, in case of an ad- justment, would withdraw her claims upon the other territories not occupied by her and that lay outside of the original " Schom- burgk line," upon which she could maintain her rights with probable success before an arbitrator. I answered him that there was no occasion for compensation when a thing is given up upon which no rights exist, and that such is the case with England's occupation of the mouths of the Orinoco ; that the proper term to be employed is restitution, and I added that the territory demanded appeared very large. He replied that it had no value on account of its remote situation, while that at the mouth of the Orinoco was of great political and com- mercial importance ; that, in case of negotiation, all this would be taken into consideration to make them compensatory, and that he looked upon it from the point of view of accomplished facts. I informed him that my duty was to confine mvself to lis- tening to him, always protesting against the injustice done to Venezuela, and against the abuse of might on the part of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, as I had no instructions to treat of the question on that ground, and that all the declara- tions that I had made, either orally or in writing, should be considered in force. But that I could not but take note of his propositions, and recognize the fact that the exclusive possession of the mouths of the Orinoco was a capital ques- tion for Venezuela, and for this reason Her Britannic Maj- 249 esty's Government's promise of its restitution would be duly appreciated by the Venezuelan Government, whom I should inform of his communications, and of the conference that we were holding at present, and that at the proper time an answer would be given, either by me or through any other medium, as the state of my health obliged me to return to Venezuela at the beginning of the autumn. LUCIO PULIDO. To the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the United States of Venezuela. Dr. Pulido to Sif Th. Sanderson. Plenipotency of thr United States OF Venezuela, In London. No. 19 Rue Daru, Paris, September 30th, 1890. Sir : As I had the honor to inform you, in our last interview, I shall depart for Venezuela on the 8th of next month, on leave of absence granted by my Government, to spend the winter in Caracas. By order of the Government of Venezuela my secretary, Senor J. Pimentel, will be left in charge ad interim to conduct the special mission before Her British Majesty's Government with which I was honored, and I hope you will bestow upon him the same kind attention and confidence with which you have distinguished me personally, I take this opportunity to say that my Government has in- formed me by recent communications, that your note of the 24th of July last, and the annexed memorandum, were under consideration, and that in due time you would be informed of the decision. The Government of Venezuela desires to find acceptable bases for the adjustment of the frontiers with Brit- ish Guiana, and is moved by the conciliatory spirit indispensa- ble in all negotiations. If Her British Majesty's Government respond to these sentiments and desires, and will give to Ven- ezuela that share of justice to which she is entitled, I have no doubt but that they will come to an agreement. But, should the contrary be the case, I am instructed to convey to you that 250 Venezuela will never recognize the occupation of the territo- ries of Guiana, which, since 1850, have been declared disputa- ble and neutral, nor will she recognize the steps that may be taken, either by the Colonial authorities or Her British Maj- esty's Government to permanently occupy them, reserving for all time her rights to reclaim them. Please accept. Sir, the assurance of the highest consideration with which I remain, Your respectful servant, Lucio PULIDO. By the Chancellor, Augustus F. Pulido, Attache. To Sir Th. Sanderson, Her British Majesty's Under Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Sir Th. Sanderson to Dr. Puildo. Foreign' Office, October 7th, 1890. Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 30th ultimo, informing me that you are about to leave for Caracas, and that, during your absence, your secre- tary, Sefior Pimentel, will remain provisionally charged with the special mission to the Government of Her Britannic Maj- esty, with which you have been entrusted. You also state that your Government is considering the note which, by the direction of the Marquis of Salisbury, I had the honor of addressing you on the 24th of July last, in regard to the boundaries between Venezuela and British Guiana. I have already had the honor of receiving Seiior Pimentel, and Lord Salisbury desires me to assure you that any com- munication which he may make by order of his Government will receive immediate attention. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, Th. Sanderson. Sefior Don L. Pulido, 19 Rue Dam, Paris. 251 PART XII. [Translation.] Dr. Michelejia to Lord Rosebery. Previtali Hotel, Arundel Street. London, May 23d, 1893. My Lord : The Government of the United States of Venezuela, moved by a desire to adjust the differences pending with Her Britan- nic Majesty's Government and to re-establith the diplomatic relations which have been suspended between the two coun- tries, has been pleased to commission me as Confidential Agent, with full powers ad hoc, to consult with the Honorable Chancellery as to the means which may best tend to promptly accomplish that end. In consequence, I have the honor to send herewith to Your Excellency a copy of the full power which authorizes me to discuss said points, and I beg Your Excellency to kindly ap- point a day and hour when I may have the honor of being re- ceived, or to designate a person with whom I may commence the negotiations. I avail myself of this opportunity to assure your Excellency of the high consideration with which I have the honor to sub- scribe myself, Your Excellency's most obedient servant, TOMAS MiCHELENA. To his Excellency, the Earl of Rosebery, Secretary of State, etc., etc. Reply to the Above by Lord Rosebery. [Retranslation.] Lord Rosebery presents his respects to Senor T, Michelena, and in answer to his note of yesterday, has the honor of in- forming him that he will be pleased to receive him at 3 p. m. to-morrow, Thursday. Department of Foreign Affairs, May 24, 189 J. 252 Dr. Michclcna to Lord Rosebery. [Translation.] Confidential Agency of the Republic of Venezuela. Previtali Hotel, Arundel Street. London, May 26, 1893. My Lord: In conformity with the wish expressed by Your Excellency at our interview on yesterday, I have the honor to inclose herewith, for Your Excellency's consideration, a Pro Menwria containing the basis upon which, in the opinion of the Govern- ment of Venezuela, an adjustment may be arrived at of the differences existing between the two countries, aud the re- establishment of their diplomatic relations. I trust that Your Excellency will see in the basis proposed in the Pro Menwria evidences that the present Government of Venezuela wishes to offer to Her Majesty's Government, as far as its legal responsibilities permit, the most friendly means within the bounds of international practice, to end a situation which embarrasses the active and frank relations which should exist between the two countries. At the same time it has given me great pleasure to learn from Your Excellency that Her Britannic Majesty's Govern- ment entertains the same desire. This leads me to hope that, on the present occasion, the negotiations thus commenced to that end, may not be fruitless. I have the honor to remain, with highest consideration. Your Excellency's most obedient servant, TOMAS MiCHELENA. To His Excellency, Lord Rosebery, Her British Majesty's Secretary of State. Pro Menioria above Referred to. [Translation.] Bases for the conclusion of a preliminary agreement be- tween Her British Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States of Venezuela, with the object of re-estab- 253 lishing diplomatic relations and of amicably adjusting the various questions now pending between them: 1st. The Government of Great Britain claiming certain ter- ritory in Guiana as successor to the rights of the Netherlands, and the Government of Venezuela claiming a portion of said territory as heir of Spain, prompted by an amicable spirit, and being desirous of putting an end to all differences respect- ing the titles, jurisdiction, and dominion of each to and over said territory in dispute, hereby agree and stipulate that after offi- cial relations shall have been re-established between the two countries in consequence of the ratification of this preliminary agreement by the respective Governments, each party shall appoint one or more delegates invested with full powers to conclude a treaty of limits, based upon the conscientious ex- amination which they may make of the documents, titles, and antecedents which may prove the respective claims, it being understood that the decision of doubtful points, or the demar- cation of a frontier line, upon which the delegates so ap- pointed may not agree, shall be submitted to the final and un- appealable decision of a judicial arbiter, to be appointed by common consent of both Governments. 2d. The Government of Venezuela, with the object of re- establishing relations with her Britannic Majesty's Government upon a footing of a greater cordiality, shall immediately pro- ceed to conclude a new treaty of commerce, abrogating the additional duty of 30 per cent., and substituting therefor an- other of a definite duration, as proposed by Lord Granville, in 1884. 3d. All claims by subjects of Her Britannic Majesty's Gov- ernment against Venezuela, and those of the citizens of the Republic of Venezuela against Her Majesty's Government shall be examined by a Commission appointed ad hoc ; Vene- zuela agreeing thereto in this special case, adjudication of all foreign claims being, by a decree of the Republic, placed under the jurisdiction of the High Federal Court. It will therefore be of record that, in all future claims. Great Britain accepts said provision. 254 4th. The preliminary agreement shall stipulate that both Her British Majesty's Government and that of Venezuela recognize and declare to be the status quo of the boundary question that which existed in the year 1850, when the Hon- orable Sir Belford H. Wilson, Her British Majesty's Charge d' Affaires at Caracas, made the formal declaration on behalf and at the express command of Her British Majesty's Government, that no portion of the territory in dispute should be occupied, and requesting a similar declaration by the Government of Venezuela, which was made by the latter; said status quo to be maintained until the treaty of boundaries mentioned in basis 1st shall be concluded. 5th. The agreement made on the basis herein proposed, which shall be signed by the Confidential Agent of Venezuela, by virtue of the powers vested in him, and by the person duly authorized by Her British Majesty's Government, shall also be immediately submitted to the direct ratification of both Gov- ernments, and after the exchange of ratifications has been made, the diplomatic relations shall be i/i^c yfec/ti re-established between the two countries. London, May 26, 1893. Lord Rosebery to Dr. Michelena. [Retranslation.] Foreign Office, May 31, 1893. Sir: I have had the honor to receive your communication of 26th inst., inclosing a memorandum of the basis upon which the Vene- zuelan Government is willing to treat for the adjustment of the differences at present existing between both countries, and for the re-establishment of diplomatic relations. I hasten to inform you that these propositions will receive the prompt attention and consideration of Her Majesty's Gov- ernment. I have the honor to be, sir, Your obedient humble servant, Rosebery. To Mr. Tomas Michelena, Previtali Hotel, Arundel Street. 255 Lord Rosebery to Dr. Michelena. [Copy.] Foreign Office, July 3d, 1893. Sir : Her Majesty's Government have carefully examined the proposals set forth in your Pro Memoria of the 26th May for the settlement of the various questions which are at issue be- tween the Government of Venezuela and that of Her Majesty. The most important of these questions, in the opin- ton of Her Majesty's Government is that of the boun- dary between Venezuela and the Colony of British Guiana, and it will, I think, tend to simplify the discussion, if in this note I confine myself to the point and refrain from offering for the present any observations on the proposals contained in clauses 2, 3 and 5 of the Pro Memoria. I must in the first place point out that although the present proposal of the Venezuelan Government admits the possibility of settling the question of boundary by treaty, the fact that it also involves reference to arbitration in case of difference be- tween the two Governments charged with the negotiations of that treaty, practically reduces it to the form which has re- peatedly been declined by Her Majesty's Government, namely, the reference to arbitration of a claim advginced by Venezuela to a great portion of a long-established British Colony. Her Majesty's Government therefore consider that clause of the Pro Memoria can only be accepted by them under the con- ditions specified in the Memorandum communicated in Sir. Th. Sanderson's note to Senor Urbaneja of the 19th of March, 1890. They would propose that the first clause of your Pro Memoria be amended in the manner indicated by the additions marked in red ink in the copy inclosed herewith. With regard to clause 4 of the Pro Memoria, in which it is proposed that both Her Majesty's Government and that of Venezuela shall acknowledge and declare that the " status quo " of the Boundary question is that which existed in 1850, Her Majesty's Government consider that it is quite impossible that 256 they should consent to revert to the "status quo " of 1850 and vacate what has for some years constituted an integral portion of British Guiana. They regret therefore that they cannot entertain this proposition. The declaration made to the Venezuelan Government in the year 1850 by Sir Belford Wilson, the British Charg6 d' Af- faires, was as follows : That "whilst on the one hand Great Britain had no intention to occupy or encroach on the disputed territory, it would not, on the other hand, view with indiffer- ence aggressions in that territory by Venezuela." The ar- rangement on this basis was disturbed by Venezuela on several successive occasions prior to any attempt on the part of Her Maj- esty's Government to exercise jurisdiction in the districts in ques- tion. In the sameyear, 1850, in which the declaration was made, the Venezuelan Government began to establish new positions to the east of Taniremo, and in 1858 they founded the town of Nueva Providencia on the south side of the River Yuruary. Again in 1876 licenses were granted by the Government of Venezuela to trade and cut wood in the district of Barima and to the eastward of that district. In 1881 the Venezuelan Gov- ernment made a grant of great part of the disputed territory to General Pulgar, and in 1884 it made concessions to the Manoa Company and others, which were followed by actual attempts to settle the territory. In contrast to this action, the attitude of the British Gov- ernment was marked by great forbearance and a strong desire to execute the arrangement in good faith. In proof of this disposition, it may be instanced that when applied to in 1881 to grant a concession in the disputed territory to certain appli- cants, they distinctly declined to entertain the proposal on the ground that negotiations were proceeding with Venezuela, and it was not until the encroachments of the Manoa Company be- gan to interfere with the peace and good order of the Colony that Her Majesty's Government decided that an effective occu- pation of the territory could no longer be deferred, and steps were taken for publicly asserting what they believe to be the incontestable rights of Great Britain. Those rights they 257 are unable now to abandon, and they could not consent that any status quo except that now existing should remain in force during the progress of negotiations. I shall be glad to learn that you are able to accept these rnodifications of your proposals, as it would be a subject of sin- cere satisfaction to Her Majesty's Government to find that there is a prospect of a speedy re-establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, ROSEBERY. Senor Michelena. Memorandum Accompanying the Foregoing. [Copy.] Foreign Office. Whereas, The Government of Great Britain claims certain territory in Guiana as successor in title of the Netherlands, and the Government of Venezuela claims the same territory as being the heir of Spain, both Governments being inspired by friendly intentions, and being desirous of putting an end to the differences which have arisen on this matter, and both Governments wishing to pay all deference to the titles alleged by either to prove its jurisdiction and proprietary rights over the territory in question, they agree and stipulate that as soon as official relations shall have been re-established between the two countries, and after the ratification of the present prelimi- nary convention by both Governments, one or more Delegates shall be named by each party with full power to conclude a frontier Treaty founded on a conscientious and complete ex- amination by the said Delegates of the documents, titles, and past events supporting the claims of either party, it being agreed that the said territory in dispute lies to the west of the line laid dow7i in the map com,municated to the Government of Venezuela on the igth of March, i8go, and to the east of a line to be marked on the same map running from the source of the River Cumano down 258 tliat stream and up the Aima and so along the Sierra Usapanw,'^ and that the decision of doubtful points and the laying down of a frontier on the line of which the Delegates mav be unable to agree shall be submitted to the final descision, from which there shall be no appeal, of a Judicial Arbitrator, to be ap- pointed, should the case arise, bv common agreement between the two Governments. July 3, 1S93. Dr. Micliclena to Lord Rosebery. [Translation.] Confidential Agency of Venezuela in Great Britain. London, July 31, 1893. Aly Lord: After duly considering the statements in your Excellency's communication of the 31st instant made in reply to the pro- posed basis of agreement submitted by me on the 26th of May last, the Confidential Agent of the Republic of Venezuela, sufficiently authorized thereto, begs to offer some remarks suggested by the conclusive declarations in that communica- tion, and to reply to that part of it which bears the character of charges against the conduct of Venezuela, in the question of limits between the Colony of Demerara and the territory of the Republic. Your Excellency commences by declaring "that the most important of the questions pending between Great Britain and Venezuela is, in the opinion of Her Britannic Majesty's Gov- ernment, that of boundary between both countries." In order to simplify the discussion, your Excellency refers, in the aforesaid note, solely to said question, refraining for the pres- ent from making any remarks upon the propositions contained in clauses 2, 3, and 5 of the memorandum of 26th of May last. = The words in italics are written in red ink in the original MS., and constitute the modification referred to by Lord Rosebery. 259 This declaration would seem to imply that in case that the remarks referring to boundary could be admitted, the other clauses mentioned would be left unconsidered. Since, how- ever, those referring to limits so completely destroy the basis of the agreement, it really seems useless to consider the char- acter and tendency of said clauses. In this manner the dis- cussion is not made easy, but on the contrary tends to break it X)ff entirely. It was with friendly intention and a sincere desire to arrive .at an amicable settlement of all the points in controversy, that the undersigned, seeking the mutual convenience of both coun- tries, put aside the discussion of abstract rights over territo- ries. He sought to avoid the interminable form which has ,been hitherto adopted and followed up in the discussion of this matter. With this purpose in view, he was led to hope there might be a possibility of adjusting the question of boundary by means of a treaty involving reference tp an arbitrator in case of differences and doubts arising in the minds of the Delegates appointed to mark out the frontier lines. Your Excellency meets this proposition in the following terms: "The reference to arbitration of the claim advanced -by Venezuela to a great portion of a long established British Colony," etc. Your Excellency will permit me to express my surprise at such a statement. It is far from historical truth, and from the character of the controversy which has existed since 1841 until now. What Venezuela desires is a just and natural demarca- tion of frontiers, about which nothing definite has been hitherto settled by law ; and, to that end, she asks that the titles of both parties be submitted to an arbitrator. As to the alleged rights of Great Britain, namely, that the disputed territory is an "in- tegral part" of one of her Colonies, that has never been ad- mitted by Venezuela. The mere fact that the Government of Great Britain may believe it has dominion over territories which, from times past, have been an integral part of the Re- public of Venezuela (for which reason the latter disputes them with her), is not a sufficient reason to refuse the intervention 260 of a Juridical Arbiter, who should judge and decide, in con- formity with the titles and antecedents, as to the rights of each nation over the territories situated north and west of the: Moroco, Pomaron, and Essequibo rivers, and therefore, with- out arbitrary restrictions on account of the unjust claims of one of the parties. Venezuela might also, with equal reason^ demand that the decision of the Arbitrator be restricted in a. contrary direction. But she does not do this. She makes no- restrictions whatever. She aks for nothing unjustly and re- tains no territory through arbitrary occupation. On the con- trary, she proposes to submit her titles to an expert Juriscon- sult for examination, and engages to abide by the decision. that may be given. That decision would legally determine; what pertains to each country — to the one as the heir of Spain, and to the other as the successor of the Netherlands. The conditions made by Your Excellency in modification of: the first clause specified in the Memorandum communicated. by Sir Th. Sanderson's note to Senor Urbaneja on the 19th. of March, 1890, cannot be admitted under any consideration,, since they imply the recognition by Venezuela of the claims, of Great Brtain over a large portion of territory which has for many years past been the subject of controversy, and is pre- cisely the foundation of the contention regarding the legiti- macy of the rights of each party. Nor can the determinate; modification now submitted by the Earl of Rosebery be ac- cepted for reasons already stated. His Lordship says: "I would propose that the first clause of your Memorandum be altered in the manner indicated by the additions in red ink in the copy which I inclose, which additions are as follows:. that the disputed territory is situated west of the line marked in the: map sent to the Government of Venezuela on the igth of March, i8go, aud east of a line which shall be marked in said map, start- ing from tJie sources of the Cutnano River following the current of the same downwards a?id up the Aima along the Usupa?}w chain.. This proposed modification does nothing in fact but materially alter "the extreme claim" of Her Majesty's Government made; by Sir Th. Sanderson on behalf of Lord Salisbury. It ex- 261 tends the capricious line drawn by the explorer Schomburgk all in absolute opposition to another demarcation proposed by the Earl of Rosebery himself in 1886, which reduced the " ex- ■treme claims " of Great Britain to much narrower limits. Then the Foreign Office, considering the fourth clause of my Memorandum, goes on to impugn the idea of the status quo of 1850, declaring that " it is impossible for Her Majesty's •Government to consent to revert to the status quo of 1850, and ■evacuate what has for some years constituted an integral part •of British Guiana." Your Lordship regrets to be unable to accept said proposition. The undersigned also regrets it. For, by retumingXo that modus vivendi, Great Britain would have given a brilliant proof of her love of justice, of her respect for the fulfillment of an international agreement, and of her desire for conciliation in order to resume the political relations between both countries, and to bring all pending matters to a definite adjustment. Your Lordship alleges, in support of this lament- able decision, reasons that cannot be admitted. They are iased upon what seems to me to be a legal sophism, and can- not be applied to a territory which was declared to be neutral in 1850. On considering, and in acknowledging the declara- lion made by Her Majesty's Government through Sir Belford Wilson, British Charge d' Affaires at Caracas, Your Excellency adds, " that the arrangement on that basis was disturbed by Venezuela on several successive occasions, prior to any attempt on the part of Her Majesty's Government to exercise jurisdic- lion in the districts in question; that in the same year 1850 in which the declaration was made, the Venezuelan Government began to establish new positions to the east of Taneremo, and in 1850 they founded the Town of Nueva Providencia on the south side of the River Yuruary; that again in 1876 licenses were granted by the Government of Venezuela to trade and cut wood in the District of Barima, and to the eastward of that District; that in 1881 the Venezuelan Government made a grant of a great part of the disputed territory to General Pulgar; and that in 1884 it made concessions to the Manoa Company and others," etc. 262 These antecedents are alleged as an excuse by the British Government for its occupancy of a large extent of territory, which Venezuela maintains to be hers, and in justification of its conduct during the latter years. An it now declares that said territory belongs to the Colony of Demerara, for which reason it cannot evacuate it, nor submit the titles of its rights to the judgment and decision of a judicial arbiter. What then was the territory that was declared to be neutral and in dispute by the convention of 1850? Was it perchance that which is inclosed within the capricious line drawn by the explorer, Schomburgk? \\'as it perchance that comprised within the arbitrary line drawn by the ]Marquis of Salisbury? Does it perchance comprehend quite all that is now called the British ''extreme claim "? Most of those lines appeared much later. It is most natural to suppose that the one which was proposed by Lord Aberdeen in 1841 was the one contemplated by the agreement of nine years later. And this supposition is the more natural since, later on, in 1886, the Earl of Rosebery susfgrested another line, which differs from that of Lord Aber- deen only in that it advances somewhat further north. Neither the former nor the latter line comprise the Yuruary and its southern banks, where the city of Nueva Providencia was founded, nor the District of Barima, in which licenses were granted to trade in and cut wood as Your Excellency states. As to the concessions or privileges granted to General Pulgar and to the Manoa and other companies, they were of non-ef- fect. Nor were they ever granted in other territories other than those belonging to the Republic. The rights of the Colony of Demerara were duly respected ; consequently, the neutrality agreed upon in 1850 on a portion of lands over which Venezuela has refrained from exercising any jurisdic- tion. Your Excellency says in an apparently conclusive manner, that those rights, that is, those which Great Britain claims to have over the territories she has occupied, both those corre- sponding to the modus vivcndi oi 1850 and the others north and west of said portion, cannot be abandoned, and that Her 263 Britannic Majesty's Government will not consent that any other status quo than the one now existing shall remain in force during the course of negotiations. I must believe that the theory that consummated facts have the strength of law cannot be applied to diplomatic negotia- tions designed to bring about a cordial and friendly set- tlement between two nations that have been bound to each other b)^ the ties of friendship and community of commer- cial interests. That theory cannot prevail. It cannot be imposed when the object is to avoid serious dangers in the fu- ture; when the aim is to perfect and guarantee the important financial interests which Great Britain has in Venezuela, and when the mercantile affairs between both countries being nearly at a standstill, it is sought to be replaced on the same satisfac- tory footing on which they were some years ago, and thus to avoid serious conflicts which the prolongation of the present state of the political relations between both countries may bring about. Aside from the fact that the political institutions of Venezuela absolutely prohibit her Governments from con- senting to a tacit recognition by means of treaties the rights of other nations over territories considered as integral parts of her own, such action would not be in conformity with interna- tional law and precedent. Nor would it conform to the dig- nity of both nations, which is at stake. It would dishonor Venezuela by giving way to imposition, and it would dishonor Great Britain by unjustly imposing herself merely because she is the stronger power. In view of the above reasons, the undersigned takes the lib- erty of once more requesting Your E.xcellency to agree to a settlement upon bases so just and liberal as to admit of no re- fusal. Inspired by this desire, I again beg to urge the consid- eration of the bases for a preliminary agreement, that will pre- clude any discussion of the adverse claims of territorial rights, leaving that important matter entirely to the decision of a judicial arbitrator, in case the Commission of Delegates should not be able to agree upon all points in settling a frontier line. The undersigned therefore ventures to hope that the Secre- 264 tary of State will modify his idea in conformity with the decla- rations made before Parliament by Mr. Gladstone in behalf of Her Majesty's Government in regard to arbitration, and in such a manner as to definitely adjust the questions pending with Venezuela, to which end Your Excellency may assuredly count upon the good will and co-operation of the undersigned. I am with feelings of highest consideration, your Excel- lency's most obedient servant, Tomas Michelexa, Previtali Hotel, Arundel St., Piccadilly Circus. To the Right Honorable the Earl of Rosebery, Secretary of State, etc. Dr. Rojas to Dr. JMichclcna. [Translation.] Departmext of Foreign Affairs, No. 1039, C.AR.ACAS, August 4, 1893. Sir The newspapers of the British Colonies, notably of the Island of Trinidad, have during the last few days spoken of new acts of jurisdiction on the part of the authorities of Dem- erara over the territories in Guiana which Venezuela looks upon as comprised within her limits. This occurs at a moment when the Republic, acting upon its desire to adjust, in a man- ner conformable to the laws of international decorum, the dif- ficulties which separate her from Great Britain, has sent to London an agent who is instructed to arrange with the For- eign Office the means of re-establishing political relations be- tween both countries. The Executive has therefore learned with great surprise of the statements made by some of the or- gans of the Colonial press, and deems it convenient that you should call the attention of Her British ^lajestv's Secretary of State to these facts. The Port of Spain Gazette of the 25th of July, after speak- ing of the excellent conditions of what the English now call the "Northwestern District," which extends as far as the mouth of the Orinoco, and the proprietorship of which Vene- 265 ■zuela has always claimed and maintained with legal arguments since the time of Lord Aberdeen, announces vast prospects of exploitation on said territory, to be carried out with capi- tals and by companies from the colony. It is therein said that a sloop was fitted out a short time ago under the direction of Dr. Chittenden, Secretary of the Board of Agriculture of Trin- idad, with the object of conveying twenty-nine expeditions to Upper Barima, and of hastening the work of the Dixon Com- pan}-. Acts of this nature, which are altogether in opposition to the success of the negotiations that have been commenced neither can nor must be ignored. It is therefore absolutely necessary that the government of Great Britain should know the feelings with which the Executive of Venezuela regards the tendencv of the Colony of Demerara to impede by such acts the understanding which is solicited for the settlement of the pending question. I am your obedient servant, P. Ezeguiel Rojas. To Senor TomSs Michelena, Cojifidential Agent of Venezuela in Great Britain, London. Dr. Michelena to Dr. Rojas. [Translation.] * Confidential Agency of Venezuela in Great Britain, Paris, August 30, 1893. Number 28. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your dispatch dated the 4th of the current month. No. 1039, referring to new acts of jurisdiction on the part of the Authorities of Demerara on territory of Venezuelan Guiana, which are alto- gether in opposition to the success of the negotiations which have been commenced with Her British Majesty's Govern- ment, for which reason the Government of Venezuela considers it absolutely necessary that that of Great Britain should be in- 266 formed of the feelings with which the Executive of the Re- public regards the tendency of the Colony of Demerara to im- pede bv such acts the negotiation for the settlement of the pending question. I have addressed a communication to the Earl of Roseberv in which I have transcribed the dispatch above referred to, and should I receive a replv from said Official, I shall hasten to communicate it to your Department. I am your obedient servant, TOJIAS MlCHELEX.A.- To Dr. Pedro Ezequiel Roias, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Caracas. Lord Rosebery to Dr. Michelena. [Copy.] Foreign Relations, September 12th, 1893. Sir : Her Majesty's Government have carefully examined the arguments contained in your note of the 31st of last Juty,- concerning the settlement of the boundary question between the RepubHc of Venezuela and the Colony of British Guiana. I regret to inform you that it does not appear to Her Maj- esty's Governm,pnt that the contents of your note open the way to any agreement that they can accept concerning this ques- tion. They are still desirous, however, to come to an understand- ing in regard to the frontier between the possessions of the two countries, and they are disposed to give their best atten- tion to any practicable proposals that might be offered then to- that effect. I have the honor to be. Sir, your most obedient humble servant, Rosebery. Seflir Michelena, etc., etc., etc. 267 Same to Same. [Copy.] Foreign Office, September 2 2d, 1893. Sir : With reference to my note of the 2d instant, I have the- honor to inform you that Her Majesty's Government have given their careful attention to the representations contained in your note of the 26th ultimo, complaining of acts on the part of the authorities of British Guiana which are considered by the Venezuelan Minister for Foreign Affairs to be in con- travention of the rights of Venezuela. Her Majesty's Government are desirous of showing all proper respect for the recognized rights of Venezuela, but the acts of jurisdiction to which you refer in your note do not appear to them to constitute any infraction of or encroachment upon those rights. They are in fact no more than part of the necessary administration of a territory which Her Majesty's- Government consider to be indisputably a portion of the Col- ony of British Guiana and to which, as it has been their duty to state more than once, they can admit no claim on the part of Venezuela. I have the honor to be. Sir, your most obedient humble servant, ROSEBERY. Senor MIchelena. Dr. Michelena to Lord Rosebery. [Translation.] Hotel de Bade, Boulevard des Italiems, Paris, September 29th, 1893. My Lord: I have had the honor to receive Your Excellenc^-'s note of the 1 2th inst., in which I am informed that Her Britannic Majesty's Government, after carefully considering the contents of my note of the 31st of July last proposing adjustment of 268 the boundary question between Venezuela and British Guiana, regrets that said note does not offer any basis of agreement that can be accepted. Your Excellenc}* closes bv stating, however, that Her Britannic Majesty's Government still desire to come to a friendly settlement of the question of boundary, and are disposed to take into consideration any practicable proposition looking to that end. The terms in which Your Excellency has been pleased to re- ply to my note of July 31st ult., weaken, if indeed they do not wholly destroy, the confidence which the closing words might otherwise inspire. Your Excellency totally disregards the pro- posal made in my note of the 26th May last, and reiterated and simplified in my note of July 31st, to submit the whole question of boundary to a Commission of Delegates duly em- powered to trace a boundary line between the British Colony of Guiana and the Republic of Venezuela; and, as a last re- source, to submit to the decision of arbiters juris any differences that said Delegates might not be able to settle between them- selves. Not only this; Her Majesty's Government ignores the reasons presented in support of the most just refusal by the Venezuelan Government to accept as indisputable the line pro- posed in Your Excellency's note of July 3d last, and which embraces a vast extent of territory beyond ,the limits of that hitherto in dispute, and which Venezuela maintains is hers by indisputable title. Nevertheless, Her Britannic Majesty's Government still professes a desire to come to a friendly set- tlement of the question of the boundaries, and says it is dis- posed to take into consideration " any practicable proposition" leading to this object. It was faith in this same promise, made by Your Excellency's predecessor to Doctor Lucio Pulido, former Agent of the Ven- ezuelan Government, and the well founded hope that the pres- ent British Cabinet, and that Your Excellency in particular, who had conducted the negotiations in 1886 in a more concil- iatory spirit than that shown by Lord Salisbury, would receive without restrictions, and in lieu of a most indecorous and unjusti- fiable submission on the part of the Government of Venezuela, 269 the propositions for an adjustment based upon a conscientious study of the question by persons fully authorized by each Government with powers to fix the boundary line in ac- cordance with the titles produced by each party to the dispute; and that, in an extreme case, whatever said Com- mission could not solve by mutual agreement, should be sub- mitted to the final decision of a Tribunal of arbiters juris. It was, I repeat, with this hope that the Government of Vene- zuela hastened to renew the negotiations which were inter- rupted in 1890, and entrusted to me the commission of con- tinuing them, presenting as I have already done to Your Ex- cellency, the propositions with which Your Excellency is already acquainted. This hope was strengthened by Your Excellency's reply to the London Chamber of Commerce, and to an Association for Peace and Arbitration which asked for a settlement of the Venezuelan question. The proposal to which I referred in my note of the 26th May last to Your Excellency is the only one by which the historical truth and legitimate rights of both parties can be made clear; the only one which promises a solution without humiliation to either party; the only one that would respect the contentions and equities of both; and is the more worthy to be entertained in that it would quiet fears that the stronger power might impose upon the rights of the weaker. It is the only procedure which can be held to be an easy and practicable solution of this long-standing and vexed question. The numerous plans for settlement hitherto proposed had given rise to radical disagreements, and the great diversity of frontier lines, more and more advantageous to Venezuela which had been proposed at various times by the Government of Her Britannic Majesty, had already given just cause for the remark by an eminent statesman. Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the United States, in 1888, in an official note to the Minister Plenipotentiary of the same Republic in London, that "if indeed it should appear that there is no fixed limit to the British boundary claim, their good disposition to aid in a 270 •settlement might not only be defeated, but be obliged to give place to a feeling of great concern." This controversy, which has so unfortunately interrupted the long-established and cordial diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Venezuela, and upon which all the Govern- ments of America have already formed an opinion by reason of the widespread publication of all its incidents, has caused the Government of Venezuela to receive the offers of several of those Cabinets to bring their friendly influence to bear upon the Government of Her Britannic Majesty in order to ar- rive at a decorous settlement; circumstances which have pro- duced a profound conviction that, should Venezuela confide without any restriction, its final solution to the efficacy of the arbitration recognized by all civilized nations and recently proclaimed by the Prime Secretary, Mr. Gladstone, in a sol- emn and highly applauded speech before Parliament, there could exist no doubt of her desire to arrange the condition of affairs lately created by acts which otherwise can result in nothing but disorder, contention, and violence. Although the brevity of Your Excellency's note contrasts strongl)- with the length of the present one, I am compelled to be lengthy on account of the necessity of demonstrating, as far as possible, that the refusal of Her Britannic Majesty's Gov- ernment to consider acceptable and practicable the proposition to submit the question of limits to a Commission of Delegates and, as a last resource, to the judgment of arbiters juris, with- out restrictions, would entirely frustrate the desire, which Your Excellency assures me is cherished by Her Britannic Maj- esty's Government to arrive at an amicable settlement, and to ■consider any practicable proposition to that end. I must be allowed to say that the rejection of the offer made, and the last declared purpose to consider any practicable proposition ior a settlement, seem to me to be wholly incompatible. Per- mit me to briefly review the divers phases which have been successively presented in this question of limits, in order that the pretensions that have been made known by Her Britannic Majesty's Government in these later years, with reference to 271 the limits of the Colony of British Guiana, may be clearly un- derstood. They are so divergent from those manifested in the first few years of this question, that should the Govern- ment of Venezuela now submit unconditionally to them, as Her British Majesty's Government wishes, far from being an amicable settlement between the two countries, they would simply convert the Venezuelan Nation into a country still sub- ject to conquest. The first frontier line proposed by Lord Aberdeen dates from 1 84 1, at which period Doctor Alejo Fortique came to London as Minister from Venezuela. The frontier line then proposed by Great Britain commenced on the borders of the river Moroco, and extended into the interior of the territory which Venezuela considers as hers.' It left as British posses- sions all the river Cuyuni on its left bank. The premature death of Doctor Fortique interrupted these negotiations, which doubtless would have been concluded in a manner satisfactory to both Governments, since that of Her Britannic Majesty gave hopes of reducing the limits of the claims, and the Gov- ernment of Venezuela, with the approval of the Council of Gov- ■ernment, proposed an intermediate line. As a result of these negotiations, the Government of Her Britannic Majesty in 1850, at the solicitation of the Govern- ment of Venezuela, and through the medium of Sir Belford Wilson, at that time British Charg6 d' Affaires in Caracas, made a solemn and official declaration that both countries should hold as entirely neutral the belt of land in dispute until the conclusion of a definite treaty of boundaries. Now this belt 'was none other than that comprised within the line proposed by the Earl of Aberdeen, which line commenced on the banks of the river Moroco, and extended into the interior, following the left bank of the Cuyuni, and that contended for by Vene- zuela, namely, the banks of the Essequibo river. That declaration, made at the instance of Venezuela, was ■caused by certain arbitrary acts of the engineer R. Schom- burgk, who, as an explorer, penetrated into the interior of Venezuela and there planted posts and put up marks following 272 an entirely new line according to his pleasure, which posts and marks Her Britannic Majesty'a Government ordered to be re- moved on the express solicitations of Doctor Fortique as Min- ister of Venezuela, the British Foreign Office declaring that such posts and marks did not mean rights but only aspirations. This "Schomburgk line," so appropriately named by the Eng- lish Government, has nevertheless now come to be the "war horse" of the Foreign Office. It no longer includes lands "aspired" to, but territory claimed and occupied as a ''right"; and it is now gravely contended that this de facto occupancy and extended claim should be recognized by Venezuela as a legitimate title of possession, first, in virtue of the fact that it is within the line of dispute, and second, by reason of the ex parte Decree of October, 1886, by British authority. In a note dated September 15, 1881, Lord Granville pro- posed to Sefior Jos6 Maria Rojas, then Minister of Venezuela to Her Britannic Majesty's Government, a dividing line which should start from the coast at 29 miles longitude east of the left bank of the river Barima, and unite, in the interior, with that proposed by the Earl of Aberdeen, both extending to the river Cuyuni on its left bank. Dr. Rojas had proposed that the border line should begin from the coast, one mile north of the mouth of the Moroco (the nearest point of departure to the line of Lord Aberdeen), and that from said point should be traced one meridian of latitude to the point of crossing with 60° Greenwich longitude, and that from there the frontier should continue southward by said meridian to the confines of both territories. Five years later Your Excellency, being then, as now, in* charge of the Prime Secretarj'ship of Foreign Affairs, proposed that it should be considered as disputed territory all situated between the line proposed by Senor Rojas on the 21st of Feb- ruary of 1 88 1, and that proposed by Lord Granville on the I 5th of September of the same year, both lines being speci- fied as above, and that a dividing line should be traced within the limits of this territory, either by arbitration or by a Mixed Commission, 1)1 order to divide it equally betzccen both parties, taking iiito due con- 273 sideration its natural limits. Your Excellency added that your Government gave special importance to the possession of the river Guaima and cherished the desire to stipulate that the line should start from the seacoast to the west of said river, offering to make "due compensation" in some oXh^'c 'i^2.x\. ol the disputed territory oft account of this departure from the principle of equality in the division. Your Excellency also offered to consider in connection with the limits the surrender to Venezuela of the Island of Patos, asking, at the same time, for complete free- dom of commerce and navigation on the Orinoco. I feel it my duty, on this occasion, to dwell particularly upon the significance of these bases of settlement proposed by Your Excellency in 1886, since they vary so widely from the position which Her Britannic Majesty's Government now as- sumes, when so important a subject as the re-establishment of friendly relations between the two countries is up for discussion. By these .proposals of settlement Your Excellency limited the extreme pretension of Lord Granville, offering to divide the disputed territory in half, with all due regard to its natural limits. Moreover, Your Excellency suggested the appointment of a Mixed Commission (or of an Arbitration) to determine the frontier line ; thus recognizing the undeniable efficacy of that method of adjustment of all questions of boundary. Your Excellency presented as an aspiration