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 Charles de Sainte-Marthe (1512-1555' 
 
 3 1924 027 228 208 
 
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 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027228208 
 
Columbia SIm&ergitg 
 
 STUDIES IN BOMANGE PHILOLOGY 
 AND LITEBATUBE 
 
 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 (1512-1555) 
 
CHAELES DE SAINTE-MAETHE 
 
 (1512-1555) 
 
 BY 
 
 CAROLINE EUUTZ-EEES 
 
 Submitted in Partial Fulfilment op the Require- 
 ments FOR THE Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 
 in the Faodltt of Philosophy, Columbia 
 University 
 
 NEW YOEK 
 1910 
 
Copyright, 1910, 
 By the COLUMBIA UNIVEE8ITT PEE8B. 
 
 Set up and electrotyped. Published November, 1910. 
 
 NortooaU ^nss 
 
 J. S. Gushing Co. — Berwick & Smitli Co* 
 
 Norwood, Maes., U.S.A. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 This book attempts to give some account of 
 the life of one of the lesser men of letters 
 of the early Renaissance, and to describe and 
 estimate the value of his work. Such a study- 
 should incidentally throw light upon certain 
 aspects of an important period, and it is hoped 
 that this also may have been here accomplished. 
 
 The preparation of the bibliography of such 
 a subject is beset with some difficulty. If com- 
 piled to cover only works treating of the sub- 
 ject of the biography, its extreme paucity would 
 be misleading; if designed to apply more ex- 
 tensively to the period involved, it should 
 include the work of practically all contempo- 
 raries, and all modern studies upon each of 
 these. I have taken refuge in a third alterna- 
 tive which I hope will prove more or less 
 satisfactory. Without attempting anything so 
 ambitious as a complete bibliography of the 
 period involved, 1530 — say — to 1550, I have 
 included the work of such contemporaries and 
 such modern studies as I have myself found 
 
vi PREFACE 
 
 useful in forming a conception of the state of 
 letters, taste, and opinion during those years. 
 
 Another difficulty confronting the student 
 of a French subject in the first half of the 
 sixteenth century concerns the spelling, accen- 
 tuation, and punctuation of his author. Here 
 I have somewhat sacrificed exactness to con- 
 venience. I have left Sainte-Marthe's Frencli 
 and Latin spelling in the main intact, only 
 substituting v for u and/ for i in the French, 
 and resolving the abbreviations in both the 
 French and Latin quotations. In the matter 
 of diacritical marks, I have made no changes 
 except to rectify obvious error, or to make my 
 author consistent within a given work in the 
 case of words of extremely frequent occurrence, 
 as d, preposition or verb, or the feminine past 
 participle in Se. Inconsistencies less conspicu- 
 ous I have left untouched. In the case of the 
 Funeral Oration on the Queen of Navarre, where 
 my references are to its reprint by Leroux de 
 Linc^ and Montaiglon, I have naturally fol- 
 lowed those editors. In the matter of punctua- 
 tion, which in Sainte Marthe's work is extremely 
 erratic, I have been less conservative and have 
 made changes when the sense seemed to require 
 it. With every care, I have doubtless not 
 avoided all inexactness in quotation and refer- 
 
PKEFACE 7ii 
 
 ence. Where this occurs, I hope that my 
 distance from the documents and my necessary 
 dependence upon others for verification and 
 reference may secure the indulgence of my 
 readers. 
 
 Undertaken as part of the requirement for the 
 degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Columbia 
 University, my work has been carried on under 
 the helpful and stimulating supervision of 
 Professor Adolphe Cohn, to whom I can never 
 sufficiently express my gratitude, not only for 
 patient and suggestive counsel in matters of 
 method and style, but for that awakening of 
 the mind to the true value of scholarship which 
 lays a student under the profoundest obligation 
 he can acknowledge. Only second is my in- 
 debtedness to Professor Abel Lefranc of the 
 College de France, who suggested to me the 
 subject of this study. Apart from the debt 
 which every student who concerns himself with 
 the earlier French Renaissance owes to the 
 highest authority on his subject, I have to 
 express my gratitude not only for some valuable 
 indications of sources, but for a personal inter- 
 est and encouragement which has never ceased 
 since I first undertook the subject while a 
 student in Professor Lefranc's course on the 
 Literary History of the Renaissance at the Ecole 
 
viii PREFACE 
 
 des Hautes Etudes. I desire also to express 
 my obligation to Professor H. A. Todd and 
 to Professor C. H. Page of Columbia Uni- 
 versity for much kind help and criticism; to 
 my friend, Miss M. E. Lowndes, author of 
 Michel de Montaigne, for valuable aid; to Dr. 
 John L. Gerig of Columbia University, who 
 placed at my disposal an unpublished letter 
 of much importance to my subject and has 
 aided me with advice ; to M. Arthur Labbe 
 of Chatellerault, who generously allowed me 
 the use of a valuable book from his library ; 
 to Mr. Rupert Taylor, who helped me with 
 researches in the library of Columbia Univer- 
 sity; and to my fellow-students at the Ecole 
 des Hautes Etudes in 1906-7 for helpful sug- 
 gestions. Finally, I would acknowledge the 
 kindness of M. N. Weiss, director of the Bi- 
 bliotheque de la Societe du Protestantisme fran- 
 gais, who gave me personal help in my researches 
 in that library, and the courtesy and helpful- 
 ness of the officials of those other libraries 
 where most of my work has been done, — the 
 Bibliotheque Nationale, the Bibliotheque Maza- 
 rine, the Bibliotheque de 1' Arsenal, the Bi- 
 bliotheque de I'lnstitute, and the Columbia 
 University Library in New York. 
 
INTRODUCTORY 
 
 The name of Charles de Sainte-Marthe is 
 little known to the student of French literature, 
 even to the student of the French Renaissance. 
 A modern writer on the subject, acknowledging 
 Sainte-Marthe as "a scholar and religious re- 
 former of some note," dismisses him as "a bad 
 poet and a tiresome prose writer." ^ The first 
 half of this condemnation is undeniably justified, 
 but the second point is more open to question, 
 and it will be in part the object of this study to 
 show that Sainte-Marthe's two funeral orations, 
 on the Queen of Navarre and on the Duchess 
 of Beaumont, entitle their author to some con- 
 sideration as a graceful contributor to French 
 prose in its formative stages. Still, it remains 
 doubtful whether either his performance in this 
 regard, or his somewhat overloaded Latin para- 
 phrases of Psalms, are of sufficient value to war- 
 
 1 Tilley, The Literature of the French Renaissance ,Vol. I, 
 p. 92. 
 
 ix 
 
X INTRODUCTORY 
 
 rant detailed study of Sainte-Marthe's life and 
 work. It is rather to his place in the history of 
 literary modes that his biographer must look for 
 justification. A devoted follower of Marot, Sainte- 
 Marthe yet anticipated the poets of the Pleiade 
 in several respects, notably in response to the 
 Petrarchistic influence, of which he was one of 
 the earliest exponents. And if he anticipated 
 the Pleiade here, he may be said also to have 
 forestalled the Lyonnese school in expression of 
 that Platonism which he shared in common with 
 them and which was so essential a part of Pe- 
 trarchism during the first ten years of its exist- 
 ence in France. Since his Poesie Frangoise was 
 published in 1540, when Sceve's D4lie, usually 
 regarded as the first-fruits of the Lyonnese 
 school and of Platonism in France, was still 
 circulating in manuscript among the author's 
 friends, he may be regarded as a forerunner 
 rather than as a member of the poetic group 
 which gave Lyons its particular place in the lit- 
 erary history of the French Renaissance. Such, 
 briefly, are the particulars upon which must rest 
 Sainte-Marthe's claim to a place in the history 
 of French literature. 
 
INTRODUCTORY m 
 
 The chief sources of his biography, apart from 
 his own works, are a family genealogy of the 
 seventeenth century, G6nealogie de la Maison 
 de Sainte-Marthe, and Sc^vole de Sainte-Marthe's 
 Gallorum Doctrinwillustrium . . . Elogia} Colle- 
 tet's Ms. Vies des poetes frangois contains a not 
 very illuminating "life"; Gou jet's BibUotheque 
 frangoise devotes some pages to him, and there 
 are slight notices of hita in the dictionaries of 
 Du Verdier and La Croix du Maine, of Mor^ri, 
 and of Lelong. Niceron, Odolant Desnos, Dreux 
 du Radier and Breghot du Lut give brief biog- 
 raphies of varying accuracy; the Biographie 
 Universelle, the Nouvelle Biographie Generate, 
 and above all, Haag freres' La France Protes- 
 tante, have useful notices. A more extended, if 
 not wholly reliable, biography, is to be found in 
 a recent book by P. de Longuemare — Une fa- 
 mille d'auteurs aux seizieme, dix-septi^me et 
 dix-huitihme sikles. Les Sainte-Marthe. Buis- 
 son's Sebastien Castellion contains valuable 
 notes, E. Gaullieur's Histoire du College de Guy- 
 enne gives some information, and brief notices 
 
 1 For bibliographical details of these and the following 
 sources, cf. p. 611 et seq. 
 
xii INTRODUCTORY 
 
 are to be found here and there in other works 
 treating of the period, for instance in Viollet- 
 le-duc's Catalogue de sa BibliotMqiie po6tique. 
 Scattered data are likewise to be found in the 
 municipal archives of Bordeaux, Grenoble and 
 Lyons ; in a plaidoyer preserved at Le Mans ; in 
 the patent of Sainte-Marthe's appointment as 
 Procureur General of the duchy of Beaumont; 
 in the poems of several contemporaries, — of 
 Vulteius, of Gilbert Ducher, of Habert, of Robert 
 the Breton, and of Denis Faucher, as well as in 
 letters of the two latter and of Antoine Arlier 
 (unpublished), and in other letters included in 
 Herminjard's Correspondance des Reformateurs. 
 Finally, there are interesting indications in 
 Theodore de Beze's Histoire Ecclesiastique des 
 Eglises Reformres, and in La Ferriere-Percy's 
 resume of the book of accounts kept by Frotte 
 for the Queen of Navarre from 1540 to 1548. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Intboductory ix 
 
 PART I 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 BiKTH ; Eaelt Years ; University Life ... 1 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 Professorship ; Disgrace ; SoniHEEN Peregrina- 
 tions 37 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 Troubles at Grenoble ; Life in Lyons ; The 
 
 POESIB FsAXfOISE 80 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 Geneva ; Persecotion at Grenoble . . . 129 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Service with the Duchess of Beaumont and the 
 
 Queen op Navarre 163 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 Last Years 195 
 
 xiii 
 
xiv CONTENTS 
 
 PART II 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 La Foesie Francoise. Imitation of Marot, and 
 
 Peteakchism 222 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 La Foesim Fbascoise. Platonic Influences . . 298 
 
 CHAPTER in 
 The Funeral Orations 360 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 Latin "Works 448 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 Conclusion 507 
 
 Appendix ......... 515 
 
 Bibliography 611 
 
 Index 645 
 
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA 
 
 Page 107, note 2. He Villiers : a list of his compositions 
 scattered among the collections of the time is to be found 
 in Fetis' Biographic tfniverselle des musiciens. 
 
 Page 268, note 2. Error re the refrain "Desbender I'arc 
 ne guerit pas la playe." The translation, made by the 
 king, occurs in Marot's Adolescence Clementine of 1532 in 
 the Ghant royal dont le Boy hailla le refrain. 
 
CHAELES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 (1512-1555) 
 
 A STUDY IN THE EARLY FRENCH 
 RENAISSANCE 
 
 Part I 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 birth; early years; university life 
 
 Charles de Sainte-Marthe belonged to 
 a family already distinguished, and destined 
 after him to be still more so. Notable men 
 of war made his ancestry illustrious, among 
 them Charles' grandfather Louis, who followed 
 Charles VIII to Italy ; ^ and Charles, himself 
 without descendants, was the first of a succession 
 of brilliant men of his name worthy of a high 
 place in the annals — above all in the literary 
 and religious annals — of France. Until the 
 extinction of the family name with the death of 
 
 ' C/. P. De Longuemare, Une famille d'auteurs . . .: 
 Les Sainte-Marihe, pp. 10-19. 
 B 1 
 
2 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1612 
 
 the last Sainte-Marthe in 1779,^ no generation 
 was without a noteworthy representative. Nor 
 have tributes to their eminence been lacking : 
 
 " Si Samartiianae quaeris insignia gentis 
 Qualia sint, Fusos ipsa Minerva dedit," 
 
 wrote Ren6 Michel de la Rochemaillet in the 
 middle of the seventeenth century, quoting the 
 second motto of the Sainte-Marthe arms ; ^ 
 and in the eighteenth Niceron ^ suggested to 
 Voltaire the form of his appreciation of them : 
 "Cette famille a 6te pendant plus de cent 
 annees f^conde en savants." * 
 
 Not the least remarkable of a remarkable 
 family was Charles' father, Gaucher de Sainte- 
 Marthe, "^cuyer, seigneur de Villedan, de la 
 Riviere, de la Baste-en-Coursai, de Lern6, de 
 Chapeau et des Nandes en Aunis." ^ He had been 
 
 ' Cf. ibid., p. 244. 
 
 ' In Fusos SamarthancB Symbolum. Renati Michmlis 
 Rupemellei Poemata, p. 60. 
 
 ' Cf. Mimoires pour servir a I'histoire des hommes illus- 
 tres dans la ripuhlique des lettres, Vol. VII, p. 11. 
 
 * SiMe de Louis XIV, ed. Moland, Vol. XIV, p. 127. 
 Voltaire confused Charles with his father Gaucher. 
 
 ' Cf. Dreux du Radier, BibliotMque hist, et crit. de 
 Poitou, Vol. II, art. Sainte-Marthe (Gaucher). 
 
1512]" EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 3 
 
 a soldier, but had "left the service of Mars to 
 give himself wholly to Minerva." ^ He studied 
 medicine, that is, and obtained in 1506 the 
 post of physician-in-ordinary to the Abbess 
 and convent of Fontevrault.^ At the time of 
 his second son Charles' birth, in 1512, he was 
 also counsellor and physician-in-ordinary to the 
 king, and was regarded by his contemporaries 
 as "an oracle of medicine and a tutelary ^scula- 
 pius.'" At the abbey his situation was that of 
 a trusted official and friend; and the Abbess 
 often employed him in serious matters uncon- 
 nected with his profession. For example, on 
 the appointment of Louise de Bourbon, one of 
 the Fontevrault nuns, to the abbey of Sainte- 
 Croix, in Poitiers, he took formal possession, in 
 
 ' G4n^alogie de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe, fol. 7 v° 
 ' The patent of his appointment — dated March 29th — 
 is contained in the Ginialogie de la Maison de Sainte- 
 Marthe. In the Cartul. Monasterii Fontis Ebraldi 
 Gaucher is mentioned as "Docteur en M^decine Ord''° 
 de lad. Dame Abbesse de C6ans et de son Monastfere." 
 (Vol. II, p. 359.) The family genealogy observes "il 
 estoit premiferement au service de Charles Connestable 
 de Bourbon qui I'aymait fort" (fol. 8 v°); but this 
 service must have been later in his life, since the Con- 
 nelable was born in 1490. 
 
 ' GinSalogie de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe, fol. 8 r°. 
 
4 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1512 
 
 her name. He was present as witness when the 
 dying Renee resigned her own abbey of Fonte- 
 vrault into the hands of the same Louise, and 
 he was the messenger to carry the news of her 
 death to the king, who forthwith reappointed 
 him physician to her successor/ His estates of 
 Lerne and of La Mare, gifts from the Abbess 
 and the convent,^ testified to the Community's 
 appreciation of him, and he had the distinc- 
 tion of burial in the choir of the abbey chapel 
 — up to that time a prerogative of kings, 
 princes and great lords only.^ Although the 
 Abbess and her nuns may have had ample reason 
 to appreciate the "sense, learning, knowledge, 
 experience and loyalty" mentioned, according 
 to the usual formula, in the patent of their phy- 
 sician's appointment, Gaucher's character had 
 other sides less agreeable. A particular interest 
 attaches to him as the original of Rabelais' 
 Picrochole.* He seems to have been a person of 
 
 ' Cf. Cartul. Fontis Ehraldi; A. Parrot's ed., Memoriale 
 des Abbesses de Fontevrault, pp. 33, 45 and 47. 
 
 2 Cf. Ginialogie, fol. 9 v°. 
 
 » Cf. ibid., fol. 19 r". 
 
 ' Cf. Abel Lefranc, Picrochole et Gaucher de Sainte- 
 Marthe, Rev. des Etudes Rabelaisiennes, Vol. Ill, p. 241. 
 
1512] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 5 
 
 disagreeable and irascible temper/ "fort cho- 
 lere" is the expression used by the rather 
 mysterious "Sieur Bouchereau," ^ who asserts 
 that Sainte-Marthe once struck Rabelais when 
 in consultation with him; and these faults of 
 disposition were to become of painful importance 
 in the life of his son Charles. Gaucher had 
 married, two years after the Fontevrault ap- 
 pointment, Marie Marquet, daughter of Michel 
 Marquet^ regeveur general of Touraine, — a mar- 
 riage which connected him with the Budes as 
 well as with other distinguished families; and 
 he seems to have brought his wife to live actually 
 in the abbey grounds, thenceforth the center of 
 his family life in spite of occasional residence 
 at Lerne or Le Chapeau. It was, in any case, at 
 Fontevrault that Charles, the second of his twelve 
 children, was born ; and he had for his godfather 
 Foucaud Monier, procureur of Fontevrault.^ 
 
 ' Cf. ibid., p. 244; and Henri Cluzot, Les Amitiis de 
 Rabelais en Orleanais; ibid., p. 169. 
 
 ' H. C, "Les notes de Bouchereau dans la collection 
 Dupuy" ; ibid., p. 405. 
 
 ^ Sainte-Marthe has an epitaph on him, — "Epitaphe 
 de feu Monsieur maistre Foulcaud Mosnier, procureur de 
 Fontevrault, et son Parrain, parlant en sa personne." 
 Poesie Francoise, p. 53. 
 
6 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1512- 
 
 It is not difficult to trace in the character of 
 Charles de Sainte-Marthe the influence during 
 his early youth of surroundings so unusual as 
 those of the royal abbey. The simple beauty 
 and the antiquity of the great abbey buUdings, 
 set in a fresh valley surrounded by the forest, 
 were themselves sufficiently impressive. About 
 the strange "tour d'Evraud" hung grim associa- 
 tions of treachery and murder, while the tran- 
 sept of the great church, the "cimetiere des rois" 
 dedicated to statues and tombs of the Plantage- 
 nets, kindled the imagination no less than did the 
 traditions of Fontevrault. The Convent's singu- 
 lar rule, exacting submission of man to woman,^ 
 the royal blood of its abbesses, its sway over 
 many dependent abbeys and intercourse through 
 them with England, Spain and Flanders, — all 
 lifted it out of the conditions of ordinary monas- 
 
 ' "Nous avons desia dit que la soubmission des 
 hommes envers una fiUe est le sceau, Tesprit, la marque 
 et la distinction essentielle de I'ordre de Fontevrauld." 
 Honorat Nicquet, Histoire de I'ordre de Fontevrauld, 
 p. 318. In 1534, at Rente's death, there were thirty-four 
 ' ' reformed convents " under her sway. Bosseboeuf , Fonts' 
 vrault, son histoire et ses monuments. Tours, 1890, pp. 13 
 and 21. 
 
1533] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 7 
 
 tic life. To these things, however, the convent 
 owed the least of its charm during the early 
 years of Charles de Sainte-Marthe's life; for, 
 through all its routine, shone the spirit of a 
 great personality. 
 
 The boy must often, in spite of her vow of 
 cloister, have seen Ren^e de Bourbon* in her 
 black veil and white habit — her delicate, 
 stunted figure, no taller than that of a child of 
 ten, offset by a soft grace of face and bearing, 
 "all spiritual, all ethereal"; he must have been 
 impressed by that vivacious speech, revealing the 
 powerful mind, already, as it seemed, almost 
 free of the body, — speech expressing "nothing 
 light, nothing ill-considered, nothing without 
 modesty," as its possessor did "nothing unde- 
 liberate, nothing hasty, nothing without pru- 
 dence." ^ His young mind was no doubt filled 
 
 ' Twenty-third abbess of Fontevrault (1491-1534), 
 daughter of Jean II de Bourbon, count of Vend6me and 
 direct descendant of Louis IX. Her brother, Frangois 
 de Bourbon, count of Venddme, married Marie de Luxem- 
 bourg, and was father of Charles de Bourbon, first duke 
 of Venddme, who married Frangoise d'Alengon and be- 
 came the grandfather of Henri IV. 
 
 ■' Cartul. Fontis Ebraldi, Vol. II, p. 141. 
 
8 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1512- 
 
 with tales of Renee's vigorous reform of her 
 monasteries and convents, — a reform carried 
 out in the face of rebeUion and discourage- 
 ment and completed only after seventeen weary 
 years, just as Charles himself was entering upon 
 manhood. Above all, he must have been touched 
 by the tale of her vow of cloister, solemnly taken 
 some years before his birth, and of the sale of 
 her treasures for the building in progress all 
 through his childhood: "Cum decor e multo ac 
 non vulgata magnificentia edificavit," declare the 
 convent records.^ It is perhaps not too much 
 to assume that the moral enthusiasm, the strong 
 spirituality, even the championship of women, 
 characteristic of Sainte-Marthe's later life, owed 
 their beginnings to the influence of Renee de 
 Bourbon. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe was well fitted, by native gifts 
 no less of mind than of soul, to absorb the at- 
 mosphere of his early surroundings. He himself 
 mentions his intellectual endowments with a 
 certain naivete : "Moreover, God gifted me," 
 he writes, "from my earliest years with rare 
 aptitude of wit, and so enabled me to grasp all 
 '■ Cartul. Fontis Ehraldi, Vol. II, p. 140. 
 
1533] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 9 
 
 the arts that there is almost none in which I do 
 not seem to its professors to have spent most of 
 my time. ... I do not claim for myself abso- 
 lute and complete knowledge of tongues; but, 
 however small mine is, it is at least sufficient to 
 require me to thank God the giver according to 
 my might." ' 
 
 It is probable that, despite charm of surround- 
 ings and activities of mind, Sainte-Marthe's 
 boyhood was not wholly happy ; for in later 
 life he could find occasion for thankfulness in 
 mischiefs and calamities with which God had 
 tried his patience from boyhood up. Such 
 "mischiefs" may have been connected with his 
 father's irritable temper ; but whatever miseries 
 Gaucher de Sainte-Marthe's disposition inflicted 
 upon his family, at least they did not include 
 the neglect of his children's education. His 
 eldest son Louis was sent to Loudun to study 
 his "humanities," to Poitiers for philosophy 
 and law. 2 Charles studied law at Poitiers, but 
 where he obtained his preliminary education 
 remains unknown. "Apres avoir fini ses hu- 
 
 ^ In . . . Psalmum xxxiii., Paraphrasis, p. 146. 
 ' Cf. Longuemare, op. cit., p. 29. 
 
10 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1512- 
 
 manites," says Dreux du Radier, vaguely 
 enough, "il ^tudia le droit k Poitiers."^ 
 Whether at that university or elsewhere, he had 
 obtained the degree of master of arts before 
 1533,^ — probably a year or two earlier, since in 
 1550 he speaks of himself as having been "dis- 
 traict presque I'espace de 20 ans de la mamelle 
 des bonnes lettres." ' For SaLnte-Marthe, 
 "bonnes lettres" included the still very imusual 
 study of Greek. "Si est ce," so CoUetet renders 
 his famous nephew Sc^vole's * account of him 
 and his brother Jacques: "Si est ce que tous 
 deux ils furent ensemble sur ce point, qu'Us se 
 rendirent excellens dans la langue grecque et 
 que tous deux ils s'appliqu^rent profondement 
 
 ' Bibliothbque . . . de Poitou, art. Sainte-Marthe. 
 Sainte-Marthe's few biographers have foOowed Du 
 Radier; and the latter's close connection with the 
 "Chevalier de Sainte-Marthe," to whom he owed his data 
 about the family, makes it probable that his account is 
 reliable. 
 
 2 When engaged as professor by Jean de Tartas in that 
 year (c/. p. 16) he held this degree. 
 
 ' Oraison funhhre . . de . . Marguerite, Royne de 
 Navarre, etc., p. 28. 
 
 ' Re So6vole de Sainte-Marthe, cf. Auguste Hamon, 
 De Scoevoloe Samarthanw vita et latine scriptis operibus. 
 Paris, 1901. 
 
1533] EARLY YEARS ; UNIVERSITY LIFE 11 
 
 k la philosophie et k la cognoissance de tous les 
 aultres arts lib^raux." ^ 
 
 The study of Greek was still new in France, and 
 no doubt especially so at a distance from Paris. 
 Lascaris had but just left the country — that is, 
 in 1528 or 1529, — the circle formed by his first 
 pupils and those of his inept predecessor, Hermo- 
 nymus,^ though distinguished, was small, and 
 Bude, its greatest ornament, was but now bring- 
 ing about the establishment of the royal profes- 
 sorships at Paris.' The printing of Greek was 
 youngef than the century,* the supply of Greek 
 type still scant ; and, if Bud^ had not only made 
 but printed his translations in the very begin- 
 ning of the Hellenistic movement,^ his example 
 does not seem to have been followed until more 
 than twenty years had passed." Under such 
 
 ' Eloges des hommes illustres, p. 372. 
 
 ' For an account of Hermonymus, cf. L. Delaruelle, 
 Guillaume Budi, pp. 69-73. 
 
 ' Established in 1530. The professors entered upon 
 their duties in March. Cf. Lefrano, Histoire du College 
 de France, pp. 101-113, esp. p. 109. 
 
 * The first Greek book was printed in 1507. 
 
 » I.e. in 1503, 1505, etc. Cf. bibliography of L. 
 Delaruelle, op. cit., pp. xviii and xix. 
 
 'Claude de Seyssel, Thucydides, 1527; Xenophon's 
 Ariabasis, 1529. Books XVIII-XX of Diodorus, 1530, 
 
12 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1512- 
 
 conditions, it would be interesting to know what 
 turned Sainte-Marthe's attention towards a study 
 to be pursued only with great difficulty. Was it 
 the influence of his great kinsman Bude him- 
 self,^ or was it the example of a man between 
 whom and the Sainte-Marthe family there was, 
 or was soon to be, a bitter feud?^ Rabelais, 
 who had conquered the language under far 
 greater disadvantages, may have been in attend- 
 ance at Poitiers but a few years before Sainte- 
 Mairthe entered the law-school there, and it is 
 inconceivable that his unusual accomplishment, 
 coupled with his unusual genius, should not 
 have spurred others to the pursuit of the same 
 study. 
 
 When Sainte-Marthe, his humanities acquired, 
 entered the lavvr-school at Poitiers, that "aultre 
 
 etc. Cf. Tilley, Literature of the French Renaissance, 
 Vol. I, p. 35. 
 
 ' Although the family genealogist asserts that Sainte- 
 Marthe was praised "by Bud6, I have not been able to 
 verify this assertion. However, Bud6 appears to have 
 been in touch with Gaucher's family, particularly with 
 Charles' younger brother Jacques, who wrote his funeral 
 oration. Cf. Longuemare, op. cit., p. 56. 
 
 ' For an account of this family feud, cf Lefranc, Picro- 
 chole et Gaucher de Sainte-Marthe, loc. cit., p. 244 et seq. 
 
1533] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 13 
 
 ville d'Athenes," as Jacques de Hillerin, a later 
 student, called it/ was the seat of one of the 
 most celebrated universities of France,^ and its 
 schools, especially its famous law-school, were 
 thronged to the doors. The discipline was lax 
 enough, and there was a large idle element 
 among the students, "fluteurs et joueurs de 
 paume de Poitiers," ^ who had plenty of time for 
 banquets "^ force flaccons, jambons et pastez. " ^ 
 They delighted, for instance, at the perform- 
 ance of the mysteries, in ill-placed pleasantries 
 and indecent shouts,^ as Sainte-Marthe no doubt 
 observed for himself when the Mystery of the 
 Passion was played there in his time." Yet 
 
 ' 1578-1663. Le chariot chrestien b, quatre roues menant 
 & salut dans le souvenir de la mort, du jugement, de I'enfer, 
 et du Paradis. Paris, 1552. Cit. (without loci) Auber, 
 Jacques de Hillerin, Bulletin de la Soc. des Antiquaires 
 de I'Ouest, 1850, p. 72. 
 
 ' Cf. Theodore de Bfeze, Hist. EccL, pp. 1-63. Cf. re 
 the university generally, Auber op. cit.; E. Pilotelle, 
 Essai historique sur I'ancienne Universiti de Poitiers 
 M6ms. de la Soc. des Antiquaires de I'Ouest, 1862 
 Dartige, Notes sur I'universite de Poitiers, Poitiers, 1883 
 Thibaudeau, Histoire de Poitiers, Niort, 1840. 
 
 ^ Chassante cit. Pilotelle, op. cit., p. 302. 
 
 ■■ Rabelais, (Euvres, Vol. I, p. 237. 
 
 « Cf. Pilotelle, op. cit., p. 303. 
 
 « On the 5th of July, 1533. Cf. Bouchet, Annales 
 ci'Aquitaine, p. 474. 
 
14 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1512- 
 
 such high spirits must have been often dashed 
 by the spectacle of sudden death, since, during 
 Sainte-Marthe's residence, the plague devas- 
 tated town and university and found many 
 victims among the young.^ 
 
 Sainte-Marthe was himself one of the more 
 serious students, like HUlerin, who, "en sortant 
 des grandes 6coles pour retourner k son logis, 
 prit son chemin par le palais pour se divertir a 
 entendre plaider les causes." ^ He even found 
 time to combine with the study of law that of 
 theology, no doubt completing, either at the 
 theological school of the university itself or at 
 the convent of the Dominicans,' whose courses 
 were of older establishment and greater pres- 
 tige, the theological quinquennium whose first 
 two years led to the degree of Master of Arts.^ 
 
 ' 1531-1532. "Ces fievres estoient mortelles m6me- 
 ment en jeunes gens de I'age de vingt a trente ans dont 
 moururent plus de riches que de pauvres.'' Bouchet, 
 Annales d'Aquitaine, p. 469. 
 
 ' Auber, op. cit., p. 75. 
 
 ' This convent was closely affiliated with the university, 
 and its courses led to the university examinations and 
 degrees. 
 