of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, as a most important desire, that it should be stipu- lated that the line start from the seacoast towards the west of the river Guaima, promising to make due compensation in the disputed district for this deviation from the principle of equality. Your Excellency will perceive how very widely these proposed bases of settlement vary from the unconditional and extreme proposition now made in Your Excellency's note of the 3d of July last. In the note last named it is pretended that Venezuela should accept "as indisputable" the capricious "Schomburgk line," excluding from arbitration all the terri- tory within that line, and which Great Britain claimed not as a right, but only as a matter of convenience in the discussion of boundary. That territory is now claimed as a right, and 274 British jurisdiction extended to and over the rivers Cuyuni and Barima, Point Barima, and over the territories adjacent to said streams, from their source to their debouchure into the great mouth of the Orinoco. This means that Venezuela should give up an area of her territory far larger than that marked out by Lord Aberdeen in 1841, and larger than that proposed by Lord Granville in 1881 ; twice as large as that proposed by Your Excellency j'ourself in 1886, and still more important than the one desired by Sir Th. Sanderson in conference with Dr. Lucio Pulido on July 31, 1890, when he promised that England would abandon her pretensions to the mouth of the Orinoco, and agree to fix a limit on that side "by means of a line, which, starting from Point Mocomoco, between Point Barima and the river Guaima, should reach the river Amacuro on the southwest." Your Excellency repeats in the note of July 3d last, in answer to the proposals of settlement presented by me with memorandum of ]May 26th, the demand that Venezuela recog- nize, as indisputable, the line proposed by Sir Th. San- derson, in his note of March 19, 1890, addressed to Doctor Modesto Urbaneja, which was enclosed with a map, in which the course of said line was seen, and which far overreaches the original " Schomburgk line,'' not to mention its excess of the two lines proposed by Lords Aberdeen and Granville. Your Excellency consents only to the arbitration of that portion of territory which lies on the left bank of the river Cuyuni up to the point where that stream intersects the " Schomburgk line," near the debouchure of the Acarabisi. That is to say, arbitra- tion is consented for in regard to territory which at no former time has been a matter of dispute, and which the Republic of Venezuela has quietly and peacefully held in possession since the time of its Independence ; a possession founded upon in- disputable and hitherto undisputed historical and juridical titles. Your Excellency can hardly fail to perceive the insurmount- able difficulties presented by these various frontier lines claimed or proposed by Her Britannic Majesty's Government in 1841, 1881, 1886, 1890, and at the present time; and likewise 275 the unvarying tendency shown to extend the limits of the Colony of British Guiana at the expense of the Venezuelan ter- ritory, and the manifest discordance which the propositions of Your Excellency in 1886 show, with the present request that Venezuela accept, without any compensation whatsoever, the ■enlarged " Schomburgk line," which dispossesses her, not only of the river Guaima (an impottant desire of the Foreign Office in 1886), but also deprives the Republic of the river Barima and the cape of that name, together with its adjacent territories. The question naturally suggests itself: What is the nature of the titles and of the documents upon which the present enlarged and extended British claim is supposed to rest ; a claim so diverse and elastic, and so foreign to antecedents, to unity and precision? If any titles at all exist, and they be as conclusive as the British Foreign Office now assumes them to be, why not submit them to examination by an impartial tri- bunal? Could any solution of the controversy be more " prac- tical?" Could any be found more in accordance with justice and the practice of civilized nations ? This is all that Vene- zuela asks. She is willing to confide her case to the judgment of a Mixed Commission, or to a tribunal of arbitration, to abide their decision, and thus end a vexatious controversy of fifty years' standing. The only document quoted by Sir Th. Sanderson, in his reply to the Memorandum sent by Doctor Lucio Pulido in 1890 to the Foreign Office, was the treaty of Miinster of 1648, according to which Sir Th. Sanderson maintains that the terri- tory in dispute belonged to Holland by right of previous occu- pation ; that its occupation by Great Britain during the wars at the close of the Eighteenth Century was publicly and effectively made, and that the formal transfer of the country thus occupied took place by the Treaty of Peace with the Netherlands on the 13th of August, 1 8 14, and was not disputed by Spain on sign- ing the Treaty of Peace with her in the same year. Sir Th. Sanderson omitted to say that the Treaty of Miinster did not specify the territory recognized by Spain as belonging to the Dutch ; that the Spaniards remained in possession of all the land which extends from the Orinoco to the Essequibo, in the 276 vicinity of which they had established missions, as well as posts on the Cuyuni ; that Spain's efforts were unceasing to drive the Dutch away from the Orinoco, which latter people were for- bidden by the Treaty of Miinster to even communicate with the Spanish settlements, and that the English, when they took; the Dutch Colonies by force were also subject to the same pro- hibition ; that all the hostile acts committed by the Dutch, or by the Dutch and English together, or by these latter alone, in open opposition to said Treaty and not ultimately made lawful by the consent of Spain, constitute no title whatever to do- minion ; that the treaty of the 13th of August, 18 14, by which the Netherlands ceded to England the ' ' settlements of Esse- quibo, Berbice, and Demerara, " merely designated them by their names without expressing the limits of any one of them. In the history of the Colonies of Essequibo, Demerara and Berbice, published in 1888 by the Dutch Captain, P. N. Nestcher, compiled from documents in the official archives of his own country, it can be seen that, in his opinion, the di- viding line traced in one of his maps, commences from the Moroco and follows a southwesterly course to the crossing of the Cuyuni, and thence descending directly south as far as the Sierras of Roraima and Pacaraima. Moreover, the only docu- ment which gives direct information of the limits between the Spanish Colonies and those of Dutch Guiana, namely the Treaty for the Extradition of fugitive slaves and deserters in 1 791, locates the Spanish Colonies at the Orinoco and the Dutch at the Essequibo, Demerara, Berbice and Surinam, Consequently Spain did not believe that the Dutch had any possession whatsoever at the north or at the northwest of the Essequibo. The Treaty with Great Britain in 18 14 (not of peace, as Sir Th. Sanderson .says, but of Alliance, since peace existed between them since 1802 and their forces acted jointly in the Spanish Peninsula to repel the French invasion) would have had no motive for complaint on account of the greater extension given to Holland's settlements with consequent det- riment to those of Spain. Lastly, Sir Th. Sanderson omitted to state that the English Government, in the list they pub- lished in 1877 of their British Colonies, carried the frontier of 277 -Guiana almost to the south of the mouth of the Amacuro as far as the junction of the rivers Cotinga and Takutu, and that in the list published in 1887 it makes the line follow an exten- sive turn towardthe south following the Yuruary. From what has been stated it will be perceived that, through- out the whole period of this controversy, Great Britain has never once produced any historical or other lawful title to show with any degree of certainty the true and legitimate origin of any one of the many lines which she pretends that Vene- zuela ought to accept as "indisputable." Lacking these lawful titles, and violating all that was stipulated and promised by Sir Bedford Wilson in 1850, to wit, that both countries should hold as neutral the then disputed territory until the con- clusion of a Definite Treaty of boundary. Great Britain has proceeded to occupy de facto the area comprised within the "Schomburgk line " which was once formally disclaimed by the British Government. In contrast with these pretensions, and with proceedings so little conducive to the maintenance of harmony between the two countries, Venezuela, in order to arrive at a just and hon- orable final settlement of the question in dispute, proposes to submit to the verdict of a Commission of persons duly author- ized by both parties, who shall analyze all antecedents, ex- amine all titles, scrutinize all historical documents and vouchers, and sift all evidence upon which each country predicates its claim, and thence fix a corresponding boundary line — the Commissioners submitting to the decision of arbiters juris all questions on which they may not be able to agree. It cannot but be recognized, therefore, that the conduct of Venezuela's Government offers the most palpable proof of its love of justice and of its earnest desire to do its part, as far as may be compatible with its legal obligations, to preserve and defend its territory, to bring about a settlement, and the restor- ation of diplomatic relations. Greater proofs of intelligent comprehension of the question, greater independence and impartiality could not be desired than those of that High Tribunal of arbitration, whose decision 5hall be unappealable. How is it possible that Her Britannic 278 Majesty's Government can consider as impracticable or unac- ceptable an arbitral decision to settle the question of limits with Venezuela when other nations have had recourse to- it in similar cases, and quite recently Great Britain herself in the case of the Behring Sea controversy with the Republic of the United States ? It is with the sincerest regret that I shall inform mv Gov- ernment of the contents of Your Excellency's note of the I2th inst., in which the propositions formulated by me have been ignored; propositions made in fulfillment of my instructions, and inspired^by an earnest desire to bring to a decorous and lawful termination this so long-standing question of boundaries, and by such means arrive at the re-establishment of the dip- lomatic relations between both countries. It only remains, howe\er, for me to most solemnly declare in the name of my Government, that it is with deep regret that it finds itself compelled to leave the present situation (the outcome of the events that have taken place on the disputed territory during the last few years) subject to the grave dis- turbances which the de facto proceedings can hardly fail to give; and also to state that at no time will Venezuela consent that such proceedings be recognized as titles in support of an occupancy which is contrary to her rights to territorial Juris- diction. I take advantage of this opportunit}- to renew to Your Ex- cellency the sentiments of my highest consideration, and I have the pleasure to subscribe myself Your Excellency's obedient servant, TOMAS ^IlCHELEXA. To the Earl of Roseberj-, Prime Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, London. Dr. MicJiclc7ia to Lord Rosebery. [Translation.] Confidential Agency of Venezuela in Great Britain. Paris, October 6th, 1893. Aly Lord: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Your Ex- 279 cellency's communication of the 22d of September ulto., in- forming me that Her Britannic Majesty's Government, having taken into consideration the representations contained in my note of August last, voicing the complaint of the Venezuelan Government on account of certain acts performed by the authorities of British Guiana in violation of the territorial rights of the Republic, does not consider that the acts referred to in my note constitute a violation of the above mentioned rights, as in reality such acts. Your Lordship adds, are nothing but part of the necessary administration of a territory that the Government of Her Britannic Majesty considers unquestion- ably as a portion of the Colony of British Guiana, and upon which territory (as it has been the duty of Her -Britannic Majesty's Government to declare more than once) no claim whatever could be admitted on the part of Venezuela. I shall report Your Excellency's communication to my Gov- ernment, which will doubtless cause a deep feeling of regret, since Her Majesty's Government ignores the legitimate rights Venezuela has to oppose certain acts of the authorities of the Colony of British Guiana, performed upon a territory Vene- zuela considers exclusively her own, which she has possessed perfectly and undisturbed until within a few years past, when the British Colony invaded them performing acts of jurisdic- tion which have given rise to repeated and energetic protests on the part of the Government of the Republic. Her Britannic Majesty's Government will in vain consider this territory as an unquestionable portion of the Colony of British Guiana, when against such declaration stands as an incontestable testimony of which public opinion is fully aware the history of this boundary question for the last fifty years. This history plainly shows the questionable nature of the pre- tended rights of the Colony of British Guiana; and before the High Tribunal of public opinion one single stroke of the pen of Her Britannic Majesty's Government can never suffice to efface the verdict condemning acts of force as unduly per- formed as they are useless. It is my duty to again protest most solemnly in the name of 280 the Venezuelan Government against the acts of the Colony of British Guiana which constitute an invasion upon the territory of the Republic; and I also protest against the declaration in Your Excellency's communication, that Her Britannic Maj- esty's Government consider that portion of the territory as forming part of British Guiana, and that no claim whatever from Venezuela upon the same can be admitted. In support of this protest, I hereby confirm all the arguments contained in my communication to Your Excellency bearing date of the 29tii of September ultimo, and also all the facts presented by the Government of Venezuela in the several occasions in which it has been obliged to make this same protest. I will dose by casting upon Her Britannic Majesty's Gov- ernment all the responsibilit}- of the acts that may take place in the future, owing to the necessity in which Venezuela is placed to oppose by all possible means the spoliation of any portion of her territory, since the refusal to put an end to this violent situation by means of arbitration is a disavowal of all her rights that places her in the painful position which she is forced to assume to provide for the legitimate defense of her rights. I have the honor to remain Your Lordship's obedient hum- ble servant, TOMAS MiCHELENA. To His Lordship the Earl of Rosebery, Her Britannic Majesty's Secretary of State. 281 PART XIII. Dr. Lobo to Mr. Gresham. [Translation. ] Lkgation of Venezuela. Washington, October 26, 1893. Dr. David Lobo, Charg6 d' Affaires ad interim of Vene- zuela, presents his compliments to the Secretary of State, and in compliance with the request expressed by the Secretary at the interview of October 24th, has the honor to enclose here- with a brief review of the boundary question pending between Venezuela and Great Britain. He asks the Secretary also to inform him on what day it will be convenient to the former to have him call at the Depart- ment for a fresh discussion of the subject referred to. To the Honorable the Secretary of State. Prominent Facts Relating to the Boundary Question between Venezuela and Great Britain. Legation of Venezuela. The Republic of Venezuela inherited from Spain all the territories formerly known as Captaincy-General of Venezuela. Guiana was a province thereof. It was bounded by the Atlantic ocean on the east, and by the Amazon river on the south. A part of this territory had been invaded by the Dutch, during their war of independence. Their rights over the newly-acquired possessions along the northern coast of South America were recognized by Spain on the 30th of January, 1648 (Treaty of Miinster). In the extradition treaty signed at Aranjuez on June 23, 1791, by Spain and Holland, the Islands of St. Eustache and Cura9ao, and the colonies named Essequibo, Demerara, Ber- 282 bice, and Surinam, lying east of Venezuela, were considered to be Dutch possessions. Essequibo, Demerara, and Berbice were transferred to- Great Britain through the treaty of London, August 13, 1814, England has no other titles in Guiana than those conferred by virtue of this treaty, so that in 181 1, the year of Venezuelan independence, the Essequibo river was the boundary between Dutch Guiana and Venezuela. The Essequibo Hmit was fur- thermore maintained by the Government of Colombia, in 1822,^ and has been established in the Constitution of Venezuela up' to the present time. 1841. — An English Commissioner, Engineer Schomburgk, planted posts and other marks of dominion in Barima and Amacuro, far west of the Essequibo river. The Government protested and Her British Majesty ordered the prompt re- moval of the marks, which, it was stated, were not intended to indicate possession. 1844. — The Minister Plenipotentiary of Venezuela in Lon-^ don, Seiior Fortique, succeeded in opening negotiations with England, after three years' preliminaries, and proposed the Essequibo river as a divisional line between Venezuela and British Guiana. Lord Aberdeen, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, proposed the Moroco, a river west of the Essequibo, but the Govern- ment did not accept the latter line, as it deprived the Republic of the tract of land lying between the two rivers. 1850. — To the effect of contradicting a rumor that Great Britain intended to claim jurisdiction over Venezuelan Guiana,. Mr. Wilson, then British Charge d'Affaires to Venezuela, stated that his Government had no intention to occupy the region disputed; that they would neither order such occupa- tions nor sanction them on the part of their authorities, and that the latter would be enjoined to refrain from such acts. He also requested and obtained a similar declaration from the Government of Venezuela. 1876. — The settlement of the question was again urged by Venezuela, and in February, 1877, Dr. J. M. Rojas, Minister 283 Resident in London, reopened the negotiations commenced by Seflor Fortique. He stated that the proposition offered by Lord Aberdeen had not been accepted because of certain con- ditions connected with it which interfered with the sovereignty of the country. He also expressed the conciliatory sentiments of the Government ; but the consideration of the matter was postponed by the British Cabinet until after the arrival of the Governor of British Guiana, who was expected in London about March. 1879-1881. — Dr. Rojas, who had resigned his post in 1878,. was again appointed to the Legation in London. On the r2th of April, 1880, he informed Lord Salisbury that Venezuela, in^ order to come to a satisfactory agreement, would abandon the I position of strict right and adopt a frontier to the convenience of both parties, such as the Moroco river, indicated by Lord Aberdeen in 1844, as a boundary on the coast. Her Majesty's Government replied, February 12, 1881, that the Moroco line could not longer be admitted, but that they would consider any conventional line starting from a point on the coast south of the former. On the 2ist of the same month Dr. Rojas sent his answer to Lord Granville and suggested, as a proof of the friendly wishes of Venezuela, the drawing of a line commencing on the coast one mile north of the mouth of the Moroco. He also declared that, in case of non-acceptance, there was no other course left but arbitration. Lord Granville equally rejected the new boundary, and proposed another which he described in a confidential memorandum. This compromise was carefully examined by the Government and found utterly unacceptable, as it established a limit widely different from the original Essequibo frontier, and was based on certain assumptions absolutely erroneous. 1883. — General Guzman Blanco was appointed Envoy Ex- traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Great Britain, for the settlement of this and various other matters. While nego- tiating a new treaty of commerce, he obtained from the British Government a written promise to submit to arbitration all 284 disputes arising between the two countries, the Guiana boun- dary question included. A change in the ministry took place shortly afterwards, and Lord Roseber}-, Lord Granville's successor, refused to keep the aforesaid promise on the ground that controversies on limits could not be judged by arbitration. Lord Rosebery evidently forgot that England applied it to similar disputes with the United States, in 1827 and 1871, when the King of Holland and the Emperor of Germany acted as arbiters. 1886. — Lord Rosebery presented a new frontier. This was deemed inadmissible for several reasons, one of them being that, conjointly with it, a demand was introduced for free navigation and commerce on the Orinoco river. As the invasion went on without interruption and acts of jurisdiction over the Venezuelan territory were constantly com- mitted by English authorities, the Venezuelan Legation sol- emnljr protested and demanded satisfaction. 1887. — On the 6th of January Venezuela reiterated her willingness to appeal to arbitration, pursuant to which she demanded the previous evacuation of the region between the Orinoco and Pomaron rivers, declaring at the same time that if by the 20th of February no answer had been given, or a nega- tive one had been returned, she would be forced to sever her diplomatic relations with England. The proposition for arbitration was again refused. Vene- zuela accordingly protested once more against the grievous proceedings of Great Britain, and suspended relations with her on the 20th of February, 1887. Through the intervention of the United States Lord Salis- bury consented to receive Dr. Lucio Pulido in 1890, as Con- fidential Agent of the Republic. Notwithstanding his efforts, Dr. Pulido did not obtain a satisfactory arrangement, and returned to Venezuela soon after. Senor Tom^s Michelena was appointed to London with the same character some months ago, with a view to promote and procure the re-establishment of her former connections with Great Britain; but since Lord Rosebery, while disposed to 285 ^ surrender the controversy to the decision of an arbiter, does- not admit the existence of Venezuelan titles over the territories comprised between the Essequibo river and the Schomburgk line, as shown in the map hereto subjoined, and is absolutely negative as to considering the possession of this vast portion of land subject to arbitration, no practical or valuable results- can be reached through the renewal of friendship without the formal pledge of England that it is desirous to settle the con- flict in accordance with the laws of justice and right. Venezuela is, and always has been, willing to submit ta arbitration. In pursuance of this purpose, she invoked and obtained the moral help of all the American republics. She instructed her Minister in Washington, in 1890, to request the friendly services of the Government of the United States,. which were cordially offered her, inasmuch, said Mr. Blaine, as the volume of evidence in favor of Venezuela is over- whelming and mostly derived from English sources. David Lobo. October 26, 1893. Mr. Andrade to Mr. Gresham. [Translation.] Legation of Venezuela. Washington, March 31, 1894. Sir: In our interview of the 8th of last January, the subject of which was the endless and vexed boundary controversy be- tween Venezuela and Great Britain, Your Excellency ex- pressed the wish that I should explain in writing certain espe- cial points connected with it. This I have endeavored to do,. so far as it has been in my power, in the memorandum which I have the honor to hand to Your Excellency. It is only a brief history of the discussion between the two parties, from its commencement up to the present day. Your Excellency will see by that document, first, that al- though the question has not yet been adjusted. Great Britain- 286 has departed from the agreement concluded with Venezuela by which the contested territory was declared neutral so long as the controversy remained unsettled, and taken possession of the said territory, and now exercises over it all the rights of exclusive domain ; and, second, that all the diplomatic means having failed by which she could obtain the acknowledgment of her right and a reparation for the offense received from her opponent, Venezuela has invited the latter for years past to submit the contest to arbitration, and that Great Britain has inflexibly declined her just demand. Vainly have the Government of the United States, on dif- ferent occasions and under various forms, expressed their wish to see the difficulty settled by award of arbitrators, and vainly, also, have the Governments of Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador, Chile, Argentine Republic, Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Haiti interposed in that direction their friendly recommendations to the British Foreign Office. Her Britannic Majesty's Government have persisted in their refusal. The precedents established by Great Britain herself in va- rious cases of similar differences with other nations, have proved equally powerless to influence her and to persuade her to adjust in the same way her dispute with Venezuela. In 1829, she consented to submit to the decision of the King of Holland a boundary question with the United States; a similar one with Portugal, in 1872, to the judgment of the President of the French Republic, Marshal MacMahon, and recently, in 1893, to the Court of Arbitration of Paris the dif- ference concerning the sphere of action and jurisdiction in the Bering Sea, which can be properly called a boundary question. If Her Britannic Majesty's Government believes that in the cause, nature, and object of their dispute with Venezuela there is something to make it differ from the disputes just men- tioned, and to sufficiently legitimatize her obstinate resistance; if they consider their titles to be so unquestionable that it is useless to ascertain on whose part justice is; if they are afraid to abandon a right which, in their opinion, is certain and per- iect, and to expose the dignity and independence of their 287 country by allowing an authorized and impartial court to tell them whether or not their pretensions are fully justified, then those motives themselves could be submitted to the judgment of arbiters, under this form, namely: "Is Great Britain right in refusing to surrender to arbitration her boundary contro- versy with Venezuela?" If what she seeks is justice, why does she object to its being established and proved by the arbiter or arbiters? International law does not offer at the present time any better means of solving a controversy, specially when relating to frontiers, in accordance with the principles of equity and justice, than the reference of it to the decision of an umpire; neither can it be contended that such reference can in any way affect the dignity or independence of a State. In proof of this, it would be difScult to cite a fact of greater consequence and authority, as England herself must avow, than the famous arbitration of Geneva, which decided the question of the "Al- abama " ; and, but for fear of importuning Your Excellency, the undersigned could recall for further evidence many sub- sequent cases, equally decisive, to demonstrate the tendency of all the civilized Governments of our days to impose upon themselves voluntarily, rather than shun, the obligation of sub- jecting to arbitration all controversies, of whatsoever kind they may be. The authority of the law of arbitration is so generally acknowledged to-day by civil States that any refusal to submit to it is esteemed by the most renowned writers on international law as sufficient reason to justify, on the part of him who claims, the employment of coercitive means for the purpose of forcing the other party. Venezuela cannot successfully resort to this expedient, from which she would probably not derive, on account of the very same reason, any other result than that of hastening the cessation of the state of peace in which, by dint of self-control, she has maintained herself in regard to her powerful opponent. She certainly desires a reparation for her trampled rights and interests, but so far, as it has been shown, through the judicial proceeding that modern civilization en- 288 deavors to establish as a regular and ordinary means of pre- venting war. Conformably to their custom of seeking and obtaining the help of the United States for the better adjustment of this same conflict, the Government of Venezuela have instructed me to ascertain the mind of the Government of this Republic as to their present disposition to tender their aid in the peaceful design of procuring the final acceptance by England of the ■civilized recourse proposed by Venezuela for the honorable settlement of the question. The United States has asserted as a principle in which it considers its own rights and interest to be involved, that the nations of the American Continent, after having acquired the liberty and independence which they enjoy and maintain, are not subject to colonization by any European power; and the Government of the undersigned entertain the hope that in the aforesaid declaration, and in the judicial guardianship of international law, which, to a certain extent, the United States assumed on this continent in virtue of that declaration, and which it has actually exercised hitherto, the Government of Your Excellency will find sufficient reasons of political conve- nience, and, perhaps, even of moral obligation, to allow them to adopt such a tone in their new representations as may convince Great Britain, without affecting her inviolableness or that of anything lawfully pertaining to her, of the necessity of granting to Venezuela what Venezuela has an undeniable right to demand of her. I beg to offer to Your Excellency the renewed assurance of my highest consideration. Jos£ Andrade. To His Excellency W. Q. Gresham, Secretarj- of State. [Inclosure — Translation. ] McDwi-andiim on the Boundary Question bctzccen Venezuela and British Gidana, Communicated to the Hojwrable W. Q. Gresham, Secretary of State. Venezuela's rights over the territory in dispute are, as it is known, derived from Spain, whose sovereignty, titles and ac- 289 tions, which she inherited by the event of her independence, were afterwards ratified by virtue of the treaty of recognition, peace, and amity concluded between the two nations on the 30th of March, 1845. The sovereignty, titles, and actions which, in this solemn instrument, were renounced by His Catholic Majesty, in his name and in that of his heirs and successors, , are the same which the Spanish Sovereign possessed until 1810 over the •country formerly known as Captaincy-General of -Venezuela. This being subsequently constituted as an independent Repub- lic, included thirteen provinces, that of Guiana among them. By that time the Captaincy-General of Venezuela had the fol- lowing geographical boundaries : on the north the Caribbean sea and Atlantic ocean beyond the eastern bank of the Esse- ■quibo; on the south, the Maraflon or Amazon river; on the west, the Vice-royalty of Santa Ffi, and on the east, Dutch Guiana which, by the convention of August 13th, 1814, signed in London by His British Majesty and the United Provinces of the Netherlands, came to be the British Guiana of the pres- ent time. Such, at least, had been the allegation of the Span- ish Governments ever since 1648, and such the position which they considered themselves entitled to maintain, founded on treaties of peace and friendship, and of boundaries with Portu- gal, Holland and England; and the fact is furthermore attested by countless schedules, ordinances, instructions and other offi- •cial deeds of the King of Spain, together with no smaller a number of historians, travelers, geographers and hydrograph- -ers that it is not within my scope to specify here. Apart from the limits referred to, the territory lying west and south as far .as the Portuguese possessions of Brazil, belonged in its entirety to the Crown of Spain in 1810, notwithstanding any transitory or not well asserted occupancy of some spot on the seashore on or about the Orinoco river, or along the rivers in the inte- rior, with posts, barracks, forts, stores or other settlements of the West Indies Company not legally authorized, or of the Dutch smugglers who, from an early date had often infested Spanish Guiana. The regions thus occupied had their lawful, 290 owner, who had never relinquished them, and without whose consent they could not be appropriated for any use, he having at all times looked on the settlers as usurpers of his dominions from which he would expel them even by force of arms. Venezuela, furthermore, has never confirmed such usurpa- tions by any consent, law, treaty, cession or act whatever of voluntary abandonment. Out of moderation and prudence, however, she has contented herself with claiming the Esse- quibo line £fs that dividing Venezuelan Guiana from British Guiana. Starting from the mouth of said river, this line runs southward up-stream as far as 4° 12' north latitude, half way between the mouths of the Sibarona and Rupumuni; thence eastward across the Essequibo, and one-fourth to the south- east over the Tumucuraque mountains, and finally bends to the southeast until it reaches 2° 10' south latitude and 56° 4' west longitude, where it meets the mountains of Acaray, in- habited by the Chiriguana Indians. As regards her right of possession, as heiress to Spain, over the territory inclosed within the aforesaid bounds, she has never entertained the least doubt; she considers such right to be clear, historically evident, and easily demonstrable. In her opinion, the vast tract of land occupied by the settlers from Demerara and Berbice has been unquestionably usurped, but the necessity of devoting herself, as she naturally did, to the supreme struggle for her independence first, and afterwards to the absorbing work of her internal organization when she separated from the old Republic of Colombia, thus neglecting all questions not essential to her existence, prevented her from seeking a definitive adjustment of the matter with England. Great Britain, on the other hand, had herself shown no in- terest in discussing it, apparently satisfied with possessing de facto the Pomaron district, which the force of events had al- lowed her to retain. For the first time in 1840 she evinced greater pretensions. At the latter part of said year she com- missioned Sir R. H. Schomburgk, without the knowledge or acquiescence of Venezuela, to examine and lay down the boun- daries o£ British Guiana, and directed the Governor of this 291 Colony to withstand all aggressions on the territories adjoining the frontier, until then inhabited by independent tribes. The Venezuelan Department of Foreign Relations was kept igno- rant of such measures until informed by Her Majesty's Consul at Caracas, when they had already been, or were unavoidably to be, carried out. Thus the English engineer was enabled to reach the mouths of the Barima and Amacuro on the Orinoco, where he erected a sentry-box, hoisted his nation's flag and set up royal monograms and other emblems. He then proceeded to the interior of the country, made surveys, delineated metes and bounds, and drew out maps. Such was the origin of the so-called Schomburgk line. Venezuela, however, did not tolerate the action taken by the British Government, for she immediately complained and re- monstrated, until due satisfaction was obtained. According to explanations given by the Government of Demerara, the Com- mission intrusted to Schomburgk was only a part of a project which Lord Palmerston had recommended to the Secretary of State at the Colonial Office of the United Kingdom, to the effect that a map of British Guiana should be figured in ac- cordance with the bounds described b)' the aforesaid engineer, to which was to be appended a report illustrative of the natu- ral features defining and constituting them; that a copy of both the map and report should be sent to the Governments- of Venezuela, Brazil, and the Netherlands, as a statement of 'the British claims, and that, meanwhile, commissioners should be dispatched for the purpose of establishing posts on the land, intended to represent permanent marks of the boundaries to which Great Britain pretended; which being done, and after each of the three Governments interested had offered their objections, stating the arguments in support of their assertions, the British Government would present the reasons they deemed proper and just. Consequently, Schomburgk's marks were to be regarded as a measure conformable to Lord Palm- erston's purpose, not as symbols of possession capable of be- coming, later on, titles of sovereignty for any of the four States, exclusive of all other nations that could lay claim to 292 the region thus bounded. And, as though to dispel all doubts regarding the real intention of Her Britannic Majesty's Govern- nment, Lord Aberdeen added to the above explanation an order, which was actually executed, to remove all the marks. Considering the occasion favorable for the full and decisive establishment, by treaty, of the boundaries between the two Guianas, the Venezuelan Government had resolved to profit by it, and to authorize to that effect their Diplomatic Minister at London, Senor Fortique, who unfortuaately died before he had succeeded in securing to his country the fruit of the negotia- tion with which he had been intrusted. He had time, how- ever, to induce Great Britain to admit the supremacy of the Venezuelan titles over the territorj^ between the rivers Mo- roco and Orinoco, as it appears by the line lastly proposed by Lord Aberdeen, viz.: "Beginning on the east coast at the mouth of the river Moroco, it runs straight to a point where the river Barama joins the Guaima; from there up the Barima as far as the Aunama, which it follows upward to the place where this creek reaches its shortest distance from the Acaribisi; then it descends the said Acaribisi as far as its confluence with the Cuyuni, following afterwards the latter river up-stream until it reaches the high lands in the immediate neighborhood of Mount Roraima, which divides the waters flowing to the Es- ^equibo from those running into the river Branco." " Great Britain " (finally said Lord Aberdeen) " is disposed to cede to Venezuela the whole of the territory situated be- tween the line mentioned and the Amacuro river and the chain of mountains where it takes its source, on condition that the Government of the Republic shall bind themselves not to alienate any portion of said territory to any foreign power, and also that the Indian tribes at present residing in it shall be protected against ill-treatment and oppression." This was simply a resumption of her position in 1836, when the British Legation at Caracas admitted that the Venezuelan Government had legal power to pass decision in matters relat- ing to the construction of lighthouses at Punta Barima and 293 the setting of beacons at the large mouth of the Orinoco, and of 1838, when the Governor of Demerara expressed his opinion, in official dispatch, dated the ist of September (Parliamentary- Papers) that the Pomaron river, west of the Essequibo, could be accepted as the limit of the English colony. As, however, the delineation proposed dispossessed Vene- zuela of the territory comprised between the rivers Pomaron and Essequibo which she claimed to be her dominion, she did not esteem convenient to admit it without certain modifications, which she sent to L#ondon, but which were never submitted to Her Majesty's Government, owing to the discontinuance of the negotiations consequent to the decease of the Venezuelan Minister. In her opinion, however. Lord Aberdeen's pro- posal has lost nothing of its import as a proof that she never accepted Schomburgk's line, and that Great Britain herself had formally desisted, not only from upholding said line, but from Lord Palmerston's design, and, after a renewed and more conscientious consideration of her titles, had renounced all dominion Ov^er the land between the Moroco and Amacuro. Such was the state of affairs about the middle of 1844. A few years later, in 1850, a rumor spread that Great Britain intended to take possession of the Venezuelan province of Guiana. This gave rise to a public feeling of indignation, which manifested itself in the organization of patriotic socie- ties all over the country for the purpose of opposing and repulsing the aggression. The Government directed the authorities of the province especially menaced to prepare it for defense and to repair and fit out all the forts, until then dismantled and abandoned, and a bill was introduced in the House of Representatives authorizing the Executive to have a fortress immediately erected on the spot held to be the boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, without in- dicating it. The intense excitement of the public feeling already re- ferred to did not fail to attract the notice of the English Gov- ernment, who, foreseeing the possibility of hostile acts on the part of the Venezuelan authorities of Guiana, anticipated 294 them by communicating to the Lord's Commissioners of the Admiralty the instructions they deemed convenient to transmit to the Vice-admiral of Her Majesty's naval forces in the West Indies, to be carried out in case the aforesaid authorities should insist upon fortifying the territory in dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela. On the other hand, they authorized their Charge d'affaires at Caracas to deny the popular report attributing to Her Majesty's Government certain intentions, in every respect unfounded and contrary to the truth, and likewise to declare that, while his Government did not intend to occupy or encroach upon the territory- in dispute, nor would order or sanction at any time such occupancy or encroach- ment by British authorities, they could not see with indiffer- ence the aggressions of Venezuela upon that territory. They accordingly expected that the Venezuelan Government would make a similar declaration and would consent to send their agents in Guiana positive orders to refrain from taking any steps that might justly be regarded as aggressive by the Eng- lish authorities. In repl}', Venezuela likewise manifested that she entertained no intention whatever to encroach upon or occupy any portion of the territory the possession of which was controverted by the two States; neither would she look with indifference upon a contrary proceeding on the part of Great Britain, and that, moreover, she would enjoin her auchorities in Guiana to take no steps that might violate the obligation which that agree- ment imposed upon the Government. Such was the status quo of the question in 1850. In 1848 and 1849 Venezuela had just started on the path of internal disturbances and armed revolutions, which afflicted her during more than a quarter of a century, and prevented her from attending to the boundary question with Great Britain, no action either having been urged by the latter coun- try during that period. It was scarcely on two occasions, and perhaps only in a dissembling way, that Great Britain was seen to take any steps in regard to Venezuelan Guiana. I allude to the steps she took 295 in 1857, through her Charg6 d' Affaires at Caracas, intended to obtain a permission of the Executive, by virtue of which scientific expeditions composed of British subjects might visit the mining region of Venezuela, with the purpose of not in- fringing her rights, but simply of ascertaining the situation and prospect of the gold deposits, and report about them. The Government replied that they would admit without ob- jection the announced expeditions, and would treat them with the benevolence due to their object, provided they entered through the capital of the province of Guiana. The other occasion occurred in 1874, when the English subject, Thomas Garret, suspected of homicide, was captured in Venezuelan territory by agents proceeding from Demerara. Venezuela demanded his delivery and obtained the suspension of the trial, though later on the case was taken up again by, order of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, on the ground that, as as- serted by the British Resident Minister at Caracas, the arrest had been made in places claimed by both countries, and that it was improper that such places should serve as a refuge for criminals of either nationality, under protection of the agree- ment of 1850, since nothing was more distant from the mind of His Government than to sanction any violation of the terri- torial rights of the Republic. In 1876, new indications of a decided purpose to carry on- ward the discussion were evinced by the Venezuelan Foreign Depairtment. Such may be considered the note, dated E^ovem- ber of the same year, which it addressed to the British For- eign Office, and which was subsequently communicated in form of memorandum bearing the same date, to the Hon. Mr. Fish, for the information of the Government of the United States ; the appointment of Dr. Jos6 Maria Rojas as Resident Minister in London, and, finally, the President's Message to Congress in 1877. Though Seiior Rojas acted diligently from the outset to the effect of promoting the issue of the negotiations interrupted in 1844 by the death of Senor Fortique, he did not succeed any better than his predecessor. 296 The ground of strict right having been abandoned by mutual accord, Senor Rojas entered upon that of compromises and suggested that Venezuela would willingly accept the Moroca line, which had been spontaneously offered by Lord Aberdeen thirty-seven years before. Lord Granville this time refused to concede it, without stating any reason for his refusal,, and, after rejecting another line devised by the Venezuelan negotiator, proposed the following, which, in his opinion, was not very different: The starting-point will be a spot on the seashore, exactly twenty-nine miles longitude east of the right bank of the Barima river, whence the line would be carried south over the Mountain or Hill of Yarikita to the 8° parallel of latitude ;. thence westerly along this parallel till it crossed the bound- ary line drawn by Schomburgk; then to the Acaribisi and along this river until it entered the Cuyuni; along the left bank of the latter river up to its sources, and thence, in a southeastern direction, to Schomburgk's line, as far as the Es- sequibo and Corentyn rivers. That indicated by Mr. Rojas,. referred to at the commencement of this paragraph, was to start from the coast, one mile north of the mouth of the Mo- roco, where a post would be planted; then run directly south- ward as far as the boundaries of both countries, along a verti- cal line beginning at the aforesaid post and extending between the 59° and 6o° meridians, west of Greenwich^ Lord Granville, consequently, stood considerably apart from the Minister of Venezuela, still more from Lord Aberdeen,. his predecessor in 1844, and still more even from Senor For- tique, the opponent of Lord Aberdeen, who had advocated the historical line of the Essequibo river. Moreover, he made reference in various points to Schomburgk's uncertain and ca- pricious demarcation; he did not comprehend in his proposal the whole extent of the frontier to be designated, and, above all, he conferred upon Great Britain, without any valuable rea- son, a vast tract in regard to which she appeared to have re- nounced her vague intentions through Lord Aberdeen. In consequence thereof the Government of Venezuela deter- ' Bv some inadvertance the 'Rojas Line' is here described erroneously. For correct de- scription, see Dr. Rojas' note to Lord Granville, dated February 21, 1881 ; "also map herewith. 297 mined to refuse their assent to the proposal and to discontinue the interchange of projects of adjustment which, so far, had only succeeded in convincing them how difficult it was to con- ciliate the rights and interests of the antagonistic parties through direct negotiations between them. Four years, from 1841 to 1844, had been wasted away by the Republic in fruitless attempts to bring about an understanding with her neighbor, while Dr. Rojas's mission, equally unsuccessful, had already lasted a longer period, from 1877 to 188 1. The Col- ony of Demerara, profiting by the interval between this mis- sion and the previous one, had silently advanced its settlements on the Orinoco and Caroni, projected the opening of roads into Venezuela, sent expeditionists to the mining regions of the country, etc. And, finally, at the close of 1880, while Dr. Rojas was still negotiating in London, the press of Ciudad, Bolivar, the capital city of the State of Guiana, had reported the appearance of a man-of-war and merchant vessel, both British, at the mouth of the river Orinoco, provided with posts, wire, and other telegraphic articles. Notice of the occurrence was given to the Government of the United States by Seiior Sim6n Camacho, Resident Min- ister of Venezuela at Washington, in his note dated the 21st of December of the same year, 1880, to which the Hon. Mr. William M. Evarts returned the following answer on the 31st of January, 1881 : " In reply, I have to inform you that in view of the deep in terest which the Government of the United States takes in all transactions tending to attempted encroachments of foreign powers upon the territory of any of the republics of this con- tinent, this Government could not look with indifference to the forcible acquisition of such territory by England, if the mis- sion of the vessels now at the mouth of the Orinoco should be found to be for that end. This Government awaits, therefore, with natural concern the more particular statement promised by the Government of Venezuela, which it hopes will not be long delayed." 298 On the 28th of February, 1881, when he was on the point to retire from office the Hon. Mr. Evarts wrote: "Referring to your note of the 21st of December last, touching the operations of certain British war vessels in and near the mouth of the Orinoco river, and to my reply thereto of the 31st ultimo, as well as to the recent occasions in which the subject has been mentioned in our conferences concerning the business of your mission, I take it to be fitting now, at the close of my incumbency of the office I hold, to advert to the interest with which the Government of the United States can- not fail to regard any such purpose with respect to the control of American territory as is stated to be contemplated by the Government of Great Britain, and to express my regret that the further information promised in your note with regard to such designs had not reached me in season to receive the at- tention which, notwithstanding the severe pressure of public business at the end of an administrative term, I should have taken pleasure in bestowing upon it. I doubt not, however, that your representations in fulfillment of the awaited addi- tional orders of your Government, will have like earnest and solicitous consideration at the hands of my successor." The information announced by Mr. Camacho did not reach the department until November, 1882, at which time Mr. Frederick F. Frelinghuysen was already Secretary of State. It contained, besides other documents, a copy of a " memo- randum " by Mr. Seijas on the boundary question with Brit- ish Guiana; a copy of the note, dated September 15th, 1881, wherein Lord Granville communicated to Mr. Rojas his pro- posal above mentioned, and of the memorandum subjoined to it; and a copy of the minute of the negative response the Venezuelan Government intended to give to that note, resort- ing to arbitration as the only resource available in future for the satisfactory arrangement of the difference. The Presi- dent of the Republic thus submitted the matter to the Gov- ernment at Washington, " hoping that it would give him their opinion and advice, and soliciting such support as they es- teemed possible to offer Venezuela in order that justice should 299 be made to her." I beg to present an extract of Mr. Freling- huysen's reply, as set forth in his dispatch dated January 31st, 1883, to Mr. Jehu Baker, who was then the United States diplomatic representative at Caracas : " This Government has already expressed its view that ar- bitration of such disputes is a convenient resort in the case of failure to come to a mutual understanding, and intimated its willingness, if Venezuela should so desire, to propose to Great Britain such a mode of settlement. It is felt that the tender of good offices would not be so profitable if the United States were to approach Great Britain as the advocate of any pre- judged solution in favor of Venezuela. So far as the United States can counsel and assist Venezuela, it believes it best to confine its reply to the renewal of the suggestion of arbitration and the offer of all its good offices in that direction. This suggestion is the more easily made, since it appears from the instruction sent by Sefior Seijas to the Venezuelan Minister in London on the same 15th of July, i 882, that the President of Venezuela proposed to the British Government the submission of the dispute to arbitration by a third power. "You will take an early occasion to present the foregoing consideration to Senor Seijas, saying to him that, while trusting that the direct proposal for arbitration already made to Great Britain may bear good fruit (if, indeed, it has not already done so by its acceptance in principle) the Government of the United States will cheerfully lend any needful aid to press upon Great Britain, in a friendly way, the proposition so made, and at the same time you will say to Senor Seijas (in personal conference and not with the formality of a written communi- cation) that the United States, while advocating strongly the recourse of arbitration for the adjustment of international dis- putes affecting the States of America, does not seek to put itself forward as their arbiter; that, viewing all such ques- tions impartially and with no intent or desire to prejudge their merits, the United States will not refuse its arbitration if asked by both parties, and that, regarding all such questions as essen- tially and distinctively American, the United States would 300 always prefer to see such contentions adjusted through the arbitrament of an American rather than a European power." The response of Venezuela to Lord Granville's proposal, adverted to by the Hon. Mr. Frelinghuysen, had not been yet sent to its destination, nor could it be sent after the opinion of the United States was communicated, as Dr. Jos6 Maria Rojas had meanwhile retired from his post by resignation, and no one had been as yet nominated in his place. This, however, did not prevent the questions pending between Great Britain and Venezuela from becoming soon again the subjects of candid discussion, through the initiative of Great Britain. These questions were three, relating severally to boundaries, discriminating duties on merchandise imported from the West Indies, and pecuniary claims. Great Britain solicited that they should be treated and resolved conjointly, and thus brought on a long and amicable correspondence between her representa- tive at Caracas and the Department of Foreign Affairs, which was in proper time communicated to the Government of the United States, as also the appointment of General Guzman Blanco, Ex-President of the Repubhc, as Envoy Extraordi- nary and Minister Plenipotentiary near Her Britannic Majesty's Government. The new Diplomatic Agent of Venezuela visited this city on his way to England, and held several conferences relating to the various objects of his mission with the Honorable Sec- retary of State, by whom he was recommended to Mr. Lowell in a confidential note, dated July 7, 1884, the two last para- graphs of which read as follows: " It will necessarily be somewhat within your discretion how far your good offices may be profitably employed with Her Majesty's Government to these ends, and at any rate you may take proper occasion to let Lord Granville know that we are not without concern as to whatever may affect the interests of a sister Republic of the American Continent and its position in tke family of nations. "If General Guzman should apply to you for advice or as- sistance in realizing the purposes of his mission, you will show 301 him proper consideration, and without committing the United States to any determinate political solution, you will endeavor to carry out the views of this instruction." This tirae Venezuela could for a moment cherish the belief that she had reached the desired close of her boundary dis- pute, for, in spite of the adverseness of Great Britain to arbi- tration, as manifested beforehand by her Resident Minister at Caracas, and now steadily maintained in London by Lord Granville, General Guzman Blanco had succeeded in obtaining his a''sent to sign a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, substituting that of 1825, wherein an article (XV.) was ad- mitted in the following terms: " If, as it is to be deprecated, there shall arise between the United States of Venezuela and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland any difference which cannot be adjusted by the usual means of friendly negotiation, the two contracting parties agree to submit the decision of all such differences to the arbitration of a third power, or of several powers in amity with both, without resorting to war, apd that the result of such arbitration shall be binding upon both Governments. " The arbitrating power or powers shall be selected by the two Governments by common consent, failing which, each of the parties shall nominate an arbitrating power, and the arbi- trators thus appointed shall be requested to select another power to act as umpire. " The procedure of the arbitration shall in each case be de- termined by the contracting parties, failing which, the arbi- trating power or powers shall be themselves entitled to deter- mine it beforehand." Lord Granville's acceptance, as given in his note to General Guzman, dated 15th of May, 1885, reads thus: "M. LE Ministre: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, on the 12th instant, of your note dated the 6th instant, respecting the proposed new treaty between Great Britain and Venezuela. " In reply, I have the honor to inform you that Her Maj- esty's Government agree to the substitution of the phrase 302 ' power ' to be chosen by the high contracting parties, instead of ' arbitrators,' in the article respecting arbitration, and that they further agree that the undertaking to refer differences to arbitration shall include all differences which may arise be- tween the high contracting parties, and not those only which arise on the interpretation of the treaty." And in a subsequent note, dated June i8, 1885, he said: " M. LE MiNisTRE: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 8th instant, forwarding the draft of a new treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation be- tween Great Britain and Venezuela, to replace the treaties of 1825 and 1834, founded on the text of the treaty recently con- cluded between Great Britain and Paraguay, and on corre- spondence that has passed between us. '' The clause in italics at the end of Article XV. would seem to render that article more explicit and to be useful for this purpose." To which General Guzman rephed, on the 2 2d of June, 1885 : " My Lord: I have had the honor of receiving Your Ex- lency's dispatch of the i8th, accompanying a copy in print of a draft treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation between the United States of Venezuela and Great Britain, with cer- tain corrections to which Your Excellency asks me to express my consent in order to avoid any misapprehension. " I proceed accordingly to reply, that I see no objection to adding to Article XV. ' the award of the arbitrators shall be carried out as speedily as possible in cases where such award does not specifically lay down a date.' " Shortly after, a change occurred in Her Britannic Majesty's Government, by virtue of which Lord Salisbury entered upon the duties of Chief Secretary of State at the Foreign Office, and so it was incumbent on him to finish the negotiation that Lord Granville had left close to its conclusion. On the 27th of July Lord Salisbury addressed a note to General Guzman stating, in regard to the clause on arbitration, which had already been accepted by Lord Granville, that — " Her Majesty's Government are unable to concur in the 303 assent given by their predecessors in office to the General Ar- bitration Article proposed by Venezuela, and they are unable to agree to the inclusion in it of matters other than those, arising out of the interpretation or alleged violation of this particular treaty. To engage to refer to arbitration all dis- putes and controversies whatsoever would be without prece- dent in the treaties made by Great Britain. Questions might arise, such as those involving the title of the British Crown to territory or other sovereign rights, which Her Majesty's Gov- ernment could not pledge themselves beforehand to refer to arbitration." He accordingly inclosed a printed copy of the draft treaty, wherein the said clause of Article XV. appeared thus amended : " If, as it is to be deprecated, there shall arise between the United States of Venezuela and Great Britain any contro- versies respecting the interpretation or the execution of the present treaty, or the consequence of any violation thereof, the two contracting parties agree " The Venezuelan negotiator gave the following response, which proved to be wholly ineffectual: " With respect to arbitration, it appears to me that the new Cabinet could not, by itself alone, repeal the article to which its predecessor had given formal assent, and thereby placed it beyond its competence, and still less so after Your Lordship's declaration in the House of Lords that an engagement of the previous Government would be respected. I should be pained to think that this declaration did not include Venezuela. " I think that boundary questions are of the number of those which it is most expedient to submit to the award of an im- partial third party. As is shown in practice, other nations are also of this opinion, and that the same view is also shared by Great Britain I think may be inferred from her action during 1829 and during 1872, in agreeing to submit two controversies respecting territory to the decision of the King of Holland and of the Emperor of Germany, respectively. In the last case it proposed the arbitration no less than six times to the 304 United States, as they allege, and it was only the seventh time that they accepted this means of deciding whether or not the line should pass by the Haro Canal. It appears from the correspondence of the Venezuelan Plenipotentiary, Senor For- tique, that the same proposal was made to him orally for the termination of the dispute respecting Guiana. "In fine, arbitration, in addition to having been employed on various occasions by Great Britain, has been so favorably en- tertained in her Parliament, and by her statesmen, and in the public opinion of the United Kingdom, that its general adoption could not fail to merit applause. Moreover, I proceeded in this matter conformably with the Constitution of Venezuela, which requires the Executive to stipulate for arbitration in comprehensive terms and without any restriction." Lord Salisbury confined his answer to an expression of re- gret that the instructions communicated to General Guzman did not allow him to agree to the restricted form of the article on arbitration, requesting at the same time that the points on which differences had arisen should be referred for modifica- tion to the Government of the Republic. General Guzmcin had done so more than a month previously, and the Govern- ment in reply confirmed his original instructions and approved his action in the fulfillment of the same. He addressed him- self again to Lord Salisbury and invoked the arguments he had repeatedly presented before, proving that the clause on arbitration applicable to all kinds of disagreements was already a right acquired by Venezuela, which Great Britain was bound to respect. His representations, however, were utterly fruitless. On the 19th of July, 1886, the day of his return to Vene- zuela being then near, he ventured to write again to Lord Rosebery, Lord Salisbury's successor, manifesting his natural desire not to quit the country without settling the questions he had been negotiating ever since his arrival in London, by the middle of 1884. On the 20th of the same month, Lord Rose- bery replied : " I am anxious to profit by your permanence in Europe for the purpose of making every effort to come to an understand- 305 ing with you about the questioas which are matter of dispute between our respective countries, and in conformity with the offer I made in my note of the 23d of last month. I send you now a memorandum of the bases according to which I should be disposed to enter into negotiations. " " I. Boundary. " It is proposed that the two Governments shall agree upon considering as territory disputed between the two countries the land situated between the two boundary lines indicated, respectively, in the eighth paragraph of Senor Rojas's note of February 21st, 1881, and Lord Gransville's note of September 15th, 1881, and to draw a dividing line within the limits of this territory, either by arbitration or by a mixed commission, on the principle of equal division of said territory, and in due regard to natural boundaries. The Government of Her Ma- jesty give especial importance to the possession of the River Guaima by British Guiana, and wish, therefore, to make the stipulation that the boundary line is to begin at the coast point, and a proper compensation to be found in any other part of the disputed territory for this deviation from the principle of equal division. In connection with the boundary there shall be considered the cession of the Island of Patos to Vene- zuela. " The River Orinoco shall be entirely free to commerce and navigation. " II. Treaty of Commerce. " It will likewise be convenient to add in the treaty the clause ' by arbitration ' proposed by Venezuela, limited to those differences that may arise after the treaty is signed, with ex- clusion of the questions of the boundary and the Island of Patos, which the Government of Her Majesty is ready to con- sider separately in the manner indicated before. " III. Differential Duties." The distribution of the bases set forth in the foregoing 306 memorandum shows that Lord Rosebery again considered separately the three parts of the negotiation, in order to apply to each a different method, and that as regards arbitration, he only accepted it on condition that it was restricted, in the treaty of commerce, to the ordinary prescriptions of such treaties, and, in the controversy on boundaries, to the new di- vision of the territory in dispute proposed by himself. He thus rather lessened the probability of soon reaching the longed-for end of the question, since, according to the consti- tution of Venezuela, the clause on general arbitration was a necesssry provision embracing all treaties of amity, com- merce, and navigation, as well as the settlement of the bound- ary question ; and so it was explained at length by General Guzman in the memorandum which, in turn, he sent to Lord Rosebery, in conjunction with his communication of July 29th, 1886. And if it be stated that the present proposal was more unfavorable than others already rejected by Venezuela, it will be acknowledged that she was justified in disregarding it, as she did. Thus ended the third negotiation so eagerly solic- ited by Great Britain and willingly met by Venezuela. Furthermore, when the two Governments sought in London to adjust their contention in peace and amity, British officers, both civil and naval, commissioned by the Governor of British Guiana, appeared at the mouih of the Orinoco river, on board the steamship •' Lady Langden. " They sailed up stream without a pilot, the Venezuelan authorities having de- clined to give them one ; they made incursions into places that had always belonged to Venezuela ; they planted posts, fixed placards, declaring British laws in vigor, appointed officers of their own nationality as substitutes for those of the Republic or endeavored to allure them into their service, and finally took one of them away under pretext that he had illtreated a Portuguese subject, and caused him to be tried and punished by a court of justice at Demerara. The placards read thus : " Government Notice. " Notice is hereby given that any persons infringing the 307 right of Her Majesty, or acting in contravention of the laws of British Guiana, will be prosecuted according to law. " By command, " Francis Villiers, "Acting Government Secretary. ^' Georgetown, Demerara, &c. " One Mr. Michael McTurk, entitling himself acting special "Magistrate and Superintendent of the Crown-lands and forests in the Pomaron district, had been at Amacuro, Barima, Mora- juana, and Guaima. He had posted similar announcements, in English, at the principal places along these rivers, which he had revisited on different occasions, in performance of his •duties as Magistrate in charge of the District whereof they were parts. In September, 1883, the Executive of Venezuela had con- cluded a treaty, approved by Congress in May, 1884, granting to Mr. Cyrinius C. Fitzgerald (Manoa Company) the exclusive right to colonize with such national lands as were included within a tract which, on the side of the Orinoco river, ex- tended as far as the boundary line with British Guiana, along the mountains of Imataca, and there to develop agriculture and cattle-breeding as well as any resource contained in the soil. Now, the acting Governor Secretary of Demerara had written to Mr. Fitzgerald, on the 25th of October, 1884, what I here transcribe : " I am directed by His Excellency, the Governor of British •Guiana, to acknowledge receipt of your three letters noted in Ihe margin with reference and transmitting documents respect- ing the Manoa Company and the concession made by the Ven- ezuelan Government, and to convey to you the expression of His Excellency's thanks for the information and the documents supplied. " With regard to the British Guiana boundary, I am di- rected by His Excellency to intimate to you that the Colonial Government exercises authority and jurisdiction within the limits laid down in the accompanying map, starting from the right bank of the Amacuro river, and that within these limits 308 the Colonial Government enforce the law of British Guiana, " I am further to intimate to you that any person disregard- ing or acting in contravention of the laws of British Guiana within these limits will be liable to be prosecuted according to- the laws of the Colony. " The whole of the territory therefore between the Amacuro and Moruca rivers is part of the Colony of British Guiana^ and the Colonial Government will maintain jurisdiction over this territory and prevent the rights of Her Majesty or of the inhabitants of the Colony being in any way infringed. " And in two letters, dated November 22d, 1884, the afore- said Mr. McTurk had declared to Seflor Tomas A. Kelly,. Administrator and President of the Manoa Company, who pur- posed to set up a sawing-machine at the mouth of the Barima, river: " I deem it my duty as the officer now in charge of the Pom- eroon river judicial district, and which district extends to the limits of the Colony on its Venezuelan or western side, ta notify you that the Barima river is in the county of Essequibo- and Colony of British Guiana, and forms parts of the judicial district, over which I exercise jurisdiction. " No settlements of any kind, whether for the purpose of trade or any other purposes, can be made within the limits of the Colony unless in accordance with its existing laws, and those that may become resident therein will be required to- obey them." "I have the honor to inform you that you are now within- the limits of the Colony of British Guiana and those of the district under my jurisdiction, as one of the special magistrates- and Superintendent of Crown-lands and forests of this Colony, and therefore you are outside your jurisdiction as a function- ary of Venezuela. . . . Whatever notification you should make to the inhabitants will be void, and all persons residing- in this or any part of this Colony, or visiting it, will have to conduct themselves in accordance with its laws. I must like- wise call your attention to the notifications put upon trees on 309 the banks of this river, as also on the Rivers Waini and Bar- ima. These notifications were fixed where they are by order of the Government of British Guiana." The British Legation at Caracas had, on its part, made -similar warnings with regard to the Manoa Company. They were, however, more deferent to the rights of Venezuela, as rshown in the note it addressed to the Department of Foreign Affairs on the 8th of January, 1885: "In a dispatch dated London the 28th of November, I am -directed by Her Majesty's Government to attract the attention of that of Venezuela to the proceedings of the agents of the Manoa Company in certain districts, the sovereignty of which is equally claimed by Her Majesty's Government and that of Venezuela. " Earl Granville further instructed me to request the Ven- •ezuelan Government to take steps to prevent the agents of the Manoa Company or of Mr. H. Gordon, who has also a con- -cession for colonization from the Venezuelan Government, from asserting claims to or interfering with any of the terri- tory claimed by Great Britain. "Her Majesty's Government, in the event of that of Vene- zuela declining to move in this matter, would, to their great regret, feel themselves under the necessity of adopting meas- ;ures for preventing the encroachment of the Manoa Company, .and the Governor of British Guiana would even be instructed to employ an adequate police force for the prevention of such •encroachment and maintenance of order. " Lord Granville goes on to inform me, however, that no steps will be taken by the Governor of British Guiana pending this reference to the Venezuelan Government. " I need hardly remind Your Excellency that the question •of the boundary of British Guiana is one of long standing, and that communications upon the subject are at the present mo- ment taking place between Her Majesty's Government and the Venezuelan Minister in London, and it is therefore all the more important that incidents calculated to cause grave incon- venience should be prevented. The territories, irrespective aio of those disputed by Venezuela and Great Britain, conceded to- the Manoa Company are enormous in extent; but without en- tering into that portion o£ the question, I feel certain that his Excellency, the President of the Republic, will duly appreciate- the immense importance of obviating the possibility of any col- lision between the agents of that company and the British au- thorities in the territories the sovereignty of which is still a disputed question." Posts had been setup along the eastern bank of the Ama- curo river and on other spots as far back as the nth of Oc- tober, 1884, in pursuance of orders issued by the Governor of British Guiana, but Her Majesty's Minister did not give any notice of the fact to the Minister of Foreign Relations until the 26th of January, 1885, when the Venezuelan authorities in Guiana had already ordered their removal in evidence that Venezuela did not acquiesce to their significance of British dominion. A like occurrence had taken place in regard to the pledge he gave in his note of January 8th, 18S5, that the Governor of British Guiana would take no action against the proceedings of the Manoa Company or of Mr. W. Gordon's agents, so long as the petition he addressed to the Venezuelan Govern- ment in the same note remain undecided. Indeed, when he offered the above assurance, the measures of the British Gov- ernment to which he adverted had been already executed. The British Legation had also notified the Government, on the 26th of the same month, that the Governor of British Gu- iana had been instructed to send Mr. ]^IcTurk, Stipendiary Magistrate, to the eastern bank of the Amacuro river, with the purpose of investigating the conduct of the Manoa Com- pany and especially that of Mr. Roberto Wells, Civil Commis- sary of Delta Territory, and others. Coincident with this ad- vice, a Commission of English officers had entered the Ama- curo and had carried away the Venezuelan Commissary under arrest. The Department of Foreign Affairs of Venezuela had main- tained that, according to the contract with the Manoa Com- 311 pany, the words "as far as British Guiana," did not purport that the bounds of the concession reached beyond the territory in dispute. It had expressed to the Minister of Great Britain its deep surprise on receiving intelligence of the events of Amacuro, and had finally urged the adoption of such measures as might retrieve those proceedings and bring matters back to the extant status quo, according to which neither nation could exercise jurisdiction over any portion of the territory in con- test. In the note he addressed in London to Lord Rosebery, dated the 28th of July, 1886, General Guzmaz Blanco earnestly pro- pounded, in the name of his Government, the just complaints of the Republic for the successive recent violations of the na- tional territory and acts against Venezuelan jurisdiction that had been committed. He closed his note with the following demands: 1. Removal of all the marks of sovereignty that had been placed on the disputed lands by direction of the Governor of British Guiana. 2. Recall of the officers and public forces that might have been posted on those lands. 3. Satisfactory explanations concerning the non-fulfillment of the convention proposed to Venezuela by Great Britain and concerning the violation of the laws of the Republic in regard to ports not open to foreign vessels. 4. Annulment of the action brought against Mr. Roberto Wells, his liberty and indemnification for ihe damages that had been caused him by his arrest, imprisonment, trial, and punishment for imputation of an offence committed in Vene- zuelan territory. 5. Complete restoration of affairs to their State in 1850, date of the aforesaid agreement, and strict orders to the Gov- ernor of British Guiana, enjoining the careful observance of it pending the settlement of the boundary question by the two Governments. Great Britain not having done anything towards giving sat- isfaction to Venezuela, the Minister of Foreign Affairs wrote 312 to Mr. F. R. Saint John, Her Britannic Majesty's Resident Minister, a note dated at Caracas, the yth of December, 1886, to the following tenor : "In accordance with the order of the President of the Re- public, as the result of the Conference we held with him yes- terday, I have the honor of addressing Your Excellency and stating in substance what he then expressed. " He said that his attention had been seriously called to the grave character of the intelligence received as to occurrences taking place, it is affirmed, in Guiana in regard to its boundary with British Guiana. He remembered the agreement con- cluded in 1850 by an interchange of notes between the two Governments on a spontaneous proposal of the British Gov- ernment, and upon the ground of information sent from Ciudad Bolivar by Vice-Consul Mathison to Mr. Wilson, Charg6 d' Affaires at Caracas, respecting the transmission of orders to the authorities of the province of Guiana to put the same in a state of defence and to repair and arm the dismantled forts, and the language used by Governor Jos6 Tomas Machado as to the erection of a fort at the Barima Point; and on account also of a rumor spread to the effect that Great Britain intended to claim the province of Venezuelan Guiana. Besides giving it the lie by affirming that not only was it destitute of any foundation, but also that it was precisely the reverse of the truth, Mr. Wilson declared, in the name of his Government, that the latter had no intention to occupy or encroach upon the territory in dispute, and that they would not ordain or sanction such occupation or encroachments on the part of British authorities. At the same time he requested and ob- tained from the Government of the Republic analogous dec- clarations. She has kept such an agreement by preserving the status quo, while Great Britain has infringed it since. Be- sides the acts of jurisdiction consummated from 1884, it has been ascertained that she has just now in the channels formed by the rivers Amacuro and Barima, about which there has been no question before, a commissary provided with two ves- sels containing arms and policemen, who levies taxes and pro- 313 hibits persons going there on mercantile business from carry- ing out their operations; that she has had buih a Government house on which the British flag has been and is constantly- hoisted; that a church and school-houses are being constructed; that in October last a small war steamer was there; that a revenue-cutter often runs on the track between Amacuro and Barima, and that they have begun to form on the same spot an agricultural Colony. " Even in the denied assumption that those places were a part of the disputed territory, Great Britain might not have occupied them without violating the above compact. And if, in spite of everything, she occupies them, with still greater reason they should be reoccupied by Venezuela, relieved as she is from any obligation on the ground of its infraction by the other contracting party, and being, as she is, fully conscious of her undebatable right of property. "The President said likewise that the concessions to the Manoa Company could not have given to Great Britain a just ground of complaint as, according to their unequivocal terms, they only extended as far as 'British Guiana '; that is to say, as far as points not contentious, and, moreover, that the con- tract on the subject had expired. " On the above statement, and on the strength of an appli- cation made by the British Legation, with the utmost instancy, in an official note to this ministry, on May 26th, 1836, for the erection of a beacon at the Barima Point, thus recognizing motu propria the incontestable sovereignty of Venezuela over the same, the President added that he was going to send there an engineer instructed to erect the beacon, and new officers to exercise authority for the Republic in said place and in those lying between the rivers Barima and Amacuro, and to notify to the foreign occupants their withdrawal from them. And he ended by saying that if the Government of Her Britannic Majesty would occupy such a point as Barima, the possession of which would render them joint proprietors of the Orinoco, and decide in this manner by themselves and in their favor this, for Venezuela, the most grave question, wresting from 314 her by force the exclusive domain of that river and presenting^ thus to her an indubitable casus belli, he should be compelled^ by the requirements of patriotism and by his high duties as the guardian of the territorial integrity of Venezuela, to break up the relations between the two countries. " The President has instructed me to write this note in order that Your Excellency may communicate to me the informa- tion and antecedents you may know of in regard to so unheard of and almost incredible occurrences. Mr. Saint John replied that, since the President, before re- sorting to the occupancy of a portion of the disputed territory, had refused to await the result of the notification of his pur- pose to the British Government, he did not see what could be gained by assenting to his petition or by persevering in the discussion. In order to avoid error, however, he would re- mark in connection with two of the points treated in the com- munication of the Minister of Foreign Relations, that, in the first place, the territory between the Barima and Amacuro rivers, which, according to the assertion contained in that communication, was only now claimed by Her British Majesty's Government, had been already mentioned in Lord Aberdeen's note to Mr. Fortique, dated the 30th of May, 1844, as a part of British Guiana; secondly, that the petition addressed to the Venezuelan Government on the 26th of May, 1836, by the British Agent at Caracas, respecting the erection of a light- house at Punta Barima, had been made without the knowledge or authorization of the British Government, to whom the Agent did not even notify such petition; and ultimately, that the doctrine assuming that every act or word o£ a diplomatic agent binds his Government is utterly incompatible with inter- national law, it being perfectly recognized that not even a formal treaty concluded and signed by a plenipotentiary is valid unless it be duly ratified by his Government." In reference to the two points in question the minister of Foreign Relations replied, on the 8th of January, 1887, in this manner: " Venezuela has never admitted, neither will she ever ad- 315 mit, that Dutch Guiana bounds upon the Orinoco; and this is- proved by the text of the note with which Senor Fortique opened the negotiation on limits, by the previous ones in which he demanded the removal of the flags, posts, and marks placed atBarima and other places by Engineer Schomburgk in 1841,. and by the conferences he held on the subject with their Ex- cellencies, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and of the Colo- nies. It was precisely the placing of these marks of foreign dominion at the places mentioned, to which Great Britain had no right, that created such a sensation in Venezuela, and caused the sending of Messrs. Lie. Jost^ Santiago Rodriguez and Juan Jos6 Romero to Demerara, in the character of com- missioners, to demand an explanation of those surprising facts. In a note dated the nth of December, 1841, Lord Aberdeen wrote to Senor Fortique that the marks had been placed as a means of preparation by his Government for the discussion of the boundary question with the Government of Venezuela ;. that they were placed precisely with this object and not, as Venezuela seemed to fear, with th^; intention of indicating dominion or empire on the part of Great Britain. Lord Aberdeen added that he had learned with pleasure that the two commissioners sent by the Republic had been able to as- certain, through the information given them by the Governor of said Colony, that Point Barima had not been occupied by the English authorities. "The usurpations which Spain made legal by the Miinster Treaty were those concerning the Colonies of Essequibo, Deme- rara, Berbice, and Surinam, and were afterwards confirmed by the extradition treaty made at Aranjuez, in which your Ex- cellency may see that the Dutch Colonies of Essequibo, Deme- rara, Berbice, and Surinam, together with Curagoa, and Saint Eustace, are mentioned in juxtaposition with the Spanish Colo- nies of the Orinoco, Coro, and Porto Rico. Of these Colonies the Netherlands transferred to His Britannic Majesty by the London Treaty of the 13th of August, 1814, those of Esse- quibo, Demerara, and Berbice. Whence comes, then, the right of England over the Spanish Colonies of the Orinoco? 316 "The second remark made by your Excellency is to the ■ effect that the British agent in Caracas, that is, Sir Robert Ker Porter, who in i83'6, was the Chargg d' Affaires in this Republic, requested from this Government the erection of a lighthouse at Point Barima, without the knowledge or the consent of his Government; and your Excellency adds, quot- ing a note from the British Legation to this department, dated on the 26th of September, 1851, that the doctrine that all acts or words of a diplomatic agent bind his Government, is in- compatible with international law, it being a well known fact that not even a treaty made by a plenipotentiary is valid unless ratified by his Government. "On these points the President has instructed me to state that the Government of Venezuela cannot admit that after the long period of fifty years has elapsed since the date of Sir Robert's communication, the British Government having been informed by him or his successors of the step he took, should not have apprised that of Venezuela of the lack of authoriza- tion which your Excellency, on account of what has happened, communicates to-day for the first time, after fifty years have elapsed, and which nothing could make this Government pre- sume upon." The correspondence passed between the Minister of For- eign Affairs and the British Legation at Caracas, of which the preceding extracts have been offered, was sent to the Depart- ment of State by Sr. J. A. Olavvaria, in two pamphlets printed in English, along with his notes of May 4th and 21st, 1887. It closed with the rupture of diplomatic relations between Venezuela and Great Britain, on the 20th of February of the same year. The report of the Commission sent to the Orinoco in 1886, by the Venezuelan Government, had confirmed all the previ- ous advices regarding the extensive occupation of territory and acts of sovereignty that Great Britain had accomplished in Guiana in detriment of the rights of Venezuela, while the two nations were negotiating in Europe a treaty of amity, in- 317 eluding a clause of arbitration, for the settlement of their boun- dary controversy. In reply to the note of January 5th, 1887, to which the Venezuelan Consul at Demerara annexed another from the members of the aforesaid Commission, stating the object of their visit to British Guiana, the Government of the Colony had referred to the notice published in the London Gazette,- under date of 21st of October, 1886, and had manifested that the Districts mentioned in the official communication of the Venezuelan Commissioners were comprised within the bounds which that notice estabHshed, and formed part of the Colony of British Guiana. In fact, the notice, which Mr. Charles Bruce,. Secretary of the Government of Demerara, certified to have been copied from the London Gazette of October 21, 1886,. runs thus: "Colonial, Office, Dow^ning Street. October 21, 1886. * "Whereas, The boundary line between Her Majesty's Col- ony of British Guiana and the Republic of Venezuela is in dis- pute between Her Majesty's Government and the Government" of Venezuela; and whereas, it has come to the knowledge of Her Majesty's Government that grants of land within the terri- tory claimed by Her Majesty's Government, as part of the said' colony, have been made or purport to have been made, by or in' the name of the Government of Venezuela, notice is hereby given that no title to land, or to any right in or over or affect- ing any land, within the terrritory claimed by Her Majesty's Government as forming part of the colony of British Guiana,- purporting to be derived from or through the Government of Venezuela, or any office or person authorized by that Govern- ment, will be admitted or recognized by Her Majesty or by the Government of British Guiana, and that any person taking possession of or exercising any right over any such land under color of any such title or pretended title will be liable to be treated as a trespasser under the laws of the said colony. " A map showing the boundary between British Guiana' and Venezuela, claimed by Her Majesty's Government, can 318 be seen in the library of the Colonial OfRce, Downing Street, or at the office of the Government Secretary, Georgetown, British Guiana." Of course the boundary laid down in that map was not the Essequibo river, which Venezuela, supported by the treaties of Miinster (1648), Aranjuez (1791), London (1814), and Madrid (1845), had always claimed to be the eastern hne dividing her from British Guiana. Neither was it the Pomeron River, which Great Britain had adopted motu propria until 1844; Nor the Moroco, proposed by Lord Aberdeen in 1844; Nor Lord Granville's line, in 1881, which started 29 miles east of the eastern bank of the Barima River ; Nor Lord Rosebery's, in 1886, beginning on the coast, west of the Guaima river. It was nothing short of the limit capriciously indicated by Engineer Schomburgk, in 1841, which Lord Aberdeen had then considered to be exaggerated and of mere convenience so far as the Cuyuni river was concerned, its marks having been removed by order of Her Britannic Majesty's Govern- ment by way of satisfaction to the complaints of Venezuela. The same limit that Great Britain and Venezuela, by the agreement of 1850, had mutually engaged not to occupy or encroach upon, nor to allow it to be occupied or encroached upon by their respective authorities. The same referred to in the Report No. 2 of the Depart- ment of Agriculture of the United States for the year 1892 (Report on the Agriculture of South America, with maps and latest statistics of trade), in the following terms: "It ought to be noted, perhaps, that the British authority, known as The Statesman's Year Book for 1885, gives the area of British Guiana, bounding Venezuela on the east, as 76,000, End that the same annual for 1886 gives the area as 109,000 square miles, an increase during the year of 33,000 square miles to European possessions in America, and an equal loss to the Republic of Venezuela, so far unaccounted for by treaty or recognized conquest, and claimed by the latter 319 country to be against her hitherto unbroken and undisputed right of possession acknowledged in the treaty of Miinster, 1648, the definitive treaty of Aranjuez, 1791, and the treaty of London, 1814, which conferred what is now British Guiana upon Great Britain with the Essequibo as its permanent west- ern boundary." With a view to include that increase of 33,000 square miles within the bounds of British Guiana, the Court of Policy had sanctioned a new territorial division, in July, 1886, reforming that of 186S in vigor until then. The act reads thus : "Registration division No. i, to compromise the settlements on the Moruca, Waini, and Barima rivers, and their tributa- ries, the right bank of the Amacuro river and its tributaries •on that bank, and all the country lying between the above- named rivers and as far back as the limits of the colony ex- lend." According to the ordinance of 1868, the legal boundary of the Colony, ever since the beginning of the controversy in 1 841, did not extend beyond the Pomaron river. The country inclosed between the Pomaron and Barima rivers and Punta Barima was the principal object of the dis- pute between the two States. Neither could take possession of it or occupy it so long as the difficulty subsisted, especially so Great Britain, after the agreement of 1850, which she had proposed herself. Nevertheless, she had gradually occupied the whole territory and had subjected it to her exclusive do- main, by reason of its being under litigation, at the same time that in London she baffled the expectations of Venezuela and her exertions to bring about the final arrangement of the question by arbitration. She had twice declined to evacuate the land and retire back to the Pomaron. Offended at the double refusal of Great Britain to submit the difference to arbitrament, Venezuela, deprived by her material weakness of every immediate and efficient means of obtaining justice, determined, as before said, to suspend her diplomatic relations with Great Britain and " to protest be- fore Her British Majesty's Government, before all civilized 320 nations, and before the world in general, against the acts of spoliation committed to her detriment by the Government of Great Britain, which she at no time and on no account will recognize as capable of altering in the least the rights which she has inherited from Spain, and respecting which she will ever be willing to submit to the decision of a third power." General Guzman Blanco, the last negotiator for the Repub- lic in England, had been again elected to the Presidency of Venezuela. In order to close this period of the controversy. I present here the account of General Guzmdn's mission and of the subsequent acts of the Government he headed, until the relations with Great Britain were severed, as given in his Message to Congress in 1887: " The Guiana boundary question has taken so grave a turn that it is with deep regret that I must speak to you. about our relations with Great Britain. " While in London in the character of Minister of Vene- zuela, I discussed our three questions with Her British Majes- ty's Government, namely, diplomatic claims, differential duties relating to the British Antilles and the Guiana boundaries. " It may be said that the first one was finally settled; as for the other two, they were included in a project of a new treaty in substitution for the present one, which has been extant 58 years, because of the inconceivable interpretation of perpetuity imposed upon us by England, under color that no date was established in it for its expiration. " After a year's discussion, the project of a new treaty was agreed upon with Lord Granville, then Minister of Foreign Affairs. The taxes on the British West Indies were made equal to those of the metropolis ; arbitration was accepted by both par- ties as the only means of settling such questions as could not be adjusted by common accord, and a period of ten years was fixed, after which it would rest with each of the parties to denounce the treaty. " This, however, was not signed, as the clause of the most favored nation was required from us in an absolute way, and Venezuela could enter into no engagement with other ends or 321 •on other terms than those stipulated with the other friendly .Nations. "This difference might have been easily surmounted, for England maintained