 * The first of these was devoted to logic, metaphysics 
 and ethics, the second to mathematics and physics. The 
 
1533] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 15 
 
 He has left us his reasons for uniting these two 
 disciplines: "And what, it may be asked," he 
 writes, "has the jurist to do with theology? 
 tThe reply is that I wish to be no less a theo- 
 logian than a jurist; as well because at one 
 time I devoted myself wholly to this discipline, 
 as because it is itself like an opal wherein pre- 
 vail the qualities of many jewels, namely, the 
 very delicate fire of the carbuncle, the purple of 
 the amethyst, the green of the emerald, all, as 
 it were, incredibly intermingled. And so, what- 
 ever succeeds in pleasing, in whatsoever ' ethnic ' 
 writers, is at the same moment found in it. 
 Moreover, although jurisprudence is greatly to 
 be approved, yet if we give ourselves wholly to 
 that study, it carries away our health of mind 
 and immediately blinds us with a certain mad- 
 ness of empty glory and an unmeasured lust of 
 possession." ^ 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's studies must have been as yet 
 incomplete, for he had not obtained the doctorate 
 
 completion of the quinquennium bestowed the right to 
 enter the priesthood or to obtain benefices without the 
 cure of souls. Cf. E. Pilotelle, op. cit., pp. 310 and 311. 
 ' Dedication to Jean Galbert, In Psalmum septimum et 
 Psalmum xxxiu., Paraphrasis, p. 15; cf. p. 573 et seq. 
 
16 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1533 
 
 of law when, in 1533, he was invited by Jean 
 de Tartas to the newly established College de 
 Guyenne at Bordeaux, "pour faire classe et 
 r^gle k composer et prononcer oraisons, dialogues, 
 comedies, et lire publiquement. " ^ Although his 
 agreement with Tartas^ is dated December the 
 4th, it is probable that he actually entered upon 
 his duties some time earlier ; for in this document 
 he is described as "a present demeurant ^ Bor- 
 deaux," and he may have been one of the twenty 
 teachers who accompanied the new principal to 
 Bordeaux and were present at the opening of the 
 college on May the 24th of that year.^ Sainte- 
 Marthe began his work under the most favorable 
 auspices. Bordeaux, eager for its share of the 
 new learning, was filled with enthusiastic ex- 
 pectations about the staff of the college it had so 
 vigorously reorganized ; * and indeed the reputa- 
 tion of Tartas, " omnium Parisinorumgymnasiar- 
 
 ' Cf. p. 589. 
 
 ^ Re Tartas, cf. Ernest Gaullieur, Hist, du Col. de 
 Guyenne, Chaps. II-IV, pp. 25-76 et passim. 
 
 ' Cf. Nic. Clenardi, Epist. libri duo, etc., Lib. II, p. 130. 
 Cit. Gaullieur, pp. 41 and 51. 
 
 ' For an account of the early conditions of the ColUge 
 de Guyenne, cf. Gaullieur, op. cit., and M. E. Lowndes, 
 Michel de Montaigne. Cambridge, 1898, pp. 16-20. 
 
1533] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 17 
 
 charum facile princeps," 'warranted the brightest 
 hopes. The instructors whom he brought with 
 him were for the most part young men of parts 
 and ambition lately out of college.^ Several, 
 like Matthias Itterius,' were genuinely erudite; 
 and one, Gentian Hervet, — afterwards a pro- 
 lific controversialist on the orthodox side/ — 
 shared Sainte-Marthe's acquaintance with Greek. 
 So perhaps did Jean Visagier,' better known as 
 Vulteius, who later on acquired no mean reputa- 
 tion as a Latin poet. 
 
 ' Hervetus, De amore in patriam oratiuncula. Orationes, 
 p. 88. 
 
 ^ Re the other instructors engaged by Tartas, cf. 
 GauUieur, op. cit., pp. 52-58 and 86. 
 
 ' Witness Scaliger and Breton, cit. Gaullieur, ibid., 
 p. 56. 
 
 * " Perhumanus erat et hteris graeois juxta ac latinis 
 eruditus." Roberti Britanni Epist. libri tres, fol. 39 v°, cit. 
 Gaullieur, p. 53. Re Hervet (1509-1594), cf. Gaulli- 
 eur, op. cit., p. 118 n. ; and the Nouveau Diet. Hist., 
 Vol. IV, p. 423. The latter, however, places his appear- 
 ance " avec 6clat " at the Council of Trent before his tutor- 
 ship at Bordeaux, which is obviously impossible. For 
 a list of his numerous works, chiefly controversy and 
 translations, cf. Nic^ron, op. cit., pp. 190-200. 
 
 "So Copley Christie conjectures upon what seem, 
 however, slight grounds. Etienne Dolet, p. 299. For 
 the identification of Vulteius with Visagier, generally 
 referred to as Voult6, sometimes as Faciot, cf. Gaullieur, 
 
18 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1533 
 
 Besides the pleasure of finding himself among 
 such colleagues under a man of great reputation, 
 Sainte-Marthe had the satisfaction of feeling 
 himself much considered. The circumstance 
 that his whole salary of thirty-five liwes tournois 
 was paid to him in advance, before his agreement 
 was signed, and that it was given to him "tant 
 en robbes et habillements que en or " ^ seems to 
 indicate that the young scholar was in immedi- 
 ate need. His salary, however, was higher than 
 that of any one else except Visagier.^ That ill- 
 fated poet ' and Sainte-Marthe formed a friend- 
 ship which included also Nicholas Roillet, and 
 the more distinguished Robert Breton,* well 
 known in later life as a Ciceronian and a prolific 
 author and letter-writer. Breton and Saint- 
 
 op. cit., p. 57 ; Copley Christie, op. cit., p. 298, and M. B., 
 Riponse, Quel est le veritable nom du poHe R&mois Joannes 
 Vulteius ? Rev. d'Hist. Litt. (1894), p. 530. 
 
 ■ Cf. p. 590. 
 
 ^ Cf. Gaullieur, op. cit., pp. 53-57. 
 
 ' He was assassinated on December 30th, 1542, by an 
 opponent in a lawsuit. 
 
 * I have found no satisfactory account of Breton. 
 That of Gaullieur (op. cit., pp. 84-86) gives no informa- 
 tion. For a long list of his works cf. the catalogue of the 
 Bibliothfeque Nationale. 
 
1533] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 19 
 
 Marthe had a common interest in learning. 
 Breton, if he knew no Greek at this time, soon 
 became interested in it, perhaps through the 
 example of Sainte-Marthe and Hervet, and 
 shortly set himself to master it thoroughly.^ His 
 affection for Sainte-Marthe was evidently lasting. 
 The busy correspondent of Bembo, Scaliger, 
 Guillaume du Bellay, Sadolet, Arnold le Ferron, 
 Matthieu Pac, Dolet, Guillaume Postel, and others 
 equally distinguished,^ he found time to write 
 affectionate letters to Sainte-Marthe, and long 
 cherished the memory of their intercourse at Bor- 
 deaux. " My recollection of Fabrice, Duchene, 
 de Borsale, Bolonne and Sainte-Marthe is still 
 alive and strong," he writes years afterward' to 
 his friend Pierre Cocaud; "Sainte-Marthe was 
 my colleague and friend at Bordeaux. " Breton 
 came to the college later than Sainte-Marthe, 
 possibly to supply a vacancy, as did one or two 
 other professors, among them Andr4 Zebed^e, a 
 
 ' Cf. infra, p. 50. 
 
 2 Cf. his two volumes of letters : Epist. libri tres, 1536; 
 and Epist. libri duo, 1540. 
 
 3 l.e. between 1536 and 1540, the dates of the publica- 
 tion of Breton's two volumes of letters. Epist. libri duo, 
 fol. 14 v°. 
 
20 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1S34 
 
 quarrelsome character, rash, vain, unmanage- 
 able, wholly without tact, who, later on, became 
 at once a Protestant and a thorn in the side of 
 Calvin.^ He also in all likelihood entered into 
 personal relations with Sainte-Marthe,^ whose in- 
 tercourse with his Bordeaux acquaintance was, 
 however, to be but short. 
 
 The work of the new staff at Guyenne was 
 soon interrupted by quarrels with the principal ; 
 for Tartas, whatever his experience and reputa- 
 tion, lacked the gifts necessary to make his 
 direction successful.' Something unreasonable 
 and captious in his temper led to constant mis- 
 understandings with his subordinates, and, in 
 the end, to his own dismissal on April the 11th, 
 1534. This abrupt conclusion of his functions 
 
 ' Re Z6b6dde, c/. Herminjard, Correspondance des 
 Reformatews, Vol. V, p. 98, and Vols. V-IX, passim, 
 and F. Buisson, S4bastien Castellion, Vol. I, p. 235. In 
 1542, when pastor of Orbe, he was capable of preaching 
 from seven to eleven o'clock for the purpose of annoy- 
 ing the Catholic priest of that place — "et toujours eust 
 sermonn6 si ne fust que le gouverneur de la ville le fist k 
 descendre de la chaize." 
 
 ' Cf. Breton's letter, p. 52, not, however, conclusive 
 proof. 
 
 ' Re these and following details, cf. Gaullieur, op. cit., 
 Chaps. V and VI. 
 
1534] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 21 
 
 involved at least a partial dispersal of the 
 teachers Tartas had engaged. Visagier went to 
 study law and to lecture at Toulouse, Hervet 
 to hold a chair at Orleans, while Sainte-Marthe 
 in all probability spent a year in various places 
 in Guyenne. Neither principal nor teachers, 
 however, appear to have left Bordeaux at once. 
 Tartas, indeed, lingered on for months, and 
 even took part, as a member of the college, in 
 college functions after the arrival and appoint- 
 ment of his successor in July.^ Sainte-Marthe's 
 departure, of which the exact date is unknown, 
 was also deliberate. He was still at Bordeaux at 
 least as late as May 16, 1534; for on that day 
 he officially received the officers come to deliver 
 notice of a municipal ordinance forbidding col- 
 legians to bear arms in the town, an injunc- 
 tion suggestive of the disorder prevailing at the 
 college.^ Although he was not, like his friends 
 
 ' Roberti Britanni epist. libri tres, fol. 70 r°, cit. 
 GauUieur, p. 118. 
 
 2 "Est faicte inhibition aux escholiers parlant k 
 maistre Charles de Sainote-Marthe, de ne aller par ville 
 avec armes sous poyne d'amende." Archives de Bor- 
 deaux, B. B. Registres de la jurade (1534), Vol. VI, 
 p. 312; cit. Gaullieur, p. 76. 
 
22 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1534 
 
 Breton and Z^b^dee, among the eight teachers 
 officially retained under the new administration, 
 his agreement with Tartas held him at the dis- 
 posal of the college until December the 4th, 1534 ; 
 and it is therefore probable that he did not leave 
 Bordeaux until late in 1534, having seen the 
 inception of a better regime and made some 
 acquaintance with the new principal, Andr^ de 
 Gouvea,^ the object of Montaigne's admiration. 
 He appears to have known also the devoted 
 humanist and teacher, Maturin Cordier,^ the 
 purity and modesty of whose life was equaled 
 only by his learning. The latter was a friend 
 of Vulteius, who celebrated in Latin verse the 
 sweetness of his character: 
 
 " Te docuit Christus verumque fidemque docere, 
 Te docuit Christus spernere divitias, 
 
 ' Re Gouvea, cf. Gaullieur, p. 72, and Chaps. V and 
 XIV; Quicherat, Histoire de Sainte Barbe, Paris, 1860, 
 pp. 130-218, 222, 228 et seq.; and Braga, Historia da 
 Universidade de Coimbra, etc., Lisbon, 1892, Vol. I, 
 p. 484 et seq. 
 
 ' Re Cordier, cf. Lefranc, Hist, du Colltge de France, 
 pp. 140 and 141. Buisson, op. dt., Vcl. I, pp. 125-129 et 
 passim; Herminjard, op. cit., passim; Massebieau, Les 
 Colloques Scolaires du seizieme sikcle, pp. 204 et seq., cit. 
 Lowndes, op. cit., p. 236 n. ; Weiss, Le College de Nevers et 
 Maturin Cordier, Revue P6dagogique, 1891, pp. 400-411. 
 
1534] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 23 
 
 Te docuit Christus teneram formare Juventam, 
 Te docuit Christus moribus esse bonis. 
 
 Te docuit Christus, nulla mercede parata, 
 Viva literulas voce docere bonas, 
 
 Te docuit Christus coelum vitamque beatam 
 A se immortali, non aliunde, dari," etc. 
 
 — Cit. Buisson, Vol. I, p. 126, n. 4. 
 
 Cordier, far older than his colleagues, came to 
 Bordeaux in flight from Paris for rehgion's 
 sake,' making the journey as one of the five 
 regents to procure whom Gouvea went to Paris 
 at the very end of the year. If Sainte-Marthe 
 remained until his arrival, he must have known 
 also Jacques de Teyve,^ Grouchy and Fabrice,' 
 
 ' Cf. Preface to his CoUoques, cit. Weiss, op. cit., p. 401, 
 and La France Prot., 2ded., Vol. V, col. 881. 
 
 ^ So Theophile Braga also concludes, but upon grounds 
 quite incorrect. He identifies the San Martinho men- 
 tioned by Diogo de Teive in his trial in 1550 with Charles 
 de Sainte-Marthe, from whose name (Samarthanus) he 
 supposes that of San Martinho derived. Op. cit. Vol. I, 
 p. 545, n. 1. But apart from other considerations, the 
 San Martinho of De Teive's account was a doctor of medi- 
 cine, married and settled in Paris, and was at one time 
 tutor to the sons of two Gascon noblemen. Ihid., pp. 538, 
 542, 545. 
 
 ' Re Nicolas de Grouchy, cf. Sainte-Marthe, Elogia; La 
 Croix du Maine, Bih. Franc. ; De Thou, Historia sui tem- 
 poris, Book LIV, pp. 715-716; Hallam, Literature of 
 Europe, Vol. II., p. 44, cit. Lowndes, op. cit., p. 236. As 
 
24 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1535 
 
 and might have become acquainted also with 
 Antoine de Gouvea, the brilUant younger 
 brother of the principal, of immense distinction 
 in the eyes of his contemporaries/ Antoine 
 appears, however, to have been unknown to him 
 until several years later,^ and it may there- 
 fore be that he arrived later than is usually 
 represented. 
 
 In any case, upon leaving Bordeaux, Sainte- 
 Marthe must have spent a year in the province. 
 He was for some time at Bazas, and went thence 
 to Marmande, where, for a short period, — 
 "aliquot dies" is Breton's expression,' — he per- 
 
 for Fabrice, the title of the extant volume of his letters is 
 evidence of his distinction: Arnoldi Fabricii Vasatensis 
 Pelluhetani, viri Latinatis purioris in primis stvdiosi 
 doctique, Epistolw aliquot. 
 
 ' Cf. De Thou's account of him, op. cit., Book 
 XXXVIII, cit. Lowndes, op. cit., p. 236, and Quicherat, 
 op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 131-133. 
 
 ^ Cf. infra, p. 52, Breton's letter. The reference might 
 indeed have been to another brother, Martial de Gouvea, 
 at one time professor at Poitiers ; but Sainte-Marthe's use 
 of the singular — "nostri Gouveani" — would then re- 
 main to be accounted for. GauUieur gives no authori- 
 ties as to the time of Antoine's arrival. 
 
 ' " Reliquit Basacum Samartanus, Marmandae aliquot 
 dies egit, et prsefuit academise, nunc vero se ad suos 
 recepit." Letter to Antoine Gerot, dated Toulouse, 
 
1535] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 25 
 
 formed the duties of municipal schoolmaster. 
 Such unsettled wanderings were to Sainte- 
 Marthe pure hardship, tweetened only by his 
 muse; "et oultre plus," he exclaims, though 
 perhaps not on this occasion : 
 
 " Et oultre plus qu'est ce qui me soublieve 
 L'adversite que je porta si griefve, 
 Allant ainsi par pays tant divers, 
 
 ' Que le plaisir que me donnent mes vers ? 
 Si le dur sort au penser me desole 
 Soubdainement ma muse m.e console, 
 A mon esprit donnant tant de plaisir, 
 Qu'elle met hors soubdain tout desplaisir." 
 
 — Poesie Francoise, p. 150. 
 
 He had another consolation in friendship, for he 
 kept in touch with his friend Breton. Breton 
 spent the summer of 1535 in journeying in search 
 of health to the waters of the Pyrenees. Ill and 
 out of spirits, he at least found no solace in 
 poetry, the proper occupation of the joyful; 
 and he addressed to Sainte-Marthe a bitter 
 quatrain on the subject: 
 
 December the 18th, Epist. libri tres, fol. 96 v°- Gaullieur 
 {op. cit., p. 76) says — and he is followed by Buisson {op. cit., 
 p 180) — that Sainte-Marthe remained at Bazas more than 
 a year. He gives no authority for this assertion, beyond 
 Breton's letter, which does not appear to warrant it. 
 
26 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1535 
 
 Ad Carolum Samartanwn 
 
 " Carole cur laudas mea carmina, cur tua damnas ? 
 •Hie vester fundus, podia vestra jacent; 
 lampriden ista gravis solatia moeror ademit. 
 Vis apte carmen scribere ? scribe hilaris." 
 
 — Carm. liber unus, fol. 15 v". 
 
 By September, Breton had arrived, with health 
 somewhat improved, at Toulouse, where he 
 made a prolonged stay, and where Visagier 
 joined him; and it was from that town that he 
 wrote his congratulations when Sainte-Marthe 
 at last decided to return to his own family and 
 traveled northward, in the winter of 1535.' " You 
 
 ' M. GauUieur {op. cit., p. 77) places Sainte-Marthe's 
 arrival at home toward the end of the year 1536, as he 
 does that of Breton at Toulouse in September of the same 
 year, differing in this latter instance from Copley Christie, 
 who dates Breton's arrival 1535. (Op. ci<., p. 299.) As 
 Breton's letters to Sainte-Marthe and to Gerot (c/. supra) 
 are from Toulouse, the date of his arrival there settles 
 that of Sainte-Marthe's movements. Unfortunately, Bre- 
 ton, like a true Ciceronian, omits the date of the year, and 
 it is, therefore, within certain limits, left open to conjec- 
 ture. Copley Christie is borne out by the acheved'imprimer 
 of the volume, Epistolarum libri tres, 1536, from which 
 the two letters in question are taken : " Impressum Tolos? 
 per Nicolaum Vieillardum X. Calend. lanuarij. Anno a 
 Nativitate Dei Millesimo Quingentesimo Trigesimo 
 Sexto." Since the letter to Gerot is dated December 
 18, its insertion in a book completed by December 22 of 
 
1535] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 27 
 
 have betaken yourself to your own people," he 
 says, in his letter dated December 7; "I ap- 
 prove and heartily wish the same for myself. 
 You, however, are certain to enjoy leisure before 
 I do,^ and I should attempt the same thing if I 
 were seeking a settled estabHshment in prefer- 
 ence to other honors. Write to me, and care 
 for your health." 
 
 On his return, Sainte-Marthe found various 
 changes in the convent and in his home. One 
 of his sisters had taken the veil at Fontevrault, 
 another at Tusson.^ Two of his brothers, Louis 
 and Ren^, had married, and the former had left 
 Fontevrault to settle at Loudun.^ Louis' mar- 
 riage with Nicole Lefevre, especially, allied the 
 Sainte-Marthes with the most distinguished 
 families in France — among others, the Brigon- 
 nets and the De Thous ; but the year which thus 
 
 the same year seems highly improbable. I suppose, then, 
 that these letters were written in 1535. 
 
 ' Or : "I have decided to try everything else (omnia) 
 first." The meaning is not clear owing to the abbrevi- 
 ations. For the text, cf. p. 601. 
 
 ' Cf. Longuemare, op. cit., p. 27. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe has an epigra,m to this brother : A 
 Louys de Saincte Marthe, son frere, que Veriu n'est con- 
 tamin^e par detraction des meschants. P. F., p. 11. 
 
28 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1536 
 
 added to the prestige of their family left them 
 mourning the loss of an invaluable friend. Renee 
 de Bourbon died in the very month of the bril- 
 liant marriage/ "et a rendu son bien heureux 
 esprit entre les paroles de oraison." ^ Her niece 
 and successor, however, Louise de Bourbon, was 
 no less well-disposed to Gaucher, who retained 
 his post as the abbey physician. 
 
 It is not clear after how long a stay at home 
 Sainte-Marthe returned to Poitiers, no doubt 
 to fulfil the remaining requirements for the 
 doctorate of law. On his arrival he assuredly 
 found the interest of the university aroused by a 
 recent visit of Calvin.' Whatever Calvin lacked 
 in ordinary persuasive eloquence, his vigorous 
 genius could not fail to produce its effect upon 
 a town like Poitiers, long the home of thought 
 and discussion ; for, in the words of a far from 
 friendly historian, "la science tout ainsi que la 
 
 '■ I.e. on October the 9th, 1534. 
 
 ■' Letter of announcement sent by the convent of 
 Fontevrault to the other convents. Bouchet, Epistres, 
 Elegies, Epigrammes, etc., fol. Hiij. 
 
 ' The exact date of Calvin's stay in Poitiers is undeter- 
 mined. It was between November, 1533, and May, 1534, 
 — a period during which his movements are obscure. 
 Cf. A. Lefranc, La Jeunesse de Calvin, p. 116. 
 
1536] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 29 
 
 vertu fait bientost aimer et cherir, et les excel- 
 lens esprits, soit au mal soit au bien, disoit 
 Philon, paroissent incontinent, et n'ont besoin 
 du temps pour estre cogneus. C'est un com- 
 merce qui unit et ralie les personnes les plus es- 
 trangeres. Elle fut cause que Calvin, ayant 
 donn6 quelques mois a avancer ses cognoissances, 
 eust en peu de temps fait provision d'amis."^ 
 The young apostle's friends and converts had 
 been chiefly men of the university, "hommes 
 de lettres," "gens d'eschole," but there had been 
 also certain persons of higher quality, notably 
 Regnier, the lieutenant-general in whose garden 
 Calvin had ceased to talk, as at first, "a demi- 
 mot," and had openly expounded his doctrine. 
 There, "commes nos premiers peres furent pre- 
 mierement enchantez et deceus dans un jardin, 
 aussi dans ce jardin du lieutenant a la rue des 
 Bassestreilles, cette poign^e d'hommes fut en- 
 joU^e et coiffee par Calvin. " ^ It is easy 
 to imagine the effect of the talk about Calvin 
 upon a student of Sainte-Marthe's caliber. We 
 
 ' Florimond de Raemond, Histoire de I'heresie de ce 
 siicle, Book VII, pp. 890-891. 
 ' Ibid., p. 892. 
 
30 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1536 
 
 have seen among what earnest and spiritual in- 
 fluences his early life was passed. Reform, if 
 in a moral sense merely, was a word familiar to 
 him from his childhood up, — it had been the 
 preoccupation of the people who surrounded him 
 from his earliest years, — and indications are not 
 lacking that the ColUge de Ouyenne, if not yet 
 that "foyer de la propagande" it has been called,^ 
 shared, even so early as the time of his residence 
 there, in that religious unrest ^ which marked the 
 beginning of the century when "tout se desunit 
 et devisa en schismes et heresies. " ^ Sainte- 
 Marthe's mind was by circumstance, then, 
 predisposed to the consideration of religious 
 matters,^ and his natural instincts heightened 
 
 ' Buisson, Sebastien CastelKon, Vol. I, p. 127. 
 
 ' Some of the early regulations of Gouvea seem to 
 imply that such uneasiness of feeling had existed in 
 the college even before his arrival: " Premierement les 
 escholiers seront religieux et craignant Dieu. lis ne 
 sentiront ou ne parleront mal de la religion Catholique ou 
 orthodoxe." Rules placarded by Gouvea in the chief 
 hall of the college. Gaullieur, op, cit., p. 106. 
 
 ^ Florimond de Rsemond, op. cit., Book VII, p. 6. 
 
 * Gaullieur (op. cit., p. 77) says that Sainte-Marthe 
 entered into relations with Vernou, whom Calvin had 
 left "pour gaigner le plus qu'il pouvait d'escholiers dans 
 sa ville de Poitiers," but I find no data for this. 
 
1536] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 31 
 
 the predisposition. "Homme de gaillard esprit " 
 as Theodore de B^ze calls him, ^ he added to 
 impulsiveness an actual thirst for a pure spirit- 
 ual life, a longing likely to incline him towards 
 the reforms that Calvin had lately preached in 
 Poitiers. 
 
 The particular circle in which the young poet 
 found himself must have been singularly at 
 variance on the subject of the new doctrine. An 
 obscure dixain addressed by Sainte-Marthe to 
 Gabriel de Pontoise, who married his sister 
 Louise, perhaps refers to this division of opinion. ^ 
 To the indefatigable rhymester, Jean Bouchet, 
 procureur of the town, a common interest in 
 Fontevrault must have made Sainte-Marthe 
 known ; and Bouchet, however his relations with 
 Rabelais may have enlarged his views, was un- 
 compromisingly orthodox. So, probably, were 
 Ren^ Lefevre,' dean of the cathedral and teacher 
 in the university, and another regent, Charles de 
 
 * Hist. Eccl, p. 63. 
 
 'P.p., p. 15; c/. p. 532. 
 
 ' ffeLeffevre (1502-1569), cf. Dreux du Radier, Bib 
 
 de Poitou, and Gallia Christiana, Vol. II, col. 1218 D. 
 For Sainte-Marthe's epigram to him, cf. p. 531. 
 
32 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1536 
 
 la Ruelle/ doctor of law and father of the better- 
 known Louis de la Ruelle — both connected with 
 Sainte-Marthe by marriage. On the other 
 hand, Sainte-Marthe seems to have counted 
 on the sympathy of his cousin Jean de Sainte- 
 Marthe ; ^ Roillet (or Roullet) " and the un- 
 tiring bookworm Fabrice * — both, it seems 
 likely, now at Poitiers — must have been at 
 least open-minded ; while Calvin's friend Lau- 
 rent of Normandy ° and that member of the 
 Etienne family — possibly Robert himself" — 
 
 ' Re De la Ruelle, cf. Du Radier, op. cii.; Bouchet, An- 
 nales d'Aquitaine,p.68; a,nd A ctes de Frangois I. He was 
 tutor in the Unversity of Poitiers, had been appointed in 
 1531 " conseiller en la S6n6chauss6 de Poitou," and was at 
 one time mayor of Poitiers. He married Isabelle Lef&vre, 
 a sister of Ren6 Leffevre. Sainte-Marthe addressed a 
 poem to him — A Charles de la Ritelle, Que Unite AmytiS 
 doibt estre fondeS sur Vertu. P. P., p. 12. 
 
 ^ For Sainte-Marthe's verses to him, cf. p. 532. 
 
 ' Re Roillet, cf. Breton's letter, infra, p. 36. I suppose 
 RouUetus and Roillet identical. Possibly it was he Marot 
 attacked in an epigram "A Roullet." CEuvres, Vol. Ill, 
 p. 93. 
 
 * " Fabritius (ut audio) agit Pictavi : et totos dies cum 
 libris, necdum ab illo inexhausto, nee iniucundo sibi 
 legendi, et scribendi labore discessit." Rob. Brit. Epist. 
 libri duo, fol. 14 v°. 
 
 ' Re Laurent of Normandy — Normandius — cf. Le- 
 franc. La jeunesse de Calvin, pp. 106, 127 seq., et passim. 
 
 ' Cf. infra, p. 43. 
 
1536] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 33 
 
 whom Sainte-Marthe counted among his friends 
 were doubtless aheady leaning as strongly to- 
 wards "reform" as the unsavory Jean Fer- 
 ron.' Only undiscerning ardor in friendship 
 can account for Sainte-Marthe's intimacy with 
 a man of Ferron's stamp. He was a plaus- 
 ible rascal, of a character to precipitate any 
 trouble which was brewing — and trouble was at 
 least in the air. The prominence of his family 
 in the province made Sainte-Marthe a conspicu- 
 ous figure in the little university town, and, in 
 view of his obvious sympathies, he could not 
 escape the attacks of envious detractors.^ He 
 refused, from Christian motives mingled with 
 pride, to reply to them, he tells Ferron : 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe wrote him a rhymed epistle in the 
 form of a coq h I'dne — "A Jean Ferron. Coq a Lasne. " 
 P. F., p. 141. I suppose him identical with the Jean 
 Ferron of Poitiers called to Geneva in 1548 and deposed 
 the following year on account of his scandalous life. 
 He was one of the informers who reported conversa- 
 tions of La Mare, convicting him of animosity toward 
 Calvin, in consequence of which the latter insisted upon 
 La Mare's deposition from the ministry. Cf. La France 
 Prot., 2d ed., Vol. VII, p. 238; Buisson speaks of Ferron 
 as in Geneva in 1544, and mentions also his deposition. 
 Op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 212 and 218. 
 
 2 Cf. Breton's " I too," infra, p. 35. 
 
34 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1637 
 
 " On s'ebahist que ie n'ay respondu 
 Par mes escripts k tous mes Envieux : 
 Et je responds que Dieu a defendu 
 Pour se venger, diets contumelieux. 
 Quand I'eust permis, encore j 'ayme mieux 
 Ne faire d'eulx aulcune mention, 
 Et, en celS,, c'est mon intention, 
 Les mesprisant, maintenir ma coustume. 
 Je sens aussi, que telle nation 
 Est en tout cas indigne de ma plume." 
 — "A Jean Ferron, pourquoy n'a respondu a ses ad- 
 versaires," P. F., p. 15. 
 
 Unfriendly rumors did not prevent Sainte- 
 Marthe from obtaining his theological degree, 
 probably early in 1537/ and he was also received 
 doctor of law, having first distinguished himself 
 brilliantly in those public arguments which were 
 the necessary preliminary to that step.^ Con- 
 gratulations on this honor were offered him by 
 Robert Breton, with whom he at this time renewed 
 
 ' Had the letter in which Breton refers to it been 
 written during 1536, unless at the very end, it would 
 probably have been included in the volume published in 
 that year. Moreover, his phrase, "multis annis, " referring 
 to the period during which he had lost sight of Sainte- 
 Marthe, seems to imply at least more than a fraction of 
 one. They had been in touch in December, 1535. 
 
 ' Dreux du Radier, loc. cit. 
 
1537] EARLY YEARS; UNIVERSITY LIFE 35 
 
 relations. Sainte-Marthe seems to have written 
 a warning or remonstrance to his friend on 
 courses which were being harshly condemned. 
 "It is little to be wondered at," Breton writes 
 in his reply, "that I have not been able to get 
 you out of my memory, since I ever lived most 
 pleasantly and desirably with you at Bordeaux. 
 The thing at which I cannot sufficiently marvel 
 is this, that you could have come to fear that 
 this could ever happen ; but the defense of this 
 whole doubt is easy and obvious, since for many 
 years past" — this appears to be an affection- 
 ate exaggeration on Breton's part — "for many 
 years past you did not know where I was; 
 nor was I myself certain where you were living. 
 What you write, that my doings are blamed by 
 many, I bear with ease, and so far endure with- 
 out annoyance. For it is difficult to ' disarm 
 Momus.' I too have had my ears beset with the 
 insolence of detractors who, from day to day, 
 try to inspire fear not only by their will to harm, 
 but by their weight and number and the very 
 amplitude of their resources. I have decided, 
 however, to bear all that can be borne ; but if I 
 find myself invaded and overwhelmed by them 
 
30 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1537 
 
 with greater outrage, I shall take courage, and, 
 so far as modesty permits, make answer to them 
 in such measure as may suffice. It is naturally a 
 joy to me that you have been elected into the 
 body of theologians. It were pleasanter still 
 should your work, in explaining that divine and 
 excellent art, gain abundant fruits, not only of 
 other things praiseworthy and greatly worth 
 seeking, but also of honor and glory. 
 
 " What shall I say of myself ? You inspired me 
 with no slight desire of imitating you when you 
 set off to your own country. I think, I know 
 not why, only of that one thing, abandoning my 
 other chosen interests, which are very consider- 
 able. And, in a manner, I rejoice to think 
 that ' nothing is sweeter than a man's country 
 and father and mother.' Soon, however, I hope 
 to see you. If Roullet happens to be at Poitiers, 
 greet him for me ; I should have written to him, 
 were I certainly assured that he were there. 
 Farewell." ^ 
 
 ' For the text, c/. p. 602 et seq. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 PHOFESSORSHIP ; DISGRACE; SOUTHERN PERE- 
 GRINATIONS 
 
 The wish expressed by Breton was to be 
 almost immediately fulfilled. Sainte-Marthe 
 shortly obtained the post of Regius Professor 
 of theology at the university, after a flattering 
 interview with Francis I and his sister. He had 
 seen the King and Marguerite as a child, on the 
 occasion of a royal visit to Fontevrault in 1517,^ 
 when Francis, accompanied by the Queen of 
 Navarre and her husband, Louise de Savoie and 
 the Queen, brought his illegitimate sister, Magde- 
 leine d'Orl^ans, Abbess of Jouarre, to Fontevrault 
 to profit by the reforms there accomplished ; and 
 now, at the opening of his career, he was again 
 brought to the notice of the Queen, who exercised 
 so potent an influence on his life and of whom 
 he has left so vivid a picture. About this time 
 Sainte-Marthe also engaged the interest of the 
 
 ' Cart. Fontis Ebraldi, cit. supra, fol. 355 r°. 
 37 
 
38 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1537 
 
 King's daughter, Marguerite de France; for in 
 1540 he writes to remind her of her promise to 
 him four years earlier: 
 
 " Je ne scay point, Madame, si depuis 
 Qu'en ceste croix (quatre ans a) tumb6 suis 
 Si grand malheur m'est bien peu advenir 
 De n'estre plus en vostre soubvenir. 
 II est possible (ainsi qu'un long espace 
 Communement nostre memoire efface) 
 Possible est (dy je) aussi, que ne scavez 
 Le serviteur que retenu avez." 
 — A Madame Marguerite, fille unique du Roy, P. F., 
 p. 123. 
 
 Whatever hopes Sainte-Marthe may have 
 founded upon her interest were unfulfilled, — 
 
 " . . . ce grand heur ne m'est onq' advenu 
 Que j'ays est6 des vostres retenu," 
 
 — Ibid., p. 124. 
 
 but at least he had cause to realize Marguerite's 
 kindness of heart, 
 
 "Qu'il n'y a rien dans vostre noble coeur 
 Qu'humanit6 et toute grand douceur ; " 
 
 — Ibid., p. 123. 
 
 and it may well be that her interest had its 
 weight in inclining her father to look favor- 
 ably upon the young scholar. The actual date 
 
1537] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 39 
 
 of the appointment is uncertain, as is the place of 
 the interview, which possibly took place at or 
 near Amiens in March, 1537, for the King was in 
 that vicinity, and his sister, in all probability, 
 joined him there in the course of the month.' 
 
 Estabhshed in his chair and "girded for the 
 performance of his calling, " Sainte-Marthe gave 
 himself up to the composition of a theological 
 work and also began his lectures. And now, 
 encouraged by the liberal trend of thought in 
 the university and the religious leanings of some 
 of its professors, relying also, no doubt, upon the 
 security of his own position as direct appointee 
 
 ' Cf. Catalogue des Actes de Francois I ; G6nin, Nou- 
 velles Leitres de la Reine de Navarre, nos. 80 and 81; and 
 Lettres de Marguerite d'Angouleme, nos. 132 and 133. 
 The dates of the letters, however, are the editor's, and not 
 wholly reliable. It is possible that Sainte-Marthe re- 
 ceived his appointment in 1536 ; but, among other things, 
 the omission of all three of Breton's letters of congratula^ 
 tion (cf. pp. 36, 48, and 49) from his volume of 1536 and 
 their insertion in that of 1540 make against this. In this 
 case the interview would have been in the south, where 
 the king spent the year campaigning and where his sister 
 joined him more than once, as for instance in July at 
 Lyons. Archives de la ville de Lyon. BB. Reg. 55, cit. 
 La Ferrifere-Percy, Marguerite d'Angouleme, etc., p. 5, 
 and G^nin, Lettres de Marguerite d'Angouleme, nos. 115, 
 116, 121, 127. 
 
40 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1537 
 
 of the king, he threw discretion to the winds and 
 gave just cause of complaint to minds already 
 exasperated against him. So we learn from a 
 letter/ inspired by news of the publication of the 
 Religionis Christianm Institutio,^ which he de- 
 spatched to Calvin in April. Nothing could 
 better illustrate his entire absence of caution. 
 " There are many considerations, most learned 
 Calvin," he writes, "which might, with the best 
 reason, check me as I prepare to write to you, 
 and dissuade me altogether. These, should 
 I name them, you will perchance hold to be 
 vulgar and customarily offered in this sort 
 of self-accusation; still, they are of weight to 
 me who, profoundly conscious of them, per- 
 ceive well enough how he makes traffic of 
 his repute who dares in letters to chatter 
 to men of your sort, so intelligent, so keen of 
 perception, so accomplished in all work, and to 
 interrupt serious studies and importune in this 
 
 ^ Carolus Sammarthanus sacrarum Uterarum in Picta- 
 viensi Achademia regius professor, D. Joanni Calvino 
 Lausanensi EcclesiastoB, viro pio juxth et erudito. Her- 
 miniard, Correspondence des Riformateurs, Vol. IV, No. 
 625. 
 
 ' The first (Latin) edition had appeared at Basle in 
 March, 1536. 
 
1537] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 41 
 
 manner ears so delicate. For, besides being 
 known to you neither by sight nor by name, 
 I feel that I lack everything most needful to 
 writing and speaking. And yet, I am at such 
 a point of daring that I doubt nothing less than 
 the satisfaction of my wishes, since our com- 
 mon friend Normand, who is responsible for the 
 daring, assures me of satisfaction on the ground 
 of your singular humanity. This I hope will be 
 propitious to me in the common name of letters, 
 and because of the closer bond of the same 
 studies, — to which add the burning desire of 
 piety. Nor is it likely that any man who is in 
 himself gracious and very humane will refuse 
 what does not violate the law of Christian 
 friendship. Besides, what I seek from you by 
 letter looks only to Christ and to the majesty of 
 his word, namely, that, since in the same pro- 
 fession there is the same will and conjunction of 
 spirits, you will certainly write down Sainte- 
 Marthe in the number of your friends and with 
 that medicine will refresh him in his sickness. 
 
 "It shall not be my care now, in the manner 
 of the carnal, to make straight for myself the 
 way to your love with praise of your divine 
 
42 CHARLES DB -SAINTE-MARTHE [1537 
 
 virtue and piety, whereby moved you held as 
 nought kinsfolk and country and wealth, and 
 made yourself naked, that you might make others 
 rich, in great peril of your life the while. And, 
 although I cannot doubt that it must turn out 
 for those like you as for you — that is, happily, 
 — still, for my part, I should wish that there 
 were many Calvins, many with Calvin's talents, 
 many even who would thus kindly receive the 
 imitators of Calvin. I envy you nothing, but I 
 am afflicted for this only, that you were snatched 
 away from us,' and that that other speaking 
 Calvin, namely the Institutio Christiana, has not 
 reached us. I envy Germany because we cannot 
 obtain what she can. There is perhaps this 
 comfort here, that our academy is free and full 
 of pious and learned men; but meanwhile, 
 here and there, the hydra is born again and rises 
 by night to sow tares, although I gird myself 
 by the gift of the grace of Christ for the office 
 of my calling. This, partly by reason of my 
 
 ' Herminjard regards Sainte-Marthe's silence on the 
 subject as evidence that Florimond de Rsemond, Merle 
 d'Aubign^ and Bonnet exaggerated Calvin's previous 
 relations with Poitiers evangelicals. Op. cit., Vol. IV, 
 p. 223. 
 
1537] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 43 
 
 new dignity and my youth, and also of my zeal 
 for doctrine, has brought forth informers against 
 me, cowled and aghast at phantoms, most 
 desperate portents of fate, to whom I shall 
 so Httle yield that I will set even hfe itself 
 against the compunction of the spirit whenever 
 the Lord allows. We pray the Lord that your 
 most happy fortune may progress in the right 
 way. For your part, intercede for us that the 
 spirit of Christ may be given to us to preach 
 worthily and courageously, amid fiames and 
 enemies, that gospel of whose progress here you 
 shall learn from Estienne,^ bearer of this letter, 
 — a man learned in Greek and Latin, modest 
 and eloquent, a lover of truth, on his way to you 
 that he may have leave to speak and learn 
 freely. Him, in the name of country and the 
 piety of the gospel, I piously commend to you. 
 Conciliate for us where you are the same friends, 
 
 ' Were it not that so reliable an authority as Hermin- 
 jard notes this Stephanus as unidentified, one would be 
 tempted to suppose that Robert Estienne took steps 
 towards retiring to Geneva at this early date, thirteen 
 years before actually doing so. The combination of the 
 name with classical erudition and evangelical leanings 
 is, at least, singular. 
 
44 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1537 
 
 and approve our daring. Jesus our Lord God 
 support your deeds and long preserve you, 
 filled with his grace, safe to preach his gospel. 
 Poitiers. In haste. April the 10th, 1537. Your 
 brother in Christ, C. Sam." 
 
 This letter leaves no doubt as to the state of 
 Sainte-Marthe's sympathies, and its concluding 
 words imply that the writer had foreseen the 
 consequences of his own course and was prepared 
 to meet them. Yet such — as his later life 
 shows — was hardly the case. Enthusiastic 
 and impulsive, one of Calvin's despised "Nicode- 
 mites" moreover, who " convertissent k demy la 
 chrestiente en philosophie," and " imaginent des 
 idees platoniques en leur tetes,"' Sainte-Marthe 
 was chiefly preoccupied with the spiritual life 
 and no doubt, like others, failed to apprehend 
 the full import or even the general tendency of 
 Calvin's teaching. The Religionis Christiana 
 Institutio was not yet, we see from Sainte- 
 Marthe's letter, in general circulation. Its edi- 
 tions had been almost immediately exhausted ^ 
 
 ' Excuse . . . h Messieurs les Nicodemites, col. 600. 
 
 ' For the rapid exhaustion of the editions of the 
 Chris. Rel. Inst, cf. Herminjard, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 223, 
 note 5. 
 
1537] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 45 
 
 and it was not readily accessible. A certain 
 vagueness, which the " Lycurgus of Christian- 
 ity " ^ had in that work swept away forever, was 
 at this date still possible; and even when its 
 content was apprehended, the question was still 
 to many minds one of a return to the true 
 sources in religion as in literature. To those 
 engaged in it, the religious struggle must have 
 appeared a battle less between reformers and 
 constituted authority than between two parties 
 within the Catholic church. Indeed the "evan- 
 gelicals" counted among them many of authority 
 in church and state. From time to time, it is 
 true, men who favored reform fell victims to 
 the vacillating policy of persecution, not defined 
 nor consistent until the decade which ended 
 with Fran9ois' death ; ^ but this seemed to the 
 innovators the fruit of misunderstanding, the 
 work of "enemies," not the active arm of au- 
 thority dealing with rebels. In 1535 Calvin 
 could still appeal to the king against the fury 
 
 ' "Le Christianisme eut son Lycurgue." Lerminier, 
 Rev. des deux Mondes, 1842, p. 515. 
 
 2 I.e. after the interview at Aigues Mortes in July, 
 1538. For the king's general policy in regard to the 
 religious situation, cf. Buisson, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 66-77. 
 
46 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1537 
 
 of "aucuns iniques," could still feel that 
 Frangois would not proceed severely, once he 
 understood it, against "la doctrine laquelle 
 ils estiment devoir estre punie par prison, 
 banissement, proscription et feu" ; ' and this in 
 the dedication of the very book which was to 
 define the new doctrine with a clearness leaving 
 a man in no possible doubt as to whether or not 
 his opinions coincided with those of the new 
 "reform." At the time Sainte-Marthe lectured 
 in Poitiers, recollections of the "affair of the 
 placards"^ was still fresh in men's minds; 
 but, though the innocent had suffered, the 
 provocation was great even in the eyes of the 
 
 ' Au Roy de France treschrestien, etc.; Institution de la 
 Religion ChrUienne, cols. 9 and 10. The first Latin 
 edition was published in 1536. The dedicatory letter, 
 when prefixed to the French version of 1541 (based on a 
 Latin edition of 1539), retained the date 1535. In fact 
 its date, " le premier jour d'Aoust," is three weeks earlier 
 than the original, "x Calendas Septembres." 
 
 ' Of the 29th of January, 1535. Cf. on this subject, 
 Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, pp. 441-447. On the 
 same day the king issued an edict against heretics, con- 
 demning those who harbored them to the same punish- 
 ment as they, and promising informers a quarter of 
 their confiscated possessions. Actes de Frangois I, no. 
 7486. 
 
1537] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS; EXILE 47 
 
 "evangelicals," * and since then the cruel edict of 
 January, 1535, had been annulled^ and a period 
 of leniency had followed, — the period of the 
 letter to Melancthon," of Marot's recall from 
 exile and of conciliatory edicts concerning here- 
 tics.* Caution, then, was lulled, and it is prob- 
 able, besides, that Sainte-Marthe was hurried 
 farther than he had foreseen by enthusiasm for 
 his subject and by the excitement of the ap- 
 plause aroused by his rhetorical gifts; for he 
 was "aurse popularis avidior" ^ according to 
 his nephew Scevole. 
 
 In any event, the young lecturer was un- 
 disturbed for some months. In October he re- 
 ceived another letter from Breton, written from 
 Bordeaux. Breton had, it appears, written 
 meanwhile asking advice or help. He had now 
 heard the bare news of his friend's appointment 
 
 ' Sturm spoke of the authors of the outrage as "fu- 
 riosi" and "stultissimi homines," cit. Chaste!, Histoire 
 du Christianisme, Vol. IV, p. 107. 
 
 " By the edict of Couoy, July 16, 1535. Actes de 
 Francois 1, no. 7990. 
 
 ' Of June the 23^, 1535. Cf. Herminjard, op. cit., 
 Vol. Ill, p. 301. 
 
 * Of May the 31st and June the 30th, 1536. Actes de 
 Frangois I, nos. 8476 and 21,077. 
 
 ° Gallorum . . . illustrium . . . Elogia. Cf. p. 515. 
 
48 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1537 
 
 and offered congratulations: "Although, while 
 awaiting your opinion on those matters concern- 
 ing which I begged it in my previous letter, 
 I ought not to trouble you with a new one, yet, 
 since a man most devoted to both of us, though 
 principally filled with love of you, is setting off 
 in your direction, I cannot bring myself not to 
 send you anything of a letter. You will decide 
 about my affairs, as I wrote to you lately. What- 
 ever you do will be as grateful as if it were the 
 most agreeable. T congratulate you on your 
 professorship. That brilliant honour of yours 
 refreshes me daily more and more. Farewell. 
 Bordeaux. Oct. 12th." ^ 
 
 Who was the friend who brought this letter ? 
 Conjecture at least suggests Visagier, who pub- 
 lished a volume of epigrams in Paris in 1538, 
 and may have been on his way there to attend 
 to this.^ That volume contains an epigram 
 addressed to Sainte-Marthe. It speaks of the 
 advantages of Sainte-Marthe's situation and of 
 
 1 For the text, c/. p. 603. 
 
 ' All that is known of Visagier's movements at this 
 time is his presence at the banquet to Dolet in Paris in 
 March, 1537, his probable presence in Lyons about the 
 middle of the year, when he published his second book 
 
1537] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 49 
 
 the writer's affection for him. It would be 
 carrjdng logs to the forest, Visagier assures him, 
 to give Sainte-Marthe money, — ■ gems, too, weigh 
 down the latter' s fingers, whereas no single one 
 gleams upon his own hand. As for books, his 
 library holds few books and he has none which 
 his friend has not. Garments? He has only 
 one, and that not fitted to Sainte-Marthe' s 
 shoulders. Even his heart, he concludes, is 
 already his friend's. He can give nothing but 
 this assurance that he is unable to give.' 
 
 Meanwhile Sainte-Marthe had answered 
 Breton's eariier letter, giving him, it would 
 appear, the advice asked, adding an account of 
 the details of his own appointment and mention- 
 ing his theological work. Breton replied in an 
 undated letter ^ dehvered to Sainte-Marthe by 
 no less a person than the younger Gouv6a. 
 "You write to me," he says, "that you were re- 
 ceived with incredible honor and warmth by the 
 king and his sister that most admired and elect 
 
 of epigrams there (Copley Christie, op. cit., p. 314), and his 
 equally coniectural presence, for the same reason, in 
 Paris in 1538. 
 
 ^ For the text, cf. p. 610. 
 
 2 For the text, cf. p. 603 et seq. 
 
 E 
 
50 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE [1537 
 
 woman, Marguerite. This was extremely grate- 
 ful to me, not only because I have always con- 
 sidered you most worthy of honor on account 
 of the scope of your intelligence, but because, 
 considering your habit aiid life and very accom- 
 plished style, I am, as it were, refreshed and 
 revived when I hear that those things have be- 
 fallen you which are due by common consent to 
 the virtue and constancy of the excellent and 
 modest. That, in truth, delighted me much, as 
 indeed was natural, but still more, that the same 
 king honorably, and no less kindly, invited you 
 to the profession of sacred letters, adding a very 
 sufficient and honorable wage for the reward of 
 your glorious labors. It is a profession full of 
 consideration, dignity and credit, and by it we 
 are reconciled not only to men, which in itself 
 however, is a great thing, but, what is far greater, 
 to divine providence. The thing you urge upon 
 me, to devote myself to this study, I am in fact 
 sedulously engaged upon ; but I shall do so more 
 exactly and zealously after I seem to have made 
 sufficient progress in Greek literature. ' Fool, ' 
 say you, 'who neglect this most easy study for 
 the sake of one so weighty and prolific. ' Not in 
 
1537] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 51 
 
 the least. I am neither doing this with the 
 thought of abandoning the one for the sake of 
 the other, nor do I consider such a course in 
 any wise tolerable. But, since I seem likely 
 more easily to excel in the first if I know the 
 other study, I have decided to give a little more 
 time to it. When I have done this, I shall 
 return to theology as to the safest and best 
 port for all cares and anxieties. I approve 
 what you say of my business, for I greatly 
 wished that it might so turn out, and it 
 seemed likely to be of the utmost importance 
 in my affair. Still I beg you again and again 
 not to neglect it. Possibly, if it is convenient, I 
 shall shortly hasten to you on my way straight 
 to Paris, and then all can be freely discussed 
 between us. As to the theological book which 
 you mention at the same time, I earnestly desire 
 you to give it to me as soon as it is reproduced 
 and published. Of myself I can write nothing 
 further than what I have mentioned above ; that 
 I am thinking daily of Paris, but various ru- 
 mors of war have alarmed me, lest I can hardly 
 effect what I have set myself to do. Every- 
 thing in good time however. 
 
52 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1537 
 
 "The last thing is one you wish to know, 
 whether the report of the death of Durasius be 
 true. Know that he is at Bordeaux and was 
 never in better health; but I believe that men 
 not without wit, nor altogether lacking litera- 
 ture, continually spread this report because he 
 lately failed in a lawsuit. The controversy was 
 about his wife. Now, because he is cast down 
 from that hope which he set before himself and 
 so greatly embraced, they feign that he is dead. 
 That saying of Cato's is known to us and not, I 
 think, unheard of by you, that the soul of a lover 
 lives in the body of another. I would commend 
 to you my messenger, were not his learning and 
 talent, and even, by Hercules, that elegance, 
 which is at its greatest in him, enough to com- 
 mend him. He is the brother of our Gouv^a. I 
 have given your letter to Cordier and Zebe- 
 dfe. I hope that you will write to me as often 
 as possible. If I remain — and so far, as I said, 
 I have no certainty about this — I shall over- 
 whelm you with the frequency and prolixity of 
 my letters. Farewell." 
 
 It is probable that the friends did not meet; 
 for it must have been shortly after this that 
 
1637) PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 53 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's behavior provoked the authori- 
 ties beyond endurance. Perhaps, when he saw 
 the storm he had aroused, he made some effort 
 at retraction, or at least hedged. Beze's words 
 suggest it : " Et par ces moiens I'ardeur de quel- 
 ques uns creut tellement que I'an 1537 un jeune 
 homme nomme Saincte Martre, I'un des fils du 
 premier medicin du Roy, homme de gaillard 
 esprit, commenga k faire des lectures en theologie, 
 mais pource qu'il n'avoit point de fond, et qu'^ 
 la verite y avoit en luy plus de legerete que de 
 vray zele, ily eut en son faict plus de fumee 
 que de feu." ^ In any case he suffered no worse 
 punishment than the obligation "de quitter sa 
 patrie et se retirer au pays etranger," ^ an event 
 which one of his friends, A. de VUleneuve,' 
 lamented in verse : 
 
 " Si tu scavois, 6 Ville de Foictiers 
 Ce que tu as en un moment perdu : 
 Tu te mettrois en effort voluntiers 
 A celle fin que te fust tost rendu. 
 Ton Honneur as, & ton salut vendu, 
 Changeant le tien, a un sot estranger : 
 
 ' Hist. Ecc, Vol. I, p. 63. ^ Gin4alogie, fol. 21 v° 
 ' Unidentified. A . de Villeneufve, A la Ville de Poictiers, 
 
 sur le departement de S. Marthe. Livre de ses Amys, 
 
 Poesie Francoise, p. 236. 
 
64 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE [1538- 
 
 Si tu avois ton vray bien entendu 
 Helas, qu'amair te seroit le changer." 
 
 Driven from Poitiers, Sainte-Marthe wandered 
 for a year or two in "maintes lieux," where 
 he suffered, according to his friend the due 
 de Montausier, "plusieurs ad verses fortunes."' 
 These places must have been the Dauphin^, 
 Provence and Languedoc, for in 1540, when 
 he pubhshed his volume of verse, Sainte- 
 Marthe evidently had a wide acquaintance in 
 those regions. He may have been at Lyons in 
 1538 with Marot ; ^ and it must have been at 
 Vienne that he entered into intimate relations 
 with the three brothers Grol6e-M6vouillon, of a 
 distinguished and ancient family^ whose grand- 
 father had been lieutenant-general of the Dau- 
 
 ' Cf. p. 600. 
 
 ' That Sainte-Marthe was in Lyons before his, later, 
 brief stay in 1540 is indicated by his large and intimate 
 acquaintance there, and especially by the familiarity of 
 his poems of 1540 to Dolet, to Dalechamps, to the Scfeves, 
 above all to Maurice, his "trescher amy Scfeve," to Tolet, 
 his "singulier amy," etc. 
 
 = Cf. Diet, de la Noblesse, Vol. IX, p. 893. Bull, de la 
 Soc. d'Arch^ologie de la Drdme, Vol. XXIV, p. 284. 
 Guy Allard, Bibliothbque du Dauphin^, I, p. 199. GaUia 
 Christiana, Vol. XVI, col. 160 D. Bull, de la Soc. de 
 Statistique de I'Isfere, Vol. XXVI, p. 7. Guy Allard, 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 55 
 
 phin4, and their father, Aimar-Antoine, bailiff of 
 its mountains, distinguished in the early wars of 
 Francis I. To Antoine, the eldest. Baron of Bres- 
 sieux and Argilliers, Sainte-Marthe addressed 
 several poems, one in praise of friendship in 
 general, desiring his in particular: 
 
 " . . . amy tie telle que veoyons estre 
 Entre un Valet & son Seigneur & Maistre." ' 
 
 He expressed his feelings for the second brother 
 Frangois,^ in a poem, A noble Seigneur, Mon- 
 sieur Francois de Muillion, seigneur de Ribbiers, 
 
 Hist. gin4alogique de la Maison de GroUe, Grenoble, 1688, 
 pp. 12 and 29. Mermet, Hist, de Vienne, Vienne, 1853, 
 passim. 
 
 ' P. P., pp. 170-172. The others addressed to him are 
 Dequoy nous sommes au Monde debiteurs, P. P., p. 72, 
 D'un qui mesdisoit de luy en son absence, P P., p. 59, 
 De la misere de proces, P. P., p. 29. Seigneur also of 
 Serres, Neyrieu, Juis, Cornillon, Antoine de Grol6e died 
 without offspring, bequeathing his possessions — by a will 
 dated September the 4th, 1544 — to his brother Aimar- 
 Fran^ois. 
 
 ^ Seigneur also of Lauris, Puget, Baume, Falevaux, 
 Cordon, Ruinat, Sainte-Colombe, Pinet and Barret, 
 Chevalier de I'ordre du Roy, and gentleman of the king's 
 chamber. He married Catherine d'Oraison, and left five 
 children. A letter of his, signed " Bressieux, " is still ex- 
 tant, written in 1553, addressed to the duke of Guise, as- 
 suring him that GrolSe had notified the court of Grenoble 
 of the duke's wish for the severe punishment of heretics. 
 
56 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB [1538- 
 
 en le remerciant des biens qu'il luy h faictz, and 
 in a long epistle full of genuine affection, A 
 Monsieur de Ribbiers} The third brother/ 
 Anne or Annet, afterwards abbot of the monas- 
 tery of S. Pierre de Vienne,^ 
 
 "Abbe tresvenerable, 
 Sur tous Prelats la floeur incomparable,'' 
 
 was the third Grol^e since 1511 to hold that office. 
 He, like his brothers, showed Sainte-Marthe in- 
 numerable kindnesses, enough indeed to cause 
 envious comment in the countryside, as his 
 protege reminds him: 
 
 " J'ay tant receu, que la main liberale 
 En a esmeu la nation ruralle, 
 Car quelques Sots, ne cognoissants pourquoy 
 II vous plaisoit faire estime de moy, 
 Et me jugeants, par leur trop grosse teste, 
 Qu'estre debuois (comme un chascun d'eulx) beste, 
 Ont centre moy, k la fin machine," etc. 
 — A. R. Phre en Dieu, Monseigneur Anne de Grolee, 
 abbe de S. Pierre de Vienne. P. F., pp. 167 and 168. 
 
 ' P. F ., pp. 34 and 188. He addressed to him also a 
 huitain, Qu'il fault esprouver I'amy, P. F., p. 73. 
 
 ' The Grol6es had one other brother, Laurent, and 
 three sisters. 
 
 ' Abbot until 1560. In 1547, when Henri II, to reward 
 the loyalty of the town, ordered the heart of the Dauphin 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 57 
 
 Sainte-Marthe formed friendships, also, with 
 other kinsmen of the Grolees, with their great 
 aunt, Antoinette de Bressieux, a nun, later 
 on abbess of Vernaison ; ^ with Exup^re ^ and 
 Louis de Claveyson, respectively Seigneur and 
 
 to be buried at Vienna, Anne de Grol^e was commis- 
 sioned to go to Tournon to fetch it. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe wrote her a rondeau, A Madame 
 I'Abesse de Vernaison, P. F., p. 100. Cf. Gallia Christiana, 
 Vol. XVI, p. 354; Dictionnaire de la Noblesse, Vol. IX, 
 p. 892, art. GroUe. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe wrote him four poems : Au Seigneur 
 de Parnans. De quelcun qui disoit qu'il aymoit trap 
 s'Amye, P. F., p. 31; Au Seigneur de Parnans. Qu'au- 
 jourdhuy on est plus obeissant d Vice qu'd Vertu, P. F., p. 
 87; Au Seigneur de Parnans. Quoy que deux Amys se 
 separent I'un de I'aultre, que toutefoy, sont tousjours pres- 
 ents, P. F., p. 35 ; A noble Exupere de Claveyson, 
 Seigneur de Parnans, responce a son Dixain, P. F., p. 24. 
 The dixain in question was contributed by Claveyson to 
 the Livre de ses Amys, P. F ., p. 223. For a curious con- 
 troversy about the existence of this person, cf. La Croix 
 du Maine, Bib. Franc., with La Monnoye's note; Rochas, 
 Biog. du Dauphine ; Allard, Bib. duDauphini; J. Vossier, 
 Bull, de la Soc. d'Arch. de la Dr6me, Vol. XV, p. 63; and 
 A. Lacroix, Exuphre de Claveison et Blaise Volet, ibid., Vol. 
 XXVII, p. 166. Exupfere de Claveyson was, in fact, the 
 son of Guillaume de Claveyson. His mother, Phillipine 
 de Bressieux, dame de Parnans, bore her father's name 
 and arms and bequeathed them by will to her son, 
 Exupfere, who took the name of Bressieux. He was twice 
 married, and his will is dated the 12th of February, 1561. 
 
58 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE [1538- 
 
 Prieur^ of Parnans; with the abbess of Laval, a 
 Cistercian convent of the Bressieux foundation.^ 
 To her Sainte-Marthe addressed a poem, A 
 Madame I'Abesse de la val en Daulphine, estant 
 Malade,^ curiously insisting on the power of the 
 wUl in sickness. Among other friends were 
 Anne d'Arbigny, lady of the same Laval,' and 
 her maitre d'hotd, Seigneur de la RiviSre.^ At 
 Vienne, too, Sainte-Marthe formed ties with 
 Pierre de Marillac, abbot of Pontigny,' brother 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe thus addressed him : A Frere L. de 
 Claveyson, prieur de Parnans. Que I'habit ne fait pas le 
 Moyne. P. F., p. 60. 
 
 ' Cf. Gallia Christiana, Vol. XV, p. 212, and Guy Allard, 
 Diet, du Dauphine. 
 
 5 P. F., p. 28. 
 
 * Sainte-Marthe's rondeau to her on the subject of her 
 name, A Madame Anne d'arbigny Dame de la Val en Daul- 
 phinS, P. F., p. 89, leaves room for the conjecture that 
 she and the abbess of Laval were one and the same. The 
 tone of Marot's epigram to this lady, however, hardly 
 suggests it. Cf. (Euvres, Vol. IV, p. 58. Longuemare, op. 
 cit., gives the name as d'Albigny, but assigns no reason 
 for the change. 
 
 ^ Au Seigneur de la Riviere Maistre d'hotel de Madame 
 de la Val. Comment on doibt estre cault a faire un Amy. 
 P. F., p. 96. 
 