the same pretension respecting the United States of America, and finally withdrew it because the latter Nation alleged the same reasons that we have alleged." " So, then, the Treaty with Great Britain was well-nigh Ijeing signed, when Lord Salisbury's Ministry came into office and categorically declined to conclude the negotiation on the same terms on which it had been conducted by his predecessor, notwithstanding my remark that in the question between Afghanistan and Russia the agreement negotiated by his predecessor had been signed, and that the Marquis of Salisbury himself had just said in Parliament that he had .signed it because it was unworthy of a serious Government to retract their word when once given ; which afforded me the -opportunity to maintain that, the case with the negotiation of Venezuela being the same as that of Russia, we had a right to be treated inthe same way, unless Great Britain applied one jurisprudence to Russia and a different one to Venezuela, of which I should much regret to notify my Government. " The last month of my delay in Europe was due to the .circumstance that the Minister, Lord Rosebery, requested a last effort on my part in order to settle in two or three more weeks this important negotiation. The time having expired without any fruit, because the Minister did not accept the -arbitrament and demanded the Guaima river, tributary to the Orinoco, I took my leave in a note, wherein it was stated, in sub- stance, that Venezuela had accredited me with the most ample powers to bring the three questions at issue to a definitive end; that the question concerning the course to be followed for the payment of the diplomatic claims being almost settled, Ihe other two were comprehended in the new Treaty intended to replace the present one, no longer possible after fifty-eight years of existence, in which the period of its duration was not determined, according to the same treaty; that unfortunately during the two years elapsed no adjustment could be reached 322 in regard to the treaty solving the difficulty of the differential duties on the British West Indies and that of the Guiana boundaries, the latter to be decided by arbitration, the only available means for Venezuela, since our Constitution prohibits the alienation of territory and establishes our limit on the Essequibo river, which was the one held by Spain, whose territorial rights Venezuela inherited; and that, it being neces- sary to entrust the discussion of the question to a man thor- oughly familiar with the voluminous archives embracing it, the study of which requires a long time, and it having been agreed moreover, that the three questions at issue should be resolved, it was urgent to suspend for the present time the negotiations which had occupied our attention. " Instead of replying to this note, the British Government, doubtlessly because they were told that our boundary reached as far as the Essequibo, has discontinued the discussion and, by decree, has taken possession of and occupied the territory, not only along the Pomaron, but as far as Punta Barima and Amacuro, thus dispossessing us of the exclusive dominion over the Orinoco, the great artery on the north of the Continent, the Mississippi river of South America . "In view of this condition of affairs, what could I do ? Could I inform the Congress of my country that a foreign power had occupied part of our territory, without adding that I had protested in the name of the Nation and severed diplo- matic relations with a Government that acts in such a way towards us ? "On the 26th of January of the present year, I demanded the evacuation of the territory as far as the Pomaron river. "On the 3 Est of January, Her Britannic Majesty's Minister sent his reply confirming the occupancy to a certain extent. "I answered him under the same date, that contrary to the agreement of the i8th of November, 1850, establishing that neither Venezuela nor Great Britain should exercise jurisdic- tion over the country lying west of the Pomaron river, England had occupied the said territory and its rivers as far as the mouth of the Orinoco, thus infringing the agreement and com- 323 pleting the despoliation; and that, in consequence thereof, Venezuela would discontinue her diplomatic relations with Great Britain and raise a most solemn protest against so grievous a despoliation, if the state of affairs was not brought back to what it was in 1850, before the date for the constitu- tional meeting of Congress, or if the submission to arbitration of the Guiana boundary question was not assented to, in accord- ance with our Constitution, and with the sound criterion of civilized people. " This was done on the 21st of last month, at 4 o'clock p. m., but Her Britannic Majesty's Minister has not yet asked for his passport. " At any rate, honor is at stake and its fate will be that of the Nation." Anticipating the impending rupture between Venezuela and Great Britain, the Hon. Mr. Bayard, desirous to avert it, had offered the British Government in December, 1886, the co-operation of the United States as arbiters for the adjust- ment of the difference. " It does not appear," said the Honorable Secretary of State on that occasion, " that at any time heretofore the good offices of this Government have been actually tendered to avert a rupture between Great Britain and Venezuela. As intimated in my No. 58, our inaction in this regard would seem to be due to the reluctance of Venezuela to have the Government of the United States take any steps having relation to the action of the British Government which might, in appearance even, prejudice the resort to our arbitration or mediation, which Venezuela desired. Nevertheless, the records abundantly testify our friendly concern in the adjustment of the dispute; and the intelligence now received warrants me in tendering, through you, to Her Majesty's Government, the good offices of the United States to promote an amicable settlement of the respective claims of Great Britain and Venezuela in the premises. As proof of the impartiality with which we view the question, we offer our arbitration, if acceptable, to both 324 countries. We do this with the less hesitancy as the dispute turns upon simple and readily ascertainable historical facts. " Her Majesty's Government will readily understand that this attitude of friendly neutrality and entire impartiality touching the merits of the controversy, consisting wholly in a difference of facts between our friends and neighbors, is en- tirely consistent and compatible with the sense of responsi- bihty that rests upon the United States in relation to the South American Republics. The doctrines we announced two gen- erations ago, at the instance and with the cordial support and approval of the British Government, have lost none of their force or importance in the progress of time, and the Govern- ments of Great Britain and the United States are equally interested in conserving a status the wisdom of which has been demonstrated by the experience of more than half a century. " It is proper, therefore, that you should convey to Lord Iddesleigh, in such sufficiently guarded terms as your discre- tion may dictate, the satisfaction that would be felt bj'' the ■Government of the United States in perceiving that its wishes in this regard were permitted to have influence with Her Maj- esty's Government." (The Hon. Mr. Bayard to Mr. Phelps. Confidential. 30th of December, 1886.) England declined the offer on the following grounds: •"Her Majesty's Government fully appreciates the friendly feelings which have prompted your Government to offer their mediation in this matter. ^' The attitude, however, which General Guzman Blanco has now taken up in regard to the questions at issue precludes Her Majesty's Government from submitting those questions at the present moment to the arbitration of any third power. "An offer to mediate in the questions at issue between this country and Venezuela has already been received by Her Majesty's Government from another quarter, and has been declined on the same grounds. " I beg that you will convey to the Secretary of State the cordial thanks of the Queen's Government for your communi- 325 cation, and that you will inform him that they have not yet abandoned all hope of a'settlement by direct diplomatic nego- tiations with Venezuela." (Lord Salisbury to Mr. Phelps. 22d of February, 1887.) On the nth of March the Times of London published an abstract of the Report of Parliamentary Papers of the pre- ceding day, relating to the suspension of relations with Vene- zuela. It said: " Mr. Stavely Hill asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, considering the increasing impor- tance of the subject and the breach of diplomatic relations be- tween this country and Venezuela, Her Majesty's Government would consider the advisability of sending a commission to settle the boundary between British Guiana and Venezuela. " Sir J. Fergusson: Her Majesty s Government have every wish to arrive at a settlement of the boundary question, but no such steps as that suggested can be taken so long as the Ven- ezuelan Government maintains the suspension of diplomatic relations with this country." His mission in Venezuela being now at an end, the British Minister sailed, with his family, from La Guayra for Trinidad, on the 14th of March. Great Britain remained in possession of the contested territory as far as the mouth of the Orinoco River. She had declined the mediation of the United States and that of another power, and the offices of the former, as arbiters, for the settlement of the controversy, when she still held amicable relations with Venezuela, and- now she refused to take the steps pursuant to an agreement because of the cessation of those relations by the action of Venezuela. Certain British men-of-war, which, since the latter part of February, had been permanently seen in the Gulf of Paria, withdrew also from the Venezuelan coast in the subsequent month of June, while the Governor of Demerara declared be- fore the Colonial Assembly that England would not guarantee any protection or compensation in case the boundary question should be decided in favor of Venezuela. This, together with the news in circulation that one Mr. Hill would soon arrive at 326 Caracas, in the capacity of a Commissioner, for the purpose of discussing the matter, created the belief that Great Britain had quitted her former position, and that the ties between the two countries were likely to be soon re-established. But the belief proved to be a vain one ; it lasted only a moment. After a short while Great Britain was seen to prosecute with renewed activity the process of her invasions, her claims including this time the rich territory of Yuruari, the great mining district of Venezuela. On the 29th of November a motion was introduced in the Legislature of Demerara author- izing the construction of a railroad extending to the boundaries of the Colony, across the Mazaruni and Cuyuni rivers, within which boundaries, as alleged by the Queen's Attorney, the said District of Yuruari was comprised. And a month later the Governor issued the following proclamation: " BRITISH GUIANA. " By his Excellency, Charles Bruce, esquire, companion of the Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George, Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief in and over the Colony of British Guiana, Vice- Admiral and Ordinary of the same, etc. " Whereas, It has come to the knowledge of the Govern- ment of British Guiana that certain concessions have been granted by the President and by and with the sanction of the Government of the United States of Venezuela, purporting to give and grant certain rights and privileges for constructing a railway to Guacipati, and in and over certain territories and lands within and forming part of the Colony of British Guiana; " Now, therefore, I do hereby intimate to all whom it may concern that no alleged rights purporting to be claimed under any such concession will be recognized within the said Colony of British Guiana, and that all persons found trespassing on or occupying the lands of the Colony without the authority of the Government of this Colony will be dealt with as the law directs . 327 " Given under my hand and the public seal of the Colony, Oeorgetown, Demerara, this 31st day of December, 1887, and in the fifty-first year of Her Majesty's reign. God save the ■Queen. " By His Excellency's command. " George Melville, " Acting Government Secretary. It was to this new r.nd exorbitant pretension that the Hon. Mr. Bayard adverted in the note from which the following passages are quoted: " The claim now stated to have been put forth by the authorities of British Guiana necessarily gives rise to grave disquietude, and creates an apprehension that the territorial claim does not follow historical traditions or evidence, but is apparently indefinite. At no time hitherto does it appear that the district, of which Guacipati is the center, has been claimed 3.S British territory or that such jurisdiction has ever been asserted over its inhabitants, and if the reported decree of the Governor of British Guiana be indeed genuine, it is not apparent how any line of railway from Ciudad Bolivar to ■Guacipati could enter or traverse territory within the control of Great Britain. " It is true that the line claimed by Great Britain as the ■western boundary of British Guiana is uncertain and vague. It is only necessary to examine the British Colonial office list for a few years back to perceive this. In the issue for i877) for instance, the line runs nearly southwardly from the mouth of the Amacuro to the junction of the Cotinga and Takutu rivers. In the issue for 1887, ten years later, it makes a wide detour to the westward, following the Yuruari. Guacipati lies considerably to the westward of the line officially claimed in 1887; ^nd it may perhaps be instructive to compare with it the map which doubtless will be found in the colonial office list for the present year. " It may be well for you to express anew to Lord Salisbury the great gratification it would afford this Government to see 328 the Venezuelan dispute amicably and honorably settled by- arbitration or otherwise, and our readiness to do anything we properly can to assist in that end. " In course of your conversation you may refer to the pub- lication in the London Financier of January 24th (a copy of which you can procure and exhibit to Lord Salisbury), and express apprehension lest the widening pretensions of British Guiana to possess territory over which Venezuelan jurisdiction has never heretofore been disputed may not diminish the chances for a practical settlement. " If, indeed, it should appear that there is no fixed limit to- the British boundary claim, our good disposition to aid in a settlement might not only be defeated, but be obliged to give place to a feeling of grave concern." (Mr. Bayard to Mr.. Phelps, 17th of February, 1888.) Subsequently to the proclamation of the Governor of Deme- rara a force was sent off to take possession of the new ter- ritories and lands, and several projects were presented for the construction of a road to Yuruari, which was never exe- cuted, and of railway and telegraphic communications with the mines. In June, 1888, while the Republic, through her Represen- tative in Europe, was negotiating in a confidential way the preliminaries to the reinstallment of the question on a diplo- matic ground and to the re-establishment of harmony with Great Britain, the Government of British Guiana decreed the creation of one more colonial district, under the name of Northeast District, within the compass of which was included the Venezuelan territory of Barima. Officers were also ap- pointed for its permanent occupancy and the collection of taxes, and the sum of $10,000 was appropriated for adminis- tration expenses, etc. The report of the Department of Agriculture of the United States, previously mentioned, shows that the acquisitions of land in Guiana in detriment of the Venezuelan territory amounted to an area of 33,000 square miles only in the year of 1885 and 1886. The increase of English possessions can 329 be estimated in view of the extent of the appropriations from 1884 to 1885, and of those effected after 1886, previously to the last decree of the Governor of Demerara, and at a later period. It will suffice to remember that rehable geographers situated the English Colony between the Corawin and Esse- quibo rivers at the first quarter of this century; that several of them assigned to it a surface of 50,000 to 60,000 square kilometers, » while others considered it to be 65 leagues long by 30 wide, bounded on the Atlantic coast by the mouth of the Corentyn and Cape Nassau; that, according to the allegation of Venezuela, British Guiana, as succeeding Dutch Guiana, possesses only such extent of territory as is limited to the west by the Essequibo river (58° 30 ' longitude west of Greenwich) and by the 4° 2 ' and 6° 50 ' parallels north latitude, and that, as it appears from the Map of the Foreign Office List for 1892, it has now been stretched out to the 62° meridian west longitude, and to the 1° and 9° parallels north latitude. Venezuela protested against the grievances committed in June, 1888, by the authority and settlers of Demerara, with or without the consent of the British Cabinet, as she had pre- viously done against similar proceedings in 1887; and renewed her protest in October of the same year, 1888, when the advice reached the Department of Foreign Relations that the English had two schooners in Barima, which relieved each other every fortnight; that they prevented the cutting of wood, did not allow the pontoon lighthouse of the Republic to anchor less than a half mile away from the land, and also continued to occupy Amacuro. The Department of State is acquainted with all these formal declarations of Venezuela in defence of her territorial rights ignored by Great Britain. Great Britain took no heed to such declarations. On the contrary, scarcely had a year elapsed since the last was made, the Government of Demerara took formal possession (procla- mation of December 4th, 1889 ) of the main mouth of the Orinoco, declared the city of Barima to be a British part of the Colony, and established there a police station, thus calling 330 forth a new protest on the part of Venezuela, on the i6th of December, 1889, which was also communicated in proper time to the Government of the United States, through its Legation at Caracas. The Department of State was not indifferent to the above mentioned communication; on the contrary, it hastened to authorize Mr. White to confer with Lord SaUsbury respect- ing the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Venezuela, on the basis of a temporary return to the status quo, as suggested by the Venezuelan Minister. (Mr. Blaine to Mr. White, telegram of December 30th, 1889.) And in another telegraphic dispatch of a posterior date it car- ries still further the offer of its friendly co-operation: " Mr. Lincoln is instructed to use his good offices with Lord Salisbury to bring about the resumption of diplomatic intercourse between Great Britain and Venezuela as a pre- liminary step toward the settlement of the boundary dispute by arbitration. The joiirt proposals of Great Britain and the United States toward Portugal, which have just been brought about, would seem to make the present time propitious for submitting this question to an international arbitration. He is requested to propose to Lord Salisbury, with a view to an ac- commodation, that informal conference be had in Washington or in London of representatives of the three Powers. In such conference the position of the United States is one solely of impartial friendship toward both litigants." (Mr. Blaine to Mr. Lincoln. Telegram ist of May, 1890.) The instruction contained in the foregoing telegram was confirmed and amplified in a subsequent note, where, after briefly considering the obstruction which the abrupt rupture of diplomatic intercourse with England opposed to the renewal of negotiations on the basis of the status quo, and the sur- render of the entire question to arbitration, the Honorable Secretary of State goes on to say : "It is nevertheless desired that you shall do all you can con- sistently with our attitude of impartial friendliness to induce some accord between the contestants by which the merits of 331 the controversy may be fairly ascertained and the rights of each party justly confirmed. The neutral position of this Government does not comport with any expression of opinion on the part of this Department as to what these rights are, but it is evident that the shifting footing on which the British boundary question has rested for several years past is an obstacle to such a correct appreciation of the nature and grounds of her claim as would alone warrant the foundation of any opinion. (Mr. Blaine to Mr. Lincoln. 6th of May, 1890.) The following considerations, among others, were offered bv the Marquis of Salisbury: "Her Majesty's Government are very sensible of the friendly feelings which have prompted this offer on the part of the United States Government. They are, however, at the present moment in communication with the Venezuelan Minister in Paris, who has been authorized to express the desire of his Government for the renewal of diplomatic relations and to discuss the conditions on which it may be effected. "The rupture of relations was, as your Government is aware, the act of Venezuela, and Her Majesty's Government had undoubtedly reason to complain of the manner in which it was effected. But they are quite willing to put this part of the question aside, and their only desire is that the renewal of friendly intercourse should be accompanied by arrangements for the settlement of the several questions at issue. " I have stated to Sefior Urbaneja the terms on which Her Majesty's Government consider that such a settlement might be made, and am now awaiting the reply of the Venezuelan Government, to whom he has doubtless communicated my proposal. " Her .Majesty's Government would wish to have the oppor- tunity of examining that reply, and ascertaining what prospect it would afford of an adjustment of existing differences, before considering the expediency of having recourse to the good offices of a third party. "I may mention that, in so far as regards the frontier between British Guiana and Venezuela, I have informed Senor 332 Urbaneja of the willingness of Her Majesty's (jovernment to abandon certain portions of the claim which they believe themselves entitled in strict right to make and to submit other portions to arbitration, reserving only that territory as to which they believe their rights admit of no reasonable doubt. If this offer is met by the Venezuelan Government in a cor- responding spirit, there should be no insuperable difficulty in arriving at a solution. But public opinion is, unfortunately, much excited on the subject in Venezuela, and the facts of the case are strangely misunderstood." (The Marquis of Salisbury to Mr. Lincoln. 26th of May, 1890.) Lord Salisbury had, indeed. Communicated two memoranda to Senor Urbaneja, one on the loth of February, and the other on the 19th of March, 1890. In both it is categorically stated that "Her Majesty's Gov- ernment cannot accept as satisfactory any arrangement not admitting as English property the territory included within the line laid down by Sir R. Schomburgk." And in the second of them he further says: "That in order to facilitate an arrangement and in evidence of good-will towards Venezuela, Her Majesty's Government are disposed to relinquish a part of a certain pretension, and that, in regard to the portion of territory not comprised between Schom- burgk's line and England's extreme pretensions, they are dis- posed to submit to the arbitration of a third power." This last begins at the Mountains of Imataca, opposite to the source of the river bearing the same name, and of the Aquire. It bends to the southwest and extends along the Yuruari river down to the point ^vhere Lord Granville's line joins that of Schomburgk, now altered; thence it continues westward until it reaches the confluence of the Yuruari with the Cuyuni; then turns northward along the course of the Yuruari to a certain distance above the town of Nueva Provi- dencia, which it encircles; and embracing the whole of the Avechica river and of the Sierra of Usupamo as far as the spot where the latter runs together with that of Carapo, it skirts the Mountains of Rinocoto up to the source of the Caco 333 river. To this line a portion of land is to be added, thus bounded: From the spot previously mentioned, opposite to the Aquire and Imataca rivers, it spreads southeasterly to a cer- tain nameless river (perhaps the Paraguayaira) ; thence to the southwest towards the Cuyuni, the left bank of which it follows as far as the source of the Camarate river, from which it now turns away in a curved direction to reach the origin of the above mentioned Caco river. The part of pretension which she abandoned was that limited by the line which, starting from the vicinity of the mouth of the Amacuro, descends to the southwest as far as the origin of the Yariquita Mountains, proceeds along the ridge of Imataca, to the town of Upata, intersects the Usupamo and Carapo at the place where they flow into the Caroni, and extends along the Carapo and Rinocoto Mountains till it blends with the original line of Schomburgk. In fine, of the three sections into which Lord Salisbury di- vided this time the territory in dispute, that which Her Majes- ty's Government held in possession as exempt from all discus- sion regarding titles was no other than the portion including Barima, one of the mouths of the Orinoco, precisely the knot of the controversy ; the same that had been explored by Sir R. Schomburgk and constantly rejected by Venezuela since 1840, which now appeared considerably altered to the benefit of Great Britain, as it can be seen by comparison with the original line of the same English engineer as figured in the map showing the various boundaries proposed by Venezuela and England until 1890. A copy of this map is in the posses- sion of the Department of State. Before the reply of Venezuela to the proposals of Lord Salisbury had reached Doctor Urbaneja, Doctor Lucio Pulido arrived at London as his substitute, with the powers of a Pleni- potentiary ad hoe and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- potentiary of the Republic. The main object of this diplo- matic mission was the resumption of relations with Great Brit- ain, through the good offices of the Minister of the United States, a condition sine qua non of such resumption being the 334 pre-establishment of cardinal points — among them the settle- ments of the conflict by arbitration — intended to govern the discussion concerning any definite agreement. Sir Th. Sanderson, Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office, with whom Dr. Pulido negotiated, proposed to him a line which, commencing at Punta Mocomoco, between Punta Ba- rima and the Guaima river, was to border upon the Amacuro river on the west, in compensation for which the boundar}' line was to follow the course of the Uruan or Yuruari river, up from its junction with the Cuyuni, and could be stretched as far as the Mountains of Usupamo and Rinocoto. He prom- ised, moreover, according to Dr. Pulido's official report, that Her Majesty's Government, being willing to negotiate directly with that of Venezuela for the purpose of establishing a fron- tier of mutual convenience between the two Guianas, approach- ing as far as possible the natural limits, would lengthen Sir Th. Sanderson's line from Cape Mocomoco towards the south- east, and would renonunce any claim or compensation whatever for the abandonment or, to speak more properly, for the res- titution of the mouths of the Orinoco and the adjoining terri- tories. It cannot be observed that, by this proposition. Great Brit- ain again admitted discussion concerning her right over the~ territory explored by Schomburgk, a right formerly asserted to be unquestionable, and even promised to withdraw all claims to the Orinoco and the neighboring country. The proposition was thus rendered more advantageous than the one which had been made to Senor Urbaneja in the previous month of March ; but since Venezuela's aim had been not to propose the adjustment of the difference at once, but to promote a re- newal of diplomatic intercourse on condition that the English Government should agree to submit the question to interna- tional arbitration, a purpose which had not been realized, Sefior Pulido returned to Caracas in September of the same year, 1890, leaving the boundary dispute in the state above de- scribed, and the good understanding between the two Nations interrupted as before. 335 As a testimony of her sincere desire to re-establish her re- lations and facilitate by that means the removal of all the diffi- culties, Venezuela finally appointed Sefior Tomas Michelena, Confidential Agent of the Republic, to resume negotiations with Her Majesty's Government in pursuance of that purpose. I offer here an excerpt of the clauses presented by him at the outset of his proceedings : First. After the renewal of the official relations between the two counties, subsequently to the ratification of this preliminary agreement by the respective Governments, each of them shall appoint one or more delegates invested with full powers, to sign a treaty on boundaries, founded on a conscientious and thorough examination of the documents, titles and antecedents supporting their claims ; it being moreover agreed that the decision of the doubtful points, or the delineation of a divisional line, concerning which no accord may be reached by the dele- gates, shall be submitted to the final and unappealable decision of an arbiter juris who, the case occurring, shall be nominated by mutual concert between the two Governments. Second. In order that the re-establishment of relations with Her Majesty's Government may be accomplished on a footing of the greatest cordiality, the Government of Venezuela will proceed to the conclusion of a new treaty of commerce, revok- ing the 30 per cent, additional duty, and substituting in its place one of limited duration, such as that proposed by Lord Gran- ville in 1884. Third. The claims which Her British Majesty's subjects and the citizens of the Republic of Venezuela may have a right to produce against each other's Government, shall be investigated by a Commission appointed ad hoc, Venezuela agreeing to such a proceeding so far only as this special case is concerned, since, by a decree of the Republic, the judgment and decision on foreign claims are committed to the Supreme Federal Court, and it shall consequently be declared that, as regards future claims. Great Britain accepts the foregoing regulation. Fourth. It shall be stated in the preliminary agreement that both Her Majesty's Government and the Government of Ven- 336 ezuela acknowledge and declare the status quo of the boundary question to be that which existed in 1850, when the Hon. Sir B. Wilson, Charge d'Affaires of England at Caracas, formally manifested, in the name and by express order of Her British Majesty's Government, that no portion of the disputed territory would be occupied, and solicited and obtained a similar declara- tion on the part of the Venezuelan Government. This status quo shall be maintained until the treaty on boundaries adverted to in clause i shall have been concluded. Fifth. The agreement to be made on the preceding bases, signed by the Confidential Agent of Venezuela in exercise of the powers with which he is invested, and the person duly au- thorized to that effect by Great Britain, shall be forthwith sub- mitted to ratification by both Governments, and, after exchange, the diplomatic relations between the two countries shall be considered re-established ipso facto. London, the 26th of May, 1893. Lord Rosebery replied on the 3d of the following July. He offered no immediate remark concerning the propositions con- tained in clauses 2, 3 and 5 presented by Sefior Michelena ; but, referring only to clauses i and 4 on the boundary ques- tion between Venezuela and British Guiana, which in his opinion, was the most important of all the questions to be con- sidered, he pointed out that, although the present proposal of the Venezuelan Government admitted the possibility of settling the boundary controversy by treaty, the fact that it also involved reference to arbitration, in case of difference be- tween the delegates of the two Governments intrusted with the negotiation of that treaty, practically reduced it to the form which has repeatedly been declined by Her Majesty's Gov- ernment, namely, the reference to arbitration of a claim ad- vanced by Venezuela to a great portion of a long established British Colony. Her Majesty's Government, therefore, considered that the clause I of the Pro Memoria could only be accepted by them under the conditions specified in the memorandum communi- cated in Sir Th. Sanderson's note to Senor Urbaneja, dated 337 the 19th of March, 1890. They would propose the amendment of clause i of the Pro Memoria in the manner indicated by the additions marked with red ink in the copy therein in- closed . With regard to clause 4 of the Pro Memoria in which it is proposed that both Her Majesty's Government and the Gov- ernment of Venezuela shall acknowledge and declare that the status quo of the boundary controversy is that which existed in 1850, Her Majesty's Government considered it quite im- possible that they should consent to revert to the state of affairs in 1850, and to evacuate what had for some years constituted an integrant portion of British Guiana. They regretted, there- fore, that they could not entertain that proposition. Great Britain believed herself entitled .to incontestable rights over the territory now occupied by her. Those rights she was un- able now to abandon, and she could not consent that any status quo, except that now existing, should remain in force during the progress of the negotiations. The alteration of clauses i and 4, as proposed by Lord Rosebery, reads textually as follows, the words which are in italic being those which appear in red ink in the original : " Whereas, the Government of Great Britain claims certain territory in Guiana, as successor in title of the Netherlands, and the Government of Venezuela claims the same territory as being the heir of Spain, both Governments being inspired by friendly intentions, and being desirous of putting an end to the differences which have arisen in this matter, and both Governments wishing to pay all deference to the titles alleged by either to prove its jurisdiction and proprietary rights over the territory in question, they agree and stipulate that, as soon as the official relations shall have been re-established between the two countries, and after the ratification of the present pre- liminary convention by both Governments, one or more dele- gates shall be named by each party, with full powers to con- clude a frontier treaty, founded on a conscientious and com- plete examination, by said delegates, of the documents, titles, and past events supporting the claims of either party; it being 338 ■agreed that the said territory in dispute lies to the west of the line ■laid down in the map communicated to the Gocernment of Vene- zuela on the 19th of March, 1890, and to the east of a line to be marked on the same map running from the source of the river Cumano do2un that stream and up the Aima, and so along the Sierra of Usupamo, and that the decision of doubtful points and the laying down of a frontier on the line of which the dele- gates may be unable to agree, shall be submitted to the final decision, from which there shall be no appeal, of a Juridical Arbiter, to be appointed, should the case arise, by common agreement between the two Governments." This frontier impairs the right of Venezuela, if compared with that proposed in i886 by Lord Rosebery himself to Gen- ■eral (juzmAn Blanco, and also to a greater extent, with the line described on the map sent by Lord Salisbury to Senor Urbaneja on the 19th of March, 1890, through Sir Th. San- derson, since the aforesaid limit intended to be drawn to the west of the latter necessarily and finally confers on Great Britain the proprietorship, actually and by right, of a greater portion of territory not subject to the decision of the delegates and of the Juridical Arbiter. Venezuela had declined the first and second lines, and so had stronger reasons not to accept the third. Seuor Michelena communicated forthwith her refusal, reiterating at the same time her desire that the British Government should consent to resume the discussion of the preliminary treaty, inspiring them- selves in the declarations which, in their name, had been re- cently made by Mr. Gladstone before the Parliament in be- half of arbitration. On the 1 2th of September, Lord Rosebery replied : " Her Majesty's Government have carefully examined the arguments contained in your note of the 31st of last July, con- cerning the settlement of the boundary question between the Republic of Venezuela and the Colony of British Guiana. " I regret to inform you that it does not appear to Her Maj- esty's Government that the contents of your note open the 339 ■way to an agreement that they can accept concerning this question. "They are still desirous, however, to come to an under- standing in regard to the frontier between the p;>ssessions of the two countries, and they are disposed to give their best at- tention to any practicable proposals that might be offered them to that effect." Sefior Michelena analyzed this note in a communication to the Foreign Office, dated the 29th ot the same month of Sep- tember, 1893, wherein he briefly sketches the history of the controversy from Sejior Fortique's mission in 1840 up to his in 1893, and expresses his regret that he must acquaint the •Government of the RepubHc with the last reply given by that of Great Britain. He closes with the following protest : " It now remains for me to declare in the most solemn man- ner, in the name of the Government of Venezuela, that they •deeply regret that the condition of affairs created by the events, which occurred during the late years in the disputed territory, must remain subject to the serious disturbances which de facto proceedings cannot fail to produce, and that in no time will Venezuela consent that such proceedings be adduced as valid titles to legitimize an occupancy interfering with her territorial jurisdiction." Under the direction of Dr. Chittenden, Secretary of the Board of Agriculture of Trinidad, a sloop had been fitted out some days before for the purpose of carrying twenty-nine ex- peditionists to High Barima, who were to further the w^orks of the Dixon Company. Together with this news the Port-o/- (Spam (iraze^te of the 25th of July announced vast schemes of enter- prise to be carried out, with the aid of companies and capital- ists from the Colony, in the territory now called Northwest District by the English, extending as far as the mouth of the Orinoco. The Executive of Venezuela considered this occur- rence and the said schemes no less of a nature to embarrass the agreement in furtherance of the settlement of the boundary question than contrary to the good cause of the negotiations commenced at London, inasmuch as the Republic had always 340 defended as her property the territory of that District. The Executive accordingly instructed its Confidential Agent to make them known to Her Majesty's Government, which the Agent did. Lord Rosebery replied on the 22d of September: " With reference to my note of the 2d instant, I have the honor to inform you that Her Majesty's Government have given their careful attention to the representations contained in vour note of the 26th ultimo, complaining of acts on the part of the Authorities of British Guiana, which are consid- ered by the Venezuelan xVlinister for Foreign Affairs to be in contravention of the rights of Venezuela. " Her Majesty's Government are desirous of showing all proper respect for the recognized rights of Venezuela, but the acts of jurisdiction to which you refer in your note do not appear to them to constitute any infraction of or encroach- ment upon those rights. They are in fact no more than part of the necessar\- administration of a territory, which Her Maj- esty's Government consider to be indisputably a portion of the Colony of British Guiana, and to which, as it has been their duty to state more than once, they can admit no claim on the part of \'enezuela." And Mr. Michelena closed th6 discussion with his reply of the 6th of October, the last two paragraphs whereof I may conveniently insert here, as they^ include the last declaration of \"enezuela against the illegal and grievous proceedings of Great Britain: " I perform a most strict duty in raising again, in the name of the Government of Venezuela, a most solemn protest against the proceedings of the Colony of British Guiana, con- stituting encroachments upon the territory of the Repubhc, and against the declaration contained in Tour Excellency's communication, that Her Britannic Majesty's Government consider that part of the territory as pertaining to British Guiana, and admit no claim to it on the part of Venezuela. In support of this protest, I reproduce all the arguments pre- sented to Your Excellency in my note of 29th of last Sep- 341 tember and those which have been exhibited by the Govern- ment o£ Venezuela on the various occasions they have raised this same protest. "I lay on Her British Majesty's Government the entire re- sponsibility of the incidents that may arise in future from the necessity to which Venezuela has been driven to oppose by all possible means the disposition of a part of her territory, for by disregarding her just representation to put an end to this violent state of affairs through the decision of arbiters, Her Majesty's Government ignores her rights and imposes upon her the painful though peremptory duty of providing for her own legitimate defence." Thus ended the sixth and last negotiation promoted by Ven- ezuela for the adjustment of the present dispute. The circumstances which gave rise to this dispute was the comniission entrusted to Sir R. H. Schomburgk by Her Brit- ish Majesty's Government in 1840, so that the difference has lasted more than half a century. The right claimed by Venezuela to the territory lying be- tween the rivers Essequibo and Orinoco is founded on the following titles: I. Those acquired from Spain by virtue of independence, belonging to the Captaincy-General of Venezuela, and after- wards transferred to the Republic by the treaty of peace and recognition of the 30th of March, 1845, namely : (a) Treaty of Miinster, 1648 ; (b) Note of the Governor of Cumand, to the Council of the same city, ist of February, 1742 ; (c) Treaty of 1750 between the Portuguese and Spaniards ; (d) Reply of the Governor of Cumand, through the Commander of Guiana, to the note of the Director-General of the Dutch Colony of Esse- quibo, dated September 30th, 1758; (e) Royal Schedules of 1768, two in number; (f) Declaration of the Spanish ?.Iinistry in 1769, rejecting certain pretensions of the Dutch to the right of fishing in the mouth of the Orinoco river; (g) Instructions of the intendancy for peopling the eastern part of Guiana, 1779; (h) Royal order of 1780, directing Don Felipe de Jnciarte to found the town of San Carlos; (i) Report of Don 342 Antonio Lopez de la Puente, who had been commissioned to- explore the Cuyuni river, February 26th, 1788; (j) Treaty of the 23d of June, 1791, between Spain and Holland for the extradition of fugitives and deserters from either Guiana ; (k) Communication of the Secretary of the Dutch Company of the West Indies to the Minister of the Spanish Government in Holland, 8th of January, 1794. II. Those corresponding to the time of the Republic : (1) Petition of Her British Majesty's Charge d' Affaires near the Government of Venezuela for the construction of light- houses and other signals at Punta Barima, and for the estab- lishment of beacons in the main mouth of the Orinoco, 26th of May, 1836; (m) Dispatch of the Governor of Demerara; (Parliamentary Papers), ist of September, 1838; (n) Note from the Venezuelan Governor of Guiana to the Government, August 23d, 1 84 1, on the acknowledgment of Venezuelan jurisdiction over Cano Moruco by a court of Demerara; (o) A similar act of virtual recognition of Venezuelan jurisdic- tion in I 874, on account of the homicide committed by the English subject, Thomas Garrett. The right of Venezuela has been contested by Great Brit- ain on the following grounds : 1. The forts of New Zealand and New Middleburgh erected by the Dutch in 1657 on the Pomaron and Moroco. 2. The concessions granted by the Dutch Company, succes- sor in I 674 to the West Indies Company, for trading with the colonies of Essequibo and Pomaron, the latter extending, ac- cording to Great Britain, as far as the Orinoco. 3. The combat at Fort New Zealand in i 797, between Dutch and Spaniards, in which the latter were defeated and driven away. 4. The treaty of London, dated August 13th, 1814, by which Holland ceded Great Britain to Colonies of Demerara,. Essequibo and Berbice. Venezuela has sought to bring about the adjustment of the controversy by the various diplomatic means known in in- 343 ternational law, direct negotiations, and the good offices and mediation of States friendly to both parties. Great Britain has not listened to the Powers which have been good enough to offer the interposition of their good offices, neither has she accepted their mediation. And as for direct discussion, she has not admitted it as an expedient means of clear- ing the reasons in support of the pretensions of either party, but to render less possible their conciliation by her ever- growing claims. Venezuela has always believed that she can rightfully es- tablish the limit between herself and British Guiana along the Essequibo river, for this h^s been no reason to prevent her from showing her readiness to reduce her claim for the sake of an amicable adjustment, as she has twice done when her National Constitution has permitted. Great Britain had not advanced beyond the Pomaron river in 1840. All at once, in the same year, she made an attempt to extend her dominion as far as Barima, where she fixed the starting point of the frontier line between the two Guianas — Schomburgk's line ; she retrograded in 1844, and proposed that the line should commence at the River Moroco, between the Pomaron and Punta Barima — Aberdeen's line ; in 1881 she removed the starting-point to a distance of 29 miles from the Moroco, in the direction of Punta Barima — Granville's line ; thence, in 1886, to a place on the coast west of the Guaima river, between the former spot and the Punta Barima — Rosebery's line ; in 1890, she set it in the mouth of the Amacuro, west of Punta Barima, on the Orinoco — Salisbury's line ; and finally, in 1893, constantly advancing west and south in the interior of the country, she carried the boundary from a point to the west of the Amacuro as far as the source of the Cumano river and the Sierra of Usupamo — Rosebery's new line. Venezuela has always abode by the convention of 1850, by which both parties engaged not to occupy the territory in dispute so long as the question remained unsettled. Great Britain has violated that convention without any con- 344 sideration whatever of the other part3^ She has gradually occupied the disputed territory, has incorporated it with British Guiana, has submitted it to her absolute dominion and admin- isters it at her own will. Venezuela has demanded a just reparation for this offence. Great Britain has refused it. The diplomatic recourses having proved fruitless, Venezuela has esteemed it her duty since 1883 to resort to juridical means, and to propose the submission of the difference to the decision of a court of arbitration. Great Britain has declined this agreement. Out of dignity, Venezuela has suspended friendly relations with her opponent. Great Britain has considered this act a lawful motive for adopting more violent and offensive measures. Venezuela has been ready to adhere to the conciliatory counsel of the United States, that a conference consisting of their own representatives and those of the two parties, should meet at Washington or London for the purpose of preparing an honorable re-establishment of harmony between the liti- gants. Great Britain has disregarded the equitable proposition of the United States. Venezuela has carried her spirit of peace and conciliation so far as even to appoint three diplomatic representatives with a private character from 1890 up to this time, with the view of promoting the renewal of friendship through a prior engage- ment to submit the question to arbitration. In response Great Britain has insisted on treating Venezuela as a minor State to which she can dictate the sacrifice of its right and territory, while deciding of her own accord what light and territory belong to herself unquestionably and with- out further discussion. Venezuela has not been able to obtain respect for her ju- ridical equality. She has met each violation with a represen- tation and a formal protest. 345 Such is the summary account of this long and vexing con- test from its outset to the present time. (Signed) Jos6 Andrade. Washington, D. C, March 31st, 1894. Dr. Rojas to Cardmal Rampolla. [Translation.] United States of Venezuela. Department of Foreign Relations, Direction of Foreign Public Law. — No. 734. Caracas, June 19, 1894. His Excellency : For some lime General Joaquin Crespo, President of the Republic, has been considering the idea of soliciting the inter- position of the Holy Father to bring to a peaceful, just, and ■decorous end the grave question yet existing between Vene- -zuela and England regarding the limits of Guiana. And be- ■cause the presence here of a Representative of the Holy See facilitates and makes this occasion still more propitious to bring about that purpose, the Chief Magistrate has conferred "upon me the duty of communicating his ideas to His Excel- lency, Senor Tonti, to whom I have already spoken, in the confidence that the case demanded, of the opinion of the Chief of ^Jj^pGovei nment in respect to the importance and efficacy of that mediation. The voyage to Rome of the Representative of the High Pontiff offers still greater facilities for the attainment of the object, since thus, His Excellency Senor Tonti will be enabled to treat in the most direct manner possible and with the knowledge already possessed on the matter, as to the effica- cious and practical means of giving the Holy See, in so deli- •cate and transcendental a subject, the beneficial mediation which the Venezuelan Government so much desires. The Government trusts that His Holiness will be inclined to •consider this solicitation with the same fatherly interest which he has always shown in all that pertains to the welfare of the Republic. ;U6 With the purpose of obtaining this very valuable aid of His Eminence on a point of such import, I have the honor of ad- dressing this communication. His Eminence will please accept the renewed assurances of my respectful consideration. P. EZEQUIEL ROJAS. To His Eminence Cardinal Rampolla, Secretary of State of His Holiness the High Pontiff Leo XIII. Cardiiuil Rampolla to Dr. Rojas. 1^ Translation.] No. 21560. His Excellency : I received in due time the esteemed communication in which Your Excellency sought my good offices in facilitating the fulfillment of the wish expressed, in the name of His Excel- lency the President of that Republic, in regard to the grave question that exists between Venezuela and England, on the point of the territorial limits of Guayana. The Holy Father, whom I hastened to inform of that respected desire, so as to give a new proof of his benevolence towards that Republic, designed to accede to it and permitted that, in his august name, the official steps should be taken before the Governn^feftt of Her British Majesty to obtain the object wished for by the President. His Excellency himself, Sefior Tonti, Apostolic Delegate to that Republic, went to London to treat on the Sub- ject with that Government and conferred long with the Minis- ter of Foreign Relations of England. But I regret that the result of the aforesaid official steps and of the conferences of the Apostolic Delegate were not in accordance with the common desire of the Holy See and of the Government of Venezuela. Your Excellency will receive from the referred to Seilor Tonti, who is about to return to Caracas, the particulars of this affair. 347 Meanwhile I improve this opportunity to offer to Your Ex- cellency the sentiment of the distinguished consideration with which I have the honor to be Your Excellency's most devoted servant, Cardinal Rampolla. Rome, December yth, 1894. To His Excellency Sefior Pedro Ezequiel Rojas, Minister of Foreign Relations of the United States of Venezuela. General Joaquin Crespo, Constitutiofial President of the United States of Venezuela, to His Holiness the High Pontiff Leo XHL [Translation.] Most Pious Father: When in the month of June of the past year, through the medium of His Excellency Sefior Julio Tonti, Diplomatic Representative of Your Holiness in this Republic, and in a special letter that I caused to be addressed to His Eminence Cardinal Rampolla, I solicited the interposition of thePontificate so as to secure from England the agreement to refer to im- partial arbitration, so long proposed by Venezuela, the settle- ment of the boundary limits with the Colony of Demerara, I was convinced that the benevolence of Your Holiness would be manifested on such an occasion so categorical and decided, as always is whenever it concerns the welfare of nations and the peace of humanity. The facts eloquently confirm m}^ belief ; and although the result of the noble efforts directed by Your Holiness could not reach, through special circumstances, to the height of the design that inspired it, Venezuela, and with her her Govern- ment, shall always esteem the steps taken by the Holy See in this delicate affair as being of the utmost importance, and remember and feel grateful for it, as much as if its results had been those solicited by Your Holiness and so anxiously desired by the Republic. As an expression of the deepest gratitude for such a marked 348 service, I now address this letter to Your Holiness, together with the prayer that I be given the grace of the Apostolic Benediction, and that Your Holiness accept with benevolence the invocation I make that Heaven keep the precious life of Your Holiness many years for the greater glory of the Pon- tificate . Joaquin Crespo. Countersigned. P. EZEQUIEL RojAS, The Minister of Foreign Relations. Federal Palace of the Capitol, in Caracas, the twenty-eighth day of January of the Year of Our Lord the 1895. Dr. Rojas to Cardinal Rampolla. [Translation.] United States of Venezuela. Department of Foreign Relations. Direction of Foreign Public Law. — No. 245 — his. Caracas, February 20, 1895. His Eminence : By the attentive letter of Your Eminence, dated in Rome, December the 7th last, and placed at my hands by His Excel- lency Senor Julio Tonti, Envoy Extraordinary of the Holy See in this Republic, the Government has been informed, with the most vivid gratitude, of the noble reception accorded to the earnest desire of Venezuela in regard to obtaining the inter- position of the High Pontiff on the grave subject of boundaries with the British Colony of Guiana. His Excellency Senor Tonti, to whom Your Eminence referred me for the communication of the details relating to the action taken by His Holiness relative to the desires of Venezuela, has shown me the character of the undertaking brought about by the same, and by order of the High Pontiff, before the Minister of Foreign Relations of Her Britannic Majesty, as 349 well as the result of it, which, although not favorable as it should have been to the high and benevolent mediation of the Holy See, and to the salutary purposes of the Venezuelan Government, it shall be considered as of extreme importance and worthy of being remembered with the utmost recogni- tion. The President of the Republic in a special letter to His Holiness thus expresses it, and I do myself the honor to repeat it to Your Eminence, to whom I renew, at the same time, the homage of my consideration. P. EZEQUIEL ROJAS. To His Eminence Cardinal RampoUa, Secretary of State of His Holiness the High Pontiff Leo XIII. Dr. Rojas to the Papal Envoy in Caracas . [ Translation.] United States of Venezuela. Department of Foreign Relations. Direction of Foreign Public Law. — No. 246 — his. Caracas, February 20, 1895. Your Excellency : After having read the letter of His Eminence Cardinal Rampolla, which Your Excellency placed in my hands early in January last, I heard from the very mouth of Your Excel- lency the statement of the steps taken by the High Pontiff to carry to an amicable termination the dispute by reason of boundary limits between Venezuela and the English Colony of Demerara. I understood all the importance of the high in- tercession and its elevated moral character notwithstanding the negative result offered by influence of special circum- stances. For what I then expressed, Your E.xcellency would under- stand all the appreciation with which, from the beginning, the Government of the Republic viewed the kind reception His 350 Holiness had given to the solicitation of Venezuela and the recognition to which it considered itself indebted for so valu- able an interposition. Therefore, the President of the Republic considered it his duty to address to the High Pontiff an special letter which I have the honor to inclose here to Your Excellency, together with the customary copy, and in which the Supreme Magis- trate expresses the grateful sentiments which are the moral consequence of any benefit received. The letter for His Eminence Cardinal Rampolla contains an equal expression, which I also do myself the honor to accom- pany with the request that it be forwarded. The Government owes to Your Excellency, and I take pleasure in thus expressing it, a special testimonial of gratitude for the singularly sincere and prudent manner in which Your Excellency aided the purpose of the Venezuelan Executive Power, and fulfilled the trust of the Holy Father before the Government of England. Be pleased, Your Excellency, to accept the renewed assur- ances of mj' highest and most distinguished consideration. P. EZEQUIEL RojAS. To His Excellency Senor Julio Tonti, Envoy Extraordinary of the Holy See in the United States of Venezuela. The Papal Envoy to Dr. Rojas. [Translation.] Apostolic Delegation. — No. 120. Caracas, March 16, 1895. j\Ir. Mi?iistcr: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note that has just reached my hands, dated the 20th of February last, in which Your Excellency evinces the gratitude of the Government for the mediation interposed by the Holy Father to the effect that the question of limits between Venezuela and the English Colony of Demerara should terminate amicably. 351 As an expression of that gratitude, Your Excellency inclosed therein two letters, so that I send them to their destination, one from His Excellency General Crespo, President of the Re- public, for the Holy Father, and another of yours for His Eminence Cardinal RampoUa, Secretary of State of His Holi- ness. On assuring you, Mr. Minister, that at the first occasion I shall send them to Rome, I make haste to express my entire satisfaction for the noble sentiments by which the two mentioned letters, worthy of a Catholic nation, are inspired. The flattering expressions in Your Excellency's note, con- cerning me personally, impressed me much, and therefore it is my special duty, Mr. Minister, to attest to you and to His Excellency the President, not less than to the members of the Government, my highest gratitude fur them. I shall feel very happy, whenever within the limits of my power, I may lend any service to the Republic of Venezuela, which Government and citizens have not ceased in giving me, since my arrival, undoubted proofs of their affectionate sympathy. Be pleased to accept, Mr. Minister, the expressions of my most high consideration. Julio, Apostolic Delegate and Envoy Extraordinary of the Holy See. To His Excellency Sefior Don P. Ezequiel Rojas, Minister of Foreign Relations. Mr. Gresham to Mr. Bayard. Department of State, Washington, July 13, 1894. No. 442. Sir: During your incumbency of the office of Secretary of State you became acquainted with a long-pending controversy between Great Britain and Venezuela concerning the bound- ary between that Republic and British Guiana. 352 The recourse to arbitration, first proposed in 1881, having- been supported by your predecessors, was in turn advocated by you in a spirit of friendly regard for the two nations in- volved. In the meantime, successive advances of British set- tlers in the region admittedly in dispute were followed by similar advances of British colonial administration, contesting and supplanting Venezuelan claims to exercise authority therein. Toward the end of 1887 the British territorial claim, which had, as it would seem, been silently increased by some 33,000 square miles between 1885 and 1886, took another compre- hensive sweep westward to embrace the rich mining district of the Yuruari as far as Guacipati; and this called forth your instruction to Mr. Phelps of February 17, 1888, respecting the " widening pretensions of British Guiana to possess territory over which Venezuelan jurisdiction" had never theretofore been disputed. Since then repeated efforts have been made by Venezuela as a directly interested party, and by the United States as the impartial friend of both countries, to bring about a resumption of diplomatic relations, which had been suspended in conse- quence of the dispute now under consideration. The propo- sition to resume such relations has, however, been intimately bound up with the ultimate question of arbitration. Until recently Venezuela has insisted upon joining to the agreement to arbitrate a stipulation for the restoration of the status qua of 1850 pending the proposed arbitration; but it seems that this condition is now abandoned. On the other hand, Great Britain has on several occasions demanded, as a preliminary to an understanding touching arbitration, that Venezuela shall definitely abandon all claim to a large part of the territory in dispute and limit the eventual arbitration to that portion only to which Great Britain has more recently laid claim. In May, 1890, replying to a note of Mr. Lincoln, tendering the good offices of this Government to bring about a resump- tion of relations, by means of a conference of representatives of the three powers, or in any friendly way. Lord Salisbury 353 •offered to submit to arbitration any questions in respect to ter- ritory west of Schomburgk's line of 1840, but insisted on ad- mission of the British claim to all parts to the east of that line. The Venezuelan Government has on three occasions since the rupture sent accredited agents to London to negotiate for a restoration of diplomatic intercourse. Dr. Urbaneja having failed, Senor Pulido succeeded him, and insisted, as his prede- cessor had done, upon a preliminary agreement for unreserved arbitration, but he was met by a counter proposal for a con- ventional boundary line, which was somewhat more favorable to Venezuela than that formerly insisted upon, in that it de- parted importantly from the Schomburgk line and relin- quished claim to the Barima district, on the main branch of the Orinoco. Not reaching an accord, Senor Pulido returned to Caracas in September, 1890, and the matter rested for a time. In 1893 Senor Michelena was sent to L#ondon as a confi- dential agent, bearing a modified proposal to resume diplo- matic relations on the basis of the status quo of 1850, and to appoint commissioners to determine a conventional boundary, leaving to arbitration any question as to which they might fail to agree. Lord Rosebery, replying July 3, 1893, treated this proposal as a substantial renewal of Venezuela's claim for un- conditional arbitration, and in effect declared that the proposed settlement of the boundary by a commission could only be entered upon after Venezuela should have relinquished all claim to any territory eastward of the line laid down on a map submitted to Venezuela 19th March, 1890. This line appears to substantially follow Schomburgk's, with some modifica- tion. Senor Michelena declined this proposition and advanced a counter proposition July 31, 1893, to which Lord Rosebery replied, September 12, that it did not appear to Her Majesty's Government that Senor Michelena's note opened the way to any agreement that they could accept concerning this ques- tion, but that they were " still desirous to come to an under- 354 standing in regard to the frontier between the possessions of the two countries," and were " disposed to give their best attention to any practicable proposals that might be offered them to that effect." A discussion soon followed touching a scheme for the Brit- ish occupation of High Barima and the region to the north- west as far as the Orinoco, which elicited from Lord Rose- bery, September 22, 1893, the declaration that the acts of jurisdiction complained of did not encroach upon Venezuela's rights, but were, "in fact, no more than part of the necessary administration of a territory which Her Majesty's Govern- ment consider to be indisputably a portion of the colony of British Guiana, and to which, as it has been their duty to state more than once, they can admit no claim on the part of Ven- ezuela." Against this declaration Senor Michelena protested October 6, 1893; and there the matter now rests. The President is inspired by a desire for a peaceable and hon- orable adjustment of the existing difficulties between an Amer- ican State and a powerful trans- Atlantic nation, and would be glad to see the re-establishment of such diplomatic relations between them as would promote that end. I can discern but tv/o equitable solutions to the present con- troversy. One is the arbitral determination of the rights of the disputants as the respective successors to the historical rights of Holland and Spain over the region in question. The other is to create a new boundary line in accordance with the dictates of mutual expediency and consideration. The two Governments having so far been unable to agree on a conven- tional line, the consistent and conspicuous advocacy by the United States and England of the principle of arbitration, and their recourse thereto in settlement of important questions arising between them, make such a mode of adjustment espe- cially appropriate in the present instance, and this Government will gladly do what it can to further a determination in that sense. With these considerations I commit the matter to your hands, leaving it to you to avail yourself of any convenient 355 opportunity to advance the adjustment of the dispute in ques- tion. I append for your convenient perusal copy of a memoran- dum' on the controversy, which has recently been handed to me by the Venezuelan minister at this capital. I am, etc., W. Q. Gresham. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1894. [Urgent.] The German Charge, d' Affaires at Caracas to Dr. Rojas. Imperial Legation of Germany in Venezuela. Caracas, November 12th, 1894. Mr. Minister : Last Thursday, by virtue of a telegraphic communication from my Government, I had the honor, in my character of be- ing charged with the protection of British interests in Vene- zuela, to present a claim, in the name of the Royal Cabinet of Great Britain, against a violation of the frontier of British Guiana, perpetrated by Venezuelan soldiers on the Cuyuni river. At the same time I expressed the desire of the Eng- lish Government that the officer who commands the Vene- zuelan troops of the Cuyuni river should receive orders to pro- hibit his soldiers from crossing the river, as well as from cut- ting trees on its right bank. His Excellency had the kindness to offer me an answer, after having consulted the Council of Ministers. Wishing a solution of the matter satisfactory to the parties interested, I would be very grateful to His Excellency if a reply were given to me as soon as possible. I also take advantage of this opportunity to renew, Mr. Minister, the assurances of my most distinguished consid- eration. BODMAN. To His Excellency the Minister of Foreign Relations of the United States of Vene- zuela, Mr. P. Ezequiel Rojas. 'Not printed. 356 Dr. Rojas to the German Charg^ d' Affaires. Department of Foreign Relations. Section of Foreign Public Law. — No. 1389. Caracas, November 14th, 1884. Honorable Sir : The Government of the Republic has taken into considera- tion the communication of Your Honor, received at this office the day before j-esterday, when I was absent from Caracas, and in which Your Honor, in reference to the telegram you made me acquainted with during the conference of last Thurs- day, and in your character of being charged with the protec- tion of the British interests in Venezuela, asks with urgency an answer in regard to the so-called violation of the frontier of British Guiana on the Cuyuni river ; which reply, accord- ing to the inference from the expressions used by Your Honor, should offer the assurance that the Venezuelan soldiers must no longer cross said river, nor cut trees on its right bank. Your Honor will have already observed that the question here treated of is that universally known as the disputed boun- dary between the Republic of Venezuela and the English Col- ony of Demerara. Since England determined, not long ago, to actually occupy the portion of territory in dispute (in which the region of the Cuyuni river was not however at first com- prised, to which the telegram refers, and which is notori- ously Venezuelan territory), the Republic has protested seri- ously, reserving to herself the right to vindicate her titles by the most righteous means, which since then, moved by a spirit of conciliation, she earnestly submitted to the Govern- ment of Her Majesty. Repeated new advances of the English line of occupation gave cause to other protests, which came to be the reiterated invocation of the rights that in this contest evidently are in favor of the Republic. So, on February 20th, 1887, June isfh and October 29th, 1888, December i6th, 1889, September ist, 1890, December 30th, 1891, and finally August 26th and October 6th, 1893 ; 357 that is to say, every time that any measure from the Colonial Authorities appeared extending the radius of the occupation, with manifest transgression of the status quo, agreed upon in 1850 ; Venezuela has opposed with the voice of right and jus- tice the acts exercised by Great Britain within a territory that the Republic considers belonging to her, rights based on geo- graphical and historical documents of incontestable value, on authorities of high repute, many of them English, on local traditions worthy of respect, and on facts of jurisdiction of the Commissaries or Agents of Her Catholic Majesty, and to be found in Public Treaties previous to that of August 13th, 1814, whereby Holland ceded to Great Britain her Colonies of Dem- erara, Essequibo, and Berbice. According to the information of which the Venezuelan Gov- ernment is already in possession, that which happened on the right bank of the Cuyuni river was caused by a menace from the Agent of the Demerara Government, who is called Inspec- tor of that region, to a Venezuelan named Loreto Lira, planter, established there for a good many years, and from the cutting down of trees upon some lands by several of his countrymen who arrived there some days after the commemoration of the Independence of Venezuela had been celebrated on that bank of the river (July gth), in the house of the same Lira and in that of a woman named Manuela Casanas. It is known that the same colonial agent from whom the threat to Lira had come, stated to him afterwards that he could continue his work with complete tranquillity, and it is also known that after the patriotic rejoicings to which they gave themselves up, on the before mentioned 5th of July, in his house, and in that of Senor Casanas, a captain and eight soldiers proceeding from the General Commissariat of the Upper Cuyuni river, the successor of Inspector Gallagher, named Douglas Barnes, asked permission to cross the river and to offer his friendship and respect to the Venezuelan author- ities. In spite of the manner in which the colonial agents have been proceeding in the occupation of the territory which Ven- ezuela considers comprised within her limits, it has always been 358 recommended, and most earnestly, to the authorities established by the Republic within the same zone, that they avoid as far as compatible with national decorum, all cause for collision with the agents of Demerara, since the Government wishes to solve the question of boundary by peaceful njeans and not to make odious this old controversy. The assurances now asked, considering the present aspect of the question, would be equivalent, as will be easily understood by Your Honor, to a tacit declaration in favor of the designs of England, and would counteract in fact the protests previously made by the Republic, which she still maintains with all its vigor, and which I have just again related for a better under- standing. And upon stating so to Your Honor, I fulfill the duty of renewing, through such a worthy medium, to the British Government, the earnest desire of Venezuela of putting an end to the vexatious litigation by the use of the peaceful resorts counselled by Modern Law, and to which England her- self frequently appeals, as being a cultured Nation that has colabored in the work of the present civilization. Accept, sir, once again, the protests of my distinguished consideration. P. EZEQUIEL ROJAS. To the Honorable Baron de Bodman, Charge d' Affaires of Germany and charged with the protection of the British interests of Venezuela. The Venezuelan Consul at Demerara to Dr. Rojas. [c. Project of a road from the High Barima River to Cuyuni, or to Yuruin River.] Consulate of Venezuela in Demerara. — No. 19. Georgetown, October 25th, 1894. Mr. Mi?dster: The proposition of Mr. A. Weber to construct a road from the head of the Barima river to the Upper Cuyuni river, or to the Yuruan river, of which I spoke to you in my commu- nication of the 5th instant, was debated yesterday by the Leg- 359 islature, and the Secretary of the Government asked to be -deferred until the Secretary of State of the Colonial Office ap- proves of a petition from the inhabitants of this Colony, asking for its authorization to raise a loan of a million dollars for the development of the mining and other industries, from which sum the necessary amount could be taken to construct the road. The Secretary of this Government informed Mr. Weber that the Government had already taken some steps with the object of finding the most easy means of communicating by road between the rivers mentioned, and that the agent of the Gov- ernment in the Northwest District is at present in correspond- ence with this Government upon the subject. He also says that the result of all these investigations shall be submitted to the commission to be appointed by the Governor to report upon the means more adequate to develop the mining industry. It is to be observed that in the discussion of the proposition of Mr. Weber (as is seen in the Daily Cktonicle, dated to-day, which I remit to that Department) the idea of constructing that road up to the Yuruan river, which cannot be made with- out passing by Venezuelan territory, should not be opposed. I am, Mr. Minister, Your attentive and constant servant, E. PiNAUD. To the Minister of Foreign Relations, Caracas. (From the Bally Chronicle of October 25th, 1894.) [Inclosure — Translation.] Tke Proposed Road from the Barima River to the Cuyuni River. Mr. Weber proposed the following resolution, of which he had given notice : "With reference to the resolution of the Combined Court, approved in its last session and by which His Excellency the Governor and this Honorable Court were authorized to expend •certain sums, if they were deemed necessary for the develop- ment of the gold and other industries, except that of sugar ; "Resolved, That this Court respectfully ask of His Excel- 360 lency the Governor that, at the briefest time possible, he give- orders to make the plan for a wagon or mule road from the point where the Barima river is no longer navigable up to the Upper Cuyuni river, and if found practicable, to the Yuruan river, with the end of putting these rivers in direct communi- cation." He said that His Excellency knew, no doubt, how difficuh it was to reach that very important District ; that the numerous- falls of the Cuyuni river made the trip to the Yuruan River so- troublesome and difficult, that almost seven weeks were required to reach that place ; that one private study had already been made for a road from the Upper Barima river to the Cuyuni river, and it had been found that the journey to this District, one of the most important, among the auriferous Districts of the Colony, could be made shorter than it is now. He ex- pressed the hope that His Excellency would look for a Way to have that region surveyed with the view of opening a road that^ besides economizing an immense amount of time and expense to those interested in the gold industry of that District, would also facilitate a more prompt communication with the Govern- ment Station on the Yuruan river, subject-matter the impor- tance of which he hardly needed to suggest to the Government. Mr. Hunter supported the resolution. The Customhouse Inspector, on admitting how beneficial such a road would be, said that he would like to suggest an- other point; that he believed that in a question as that of opening a road, the opinion of a man like Mr. Barnard would be of weight ; that this man was of the opinion that the water- ways should be utilized as far as possible, and hinted that the communication should be opened through canals with boats. Mr. Davis thought that they had carried out the idea up to a certain degree in the Northwest District, and that they would keep the same in mind in the present case. The Secretary of Government said that there were two points, to be considered. In the first place, the amount of money pro- posed in the resolution approved by the Combined Court, for the development of the gold and other industries, had to be raised by means of a loan ; and whilst the Government should 361 not importune for the same the approval of the Secretary of State, it would be impossible for him to act. Of course no time was lost in communicating to the Secretary of State the recommendation of the Combined Assembly, and no doubt an answer will soon be received. In regard to the other point, the honorable member perhaps did not know that as to connect- ing these two rivers some considerable study has already been made, and some plans have been presented that are still being considered. In effect, the Government Agent in the North- west District is now in communication with the Government in regard to the very matter. The details belonging to it shall be presented to the Commission that His Excellency may appoint for the carrying out of the resolution approved by the joint Assembly in its last session, and he believes, therefore, that the honorable member might consent for the present to a postpone- ment of the consideration of his proposition. Mr. Weber said that it pleased him much to know from the Secretary of the Government that the Government understood the two aforesaid rivers should be connected, if it were possible. He was in accord with the justice of the remarks of the Cus- tomhouse Inspector in regard that the communication by canal should be preferred, but he said he was afraid that would be impossible. It is understood that whenever the waterways could be em- ployed with advantage, they should be used. With the consent of the member who supported it, he asked that the postpone- ment of his proposition be allowed, knowing steps were being taken for that purpose. Dr. Rojas to the Venezuelan Consul at Denierara. United States of Venezuela. Department of Foreign Relations. Direction of Foreign Public Law. — No 1392. Caracas, November isth, 1894. Mr. Consul: Your communication of October 25th, Number 19, has re- ceived very serious consideration on the part of the Govern- 362 merit of the Republic, as also the article of the Daily Chronicle of the same date, to which you refer with just alarm. If the proposition of Mr. A. Weber to the Legislative Chamber of the Colony to construct a road from the source of the Barima river to the High Cuyuni river, or to the Yuruan river, sig- nifies a direct suggestion against our territorial rights, the only fact of having taken notice of it and the reasons which the Sec- retary of the Government gave for its postponement, are evi- dence that the authorities of Demerara design to carry out a new act of detention, perhaps for not knowing the measures of an administrative character dictated recently to secure the juris- diction of Venezuela in that part of the Guayana. But, in the grave matter treated of, it is not enough to pre- vent the material danger. It is necessary to protect the legal status, to the contravention of which the project related to the proposition of Mr. Weber visibly tends. The question is about territories that Venezuela considers belonging to her exclusively ; beliefs supported by historical and geographical titles of an unquestionable nature, many of which proceed from Enlgish sources, and from anterior and pos- terior epochs to that of the Treaty of 1814, which ceded to Great Britain one part of Dutch Guiana. The Republic has never tailed to protest against the acts, the result of force only, which have determined the possession by England of a considerable portion of Venezuelan Guiana. To impede its continuation, the formation was ordered in 1890 (May 13th) of the Districts Barima- Pomaron and Essequibo- Cuyuni ; later on she established a station at the confluence of the Yuruan river, and the present Administration decreed the Commissariat of the Upper Cuyuni river, as a directing center of others that will have to enforce in those sections the juris- diction of Venezuela. Since the occupation of the extended territories up to the Guayana, Barima and Amacuro rivers was effected, she raised the voice of protest against the proceeding of Great Britain. On the i6th of December, 1889, she denounced before the civil- ized world, as contrary to the principles that govern the inter- national conduct of civilized countries, and as contrary to morals 363 as to justice, the decree of Sir Cliarles Bruce, of the 4th of said month and year, which declared Barima as an English colonial port. At the same time she reiterated the protests of the 20th of February, 1887, and of June 15th, and October 29th, 1888, against previous usurpations of Venezuelan territory, and she did as much in regard to the act of jurisdiction that the Colony had pretended to exercise upon Venezuelan land, when author- izing the construction of a road to connect Demerara with the, at the time, Venezuelan Federal Territory of Yuruary. On the 1st of September, 1890, she also raised a formal protest against an order issued at Georgetown by the authority of the Governor of Demerara, wherein, with the pretext of establishing an addi- tional District named " Pomeron " and of altering the demarca- tion of the District denominated "Northwest," boundaries were fixed contrary to our rights, and visibly directed to the extension of the radius of British usurpation. Upon establishing the so-called station of the Government and Police on the Upper Cuyuni river, Venezuela opposed a protest, also solemn, that she raised in the face of all the civil- ized countries of the world on the 30th of December, 1891, and in which she declared that the acts of Great Britain, to which the same document referred were considered performed within territory the absolute possession of which the Govern- ment of the Republic demanded in virtue of unimpeachable his- torical titles, and in the name of the principles of public law. Lastly, on August 26th, 1893, when an agent ad hoc was dis- cussing in London, by instructions from the Government of the Republic, the boundary matter looking to some decorous settle- ment, the attention of the Department of Foreign Relations of Her Britannic Majesty was called to the fact that purposes of exploitation were being announced, on the part of English capitalists and under the patronage of the colonial authorities, in the extended territory up to the largest outlet of the Orinoco river, territory the ownership of which Venezuela has been sustaining all along with arguments of right, that to-day stand so firm and vaHd as at the time of their first exposition. On the 6th of October following, a form of a solemn protest was given to the beforesaid claim, upon seeing that the British 364 Government had not given attention to it as justice demanded. Never, neither before the conduct of England had offered in this question the character of being pertinacious that for some time points her out, nor after, has the Government of Her Britannic Majesty presented a single proof or argument to weaken a single one of the protests referred to. Whilst England gives as a reason demonstrations of force, Venezuela exhibits titles of high value, and animated with the most conciliatory spirit, urges with solicitude the termination of the dispute in a form equally decorous to both parties. She takes refuge in the prac- tice of arbitration, judging it most in harmony with the modern ideas of right, and she is, now as heretofore, ready to close the vexatious affair of limits with the Colony of Demerara, if Great Britain, more forgetful of her material resources than of her es- cutcheon as a civilized and cultured nation, does not oppose humiliating restrictions to the proposition of the Government of the Republic. The construction of the projected road from the source of the Barima to the Cuyuni, or to the Yuruan river, would produce, no doubt, a collision with the authorities of Venezuela in that zone, and it would be the cause of a new asperity in a contro- versy that to both parties is of import to bring to a most concil- iatory position. Be pleased to thus signify this to the Govern- ment of that Colony, and to transmit to it, through means you may consider most proper, a copy of this communication. 1 am your very attentive servant. P. EZEQUIEL ROJAS. To the Consul of Venezuela in Demerara. J/r. Gresham to Mr. Bayard. No. 548. Department of State. Washington, December i, 1894. Sir: On the 13th of July last, in my instruction No. 442, I sum- marized the views of this Government in regard to the boundary 365 dispute between Great and Venezuela, and inclosed copy of a memorandum on the subject which was handed to me by the Venezuelan Minister on March 31, 1894. In conferences with Senor Andrade, during your recent visit home, he doubtless expressed the earnest desire of his Gov- ernment for a speedy determination of the question by arbi- tration. I cannot believe Her Majesty's Government will maintain that the validity of their claim to territory long in dispute be- tween the two countries shall be conceded as a condition prece- dent to the arbitration of the question whether Venezuela is entitled to other territory which, until a very recent period, was never in doubt. Our interest in the question has re- peatedly been shown by our friendly efforts to further a settle- ment alike honorable to both countries, and the President is pleased to know that Venezuela will soon renew her efforts to bring about such an adjustment. It is not doubted that you will discreetly exert your influence in favor of some plan of honorable settlement. I am, sir, etc., W. Q. Gresham. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1894. Mr. Gresham to Mr. Andrade. [See "Foreign Relations" of the United States, 1894.] Department of State. Washington, December 8, 1894. Sir: On the 31st of March last you addressed to me a note on the subject of the disputed boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, accompanied by an historical memorandum giving the facts in regard to the controversy as they are under- stood by your Government, and on the 7th of July last, in response to my oral request, you furnished me with an addi- tional copy of the memoradum in question. 366 Referring to our recent conversation, I have the honor to inform you that on the 13th of July last, a copy of your memo- randum was sent to the United States ambassador in London, with instructions to aid, so far as his good offices might be found available, a resumption of the suspended diplomatic rela- tions between Venezuela and Great Britain, with a view to eventual agreement for the disposition of the question by resort to arbitration or by any other conventional means comporting with the honor and interest of the disputants. Mr. Bayard's long familiarity with the question justified the President in in- trusting to his sound discretion the further treatment of the matter at the Court of St. James in harmony with the declared attitude and policy of the United States as the impartial friend of both parties to the controversy. Since that time Mr. Bayard has been in this country on leave of absence, and I am imformed that you have availed yourself of the opportunity so afforded to confer with him in respect to the matter at issue. In view of this, and of my recent conversations with you on this important subject, I shall take an early occasion to instruct the ambassador, supplementing my previous. dispatch to him of July 13th, and I do not doubt his willing interest in the matter and his cordial desire to contribute toward a better under- standing between the two countries and the determination of their difference. In this relation I may properly advert to the following pass- age of the last annual message of the President, which was laid before the Congress on the 3d instant: The boundary of British Guiana still remains in dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela. Believing that its early settlement on some just basis alike honorable to both parties, is in the line of our established policy to remove from this hemisphere all causes of difference with powers beyond the sea, I shall renew the efforts heretofore made to bring about a restoration of diplomatic relations between the disputants and to induce a reference to arbitration, a resort which Great Britain so con- 367 spicuously favors in principle and respects in practice, and which is earnestly sought by her weaker adversary. Accept, etc., W. Q. Gresham. Mr. Andrade to Mr. Gresham. [Translation.] Legation of the United States of Venezuela, Washington, December 19, 1894. Sir: A proposition was introduced on the 24th of October last, in the legislative chambers of Demerara, for the construction of a road uniting the Upper Barima with the Cuyuni or with the Yuruan. The Government Secretary asked that action on the subject might be deferred until a consultation could be had with the Colonial Ministry and until the approval of a petition had been obtained which was designed to secure authority to raise a large loan, from which was to be taken the amount necessary for the construction of the projected road. The Government of Venezuela thinks that the design in question involves a fresh purpose to unlawfully appropriate the territory of the Republic, and that its execution would doubt- less give rise to a conflict with the national authorities of that district, and would occasion greater acrimony in the boundary dispute now pending with the British Colony. Consequently, desiring to forestall the construction of the road, it has already communicated its views to the colonial Government through the Venezuelan Consul at Demerara, and has, furthermore, ad- dressed the communication which is reproduced below, to His Excellency Seneca Haselton, Envoy Extraordinary and Minis- ter Plenipotentiary of the United States in Venezuela, and it instructs me to earnestly support the request therein contained: "The dispute pending between Venezuela and Great Britain on the subject of the boundaries between the Republic and the Colony of Demerara has for years past, as you are aware, en- gaged the attention of the civilized world, and has induced the press of many European and American countries (that of the 368 United States included) to declare that it must be decided at once whether the theoretical equality of states is entitled to real re- spect, or whether the prestige of force or the greater material power of nations has greater weight than the doctrines and principles of right. The question under consideration daily- presents a more unpleasant aspect, owing to the course pursued by the agents of England, who, deaf to the conciliatory repre- sentations of Venezuela, have, especially since 1886, extended British jurisdiction over territory which the Republic considers to belong to it." ' ' Repeated attempts have been made during the last eight years to settle the dispute by means honorable to both parties, as is shown by the sending of three commissioners to London with instructions to discuss the matter directly with the Gov- erment of Her Britannic Majesty. The most recent attempt was made last year, and the Government of Venezuela (as Your Excellency will see by a perusal of the Yellow book laid before the Congress of 1894) manifested the most earnest desire to put an end to the controversy without sacrificing any principle of right, but by such legal means as are used and recommended by England under similar circumstances. '' The persistency of the British Government in excluding from arbitration all that portion of the territory which it has held for years, rendered the action of the last commissioner of Venezuela null and void ; rendered inefficacious the good inten- tions of the Executive of the Republic, and stimulated the am- bition of certain agents in the colony who have in view nothing but the pleasing prospect presented by a territory exceedingly rich in natural resources. Some of them, on the 24th of Octo- ber last, procured the introduction in the legislative chamber of Demerara, of a proposition looking to the construction of a road which is to unite the Upper Barima with the Cuyuni, which in- volves a fresh project for the unlawful appropriation of Vene- zuelan territory, and the manifest tendency of which is to in- crease the difficulty of reaching a peaceable settlement of the controversy. ' ' The Secretary of Government requested that the proposition should be postponed until he could consult the Colonial De- 369 parttnent, and what was still more important, obtain its ap- proval of an application for power to raise a large loan from "which could be taken the amount necessary to open the pro- posed road. "The Government of Venezuela, through its Consul at Dem. ■erara, has advised the Governor of the colony that the execution of the project (that relating to the road from Barima to Cuyuni) would undoubtedly bring about collision with the Venezuelan authorities in that region, and would be the cause of further embittering a controversy which it is important to both parties to put on a more friendly footing. "As Your Excellency will understand, the controversy as- sumes an appearance which may be called threatening, since the authorities of the colony are disposed to extend their jurisdiction still further, under pretext of connecting two points in the terri- tory of Guiana, and thus to penetrate into regions where the Republic has established regular centers of occupation. " In view of this fact, and the further fact that the Government ■of Venezuela has been constantly endeavoring to exhaust all lawful means to reach a friendly understanding, it has thought proper to inform your legation of the new danger caused by this matter and to press its request, made some time ago to the Department of State, and constantly urged by our Minister Plenipotentiary at Washington, for the active and direct inter- vention of the United States. "The co-operation of Your Excellency will undoubtedly pro- duce immediate results, both because it would be based on sound reasons and because it will proceed from one who, like Your Excellency, represents a Republic which unites its most effective action with the practice of justice and of law. And, as on the other hand, the Government of the United States, without proving recreant to its dearest traditions, cannot view with indifference the usurpation of a foreign power over the legitimate territories of an American nation, it is to be hoped that its moral action will be as ready and decisive as the magni- tude and character of the interest endangered call for, demand, and most urgently need. " The subject I am discussing with Your Excellency is almost 370 as serious and important to the great Republic of the North as it is to Venezuela herself. England's control over the mouth of our great fluvial artery, and over some of its tributaries, will be the cause of permanent danger to industry and commerce throughout a large portion of the New World, will effectually destroy the celebrated and beneficent Monroe Doctrine, and will perpetuate measures of usurpation which may in the future, in the case of certain American countries, render illusory their political existence as free and independent States. ' ' I most urgently request Your Excellency to be good enough to express the foregoing view to the Government of the United States." I avail myself of the opportunity to renew to Your Excel- lency the assurances of my high and distinguished consideration. Jose Andrade. Mr. Haselt07i to Mr. Gresham. No. 32. Foreign Relations of the United States. Legation of the United States, Caracas, December 21, 1894. Sit : The Government of Venezuela manifest in many ways a cor- dial appreciation of that portion of the message of the Presi- dent of the United States which relates to the boundary ques- tion pending between this country and Great Britain, and by a communication, a copy and translation of which are inclosed, has requested me to transmit to the President, through the De- partment of State, the expression on its part of the ideas and sentiments therein contained. I have, etc., Seneca Haselton. 