 ' A P. de Marillac, Comment on doibt prendre ce terme 
 Fortune. P. F., p. 10. He was converted to Protestant- 
 ism at the age of forty and retired to Geneva. 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 59 
 
 of the famous Charles de Marillac, later on Arch- 
 bishop of Vienne;* and it was probably here 
 that he made the acquaintance of the Chevaher 
 Grenet, his "frere et Amy perfaict." ^ 
 
 He endeared himself also to other Dauphinois, 
 to Paule de Fay d'Estable and his sister;' to 
 Frere I. Marron, "Amy Marron ;"Ho Madame de 
 Molans ; and to Mdlle. Beconne/ — obviously 
 a great lady, — who admired his talents and to 
 
 ' I.e. after 1557. Re the brothers Marillac, cf. La 
 France Protestante ; Aigueperse, Biog. d'Auvergne; Diet, 
 de la Noblesse. The G in ialogie de la Maison de Sainte- 
 Marthe, cit. supra, names the Marillacs in a Table des 
 Maisons alliies d, celle de Sainte-M arthe. 
 
 ^Unidentified. I have supposed the name identical 
 with Granet, that of a family near Vienne. Cf. Bull, de 
 la Soc. d'Arch. de la Drdme, Vol. XXVII, p. 250. 
 
 ' A noble Paule de Fay Seigneur d'Estables. P. F., p. 79. 
 A Madamoiselle d'Estable, sa seur d' alienee. P. F., p. 159. 
 Cf. Guy AUard, Nobiliaire du DauphinS, art. Fay, and Bib. 
 du Dauphin^, Vol. II, p. 455. 
 
 * A F. I. Marron, pourquoy le vray bien est interdit. 
 P. F., p. 56. Re Marron, cf. La France Prot., 2d ed., 
 Vol. VII, p. 316 a. 
 
 ' A Madamoiselle de Beconne. P. F., p. 193. A cer- 
 tain de Beconne, presumably the father or grandfather of 
 the lady in question, was captain of 500 men, governor 
 of Dun-Ie-roi and Crest in 1485, and in 1503 maitre des 
 eaux et forets of Dauphin^. Bull, de la Soc. d'Arch. de 
 la Drfime, Vol. VII, p. 13, and Vol. VIII, p. 36. 
 
60 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1538- 
 
 whom he offered poetical homage of a platonic 
 sort. He visited Vaucluse,^ and at Avignon he 
 frequented Pierre Paschal.^ It is less certain 
 where he encountered Guillaume Bigot,' a man 
 whom, at that time, all the learned world de- 
 lighted to honor. Bigot published his Somnium 
 in Paris in 1537, and between that date and the 
 end of 1540, when he settled at Nimes, his restless 
 travels carried him into the Lyonnais, Dauphine, 
 Piedmont and Italy. His friendship for Sainte- 
 Marthe was of a somewhat captious order. He 
 had no sympathy with a desire to compose 
 verse on the part of a man who should properly 
 devote himself 
 
 ' The poem Sur la forUaine de Vaucluse pres laquelle 
 jadis habita Petrarche. P. F.,'p. 21, leads to this conclusion. 
 Cf. p. 535. 
 
 ^"Audii Petrum Paschalium virum eruditlssimum & 
 mihi aliquando Avenione cognitum, statulsse Reginae 
 vitam litteris mandare." Sainte-Marthe in obitum . . . 
 Margaritm . . . oratio funebris. Candida lectori, p. 4. 
 Cf. infra, p. 587. 
 
 ' Cf., re Bigot, M. J. Gaufrfes, Claude Baduel et la 
 Piforme des Etudes au XVI" siicle. Bayle, Diet. Hist. & 
 Critique, remarks, " On imprima quelques uns de ses vers 
 frangois avec les Podsies de Charles de Sainte-Marthe oncle 
 de Sc^vole." The "quelques uns" resolve themselves 
 into one long poem ; Epistre de Bigotius d Saincte-Marthe, 
 in the Livre de ses Amys. P. F., p. 229. It is re- 
 printed by Gaufrfes, p. 313. 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 61 
 
 "... aux Sciences, 
 Desquelles as du Seigneur les semences." 
 
 — P. F., p. 229. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, however , had for Bigot the utmost 
 admiration, considered him "tres consomme en 
 Philosophie" and addressed him as "Vray 
 Philosophe et de tiltre et de faict." ' Yet 
 another friend was Leon de Saint-Maur, the 
 old duke of Montausier;^ and the fact may indi- 
 cate that Sainte-Marthe traveled as far south 
 as Hylres, whence Saint-Maur later dated a 
 friendly letter to him.' 
 
 It was at Aries, however, that he formed the 
 most lasting ties, probably in the course of the 
 year 1538. Besides forming an intimate friend- 
 ship with Antoine Arlier," lieutenant at Aries of 
 
 ' In a rondeau, A Guillaume Bigot homme trescon- 
 somm6 en Philosophie with the refrain, " Vray Philosophe." 
 P. F., p. 93. 
 
 ^ Second duke of his name. He had done homage for 
 his lands in 1479. Cf. Diet, de la Noblesse, Vol. XVIII, 
 p. 201, and Moreri, Le grand Diet, historique. In his let- 
 ter to Sainte-Marthe he is called L6on de Saint More 
 dit de Monthozier, doubtless a printer's error, as there 
 is no doubt of his identity. 
 
 ' Cf. infra, pp. 93 and 600. 
 
 * Re Arlier, cf. Pieot, Rabelais a Aigues Mortes, Rev. 
 des Et. Rab., 1905, pp. 333-335 and J. L. Gerig, Notes 
 
62 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE [1538- 
 
 the Seneschal of Provence, and entering into 
 friendly relations with Michel de Saint-Jean, 
 " jeune homme de grand jugement sans lettres," ^ 
 and with at least one member of the family de 
 la Tour,^ Sainte-Marthe made acquaintance, 
 epistolatory if nothing more, with "noble Loys 
 de Sainct Martin."^ The latter had laid him 
 under profound obligations by the tender of a 
 lively and welcome sympathy in his misfortunes, 
 and Sainte-Marthe expressed his sense of obli- 
 gation in verse : 
 
 "A vous je suis debiteiir d'une debte 
 De tant hault pris, qui si c'estoit recepte 
 D'or ou d'argent, voire & encores plus, 
 Je le confesse, or il reste au surplus. 
 ***** 
 
 Vu avez sceu ce, qui m'est survenu, 
 Et par piti6 de mon grand infortune, 
 Ma passion vous a este commune." 
 — A noble Loys de sainct Martin d' Aries, luy estant 
 malade. P. P., p. 139. 
 
 sur Raulin Siguier . et sur Antoine Artier, Annales du 
 Midi, October, 1909, p. 483. 
 
 ' A Michel de sainct Jhean d' Aries, jeune homme de 
 grand jugement sans lettres. P.. F., p. 27. 
 
 ' A Madame Magdaleine de la Tour sa Sceur d' Alliance. 
 P. F., p. 70. There was a family of this name at Aries. 
 
 ' Possibly the Sauctus Martinus who was a corre- 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 63 
 
 He made at Aries also acquaintance with two 
 men of more importance in his life : with Jacques 
 de Raynaud Sieur d'Alein '■ and with the 
 learned monk Denis Faucher.^ Alein, a citizen 
 of distinction "bien instruit aux Sainctes Ecri- 
 tures & docte en droit civil " according to Theo- 
 
 spondent of Breton's. Cf. Rob. Britanni Epist. lihri tres, 
 fol. 83 r". 
 
 ' Spelled variously Alein, Allein, Alen, Alenc. For his 
 share in Chassan^e's unwillingness to execute the decree 
 of 1540 against the Vaudois cf. Crespin's Histoire des 
 martyrs persecutez & mis a mart pour la verity de V Evangile, 
 etc.; Theodore de Bkze, Hist. Ecc, Vol. I, p. 38; La 
 France Prat. arts. Raynaud (Guillaume) and Masson 
 (Pierre); cf. also Gaufrfes, op. cii., pp. 197 et seq.&nd 222- 
 225. 
 
 ' Of an honorable family of Aries, Faucher was "pro- 
 fessed" monk at St. Benedict de Padolinore at Mantua 
 in 1508. Transferred to the island of Lerina, when the 
 monastery there was reformed and united to the sacred 
 college of St. Justin of Padua, he devoted himself to the 
 study of the works of St. Paul. Said to be as erudite in 
 the "humanities" as in theology, he was, besides, skilled 
 in painting. At the command of Cardinal du Bellay he 
 undertook the reform of the monastery of St. Nicholas of 
 Tarascon, which belonged to the Lerina congregation. 
 He was author of religious treatises, poems, hymns, ser- 
 mons and works on the reform of monasteries and died 
 in 1562 at the age of 70. Cf. Chronologia Sanctorum . . . 
 Sacras Insulce Lerinensis, p. 222. Compendium vitce Rever- 
 endi Patris Domini Dionisii Faucherii, auctoris proesentis 
 operis & monachi Lerinensis. 
 
64 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1538- 
 
 dore de Beze, the friend of men in public life if 
 not himself of national reputation, had at least 
 liberal religious inclinations and also evidently 
 sympathized with Sainte-Marthe on the famous 
 question of woman, which preoccupied various 
 literary men of the time.^ Allein's influence, in 
 so far as it leaned towards the new reform, was 
 assuredly offset by that of Denis Faucher, a 
 humanist,^ whose loyalty to the church was of a 
 stern and determined sort. Occupied in carry- 
 ing out his monastic reforms at the neighboring 
 Tarascon, Faucher must from time to time have 
 visited his native Aries, and it was probably at 
 this time that Sainte-Marthe entered upon an 
 admiring affection ' which almost embarrassed 
 the older man. 
 
 Love as well as friendship glorified Aries for 
 Sainte-Marthe. Of the object of his passion. 
 Mademoiselle Beringue or BeringuedeLoj^aulde, 
 we know only what her lover has told us. She 
 
 ' A Monsieur d'Alein d' Aries. Que I'homme medisant 
 de la Femme medict de soy mesme. P. F., p. 14. 
 
 ^ Among his correspondents were the Cardinals du 
 Bellay, Charles de Lorraine, and Sadolet, Bigot, Vulteius, 
 Macrin, Dampiferre. 
 
 ' Cf. pp. 90 and 608. 
 
1S39] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 65 
 
 was poor and, in Sainte-Marthe's eyes, beautiful 
 in her "tendre et premiere jeunesse," and she 
 took him with a smile : 
 
 " Par un soubris qui rien ne me sembloit 
 Et seulement entour la bouche aloit 
 Qui m'eust predit que j'eusse ceste peine? 
 Un Ris a il puissance si haultaine 
 De captiver celuy 1^ qui le veoit ? 
 
 — A Madamoiselle Gacinette Loytaulde, Mere de Be- 
 
 ringue s'Amye. P. F., p. 88. 
 
 He has left a lively description of her charms : 
 
 "Vostre Beaultd, en ce n'y a rien fait, 
 Quoy qu'CEuvre soit de Nature perfaict, 
 (Euvre divin, & splendeur Angelique. 
 Encores moins Desir, qui fust lubrique. 
 Vostre vertu seule m'y a induit, 
 Et par Amour tres honneste conduit, 
 Une doulceur en vous tresgenuine, 
 Une Bont6 traicte en Face benigne, 
 Et (qui a fait plus ferme le lyen) 
 Un sentiment, du tout semblable au mien. 
 
 — A Madamoiselle Beringue, De leur honneste & irrep- 
 
 rehensible Amour. P. F., p. 147. 
 
 There were rivals and mischief makers, but the 
 lovers' mutual affection remained firm : 
 
 "Puisque m'aymez, & aymer je vous veulx, 
 Nos deux vouloirs (au plaisir des haults Dieux) 
 Ensemble joincts, auront toute puissance. 
 
66 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1538- 
 
 Or poursuivons d'une grande Constance. 
 Quoy que sur nous machinent Envieux 
 
 C'est pour neant." 
 — A Madamoiselle Beringue, Que lew Amour ne se 
 pourra minuer pour les mesdisants. P. F., p. 86. 
 
 Nor did the gossips spare Sainte-Marthe on the 
 
 subject of the small portion Mdlle. Beringue was 
 
 likely to bring her lover : 
 
 " Les mesdisans m'ont souvent fait reproche 
 Qu'elle ne pent me donner le grand bien. " 
 
 He kept to his determination, however : " Jasent 
 
 leur saoul," he exclaims, 
 
 "leur parler ne me touche, 
 Elle me plaist, je m'en contente bien. 
 II ne fault done qu'ilz estiment, combien 
 Qu'elle n'ait pas grand rente & grand avoir, 
 Que je delaisse en faire mon debvoir 
 De mettre fin S, ma premiere attente.'' 
 — D'aulcuns mesdisans, luy faisans reproche de la 
 paouvretS de s'Amye. P. F., p. 33. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's latest biographer, M. de Longue- 
 mare, supposes that Mdlle. Beringue had but 
 slight hold upon the poet's affections, and that 
 he was simply following the fashion of celebrat- 
 ing a poetic mistress; but, though it is true that 
 Sainte-Marthe practised his poetical theories 
 upon his mistress, it is impossible to read the 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 67 
 
 poems through without perceiving the presence 
 of real passion — above all in the prayer for 
 Beringue's recovery from "les fiebvres." A 
 passage like the following could hardly be the 
 outcome merely of poetic sensibility deliberately 
 invoked : 
 
 " O doiilx Seigneur . . . 
 
 Ta grand doulceur icy venir m'appreste, 
 Pour humblement te faire una requeste. 
 C'est de donner par ta grace secours 
 A celle 1^ qui prend vers toy recours, 
 Qui maintenant est au lict en malaise 
 Pour une Fiebvre aspre, longue et maulvaise 
 De laquelle est son corps fort tourment^, 
 Si des siens est le dur mal laments, 
 Si ses Amys en ont grande tristesse, 
 J'en ay (sur tous) la mortelle destresse, 
 Je suis celuy, qui, avec le tourment, 
 Ne puis avoir aultre contentement 
 Que par sa Mort, une Mort qui m'est seure, 
 Prenant sant6 de la mesme morsure." 
 — A Jesu Christ, Supplication pour ohtenir guarison h 
 Madamoiselle Beringue, estant malade des Fiebvres. 
 P. F., p. 184. 
 
 Passion and friendship did not exhaust 
 Sainte-Marthe's experience at Aries. He suffered 
 
68 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE [1538- 
 
 there not only bodily harm but petty persecu- 
 tion in some form, to which his poem to 
 Saint-Martin doubtless made reference. He is 
 strangely vague about these misfortunes when 
 he exclaims, addressing the city of Aries : 
 
 "Tu a voulu me priver de la vie 
 Du coup mortel de ma senestre Main. 
 Persecute fus apres par Enuie 
 D'aulcuns des tiens," 
 — A la Ville d' Aries en Provence, d'ou est natifve Mada- 
 
 moiselle Beringue', s'Amie. En forme de complainte. 
 
 P. F., p. 25. 
 
 and sheds no further light upon the cause of the 
 persecution than upon the nature of the bodily 
 injury. As there is no reference to the loss of 
 a hand either in Sainte-Marthe's later works 
 or in his nephew's account of him,' it may be 
 concluded that the accident, if accident it was, 
 left no more effect than the persecution, which 
 indeed ended in the confusion of its authors : 
 
 "Mais I'effort inhumain 
 A (Dieu mercy) i la fin este vain. 
 Done chascun d'eulx I'aultre en honte regarde." 
 
 — Ibid. 
 
 ' It is barely possible that the poet intended some al- 
 lusion to his father, who perhaps set an example followed 
 by his more famous nephew and Latinized his name 
 Gaucher into Scivole. 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 69 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's other peregrinations in the 
 south possibly included Chambery, since he 
 addressed lines to Boysonn^/ appointed in the 
 course of 1538 " judge in the Royal Court and 
 Parlement there, and also Grenoble, where he 
 certainly had friends, among them St. Romans, 
 Jean Galbert and Jean d'Avanson,' all officials 
 in town or Parlement, besides a certain Maurice 
 Chausson, of a family prominent in the munici- 
 pal affairs- of the place, whose ardent friendship 
 he returned with warmth/ He was in straits for 
 money during this period and, it may be, applied 
 in vain for help to the rich Boissonn^. The 
 possibility suggests itself from the tone of the 
 verses he addressed to the latter, verses which, 
 
 ' Cf . infra. 
 
 ' Re Boissonn6, cf. Georges Guibal, De Johannis Bois- 
 sonei vita; F. Meugnier, La vie et les poisies de Jean Boy- 
 sonni; Copley Christie, op. cit., passim. 
 
 ' Cf. infra, pp. 89, 92, et passim. 
 
 * Sainte-Marthe has a dixain to him, A Maurice Chaus- 
 son, vers Alexandrins. P. F., p. 66. He contributed a 
 complimentary huitain to Sainte-Marthe's Livre de ses 
 Amys: — Maurice Chausson A S. Marthe. P. F ., p. 234. 
 One of the family, an apothecary, Louis by name, was 
 conseiller in the municipal council in 1554 and consul in 
 1555. Another, Jean, is also named in the records as 
 present at municipal meetings. 
 
70 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1539 
 
 considering his many friends, read somewhat 
 ungraciously : 
 
 A Monsieur Boissoni, Conseiller h Chamhery. Qu'on 
 se doibt fier au seul Seigneur, non aux Hommes. 
 
 "J'ay veu beaucoup, & i'ay beaucoup souffert, 
 Et au besoing j'ay trouv6 peu d'Amys, 
 Tel s'est k moy de paroUes offert 
 Qui k I'effect ne m'avoit rien promis, 
 Mais le Seigneur a tout cecy permis, 
 Voulant qu'en luy, non aultre me confye. 
 Malheureux est qui en rHomme se fye. 
 
 — P. F.,p. 57. 
 
 Whether he begged of Boissonn6 or not, it is 
 certain that he did of others. To Louis de 
 Saint-Remy, of Grenoble' or Lyons, he wrote 
 from Vincentz, one of the purlieus of the 
 town,^ where he was "in necessity," facetiously 
 
 ' A Monsieur de S. Remy luy estant en necessiU 6 Vin- 
 cence, P.P., p. 92, lines later attributed to Marot; cf. infra, 
 p. 241, n. 4. Probably identical with Louis de St. Remy, 
 conseiller at Grenoble and afterwards, in 1555, citizen of 
 Geneva (cf. La France Protestante) ; the same perhaps as 
 the M. de St. Remy, "qu'on dit estre fort expert quant aux 
 reparations et fortifications des villes," who was at Lyons 
 between 1542 and 1544 and was consulted by the authori- 
 ties there as to the defences of that city. Archives de 
 la ville de Lyons. Actes consulaires, BB. 61 Registre. 
 
 ^ The only explanation of Vincence that suggests 
 itself. 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 71 
 
 begging a hundred 6cus; and Frangois de Oro- 
 ide's kindnesses certainly included pecuniary 
 help. A letter received in the preceding 
 January (1539) from Antoine Arlier indicates 
 the same thing.' "I learn from your letter," 
 writes the latter, "by what winds of fortune you 
 are being buffeted, although you practice charity 
 in speech and with your patrimony. If this 
 virtue is proper and pecuUar to those, of all 
 others, who busy themselves with philosophy, 
 be sure that it will guide you safe to port. I 
 myself, my Sainte-Marthe, would offer to help 
 you, were I not compelled shortly to set out for 
 Court, to offer thanks to the most Christian 
 King, because — in case you are ignorant of it — • 
 he has bestowed upon me the office of Senator at 
 Turin. He wishes me still to remain in perpetu- 
 ity lieutenant for the Seneschal at Aries. For 
 this journey I am obliged to borrow money for 
 horses, garments and service, since I have not 
 
 ' Arkrius Carolo Samarthano. For text cf. p. 607. I 
 owe this letter to the kindness of Dr. John L. Gerig of 
 Columbia University, who is to publish Arlier's letters in 
 collaboration with M. Emile Picot. Its date is fixed by 
 the mention of Arlier's recent appointment (Dec. the 
 14th, 1538). Cf. E. Picot, loc. cit., p. 335. 
 
72 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1639 
 
 suflBcient. See in what unhappy need I am 
 forced to set out for the court In pretended 
 prosperity, — to importune my friends and to 
 refuse you, the dearest of all, what, on the 
 contrary, I must repay elsewhere. Farewell, 
 and look for a letter from me from Valence on 
 the first opportunity. Aries. January the 1st 
 (1539). That you have added distinction to my 
 name in your learned writings certainly pleases 
 me, who will, in the future take care that you 
 do not repent of having thus labored." 
 
 Whatever the dates and order of his itiner- 
 ary in the south of France, Sainte-Marthe had 
 arrived at Romans by the end of October, 1539. 
 There, also, he made powerful friends, among 
 them Andre Tardivon, Courrier of the place, 
 to whom he addressed a rondeau : A AndrS 
 Tardivon, Courrier de Romans. Aulcunefoys Mai 
 sur Mai estre sant^} Others were the Ro- 
 
 1 P. F., p. 98. Of a family well known about Valence 
 and Romans since 1426, this Andr6 was the son of 
 Guillaume de Tardivon, also Courrier of the town of 
 Romans. He married Fran5oise de Galbert de Rocoules 
 and left a son, Exupfere, who embraced the reformed reli- 
 gion and went to live in Vivarais. Cf. Bull, de la Soc. 
 d'Arch. de la Drdme, Vol. XXVI, p. 352. 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 73 
 
 coules ' connected with Tardivon by marriage; 
 the learned Jean Merlin,^ whom Sainte-Marthe 
 complimented with a dixain, A Jehan Merlin, 
 Que nous sommes Aveugles en nos faicts;^ and 
 perhaps Edmond Odde de Triors,* an important 
 figure in the countryside. Sainte-Marthe's lines 
 to the latter might be intended as an unfriendly 
 personal epigram. If not, the dedication would 
 be in itself a compliment : 
 
 " De quoy sert il avoir maison sans porte ? 
 De quoy sert il quand belle Source on porte 
 Plaine d'Argent, si n'a point de lien ? 
 Cel^ bien peu proffite, ou du tout rien. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe addressed two poems to Jeanne de 
 Rocoules, A Madamoiselle Jeanne de Raucoulles. Que la 
 cognoissance de Dieu oultrepasse tons autres dons. P. F., 
 p. 36, and A Madamoiselle Jean de Raoucoulles. P. P., 
 p. 153. 
 
 ^ Re Jean- Raymond Merlin, his protestantism and his 
 "mission" in France, cf. La France Prot. and Rochas, 
 Biog. du Dauphin 4. Native of Romans, he left France 
 "in his youth " to settle at Lausanne, where he was ap- 
 pointed professor of Hebrew in 1531 or 1548. His ac- 
 quaintance with Sainte-Marthe makes the latter date 
 more probable. 
 
 'P. P., p. 68. 
 
 * Re Edmond Odde, Seigneur de Triors (d. 1572) "voisin 
 & singulier amy de la communaut^," cf. Bull, de la Soc. 
 d'Arch. de la Drdme, Vol. XXIV, 135-145. 
 
74 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1539 
 
 Et moins la langue, encor que soit diserte, 
 S'k tous propos sans closture est ouverte." 
 
 — A noble Edmond Odde, Seigneur de Triors. Du 
 
 doistre de la Langue. P. F., p. 72. 
 
 He made enemies also, possibly Edmond 
 Bourel, Canon of Romans/ certainly the munici- 
 pal schoolmaster Hondremar.^ This man was 
 guilty of "wrongs" upon which Sainte-Marthe 
 dwelt in lines addressed to him : 
 
 "Tu le scais bien, que tu m'as irrit^, 
 Et fait des tourts lesquels je ne racompte. 
 Tu le scais bien que je dy Verity, 
 Tu le scais bien, ce qu'en as merite. 
 Ton propre faict, Hondremare, te fait honte. 
 De me venger par escript ne tiens compte, 
 Laisser debrons k Dieu toute vengeance, 
 Combien que j'ay de ce faire puissance." 
 
 — A Antoine Hondremare Maistre d'Escholle k Romans. 
 
 P. P., p. 69. 
 
 ' His ballade to Bourel leaves the reader in the same 
 doubt as do his lines to Odde de Triors. A Edmond 
 Bourel Chanoine de Romans en DaulphinS. Que (suivant 
 Vordonnance de Dieu) mieulx vault se marier que d'en- 
 tretenir Palliardes. P- F., p. 57. In 1556 Bourel, as 
 member of the chapter of St. Bernard of Romans, was 
 chosen to keep the seals until the nomination and in- 
 stallation of the new bishop Charles de Marillac. Cf. Bull, 
 de la Soc. d'Arch. de la Drdme, Vol. XVIII, pp. 22 and 24. 
 
 ^ Thus spelt in the municipal archives of Romans. In 
 those of Grenoble it is spelt Oudremare. 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 75 
 
 Hondremar — according to Sainte-Marthe Hon- 
 dremarc — was a learned man and an ex- 
 perienced teacher.^ No doubt, any rumor of 
 Sainte-Marthe's unsound opinions would alone 
 be sufficient to arouse his prejudices, for he had 
 himself replaced in office a notorious heretic;^ 
 and it is easy to conceive that Sainte-Marthe 
 added fuel to the fire when, towards the end of 
 October, he applied from Romans for the post of 
 municipal schoolmaster at Grenoble,' a position 
 
 ' He had formerly been schoolmaster at Avignon. Cf. 
 Archives Municipales de Grenoble, July 15th, 1532. Hon- 
 dremar appears in the archives of Romans as replacing 
 the previous incumbent, Josias, in 1538. On the 9th of 
 April, 1541, there is an entry in the same archives con- 
 cerning the maintenance of an unmarried schoolmaster. 
 The widow of the deceased schoolmaster, doubtless Hon- 
 dremar, is charged "d'entretenir ses commensaux." 
 Archives de Romans, Registre BB. 5 and BB. 6. 
 
 ' I.e., Josias, one of the earliest Protestant preachers 
 of the Dauphin^. Information due to the kindness of 
 Monsieur Jules Chevalier of Romans. 
 
 ' Ann6e 1539, Archives Municipales de Grenoble, BB. 
 12, f°.,268. " Mardi 28 d'Octobre dans la Tour de I'Isle a 
 est6 appell6 le Conseil auquel se sont trouv6s : Noble 
 Guigs Coct et Jeham de Fabro, Consulz, despuis maistre 
 Jeham Maneni, venerable home messire Anthoyne Guif- 
 frey, chanoyne de I'^glise Nostre-Dame de Grenoble, 
 6gr6gie personne George Fiquel, Advocat, maistre Jacques 
 Pillosii, Jeham Sernandi, Pierre Audeyard, Cla,ude 
 
76 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1539 
 
 which Hondremar had, some years earher, 
 coveted for himself.' 
 
 Whether Sainte-Marthe's application to Gre- 
 noble indicates or not that he was — in some 
 capacity — teaching at Romans,^ perhaps as one 
 
 Reynaud, Jeham du Port et maistre Jeham Jouvencel, 
 noble Pierre Chappellani, Cappitaine de Porte-Freyne, 
 et sire Jeham Verdonay, despuis Aymo Repellin et mon- 
 sieur Pou Actuher, Advoeat. 
 
 Pour les escolles ] Propose : Quant aux affaires des 
 et maistre Charles > escolles de la prfeente cit6 et de ce 
 Sainete-Marthe. J que maistre Adam, moderne precep- 
 teur desdites escolles, n'a tenu ni observe le contenu de 
 1 'instrument sur ce faict et que de noveau avons heu 
 nouvelles d'ung nomm6 maistre Charles de Sainete- 
 Marthe, lequel c'est offert vouloir venir servir ausdites 
 escolles, parquoy demande que sera deffer6. Conclu que 
 I'on envoie audit Charles de Sainete-Marthe, k Romans, 
 une lettre au nom de la Ville pour scavoir de luy le partir 
 qui veult avoir pour servir aux escolles de la prfeente 
 cit6; et quant 1' augment que demande ledit maistre 
 Adam; que entresi et la Tousainctz prochein Ton appellera 
 le Conseil G6n6ral pour le mettre en d^lib^racion." The 
 inventory of the Archives is misleading. Vol. I. p. 34. 
 " On 6crira a M" Charles Sainte-Marthe maitre de I' icole h 
 Romans pour savoir s'il veut venir remplaoer le pre- 
 cepteur de I'ficole de Grenoble qui ne s'acquitte par con- 
 venablement de ses fonctions." It will be observed that 
 the document itself makes no mention of Sainte-Marthe 
 as "maitre de I'^cole" at Romans. 
 
 ' Cf. Archives de Grenoble, July 15th, 1532. 
 
 ° He was assuredly not the official schoolmaster. No 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 77 
 
 of the "magistri" or "pedagogues" complained 
 of from time to time by the official incumbent on 
 the ground that they "luy tondent I'herbe sous 
 les pieds, " ' he had at least some experience of a 
 calling which must have had much to attract a 
 man of his nature. Thanks to the ardent pre- 
 occupation of the time with learning and educa- 
 tion, the profession was filled with youthful 
 scholars of distinguished erudition and more 
 than ordinary reputation, many of whom held 
 liberal views and regarded their position as a 
 vantage ground from which to disseminate the 
 new ideas; for, by the far-seeing recommenda- 
 tion of Calvin,^ schoolmasters were the pre- 
 
 mention of him is made in the archives of Romans and 
 the entries cit. supra leave no room for the supposition. 
 
 ' In 1530, April 15th Archives of Romans, Registre 
 BB. 5, "Plainte d'Adam contre certains magisters qui 
 tiennent des commensaulx et lui 6tent son profit." In 
 1527, April 23rd {ibid.), "Josias se plaint de certains 
 pedagogues en la ville qui tiennent commensalit^ et luy 
 tondent I'herbe sous les pieds." 
 
 ^ "Leur addresse premiere estoit tousiours chez les 
 regents maistres d'escholes selon I'instruction de Cal- 
 vin. . . . Calvin et ses apostres, lesquels par I'entre- 
 mise de ses regents fierent couler leur dangereuse doctrine 
 dans les escholes prinoipalement de Guienne." Florimond 
 de Raernond, op. cit.. Book VII, p. 864. 
 
78 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1539 
 
 f erred proselytes of the new movement. The 
 prevalent taste for a wandering Hfe, especially 
 that of a scholar, heightened by the opportunities 
 for advancement which the patronage of learn- 
 ing offered, had brought about as a fashion a 
 constant change of incumbents, which robbed 
 the schoolmaster's life of monotony and offered 
 occasion for travel, adventure and intercourse 
 with men of kindred tastes. Indeed, a perusal 
 of the municipal records' of this period raises a 
 natural question as to the probable effect such 
 constant change must have had upon that edu- 
 cation which the century so eagerly cherished. 
 Unfortunately, love of change was not the only 
 cause which rendered the tenure of office so 
 unstable, and the municipal archives record 
 dismissals of schoolmasters for the neglect of 
 their duties, for inattention, for drunkenness, 
 brawling and profligacy,* as also for heresy. The 
 latter accusation was so easy to advance, and so 
 convenient a cloak for personal rancor, that 
 schoolmasters by their very distinction easily 
 became its victims; and Sainte-Marthe himself 
 
 ' Cf., for example, infra, pp. 110 et seq. for the dismissal 
 of a well-known pedagogue. 
 