371 Mr. Rojas to Mr. Haselton. [Inclosure in No. 32. — Translation.] From " Foreign Relations " of the U. S., 1894. Most Excellent Sir: The message sent by His Excellency, Mr. Cleveland, to the Congress of the United States at the opening of the present session contains expressions relative to our question with Eng- land which speak much for the spirit of equity and true Amer- icanism of the great Republic. In effect the message invokes the principle of arbitration as adequate to the settlement of the dispute ; it advocates its adoption as a resort honorable to both parties ; it notes the fact that Venezuela, the weaker power, earnestly desires arbi- tration, and it gives assurance that the voice of the great Amer- ican nation will be heard in favor of a decorous and peaceful solution of this vexatious matter of difference. Venezuela, most excellent sir, has noted with singular grati- tude this noble proof of concern for her tranquillity and her honor, and the Government of which I form a part, as the au- thorized interpreter of the national sentiment, earnestly desires that the most excellent Mr. Cleveland should know of the grateful impression here produced by his eloquent words, and should be made acquainted with the appreciation on the part of this Republic of the generous offices which, in the furtherance of an adjustment between England and Venezuela, he, in the above-mentioned portion of his notable message, promises to exercise. The executive power trusts that your worthy legation will be pleased to transmit to the President of the United States, through the medium of the Department of State, the expres- sion of the foregoing sentiments, and in so requesting, I have, etc., P. EzEQUiEL Rojas. 372 Mr. Afidrade to Mr. Gresham. [Translation.] Legation of Venezuela. Washington, December 31, 1894. Sir: The Government of Venezuela has seen with great interest the words used by His Excellency, Mr. Cleveland, in speaking of the Guiana boundary question in his message of this year to the Congress of the United States, and has hastened to give expression of its gratitude and satisfaction, and to become the interpreter of the national sentiment in the communication which has been addressed by the department of foreign rela- tions to the honorable head of the United States legation at Caracas, and which I have the honor to transcribe below : "The message of His Excellency, President Cleveland, to the United States Congress, which met early in the present month, contains passages relative to our controversy with Eng- land which speak volumes for the spirit of justice and the thor- ough Americanism of that eminent statesman. The principle of arbitration is there invoked as being that which is best calculated to put an end to the dispute ; its adoption is recom- mended as the best means of protecting the honor of both par- ties ; it is declared that Venezuela, the weaker party, eagerly desires it, and the promise is given that the voice of the great American nation will make itself heard in behalf of an honor- able and peaceable settlement of the wearysome dispute. ' ' Venezuela, most excellent sir, has witnessed with singular gratitude the noble evidence of a desire to secure her tranquil- lity and honor ; and the Government of which I am a member, being the natural interpreter of the national sentiment, earn- estly desires that His Excellency, President Cleveland, should be made aware of the pleasing impression which has been caused here by his eloquent words, and that he should know that he may rely upon the thankfulness of the Republic for the generous offices which, in behalf of a satisfactory arrangement between England and Venezuela, he promises in that remarka- ble document to exercise. 373 "The Executive of this Republic hopes that your honorable legation will be pleased to transmit the expression of these feelings to His Excellency, the President of the United States, through the Department of State, and in informing Your Ex- cellency of this I have the honor to renew to you the sincere assurances of my high consideration," etc. By means of the foregoing reproduction I have taken pleas- ure in performing in the most faithful manner, according to my judgment, the honorable task which His Excellency, the Min- ister of Foreign Relations has seen fit to entrust to me, viz. , that of communicating to Your Excellency the sentiments ex- pressed in the note above inserted, he having desired that the expression of the gratitude of the Venezuelan Government should reach President Cleveland through two channels at once, /. e., through Mr. Haselton and through me. I avail, etc., Jose Andrade. JoiTii Resolution by the U. S. Congress. 53D CONGRESS, 30 SESSION, H. RES. 252. In the House of Representatives. January 10, 1895. Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and ordered to be printed. Mr. Livingston introduced the following joint resolution : JOINT resolution relative to the British Venezuelan-Guiana boundary dispute. Whereas, In the present enlighted age of the world, when international disputes in general, and more particularly those pertaining to boundary, are in constant process of adjustment by joint commission or by outside arbitration ; and Whereas, Since the existing boundary dispute in Guiana be- tween Great Britain and Venezuela ought not to constitute an exception to the general rule, but should more naturally come within the scope and range of modern international precedent 374 and practice, in that it turns exclusively upon simple and readily ascertainable historical facts ; and Whereas, Since it would be extremely gratifying to all peace- loving peoples, and particularly to the impartial friends of both parties, to see this long-standing and disquieting boundary dispute in Guiana adjusted in a manner just and honorable alike to both, to the end that possible international complica- tions be avoided and American public law and traditions main- tained : Therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President's suggestion, made in his last annual message to this body, namely, that Great Britain and Venezuela refer their dispute as to boundary to friendly arbitration, be earnestly recommended to the favorable consideration of both the parties in interest. The resolution, in this form, passed unanimously in the House, February 7, 1896, when it was transmitted to the Sen- ate, which struck out the preamble, and then passed the resolu- tion, by unanimous vote, in the following form, which was concurred in by the House : "THE BRITISH-VENEZUELA-GUIANA BOUNDARY DISPUTE. Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President's suggestion, made in his last annual message to this body, namely, that Great Britain and Venezuela refer their dis- pute as to the boundary to friendly arbitration, be earnestly recommended to the favorable consideration of both the parties in interest." PART XIV. Extract from President Cleveland's Annual Message of Decefnber 2, 1895. It being apparent that the boundary dispute between Great Britain and the Republic of Venezuela concerning the limits of British Guiana was approaching an acute stage, a definite state- ment of the interest and policy of the United States as regards 375 the controversy seemed to be required both on its own account and in view of its relations with the friendly powers directly concerned. In July last, therefore, a dispatch was addressed to our embassador at London for communication to the Brit- ish Government, in which the attitude of the United States was distinctly set forth. The general conclusions therein reached and formulated are in substance that the traditional and estab- lished policy of this Government is firmly opposed to a forcible increase by any European power of its territorial possessions on this continent ; that this policy is as well founded in prin- ciple as it is strongly supported by numerous precedents ; that as a consequence the United States is bound to protest against the enlargement of the area of British Guiana in dero- gation of the rights and against the will of Venezuela; that, considering the disparity in strength of Great Britain and Venezuela, the territorial dispute between them can be reason- ably settled only by friendly and impartial arbitration, and that the resort to such arbitration should include the whole controversy, and is not satisfied if one of the powers concerned is permitted to draw an arbitrary line through the territory in debate and to declare that it will submit to arbitration only the portion lying on one side of it. In view of these conclu- sions, the dispatch in question called upon the British Govern- ment for a definite answer to the question whether it would or would not submit the territorial controversy between itself and Venezuela in its entirety to impartial arbitration. The answer of the British Government has not yet been received, but is -expected shortly, when further communication on the subject will probably be made to the Congress. ■Special Message of President Cleveland Relative to the Venezuelan Boundary Controversy, Dec. 17, 1895. To the Congress : In my annual message addressed to the Congress on the third instant I called attention to the pending boundary con- 376 troversy between Great Britain and the Republic of Venezuela, and recited the substance of a representation made by this Government to Her Britannic Majesty's Government suggest- ing reasons why such dispute should be submitted to arbitra- tion for settlement, and inquiring whether it would be so submitted. The answer of the British Government, which was then awaited, has since been received and, together with the dis- patch to which it is a reply, is hereto appended. Such reply is embodied in two communications addressed by the British Prime Minister to Sir Julian Pauncefote, the Brit- ish Ambassador at this capital. It will be seen that one of these communications is devoted exclusively to observations upon the Monroe doctrine, and claims that in the present in- stance a new and strange extension and development of this doctrine is insisted on bv the United States, that the reasons justifying an appeal to the doctrine enunciated by President Monroe are generally inapplicable "to the state of things in which we live at the present day," and especially inapplicable to a controversy involving the boundary line between Great Britain and Venezuela. Without attempting extended argument in replj' to these positions, it may not be amiss to suggest that the doctrine upon which we stand is strong and sound because its enforce- ment is important to our peace and safety as a nation, and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions and the tran- quil maintenance of our distinctive form of government. It was intended to apply to every stage of our national life, and cannot become obsolete while our Republic endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jealous anxiety among the governments of the old world, and a subject for our absolute non-interference, none the less is an observance of the Monroe doctrine of vital concern to our people and their gov- ernment. Assuming, therefore, that we may properly insist upon this doctrine without regard to "the state of things in which we live," or any changed conditions here or elsewhere, it is not 377 apparent why its application may not be invoked in the pres- ent controversy. If an European power, by an extension of its boundaries, takes possession of the territory of one of our neighboring Republics against its will and in derogation of its rights, it is difficult to see why to that extent such European power does not thereby attempt to extend its system of Government to that portion of this continent which is thus taken. This is the precise action which President Monroe declares to be " dangerous to our peace and safety," and it can make no difference whether the European system is extended by an advance of frontier or otherwise. It is also suggested in the British reply that we should not seek to apply the Monroe doctrine to the pending dispute be- cause it does not embody any principle of international law which " is founded on the general consent of nations,'' and that " no statesman, however eminent, and no nation, however pow- erful, are competent to insert into the code of international law a novel principle which was never recognized before, and which has not since been accepted by the Government of any other country. Practically the principle for which we contend has peculiar if not exclusive relation to the United States. It may not have been admitted in so many words to the code of international law, but since in international councils every nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it, if the enforcement of the Monroe doctrine is something we may justly claim, it has its place in the code of international law as certainly and as securely as if it were specifically mentioned, and where the United States is a suitor before the high tribunal that administers international law, the question to be determined is whether or not we present claims which the justice of that code of law can find to be right and valid. The Monroe doctrine finds its recognition in those princi- ples of international law which are based upon the theory that every nation shall have its rights protected and its just claims enforced. 378 Of course this Government is entirely confident that under the sanction of this doctrine we have clear rights and undoubt- ed claims. Nor is this ignored in the British reply. The Prime Minister, while not admitting that the Monroe doctrine is applicable to present conditions, states : " In declaring that the United States would resist any such enterprise if it was contemplated. President Alonroe adopted a policy which re- ceived the entire sympathy of the English Government of that date." He further declares : " Though the language of Presi- dent Monroe is directed to the attainment of objects which most Englishmen would agree to be salutary, it is impossible to admit that they have been inscribed by any adequate authority in the code of international law." Again he says : " They (Her Majesty's Government) fully concur with the view which President jNIonroe apparently entertained, that any disturbance of the existing territorial distribution in the hemis- phere by any fresh acquisitions on the part of any European State, would be a highly inexpedient change." In the belief that the doctrine for which we contend was clear and definite, that it was founded upon substantial consid- erations and involved our safety and welfare, that it was fully applicable to our present conditions and to the state of the world's progress and that it was directly related to the pending controversy and without any conviction as to the final merits of the dispute, but anxious to learn in a satisfactory and con- clusive manner whether Gceat Britain sought, under a claim of boundary, to extend her possessions on this continent without right, or whether she merely sought possession of territory fairly included within her lines of ownership, this Government proposed to the Government of Great Britain a resort to arbi- tration as the proper means of settling the question to the end that a vexatious boundary dispute between the two contestants might be determined and our exact standing and relation in respect to the controversy might be made clear. It will be seen from the correspondence herewith submitted that this proposition has been declined by the British Govern- ment, upon grounds which in the circumstances seem to me to 379 be far from satisfactory. It is deeply disappointing that such an appeal, actuated by the most friendly feelings towards both nations directly concerned, addressed to the sense of justice and to the magnanimity of one of the great powers of the world and touching its relations to one comparatively weak and small, should have produced no better results. The course to be pursued by this Government in view of the present condition does not appear to admit of serious doubt. Having labored faithfully for many years to induce Great Britain to submit this dispute to impartial arbitration, and hav- ing been now finally apprized of her refusal to do so, nothing remains but to accept the situation, to recognize its plain re- quirements and deal with it accordingly. Great Britain's pres- ent proposition has never thus far been regarded as admissible by Venezuela, though any adjustment of the boundary which that country may deem for her advantage and may enter into of her own free will cannot of course be objected to by the United States. Assuming, however, that the attitude of Venezuela will re- main unchanged, the dispute has reached such a stage as to make it now incumbent upon the United States to take measures to determine with sufficient certainty for its justification what is the true divisional line between the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana. The inquiry to that end should of course be conducted carefully and judicially, and due weight should be given to all available evidence records and facts in support of the claims of both parties. In order that such an examination should be prosecuted in a thorough and satisfactory manner, I suggest that the Congress make an adequate appropriation for the expenses of a Com- mission, to be appointed by the Executive, who shall make the necessary investigation and report upon the matter with the least possible delay. When such a report is made and accepted, it will in my opinion be the duty of the United States to resist by every means in its power as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction over any ter- 380 ritory which after investigation we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela. In making these recommendations I am fully alive to tjie responsibility incurred, and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow. I am nevertheless firm in my conviction that while it is a grievous thing to contemplate the two great English-speaking peoples of the world as being otherwise than friendly com- petitors in the onward march of civilization, and strenuous and worthy rivals in all the arts of peace, there is no calamity which a great nation can invite which equals that which follows a supine submission to wrong and injustice and the consequent loss of national self-respect and honor beneath which are shielded and defended a people's safety and greatness. Grover Cleveland. Executive Mansion, December 17, 1895. Mr. Olney to Mr. Bayard. (No. 804.) Department of State. Washington, July 20, 1895. His Excellency Thomas F. Bayard, etc., etc., etc., Londoti: Sir : — I am directed by the President to communicate to you his views upon a subject to which he has given much anxious thought and respecting which he has not reached a conclusion without a lively sense of its great importance as well as of the serious responsibility involved in any action now to be taken. It is not proposed, and for present purposes is not necessary, to enter into an}- detailed account of the controversy between Great Britain and Venezuela respecting the western frontier of the Colony of British Guiana. The dispute is of ancient date and began at least as early as the time when Great Britain acquired by the treaty with the Netherlands of 1814 "the 381 establishments of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice." From that time to the present the dividing line between these " establishments " (now called British Guiana) and Venezuela has never ceased to be a subject for contention. The claims of both parties, it must be conceded, are of a somewhat in- definite nature. On the one hand, Venezuela, in every consti- tution of government since she became an independent State, has declared her territorial limits to be those of the Captaincy General of Venezuela in 1810. Yet, out of " moderation and prudence," it is said, she has contented herself with claiming the Essequibo line — the line of the Essequibo River, that is — to be the true boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana. On the other hand, at least an equal degree of in- definiteness distinguishes the claim of Great Britain. It does not seem to be asserted, for instance, that in 18 14 the "establishments" then acquired by Great Britain had any clearly defined western limits which can now be identified and which are either the limits insisted upon to-day, or, being the original limits, have been the basis of legitimate territorial extensions. On the contrary, having the actual possession of a district called the Pomaron district, she apparently remained indifferent as to the exact area of the colony until 1840, when she commissioned an engineer, Sir Robert Schomburgk, to ex- amine and lay down its boundaries. The result was the Schom- burgk line which was fixed by metes and bounds, was delineated on maps, and was at first indicated on the face of the country itself by posts, monograms, and other like symbols. If it was expected that Venezuela would acquiesce in this line, the ex- pectation was doomed to speedy disappointment. Venezuela at once protested and with such Vigor and to such purpose that the line was explained to be only tentative — part of a general boundary scheme concerning Brazil and the Nether- lands as well as Venezuela — and the monuments of the line set up by Schomburgk were removed by the express order of Lord Aberdeen. Under these circumstances, it seems impossible to treat the Schomburgk line as being the boundary claimed by Great Britain as a matter of right, or as anything but a line 382 originating in considerations of convenience and expediency. Since 1840 various other boundary lines have from time to time been indicated by Great Britain, but all as conventional lines — lines to which Venezuela's assent has been desired but which in no instance, it is believed, has been demanded as matter of right. Thus neither of the parties is to-day standing for the boundary line predicated upon strict legal right — Great Britain having formulated no such claim at all, while Vene- zuela insists upon the Essequibo line only as a liberal concession to her antagonist. Several other features of the situation remain to be briefly noticed — the continuous growth of the undefined British claim, the fate of the various attempts at arbitration of the contro- versy, and the part in the matter heretofore taken bv the United States. As already seen, the exploitation of the Schomburgk line in 1840 was at once followed by the protest of Venezuela and bv the proceedings on the part of Great Britain which could fairly be interpreted only as a disavowal of that line. Indeed — in addition to the facts already noticed — Lord Aber- deen himself in 1844 proposed a line beginning at the river Moroco, a distinct abandonment of the Schomburgk line. Not- withstanding this, however, every change in the British claim since that time has moved the frontier of British Guiana farther and farther to the westward of the line thus proposed. The Gran- ville line of 1881 placed the starting point at a distance of twenty- nine miles from the Moroco in the direction of Punta Barima. The Rosebery line of 1886 placed it west of the Guaima river, and about that time, if the British authority known as the States- man's Year Book is to be relied upon, the area of British Guiana was suddenly enlarged by some 33,000 square miles — being stated as 76,000 square miles in 1885 and 109,000 square miles in 1887. The Salisbury line of 1890 fixed the starting point of the line in the mouth of the Amacuro west of the Punta Barima on the Orinoco. And finally, in 1893, a second Rosebery line carried the boundary from a point to the west of the Amacuro as far as the source of the Cumano river and the Sierra of Usupamo. Nor have the various claims thus 383 enumerated been claims on paper merely. An exercise of juris- diction corresponding more or less to such claims has accom- panied or followed closely upon each and has been the more irritating and unjustifiable if, as is alleged, an agreement made in the year 1850 bound both parties to refrain from such occu- pation pending the settlement of the dispute. While the British claim has been developing in the manner above described, Venezuela has made earnest and repeated efforts to have the question of boundary settled. Indeed, al- lowance being made for the distractions of a war of independ- ence and for frequent internal revolutions, it may be fairly said that Venezuela has never ceased to strive for its adjustment. It could, of course, do so only through peaceful methods, any resort to force as against its powerful adversary being out of the question. Accordingly, shortly after the drawing of the Schomburgk line, an effort was made to settle the boundary by treaty and was apparently progressing towards a successful issue when the negotiations were brought to an end in 1844 by the death of the Venezuelan plenipotentiary. In 1848 Venezuela entered upon a period of civil commotions which lasted for more than a quarter of a century, and the negotiations thus interrupted in 1844 were not resumed until 1876. In that year Venezuela offered to close the dispute by accepting the Moroco line proposed by Lord Aberdeen. But, without giving reasons for his refusal. Lord Granville rejected the proposal and suggested a new line comprehending a large tract of territory all pretension to which seemed to have been abandoned by the previous action of Lord Aberdeen. Vene- zuela refused to assent to it, and negotiations dragged along without result until 1882, when Venezuela concluded that the only course open to her was arbitration of the controversy. Before she had made any definite proposition, however, Great Britain took the initiative by suggesting the making of a treaty which should determine various other questions as well as that of the disputed boundary. The result was that a treaty was practically agreed upon with the Gladstone government in 1886 containing a general arbitration clause under which the parties 384 might have submitted the boundary dispute to the decision of a third power or of several powers in amity with both. Before the actual signing of the treaty, however, the admin- istration of Mr. Gladstone was superseded by that of Lord Salisbury, which declined to accede to the arbitration- clause of the treaty notwithstanding the reasonable expectations of Ven- ezuela to the contrary based upon the Premier's emphatic declaration in the House of Lords that no serious government would think of not respecting the engagements of its predeces- sor. Since then Venezuela on the one side has been offering and calling for arbitration, while Great Britain on the other has responded by insisting upon the condition that any arbitra- tion should relate only to such of the disputed territory as lies west of a line designated by herself. As this condition seemed inadmissible to Venezuela and as, while the negotiations were pending, new appropriations of what is claimed to be Vene- zuelan territory continued to be made, Venezuela in 1887 suspended diplomatic relations with Great Britain, protesting " before Her British Majesty's Government, before all civilized nations, and before the world in general, against the acts of spoliation committed to her detriment by the Government of Great Britain, which she at no time and on no account will recognize as capable of altering in the least the rights which she has inherited from Spain and respecting which she will ever be willing to submit to the decision of a third power." Diplomatic relations have not since been restored, though what is claimed to be new and flagrant British aggressions forced Venezuela to resume negotiations on the boundary question — in 1890, through its Minister in Paris and a special envoy on that subject — and in 1893, through a confidential agent, Sefior Michelena. These negotiations, however, met with the fate of other like previous negotiations — Great Britain refusing to arbitrate except as a territory west of an arbitrary line drawn by herself. All attempts in that direction definitely terminated in October, 1893, when Sehor Michelena filed with the Foreign Office the following declaration : "I perform a most strict duty in raising again in the name 385 of the Government of Venezuela a most solemn protest against the proceedings of the Colony of British Guiana, constituting encroachments upon the territory of the Republic, and against the declaration contained in Your Excellency's communication that Her Britannic Majesty's Government considers that part of the territory as pertaining to British Guiana and admits no claim to it on the part of Venezuela. In support of this pro- test I reproduce all the arguments presented to Your Excel- lency in my note of 29 of last September and those which have been exhibited by the Government of Venezuela on the various occasions they have raised the same protest. " I lay on Her Britannic Majesty's Government the entire responsibility of the incidents that may arise in the future from the necessity to which Venezuela has been driven to oppose by all possible means the disposition of a part of her territory, for by disregarding her just representation to put an end to this violent state of affairs through the decision of arbiters, Her Majesty's Government ignores her rights and imposes upon her the painful though peremptory duty of providing for her own legitimate defense." To the territorial controversy between Great Britain and the Republic of Venezuela, thus briefly outlined, the United States has not been and, indeed, in view of its traditional policy, could not be indiff.erent. The note to the British Foreign Office by which Venezuela opened negotiations in 1876 was at once communicated to this Government. In Janu- ary, 1 88 1, a letter of the Venezuelan Minister at Washington, respecting certain alleged demonstrations at the mouth of the Orinoco, was thus answered by Mr. Evarts, then Secretary of State : " In reply I have to inform you that in view of the deep interest which the Government of the United States takes in all transactions tending to attempted encroachments of foreign powers upon the territory of any of the Republics of this con- tinent, this Government could not look with indifference to the forcible acquisition of such territory by England if the mission of the vessels now at the mouth of the Orinoco should be 386 found to be for that end. This Government awaits, therefore, with natural concern the more particular statements promised by the Government of Venezuela, which it hopes will not be long delayed." In the February following, Mr. Evarts wrote again on the same subject as follows : " Referring to your note of the 2 1st of December last, touch- ing the operations of certain British war vessels in and near the mouth of the Orinoco River and to my reply thereto of the 31st ultimo as well as to the recent occasions in which the subject has been mentioned in our conferences concerning the business of your mission, I take it to be fitting now at the close of my incumbency of the office I hold to advert to the interest with which the Government of the United States cannot fail to regard any such purpose with respect to the control of Ameri- can territory as is stated to be contemplated by the Govern- ment of Great Britain and to express my regret that the further information promised in your note with regard to such designs had not reached me in season to receive the attention which, notwithstanding the severe pressure of public business at the end of an administrative term, I should have taken pleasure in bestowing upon it. I doubt not, however, that your represen- tations in fulfillment of the awaited additional orders of your Government will have like earnest and solicitous consideration at the hands of my successor." In November, 1882, the then state of negotiations with Great Britain together with a copy of an intended note suggest- ing recourse to arbitration was communicated to the Secretary of State by the President of Venezuela with the expression of the hope that the United States would give him its opinion and advice and such support as it deemed possible to offer Venezuela in order that justice should be done her. Mr. Frelinghuysen replied in a dispatch to the United States Minister at Caracas as follows : " This Government has already expressed its view that arbi- tration of such disputes is a convenient resort in the case of failure to come to a mutual understanding, and intimated its 387 willingness, if Venezuela should' so desire, to propose Jo Great Britain such a mode of settlement. It is felt that the tender of good offices would not be so profitable if the United States were to approach Great Britain as the advocate of any pre- judged solution in favor of Venezuela. So far as the United States can counsel and assist Venezuela, it believes it best to confine its reply to the renewal of the suggestion of arbitration .and the offer of all its good offices in that direction. This .suggestion is the more easily made, since it appears, from the instructions sent by Senor Seijas to the Venezuelan Minister in London on the same 15th of July, 1882, that the President of Venezuela proposed to the British Government the submission ■of the dispute to arbitration by a third power. " You will take an early occasion to present the foregoing considerations to Senor Seijas, saying to him that, while trust- ing that the direct proposal of arbitration already made to Great Britain may bear good fruit (if, indeed, it has not already done so by its acceptance in principle), the Government of the United States will cheerfully lend any needful aid to press upon ■Great Britain in a friendly way the proposition so made, and at the same time you will say to Senor Seijas (in personal con- ference, and not with the formality of a written communication) that the United States, while advocating strongly the recourse of arbitration for the adjustment of international disputes affecting the States of America, does not seek to put itself for- ward as their arbiter ; that, viewing all such questions im- partially and with no intent or desire to prejudge their merits, -the United States will not refuse its arbitration if asked by both parties, and that, regarding all such questions as es- sentially and distinctively American, the United States would always prefer to see such contentions adjusted through the arbitration of an American rather than an European power." In 1884 General Guzman Blanco, the Venezuelan Minister to England appointed with special reference to pending nego- tiations for a general treaty with Great Britain, visited Wash- ington on his way to London and, after several conferences with the Secretary of State respecting the objects of his mission. 388 was thus commended to the good offices of Mr. Lowell, our Minister at St. James' : " It will necessarily be somewhat within your discretion how far your good offices may be profitably employed with Her Majesty's Government to these ends, and at any rate you may take proper occasion to let Lord Granville know that we are not without concern as to whatever may affect the interests of a sister Republic of the American continent and its position in the family of nations. " If General Guzman should apply to you for advice or assistance in realizing the purposes of his mission, you will show him proper consideration, and without committing the United States to any determinate political solution, you will endeavor to carry out the views of this instruction." The progress of Gen. Guzman's negotiations did not fail tO' be observed by this Government, and in December, 1886, with a view to preventing the rupture of diplomatic relations — which actually took place in February following — the then Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, instructed our Minister to Great Britain to tender the arbitration of the United States, in the following terms : " It does not appear that at any time heretofore the good offices of this Government have been actually tendered to- avert a rupture between Great Britain and Venezuela. As in- timated in my No. 58, our inaction in this regard would seem to be due to the reluctance of Venezuela to have the Govern- ment of the United States take any steps having relation to the action of the British Government which might, in appearance even, prejudice the resort to further arbitration or mediation which Venezuela desired. Nevertheless, the records abundantly testify our friendly concern in the adjustment of the dispute ; and the intelligence now received warrants me in tendering through you to Her Majesty's Government the good offices of the United States to promote an amicable settlement of the respective claims of Great Britain and Venezuela in the premises. " As proof of the impartiality with which we view the 389 question, we offer our arbitration, if acceptable to both coun- tries. We do this with the less hesitancy as the dispute turns Tipon simple and readily ascertainable historical facts. " Her Majesty's Government will readily understand that this attitude of friendly neutrality and entire impartiality touching the merits of the controversy, consisting wholly in a difference of facts between our friends and neighbors, is entire- ly consistent and compatible with the sense of responsibility that rests upon the United States in relation to the South American republics. The doctrines we announced two gener- ations ago, at the instance and with the moral support and ap- proval of the British Government, have lost none of their force or importance in the progress of time, and the Govern- ments of Great Britain and the United States are equally in- terested in conserving a status, the wisdom of which has been demonstrated by the experience of more than half a century. " It is proper, therefore, that you should convey to Lord Iddesleigh, in such sufficiently guarded terms as your discre- tion may dictate, the satisfaction that would be felt by the ■Government of the United States in perceiving that its wishes in this regard were permitted to have influence with Her Maj- •esty's Government. " This offer of mediation was declined by Great Britain, with the statement that a similar offer had already been received from .another quarter, and that the Queen's Government were still not without hope of a settlement by direct diplomatic negotia- tions. In February, 1888, having been informed that the Governor of British Guiana had by formal decree laid claim to the territory traversed by the route of a proposed railway irom Ciudad Bolivar to Guacipati, Mr. Bayard addressed a note to our Minister to England, from which the following ■extracts are taken : "The claim now stated to have been put forth by the au- thorities of British Guiana necessarily gives rise to grave dis- quietude, and creates an apprehension that the territorial claim does not follow historical traditions or evidence, but is apparently indefinite. At no time hitherto does it appear 390 that the district, of which Guacipati is the center, has been claimed as British'territory or that such jurisdiction has ever been asserted over its inhabitants; and if the reported decree of the Governor of British Guiana be indeed genuine, it is not appar- ent how any line of railway from Ciudad Bolivar to Guacipati could enter or traverse territory within the control of Great Britain. "It is true that the line claimed by Great Britain as the west- ern boundary of British Guiana is uncertain and vague. It is only necessary to examine the British Colonial Office List for a few years back to perceive this. In the issue for 1877, for instance, the line runs nearly southwardly from the mouth of the Amacuro to the junction of the Cotinga and Takutu riv- ers. In the issue of 1887, ten years later, it makes a wide de- tour to the westward, following the Yuruari. Guacipati lies considerably to the westward of the line ofificially claimed in 1887, and it may perhaps be instructive to compare with it the map which doubtless will be found in the Colonial Office List for the present year. " It may be well for you to express anew to Lord Salisbury the great gratification it would afford this Government to see the Venezuelan dispute amicably and honorably settled by ar- bitration or otherwise, and our readiness to do anything we properly can to assist to that end. "In the course of your conversation you may refer to the publication in the London Financier of Januan,- 24 (a copy of which you can procure and exhibit to Lord Salisbury), and ex- press apprehension lest the widening pretensions of British. Guiana to possess territory over which Venezuela's jurisdic- tion has never heretofore been disputed may not diminish the chances for a practical settlement. " If, indeed, it should appear that there is no fixed limit to the British boundary claim, our good disposition to aid in a settlement might not only be defeated, but be obliged to give place to a feeling of grave concern." In 18B9, information having been received that Barima, at the mouth of the Orinoco, had been declared a British port,. 391 Mr. Blaine, then Secretary of State, authorized Mr. White to confer with Lord Salisbury for the re-establishment of diplo- matic relations between Great Britain and Venezuela on the basis of a temporary restoration of the status quo, and May i and May 6, 1890, sent the following telegrams to our Minister to England, Mr. Lincoln: (May i, 1890) — " Mr. Lincoln is instructed to use his good offices with Lord Salisbury to bring about the resumption of diplomatic inter- course between Great Britain and Venezuela as a preliminary step towards the -settlement of the boundary dispute by arbi- tration. The joint proposals of Great Britain and the United States toward Portugal which have just been brought about would seem to make the present time propitious for submitting this question to an international arbitration. He is requested to propose to Lord Salisbury, with a view to an accommoda- tion, that an informal conference be had in Washington or in London of representatives of the three Powers In such con- ference the position of the United States is one solely of im- partial friendship toward both litigants. " (May 6, 1890) — "It is, nevertheless desired that you shall do all you can consistently with our attitude of impartial friendship to induce some accord between the contestants by which the merits of the controversy may be fairly ascertained and the rights of each party justly confirmed. The neutral position of this Gov- ernment does not comport with any expression of opinion on the part of this Department as to what these rights are, but it is confident that the shifting footing on which the British boundary question has rested fer several years past is an ob- stacle to such a correct appreciation of the nature and grounds of her claim as would alone warrant the formation of any opinion. " In the course of the same year, 1890, Venezuela sent to Lon- don a special envoy to bring about the resumption of diplo- matic relations with Great Britain through the good offices of the United States Minister. But the mission failed because a condition of such resumption, steadily adhered to by Vene- 392 zuela, was the reference of the boundary dispute to arbitration. Since the close of the negotiations initiated by Seiior Mich- elena in 1893, Venezuela has repeatedly brought the contro- versy to the notice of the United States, has insisted upon its importance to the United States as well as to Venezuela, has represented it to have reached an acute stage — making definite action by the United States imperative — and has not ceased to solicit the services and support of the United States in aid of its final adjustment. These appeals have not been received with indifference, and our Ambassador to Great Britain has been uniformly instructed to exert all his influence in the di- rection of the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Venezuela and in favor of arbitration of the boundary controversv. The Secretary of State in a communi- cation to Mr. Bavard, bearing date July 13, 1894, used the following language : "The President is inspired by a desire for a peaceable and honorable settlement of the existing difificulties between an American state and a powerful transatlantic nation, and would be glad to see the re-establishment of such diplomatic rela- tions between them as would promote that end. " I can discern but two equitable solutions of the present controversv. One is the arbitral determination of the rights of the disputants as the respective successors to the historical rights of Holland and Spain over the region in question. The other is to create a new boundarv line in accordance with the dictates of mutual expediency and consideration. The two Governments having so far been unable to agree on a conven- tional line, the consistent and conspicuous advocacy by the United States and England of the principal of arbitration and their recourse thereto in settlement of important questions arising between them, makes such a mode of adjustment especially appropriate in the present instance, and this Govern- ment will gladly do what it can to further a determination in that sense. " Subsequent communications to Mr. Bayard direct him to as- certain whether a Minister from Venezuela would be received 393 by Great Britain. In the annual Message to Congress of De- cember 3d last, the President used the following language : " The boundary of British Guiana still remains in dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela. Believing that its ear- ly settlement, on some just basis alike honorable to both par- ties, is in the line of our established policy to remove from this hemisphere all causes of difference with the powers be- yond the sea, I shall renew the efforts heretofore made to bring about a restoration of diplomatic relations between the disputants and to induce a reference to arbitration, a resort which Great Britain so conspicuously favors in principle and respects in practice and which is earnestly sought by her weak- er adversary. " And February 22, 1895, a joint resolution of Congress declared " That the President's suggestion . . . that Great Britain and Venezuela refer their dispute as to boundaries to friendly arbitration be earnestly recommended to the favorable consideration of both parties in interest.'' The important features of the existing situation, as shown by the foregoing recital, may be briefly stated. 1. The title to territory of indefinite but confessedly very large extent is in dispute between Great Britain on the one hand and the South American Republic of Venezuela on the other. 2. The disparity in the strength of the claimants is such that Venezuela can hope to establish her claim only through peaceful methods — through an agreement with her adversary either upon the subject itself or upon an arbitration. 3. The controversy, with varying claims on the part of Great Britain, has existed for more than half a century, during which period many earnest and persistent efforts of Venezuela to establish a boundary by agreement have proved unsuccessful. 4. The futility of the endeavor to obtain a conventional line being recognized, Venezuela for a quarter of a century has asked and striven for arbitration. 5. Great Britain, however, has always and continuously 394 refused to arbitrate, except upon the condition of a renuncia- tion of a large part of the Venezuelan claim and of a concession to herself of a large share of the territory in controversy. 