1539] PROFESSORSHIP AT POITIERS ; EXILE 79 
 
 had reason to complain that whom the impious 
 hated they accused of heresy, faiUng other 
 points of attack.^ 
 
 As yet, however, his reputation for orthodoxy 
 was not sufficiently clouded to prevent Sainte- 
 Marthe's being considered a suitable candidate 
 for the advantageous position of official school- 
 master at Grenoble. In their deliberations of 
 the 28th of October, 1539, the consuls of Grenoble, 
 acting upon his application, decided at least to 
 make him tentative advances, while at the same 
 time considering the increase of stipend de- 
 manded by the unsatisfactory incumbent, Adam. 
 
 ' Ea est hodie impiorum tanta perversitas ut quem 
 perditum ac extinctum esse velent, cum alitor non possunt 
 perdere, haereseos accersant, ac eo nomine non principi- 
 bus solum ac potentibus viris, verumetiam vulgo ipsi 
 ac rudibus idiotis invisum et odiosum reddant. — In 
 Psalmum Septem. . . . Paraphrasis, p. 26. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 TROUBLES AT GRENOBLE. LIFE IN LYONS. THE 
 POBSIE FRANCOISE 
 
 The deliberations of the Grenoble consuls 
 bore no immediate fruit, for it is evident from 
 the archives at Grenoble that Sainte-Marthe was 
 at no time official municipal schoolmaster there.* 
 At this point, indeed, conjecture must take the 
 place of even moderate assurance in regard to 
 dates. It is probable that Sainte-Marthe 
 traveled north to Paris and was taken, tempo- 
 rarily at least, into the service of Marguerite of 
 Navarre. He was assuredly in her retinue when, 
 in December of this or some later year, she 
 left Paris and hurried towards Plessis-les-Tours 
 at the news of the illness of Jeanne d'Albret. In 
 his funeral oration on the Queen, Sainte-Marthe 
 has left a vivid account of this journey, which, 
 with every allowance for rhetorical qualities, 
 is convincingly the work of an eyewitness.^ The 
 
 ' Cf. Registre BB. 12 and BB. 13, fols. 22-23. 
 ' Or. fun. de Marguerite de Navarre, etc., pp. 52-55. Cf. 
 infra, pp. 431-437. 
 
 80 
 
1539] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 81 
 
 particularity of his whole description is en- 
 hanced by its striking contrast with an immedi- 
 ately preceding account of Marguerite's son's 
 death, far more general in its record of circum- 
 stances and in its evidence of emotion.^ Had 
 he not been drawing upon personal reminiscence, 
 Sainte-Marthe would have laid himself open to 
 severe criticism from an audience such as th^at for 
 whom the oration was composed, — an audience 
 perfectly familiar with the facts ; for the assump- 
 tion of his presence is clearly conveyed by many 
 phrases, such, for example, as "Mais Seigneur 
 Dieu, de quelle affection d'esprit et de quelle 
 ardente foy elle parloit a toy!"^ The date 
 of the journey in question is, as has been inti- 
 mated, open to conjecture. Genin places it 
 in 1537, and he assigns this date to Marguer- 
 ite's letter on the subject,' as also to another 
 
 ' Or. fun., pp. 50-51. ^ Ihid., pp. 54-55. 
 
 ^ Lettres de Marguerite d'Angouleme, no. 146. The 
 mention in this letter of the fact that the news of her 
 daughter's improvement reached Marguerite after mid- 
 night and that the child "a perdu sa fiesvre & fort 
 diminue son flutz du ventre," and the reference to the 
 writer's fatigues due to the "vie que j'ay mene despuis 
 que je partis," fall in well with Sainte-Marthe's descrip- 
 tion of the hurried journey and of the arrival of the 
 
82 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHB [1539 
 
 less certainly concerned with it/ dating both 
 letters in the month of December, on the strength 
 of Sainte-Marthe's assertion, "ce fut an plus 
 courts jours." The date of 1537, however, 
 cannot stand; for the bishop who brought to 
 Marguerite, on her journey, the news of her 
 daughter's improvement, Nicholas d'Angou, 
 named by Sainte-Marthe " Nicolas d'Anguye 
 lors Evesque de Saix, maintenant de Mande," 
 was not created bishop of Seez until June 1539. 
 The journey might well, then, have been taken 
 in December of this year, and, judging by 
 Sainte-Marthe's later biography, occurred more 
 probably at this period than later .^ 
 
 bishop bringing news of the child, "que la fiebre I'avoit 
 laiss6e, que son flux de sang estoit arrests, " only after the 
 queen had supped and spent some time in prayer and 
 reading. Cf. also G6nin, Notice biographique, ibid., p. 65. 
 
 ' Nouvelles Lettres de la Reine de Navarre, no. 102. 
 This letter probably refers to a different illness, for Mar- 
 guerite appears on this occasion to have been herself 
 with the child. "A ce matin elle a pris de la reubarbe, 
 dont je la trouve amend6e.'' 
 
 ^ In September, 1540, Sainte-Marthe was at Lyons, in 
 February, 1541, at Geneva, and he might of course have 
 made the journey with Marguerite in the interval. How- 
 ever, weight should be given to the fact that he is not 
 mentioned that year in Frottd's book of expenses of 1540- 
 
1539] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 83 
 
 To his attendance upon Marguerite, Sainte- 
 Marthe probably owed his acquaintance with one 
 of the Benacs, the chief of whose house was first 
 baron of Beam, to whom he addressed a poem, 
 A Jean Benac, de soy,^ and who in his turn con- 
 tributed a comphmentary huitain to Sainte- 
 Marthe's volume of 1540.' The Benac in ques- 
 tion may have been Jean-Marc, baron of Mont- 
 ault and Benac, or, more probably, in view of 
 the style of address, one of his sons or some 
 other relative.^ Very likely it was at this time 
 also that Sainte-Marthe formed a friendship with 
 Guillaume de Balzac d' Entraigues,* whose father 
 
 1548, nor indeed until 1548 (c/. infra, p. 173). For other 
 years, cf. iHfra. It is fair to note, however, that the 
 useful publication of MM. Lefranc and Boulanger, Comptes 
 de Louise de Savoie et de Marguerite d'Angouleme makes 
 no mention of Sainte-Marthe in the year 1539. 
 
 ' P. F., p. 93. 
 
 ' Jean Benac, A Sainte-Marthe. P. F ., p. 235. 
 
 ' Cf. Mor6ri, Diet, and La France Prot., art. Montault. 
 
 ^ Sur la naissance de la Jille de Monsieur le Baron 
 d'Entraigues. P F., p. 30. (1517-1555.) The queen 
 obtained royal letters of release from her guardianship 
 in 1531. Later d'Entraigues followed the due de Guise, 
 was wounded in battle in 1555 and died a few days 
 later. He was father of "le bel Entraigues." It was 
 probably his sister who is named among the "filles 
 demoiselles" of the queen of Navarre in 1529-1530. 
 
84 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 was so closely connected with the Queen of 
 Navarre as to have wished him to be her ward, 
 and also made acquaintance with Madame de 
 I'Estrange, perhaps that lady of the court who 
 was the subject of Marot's two poems, A Ma- 
 dame de I'Estrange} It is impossible to tell how 
 long Sainte-Marthe remained with the Queen of 
 Navarre, if indeed it was at this time that he 
 was in her train; but it is certain that he went 
 to Grenoble or to some place within the juris- 
 diction of its Parlement in the early months of 
 1540, and was there imprisoned on account of 
 his opinions. He appears to have given lectures 
 or public lessons of some sort attempting to 
 reconcile religious differences. "Thou art my 
 witness," he declares in his Meditation on the 
 Seventh Psalm, "that I never had less thought 
 of anything than of the disturbance of the 
 public peace; but left no stone unturned that 
 Thy truth might be proclaimed to the people 
 without scandal, and that so far as possible the 
 
 Cf. Aigueperse, Biog. d'Auverne, and Lefranc and Bou- 
 langer, op. cit., pp. 69-81. Cf. infra, p. 293, n. 3. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe ; A Madame de L' Estrange. P. F., p. 
 129. Marot ; CEuvres, Vols. II, p. 230, and III, p. 67. 
 
1640] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 85 
 
 harmony between Christians which had been so 
 rent might be restored." ' 
 
 Sainte-Marthe assuredly showed small discre- 
 tion in choosing Grenoble or its neighborhood 
 to air his views in. The Parlement, thinking to 
 have stamped out the Lutheran heresy fourteen 
 years before,^ was in no mood to be lenient to 
 reformers, especially at a time when the torch of 
 persecution had been lighted anew,^ and special 
 instructions had just been received as to the 
 prosecution of heretics.^ As a consequence, 
 Sainte-Marthe spent some time in prison and 
 even stood in danger of his life. Probably 
 on that, as on a later, occasion, the attack upon 
 him was instigated by Frangois Faysan and 
 Theodore Mulet, justices in the Parlement. Fay- 
 san and Edmond Mulet, a brother of the Mulet in 
 question, also a justice, were prime movers in a 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum. . . Paraphrasis, p. 57. 
 
 ' " En 1526 les Lutheriens commenoeront d'y paroitre 
 et d'y enseigner leurs dogmes. Le Parlement les en 
 chassa." Guy Allard, (Euvres Divers, Grenoble, 1869, 
 Vol. I, p. 328. 
 
 ^ By the edicts of December 10th, 1538 (c/. Hermin- 
 jard, op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 60), of June 1st, 1540, and of 
 June 24th, l5iQ, Actes de Frangois I, noa. 11509 and 11072. 
 
 * Cf. Actes de Francois I, no. 11125. 
 
86 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 quarrel which had divided Parlement and Town- 
 Council since the preceding January ; * and the 
 fact that the town-counsellors were considering 
 the young man as a candidate for the position 
 in their gift was enough to attract to him the un- 
 favorable attention of the Parlement. Theodore 
 Mulet was a man of loose life, ignorant as well 
 as vindictive, if we are to believe Sainte-Marthe ; 
 and Faysan,^ on the same authority, although 
 holding the office of advocate-general, was not 
 only uneducated but totally senile. Both, in 
 their victim's opinion, were wholly ignorant of 
 the law and as fit to deal with it as asses to 
 handle the lyre.^ The dislike of these men, at 
 first, no doubt, hardly personal, was, in Sainte- 
 Marthe's eyes at least, exasperated by the natu- 
 
 ' Cf. Archives Municipales de Grenoble BB. 12 Regis- 
 tre, 1539, January 19th, 22nd, 29th, February 1st. 
 
 ' Re Mulet and Faysan cf. Fleury Vindry, Les parle- 
 mentaires frangais au XVI". sihcle, Vol. I. pp. 61, 67, 68, 74, 
 97. Mulet's name appears in the dedication of a volume 
 by Etienne Porcault, Stephani Forcatuli epigrammata 
 Veris adventus, ad Augerium Lafanum Sanctce crucis Abbat. 
 & Theodorum Muletum in magna consil., & Fr. de nuptiis 
 ac P. Pappum Tholos., senatores. The volume contains 
 also (p. 131) a quatrain Ad Theodorum. 
 
 ' Ded. to Avansoh. In Psalmum . . . xxxiU Para- 
 phrasis, p. 140. 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 87 
 
 ral antipathy of ignorance to learning. "How 
 should they treat clemently and according to 
 their duty," he exclaims, "one, by the grace of 
 good arts, even slightly accompHshed in learn- 
 mg, who are wholly divorced from the Muses 
 and shut out from all good disciplines?" * 
 
 Whatever part private * rancor may have 
 played in this first imprisonment of Sainte- 
 Marthe at Grenoble, it is certain that the cold- 
 ness of his family and of some of his friends 
 added much to his distress. He was destitute 
 of money, "in our century the armor of the 
 accused," ^ and applied in vain to his relations. 
 The poems, which he published in the follow- 
 ing year, contain several biting epigrams to 
 his kinsfolk on the subject of their neglect,' 
 and one of the rondeaux seems to imply that, 
 to unwillingness to help him, his parents added 
 actual cruelty : 
 
 Grand cruault6 estre aux bestes trouvons, 
 Quand leurs petits devorer les scavons, 
 Ou (qui moins est) leur nier nourriture. 
 Car par I'instinct de la seule Nature, 
 Un incredible Amour y concepuons. 
 ' Ded. to Avanson. In Psalmum xxxiii Para- 
 
 phrasis, p. 141. ' Ibid. 
 
 'A aulcuns de ses parents. P. F., p. 16. D'aulcuns 
 siens Parents, mais maulvais Amys. P. F., p. 53. 
 
88 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHB [1540 
 
 Que dirons nous si nous appercevons 
 Ceulx vers lesquels retirer nous debvons 
 Encontre nous monstrer en toute injure 
 Grand cruault^? 
 
 O pauvre temps, Monsieur, que nous avons, 
 O le forfaict, qu'ainsi nous poursuivons 
 Sans piet6 nostre propre facture. 
 C'est un grand cas, c'est une chose dure, 
 Que, contre droict, d'iceulx nous recevons 
 Grand cruaulte ! 
 — A Monsieur le chevalier de Monthozier. P. F., p. 102. 
 
 Some years later, Sainte-Marthe, referring no 
 doubt to their behavior on this, as well as on a 
 later, occasion, wrote of himself as a poor man 
 whose extreme need parents and friends, al- 
 though rich and abounding in wealth and 
 esteemed and honored by the world, relieved 
 by not even a penny.' He complains of them 
 further in an epistle to the queen of Navarre, 
 probably composed during this captivity: "Ma- 
 dame, n'est ce assfe," he cries, 
 
 "Ne veoir aulcun qui vexe me soullage, 
 Que (d'ou mon mal s'augmente davantage) 
 Infest^ment ma Nature me fuit ? 
 Me destitue, & (qui plus est) poursuit ? " 
 
 — "A la Royne de Navarre." P. F., p. 120. 
 
 ^ In Ps. . . . xxxiii Paraph., p. 162. His brother 
 Louis had lately been made Procureur du roi at Loudun 
 (April, 1538). 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 89 
 
 However, Sainte-Marthe had at least some 
 friends who stood him in better than his kin, and 
 he heartily expressed his sense that 
 
 "un seul Amy perfaict 
 Vault cent fois mieulx que mille telz Parents." 
 
 — P. J^., p. 53. 
 
 When prison loomed up before him, he felt that 
 he could apply for help to St. Romans,' even 
 though with an apology : 
 
 "Pardonnez moi, Monseigneur, si je faulx 
 Faulte d'argent fait perdre toute honte." 
 
 And, although we do not know the result of this 
 appeal, we do know that Jean Galbert, whose 
 acquaintance he probably owed to his friends 
 the Tardivons and Rocoules,^ supplied Sainte- 
 Marthe with the necessaries of life when he was 
 in prison and nearly exhausted by hunger and 
 sickness. A letter from Denis Faucher makes 
 mention of the fact. Faucher appears to have 
 been sufficiently disturbed by reports of Sainte- 
 Marthe's misfortunes, and sufficiently concerned 
 at his rumored heresies, eagerly to seek news of 
 
 ' A monsieur de Sainct Romans, Conseiller de Grenoble. 
 P. F., p. 30. Unidentified furtiier. 
 
 ^ Andre Tardivon married Frangoise de Galbert de 
 Rocoules. Re Galbert cf. Fleury Vindry, op. cit., pp. 62, 
 and 78. 
 
90 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 him through a nephew of his own. We learn, 
 from what he says of this nephew's report, that 
 Sainte-Marthe took a leaf out of Calvin's book 
 and appealed for countenance to patristic 
 authority: "Although I am little able to give 
 you any solace by my letter," writes Faucher, 
 "both because my letters are not of the sort to 
 do so, and because I am personally so touched by 
 your distress that I seem rather to require conso- 
 lation than able to give it; still, since a mind 
 shaken by the force of trials and the onslaught of 
 calamities less easily perceives and judges of its 
 own than of what is strange to it, I wished to 
 write these few words to you, and also that my 
 most faithful and most loving counsel might not 
 fail you a man who so loves me. I grieved, dear- 
 est Sainte-Marthe, when I heard that you were 
 fallen into such serious peril, whereby your life 
 was endangered ; but I was consumed with dis- 
 tress when they said that you thought wrongly of 
 our religion and obstinately upheld the errone- 
 ous opinions of heretics. But when my nephew 
 brought me your letter I rejoiced to learn not 
 only from it, but from his own words, that you 
 are better and freer than you were and that it 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 91 
 
 is certain that, calumny stilled, you will shortly 
 be dismissed quite free. For, when the Parlement 
 learns that you are cleaving to the footsteps of 
 the holy fathers and that there are those of its 
 own order who have supplied to you, still 
 struggling with the effects of illness, the neces- 
 sary expenses of living, then truly, your inno- 
 cence will shortly be the more openly approved. 
 Hence, my Sainte-Marthe, I exhort you, and 
 beg you for our mutual kindness, to show your- 
 self subh an one as no ill opinion can ever remove 
 from the firmness and sincerity of the Cathohc 
 faith, nor any tribulation from the stability 
 of mind and the dignity of a wise man. I write 
 this, not so much doubting your constancy as 
 trusting you, because of the kindness and affec- 
 tion between us, to approve as just what I have 
 written. God, who is the consoler of the sorrow- 
 ing, grant that you may very soon return to us 
 free. Meanwhile do your best to recover and 
 remember your Denis. Tarascon. June the 21st, 
 1540." 1 
 
 ' Dionysus Carolo Sammartano. Chronologia Sanc- 
 torum Sacroe Insulos Lerinensis, p. 276. For the text, cf. 
 p. 605 et seq. 
 
92 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 Before Faucher's letter could reach Sainte- 
 Marthe his hope had been fulfilled and his 
 friend set at liberty. If it was about this 
 time that Sainte-Marthe despatched two long 
 rhymed epistles to Marguerite of Navarre and 
 Marguerite of France, reminding them of their 
 former kindness, complaining of imprisonment 
 and referring rather mysteriously to sufferings 
 of four years' duration,' it may be that Queen 
 and Princess exerted themselves on his behalf; 
 but a more certain factor in his release was un- 
 doubtedly the influence of a powerful member 
 of the Parlement, Jean Marcel d'Avanson/ Ron- 
 sard's Phoebus d'Avanson ; ^ " celuy lequel au 
 besoing (ou I'Amytle s'explique)," says Sainte- 
 
 ' Published in 1540. A la Royne de Navarre and A 
 Madame Marguerite, fille unique du Roy. P. F ., p. 119 
 and 122. Cf. supra, pp. 38 and 88. In view of chrono- 
 logical difficulties evident on examination of these poems, 
 I have thrown out conjectures based exclusively upon 
 them. 
 
 ' Re Avanson, cf. Rochas, Biographie du Dauphin^; 
 Bull, de la Soc. Statistique de I'lscre, Vol. II, p. 72 et 
 passim. Vol. XXVI et passim; Fleury Vindry, op. cit., pp. 
 63 and 81, and Amhassadeurs frang. au XVn sikde, p. 38. 
 
 ' A. J. d'Avanson, CEuvres, Vol. V, p. 335. Cf. alsoibid., 
 Vols. I, pp. 423, 425; IV, p. 87, and V, pp. 245, 271; Du 
 Bellay's dedication of his Regrets, CEuvres, Vol. II, p. 163, 
 and Regrets, p. 157; Utenhove, Xenia, in Georgii Bucha- 
 nani Scoti poetae . . . Poemoto, p. 64. 
 
1540J GRENOBLE ; LYONS 93 
 
 Marthe in a letter of dedication' published within 
 the year, "s'est monstr^ par effect mon Amy." 
 And there could not have been a better advocate 
 for a man accused of heresy than Avanson, who, 
 apart from his distinction, was of a family known 
 to be orthodox in the extreme.^ 
 
 However his release was brought about, 
 Sainte-Marthe almost at once received an ap- 
 pointment to a chair in the liberal College de la 
 Trinite at Lyons. Indeed, a letter from Saint- 
 Maur congratulating him upon this appointment 
 is dated one day earlier than Faucher's. "Et 
 nonobstant qu'as soubtenu plusieurs adverses 
 fortunes," writes the former on the 20th of June, 
 1540, "es pays loingtains, k toy toutefoy pros- 
 peres; as este dernierement bien venu et mieulx 
 receu en ce tant honorable College de Lyon: 
 estant des scavants trouve capable a la profes- 
 sion publique des quatre tant estimees & utiles 
 Langues, Hebraicque, Greque, Latine & Gal- 
 licque." ^ 
 
 1 Of the Livre de ses Amys. P. F., p. 226. Cf. p. 564 
 et seq. 
 
 ' Both his brother Frangois and his son Guillaume 
 distinguished themselves by their belligerent Catholicism. 
 
 ' Leon de Saincte More, dit de Monthozier, Chevalier de 
 I'ordre de sainct Jean de Hierusalem, A Charles de Saincte 
 Marthe. Cf. p. 600. 
 
94 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 Saint-Maur's reference to Hebrew is interest- 
 ing, for its possession was at that time unusual, 
 and indications are altogether lacking as to 
 where and when Sainte-Marthe acquired his 
 knowledge of it. The tradition of the teaching 
 of Hebrew had not been actually lost in France 
 since the existence of the ColUge de Constanti- 
 nople in the middle of the thirteenth century; 
 the Church had practical reasons for maintaining 
 the study of Oriental languages.' It was, how- 
 ever, an interrupted tradition, which had suf- 
 fered a decided check at the end of the fifteenth 
 century ; but, since Aleandro's rectorship of the 
 University of Paris and Agostino Guistiniano's 
 five years of teaching, it had flowed on in a con- 
 tinuous if narrow stream, despite the opposition 
 of the Sorbonne. Two chairs in Hebrew, among 
 the royal professorships of 1530, were ably filled 
 by Vatable and Guidacerius. It was, neverthe- 
 less, not Paris, but Lyons, which boasted the 
 greatest Hebraist of the century. Sanctes Pag- 
 nini had been dead but a year or two ' at the 
 
 ' For these and the following details cf. A. Lefranc, 
 Histoire du College de France, pp. 3-5; 6-15 et passim. 
 ' He died in 1536. 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 95 
 
 time when we have supposed Sainte-Marthe trav- 
 eling in the Dauphine and Lyonnais; and his 
 name must have been especially in all men's 
 mouths in a district which looked to Lyons as its 
 intellectual center. Moreover Gabriel de Maril- 
 lac, brother of Sainte-Marthe's acquaintance the 
 abbot of Pontigny, had been the advocate of the 
 Royal lecturers in 1534/ and we may suppose 
 the ecclesiastic in consequence interested if not 
 versed in Greek and Hebrew; while Sainte- 
 Marthe's friend Merhn was considered a Hebrew 
 scholar sufficient to fill a chair in the subject. 
 Under such stimulus, it is easy to imagine Sainte- 
 Marthe applying himself to, and perfecting him- 
 self in, the study of Hebrew. Sanctes Pagnini 
 must have left behind him pupils capable of 
 passing on his instruction, and Sainte-Marthe, 
 with his gift for languages, would need but a 
 comparatively short time to qualify himself suffi- 
 ciently for the post at Lyons. 
 
 No better fortune could have befallen the 
 
 unfortunate scholar than to obtain it, nor 
 
 could there have been a greater tribute to his 
 
 abilities and reputation. An appointment at 
 
 ' Cf. Lefrano, op. cit., pp. 145 and 146. 
 
96 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 Lyons was still greatly to be desired by any 
 man of talent whose opinion laid him open to 
 persecution. A city half Italian, and therefore, 
 at this period, half pagan, it had long offered to 
 men of doubtful views comparative intellectual 
 freedom. Liberal ideas were welcomed there, 
 not because Lyons was especially predisposed to 
 the new religion, but because its real religion, as 
 has been well observed, was Platonism, and its 
 spirit fundamentally indifferent to points of 
 belief. The general diffusion of unorthodox 
 sentiment afforded protection to the individual, 
 and the authorities remained, if not indifferent, 
 at least inactive. Even the Cardinal de Tournon 
 had for a time treated Lyons indulgently, while 
 the Trivulces and Jean de Peyret, the heutenant- 
 governor, actively sheltered learning from attack 
 on the ground of opinion.' This aspect of things 
 had, indeed, lately altered, and even Lyons was 
 reflecting the change of temper which had come 
 about in France since the interview at Aigues- 
 Mortes. The edicts of Coucy and Lyons had 
 been repealed (Dec. 10th, 1538), letters patent 
 organizing the prosecution of heresy addressed 
 ' Cf. Copley Christie, op. cit., pp. 168, 238, 314 et passim. 
 
15401 GRENOBLE ; LYONS 97 
 
 to all the parlements (June 24th, 1539), and the 
 stern edict of Fontainebleau promulgated as re- 
 cently as the first of the month which found 
 Sainte-Marthe in Lyons.* The Cardinal de 
 Tournon, lately created Chancellor, and himself 
 the instigator of the edict,^ doubtless felt that 
 this was a propitious time to teach Lyons also 
 her lesson. Three Lutherans were burnt alive in 
 the beginning of the year, and an Annonay mer- 
 chant visiting the Lyons fair suffered the same 
 penalty for refusing to kneel before an image. ^ 
 Still, sharp lesson as it was, it did not touch 
 the lettered world of Lyons. One of its mem- 
 bers indeed, Eustorg de Beaulieu,^ had found 
 it wise to flee to Geneva three years before, but 
 his imprudences had actually been extreme. 
 On the whole, men of learning were unmolested, 
 and although they had lost their strongest pro- 
 tector, Pompone de Trivulce,^ Jean de Peyrat 
 was still alive to shield them. Even Dolet, in- 
 cautious as he was, had so far not been seriously 
 
 ' Actes de Francois I, nos. 11,072 and 11,509. 
 
 ' Cf. H. Lutteroth, La Reformation en France, p. 34. 
 
 " Cf. Buisson, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 91. 
 
 * Re Beaulieu, cf. La France Protestante, 2d ed. (1879). 
 
 " He died in October, 1539. 
 
98 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 interfered with.^ Speaking generally, an unob- 
 trusive heretic could still find safe shelter at 
 Lyons. 
 
 Intellectual power, no less than intellectual 
 freedom, distinguished the Lyons of the sixteenth 
 century. Its prosperity, its luxury and display 
 did not deaden, rather fortified, its emotional 
 life. "L'activite pratique, I'industrie, le com- 
 merce, les int^rits et les richesses qu'ils creent," 
 writes a modern authority, "n'y 6touffent pas les 
 ardeurs mystiques, les exaltations apres ou 
 tendres, les vibrations profondes ou sonores de 
 la sensibilite tumultueuse. . . . Au xvi^ si^cle 
 ... la vie de I'esprit y ^tait intense: dans ce 
 monde inquiet et ardent, les pontes ^talent 
 nombreux et les poetesses presque autant." ^ 
 Of these poets two among the most admired, 
 Maurice Sc^ve and Gilbert Ducher, were already 
 Sainte-Marthe's friends. He had known Ducher, 
 now his colleague ' at the College de la Trinite,* 
 
 • Cf. Copley Christie, op. cit., pp. 390 and 392. 
 
 ^ Gustave Lanson, Hist, de la litterature frangaise, 
 pp. 271 and 272. 
 
 ' Cf. J. L. Gerig, Le Collige de la Triniti, p. 206. 
 
 * Cf. Duoher's lines to him, p. 600, which must have 
 been written at latest in 1529, the date of Francis' 
 marriage to the sister of the Emperor. Although Ducher 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 99 
 
 almost since boyhood, and indeed the manner 
 of their acquaintance belonged essentially to 
 youth. Attracted by his virtues and learning, 
 the younger man had been moved to approach, 
 address, and "wholly offer himself " to Ducher 
 in Latin verses which the latter published among 
 Epigrammata Amicorum with his own epigrams 
 in 1538.' Elsewhere Sainte- Marthe, ranking him 
 among illustrious poets, calls Ducher greater 
 than Ovid, equal to Virgil. This tribute has 
 not survived, for Ducher modestly refrained 
 from publishing it, perhaps because, as he justly 
 says, he thought the estimate " ridiculum et 
 mehercule falsum," This did not, however, pre- 
 vent him from calling Sainte-Marthe's verses 
 worthy of Apollo, in one of the two epigrams 
 which he addressed to him in return.^ Sceve, 
 "trescher Amy Sceve,'" famous already for his 
 
 is constantly referred to in works dealing with this 
 period, little is actually known of him. C/., however, 
 Buisson, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 31 and 32. 
 
 ' Epigrammaton libri duo, p. 160; cf. p. 546. 
 
 'Ibid, p. 117; c/. p. 610. 
 
 ' A Maurice Sceve Lyonnois, homme treserudit. Vers 
 Alexandrins. P. F., p. 50. Sainte-Marthe has another 
 poem to him, — "A Maurice Sceve, Qu'il vault mieulx 
 donner que prendre." P. F., p. 80. 
 
100 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 Arion, for his translation of Juan de Flores' 
 Deplorable fin de Flamete,^ and above all for his 
 supposed discovery of Laura's tomb (early in 
 1533), possessed Sainte-Marthe's unbounded ad- 
 miration. Drawn to the Lyonnese poet as steel 
 to the magnet, — so he told him in Alexan- 
 drines, a novel form at the time, — struck by 
 his learned gravity, his profound eloquence, his 
 admirable performance, Sainte-Marthe doubted 
 whether Sceve were a creature more human or 
 divine. He named him also among " Poetes 
 Francoys, divins et treserudits," ^ and has left a 
 pleasant picture of him, "petit de Corps, d'un 
 grand esprit rassis," in his Tempe de France,^ 
 while Sc^ve reciprocated with an admiring dix- 
 ain remarkable chiefly for its obscurity.^ Sainte- 
 Marthe did poetical homage, besides, to the vir- 
 tues and renown of the wife of Matthew de Vau- 
 zelles, Claudine Sceve, Maurice's cousin or sister, 
 "de vertu et d'honneur dame pleine";^ and 
 
 ' Pub. Lyons, Fr. Juste, 1535. 
 
 'P.F.,p.22Q; c/. p. 565. 
 
 ' Elegie du Tempe de France, P. F., p. 202; cf. p. 541. 
 
 * Livre de ses Amys, P. P., p. 232. 
 
 ^ A Madame Claude Sceve, femme de Monsieur I'Advocat 
 du Roy A Lyon. P. F., p. 157. Matthew de Vauzelles 
 had been Juge Mage at Lyons since 1517. 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 101 
 
 he addressed himself also to another still more 
 famous Lyomiese lady, Marie de Pierrevive, the 
 hospitable and generous Dame du Perron/ whom 
 he comphmented on: 
 
 "... meurs, entretien, faictz & dictz 
 Dequoy pallas t'a faiot participante 
 En Beau parler, & harangue elegante." 
 — A Madamoiselle Marie de Pierrevive, Dame du Peron. 
 P. F., p. 137. 
 
 She was an ardent patroness of letters and the 
 arts, and her munificence was celebrated by the 
 poet-musician Eustorg de Beaulieu.^ Wife of 
 Antoine de Gondi, herself Italian by birth, and 
 the confidante of the Italian Catherine de' 
 Medici, Marie-Catherine de Pierrevive, by her 
 influence, no doubt potently encouraged in the 
 women of Lyons that charm of wit, freedom and 
 intellectual interests which gave them a re- 
 
 ' A Madamoiselle Marie de pierre vive, Dame du Peron. 
 P. F., p. 137. La Croix du Maine, Bibl.frangoise, Vol. 11, 
 p. 89, takes her literary eflforts for granted: "J'ai vu 
 plusieurs louanges de cette dame, faites par beaucoup 
 d'ecrivains de son tems mais je n'ai pas connoissance de 
 ses ecrits." Cf. also the Pfere de Colonia, Hiat. lilt, de 
 Lyon, pp. 462-464, and Pernetti, Recherches pour servir 
 h, I'histoire de Lyon, Vol. I, p. 435. It is to be hoped that 
 Brantdme's account of her is mere slander. (Euvres, Vol. 
 VI, p. 265. ' Divers Rapportz, fol. viii v° 
 
102 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 semblance to the Italian women of their time. 
 Besides Claudine Sceve and her sister Sybille, 
 Marot's "belles and bonnes," ' the group of 
 brilliant women, whose fame was one of the 
 glories of Lyons included Pernette de Guillette, 
 Clemence de Bourges, Jeanne Gaillarde and, 
 later on, most famous of all, Louise Labbe, 
 at the time of Sainte-Marthe's arrival, still in 
 her early girlhood. 
 
 Sc^ve and Ducher, Claudine Sc^ve and Marie 
 de Pierrevive, were not Sainte-Marthe's only 
 influential friends at Lyons. Dolet, established 
 there since 1534, was at the height of his renown, 
 nor did a quarrel with Ducher ^ weaken his 
 friendship for Sainte-Marthe. The latter had 
 already shown his sympathy with him in his 
 attack upon Gratian — or Sebastien — du Pont, 
 Sieur de Drusac, by two poems in defense of 
 women, one attacking Drusac by name — A 
 Drusac, detracteurdu sexe feminin — and another, 
 addressed "Auz detracteurs du sexe feminin,"^ 
 
 ' Cf. his happy epigram, A deux Soeurs Lyonnoises, 
 Vol. Ill, p. 41. 
 
 ' Cf. Copley Christie, op. cit, pp. 274, n., and 495, n. 
 
 ' P. F., pp. 94 and 82. Reprinted by Charles Oulmont, 
 Gratian du Pont et les femmes, Rev. des Etudes Rabelai- 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 103 
 
 which had, it may be presumed, circulated in 
 manuscript for some years. He now proved him- 
 self Dolet's partisan, in one of the latter's innu- 
 merable bickerings, by an epigram, A Monsieur 
 Dolet, D'un Detracteur mesdisant de luy,^ and was 
 prompt in marking his appreciation of the great 
 printer's recent book ^ by another dixain, Au 
 Lecteur Francoy appended as an epilogue to the 
 volume, as well as by a more pretentious longer 
 poem, Aux Francoys, en recommendation du Livre 
 de Dolet, etc.^ Perhaps his admiration of Dolet 
 is best expressed in the Alexandrines in which 
 
 siennes, Vol. IV, p. 5. Both poems probably dated from 
 1534 (or, according to Copley Christie, possibly 1533) — 
 the year of the publication of du Font's Controverses des 
 sexes masculin et foeminin and of Dolet's reply in the shape 
 of "six mauvaises petites odes." (La Croix du Maine.) 
 Be this controversy, cf. Lefrano, Le Tiers Livre de Panta- 
 gruel et la querelle des femmes, Rev. Et. Rab., Vol. II, pp. 
 1-10 and 78-109; Charles Oulmont, op. cit., pp. 1-28 
 and 135-151; Copley Christie, op. cit., pp. 113-117. Cf. 
 infra, p. 533. 
 
 ' P.P., p. 33; c/. p. 529. 
 
 ^ La Maniere de bien traduire d'une langue en aultre : 
 D'avantage, de la punctuation de la langue Frangoyse. Plus, 
 Des accents d'ycelle. Cf. Copley Christie, op. cit., p. 354. 
 Its publication preceded that of Sainte-Marthe's Poesie 
 Francoise by some months. Cf. infra, p. 254. 
 
 3 P. F., p. 177, cf. pp. 254-258. 
 
104 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHB [1540 
 
 he gives him credit for the supreme possession 
 of eloquence: Be la transportation d' Eloquence 
 en divers Regions, par divers Aiges and divers per- 
 sonnaiges. Vers Alexandrins} Dolet returned 
 his regard and expressed a somewhat intemper- 
 ate appreciation of Sainte-Marthe's French style 
 in a huitain, Etienne Dolet A S. Marthe, which 
 the latter published with his own poems.^ 
 
 Closely united to Dolet in friendship, so closely 
 indeed that, according to Sainte-Marthe, one let- 
 ter made all the difference between them,' was 
 Sainte-Marthe's "singulier amy" the physician 
 Tolet,^ who was practising medicine at the 
 "grand hospital." He loved and was beloved 
 by a woman who was, Sainte-Marthe tells us, 
 
 ' P. F., p. 61. Copley Christie, who quotes it, refers 
 to this as an ode to Dolet. 
 
 " Livre de ses Amys. P. F ., p. 232; cf. p. 544. 
 
 ' Sur I'amitU de luy & de Dolet. P. F., p. 11. Re- 
 printed by Copley Christie, op. cit., p. 346, and cf. C. B. 
 (Breghot du Lut), Melanges, p. 361. 
 
 * Re Tolet (circ. 1502-post 1582), cf. Biog. Lyonnais; 
 La Croix du Maine and du Verdier, Bibs. Frang.; and 
 Pernetti, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 391. Dolet has an epigram to 
 him, Carminum libri quatuor, p. 55; Rabelais mentions 
 him among his friends (CEuvres, Vol. II, p. 167) ; Charles 
 Fontaine in his Fontaine d' Amour refers to Canape, Vace 
 and Tolet as Phoebus, Machaon and Podalyre (fol. Pij r°). 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 105 
 
 one of the heaux esprits of Lyons, and whose 
 
 writings were: 
 
 '' d'une telle facture 
 Que par iceulx on cognoist ta nature. 
 Escripts, spirants un esprit tout divin 
 Et excedants le sexe feminin, 
 Escripts, perfaicts en tout, sans une faulte, 
 Escripts, monstrants ta nature estre haulte, 
 Escripts qui ont ma Muse (k bref parler) 
 Contraint vers toy, malgr6 qu'en eust, aller." 
 
 — A la Dame & him aymie de M. P Tolet, Medicin 
 du grand Hospital de Lyon, son singulier Amy. 
 P. F., p. 172. 
 
 The love of Tolet and his mistress had in it 
 a Platonic element which Sainte-Marthe ap- 
 preciated and extolled, while Tolet in his turn 
 praised the chastity of Sainte-Marthe's verse in 
 a dixain addressed to the French poets of his 
 day: P. Tolet Medicin, aux Poetes Francoys 
 du Livre de S. Marthe} 
 
 Another friend of the young poet's was Jacques 
 Dalechamps,^ combining, according to Charles 
 
 > P. F., p. 234. 
 
 ' Re Dalechamps (1513-1588), c/. Moreri, La France 
 Prot., Pernetti, op. cit., and Brunei. His portrait appears 
 in the same collection as that of Sainte-Marthe (c/. infra, 
 p. 220), where he is described as "Sieur d'Alechamps, un 
 des plus doctes et rares personnages de nostre temps, tant 
 en sa profession qu'en tout genre de bonnes lettres." 
 
106 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 Fontaine/ notable science with divine grace, 
 who was probably, in the intervals of his studies 
 at Montpellier, merely visiting the city of which 
 he was later to be the ornament. The two 
 young men appear to have had in common ene- 
 mies who pursued them with "art cault et 
 damnable,"^ and it is safe to suppose that the 
 cause lay in their common unorthodoxy of 
 opinion. 
 
 It was probably at Lyons also that Sainte- 
 Marthe encountered another friend of Charles 
 Fontaine's, Frangois Veriust, canon or dean of 
 Macon,' "noble de sang et noble de Vertu," to 
 
 ' Charles Fontaine d, Jacques Dalechamps Medecin. 
 
 " Tu marche avant dedens les champs 
 De rimmortelle Medecine, 
 Chassant maux les mortels fauchans, 
 Aijiy & voisin Dalechamps : 
 Aussi avec science insigne 
 Tu as une grace divine." 
 
 — Odes, Enigmes et Epigrammes, p. 97. 
 ' Cf. p. 531. 
 
 " Cf. Charles Fontaine, A Monsieur maistre Francoys 
 Verius, Chanoine de Mascon. La Fontaine d' Amours, 
 fol. Lij v°- Possibly the son of "Thomas Le Conte dit 
 Verjust," mentioned in the Actes de Frangois I as deceased 
 in 1519, leaving a child under age. Gallia Christiana, 
 Vol. IV, col. 1110 A, refers to him as N. Verjust "quem 
 Carolus Sammarthanus a generis claritate ingenio virtu- 
 
1S40] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 107 
 
 whom he addressed an elegy on true nobility, 
 Elegie, A Monsieur Veriust, Doyen de Macon, 
 De la vraye Noblesse; '■ and it may have been at 
 Lyons also that he knew Villiers, that "musicien 
 tresperfaict" — on whose behalf he attacked in 
 a rondeau the enemies of music,^ — as well as 
 Charles Du Puy, probably lieutenant particulier in 
 the Senechaussee of Lyons.^ Sainte-Marthe's old 
 
 tibus laudavit carminibus editis anno 1540." Dolet, on 
 the other hand, has an epigram to Jacobum Veriusium. 
 Carmina, p. 33. 
 
 ^ P.F., p. 216. 
 
 ^ A Villiers, Musicien tresperfect. P. F., p. 97. Prob- 
 ably the VilHers named by Rabelais among the musicians 
 heard by Priapus " mignonnement chantans.'' (Euvres, 
 Vol. II, p. 263. 
 
 ' Supposing him the same whom Charles Fontaine 
 addressed as Monsieur du Puys, Lieutenant particulier en 
 la Sennechaus^e de Lyon, in a poem quaintly ending : 
 
 " Mais je crains, car tu es grand Puys, 
 Et je suis petite Fontaine." 
 
 La Fontaine d' Amour, fol. Lij r°; cf. also Buisseaux de 
 Fontaine, p. 171. Possibly son of Guillaume Dupuy, 
 physician first at Grenoble and later at Romans, whose 
 son Louis was afterwards a physician at Poitiers. Dreux 
 du Radier, op. cit.; Bull, de la Soc. de Stat. d'Isfere, Vol. 
 Ill, p. 352. A Dupuy of Die was received doctor of law 
 in 1536 at the University of Ferrara. Pieot, Les Frangais 
 d rUniversite de Ferrare au XV' et au XVI' Siecles. He 
 contributed a poem to Sainte-Marthe's Livre de ses Amys. 
 
108 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHB [1540 
 
 friend Visagier, who, like Ducher, had lately 
 bitterly broken with Dolet/ was probably not at 
 Lyons ; nor was Marot, whose latest visit to the 
 city had been — so far as is known — in 1538. 
 Indeed it is difficult to determine where Sainte- 
 Marthe could have formed with the latter the 
 affectionate intimacy so evident in the poems 
 he addresses to his "p^re d'alliance" ^ and, in all 
 probability, dating back to Sainte-Marthe's 
 student days.^ 
 
 » Cf. Copley Christie, op. cit., pp. 314-317. 
 ^ For the poems addressed to Marot cf. pp. 119, 234, 236, 
 and 530. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe has a poem to Marot, Du faulx bruict 
 de sa mart {cf. p. 530). With this it is natural to connect 
 Marot's A Cravan, sien amy, malade. (Euvres, Vol. Ill, 
 p. 63. 
 
 " Amy Cravan, on t'a faict le rapport 
 Depuis un peu que j'estois trepass6; 
 Je prie k Dieu que le diable m'emporte 
 S'il en est rien, ne si j'y ay pens6. 
 Quelque ennemy a ce bruyt avanc6," etc. 
 
 This is dated by Lenglet Dufresnoy 1531, when Sainte- 
 Marthe was at Poitiers, and the temptation is strong to 
 apply to the latter Marot's A un jeune escelier docte, grief- 
 vement malade, ibid. ,Yol. Ill, p. 78), which begins " Charles 
 mon filz prenez courage," taking it in connection with the 
 conclusions to two epigrams addressed by Sainte-Marthe 
 to Marot: "Qui reprendra I'enfant qui suit son Pfere?" 
 (P. F., p. 55; cf. p. 234), and "Ays de ton Filz (O Pfere) 
 
1S40] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 109 
 
 Friends such as his must have made it easy 
 for Sainte-Marthe to become acquainted with 
 the other Lyonnese to whom the city owed her 
 proud place as a center of the French Renais- 
 sance, and who composed a brilliant society in 
 which a rising scholar had every reason to feel 
 sure of his place. And the large part which 
 cultivated women played in it made certain its 
 welcome to a defender of the sex. Such, as we 
 have seen, Sainte-Marthe had proved himself. 
 His reputation as a classicist and poet was 
 also by this time well established. As early as 
 1538, he was docta poeta to Ducher; he had, 
 while at Poitiers, already composed a theo- 
 logical work ; Arlier had referred to his " learned 
 writings," Montausier to his "bien reput^e 
 renomee" ; and Sainte-Marthe himself rather 
 ingeniously suggests his own distinction in his 
 lines to Claudine Sceve: 
 
 "C'est bien grand cas, en bruit estre nomme 
 Par un Autheur lequel soit renomme." 
 
 — P.F.,p. 158. 
 
 Souvenance." (P. F. ibid; cf. infra, p. 119). The family 
 genealogist's assertion that Sainte-Marthe was praised by 
 Marot may be based upon a tradition that this epigram 
 was intended for him. (Cf. Genealogie, de la Maison de 
 Sainte-Marthe, fol. 30 r°.) 
 
110 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 It was probably at this time that his pros- 
 perity provoked the animosity of another 
 scholar, possessed of a notoriously evil tongue.' 
 Hubert Sussan^e, none the less foul-mouthed and 
 profligate that he was doctor both of law and 
 medicine/ no doubt prejudiced against him by 
 his friendship with Dolet with whom himself 
 had quarreled, could not forgive Sainte-Marthe 
 his good fortune. In the preceding February 
 he had obtained, although on probation only, 
 and under a strict surveillance which marked 
 an interesting distrust of new schoolmasters, the 
 post of municipal schoolmaster at Grenoble for 
 which Sainte-Marthe had applied in October of 
 the year before.^ Two years later followed his 
 dismissal by the Consuls for drunkenness, blas- 
 phemy, brawling, and inattention to his duties, 
 a dismissal against which he appealed to the 
 
 ' For Sussan^e's attacks upon Tartas, for example, cf. 
 GauUieur, op. cit., p. 65; for his break with Dolet and his 
 epigrams upon him, cf. Copley Christie, op. cit., pp. 37, 38 
 and note. 
 
 ^ The title of his Ludi, published in 1538 is : Huberti 
 Sussancei Legum et Medecinm Doctoris L/adorum libri nunc 
 recens condiii atque cediti. 
 
 ' Archives Municipales de Grenoble. BB. 12 Registre. 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 111 
 
 Parlement} It was in 1542, the year of this dis- 
 grace, that he first pubUshed, in an edition of 
 the Quantitates of Alexandre de Villedieu, a 
 spiteful epigram upon Sainte-Marthe ; ^ but, as 
 the latter was in prison at the time,' it is clear 
 that the satire was composed at an earlier and 
 more enviable period. Nothing that we know 
 of Sainte-Marthe appears to warrant its accu- 
 sation of worldliness; 
 
 ' Archives Municipales de Grenoble. BB. 13 fols. 
 22-23. It was complained against him that he was 
 "homme de mavays exemple et tel que quant il a 
 commence ung livre il ne continue, sinon deux ou 
 trois chappitres et puis en commence ung aultre et 
 puis est blasfemeur de Dieu et la plupart du temps 
 y vre, monstrant mauvays exemple aux escolliers pourtans 
 esp6ez, se batant avecques I'un et aveoques I'aultre, 
 ne continuant la lecture et plusieurs aultres insolences 
 et maulvays exemple, qu'est le grand dommaige, pre- 
 judice et interest des enfans escolliers et de toute la 
 ville." 
 
 ' Quantitates Alexandri Galli, vulgo de villa dei, correc- 
 tione adhibita ab Huberto Sussanaeo locupletatae, adjectis 
 utilissimis adnotationibus, tninimeque vulgaribus. Access- 
 erunt accentuum regulae omnium absolutissimae , ex variis 
 doctissimisque autoribus (sic) collectae, -per eundem Sussan- 
 aeum. Additus est elegiarum ejusdem liber. Paris, 1542. 
 fol. 70. I owe the indication to the kindness of Professor 
 Abel Lefranc. 
 
 ' Cf. infra, p. 139. 
 
112 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1640 
 
 In Samarthem 
 
 Te jactas evangelicum, tibi Christus in ore est, 
 
 Dicis Apostolico vivere dulce modo. 
 Dispiciamus an id vere falsone loquaris ; 
 
 Subdola nam multis vox tua verba dedit. 
 Pauperiem Christus commendat. Vivos car te 
 
 Lautius, o gurges, splendidiusque juvat? 
 Tu sublimis equo veheris, servator lesus 
 
 Hue illuc pedibus conficiebat iter. 
 Non tenuis pannus, sed corpus serica velant, 
 
 MutuG sumpta tibi reddere nosse ferunt. 
 Gloriosae vanae turpine cupidine flagras ? 
 
 Quam credis caelo vix quoque posse capi. 
 Cum sis tam mollis, tam luxu perditus omni, 
 
 Sin an Apostolico vivere more putas. 
 
 However little Sussanee's fling at Sainte- 
 Marthe may have been justified, its testimony 
 to the ease of the latter's situation is as- 
 suredly not negligible. 
 
 In any case, in his character of prosperous and 
 distinguished dweller in the Southern Capital, 
 Sainte-Marthe felt himself, shortly after his arri- 
 val, sufficiently identified with Lyons to take a 
 share as peacemaker in the dispute between 
 master-printers and journeymen, in which his 
 friend Dolet was espousing the workmen's 
 cause, and he indited a rondeau, Aux Maistres 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 113 
 
 & Compaignons de L'imprimerie de Lyon, estants 
 ensemble differ ents} 
 
 There were disputes in Lyons which more 
 closely concerned him. A distressing condi- 
 tion of affairs prevailed at the College de la 
 Trinite, where he held his new chair. De- 
 veloped from a school to a college in 1527, and 
 placed under municipal control, it had num- 
 bered among its principals sound men of wide 
 reputation. Its present condition was far from 
 satisfactory, however, for it had fallen into dis- 
 order owing to the inefficiency of its head, 
 Claude de Cublize. Since the previous April 
 the regents and pedagogues had been in a state 
 of rebellion against him and had discontinued 
 their lessons. The result had been "dissolu- 
 tions et insolences" serious enough to make 
 the town coimselors fear for the very life of 
 the College.^ The most distinguished of the 
 regents, Barthelemy Aneau,' who had probably 
 arrived about 1533, and who taught rhetoric 
 
 ^ P. F.,p. 104; c/. p. 534. 
 
 2 Cf. Archives de la Ville de Lyon, BB. 58, 29th of 
 April, 1540. 
 
 ^ A book on the subject of Aneau is in preparation 
 by Doctor J. L. Gerig of Columbia University. 
 
114 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 in the College, had on the 29th of April drawn 
 up a set of rules for its better discipline. His 
 suggestions, sensible in the extreme, pleased the 
 counselors, and on the 4th of May he appeared 
 before them and applied for the office of princi- 
 pal, offering to go to Paris to procure suitable 
 teachers.^ There was much in the candidacy 
 of the future author of the Quintil Horatien 
 to attract the Council. A teacher of proved 
 capacity, his publication of the Chant Natal ^ 
 had just added new prestige to the College. 
 If the Council found long and serious debate 
 necessary before making its decision, we may 
 hazard this to have been due to the religious 
 proclivities of a man who had studied under 
 the Protestant, Melchior Wolmar; proclivities 
 to which in the end indeed he fell a martyr.' 
 The discussion ended, however, with Aneau's 
 appointment,* and he set out for Paris to seek 
 
 ' Cf. Archives de la Ville de Lyon, BB. 58, fol. 61. 
 " Le mardy IIIP jour de may I'an mil cinq cens quar- 
 ante." 
 
 ' Gryphe, Lyons, 1539. 
 
 ' On June the 5th, 1561. 
 
 * Appointed in 1540, he resigned in 1550, and only 
 resumed his functions in 1558 to save the college from 
 ruin. Charvet, Etienne Martellange, pp. 216 and 217. 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 115 
 
 his assistants, and was absent on this errand 
 when Sainte-Marthe arrived to begin his duties 
 in the College. Cublize was still its nominal 
 head. He had not as yet, in fact, been informed 
 that he had been superseded, and Sainte- 
 Marthe's appointment may have been an effort 
 on his part to save the situation. It may equally 
 have been an act of the Council's or even a sug- 
 gestion of Aneau's. A warm friend of Dolet's,' 
 an ardent admirer of Marot, whose translation 
 of the Metamorphoses he was to continue,^ the 
 latter had literary as well as religious sym- 
 pathies in common with the poet. And yet, 
 after Aneau's return from Paris and the dis- 
 missal of Cublize on the 6th of July, emphati- 
 cally repeated, in the face of his resistance, on 
 the 20th of the month, ' we find Sainte-Marthe, 
 on August the 4th, offering to the Town-council 
 
 ' Cf. his contribution in 1539 to the translation of 
 Dolet's Genethliacum, L'avant Naissance de Claude Dolet, 
 filz de Estienne Dolet, etc. Copley Christie, pp. 342 and 
 345. 
 
 ^ Trois premiers livres de la Metamorphose d'Ovide, 
 traduictz en vers francois, le -premier et le second par Cle- 
 ment Marot, le tiers par Barthelemy Aneau, etc. Lyon, 
 Guil. Roville, 1556. 
 
 3 Archives de la Ville de Lyon, BB. 58, fols. 81 and 84 v" 
 
116 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB [1540 
 
 suggestions for the government of the College 
 which were laid aside to be compared with 
 Aneau's.^ He felt, no doubt, that his experi- 
 ence at Bordeaux fitted him to be helpful under 
 circumstances which so oddly reproduced the 
 crisis at the College de Guyenne. At the same 
 time, his action suggests that he was not in 
 touch with Aneau, and the fact that the volume 
 of poems he published in September contains 
 not a single mention of him may be corrob- 
 orative. It seems, indeed, in view of these 
 facts, not improbable that it was Aneau at 
 whom Sainte-Marthe aimed certain verses con- 
 taining a pointed reference to rhetoric : 
 " D'un qui reprenoit ses (Euvres. 
 Pour passe temps, en Francois & Latin, 
 J'ay compost quelqu' CEuvre poetique. 
 EslevI s'est un glorieux mutin. 
 Qui me r^prend. O Juge tresinique, 
 Qui tant scavant. te dys en Rhetorique 
 ' Le mardy quatriesme jour d'aoust mil cinq cens 
 quarante. Messire Sarmatains, regent au collifege de 
 la Trinity, est venu au present consulat exhiber certains 
 articles contenans la forme de r^gir et gouverner le ool- 
 lifege de la Trinity lequel a est6 veu par le Consulat et 
 ordonn6 le conf^rer avec les articles qu'a baill6 M. Bar- 
 thelemy Aigne." Arcliives de la Ville de Lyon, BB. 58, 
 fol. 88. 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 117 
 
 Ay je failly? monstre moy mon deffault. 
 N'ay je failly? qu'est ce done qu'il te fault? 
 Pour te mesler ainsy de mon affaire ? 
 Cognois un peu que jugement te fault, 
 Tu me reprends & n'en scaurois tant faire." ' 
 
 If Sainte-Marthe's relations with Aneau were 
 actually unfriendly, perhaps the latter's instal- 
 lation in office gave the signal for the poet's 
 departure. The regents had already arrived by 
 the 20th of July, the grace allowed CubHze was 
 — in consequence it may be — shortened from 
 October the first to the end of August, and 
 it is significant that the last trace of Sainte- 
 Marthe in Lyons is on the first of September. 
 He dated on that day ^ his dedication to the 
 
 ' P. P., p. 68 ; cf. also A un qui dehortoit de mettre ses 
 (Euvres en lumiere, P. F ., p. 52; cf. p. 535. 
 
 ^ It is probable that Sainte-Marthe intended an 
 earlier publication of his poems. A huitain to Colin, 
 abb6 of St. Ambroise near Bourges, begs his patronage, 
 A Monsieur I' Abbe de sainct Ambroise, il luy recommande 
 ses (Euvres. P. F., p. 70. Now Colin fell out of favor 
 at court about 1537. Cf. A. Heulhard, Rabelais, pp. 44, 
 222, 269; G. Guiffrey, ed. Marot, Vol. II, pp. 182 and 
 287, notes, and Vol. Ill, pp. 192 and 193, notes. M. 
 Guiffrey, however, without comment on the discrepancy 
 of dates, quotes a part of Sainte-Marthe's address to 
 CoUn as evidence of the latter's patronage of letters. 
 Sainte-Marthe's volume contains neither privilege nor 
 acheve d'imprimer to fix its date more closely. 
 
118 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 Duchesse d'Estampes of his first publication of 
 any importance, his Poesie Francoise. The 
 dedication, urged upon him by his friend the 
 due de Montausier, gave Sainte-Marthe the 
 opportunity of at once pleasing Saint-Maur, 
 gaining a powerful friend in the Duchess, and 
 being agreeable to the Queen of Navarre to 
 whom Anne de Pisselieu was bound by ties of 
 interest and perhaps of affection/ The very 
 source of his troubles, too, the odium of heresy 
 which still clung to him, was enough to recom- 
 mend him to the Duchess,^ and he hoped great 
 things from the interest of the "pearl of 
 France." ^ It was to be the means of releasing 
 
 '■ Cf. Florimond de Raemond, Histoire de I'hirisie. 
 Book VII, p. 849. 
 
 ' Cf. ibid., p. 847. 
 
 ' Besides the formal dedicatory letter Sainte-Marthe has 
 seven poems addressed or dedicated to the duchess, i.e. : 
 
 (1) A Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes, luy presentant 
 ses (Euvres. P. F., p. 9. Huitain. 
 
 (2) De Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes. P. F., p. 20. 
 Huitain. 
 
 (3) A Madame la Duchesse d' Estampes. P. F., p. 37. 
 Huitain. 
 
 (4) A Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes. P. F., p. 62. 
 Dixain, begging her patronage. 
 
 (5) A Madame la Duchesse d' Estampes, luy recom- 
 mandant son CEuvre. P. F., p. 82. Rondeau. 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 119 
 
 him from all his distress, and he begs Marot's 
 approval that he may make the more sure of 
 her favor : 
 
 "Tu veois, Marot, quel moyen j'ay trouv6 
 Dormant mon (Euvre k la Perle de France, 
 De me tirer hors de toute souffrance. 
 Approuves 16, desj^ est approuv6 
 Reproues 16, desjS, est reprouv6, 
 Ays de ton Filz (O Pere) souvenance." 
 — A luy mesme, luy recommendant ses CEuvres, vers 
 Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes. P. P., p. 55. 
 
 Saint-Maur's advice as to the dedication was 
 not the only good turn he did Sainte-Marthe. 
 He appears to have attempted to reconcile the 
 vagrant scholar to his family : " Si ton Pere, que 
 je cognoy bien estime par ses Vertus & lettres, 
 peut au long estre adverty, ta perigrination avoir 
 est 6 exercee en scavoir & louable vie; aura 
 merveilleusement aggreable ton heureux & 
 desir^ retour, faisant le debvoir paternel. De 
 tes Freres ils ne fauldront au naturel & deu 
 commande, & te peux persuader que tu en 
 
 (6) A Madame La Duchesse d'Estampes. P. F., 
 p. 125. Epistle (120 lines). 
 
 (7) Elegie. Du Tempi de France, en I'honneur de Ma- 
 dame la Duchesse d'Estampes. P. F., p. 197. Cf. p. 537 
 et seq. 
 
120 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE [1540 
 
 as aulcuns desquels useras comme de toy." ' 
 Although Sainte-Marthe in his poetical reply to 
 this letter, already quoted,^ seems to treat the 
 suggestion with intentional indifference, some 
 better understanding seems to be implied by 
 the insertion, in the volume, of a poem ad- 
 dressed to his father : A Son Seigneur & Pere, 
 Medicin & conseiller ordinaire du Roy. II luy 
 rend raison de sa Poesie Francoise, le consolant 
 de ses adver sites. ^ 
 
 Saint-Maur's letter on the subject, dated 
 from Hyeres on the 20th of June, was inserted 
 by Sainte-Marthe in the Ln,vre de ses Amys, con- 
 taining complimentary verses from his more 
 distinguished friends, with which, following a 
 custom of the times, he concluded the volume.* 
 The names of the contributors are of interest; 
 Bigot, Dolet and Sc^ve are the most distin- 
 guished, and Sainte-Marthe sets them first, in 
 that order. Then follow those of Pierre de 
 Marillac, Exupere de Claveyson, Tolet, Maurice 
 Chausson, Jean Roboam, lean Benac, A. de Ville- 
 
 'C/. p. 601. ' Cf. supra, p. 87 etseq. ' P.F.,p.l48. 
 * A custom followed for example by Ducher, Dolet, 
 Bourbon, Duchesne, Salel, etc. 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 121 
 
 neuve, Charles du Puy/ Le Chevalier Grenet. 
 The collection itself Sainte-Marthe dedicated to 
 Avanson in recognition of his kindness to him 
 at Grenoble.^ 
 
 The publication of the poems within a few 
 months after his arrival at Lyons indicates that 
 Sainte-Marthe felt himself fairly safe from 
 further attack on account of his views; for 
 the volume, although it contained a poem or 
 two calculated to set at rest doubts of his or- 
 thodoxy, such as A tous Chrestiens. En la per- 
 sonne de la vikrge, Mere de Dieu, and Qu'on 
 cognoist la vive & vraye Foy par les (Euvres,^ was 
 by no means free from elements open to suspicion. 
 Such was the emphasis upon aspects of faith pur- 
 posely left in abeyance by the church: a stress 
 which was coming to be more and more charac- 
 teristic of the new reformers. The doctrine of 
 grace, for example, is uncompromisingly stated 
 in the poem which opens the third book of the 
 Poesie Francoise: 
 
 ' Charles du Puy, a Madamoiselle Beringue, I'Amye de 
 Monsieur de S. Marthe. Livre de ses Amys. P. F., 
 p. 236. 
 