6. Bv the frequent interposition of its good offices at the instance of Venezuela, by constantly urging and promoting the restoration of diplomatic relations between the two countries, by pressing for arbitration of the disputed boundary, by offering to act as arbitrator, bj' expressing its grave concern whenever new alleged instances of British aggression upon Venezuelan territory have been brought to its notice, the Government of the United States has made it clear to Great Britain and to the world that the controversy is one in which both its honor and its interests are involved and the continuance of which it can- not regard with indifference. The accuracy of the foregoing analysis of the existing status cannot, it is believed, be challenged. It shows that status to be such that those charged with the interests of the United States are now forced to determine exactly what those interests are and what course of action they require. It compels them to decide to what extent, if any, the United States mav and should intervene in a contioversy between and primarily con- cerning only Great Britain and Venezuela and to decide how far it is bound to see that the integrity of Venezuelan territory is not impaired by the pretensions of its powerful antagonist. Are any such right and duty devolved upon the United States ? If not, the United States has already done all, if not more than all, that a purely sentimental interest in the affairs of the two countries justifies, and to push its interposition further would be unbecoming and undignified and might well subject it to the charge of impertinent intermeddling with affairs with which it has no rightful concern. On the other hand, if any such right and duty exist, their due exercise and discharge will not permit of any action that shall not be ef- ficient and that, if the power of the Uuited States is adequate, shall not result in the accomplishment of the end in view. The question thus presented, as matter of principle and regard being had to the settled national policy, does not seem difficult of 395 solution. Yet the momentous practical consequences depend- ent upon its determination require that it should be carefully considered and that the grounds of the conclusion arrived at should be fully and frankly stated. That there are circumstances under which a nation may justly interpose in a controversy to which two or more other nations are the direct and immediate parties is an admitted canon of international law. The doctrine is ordinarily expressed in terms of the most general character and is perhaps incapable of more specific statement. It is declared in substance that a nation may avail itself of this right whenever what is done or proposed by any of the parties primarily concerned is a serious and direct menace to its own integrity, tranquillity, or welfare. The propriety of the rule when applied in good faith will not be questioned in any quarter. On the other hand, it is an inevitable though unfortunate consequence of the wide scope of the rule, that it has only too often been made a cloak for schemes of wanton spoliation and aggrandizement. We are concerned at this time, however, not so much with the general rule as with a form of it which is peculiarly and distinctively American. Washington, in the solemn admonitions of the Farewell Address, explicitly warned his countrymen against entanglements with the politics or the controversies of Euro- pean powers. "Europe [he said] has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combina- tions and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our de- tached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course." During the administration of President Monroe this doctrine of the Farewell Address was first considered in all its aspects and with a view to all its practical consequences. The Fare- well Address, while it took America out of the field of European 396 politics, was silent as to the part Europe might be permitted to play in America. Doubtless it was thought the latest ad- dition to the family of nations should not make haste to pre- scribe rules for the guidance of its older members, and the expediency and propriety of serving the powers of Europe with notice of a complete and distinctive American policy exclud- ing them from interference with American political affairs might well seem dubious to a generation to whom the French alliance, with its manifold advantages to the cause of American independence, was fresh in mind. Twenty years later, however, the situation had changed. The lately born nation had greatly increased in power and resources, had demonstrated its strength on land and sea and as well in the conflicts of arms as in the pursuits of peace, and had begun to realize the commanding position on this continent which the character of its people, their free institutions, and their remote- ness from the chief scene of European contentions combined to give to it. The Monroe administration therefore did not hesitate to accept and apply the logic of the Farewell Address by declaring in effect that American non-intervention in Euro- pean affairs necessarily implied and meant European non-inter- vention in American affairs. Conceiving unquestionably that complete Enropean non-interference in American concerns would be cheapl}' purchased by complete American non-inter- ference in European concerns. President Monroe, in the cele- brated Message of December 2, 1823, used the following language : " In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are in- vaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparations for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere, we are, of necessity, more immediately connected and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respect- 397 ive governments. And to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any at- tempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. " With the existing colonies or dependencies of any Euro- pean power, we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any Euro- pean power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to in- terfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers ; to con- sider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us ; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness ; nor can any one believe that our southern breth- ren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference." The Monroe administration, however, did not content itself with formulating a correct rule for the regulation of the rela- tions between Europe and America. It aimed at also securing 398 the practical benefits to result from the application of the rule. Hence the message just quoted declared that the American continents were fully occupied and were not the subjects for future colonization by European powers. To this spirit and this purpose, also, are to be attributed the passages of the same message which treat any infringement of the rule against inter- ference in American affairs on the part of the powers of Europe as an act of unfriendliness to the United States. It was real- ized that it was futile to lay down such a rule unless its observ- ance could be enforced. It was manifest that the United States was the only power in this hemisphere capable of enforcing it. It was therefore courageously declared not merely that Europe ought not to interfere in American affairs, but that any Euro- pean power doing so would be regarded as antagonizing the interests and inviting the opposition of the United States. That America is in no part open to colonization, though the proposition was not universally admitted at the time of its first enunciation, has long been universally conceded. We are now concerned, therefore, only with that other practical application of the Monroe doctrine, the disregard of which by an European power is to be deemed an act of unfriendliness towards the United States. The precise scope and limitations of this rule cannot be too clearly apprehended. It does not establish any g'eneral protectorate by the United States over other American states. It does not relieve any American state from its obliga- tions as fixed by international law nor prevent any European power directly interested from enforcing such obligations or from inflicting merited punishment for the breach of them. It does not contemplate any interference in the internal affairs of any American state or in the relations between it and other American states. It does not justify any attempt on our part to change the established form of government of any Ameri- can state or to prevent the people of such state from altering that form according to their own will and pleasure. The rule in question has but a single purpose and object. It is that no European power or combination of European powers shall forcibly deprive an American state of the right and power of 399 self-government and of shaping for itself its own political for- tunes and destinies. That the rule thus defined has been the accepted public law of this country ever since its promulgation cannot fairly be denied. Its pronouncement by the Monroe administration at that particular time was unquestionably due to the inspira- tion of Great Britain, who at once gave to it an open and unqualified adhesion which has never been withdrawn. But the rule was decided upon and formulated by the Monroe ad- ministration as a distinctively American doctrine of great im- port to the safety and welfare of the United States after the most careful consideration by a Cabinet which numbered among its members John Quincy Adams, Calhoun, Crawford, and Wirt, and which before acting took both Jefferson and Madi- son into its counsels. Its promulgation was received with acclaim by the entire people of the country irrespective of party. Three years after, Webster declared that the doctrine involved the honor of the country. " I look upon it," he said, " as part of its treasures of reputation, and for one I intend to guard it," and he added, "I look on the message of December, 1823, as forming a bright page in our history. I will help neither to erase it nor to tear it out ; nor shall it be by any act of mine blurred or blot- ted. It did honor to the sagacity of the Government, and I will not diminish that honor." Though the rule thus highly eulogized by Webster has never been formally affirmed by Congress, the House in 1864 de- clared against the Mexican monarchy sought to be set up by the French as not in accord with the policy of the United States, and in 1889 the Senate expressed its disapproval of the connection of any European power with a canal across the Isthmus of Darien or Central America. It is manifest that, if a rule has been openly and uniformly declared and acted upon by the executive branch of the Government for more than seventy years without express repudiation by Congress, it must be conclusively presumed to have its sanction. Yet it is cer- tainly no more than the exact truth to say that every adminis- 400 tration since President Monroe's has had occasion, and some- times more occasions than one, to examine and consider the Monroe doctrine, and has in each instance given it emphatic endorsement. Presidents have dwelt upon it in messages to Congress, and Secretaries of State have time after time made it the theme of diplomatic representation. Nor, if the practical results of the rule be sought for, is the record either meager or obscure. Its first and immediate effect was indeed most momentous and far-reaching. It was the controlling factor in the emancipation of South America, and to it the independent states which now divide that region between them are largely indebted for their very existence. Since then the most striking single achievement to be credited to the rule is the evacuation of Mexico by the French upon the termination of the civil war. But we are also indebted to it for the provisions of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, which both neutralized any interoceanic canal across- Central America and expressly excluded Great Britain from occupying or exercising any dominion over any part of Central America. It has been used in the case of Cuba as if justifying the position that, while the sovereignty of Spain will be re- spected, the island will not be permitted to become the posses- sion of any other European power. It has been influential in bringing about the definite relinquishment of any supposed protectorate by Great Britain over the Mosquito Coast. President Polk, in the case of Yucatan and the proposed voluntary transfer of that country to Great Britain or Spain, relied upon the Monroe Doctrine, though perhaps erroneously, when he declared in a special message to Congress on the sub- ject that the United States could not consent to any such trans- fer. Yet, in somewhat the same spirit. Secretary Fish afifirmed in 1870 that President Grant had but followed "the teachings of all our history" in declaring in his annual message of that year that existing dependencies were no longer regarded as subject to transfer from one European power to another, and that when the present relation of colonies ceases they are' to become independent powers. Another development of the: rule, though apparently not necessarily required by either its- 401 letter or its spirit, is found in the objection to arbitration of South American controversies by an European power. Ameri- can questions, it is said, are for American decision, and on that ground the United States went so far as to refuse to mediate in the war between Chili and Peru jointly with Great Britain and France. Finally, on the ground, among others, that the authority of the Monroe doctrine and the prestige of the United States as its exponent and sponsor, would be seriously impaired. Secretary Bayard strenuously resisted the enforce- ment of the Pelletier claim against Hayti. "The United States [he said] has proclaimed herself the protector of this western world, in which she is by far the stronger power, from the intrusion of European sovereignties. She can point with proud satisfaction to the fact that over and over again has she declared effectively, that serious indeed would be the consequences if European hostile foot should, without just cause, tread those states in the New World which have emancipated themselves from European control. She has announced that she would cherish as it becomes her the terri- torial rights of the feeblest of those states, regarding them not merely as in the eye of the law equal to even the greatest of nationalities, but in view of her distinctive policy as entitled to be regarded by her as the objects of a peculiarly gracious care. I feel bound to say that if we should sanction by reprisals in Hayti the ruthless invasion of her territory and insult to her sovereignty which the facts now before us disclose, if we approve by solemn Executive action and Congressional assent that invasion, it will be difficult for us hereafter to assert that in the New World, of whose rights we are the peculiar guard- ians, these rights have never been invaded by ourselves." The foregoing enumeration not only shows the many in- stances wherein the rule in question has been affirmed and applied, but also demonstrates that the Venezuelan boundary controversy is in any view far within the scope and spirit of the rule as uniformly accepted and acted upon. A doctrine of American public law thus long and firmly established and sup- ported could not easily be ignored in a proper case for its 402 application, even were the considerations upon which it is founded obscure or questionable. No such objection can be made, however, to the Monroe doctrine understood and defined in the manner already stated. It rests, on the contrary, upon facts and principles that are both intelligible and incontrover- tible. That distance and three thousand miles of intervening ocean make any permanent political union between an Euro- pean and an American state unnatural and inexpedient will hardly be denied. But physical and geographical considera- tions are the least of the objections to such a union. Europe, as Washington observed, has a set of primary interests which are peculiar to herself. America is not interested in them and ought not to be vexed or complicated with them. Each great European power, for instance, to-day maintains enormous armies and fleets in self-defense and for protection against any other European power or powers. What have the states of America to do with that condition of things, or why should they be impoverished by wars or preparations for wars with whose causes or results they can have no direct concern ? If all Europe were to suddenly fly to arms over the fate of Turkey, would it not be preposterous that any American state should find itself involved in the miseries and burdens of the contest? If it were, it would prove to be a partnership in the cost and losses of the struggle but not in any ensuing benefits. What is true of the material, is no less true of what may be termed the moral interests involved. Those pertaining to Europe are peculiar to her and are entirely diverse from those pertaining and peculiar to America. Europe as a whole is monarchical, and, with the single important exception of the Republic of France, is committed to the monarchical prin- ciple. America, on the other hand, is devoted to the exactly opposite principle — to the idea that every people has an inalien- able right of self-government — and, in the United States of America, has furnished to the world the most conspicuous and conclusive example and proof of the excellence of free insti- tutions, whether from the standpoint of national greatness or of individual happiness. It cannot be necessary, however, to 403 ^enlarge upon tliis phase of the subject — whether moral or material interests be considered, it cannot but be universally con- deeded that those of Europe are irreconcilably diverse from those of America, and that any European control of the latter is necessarily both incongruous and injurious. If, however, for the reasons stated, the forcible intrusion of European powers ■into American politics is to be deprecated — if, as it is to be deprecated, it should be resisted and prevented — such resist- ance and prevention must come from the United States. They would come from it, of course, were it made the point of -attack. But, if they come at all, they must also come from it when any other American state is attacked, since only the United States has the strength adequate to the exigency. Is it true, then, that the safety and welfare of the United -States are so concerned with the maintenance of the independ- •ence of every American state as against any European power as to justify and require the interposition of the United States -whenever that independence is endangered? The question can be candidly answered in but one way. The states of America, -South as well as North, by geographical proximity, by natural sympathy, by similarity of governmental constitutions, are friends and allies, commercially and politically, of the United States. To allow the subjugation of any of them by an Euro- pean power is, of course, to completely reverse the situation, .and signifies the loss of all the advantages incident to their natural relations to us. But that is not all. The people of the United States have a vital interest in the cause of popular self- government. They have secured the right for themselves and their posterity at the cost of infinite blood and treasure. They have realized and exemplified its beneficent operation by a career unexampled in point of national greatness or individual felicity. They believe it to be for the healing of all nations, and that civilization must either advance or retrograde accord- ingly as its supremacy is extended or curtailed. Imbued with these sentiments, the people of the United States might not impossibly be wrought up to an active propaganda in favor of a cause so highly valued both for themselves and for mankind. 404 But the age of the Crusades has passed, and they are content with such assertion and defense of the right of popular self- government as their own security and welfare demand. It is- in that view more than in any other that they believe it not to- be tolerated that the political control of an American state- shall be forcibly assumed by an European power. The mischiefs apprehended from such a source are none the less real because not immediately imminent in any specific case, and are none the less to be guarded against because the combination of circumstances that will bring them upon u& cannot be predicted. The civilized states of Christendom deal with each other on substantially the same principles that regu- late the conduct of individuals. The greater its enlightenment^ the more surely every state perceives that its permanent inter- ests require it to be governed by the immutable principles of right and justice. Each, nevertheless, is only too liable to- succumb to the temptations offered by seeming special oppor- tunities for its own aggrandizement, and each would rashly imperil its own safety were it not to remember that for the re- gard and respect of other states it must be largely dependent upon its own strength and power. To-day the United States- is practically sovereign on this continent, and its fiat is law upon, the subjects to which it confines its interposition. Why ? It is not because of the pure friendship or good will felt for it. It is notsimpl)- by reason of its high character as a civilized state, nor because wisdom and justice and equity are the invariable characteristics of the dealings of the United States. It is be- cause, in addition to all other grounds, its infinite resources combined with its isolated position render it master of the situ- ation and practically invulnerable as against any or all other powers. All the advantages of this superiority are at once imperiled if the principle be admitted that European powers may convert American states into colonies or provinces of their own. The principle would be eagerly availed of, and every power doing so would immediately acquire a base of military operations against us. What one power was permitted to do could not 405 be denied to another, and it is not inconceivable that the istruggle now going on for the acquisition of Africa might be -transferred to South America. If it were, the weaker countries would unquestionably be soon absorbed, while the ultimate re- sult might be the partition of all South America between the various European powers. The disastrous consequences to the United States of such a condition of things are obvious. The loss of prestige, of authority, and of weight in the councils of the family of nations would be among the least of them. •Our only real rivals in peace as well as enemies in war would be found located at our very doors. Thus far in our history we have been spared the burdens and evils of immense stand- ing armies and all the other accessories of huge warlike estab- lishments, and the exemption has largely contributed to our national greatness and wealth, as well as to the happiness of •every citizen. But, with the powers of Europe permanently ■encamped on American soil, the ideal conditions we have thus far enjoyed cannot be expected to continue. We too must be :armed to the teeth, we too must convert the flower of our male population into soldiers and sailors, and by withdrawing them from the various pursuits of peaceful industry we too must practically annihilate a large share of the productive energy of the nation. How a greater calamity than this could overtake us it is ■difificult to see. Nor are our just apprehensions to be allayed by suggestions of the friendliness of European powers — of their good will towards us — of their disposition, should they be our neighbors, to dwell with us in peace and harmony. The people of the United States have learned in the school of ex- perience to what extent the relations of states to each other depend not upon sentiment nor principle, but upon selfish in- terest. They will not soon forget that, in their hour of distress, all their anxieties and burdens were aggravated by the possi- bility of demonstrations against their national life on the part •of powers with whom they had long maintained the most har- monious relations. They have yet in mind that France seized upon the apparent opportunity of our civil war to set up a 406 monarchy in the adjoining state of Mexico. They reah'ze that had France and Great Britain held important South American; possessions to work from and to benefit, the temptation to destroy the predominance of the Great Republic in this hemis- phere by furthering its dismemberment might have been irresistible. From that grave peril they have been saved in the past and may be saved again in the future through the opera- tion of the sure but silent force of the doctrine proclaimed by President Monroe. To abandon it, on the other hand, disre- garding both the logic of the situation and the facts of our past experience, would be to renounce a policy which has proved both an easy defense against foreign aggression and a prolific source of internal progress and prosperity. There is, then, a doctrine of American public law, well founded in principle and abundantly sanctioned by precedent, which entitles and requires the United States to treat as an injury to itself the forcible assumption by an Ruropean power of political control over an American state. The application of the doctrine to the boundary dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela remains to be made and presents no real differ- culty. Though the dispute relates to a boundary line, yet, as it is between states, it necessarily imports political control to- be lost b}- one party and gained by the other. The political control at stake, too, is of no mean importance, but concerns a domain of great extent — the British claim, it will be remem- bered, apparently expanded in two years some 33,000 square miles — and, if it also directly involves the command of the mouth of the Orinoco, is of immense consequence in con- nection with the whole river navigation of the interior of South America. It has been intimated, indeed, that in respect of these South American possessions Great Britain is herself an American state like any other, so that a controversy between her and Venezuela is to be settled between themselves as if it were between Venezuela and Brazil or between Venezuela and Colombia, and does not call for or justify United States inter- vention. If this view be tenable at all, the logical sequence is- plain. 407 Great Britain as a South American state is to be entirely differentiated from Great Britain generally, and if the bound- ary question cannot be settled otherwise than by force, British Guiana, with her own independent resources and not those of the British Empire, should be left to settle the matter with Venezuela — an arrangement which very possibly Venezuela might not object to. But the proposition that an European power with an American dependency is for the purposes of the Monroe doctrine to be classed not as an European but as an American state will not admit of serious discussion. If it were to be adopted, the Monroe doctrine would be too valueless to be worth asserting. Not only would every European power now having a South American colony be enabled to extend its possessions on this continent indefinitely, but any other European power might also do the same by first taking pains to procure a fraction of South American soil by voluntary cession. The declaration of the Monroe message — that existing colonies or dependencies of an European power would not be interfered with by the United States — means colonies or dependencies then existing, with their limits as then existing. So it has been invariably construed, and so it must continue to be construed unless it is to be deprived of all vital force. Great Britain cannot be deemed a South American state within the purview of the Monroe doctrine, nor, if she is appropriating Venezuelan territory, is it material that she does so by advanc- ing the frontier of an old colony instead of by the planting of a new colony. The difference is matter of form and not of substance, and the doctrine if pertinent in the one case must be in the other also. It is not admitted, however, and therefore cannot be assumed, that Great Britain is in fact usurping dominion over Venezuelan territory. While Venezuela charges such usurpation, Great Britain denies it, and the United States, until the merits are authoritatively ascertained, can take sides with neither. But while this is so — while the United States may not, under existing circumstances at least, take upon it- self to say which of the two parties is right and which wrong — 408 it is certainly within its right to demand that the truth shall be ascertained. Being entitled to resent and resist any sequestration of Venezuelan soil by Great Britain, it is neces- sarily entitled to know whether such sequestration has occurred or is now going on. Otherwise, if the United States is without the right to know and have it determined whether there is or is not British aggression upon Venezuelan territory, its right to protest against or repel such aggression may be dismissed from consideration. The right to act upon a fact the existence of which there is no right to have ascertained is simply illusory. It being clear, therefore, that the United States may legitimately insist upon the merits of the boundary question being determined, it is equally clear that there is but one feasible mode of determining them, viz., peaceful arbitration. The impracticability of any conventional adjustment has been often and thoroughly demon- strated. Even more impossible of consideration is an appeal to arms — a mode of settling national pretensions unhappily not yet wholly obsolete. If, however, it were not condem- nable as a relic of barbarism and a crime in itself, so one-sided a contest could not be invited nor even accepted by Great Britain without distinct disparagement to her character as a civilized state. Great Britain, however, assumes no such atti- tude. On the contrary, she both admits that there is a con- troversy and that arbitration should be resorted to for its adjustment. But, while up to that point her attitude leaves nothing to be desired, its practical effect is completely nullified by her insistence that the submission shall cover but a part of the controversy — that, as a condition of arbitrating her right to a part of the disputed territory, the remainder shall be turned over to her. If it were possible to point to a boundary which both parties had ever agreed or assumed to be such either expressly or tacitly, the demand that territory conceded by such line to British Guiana should be held not to be in dis- pute might rest upon a reasonable basis. But there is no such line. The territory which Great Britain insists shall be ceded to her as a condition of arbitrating her claim to other territory 409 has never been admitted to belong to her. It has always and consistently been claimed by Venezuela. Upon what principle — except her feebleness as a nation — is she to be denied the right of having the claim heard and passed upon by an impartial tribunal ? No reason nor shadow of reason -appears in all the voluminous literature of the subject. " It is to be so because I will it to be so" seems to be the only justi- fication Great Britain offers. It is, indeed, intimated that the British claim to this particular territory rests upon an occupa- tion, which, whether acquiesced in or not, has ripened into a perfect title by long continuance. But what prescription affect- ing territorial rights can be said to exist as between sovereign states? Or, if there is any, what is the legitimate conse- quence ? It is not that all arbitration should be denied, but only that the submission should embrace an additional topic, namely, the validity of the asserted prescriptive title either in point of law or in point of fact. No different result follows from the contention that as matter of principle Great Britain cannot be asked to submit and ought not to submit to arbitration her political and sovereign rights over territory. This contention, if applied to the whole or to a vital part of the possessions of a sovereign state, need not be controverted. To hold otherwise might be equivalent to holding that a sovereign state was bound to arbitrate its very existence. But Great Britain has herself shown in various instances that the principle has no pertinency when either the interests or the "territorial area involved are not of controlling magnitude and' her loss of them as the result of an arbitration cannot appreci- ably affect her honor or her power. Thus, she arbitrated the ■extent of her colonial possessions twice with the United States, twice with Portugal, and once with Germany, and perhaps in other instances. The Northwest Water Boundary arbitration of 1872 between her and this country is an example in point and well illustrates both the effect to be given to long-continued use and enjoyment and the fact that a truly great power sacri- fices neither prestige nor dignity by reconsidering the most emphatic rejection of a proposition when satisfied of the ob- vious and intrinsic justice of the case. By the award of the 410 Emperor of Germany, the arbitrator in that case, the United States acquired San Juan and a number of smaller islands near the coast of Vancouver as a consequence of the decision that the term ' 'the channel which separates the continent from Van- couver's Island," as used in the treaty of Washington of 1846, meant the Haro channel and not the Rosario channel. Yet a leading contention of Great Britain before the arbitrator was that equity required a judgment in her favor because a decision in favor of the United States would deprive British subjects of rights of navigation of which they had had the habitual enjoy- ment from the time when the Rosario Strait was first explored and surveyed in 1798. So, though by virtue of the award the United States acquired San Juan and the other islands of the group to which it belongs, the British Foreign Secretary had. in 1859 instructed the British Minister at Washington as- follows : " Her Majesty's Government must, therefore, under any cir- cumstances, maintain the right of the British Crown to the island of San Juan. The interests at stake in connection with. the retention of that island are too important to admit of com- promise and Your Lordship will consequently bear in mind- that, whatever arrangement as to the boundary line is finally arrived at, no settlement of the question will be accepted by Her Majesty's Government which does not provide for the island of San Juan being reserved to the British Crown." Thus, as already intimated, the British demand that her right to a portion of the disputed territory shall be acknowledged before she will consent to an arbitration as to the rest seems to- stand upon nothing but her own ipse dixit. She says to Vene- zuela, in substance : " You can get none of the debatable land- by force, because you are not strong enough ; you can get none by treaty, because I will not agree ; and you can take- your chance of getting a portion by arbitration, only if yoa first agree to abandon to me such other portion as I may desig- nate. " It is not perceived how such an attitude can be defended nor how it is reconcilable with that love of justice and fair play so eminently characteristic of the English race. It in effect deprives Venezuela of her free agency and puts her 411 under virtual duress. Territory acquired by reason of it wilK be as much wrested from her by the strong hand as if occupied by British troops or covered by British fleets. It seems there- fore quite impossible that this position of Great Britain should be assented to by the United States, or that, if such position be adhered to with the result of enlarging the bounds of British Guiana, it should not be regarded as amounting, in substance, to an invasion and conquest of Venezuelan territory. In these circumstances the duty of the President appears to him unmistakable and imperative. Great Britain's assertion of title to the disputed territory, combined with her refusal to have that title investigated, being a substantial appropriation of the territory to her own , use, not to protest and give warning that the transaction will be regarded as injurious to the interests of the people of the United States as well as op- pressive in itself would be to ignore an established policy with which the honor and welfare of this country are closely identi- fied. While the measures necessary or proper for the vindi- cation of that policy are to be determined by another branch of the Government, it is clearly for the Executive to leave nothing undone which may tend to render such determination unnecessary. You are instructed, therefore, to render the foregoing views to Lord Salisbury by reading to him this communication (leav- ing with him a copy should he so desire), and to reinforce them- by such pertinent considerations as will doubtless occur to you. They call for a definite decision upon the point whether Great: Britain will consent or will decline to submit the Venezuelan boundary question in its entirety to impartial arbitration. It is the earnest hope of the President that the conclusion will be on the side of arbitration, and that Great Britain will add one more to the conspicuous precedents she has already furnished in favor of that wise and just mode of adjusting international disputes. If he is to be disappointed in that hope, however — a result not to be anticipated and in his judgment calculated to greatly embarrass the future relations between this country and Great Britain — it is his wish to be made acquainted with the fact at 412 •such early date as will enable him to lay the whole subject be- tfore Congress in his next annual message. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Richard Olney. Mr. Adee to Mr. Bayard. No. 8c6.] Department of State. Washington, July 24, 1895. His Excellency Thomas F. Bayard, etc., etc., etc., London : Sir: — In Mr. Olney's instructions No. 804, of the 20th in- stant, in relation to the Anglo-Venezuelan boundary dispute, you will note a reference to the sudden increase of the area claimed for British Guiana, amounting to 33,000 square miles, between 1884 and 1886. This statement is made on the au- thority of the British publication entitled the Statesman's Year Book. I add for your better information that the same statement is found in the British Colonial Office List, a government pub- lication. In the issue for 1885, the following passage occurs, on page 24, under the head of British Guiana : " It is impossible to specify the exact area of the Colony, as its precise boundaries between Venezuela and Brazil respective- ly are undetermined, but it has been computed to be 76,000 square miles. " In the issue of the same List for 1886, the same statement occurs, on page 33, with the change of area to "about 109,000 square miles. " The official maps in the two volumes mentioned are identical, so that the increase of 33,000 square miles claimed for British Guiana is not thereby explained, but later Colonial Office List maps show a varying sweep of the boundary westward into what previously figured as Venezuelan territory, while no change .is noted on the Brazilian frontier. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Alva A. Adee, Acting Secretary. 413 Lord Salisbury to Sir Julian Pauncefote. No. 1 89. J Foreign Office. November 26, 1895. Sir : On the 7th of Aiigust I transmitted to Lord Gough a copy- of the despatch from Mr. Olney which Mr. Bayard had left with me that day, and of which he had read portions to me. I informed him at the time that it could not be answered until it had been carefully considered by the Law Officers of the Crown. I have therefore deferred replying to it till after the recess. I will not now deal with those portions of it which are con- cerned exclusively with the controversy that has for some time past existed between the Republic of Venezuela and Her Maj- esty's Government in regard to the boundary which separates their dominions. I take a very different view from Mr. Olney of various matters upon which he touches in that part of the despatch ; but I will defer for the present all observations upon it, as it concerns matters which are not in themselves of first- rate importance, and do not directly concern the relations be- tween Great Britain and the United States. The latter part however of the despatch, turning from the question of the frontiers of Venezuela, proceeds to deal with principles of a far wider character, and to advance doctrines of international law which are of considerable interest to all the nations whose dominions include any portion of the western hemisphere. The contentions set forth by Mr. Olney in this part of his despatch are represented by him as being an application of the political maxims which are well known in American discussion under the name of the Monroe doctrine. As far as I am aware; this doctrine has never been before advanced on behalf of the United States in any written communication addressed to the Government of another nation ; but it has been generally adopted and assumed as true by many eminent writers and politicians of the United States. It is said to have largely influenced the Government of that country in the conduct of its foreign af- fairs : though Mr. Clayton, who was Secretary of State under 414 president Taylor, expressly stated that that Administration had in no way adopted it. But during the period that has elapsed since the Message of President Monroe was delivered in 1823, .the doctrine has undergone a very notable development, and the aspect it now presents in the hands of Mr. Olney differs -widely from its character when it first issued from the pen of its -author. The two propositions which in effect President Monroe laid down were, first, that America was no longer to be looked upon as a field for European colonization; and, second, that Europe must not attempt to extend its political system to America, or to control the political condition of any of the American communities who had recently declared their inde- pendence. The dangers against which President Monroe thought it right to guard were not as imaginary as they would seem at the present day. The formation of the Holy Alliance ; the -Congresses of Laybach and Verona ; the invasion of Spain by France for the purpose of forcing upon the Spanish people a form of government which seemed likely to disappear, un- Jess it was sustained by external aid, were incidents fresh in the mind of President Monroe when he penned his celebrated Message. The system of which he speaks, and of which he so resolutely deprecates the application to the American Continent, -was the system then adopted by certain powerful States upon -the Continent of Europe of combining to prevent by force of arms the adoption in other countries of political institutions which they dishked, and to uphold by external pressure those -which they approved. Various portions of South America 1iad recently declared their independence, and that independence had not been recognized by the Governments of Spain and Portugal, to which, with small exception, the whole of Central and South America were nominally subject. It was not an -imaginary danger that he foresaw, if he feared that the same spirit which had dictated the French expedition into Spain ^might inspire the more powerful Governments of Europe with the idea of imposing, by the force of European arms, upon ihe South American communities the form of government and 415 the political connection which they had thrown off. In de- claring that the United States would resist any such enterprise if it was contemplated, President Monroe adopted a policy which received the entire sympathy of the English Govern- ment of that date. The dangers which were apprehended by President Monroe have no relation to the state of things in which we live at the present day. There is no danger of any Holy Alliance im- posing its system upon any portion of the American Continent, and there is no danger of any European State treating any part of the American Continent as a fit object for European colonization. It is intelligible that Mr. Olney should invoke, in defence of the views on which he is now insisting, an au- thority which enjoys so high a popularity with his own fellow- countrymen. But the circumstances with which President Monroe was dealing, and those to which the present American Government is addressing itself, have very few features in common. Great Britain is imposing no "system" upon Ven- ezuela, and is not concerning herself in any way with the nature of the political institutions under which the Vene- zuelans may prefer to live. But the British Empire and the Republic of Venezuela are neighbors, and they have differed for some time past, and continue to differ, as to the line by which their dominions are separated. It is a controversy with which the United States have no apparent practical concern. It is difficult, indeed, to see how it can materially affect any State or community outside those primarily interested, except perhaps other parts of Her Majesty's dominions, such as Trin- idad. The disputed frontier of Venezuela has nothing to do with any of the questions dealt with by President Monroe. It is not a question of the colonization by a European Power of any portion of America. It is not a question of the imposi- tion upon the communities of South America of any system of government devised in Europe. It is simply the determina- tion of the frontier of a British possession which belonged to the Throne of England long before the Republic of Venezuela came into existence. But even if the interests of Venezuela 416 were so far linked to those of the United States as to give to- the latter a locus standi in this controversy, their Government apparently have not formed, and certainly do not express, any opinion upon the actual merits of the dispute. The Govern- ment of the United States do not say that Great Britain, or' that Venezuela, is in the right in the matters that are in issue.