 2 Cf. p. 564 et seq. 
 
 ' P. F., pp. 45 and 62. 
 
122 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 A Dieu Confession de son infirmite, & Invocation de 
 sa Grace 
 
 "Je scay (Seigneur) je scay, telle est ma Foy, 
 Que les Humains ne peuvent rien de soy, 
 Que se donner aulcun bien ilz ne peuvent, 
 N6 decliner le mal quand ilz le treuvent 
 Si telle force ilz n'ont par ton moyen. 
 De toy (Seigneur) vient le mal et le bien, etc." ' 
 
 Again, salvation by faith is the note of the long 
 Elegie du vray Men & nourriture de I'Ame,^ 
 and predestination and election are strongly 
 stressed in more than one place, as, for instance, 
 in an Elegie,^ wherein the poet celebrates 
 
 "le puissant uueil 
 De celuy la, qui sur nous seul domine, 
 Et qui les maulx augmente, ou bien termine, 
 Ainsi qu'il veult, k iceulx mesmement. 
 Qui sont Esleux, des leur commencement ; " 
 
 or again in certain lines of the Elegie de I'Ame 
 
 ' P. F., p. 115, and cf. the whole poem, p. 113 et seq. 
 Cf. also the dixain : Qu'on ne se doibt en rien trap priser 
 ne depriser and A Dieu, Invocation de sa grace. Ibid., 
 pp. 65 and 81. 
 
 ' P. F., p. 210. 
 
 ' Elegie en forme d'Epistre, d. Monsieur le Chevalier de 
 Monthozier Que d, qui Jesus ayde, rien ne peut nuyre. 
 P. F., p. 207. 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 123 
 
 parlante au Corps, & monstrante le profit de la 
 Mort:^ 
 
 "Considerant en toy, que tous, jeunes & vieulx, 
 Ont I'heure de leur Mort du Seigneur destin^e, 
 Pour jouyr de la gloire aux bens predestinee." 
 
 Such sentiments, in themselves likely to be 
 looked at askance, had a more serious aspect 
 considered in connection with the omission, 
 from all the religious poems, of any mention of 
 saints or of other intercession than that of the 
 Saviour.^ His imitation of Marot, moreover, in 
 metrical paraphrase of a psalm — the One hun- 
 dred and twentieth ^ — not rendered by the 
 greater poet, would hardly recommend Sainte- 
 Marthe to the orthodox, nor would insistence 
 upon the purely spiritual nature of the Sacra- 
 ment in a Balade double, contenant la promesse 
 de Christ, sa Nativite, Passion, Resurrection, & 
 
 ' Vers Alexandrins. P. F., pp. 214-216. 
 
 ' An omission especially noticeable in a Balade du 
 proffit de la Mort de Jesu Christ, and in a dixain : Jesu 
 Christ estant en Croix parte a un chascun Chrestien, P. F., 
 pp. 108-110 and 73, which contains the expression "Seul 
 suis ton Dieu, seul suis tpn saulvement," and "Vien 
 droict k moy sans avoir deffiance." 
 
 3 P. P., p. 48. 
 
124 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1540 
 
 precieux sacrement de Son Corps, icy h nous de- 
 
 laisse pour gaige de Salut : ' 
 
 " Car il luy est un seur & riche gaige, 
 De prendre part au Celeste heritaige, 
 Si par Foy vault son Cueur y arrester, 
 Et I'arrestant, par Foy plus le gouster 
 Que par la Chair, qui le contraire clame, 
 Car on ne peut de ceste chair taster 
 Le divin pain, nourriture de TAme." 
 
 Here Sainte-Marthe at least verges upon one of 
 
 the doctrines of Luther expressly condemned 
 
 by the theological faculty of Paris in 1521, i.e. 
 
 that the faith of the recipients constitutes the 
 
 efficacy of sacraments.^ Nor is he upon safer 
 
 ground when he speaks of the Scriptures as the 
 
 incorruptible bread of the soul : 
 
 " Nourrisez la du pain incorruptible : 
 C'est I'escript sainct, c'est la sacree Bible."' 
 
 The young poet showed still less discretion in 
 
 attacking the doctors of the Sorbonne under the 
 
 name of "sophists" in a rondeau double,^ though 
 
 ' P. F., pp. 110-112. 
 
 ' Cf. Jervis, Hist, of the Church of France. Vol. I, p. 116. 
 
 ' Elegie du vray bien & nourriture de I'Ame. P. F., 
 p. 213. 
 
 * Aux Sophistes, P. F., p. 95. In his funeral oration on 
 Marguerite of Navarre, nine years later, Sainte-Marthe 
 writes, "le nom de Sophiste, jadis tandis honorable, est 
 
1540] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 125 
 
 he was safe enough when he pilloried those 
 common butts of the satirists, the religious 
 orders. Two of his epigrams upon Franciscans 
 are worth quoting on their own merits : 
 
 Epitaphe d'un Cordelier, lequel, en sa vie, avoit tous- 
 jours presche que ses merites estoient suffisants 
 h le saulver, sans la Grace de Dieu. 
 
 " Icy repose un grand religieux 
 De Sainct Francois, qui, pour porter la haire, 
 Et d'un habit, k plusieurs odieux. 
 Par le dehors I'homme sainct contrefaire, 
 A heu pouvoir par ses CEuvres perfaire 
 Ce que n'ont peu les Apostres jadis. 
 O benoist froc, qui a peu le bien faire 
 De meriter, sans Grace, Paradis.'' 
 
 Du mesme, parlant apres sa Mori h ses Frhres? 
 
 " Sus, lisez tous Freres, diligemment 
 Que dit I'Escot du merite condigne, 
 Car Ton m'a dit icy apertement 
 A me saulver mon Merite estre indigne. 
 Mais j 'ay monstr^ k Jesus Christ, par signe, 
 Qu'il ne devoit me faire tel exces. 
 Lisez, lisez, en ce Docteur tresdigne, 
 Car j'ay espoir d'en gagner mon proces." 
 
 aujourd'huy odieus k tous bons esprits par I'opiniastretS 
 d'un tas de babillards questionnaires." ... p. 42. 
 
 ' P. F., p. 46. 
 
 ' It is followed by an epigram A un du pareil ordre, 
 qui en preschant, donna la Foy au Diahle. 
 
126 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB [1540 
 
 The impression left by a perusal of his poems, 
 strongly corroborated by the names of those 
 upon whom he counts for patronage is that — 
 whatever he may have wished Faucher to believe 
 — Sainte-Marthe still leaned no less strongly 
 towards "reform" than when at Poitiers. The 
 support of Marguerite of Navarre and the 
 duchess d'Etampes, however it may have pro- 
 tected a heretic, did not enhance a man's repu- 
 tation for orthodoxy; Marot's name was still 
 anathema to many ; and Montausier's conclud- 
 ing salutation sufficiently indicates the direc- 
 tion of his sympathies: "Je supply I'Eternel, 
 nostre justificateur & dateur de toutes graces, 
 nous conduire en spirituelle vie."* 
 
 Despite the sense of safety shown by Sainte- 
 Marthe's comparative freedom of expression, 
 his place in Lyons, whether from that or other 
 causes, was less secure than he, no doubt, sup- 
 posed. We know nothing actually of the im- 
 mediate reasons, nor indeed the actual date, of 
 his departure from the city. Probably, as has 
 been said, Cublize's dismissal had something to 
 do with it; perhaps, too, now his volume was 
 ' Cf. p. 601. 
 
1541] GRENOBLE ; LYONS 127 
 
 out, he had reason to fear that, after all, the 
 imprudences of his Poesie Francoise were dan- 
 gerous at a time when persecutions were grow- 
 ing daily more severe and frequent, especially 
 in the Dauphin^ and Provenc? ; ' for the poems, 
 no doubt, as the family genealogist sagely re- 
 marks, "furent receus du publique selon les 
 divers sentiments des personnes de ce temps 
 la." ' All we know is that early in the following 
 year Sainte-Marthe had committed himself to 
 a bold step, and — following the example of 
 Eustorg de Beaulieu, Cordier and Zebed^e ' — 
 had taken refuge in Geneva. On the 6th of 
 February, 1541, Viret mentions him in a letter 
 to Calvin ' urging the latter's return to Geneva 
 where all favor his reappearance, and every- 
 thing demands his "healing hand": "Sainte- 
 
 ' Cf. letter of Viret, cit. infra. 
 
 ' Genealogie de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe, fol. 25 r°. 
 
 ^ Maturin Cordier had reached Geneva by 1537, but 
 since his banishment at the end of 1538 he had been in 
 charge of the College of Neuchatel. Cf. Buisson, op. cit., 
 pp. 127-129. Zebed^e had been pastor at Orbe since 
 1538. He was still in good odor with the reformers, 
 though his praise of Zwingli had already given offense to 
 Calvin. Cf. Herminjard, op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 191. 
 
 * Herminjard, op. cit., no. 939, Vol. VII, p. 13. 
 
128 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1541 
 
 Marthe," continues Viret, "a very learned man, 
 whom I take to be well known to you by name, 
 arrived here at once upon hearing that I was 
 here, and you shortly looked for; whom we 
 hope easily to persuade to settle here as soon 
 as he has cared for certain of his affairs, and 
 especially his betrothed to whom he has not 
 long been pledged." 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 1541 : PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 
 
 It was Sainte-Marthe's fortune to light upon 
 distracted moments in every college that he 
 was called to serve. That of Geneva, reorgan- 
 ized by the same council that proclaimed the 
 Reform in 1536, had benefited by Calvin's interest 
 until his banishment two years before. Since 
 then, its head Saunier and his great ' assistant 
 Cordier exiled, it had languished under chance 
 masters, and was at the moment ruled by the 
 sickly and inefficient Agnet Buissier.^ And 
 Sainte-Marthe, proposed to the Council on the 
 14th of February^ by Jacques Bernard and 
 
 ' Cf. Buisson, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 129. 
 
 ' "Les seigneurs pr^dicans Jaques Bernard et Cham- 
 pereaulx hont expose comment ils hont entendus que 
 maystre Agnet, regent des escholes ne peult satisfayre 
 az son office, et que ill y az icy ung home bien propice 
 pour exercy ledit office, nomm6 Martanus, priant il 
 havoyer advys." Registre du Conseil de Genfeve, Lundi, 
 4me f^vrier, 1541. cit. (partim) Herminjard, op. cit., 
 Vol. VII, p. 15, n. 7. 
 
 K 129 
 
130 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1541 
 
 Champereaulx " Seigneurs predicans," was now 
 invited to succeed him. Calvin himself ex- 
 pressed his approval of the choice in the reply 
 to Viret, dated April the second, which gave his 
 reasons for not wishing to return to Geneva.^ 
 
 Weeks before that letter was penned, how- 
 ever, Sainte-Marthe had ventured into France 
 again, hoping to arrange his affairs and to bring 
 his bride — Mile. Beringue it may be presumed 
 — back to Geneva. He ventured, in fact, not 
 only into France, but within the jurisdiction of 
 the Grenoble Parlement. He had left Geneva 
 by the last day of February and the Council 
 were at that time still awaiting his return and 
 insisting that Buissier should remain until his 
 arrival.^ 
 
 It was not until April that sad news of him 
 
 ' "De Sammarihano placet quod Senatus ei bonam 
 spem fecit." Herminjard, op. dt., Vol. ■ VII, No. 958. 
 cit. Buisson, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 132, n. 3. 
 
 ^ "Pour ce que maystre Martanus doybt venyr t6- 
 genter les escholes, ordonn6 que maystre Agnet serve 
 jusquez a sa venue en le contenant de sa poienne, et 
 puys apres, qu'il soyt mys az Sategnyez pour predicant 
 souble salayre de deux cent florins." Registre du Conseil 
 de Genfeve, lungdi dernier februarii, 1541. cit. Buisson, 
 op. cit., Vol. I, p. 132, n. 2; and Herminjard, op. cit., Vol. 
 VII, p. 15, n. 7. 
 
1541] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 131 
 
 reached Geneva. Reaching France in the midst 
 of ever increasing persecution, especially viru- 
 lent at Romans and Grenoble ' among other 
 places, he had been cast into prison again in the 
 latter place. Viret wrote the news to the 
 pastors of Zurich on the 27th of April, in a 
 letter sufficiently expressive of the considera- 
 tion which Sainte-Marthe enjoyed. "There is no 
 one," he says, "although all are most dear to us, 
 whose bonds have brought deeper sorrow to our 
 hearts than those of Sainte-Marthe, a man of 
 much learning and piety, by whose care we 
 hoped that the college of Geneva, fallen and so 
 wretchedly cast down, might be happily set up, 
 and good letters restored to their first luster, 
 which, after the banishment of our brothers, have 
 lain in the dust in the situation of despised and 
 neglected things; especially at this time when 
 the Lord has so pitied that unhappy church that 
 the fruit and success of the Gospel has far ex- 
 ceeded the hope of all. But the Lord saw other- 
 wise, lest aught should be in all respects blessed. 
 Who has ordained that we should have no perfect 
 
 ' Cf. Viret to the Zurich Pastors, Herminjard, (yp. cit., 
 Vol. VII, No. 968. 
 
132 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1541 
 
 joy in this mortal state, unfaded by touch of sad- 
 ness. The affairs of the Genevans were pro- 
 ceeding most happily and receiving day by day 
 further advancement ; but that ill chance greatly 
 hinders our efforts. We have now everything in 
 hand. Now is the very point of time and most 
 opportune occasion for restoring all things fallen 
 to decay. But men worthy to be commended 
 for doctrine and piety, who could suffice to this, 
 are lacking." ' 
 
 It is easy to understand that a man held in 
 such esteem at Geneva was welcome prey to the 
 intolerant element in the Grenoble Parlement. 
 The remarkable thing is that Sainte-Marthe 
 failed to realize his danger himself. Not content 
 with venturing once more — for whatever cogent 
 reasons — within the jurisdiction of that Parle- 
 ment, he did not hesitate to attack the repu- 
 tation of his personal enemies and to attempt 
 to bring them to punishment. If, to pro- 
 cure his death, they risked fortune and well- 
 being, one motive, on their victim's own 
 confession, was their fear "lest by [his] activity 
 and that of [his] friends they should be treated 
 ' Herminjard, op. cit., Vol. VII, No. 968. 
 
1541] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 133 
 
 as they deserved and painted in their true 
 colors," ^ — "which they cannot possibly avoid," 
 adds Sainte-Marthe, who indeed has left a lively 
 picture of them. We behold the spiteful hypo- 
 crite Mulet, ignorant official, cruel and faithless 
 husband, suborning witnesses, perverting judg- 
 ment, bent upon revenge, burning with hate and 
 mahce ;^ while Faysan, a shameful and unlettered 
 dotard, the tool of his abler companion, misuses 
 his office to satisfy private spite.' With such 
 enemies in high places the outcome could not 
 be doubtful. "It is not hid from me, Lord," 
 the young man exclaims in his paraphrase of the 
 Seventh Psalm, " that it stands ill with him who 
 
 ' Ded. to Avanson. In Psalmum . . xxxiii Para- 
 phrasis, p. 141. Cf. p. 579. 
 
 ' "Professus quidam es apud Ecclesiam, set quid 
 juvat Christianum nomen profiteri & non Christianfe 
 vivere? Adulterio thorum maritalem polluere & loco 
 repudiatae sine caussa uxoris soortum alere, testes 
 oorrumpere, iudicia invertere, vindictse cupiditate 
 deflagrare & innoxium sanguinem sitire, si vera esset 
 Christianismi non scripsisset Paulus, etc." In Psalmum 
 Septimum . . Paraphrasis, pp. 112 and 113. " Isti 
 cupiditatem vindictse ac crudelitatis suae, nullo san- 
 guine satiate possunt." In Psalmum . . . xxxiii Para- 
 phrasis, p. 166. 
 
 ^ Ded. to Avanson. In Psalmum . . . xxxiii Para- 
 phrasis, p. 140. 
 
134 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE [1541 
 
 falls by chance into the hands of a man with 
 whom he has had a capital difference." ^ 
 
 Sainte-Marthe was an easy object of attack. 
 Even supposing him to have been partly ex- 
 onerated after his previous imprisonment, he 
 had now added to his offences the publication of 
 his poems and a visit if not a flight to Geneva. 
 However, to make the matter even surer in the 
 case of a man so well provided with influential 
 friends in the place, the accusation against him 
 was tinged with political color. "I am dragged 
 Uke a malefactor," writes the victim, "into 
 the councils of the great, and am led before the 
 judges as an evil doer and subverter of the 
 commonwealth."^ "I hear them crjang," he 
 says again, '"let him be slain and burned 
 alive, he is a seducer of the populace, he is 
 an impostor and a sower of false and impious 
 doctrine. He has turned from the Christian 
 religion to the heretical party and has so en- 
 tangled himself in their factions that he cannot 
 be loosed from them. . . . He is a perverter of 
 our people, a scorner of our institutions, utter- 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, p. 27. 
 ' Ibid., p. 70. 
 
1541] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 135 
 
 ing naught but what is directly contrary to 
 orthodox faith.' With such bitter execrations 
 they deafen the judges' ears and my own also." ^ 
 "Thou art my witness," he exclaims elsewhere, 
 "how unjustly I am accused of a capital crime: 
 I who was never seditious, and never inflamed, 
 nor, as they cast up at me, seduced the 
 people." ^ 
 
 It was easy to confuse reUgious and political 
 theories in the first half of the sixteenth century; 
 for a perfectly genuine misapprehension of the 
 "reformers'" doctrines existed in many minds. 
 The element dangerous to established power, 
 which the new doctrines actually contained, was, 
 no doubt, however vaguely, present in the con- 
 sciousness of those who held them as of those 
 who did not. A general dread of the Anabaptist 
 teaching, which pushed this vague element to 
 unwelcome conclusions, was shared no less by 
 what may be called the orthodox heretic than by 
 the orthodox Catholic, and the reformers were 
 as eager to escape the odium attached to the 
 name and doctrine of the Anabaptists, as were 
 
 ■ In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, p. 24. 
 = Ibid., p. 30. 
 
136 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1541 
 
 their enemies to confound together all unortho- 
 dox opinion. 
 
 " Poinct ne suis lutheriste, 
 Ne zuinglien et moins anabaptiste." 
 
 So ran Marot's disclaimer nearly fifteen years 
 earlier/ naming the three sects which, in the 
 common mind, represented heresy. "No differ- 
 ence is made," Sturm had written from Paris as 
 late as 1535, "between an Anabaptist, an Eras- 
 mian, or a Lutheran ; all, without distinction, are 
 oppressed and led to judgment; no one is safe 
 but the Papist;"^ and Sturm's enumeration 
 points to the fact that precisely what humanists 
 and reformers had in common led to the con- 
 fusion of their doctrine with that of Anabaptists. 
 The right of free inquiry, dear to the humanist 
 as to the reformer, not only threatened the 
 authority of the church, but ran directly con- 
 trary to the unifying tendency which was the 
 political note of the moment. It is easy to 
 see what capital unscrupulous bigots could 
 
 ' Marot A monsieur Bouchart docteur en Mologie, (Euvres, 
 Vol. I, p. 153. 
 
 ' Sturm to Bucer, March the 10th, 1535. Herminjard, 
 op. cit, Vol. Ill, p. 273. cit. Guiffrey, (Euvres de CUment 
 Marot, Vol. Ill, p. 71, n. 
 
1541] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 137 
 
 make of the inherent distrust or alarmed igno- 
 rance which prevailed in the minds of princes and 
 people with regard to the new doctrines. Sainte- 
 Marthe is loud in his complaint of such. "Now 
 they urge [against us]" he writes, "pretended 
 crimes that shall lightly excite the light people; 
 now dreadful ones that shall have power to in- 
 fluence against us the hearts of princes: namely 
 that we are seditious, that we stir up the people 
 with our doctrine. " * "How many courtly 
 governors, how many hunters after emolument, 
 how many hypocrites of different colors," he ex- 
 claims elsewhere, "are there to-day who whisper 
 into the ears of princes and magistrates, that the 
 preachers of evangelical doctrine teach the com- 
 munity of all goods, and hence are taking from 
 them government, honors, power and the very 
 sword, condemning all good deeds and confound- 
 ing everything?"^ A few years earlier, in the 
 year of Sturm's letter, a far greater than Sainte- 
 Marthe had uttered a similar complaint : "Sire," 
 wrote Calvin in the dedication to Frangois I. -of 
 his great work, "Sire, par combien fausse calom- 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, p. 40. 
 2 Ibid., pp. 127-128. 
 
138 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1541 
 
 nies elle" {i.e. the new doctrine), "est tons les 
 jours diffamee envers vous : c'est assavoir qu'elle 
 ne tend k autre fin sinon que tous regnes et 
 polices soyent ruinees, la paix soit troublee, les 
 loix abolies, les seigneuries et possessions dis- 
 sipees : bref , que toutes choses soyent renversees 
 en confusion."* The disclaimer was needed; 
 for the king inclined to this view of the religion 
 of Luther, "disant qu'elle," says Brant6me, "et 
 toute autre nouvelle secte tendoient plus a la 
 destruction des royaumes, des monarchies, et 
 dominations nouvelles, qu'^ I'edification des 
 dmes." ' 
 
 As a fact, the Poesie Francoise contained a 
 dixain which might have been interpreted by a 
 strict eye as favoring one of the Anabaptist 
 doctrines, although we do not know that it came 
 into question : 
 
 Foy, Esperance, & Charite n'estre qu'un 
 
 "Foy sans Amour, ne peut estre Foy vive, 
 Car vive Foy oeuvre par Charity. 
 Et de ces deux, Esperance derive 
 Qui nous conduit k vivre en puritl. 
 
 ' Institution de la Relig. Chrit. Cols. 10 and 11. Cf. 
 supra, p. 40. 
 
 ' (Euvres, Vol. VIII, p. 116. 
 
1541] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 139 
 
 Nous esperons ce que la Verity 
 Nous a promis en croyant, par ainsy 
 Accomplissons ce qu'il commande aussy, 
 C'est d'avoir tout (comme Freres) commun 
 Par Charite. Done je metz par cecy, 
 Foy, Charite, & I'Esperance en un." 
 
 — P. F., p. 44. 
 In any case, it was as a suspected Lutheran 
 and fomenter of sedition that Sainte-Marthe, ap- 
 parently one of a number in the same situation,' 
 was thrown into prison,^ no judgment having 
 
 ' When freed he thus addresses his fellow prisoners: 
 "Vos itaque, qui mecum communem habuistis carceris 
 asperitatem et persecutiones, quam tarn longo tempore 
 sustuli, incredibilem prope molestiam: ostendite vere 
 fratres et amicos esse vos, et mecum, ob consecutam a 
 Deo libertatem, gaudete & exultate." In Psalmum 
 . . . xxxiii Paraphrasis, p. 153. 
 
 ^ All Sainte-Marthe's biographers, from the family 
 genealogist to M. de Longuemare, place his persecution 
 and imprisonment at Grenoble, if they mention it at 
 all, before his appointment to the ColUge de la TriniU 
 at Lyons and the publication of the Poesie Francoise, 
 although La France Protestante suggests, in a note, that 
 Sainte-Marthe's stay at Lyons may have been anterior to 
 his experience at Grenoble. Even Herminjard (op. cit., 
 Vol. VII, p. 91, n.), in a note on Sainte-Marthe's imprison- 
 ment, adds, "on.ne peut pas conclure que ce fut en 
 1641 qu'il fut jet^ dans un aflfreux cachot k Grenoble 
 et retenu prisonier pendant deux ans et demi." The 
 facts are as follows: Both Paucher, on June the 29th, 
 1540, and Viret, on April the 27th, 1541, speak of Sainte- 
 
140 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1541- 
 
 yet been pronounced against him. He has left a 
 vivid account of his sufferiags while incarcerated. 
 
 Marthe as imprisoned at the moment; but Montausier's 
 congratulations on the Lyons appointment were almost 
 synchronous with Faucher's letter, and make it clear that 
 Sainte-Marthe's imprisonment was over by the time the 
 latter penned his condolences. At that time, then, his 
 confinement could not have lasted two years and a half 
 as he declared that it did ; for Sainte-Marthe was at 
 Romans on the 28th of the preceding October. If we 
 suppose Faucher to have late news of a long imprison- 
 ment in Grenoble which took place before Sainte-Marthe 
 went to Romans, it must at latest have begun within 
 something like three weeks of the time of Sainte-Marthe's 
 letter to Calvin in 1537 (c/. p. 44), at which time Sainte- 
 Marthe was established as a lecturer at Poitiers. Aside 
 from the improbability of his having been driven from 
 Poitiers, made the acquaintances in the Dauphin6 which 
 we know he did before 1540, reached Grenoble and there 
 suffered an imprisonment of two and a half years, all 
 within the time admissible, his application from Romans 
 for a post at Grenoble immediately after escaping thence 
 ruined and banished, would have been at least extraordi- 
 nary, the Council's consideration of it still more so. More- 
 over, the indignant letter to Dufour, and dedications to 
 Galbert and Avanson, dated respectively April the 7th, 
 June the 15th, and July the 1st, 1543 (c/. infra), evi- 
 dently refer to recent sufferings ; and the impression that 
 they do so is much strengthened by a. comparison of the 
 generalities of the 1540 dedication to Avanson with the 
 indignant heat of that of 1543 requesting Avanson to 
 defend the poet's reputation, certain to be attacked by 
 enemies balked of his blood, — a singular request if writ- 
 
1543] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 141 
 
 "More cruelly used than are assassins, thieves, 
 murderers, robbers, ravishers and men of desper- 
 ate life," he was left to struggle with vermin 
 in a solitary, dark, and fetid tower. He had 
 one consolation, however ; a copy of the Psalms 
 had been left him. It did more than console him 
 indeed. Reflections on the Thirty-third Psalm 
 (the Thirty-fourth in our version), and on the 
 circumstances which inspired it, David's escape, 
 namely, from the king of Gath, suggested to him 
 David's device. He pretended insanity, and 
 was at once given larger liberty, — enough at 
 
 ten after an interval of three years. (C/. pp. 567 and 580.) 
 The poems of 1540 also offer corroboratory evidence. 
 The inexplicit and moderate tone of their complaints of 
 ill fortune contrast sharply with the bitter resentment 
 of the dedications of the Paraphrases. In view of Sainte- 
 Marthe's assertion that he was imprisoned " menses prope 
 triginta" (Ded. to Galbert. In Psalmum Septimum . . . 
 Paraphrasis, p. 10, cf. infra, p. 570), it is safe to conclude 
 that the earlier imprisonment was a mere prelude to the 
 second, whose maximum (supposing the letter to Dufour 
 cit. infra p. 148 et seq., written from prison) would be from 
 a date between the 14th and the end of February, 1541 
 (cf. pp. 129-131), to a date shortly before June the 15th, 
 1543 (cf. p. 161) ; and whose minimum (supposing Sainte- 
 Marthe free before writing the letter to Dufour) from a 
 date shortly before April the 27th, 1541 (cf p. 131), to a 
 date shortly befgre March the 9th, 1543 (cf. p. 152). 
 
142 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1541- 
 
 least to wander through some of the passages of 
 the prison.^ 
 
 This privilege put him in fresh spirits, and 
 gave him hope. " This small liberty," he writes 
 to his protector Avanson, "called me to a sure 
 hope that He who had begun to free me step by 
 step, would at length some day wholly enlarge 
 me. This my enemies, however, neither de- 
 sired nor expected; and, in fact, those who 
 wished my safety secured no less than their 
 own, began to despair. That bowed-head (to 
 fill whose office a swineherd or cowherd were 
 worthier) left no stone unturned that by fair 
 means or foul I might be burned alive. " ^ The 
 efforts made by Mulet and Faysan to have capital 
 sentence pronounced upon him were extraordi- 
 nary : "Grenoble knows these two well enough," 
 Sainte-Marthe continues, "it knows, I say, that 
 they devoted themselves with the whole force 
 of their mind to my ruin, and neglected no 
 device that they might glut with my blood the 
 
 ' For these details c/. Ded. to Avaoson In Psalmum 
 . . . xxxiii Paraphrasis, p. 139, cf. infra, p. 578, and In 
 Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, p. 21. 
 
 ' Ded. to Avanson In Psalmum . . . xxxiii Para- 
 phrasis, pp. 139 and 140. Cf. infra, p. 578. 
 
1543] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 143 
 
 unquenchable thirst of their spite." And again: 
 "They swore my death not only at the expense 
 of their fortunes, but of their safety." ' "Save 
 me from my visible enemies," he exclaims in his 
 paraphrase of the Seventh Psalm, "who wish me 
 to be slain accused of a false crime, who are 
 risen against me with all their might. They 
 [are] high and mighty indeed, I lowly; they 
 armed, I unarmed; they rich, I poor; they 
 honored, I despised; they free, I bound; they 
 conquerors, I vanquished; they happy in this 
 world, I cast down, most wretched of them all, 
 if indeed it be unhappy and wretched to suffer 
 harm for Thy name and for righteousness. " ^ 
 "No blood," he declares again, "can satisfy 
 their lust of hate and cruelty." ^ 
 
 The result of such hateful energy seemed cer- 
 tain. "In so many and great dangers who 
 would not doubt of his safety?" says Sainte- 
 Marthe.^ Mulet at first tried by persuasion and 
 threats to induce the personal friends of the 
 
 ' Ded. to Avanson In Psalmum . . . xxxiii Paraphrasis, 
 pp. 140 and 141. 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, p. 21. 
 ' In Psalmum . . . xxxiii Paraphrasis, p. 166. 
 * Ibid., Ded. to Avanson, p. 141. 
 
144 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE [1541- 
 
 accused man to testify against him. Failing 
 this, he attempted with more success to suborn 
 other witnesses. "I address you, mine Enemy," 
 writes Sainte-Marthe, "who left no stone un- 
 turned that I might be convicted of a capital 
 offense, and, when you saw my innocence so mani- 
 fest as to be above suspicion, obtained witnesses 
 whose false evidence you bought with money. 
 You burned indeed for my destruction and de- 
 sired nothing more than to behold this wretched 
 body consumed by flames and reduced to 
 ashes." ' Meanwhile Mulet's accompUce, whom 
 Sainte-Marthe refers to as Sisamnis, — almost 
 certainly a name for Faysan based upon some 
 allusion which escapes us to-day, — fitted into 
 his plans "as the lid fits the pot" and played 
 at once the part of prosecutor and of judge.^ 
 The two attempted to browbeat Sainte-Marthe, 
 perhaps also to entrap him into a confession or 
 at least into compromising admissions, boasting 
 that he was entangled beyond hope of escape. 
 "Lions," he complains, "have but teeth and 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, p. 112. 
 ^ Ibid., p. 40, and Ded. In Psalmum . . xxxiii Para- 
 phrasis, p. 140. Cf. infra, p. 579. 
 