- But they lay down that the doctrine of President Monroe, when he opposed the imposition of European systems, or the renewal of European colonization, confers upon them the right of demanding that where a European Power has a frontier dif- ference with a South American community, the European Power shall consent to refer that controversy to arbitration ;. and Mr. Olney states that unless Her Majesty's Government accede to this demand, it will " greatly embarrass the future relations between Great Britain and the United States." Whatever may be the authority of the doctrine laid down by President Monroe, there is nothing in his language to show that he ever thought of claiming this novel prerogative for the United States. It is admitted that he did not seek to assert a Protectorate over Mexico, or the States of Central and South America. Such a claim would have imposed upon the United States the duty of answering for the conduct of these States, and consequently the responsibility of controlling it. His sagacious foresight would have led him energetically to dep- recate the addition of so serious a burden to those which the Rulers of the United States have to bear. It follows of neces- sity that if the Government of the United States will not con- trol the conduct of these communities, neither can it undertake to protect them from the consequences attaching to any mis- conduct of which they may be guilty towards other nations. If they violate in any way the rights of another State, or of its subjects, it is not alleged that the Monroe doctrine will assure them the assistance of the United States in escaping from any reparation which they may be bound by international law to- give. Mr. Olney expressly disclaims such an inference from» the principles he lays down. 417 But the claim which he founds upon them is, that if any in- dependent American State advances a demand for territory of which its neighbor claims to be the owner, and that neighbor is the colony of a European State, the United States have a right to insist that the European State shall submit the de- mand and its own impugned rights to arbitration I will not now enter into a discussion of the merits of this method of terminating international differences. It has proved itself valuable in many cases; but it is not free from defects, which often operate as a serious drawback on its value. It is not always easy to find an Arbitrator who is competent, and who, at the same time, is wholly free from bias; and the task of insuring compHance with the Award when it is made is not exempt from difficulty. It is a mode of settlement of which the value varies much according to the nature of the contro- versy to which it is applied, and the character o f the litigants who appeal to it. Whether, in any particular case, it is a suitable method of procedure is generally a delicate and difficult ques- tion. The only parties who are competent to decide that question are the two parties whose rival contentions are in issue. The claim of a third nation, which is unaffected by the controversy, to impose this particular procedure on either of the two others, cannot be reasonably justified, and has no foundation in the law of nations. In the remarks which I have made, I have argued on the theory that the Monroe doctrine in itself is sound. I must not, however, be understood as expressing any acceptance of it on the part of Her Majesty's Government. It must always be mentioned with respect, on account of the distinguished states- man to whom it is due, and the great nation who have gener- ally adopted it. But international law is founded on the gen- eral consent of nations; and no statesman, however eminent, and no nation, however powerful, are competent to insert into the code of international law a novel principle which was never recognized before, and which has not since been accepted by the Government of any other country. The United States have a right, like any other nation, to interpose in any contro- 418 versy by which their own interests are affected; and they are the judge whether those interests are touched, and in what measure they should be sustained. But their rights are in no way strengthened or extended by the fact that the controversy affects some territory which is called American. Mr. Olney quotes the case of the recent Chilean war, in which the United States declined to join with France and England in an effort to bring hostilities to a close, on account of the Monroe doctrine. The United States were entirely in their right in declining to join in an attempt at pacification if they thought fit; but Mr. Olney's principle that "American questions are for American decision," even if it receive any countenance from the language of President Monroe (which it does not), cannot be sustained by any reasoning drawn from the law of nations. The Government of the United States is not entitled to af- firm as a universal proposition, with reference to a number of independent States for whose conduct it assumes no responsi- bility, that its interests are necessarily concerned in whatever may befall those States simply because they are situated in the Western Hemisphere. It may well be that the interests of the United States are affected by something that happens to Chile or to Peru, and that that circumstance may give them the right of interference; but such a contingency may equally happen in the case of China or Japan, and the right of inter- ference is not more extensive or more assured in the one case than in the other . Though the language of President Monroe is directed to the attainment of objects which most Enghshmen would agree to be salutary, it is impossible to admit that they have been in- scribed b}^ any adequate authority in the code of international law; and the danger which such admission would involve is sufficiently exhibited, both by the strange development which the doctrine has received at Mr. Olney's hands, and the argu- ments by which it is supported in the despatch under reply. In defence of it he says : " That distance and 3,000 miles of intervening ocean 7nake any pennanent political iinion bctioeen a European and an American 419 State unnatural and inexpedient will hardly be denied. But phys- ical and geographical considerations are the least of the objec- tions to such a union. Europe has a set of primary interests which are peculiar to herself; America is not interested in i;hem, and ought not to be vexed or complicated with them." And again : " Thus far in our history we have been spared the burdens :and evils of immense standing armies, and all the other access- ories of huge warlike establishments; and the exemption has highl}' contributed to our national greatness and wealth, as well as to the happiness of every citizen. But with the Powers .of Europe permanently encamped on American soil, the ideal con- ditions we have thus far enjoyed cannot be expected to con- tinue." The necessary meaning of these words is that the union be- 'tween Great Britain and Canada; between Great Britain and Jamaica and Trinidad; between Great Britain and British Hon- duras or British Guiana are "inexpedient and unnatural." President Monroe disclaims any such inference from his doc- "trine; but in this, as in other respects, Mr. Olney develops it. He lays down that the inexpedient and unnatural character of Ihe union between a European and American State is so ob- vious that it "will hardly be denied." Her Majesty's Govern- ment are prepared emphatically to deny it on behalf of both rthe British and American people who are subject to her Crown. They maintain that the union between Great Britain and her territories in the Western Hemisphere is both natural and ex- pedient. They fully concur with the view which President Monroe apparently entertained, that any disturbance of the ■existing territorial distribution in that hemisphere, by any fresh acquisitions on the part of any European State, would be a highly inexpedient change. But they are not prepared to ad- mit that the recognition of that expediency is clothed with the sanction which belongs to a doctrine of international law. They are not prepared to admit that the interests of the United ■States are necessarily concerned in every frontier dispute which may arise between any two of the States who possess 20 dominion in the Western Hemisphere; and still less can thejr accept the doctrine that the United States are entitled to clain* that the process of arbitration shall be applied to any demand for the surrender of territory which one of those States may- make against another. I have commented, in the above remarks, only upon the gen- eral aspect of Mr. Olney's doctrines, apart from the special considerations which attach to the controversy between the United Kingdom and Venezuela in its present phase. This- controversy has undoubtedly been made more difficult by the inconsiderate action of the Venezuelan Government in break- ing off relations with Her Majesty's Government, and its set- tlement has been correspondingly delayed; but Her Majesty's- Government have not surrendered the hope that it will be ad- justed by a reasonable arrangement at an early date. I request that you will read the substance of the above des- patch to Mr. Olney, and leave him a copy if he desires it. S. Lord Salisbury to Sir Julian Pauficefote. No. 190. J Foreign Office. November 26, 1895, Sir: In my preceding despatch of to-day's date I have rephed only to the latter portion of Mr. Olney's despatch of the 20th July last, which treats of the application of the Monroe doc- trine to the question of the boundary dispute between Vene- zuela and the colony of British Guiana. But it seems desir- able, in order to remove some evident misapprehensions as to the main features of the question, that the statement of it con- tained in the earlier portion of Mr. Olney's despatch should not be left without reply. Such a course will be the more con- venient, because, in consequence of the suspension of diplo- matic relations, I shall not have the opportunity of setting right misconceptions of this kind in the ordinary way in a despatch addressed to the Venezuelan Government itself. 421 Her Majesty's Government, while they have never avoided or declined argument on the subject with the Government of Venezuela, have always held that the question was one which liad no direct bearing on the material interests of any other ■country, and have consequently refrained hitherto from pre- senting any detailed statement of their case either to the United States or to other foreign Governments. It is, perhaps, a natural consequence of this circumstance that Mr. Olney's narration of what has passed bears the impress of being mainly, if not entirely, founded on ex parte ;statements emanating from Venezuela, and gives, in the opin- ion of Her Majesty's Government, an erroneous view of many material facts. Mr. Olney commences his observations by remarking that ■"the dispute is of ancient date, and began at least as early as -the time when Great Britain acquired by the Treaty with the Netherlands in 1814 the estabhshments of Demerara, Esse- quibo, and Berbice. From that time to the present the divid- ing Hne between these establishments, now called British ■Guiana and Venezuela has never ceased to be subject of con- tention." This statement is founded on misconception. The dispute ■on the subject of the frontier did not, in fact, commence till .after the year 1840. The title of Great Britain to the territory in question is derived, in the first place, from conquest and military occupa- tion of the Dutch settlements in 1796. Both on this occasion, and at the time of a previous occupation of those settlements in 1 78 1, the British authorities marked the western boundary of their possessions as beginning some distance up the Orinoco beyond Point Barima, in accordance with the limits claimed and actually held by the Dutch, and this has always since remained the frontier claimed by Great Britain. The definite cession of the Dutch settlements to England was, as Mr. Olney states, placed on record by the Treaty of 1814, and although the Spanish Government were parties to the nego- tiations which led to that Treaty, they did not at any stage of 422 them raise objection to the frontiers claimed by Great Britain^ though these were perfectly well known to them. At that time the Government of Venezuela had not been recognized even by the United States, though the province was already in revolt against the Spanish Government, and had declared- its independence. No question of frontier was raised with Great Britain either by it or by the Government of the United- States of Colombia, in which it became merged in 1819. That Government, indeed, on repeated occasions, acknowledged its- indebtedness to Great Britain for her friendly attitude. When in 1830 the Republic of Venezuela assumed a separate exist- ence its Government was equally warm in its expressions- of gratitude and friendship, and there was not at the time any indication of an intention to raise sach claims as have been urged by it during the latter portion of this century. It is true, as stated by Mr. Olney, that, in the Venezuelan Constitution of 1830, Article 5 lays down that "the territory of Venezuela comprises all that which previously to the polit- ical changes of 1810 was denominated the Captaincy-General of Venezuela." Similar declarations had been made in the fundamental laws promulgated in 1819 and in 1821. I need not point out that a declaration of this kind made by a newly self-constituted State can have no valid force as- against international arrangements previously concluded by the nation from which it has separated itself. But the present diiBculty would never have arisen if the Government of Venezuela had been content to claim only those territories which could be proved or even reasonably asserted to have been practically in the possession and under the effective jurisdiction of the Captaincy-General of Vene- zuela. There is no authoritative statement b}' the Spanish Govern- ment of those territories, for a Decree which the Venezuelan Government allege to have been issued by the King of Spair* in 1768, describing the Province of Guiana as bordered on the south by the Amazon and on the east by the Atlantic, cer- tainly cannot be regarded as such. It absolutely ignores the 423 Dutch settlements, which not only existed in fact, but had been formally recognized by the Treaty of Miinster of 1648, and it would, if now considered valid, transfer to Venezuela the whole of the British, Dutch, and French Guianas, and an enormous tract of territory belonging to Brazil. But of the territories claimed and actually occupied by the Dutch, which were those acquired from them by Great Britain, there exist the most authentic declarations. In 1759, and again in 1769, the States-General of Holland addressed formal remonstrances to the Court of Madrid against the incursions of the Spaniards into their posts and settlements in the basin of the Guyuni. In these remonstrances they dis- tinctly claimed all the branches of the Essequibo river, and especially, the Cuyuni river, as lying within Dutch territory. They demanded immediate reparation for the proceedings of the Spaniards and reinstatement of the posts said to have been injured by them, and suggested that a proper delineation be tween the Colony of Essequibo and the Rio Orinoco should be laid down by authority. To this claim the Spanish Government never attempted to make any reply. But it is evident from the archives which are preserved in Spain, and to which, by the courtesy of the Spanish Government, reference has been made, that the Council of State did not consider that they had the means of rebutting it, and that neither they nor the Governor of Cuma- na were prepared seriously to maintain the claims which were suggested in reports from his subordinate officer, the Com- mandant of Guiana. These reports were characterized by the Spanish Ministers as insufficient and unsatisfactory, as " professing to show the Province of Guiana under too favor- able a light," and finally by the Council of State as appearing from other information to be " very improbable." They form, however, with a map which accompanied them, the evidence on which the Venezuelan Government appear most to rely, though it may be observed that among other documents which have from time to ti.ne been produced or referred to by them in the course of the discussions is a Bull of Pope Alexander 424 VI. in 1493, which, if it is to be considered as having any present validity, would take from the Government of the United States all title to jurisdiction on the Continent of North America. The fundamental principle underlying the Vene- zuelan argument is, in fact, that, inasmuch as Spain was origi- nally entitled of right to the whole of the American Conti- nent, any territory on that Continent which she cannot be shown to have acknowledged in positive and specific terms to have passed to another Power can only have been acquired by wrongful usurpation, and if situated to the north of the Amazon and west of the Atlantic must necessarily belong to Venezuela, as her self-constituted inheritor in those regions. It may reasonably be asked whether Mr. Olney would consent to refer to the arbitration of another Power preten- sions raised by the Government of Mexico on such a founda- tion to large tracts of territory which had long been com- prised in the Federation. The circumstances connected with the making of what is called the " Schomburgk" line are as follows : In 1835 ^ grant was made by the British Government for the exploration of the interior of the British Colon}', and Mr. (afterward Sir Robert) Schomburgk, who was employed on this service, on his return to the capital of the Colony in July, 1839, called the attention of the Government to the necessity for an early demarcation of its boundaries. He was in conse- quence appointed in November, 1840, Special Commissioner for provisionally surveying and delimiting the boundaries of British Guiana, and notice of the appointment was given to the Governments concerned, including that of Venezuela. The intention of Her Majest3''s Government at that time was» when the work of the Commissioner had been completed, to communicate to the other Governments their views as to the true boundary of the British Colony, and then to settle any details to which those Governments might take objection. It is important to notice that Sir R. Schomburgk did not discover or invent any new boundaries. He took particular care to fortify himself with the history of the case. He had 425 farther, from actual exploration and information obtained from the Indians, and from the evidence of local remains, as at Bari- ma, and local traditions, as on the Cuyuni, fixed the limits of Ihe Dutch possessions, and the zone from which all trace of Spanish influence was absent. On such data he based his reports . At the very outset of his mission he surveyed Point Barima, where the remains of a Dutch fort still existed, and placed there and at the mouth of the Amacura two boundary posts. At the urgent entreaty of the Venezuelan Government these two posts were afterwards removed, as stated by Mr. Olney, but this concession was made on the distinct understanding that Great Britain did not thereby in any way abandon her claim to that position. In submitting the maps of his survey, on which he indicated ihe line which he would propose to Her Majesty's Govern- ment for adoption, Sir R. Schomburgk called attention to the fact that Her Majesty's Government might justly claim the whole basin of the Cuyuni and Yuruari on the ground that the natural boundary of the Colony included any territory through which flow rivers which fall into the Essequibo. " Upon this principle," he wrote, " the boundary-line would run from the sources of the Carumani towards the sources of the Cuyuni proper, and from thence towards its far more northern tribu- taries the rivers Iruary (Yuruari) and Iruang (Yuruan), and thus approach the very heart of Venezuelan Guiana." But, •on the grounds of complaisance towards Venezuela, he pro- posed that Great Britain should consent to surrender her claim to a more extended frontier inland in return for the formal recognition of her right to Point Barima. It was on this prin- ciple that he drew the boundary-line which has since been called by his name. Undoubtedly, therefore, Mr. Olney is right when he states that "it seems impossible to treat the Schomburgk line as be- ing the boundary claimed by Great Britain as a matter of right, or as anything but a line originating in considerations of con- -venience and expediency." The Schomburgk line was in fact a great reduction of the boundary claimed by Great Britain as 426 a matter of right, and its proposal originated in a desire to- come to a speedy and friendly arrangement with a weaker Power with whom Great Britain was at that time, and desired to remain, in cordial relations. The following are the main facts of the discussions that en- sued with the Venezuelan Government : While Mr. Schomburgk was engaged on his survey the Venezuelan Minister in London had urged Her Majesty's Gov- ernment to enter into a Treaty of Limits, but received the answer that, if it should be necessary to enter into such a Treaty, a survey was, at any rate, the necessary preliminary, and that this was proceeding. As soon as Her Majesty's Government were in possession of Mr. Schomburgk's reports, the Venezuelan Minister was informed that they were in a position to commence negotia- tions, and in January, 1844, M. Fortique commenced by stat- ing the claim of his Government. This claim, starting from such obsolete grounds as the origi- nal discovery by Spain of the American Continent, and mainly supported by quotations of a more or less vague character from the writings of travellers and geographers, but adducing no substantial evidence of actual conquest or occupation of the territory claimed, demanded the Essequibo itself as the boun- dary of Venezuela. A reply was returned by Lord Aberdeen, then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, pointing out that it would be im- possible to arrive at any agreement if both sides brought for- ward pretensions of so extreme a character, but stating that the British Government would not imitate M. Fortique in put- ting forward a claim which it could not be intended seriously to maintain. Lord Aberdeen then proceed to announce the concessions which, "out of friendly regard to Venezuela," Her Majesty's Government were prepared to make, and proposed a line starting from the mouth of the Moroco to the junction of the river Barama with the Waini, thence up the Barama ta the point at which that stream approached nearest to the 427 Acarabisi, and thence following Sir R. Schomburgk's line from the source of the Acarabisi onwards. A condition was attached to the proffered cession, viz., that the Venezuelan Government should enter into an engagement that no portion of the territory proposed to be ceded should be alienated at any time to a foreign Power, and that the Indian tribes residing in it should be protected from oppression. No answer to the note was ever received from the Vene- zuelan Government, and in 1850 Her Majesty's Government informed Her Majesty's Charg6 d' Affaires at Caracas that as the proposal had remained for more than six years unaccepted, . it must be considered as having lapsed, and authorized him to make a communication to the Venezuelan Government to that effect. A report having at the time become current in Venezuela that Great Britain intended to seize Venezuelan Guiana, the British Government distinctly disclaimed such an intention, but inasmuch as the Government of Venezuela subsequently per- mitted projects to be set on foot for the occupation of Point Barima and certain other positions in dispute, the British Charge d' Affairs was instructed in June, 1850, to call the seri- ous attention of the President and Government of Venezuela to the question, and to declare to them "that, whilst, on the one hand. Great Britain had no intention to occupy or encroach on the disputed territory, she would not, on the other hand, - view with indifference aggressions on that territory by Vene- zuela." The Venezuelan Government replied in December of the same year that Venezuela had no intention of occupying or encroaching upon any part of the territory the dominion of which was in dispute, and that orders would be issued to the authorities in Guiana to abstain from taking any steps con- trary to this engagement. This constitutes what has been termed the " Agreement of 1850," to which the Government of Venezuela have frequently appealed, but which the Venezuelans have repeatedly violated in succeeding years. 428 Their first acts of this nature consisted in the occupation of fresh positions to the east of their previous settlements, and the founding in 1858 of the town of Nueva Providencia on the right bank of the Yuruari, all previous settlements being on the left bank. The British Government, however, consider- ing that these settlements were so near positions which they had not wished to claim, considering also the dificulty of con- trolling the movements of mining populations, overlooked this breach of the Agreement. The Governor of the Colony was in 1857 sent to Caracas to negotiate for a settlement of the boundary, but he found the Venezuelan State in so disturbed a condition that it was impos- sible to commence negotiations, and eventually he came away without having effected anything. For the next nineteen years, as stated by Mr. Olney, the civil commotions in Venezuela prevented any resumption of negotiations. In 1876 it was reported that the Venezuelan Government had, for the second time, broken " the Agreement of 1850 " by granting licenses to trade and cut wood in Barima and east- ward. Later in the same year that Government once more made an overture for the settlement of the boundary. Vari- ous delays interposed before negotiations actually commenced ; and it was not till 1879 that Senor Rojas began them with a renewal of the claim to the Essequibo as the eastern bound- ary of Venezuelan Guiana. At the same time he stated that his Government wished " to obtain, by means of a Treaty, a definite settlement of the question, and was disposed to pro- ceed to the demarcation of the divisional line between the two ■Guianas in a spirit of conciliation and true friendship twards Her Majesty's Government." In reply to this communication, a note was addressed to Senor Rojas on the loth of January, 1880, reminding him that the boundary which Her Majesty's Government claimed, as a matter of strict right on grounds of conquest and conces- sion by Treaty, commenced at a point at the mouth of the Ori- noco, westward of Point Barima, that it proceeded thence in 429 a southerly direction to the Imataca Mountains, the line of" which is followed to the northwest, passing from thence by the high land of Santa Maria just south of the town of Upata, until it struck a range of hills on the eastern bank of the Ca- roni River, following these southwards until it struck the great backbone of the Guiana district, the Barima Mountains of British Guiana, and thence southwards to the Pacaraima Mountains. On the other hand, the claim which had been put forward on behalf of Venezuela by General Guzman Bianco in his message to the National Congress of the 20th February, 1877, would involve the surrender of a province now inhabited by 40,000 British subjects, and which had been in the uninter- rupted possession of Holland and of Great Britain successively for two centuries. The difference between these two claims be- - ing so great, it was pointed out toSenor Rojas that, in order to arrive at a satisfactory arrangement, each party must be pre- pared to make very cpnsiderable concessions to the other, and he was assured that, although the claim of Venezuela to the Essequibo river boundary could not, under any circumstances, be entertained, yet that Her Majesty's Government were anx- ious to meet the Venezuelan Government in a spirit of concil- iation, and would be willing, in the event of a renewal of ne- gotiations for the general settlement of boundaries, to waive a portion of what they considered to be their strict rights if Venezuela were really disposedl to make corresponding con- cessions on her part. The Venezuelan Minister replied in February, 1 881, by pro- posing a line which commenced on the coast a mile to the north of the Moroco river, and followed certain parallels and meridians inland, bearing a general resemblance to the pro- posal made by Lord Aberdeen in 1844. Senor Rojas's proposal was referred to the Lieutenant-Gov- ernor and Attorney-General of British Guiana, who were then in England, and they presented an elaborate Report, showing that in the thirty-five years which had elapsed since Lord Aberdeen's proposed concession natives and others had settled in the territory under the belief that they would enjoy the ben- 430 efits of British rule, and that it was impossible to assent to any such concessions as Senor Rojas's line would involve. They, however, proposed an alternative line, which involved consid- erable reductions of that laid down by Sir R. Schomburgk. This boundary was proposed to the Venezuelan Government by Lord Granville in September, 1881, but no answer was ever returned by that Government to the proposal. While, however, the Venezuelan Minister constantly stated that the matter was under active consideration, it was found that in the same year a Concession had been given by his Government to General Pulgar, which included a large por- tion of the territory in dispute. This was the third breach by Venezuela of the Agreement of 1850. Early in 1884 news arrived of a fourth breach by Vene- zuela of the Agreement of 1850, through two different grants which covered the whole of the territory in dispute, and as this was followed by actual attempts to settle on the disputed territory, the British Government could no longer remain in- active. Warning was therefore given to the Venezuelan Govern- ment and to the concessionnaires, and a British Magistrate was sent into the threatened district to assert the British rights. Meanwhile, the negotiations for the settlement of the bound- ary had continued, but the only replies that could be obtained from Senor Guzman Blanco, the Venezuelan Minister, were proposals for arbitration in different forms, all of which Her Majesty's Government were compelled to decline as involv- ing a submission to the Arbitrator of the claim advanced by Venezuela in 1844 to all territory up to the left bank of the Essequibo. As the progress of settlement by British subjects made a decision of some kind absolutely necessary, and as the Vene- zuelan Government refused to come to any reasonable arrange- ment, Her Majesty's Government decided not to repeat the ■offer of concessions which had not been reciprocated, but to assert their undoubted right to the territory within the Schom- burgk line, while still consenting to hold open for further ne- 431 $;otiation, and even for arbitration, the unsettled lands between that line and what they considered to be the rightful bound- i..y,"as stated in the note to Senor Rojas of the loth January, 1880. The execution of this decision was deferred for a time, owing to the return of Seiior Guzman Blanco to London, and the desire of Lord Rosebery, then Secretary of State for For- eign Affairs, to settle all pending questions between the two Governments. Mr. Olney is mistaken in supposing that in 1886 "a Treaty was practically agreed upon containing a general arbitration clause, under which the parties might have submitted the boundary dispute to the decision of a third Power, or of several Powers in amity with both." It is true that General Guzman Blanco proposed that the Commercial Treaty between the two countries should contain a clause of this nature, but it had reference to future disputes only. Her Majesty's Government have always insisted on a separate dis- cussion of the frontier question, and have considered its settle- ment to be a necessary preliminery to other arrangements. Lord Rosebery's proposal, made in July, 1886, was " that the two Governments should agree to consider the territory lying between the boundary lines respectively proposed in the Sth paragraph of Senor Rojaz's note of the 21st February, 1 88 1, and Lord Granville's note of the 15th September, 1881, as the territory in dispute between the two countries, and that a boundary line within the limits of this territory should be traced either by an Arbitrator or by a Joint Commission on the basis of an equal division of this territory, due regard being had to natural boundaries. Seflor Guzman Blanco replied declining the proposal, and repeating that arbitration on the whole claim of Venezuela was the only method of solution which he could suggest. This pretension is hardly less exorbitant than would be a refusal by Great Britain to agree to an arbitration on the boundary of British Columbia and Alaska, unless the United States would consent to bring into question one-half of the whole area of the latter territory. He shortly afterwards left 432 England, and as there seemed no hope of arriving at an agree- ment by further discussions, the Schomburgk line • i pro- claimed as the irreducible boundary of the colony in C^ober^ 1886. It must be borne in mind that in taking this step Her Majesty's Government did not assert anything approaching their extreme claim, but confined themselves within the limits- of what had as early as 1840 been suggested as a concession out of friendly regard and complaisance. When Sefior Guzman Blanco, having returned to Vene- zuela, announced his intention of erecting a lighthouse at Point Barima, the British Government expressed their readiness to permit this if he would enter into a formal written agreement that its erection would not be held to prejudice their claim to- the site. In the meanwhile the Venezuelan Government had sent commissioners into the territory to the east of the Schomburgk line, and on their return two notes were addressed to the British Minister at Caracas, dated respectively the 26th and 31st Jan- uary, 1887, demanding the evacuation of the whole territory held by Great Britain from the mouth of the Orinoco to the Pomeroon river, and adding that should this not be done by the 20th February, and should the evacuation not be accom- panied by the acceptance of arbitration as the means of decid- ing the pending frontier question, diplomatic relations would be broken off. In pursuance of this decision the British rep- resentative at Caracas received his passports, and relations were declared by the Venezuelan Government to be suspended on the 2ist February, 1887. In December of that year, as a matter of precaution, and in order that the claims of Great Britain beyond the Schomburgk line might not be considered to have been abandoned, a notice was issued by the Governor of British Guiana formally reserv- ing those claims. No steps have, however, at any time been- taken by the British authorities to exercise jurisdiction beyond the Schomburgk line, nor to interfere with the proceedings of the Venezuelans in the territory outside of it, although, pend- ing a settlement of the dispute, Great Britain cannot recog- 433 nize thee proceedings; as valid, or as conferring any legitimate title. ' ' The question has remained in this position ever since; the bases on which Her Majesty's Government were prepared to negotiate for its settlement were clearly indicated to the Ven- ezuelan Plenipotentiaries who were successively dispatched to London in 1890, 1891, and 1893, to negotiate for a renewal of diplomatic relations, but as on those occasions the only solu- tions which the Venezuelan Government professed themselves ready to accept would still have involved the submission to arbitration of the Venezuelan claim to a large portion of the British colony, no progress has yet been made towards a set- tlement. It will be seen from the preceding statement that the Gov- ernment of Great Britain have from the first held the same view as to the extent of territory which they are entitled to claim as a matter of right. It comprised the coast line up to the river Amacura, and the whole basin of the Essequibo river and its tributaries. A portion of that claim, however, they have always^ been willing to waive altogether; in regard to another portion, they have been and continue to be perfectly ready to submit^the question of their title to arbitration. As regards the rest, that which lies within the so-called Schom- burgk line, they do not consider that the rights of Great Britain are open to question. Even within that line they have, on various occasions, offered to Venezuela considerable conces- sions as a matter of friendship and conciliation, and for the purpose of securing an amicable settlement of the dispute. If as time has gone on the concessions thus offered diminished in extent, and have now been withdrawn, this has been the necessary consequence of the gradual spread over the country of British settlements, which Her Majesty's Government can- not in justice to the inhabitants offer to surrender to foreign rule, and the justice of such withdrawal is amply borne out by the researches in the national archives of Holland and Spain, which have furnished further and more convincing evidence in support of the British claims. The discrepancies in the frontiers assigned to the British 434 colony in various maps published in England, and erroneously assumed to be founded on official information, are easily ac- counted for by the circumstances which I have mentioned. Her Majesty's Government cannot, of course, be responsible for such publications made without their authority. Although the negotiations in 1890, 1891, and 1893 did not lead to any result, Her Majesty's Government have not aban- doned the hope that they may be resumed with better success, and that when the internal politics of Venezuela are settled on a more durable basis than has lately appeared to be the case, her government may .be enabled to adopt a more moderate and conciliatory course in regard to this question than that of their predecessors. Her Majesty's Government are sincerely desirous of being on friendly relations with Venezuela, and certainly have no design to seize territory that properly be- longs to her, or forcibly to extend sovereignty over any por- tion of her population. They have, on the contrary, repeatedly expressed their readiness to submit to arbitration the conflicting claims of Great Britain and Venezuela to large tracts of territory which from their auriferous nature are known to be of almost untold value. But they cannot consent to entertain, or to submit to the arbitration of another power or of foreign jurists, however eminent, claims based on the extravagant pretensions of Span- ish officials in the last century, and involving the transfer of large numbers of British subjects, who have for many years enjoyed the settled rule of a British colony, to a nation of dif- ferent race and language, whose political system is subject to frequent disturbance, and whose institutions as yet too often afford very inadequate protection to life and property. No issue of this description has ever been involved in the ques- tions which Great Britain and the United States have consented to submit to arbitration, and Her Majesty's Government are convinced that in similar circumstances the government of the United States would be equally firm in declining to entertain proposals of such a nature. 435 Your Excellency is authorized to state the substance of this dispatch to Mr. Olney, and to leave him a copy of it if he should desire it. Salisbury. Act of the United States Congress. [54th Congress.] Public Act — No. i. An Act making an appropriation for the expenses of a com- mission to investigate and | report on the true divisional line between the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Represento.tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, or so much thereof as may be necessary, be, and the same is, hereby appropriated, for the expenses of a commission to be appointed by the Pres- ident to investigate and report upon the true divisional line between the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana. Thomas B. Rked, Speaker of the House of Representatioes. A. E. Stevenson, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. Approved December 21, 1895. Grover Cleveland. INDEX. A PAGES, Aberdeen, Lord, letter to A. Fortique, Oct. 21, 1841 7-8 Aberdeen, Lord, letter to A. Fortique, Dec. 11, 1841 13-14 Aberdeen, Lord, letter to A. Fortique, Jan. 31, 1842 17-18 Aberdeen, Lord, letter to A. Fortique, March 30, 1844 26-32 Act, U. S. of Venezuela Congress, April 18, 1890 234-235 Andrade, Jos^, letter to Secretary W. Q. Gresham, March 31, 1894 . 285-288 Andrade, Jos6, memorandum submitted to Secretary Gresham, March 31, 1894 288-345 Andrade, Jos6, letter to Secretary Gresham, Dec. 19, 1894 .... 367-370 Andrade, Jos6, letter to Secretary Gresham, Dec. 31, 1894 .... 372-373 Adee, Alva A., letter to Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, July 24, 1895 . . 412 Act, U. 8. Congress, appropriation for expenses Boundary Commis- sion, Dec. 21, 1895 435 B Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to Lord Granville, Dec. 30, 1884 . . . . 82-84 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to Lord Granville, April 6, 1885 .... 85-89 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to Lord Granville, May 6, 1885 . . . 91-94 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to Lord Granville, June 8, 1885 . . 95-106 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to Lord Granville, June 22, 1885 . . . 116-117 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to Sir Julian Pauncefote, July 22, 1885.117-119 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to the Marquis of Salisbury, August 5, 1885 ... 130-131 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to the Marquis of Salisbury, Oct. 12, 1885 132-133 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to the Marquis of Salisbury, Dec. 17, 1885 133-135 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to Lord Rosebery, June 19, 1886 . . . 135-136 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to Principal Secretary, July 29, 1886 . 138-140 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, memorandum submitted to Secretary, July 29, 1886 140-150 Blanco, Gen. Guzman, letter to Lord Rosebery, July 28, 1886 . . . 150-168 Bodman, Baron de, letter to Dr. Rojas, Nov. 12, 1894 355 C Oalcano, Dr. Eduardo, letter to the Earl of Derby, Nov. 14, 1876 . . 39-50 Commission, report of, 1887 .... . . 177-201 Crespo, General Joaquin, letter to Pope Leo, January, 1895 .... 347-348 Cleveland, President Grover, extract Message to P. S. Congress, Dec. 2, 1895 374-375 Cleveland, President Grover, Message to U. S. Congress, Dec. 17, 1895 375-380 438 D Deposition of Alfonso Figueredo 18&-187 F Fortique, Dr. Alejo, instructions to, Sept., 1341 6 Fortique, Dr. Alejo, letter to rx)rd Aberdeen, Oct. 5, 1841 6-7 Fortique, Dr. Alejo, letter to Lord Aberdeen, Nov. 18, 1841 8-11 Fortique, Dr. Alejo, letter to Lord Aberdeen, Dec. 8, 1841 11-13 Fortique, Dr. Alejo, letter to Lord Aberdeen, Jan. 10, 1842 14-17 Fortique, Dr. Alejo, letter to Lord Aberdeen, Jan. 31, 1844 19-26 G Granville, Earl, letter to Don Jos6 Maria de Rojas, Sept. 15, 1881 . . 58-59 Granville, Earl, memorandum submitted to Seiior Don Jos6 Maria de Rojas, Sept. 15, 1881 59-62 GranviUe, Earl, letter to Gen. Guzman Blanco, Dec. 24, 1884 .... 81-82 Granville, Earl, letter to Gen. Guzman Blanco, Jan. 24, 1885 .... 84-r85 Granville, Earl, letter to Gen. Guzman Blanco, April 15, 1885. . . . 89-91 Granville, Earl, letter to Gen. Guzman Blanco, May 15, 1885 .... 94-95 Granville, Earl, letter to Gen. Guzman Blanco, June 8, 1885. . . . 106-116 Gresham, W. Q., letter to Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, July 13, 1894 . 351-355 Gresham, W. Q., letter to Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, Dec. 1, 1894 . . 364-365 Gresham, W. Q., letter to Senor Jos6 Andrade, Dec. 8, 1894 .... 365-367 H Haselton, Seneca, letter to \V. Q. Gresham, Dec. 21, 1894 370 I Instructions by Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Ancient Colombia to Senor J. Rafael Revenga, 1822 1 Instructions by the Venezuelan Government to Dr. Alejo Fortique, Sept., 1841 6_ Instructions to Dr. Lucio Pulido, May 14, 1890 2,36 L Light, Henry, Governor of British Guiana, letter to D. F. O'Leary, British Consul, 1842 18 Lecuna, Senor Vicente, letter to Belford Hinton Wilson, Dec. 20, 1850 . 37-3S Lobo, Dr. David, letter to W. Q. Gresham, Oct. 26, 1803 2Sl-2So M Mansfield, C. E., letter to Seflor Rafael Seijas, Oct. 15, 18S3 63-65 Mansfield, C. E., letter to Seflor Rafael Seijas, March 11, 1884 .... 69-70 Mansfield, C. E., letter to Senor Rafael Seijas, March 2y, 1884 71 Mansfield, C. E., letter to Seflor Rafael Seijas, April 7, 1884 74 Mansfield, C. E., letter to Seflor Rafael Seijas, April 8, 1S84 . . . 75-76 Mansfield, C. E., letter to Seflor Rafael Seijas, April 16, 1SS4 . ... 79-80 Mansfield, C. E., letter to Gen. Vicente Amengual, Aug. 6, 1884 ... 80 Memorandum left by Gen. Guzman Blanco with Sir Julian Pauncefote . 81 439 Memorandum, basis of negotiation, Lord Roaebery to Gen. Guzman Blanco 137-138 Memorandum, submitted by Guzman Blanco to Lord Roaebery, July 29, 1886 140-150 Memorandum, views of English government on Dr. Urbaneja's re- marks, March' 19, 1890 232-235 Memorandum left by Dr. Lucio Pulido with Th. Sanderson, June 24, 1890 238-240 Memorandum referred to by Th. Sanderson in letter of July 24, 1890.242-245 Michelena, Seflor Tomas, letter to Lord Rosebery, May 23, 1893 ... 251 Michelena, Senor Tomas, letter to Lord Rosebery, May 26, 1893 . . . 252 Memorandum by Lord Rosebery submitted to Senor Michelena, July 3, 1893 257-258 Michelena, Sefior Tomas, letter to Lord Rosebery, July 31, 1893 . . 258-264 Michelena, Senor Tomas, letter to Sefior P. Ezequiel Rojas, Aug. 30, 1893 265-266 Michelena, Sefior Tomas, letter to Lord Rosebery, Sept. 29, 1893 . 267-278 Michelena, Senor Tomas, letter to Lord Rosebery, Oct. 6, 1893 . . 278-280 Memorandum boundary question submitted to W. Q. Gresham, by Senor Andrade, March 31, 1894 288-345 O O'Leary, Daniel F., letter to Senor M. Aranda, April 8, 1842 .... 18-19 Olney, Richard, letter to Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, July 20, 1895 . 880-412 P Porter, Hon. Robert Kerr, letter to Venezuelan Minister, 1886 .... 2-5 Pulido, Dr. Lucio, official notification to Th. Sanderson, June 20, 1890. 237 Periional suggestions by Th. Sanderson to Dr. Lucio Pulido, July 24, 1890 245 Pulido, Dr. Lucio, letter to Th. Sanderson, Aug. 4, 1890 245-247 Pulido, Dr. Lucio, letter to Venezuelan Minister, Aug. 6, 1890 . . 247-249 Pulido, Dr. Lucio, letter to Th. Sanderson, Sept. 30, 1890 249-250 Pro Memoria by Dr. Michelena to Lord Rosebery, May 26, J 893 - . 252-254 Prominent facts relative to boundary line, submitted by Dr. D. Lobo to W. Q. Gresham, Oct. 26, 1893 281-285 Pinaud, E., Consul, letter to Dr. Rojas, Oct. 25, 1894 358-359 Proposed road from the Barimi river to tlie Cuyuni river, Oct. 25, 1894 . . . > .... 359-361 Rojas, Senor Don J. de, letter to Lord Granville, 1880 53-58 Rural Constable Ordinance, 1884 187-188 Rosebery, Lord, letter to Gen. Guzman Blanco, July 20, 1886 . . . J 36-237 Rosebery, Lord, letter to Senor Michelena, May 24, 1893 251 Rosebery, Lord, letter to Seiior Michelena, May 31, 1893 254 Rosebery, Lord, letter to Senor Michelena, July 3, 1893 255-257 Rojas, Dr. P. Ezequiel, letter to Senor Michelena, Aug. 4, 1893 . . 264-265 440 Eosebery, Lord, letter to Seiior Michelena, Sept. 12, 1893 266 Rosebery, Lord, letter to Seiior Michelena, Sept. 22, 1893 267 Eojae, Dr. P. E., letter to Cardinal Eampolla, June 19, 1894. . . . 845-346 Eampolla, Cardinal, letter to Dr. Eojas, Dec. 7, 1894 346-347 Eojas, Dr. P. E., letter to Cardinal Eampolla, Feb. 20, 1895 ■ . : • 348-349 Eojas, Dr. P. E., letter to Senor Julio Tonti, Feb. 20, 1895. . . . 349-350 Eojas, Dr. P. E., letter to Baron de Bodman, Nov. 14, 1894 356-358 Eojas, Dr. P. E., letter to Consul E. Pinaud, Nov. 15, 1894 .... 361-364 Eojas, Dr. P. P., letter to Seneca Haselton, 1894 371 Eesolution, U. S. Congress, Jan. 10, 1895 373-374 S Salisbury Lord, letter to Dr. Eojas, 1880 51-53 Seijas, Eafael, letter to C. E. Mansfield, Nov. 15, 1883 65-69 Seijas, Eafael, letter to C. E. Mansfield, 1884 70-71 Seijas, Eafael, letter to C. E. Mansfield, 1884 71-74 Seijas, Eafael, letter to C. E. Mansfield, 1884 76-79 Salisbury, Marquis of, letter to Gen. Guzman Blanco, July 27, 1885 with draft of treaty 119-130 Salisbury, Marquis of, letter to Gen. Guzman Blanco, Oct. 3, 1885. 131-132 St. John, F. E., lettertoDr. Urbaneja, Dec.9, 1886 171-172 St. John, F. E., letter to Dr. Urbaneja, Jan. 19, 1887 175-177 St. John, F. E., lettertoDr. Urbaneja, Jan. 31,1887 209-210 St. John, F. E., letter to Dr. Urbaneja, Feb. 15, 1887 213-214 St. John, F. E., letter to Dr. Urbaneja, Feb. 19, 1887 216 Sanderson, Th., lettertoDr. Urbaneja, .Tan. 18, 1890 227 Sanderson, Th., letter to Dr. Urbaneja, Feb. 10, 1890 227-228 Sanderson, Th., letter to Dr. Urbaneja, Feb. 19, 1890 231-232 Sanderson, Th., letter to Dr. Pulido, June 21, 1890 237 Sandorson, Th., letter to Dr. Pulido, July 24, 1890 241-242 Sanderson, Th., letter to Dr. Pulido, Oct. 7, 1890 250 Salisbury, Lord, letter to Sir Julian Pauncefote, Nov. 26, 1895. . . 413-420 Salisbury, Lord, letter to Sir Julian Pauncefote, Nov. 26, 1895. . . 420-435 T Telegram to Gen. Guzman Blanco, from Dr. Urbaneja, 1887 .... 214-215 Tonti, Julio, letter to Dr. Eojas, March 16, 1895 350-351 U Urbaneja, Diego B., letter to F. E. St. John, Dec. 7, 1886 . ... 169-171 Urbaneja, Diego B., letter to F. E. St. John, Jan. 8, 1887 173-175 Urbaneja, Diego B., letter to F. E. St. John, Jan. 26, 1887 201-209 Urbaneja, Diego B., letter to F. E. St. John, Jan. 31, 1887 210-213 Urbaneja, Diego B., telegram to Gen. Blanco, Feb. 11, 1887 .... 214-215 Urbaneja, Diego B., letter to F. E. St. John, Feb. 11, 1887 215 Urbaneja, Diego B., letter.to F. E. St. John, Feb. 19, 1887 ... . 216-226 w Wilson, Belford Hinton, letter to Signer Vicente Lecuna 33-37 62 59 MAP OF PORTION VENEZUELA BRITISH GUIANA SHOWING THE ADVANCE OF ENGLISH CLAIMS N VENEZUELAN TERRITORY COMPILED & DKAWKI BY T. HEYWARD GIGNILLIAT V. 10. THE mentioned. 11. THE S; Suggestion," 12. LOKD his answer to Thk Pink amount of the Statesinitn's Y (Keport on CopyrigtiLed , 19^, by T I 1. THE SCHOMIiUKGK LK Description of'Britisli Ouianii," publisRWin^'ondov 2. Dli. FOKTK/UEW MNK Ls tiiken froni his note to I.oi-il Aberdeen, .lanniiry ■A. T.ORD ABERDEEN'S LINE is plotted from the " l.ibro Anmiillo" of Venezuj 24 and 25. S ee ftLso 8enor Andntde's mi'.niorandnm to Mr. (ircsliain. March 31, 1894. in the "United States Foreign 4. THE C Aniarillo" of 5. DR. RO. (i. LORD G noti- of Septi'i 7. LORD R July 20, 18>S(i, H. THE AL Venezuela,"' pi !). LORD and Venezuela evidently refe Dr. Modesto I Relations, 181)4." ON'SEJO- VISO LINE is taken from the Venezuelan map of 1890. See also the "Libro ^ enezuelu for 1891, pages 25 and 26. J \S' LINE is plotted from his note of February 21, 1881, to Lord Gran^-ille. ItANVILLES LINK is plotted fioni Lord Granvilh^'s memorandum accompanying his her 15, 1881. to Dr. .Io.se Maria de Ro.jas, Venezuelan Minister to England. 48EREhM"S LINIO Ol'^ 1880 is plotted from memorandum accompanying his note of to General (Juzman Blanco, Venezuelan Minister to England. I'ERED SCHOMBUR(;iv LINE is taken from the map of "Part of British Guiana and blished in the proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, April, 1895. S. lLISBURY'S LINE is taken from the map of the various boundary lines proposed h ^t published by Venezuela in 1890. This line is marked in said map as " Caprichosa L nei ri to memorandum of Mareh 19, 1890, sent imder direction of Marcjuis of Salisbury, by fbaneja, Venezuelan Agent in London. LI NE OF THE EXTREME ENGLISH PRETENSIONS is token from the Venczuebifi (!>se also the memorandum, March 19, 1890, addressed by Lord Salisbury to Dr. Urbane, a, NDEKSON LINE is tjiken from a note in the handwriting of Sir T. H. Sandei'sor Which was sent to Dr. l.ncio Pulido, Venezuelan Agent in London, 1890. : JOSEBEBY'S LINK OF 1893 was proposed as the western hniit of disputed territi he promemoria of Senor Michelena, May 20. 1893. J lUE.\ over which these authorities are printed covers just 33,000 square miles advance of English claims on Venezuelan territory for a single year (1885-'86), ai !ar Book. See Report No. 2 of the Department of Agriculture of the Uniteq | Stal th 1 Agriculture of South America, with Maps and Latest Statistics of Trade.) HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH CLAIM IN/(^ANA. In the year 1814, England actjuiied about 20,000 sipiare miles of land in Guiant/rromN^e Dutch. Between the years 1839 and 1841, she commissioned Sir Robert H. Schomburik, surreptitiously (i. e., without the knowledge or consent of Venezuela) to draw a line taking in about 60,000 S(juare miles of territory. In the year 1885, this territory had grown- on i)aper, by alterations of that lipp, to a claim of 76,000 square miles. In the next single year it jumped to a claim of 109,000 scjuarc miles. Venezukla has never recognized any of these lines, even as marking disputec (territory. 1 I ^ rd &lgr,,ll,a.L , 182bG Sl,N W.,Wau5hingtOn,D C, PCTERS to PHOTO-llTMO W.5h.lNr,TON C