1543] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 145 
 
 claws, visible arms with which to attack, but 
 these have sharp and poisoned tongues, hidden 
 arms with which they beset me secretly from 
 ambush and attempted to pierce me through. 
 . . . The more I abased myself the more 
 enraged they became." '■ 
 
 However, in spite of their efforts, they could 
 not induce the Parlement of Grenoble to pass 
 sentence. Galbert ardently espoused Sainte- 
 Marthe's cause, even at the risk of compromising 
 himself, and, apparently, formally undertook his 
 defense.^ Avanson, even at this date a patron 
 of letters, — Sainte-Marthe speaks of his "in 
 meliores literas propensissima voluntas,"' — in- 
 terested himself keenly in the fate of a scholar to 
 whom he was already indebted for a dedication, 
 and to whom he had before this shown signal 
 kindness. Moreover, the scandal of a persecu- 
 tion so evidently personal provoked popular 
 sympathy. "Those who were not entirely in 
 sympathy with me," says Sainte-Marthe, "when 
 I was cast into prison became in a moment my 
 
 ' In Psalmum . . xxxiii Paraphrasis, p. 165. 
 
 ' Ded. to Galbert In Psalmum Septimum . . Para- 
 phrasis, p. 16. Cf. infra, p. 574. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 42. 
 
146 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1541- 
 
 intimate friends and the warmest defenders of 
 my cause. Those who knew me not at all un- 
 less merely by name or sight, yea, even those to 
 whom I was utterly unknown, wept at the very 
 mention of my misfortunes, bewailed my situa- 
 tion and condition, consigned my enemies to all 
 perdition, and, so far as they could (for it was 
 not always allowed them), aided me with their 
 means." ^ With these forces on Sainte-Marthe's 
 side, his case could not easily be brought to a 
 hasty and bloody conclusion. It dragged on 
 for two years or more, while the unfortunate 
 scholar languished in prison, hourly expecting 
 an ignominious and cruel death, determined 
 upon, so he supposed, long beforehand.^ But if 
 the Parlement would not condemn, neither would 
 it free him. During his imprisonment, it re- 
 ceived, like the Parlements of Paris, Bordeaux, 
 Dijon, and Rouen, especial commands to execute 
 rigorously the ordinances against heretics ; ^ and 
 Sainte-Marthe, like other suspects, doubtless felt 
 the consequences of this. 
 
 ^ In Psalmum . . . xxxiii Paraphrasis, p. 164. 
 
 'Ibid., p. 155. 
 
 ' Actes de Frangois I, No. 12709. 
 
1543] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 147 
 
 He was indeed in wretched case. Ruined, 
 needy, destitute, and despoiled of all his pos- 
 sessions,^ damaged in reputation, an exile from his 
 own countryside, in a "barbarous and Scythian 
 land" far from friends and kin, he could hope 
 for no help from these ^ even were they disposed 
 to help, and this was uncertain enough. "I can 
 bear witness in my own person," writes Sainte- 
 Marthe later, "saluted, now that I am freed 
 from prison, by many a kinsman and acquaint- 
 ance, who, as long as I languished in prison, 
 behaved not merely unlike relations and friends, 
 but even unlike acquaintances, so far were they 
 from performing the office of relations and 
 friends." ' 
 
 However, — for all his complaints, — Sainte- 
 Marthe, as we have seen, did not lack powerful 
 friends; and he now bethought him of yet an- 
 
 ' "Obscurus vivo, abjectus, egens, destitutus, ac 
 meis plane rebus omnibus spoliatus. Ego pauper, 
 adflictus, oppressus, infamia a mundo aspersus, ex- 
 plosus, & qui tot sum in carcere incommoda perpessus." 
 In Psalmum . . . xxxiii Paraphrasis, p. 162. 
 
 ' "Atque eripuit (Deus) ab iis (tribulationibus) me 
 & Parentum, Amicorum atque omnium prope hominum 
 ope auxilio destitum." Ibid., p. 147, and Ded., p. 141. 
 Cf. p. 597. 
 
 ' In Psalmum . . . xxxiii Paraphrasis, p. 190. 
 
148 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1543 
 
 other who might stand him in good stead. He 
 had had leisure in his prison for composition, and 
 had written several paraphrases of psalms, 
 one of the Seventh, David's cry under such 
 false calumny as he felt to be his lot also, and 
 one — not extant — of the One hundred and 
 eighteenth. The first of these paraphrases he 
 now sent to Louis Dufour,' a monk of that 
 Dominican order able, as official inquisitors of 
 the faith, to be of immense service to a man 
 in Sainte-Marthe's circumstances. Perhaps 
 he had known Dufour when a student of 
 theology at Poitiers; at all events, the monk, 
 with some slight reservations, approved of the 
 Paraphrase, and exerted himself to gain for his 
 friend the formal approbation of his Order. 
 Sainte-Marthe thanked him in a letter dated 
 March the 9th, 1543, a letter in which, it must 
 be confessed, his eagerness to free himself of sus- 
 picion carried him to regrettable lengths: ^ "I 
 rejoice exceedingly, dearest Louis," he writes 
 
 ' Unidentified further. The Oinialogie de la Maison 
 de Sainte-Marthe thus interprets Furnwus. Otherwise 
 one might suppose him a member of the Lyonnese family 
 of Fournier. Cf. Copley Christie, op. cit., p. 208, n. 
 
 ' For text, cf. p. 581 et seq. 
 
1543] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 149 
 
 "that my Paraphrase has pleased the brothers of 
 your order, learned and Catholic men ; not only 
 because to be approved by excellent men 
 should be considered as the greatest praise, 
 but also because, in this so turbulent time, it is 
 no common gift of God to please theologians and 
 those to whom the function of inquisition is 
 intrusted. For there are some who, rejoicing 
 in the title of doctors and theologians, almost 
 burst with rage, when they see others, although 
 notable in doctrine yet not in orders,' publish 
 anything in the nature of a theological medita- 
 tion. Nevertheless, you write that in reading 
 the Paraphrase nothing struck your Order as 
 inadmissible, unless it be that they fear lest what 
 I write of evil princes, corrupt judges, and im- 
 pious men,^ enemies of the truth, be taken other- 
 
 ' Sine nomine. 
 
 ' The passage in question is in the Paraphrase of the 
 Seventh Psalm, pp. 128 and 129. "Interea, Principes 
 multi, consiliis huiusmodi persuasi ac graviter irritati 
 Sedechile sunt in Hieremias sseuientes, & miserfe illos 
 ac tyrannic^ in caecerem conijcientes; sunt Salomones, k 
 uero Dei oultu abducti colentes Deos alienos, & ijs templa 
 construentes. Sunt Darij mittentes in lacum Leonum 
 permultos Danieles. Sunt inquam Herodes, in odium 
 ueritatis, loannes quamplurimos ultimo supplicio ad- 
 ficientes," etc. 
 
150 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB [1543 
 
 wise than as I precisely mean ; that is, as 
 aimed at those who to-day prosecute and 
 punish the seditious followers of sects and 
 those who think very wrongly of our religion. 
 I so hate all heretics, Atheists, Anabaptists, 
 carnal evangelists, and turbulent and venom- 
 ous men of the kind, that I could wish them 
 already destroyed, so far removed from me 
 is any wish to reflect against magistrates who 
 most severely punish them. 
 
 " What I write of Princes who, listening to evil 
 counsel, rage against the good and pious, I mean 
 of those whose deeds sufficiently show their 
 manners, such as Italy has often known, and not 
 so long ago, England.' But I did not think it 
 well to name them, since it is dangerous to write 
 of such princes even true things. As to what 
 I write of evil judges and impious men, you 
 know at whom it is aimed. Those namely are 
 intended who, under pretext of Lutheranism, 
 wreaked upon me, who am innocent, the cruelty 
 of their spite ; who, I declare, exclude, by their 
 censures, the innocent from the commerce of 
 
 ' Referring clearly to the death of Sir Thomas More 
 eight years earlier (1535) and to that of Savonarola. 
 
1S43] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 151 
 
 men and even from the Church herself, speaking 
 of my very self, whom they took pains to have 
 shut up alone in a dark place, and, more than 
 that, drove from the most holy Communion of 
 the Eucharist like a Jew or a Turk, although 
 convicted of no crime at all. What ! is it a 
 trifling matter to shut out a man from the 
 Church ? a trifling matter to attack the truth ? 
 since he attacks it who both sets forth what is 
 not true and also does not admit what is true. 
 For the rest, I know well that there have always 
 been, and now are, those who slander whatsoever 
 things are good, who misinterpret whatsoever 
 are doubtful, who exaggerate those which are 
 slight, and who are, in all things, judges so 
 harsh, that they rather bring about this: to 
 destroy instead of healing him who perchance 
 has shpped. But I do not doubt that those who 
 are true theologians, that is, just, good and 
 learned, will clear me from all injustice, especially 
 if I intrust to the judgment of the Church all 
 my works whatever they are. I will promptly 
 review my commentaries on the One hundred 
 and eighteenth Psalm, and, when revised, send 
 them to you, as you ask. Farewell, most learned 
 
152 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1543 
 
 Dufour. Foster that favor of your order which 
 you have obtained for me, so that it may grow 
 daily. Grenoble, March the 9th, 1543." 
 
 It must be confessed that this letter leaves 
 the reader in the dark as to the true sentiments 
 of Sainte-Marthe. The key to them probably 
 lies in the reference to "him who has slipped," 
 and this communication may, in the light of it, 
 be regarded as a sort of retraction and formal 
 submission. Many a heretic had, like Sainte- 
 Marthe's acquaintance, Boissone,' found the 
 cup of persecution bitter to drink, and Sainte- 
 Marthe himself confessed to such weakness, — 
 in feeling at least. "Our flesh (I confess it, 
 and I confess it from experience)," he writes in 
 his Paraphrase of the Thirty-third Psalm, "is of 
 itself so weak and unstable and, even more, so 
 blind, that it not only refuses to taste the fruit 
 of the Cross, but cannot be persuaded that there 
 is any good in tribulation."^ The probability 
 is, in fact, that Sainte-Marthe's religious irregu- 
 larities stopped resolutely short of any desire 
 
 ' His public recantation took place some eleven years 
 before. 
 
 ' In Psalmum . . . xxxiii Paraphrasis, pp. 158 and 159. 
 
1543] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 153 
 
 to leave the Church. The distress expressed at 
 the possibility of excommunication is obviously 
 sincere. Seven years later he put into earnest 
 words his firm desire to remain within the 
 bosom of the Church and to submit to her author- 
 ity. If he had ever dallied with the thought 
 of schism, — and his going to Geneva indicates 
 it — he had now learned his lesson and profited 
 by it, however inconsistent such submission may 
 appear with his denunciation of those who "know 
 the truth indeed, but dare not openly profess it, 
 having fears for themselves from persecution, 
 prison, exile, loss of goods, slander, death. " ' 
 Yet the Paraphrases composed in prison un- 
 doubtedly stress the unwelcome Augustinian 
 point of view. Ecclesiastical caution, indeed, 
 avoided condemning, rather acknowledged while 
 minimizing, doctrines clearly traceable, even 
 though through the Institutio, to the great 
 Church-Father; but such views could not, at 
 this juncture, have rendered Sainte-Marthe 
 'persona grata to the authorities whom he wished 
 to placate.^ That fatahsm which seems to 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, p. 26. 
 
 ^ Nor, if the Domirucans had examined the Poesie 
 
154 CHARLES DB SAINTB-MARTHE [1543 
 
 some the natural fruit of the doctrine of pre- 
 destination is set forth with frank emphasis. 
 "He chose me for Himself before the creation of 
 this world/" falls in naturally with such a pas- 
 sage as the following: "But whatever tyrants 
 can wreak upon the body itself, they do so much 
 by the Divine Will, without whose Providence 
 nothing befalls us. Wherefore, as we fail if we 
 attempt to shun the nature and hour of our death 
 predestined and ordained by Him ; so, whatever 
 the conspiracy of the impious against us, they 
 can assuredly not slay us before our appointed 
 day."^ No less clear is the exposition of the 
 doctrine of grace: "How shall our nature, so 
 corrupt within us, have such movements of the 
 spirit, and this perfect obedience without the 
 Grace of the Holy Spirit? Truly, certain rash 
 Pelagians have dared to claim for themselves 
 this power and liberty, and to teach that we can 
 beget inward motions by the sole force of nature 
 and without the Holy Spirit ; of which, since it 
 
 Francoise, would they have relished repeated gibes at the 
 Frere Dcemonique, a pun, apparently, on the name of 
 their order. 
 
 ' In Psalmum xxxiii . . . Paraphrasis, p. 146. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 197. 
 
1543] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 155 
 
 obscures the benefits of our Saviour Jesus 
 Christ, the faithful and pious were never per- 
 suaded. God is assuredly known to us by natu- 
 ral instinct ; but this knowledge the horrible cor- 
 ruption of our nature has so far obscured, that 
 our spirit does not consent with it. . . . He 
 who uses only his natural powers, that is, lives 
 by natural sense and reason, cannot, without the 
 help of the Holy Ghost, beheve in and fear God." * 
 The insistence also upon the Bible as the 
 source of doctrine is present in the Paraphrases, 
 as it was in the poems of three years earlier. The 
 author decries "our Pharisees who, that they 
 may more freely believe according to their lust, 
 forbid Thy Gospel to be read, as doctrine con- 
 trary to their works." ^ And there is a suspicious 
 ring in the, exclamation to Galbert : " Moreover, 
 to be reviled for the Gospel is to be crowned; 
 to be covered with shame for the Gospel is to be 
 honored; to be driven from one's country and 
 forced to emigrate for the Gospel is to be in- 
 scribed a citizen of heaven : to be destroyed for 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, pp. 118- 
 119. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 67. Cf. also Ded. ; ibid., p. 9. Cf. infra, p. 569 
 et seq. 
 
156 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1513 
 
 the Gospel is to be saved : finally, to be wretched 
 for the Gospel is to be most happy. Christ ex- 
 pressed this when he said ' Blessed are they who 
 suffer persecution for righteousness' sake etc' "' 
 Sainte-Marthe also decries the abuses in the 
 church, mention of which is enough to bring 
 upon a man suspicion of Lutheranism. "Let a 
 man condemn abuses," he writes to Galbert, 
 "many of which, (alas) and too many, we must 
 confess have been brought into the church to 
 utmost hurt of the Christian republic, by the 
 limitless avarice of certain men, and he must 
 needs be a Lutheran. On the other hand," he 
 continues, "let him declare that the authority 
 of the Roman Pontiff and of other ministers of 
 the Church should be sustained, and meanwhile 
 approve certain praiseworthy ceremonies, where- 
 by human desires are checked as by barriers, and 
 he will be ignominiously dubbed a Papist." ^ 
 
 On the whole, this last quotation probably 
 indicates Sainte-Marthe's religious position, or 
 at least the position with which he wished to be 
 credited. It was that of many broad-minded 
 
 ' Ded. In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, p. 6. 
 ' Ibid., pp. 6 and 7. 
 
1543] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 157 
 
 men of unquestioned orthodoxy, who ardently 
 desired reform within the church, and at the 
 same time, while acknowledging the authority 
 of the Pope, were too Galhcan to relish the 
 epithet Papist at a moment when the Concordat 
 had focused attention afresh on the independent 
 claims of their own church/ It may be that 
 Sainte-Marthe's brief experiences at Geneva had 
 somewhat modified his views. His references to 
 "carnal Evangelicals" suggests a certain disillu- 
 sion with regard to reform or at least reformers. 
 "There are to-day," he writes, " many Evangeli- 
 cals of this sort, who have naught in their mouths 
 but the Gospel, but in whom that living and 
 perfect power of Evangehcal Charity perseveres 
 not. What avails it to hold sincerely pious 
 doctrine if it be darkened with evil affections, 
 and if life be dulled with earthly lusts? But 
 
 ' For an account of the long struggle between the 
 French church and the Holy See, cf. Jervis, Hist, of the 
 church of France, Vol. I. " ' La Pragmatique,' disait le 
 Chancelier du Prat en 1517, nous a isol6s entre tous les 
 peuples Catholiques & nous a fait considSrer comme 
 enclins k I'h6r6sie, peut-6tre mfeme comme attaints 
 d^i^ par ses doctrines.' " Le Marquis du Prat. Vie 
 d'Antoine du Prat, Paris, 1857, p. 152, cit. Henri Lutteroth, 
 La Reformation en France, p. 2. 
 
158 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1543 
 
 they are so bewitched with love of glory, desire 
 for money, eagerness for pleasure, lust of revenge, 
 fear of shame, hurt and death, that not only 
 are they unable to leaven the foolish multitude, 
 but they themselves and Evangelical piety fall 
 into the uttermost contempt among men, since 
 they do not practise what they teach. Should 
 you, in a Christian manner, exhort these not 
 to change Evangelical hberty (the true liberty 
 of the Spirit) into liberty of the flesh, but to 
 unite piety of doctrine to piety of manners, 
 and should you perchance more sharply rebuke 
 them when they do not assent; they will at once 
 brand you with Atheism." ^ Somewhat disillu- 
 sioned, then, as to the effect of the new religious 
 movement upon its followers; no doubt also 
 disappointed at its now marked dogmatism and 
 divergence from the philosophic spiritualism 
 which had earlier mingled with it ; ^ cowed into 
 submission by a bitter experience, and yet eagerly 
 seeking to justify his views to authority while 
 sincerely desirous to remain within the fold ; — 
 
 ' Ded. In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, pp. 
 7 and 8, cf. infra, p. 568 et seq. 
 
 ^ Cf. Lefrane, Le Platonisme et la Litt&rature en France 
 ilBOO-1650), Rev. d'Hist. litt. 1896, pp. 9, 12-13. 
 
1543] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 159 
 
 it is thus that we may picture Sainte-Marfche 
 towards the end of his imprisonment. 
 
 Its end was near at hand, — for the Parle- 
 ment set free its prisoner "ima hora and verbo 
 uno," ^ not, it would seem, by acquittal, but by 
 pronouncing judgment and inflicting a lighter 
 punishment than the death-penalty for which 
 the young scholar's enemies had hoped. Sainte- 
 Marthe was banished, his property was confis- 
 cated; but the machinations of his personal 
 enemy seem to have redounded to his own dis- 
 credit. "And what did he finally accomplish," 
 writes Sainte-Marthe, "except that he kept me 
 long in prison? But prison I had in common 
 with not a few princes and noble men, in truth 
 with Christ himself. He despoiled me of all my 
 possessions ; yet what he took away, he took not 
 from me but from Fortune (to whom pertained 
 what was mine). The Lord had given and the 
 Lord suffered them to be taken away. He can 
 give back, yea, better and more numerous goods. 
 Perchance he has fouled me with shame. This 
 he attempted indeed but could not accomplish. 
 For as, if you wet or immerse maidenhair fern, it 
 ' Ded, In Psalmum Septimum . . Paraphrasis, p. 13. 
 
160 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1543 
 
 still remains as if dry : so slander hangs not on a 
 good man, nor shame, however one may try to 
 dishonor him. But he saw to it that I should be 
 dispossessed of all. What of that ? Perchance 
 he thought me like the ant or bee, who emigrate 
 if cast out of hive or hole. But a brave and 
 good man lives tranquilly in any place as a ship 
 with firm anchor can ride at peace in any port." ' 
 
 It may well have been the influence of the 
 Dominicans which brought the Senate to its 
 decision; the championship of Galbert and the 
 favor of Avanson were no doubt also efficient; 
 but the suddenness of the poet's release suggests 
 the exertion of some still more powerful factor. 
 May not Marguerite of Navarre, now at least, if 
 not on a former occasion, have interfered in 
 behalf of her protege, as she had so often done 
 for others ? Years afterwards Sainte-Marthe in- 
 cluded in his Paraphrase of the Ninetieth Psalm 
 a passage which gives color to this supposition : 
 "If we should have enemies bent on our destruc- 
 tion and were unable to escape their power, and 
 some prince promised us favor and freedom 
 either by letter or messenger and meanwhile 
 
 ' Ded. In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis,p. 11. 
 
1543] PERSECUTION AT GRENOBLE 161 
 
 took us under his protection, what could we 
 hear which would more refresh our spirits?"' 
 Freed then, but in dire poverty, the banished 
 man betook himself to Lyons, his earlier place 
 of refuge. He was already there by the 15th of 
 June, his dedication to Galbert of his Paraphrase 
 of the Seventh Psalm being of that date and 
 place. On the first of July he dedicated to Avan- 
 son another Paraphrase — that on the Thirty- 
 third Psalm to whose inspiration he owed so 
 much. He had composed it in Grenoble or in 
 Lyons immediately upon obtaining his freedom. 
 During the year he published, at Lyons, both 
 paraphrases with their dedications, in a volume ^ 
 which included also his letter to Dufour and an 
 interesting epigram to the address of his enemies. 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc pia Meditatio, fol. 17 r". 
 
 ^ In Psalmum Septimum et Psalmum xxxiii Para- 
 phrasis per Carolum Samarthanum. I am indebted for 
 having seen this volume to the kindness of M. Arthur 
 Labb6 of Chatellerault, who lent me his almost unique 
 copy (red morocco binding by Du Senil, arms of de 
 Caumartin Saint-Ange). I afterwards discovered a 
 second volume at the Bibliothfeque de Sainte Genevifeve 
 (No. B 1515). For text of the dedications it contains 
 cf. pp. 566-581. This volume is the only source of 
 information with regard to the poet's experience at 
 Grenoble. 
 
162 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE [1543 
 
 This epigram effectually identifies his persecu- 
 tors and makes clear their share in both Sainte- 
 Marthe's imprisonments. In view of its acrid 
 humour, it is amusing to find the family genealo- 
 gist referring to it as "un gentil 6pigramme." ' 
 
 Ad F. Faysanum apvd Gratianopolim Senatorem et 
 Theod. Muletum in eod. Senatu Advocatum regium 
 Samarihanus. 
 
 " Me Volucris rostro, me Bestia calce petivit, 
 Nee nocuit Volucris, Bestia nee nocuit. 
 Immerito vinctum Menses vexasse triginta, 
 Inque meam frustrS, pervigilasse necem, 
 Ac nudum duro eduxisse e carcere, pulsum 
 Ingrato, Getico, barbaricoque Solo ; 
 Hsec fecisse (inquS,m) fas contrS,, juraque contrS,, 
 Ni insonti graviter sit nocuisse Reo : 
 Ut potuere igitur solum nocuere, nee ultra, 
 Ut voluere etenim non nocuere, sat est." ' 
 
 ' GinMogie de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe, fol. 22 r". 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum et Psalmum xxxiii Para- 
 phrasis, p. 144. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 SERVICE WITH THE DUCHESS OF BEAUMONT AND 
 THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's second stay at Lyons was 
 short. He had been there not more than a year 
 when, in 1544, he entered the service of Frangoise, 
 dowager Duchess of Vendome and Longueville/ 
 who had but lately been created also Duchess of 
 Beaumont in her own right.^ In his funeral ora- 
 tion for his patroness, composed in 1550,' Sainte- 
 Marthe speaks of himself as having been "son 
 domestique serviteur six ans continuels." It is 
 
 ' Daughter of R6n6 d'AIengon, and sister of Charles, 
 due d'Alengon, first husband of Marguerite of Navarre, 
 she had, at this time, been for six years widow of Charles 
 de Bourbon, due de Vend6me, her second' husband. 
 Her first husband had been Frangois d'Orl^ans, due de 
 Longueville. 
 
 ^ I.e. in September, 1543, when the vicomtS of Beau- 
 mont and the baronies of La Flfeche, ChS,teau Gontier, 
 Ste. Suzanne, etc., were united in her favor into a 
 duchi pairie under the name of Beaumont. 
 
 ' Oraison Funkhre . . de Frangoise d'Alengon, etc., 
 fol. 13 v°. 
 
 163 
 
164 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1544 
 
 clear, in fact, that it was to the Duchess that he 
 owed the beginning of happier fortunes, and not, 
 as generally supposed, to Marguerite of Navarre. 
 On her death, less than a year after that of 
 Marguerite, Sainte-Marthe thus bewails the loss 
 of both patronesses : " L'une avoit et^ le premier 
 fondement de mon avantage sur lequel I'autre 
 avoit commence un bastiment qui eut poeu con- 
 tenter le desir de mon esprit a I'entretien & 
 continuation de mes etudes. L'lme decedee, 
 ce commencement a est6 ruin^ & ne m'estoit 
 plus demeure que le fondement ; mais si tost 
 que I'autre a delaiss^ le monde, mon fonde- 
 ment s'est creve en sorte qu'il ne reste plus en 
 moy de ce que j'estois les deus vivantes, sinon 
 une triste image de ma ruine. " ' The founda- 
 tion-stone of Sainte-Marthe's worldly advance- 
 ment was the post of procureur general of the 
 new duchy which he obtained within a year of 
 his connection with the Duchess.^ To this was 
 
 ' Or. Fun. . . . de Frangoise d'AlenQon, fols. 7 v° and 
 8r° 
 
 ' Odolant Desnos, Mems. hist sur la mile d'Alengan, Vol. 
 II, p. 546, specifically states that the letters patent con- 
 ferring this office were dated May the 14th, 1545. M. de 
 Longuemare, op. cit., p. 46, gives this date as the 18th 
 
1S44] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 165 
 
 added also membership in the Duchess's Coun- 
 cil/ Frangoise had probably seen Sainte-Marthe 
 as a youth before he left home for the University, 
 for she had been at Fontevrault for the recep- 
 tion as novice of one of her daughters in 1529,^ 
 and was otherwise closely connected with the 
 convent. This connection, no doubt, would be 
 enough to interest her in Sainte-Marthe. Possi- 
 bly, too, her attention was attracted to their 
 gifted penitent by the Dominicans. Her con- 
 fessor, Frere Simon Bernard, was of their Order, 
 and may well have recalled Sainte-Marthe to her 
 memory.^ 
 
 Such refuge as service with the Duchess 
 offered was a godsend to Saint-Marthe, for, even 
 though he had the approval of the Dominicans, 
 
 of May, but quotes no source. Cf. the letters patent of 
 Antoine issued in 1550, infra, p. 590 et seq. 
 
 '■ The account of Sainte-Marthe's connection with the 
 Duchess, given by the Oinialogie de la Maison de Sainte- 
 Marthe, fol. 26 v°, is chronologically misleading. 
 
 ^ Magdaleine de Bourbon. Cart. Font. Ebrald., fol. 
 357 V". Sainte-Marthe, Or. Fun. . ., fol. 39 r°, gives the 
 date as the 25th of October. She was "professed" in 
 1534, October the 14th. 
 
 ^ " . . frere Simon bernard, de I'ordre des Jacobins, 
 son pere oonfesseur & Ecolesiaste ordinaire, vertueuse & 
 docte personne." Or. Fun. . . ., fol. 34 r°- 
 
166 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1544- 
 
 the harsh Edict of Paris promulgated within a 
 month or two of his arrival at Lyons ^ must 
 have made him tremble, still more so that of 
 September of the same year, clearly defining 
 orthodox doctrine as the Sorbonne saw it and 
 directing proceedings against all who -preached 
 against any of its twenty-six articles.^ The 
 household of the Duchess provided more than 
 refuge, — congenial surroundings ; for the piety 
 of its Head — whose orthodoxy was beyond 
 question — delighted in psalms and hymns and 
 readings of Scripture, and would be naturally 
 sympathetic with Sainte-Marthe's "evangel- 
 ical" turn of thought. 
 
 Frangoise's proteg^ has left a lively description 
 of the appearance and qualities of his patroness, 
 "la bonne entre les bonnes and la humaine entre 
 les humaines." Unable to use her eyes, and of 
 such weight of body that she could take no part 
 in domestic occupations, but was kept from rest 
 and obhged by her physicians to "faire exercise 
 par deambulations," she yet had unmistakable 
 
 ' I.e. the 30th of July, 1543. Actes de Frangois I, 
 No. 1543. 
 
 ' Ibid., Nos. 13353 and 13354. Cf. also H. Lutteroth, 
 op. cit., pp. 37 and 38. 
 
1548] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 167 
 
 nobility of bearing. "Vergile, parlant de Venus," 
 
 writes Sainte-Marthe, "dit qu'au marcher elle 
 
 se monstra estre vraye Deesse ; mais, s'il eust 
 
 cogneu Francoise, il eust poeu dire que sa parole, 
 
 son maintien, son port, son marcher, ses gestes, 
 
 encor qu'elle eust est^ deguisee & couverte 
 
 d'autre habit, portoient asses de tesmoignage 
 
 qu'elle estoit Princesse. " ' A woman of mascu- 
 
 Une understanding, " qui sgait si noblement 
 
 tenir son reng entre les Princesses que ses ver- 
 
 tus souveraines avoient donn^ k nostre France 
 
 grande occasion de se complaindre de Nature 
 
 de quoy ne I'avoit faicte homme," ^ she was a 
 
 tender and generous mother to her thirteen 
 
 children. Sainte-Marthe, an eye-witness,^ gives 
 
 a moving account of her behavior during the 
 
 prolonged and painful illness of her son Antoine : 
 
 "La Mere qui, en I'absence de son enfant, de 
 
 pitie & compassion de ses douleurs arrousoit sa 
 
 chambre de larmes, quand retournoit vers luy, ne 
 
 voulant luy augmenter sa peine par sa tristesse & 
 
 desolation, reprimoit ses douleurs, et le consoloit 
 
 > Or. Fun. . . ., fols. 13 r° and 14 v°. 
 ^ Or. Fun. . . . de . . . Marguerite de Navarre, p. 44. 
 ^ "Nous estions lors a Chasteauregnauld." Or. Fun. 
 . . . de Frangoise d'Alengon, fol. 34 r°. 
 
168 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1544- 
 
 avec un visage si constant qu'elle entretenoit 
 son enfant en espoir de guarison, encore que la 
 maladie fust de touts deploree. Et I'enfant 
 qui, en I'absence de sa mere, par les doloreuses 
 plainctes de son mal, faisoit fondre les assistants 
 en pleurs, adverty de la venue de la debonnaire 
 Dame, se contenoit en si magnanime courage 
 qu'il sembloit ne sentir aucune douleur." ' As 
 the boy was recovering, his mother received 
 news of the sudden death of her second son, 
 Fran9ois, the victor of CerisoUes.^ The stricken 
 woman tried to hide her anguish from the sick 
 child : "Qui les eust veu I'un devant I'autre, 
 quand elle le fut reveoir, on n'eust poeu juger 
 qu'elle heust aucune fascherie & tristesse ; ne 
 luy qu'il souffrist aucun mal."^ 
 
 In her household the Duchess maintained 
 strict discipline . She concerned herself minutely 
 with the dress, bearing, and amusements of her 
 ladies in waiting : " Elle faisoit aussi venir en sa 
 chambre toutes ses Demoiselles, & (apres) les 
 
 > Or. Fun. . . . de Frangoise d'Alengon, fol. 33 v". 
 
 2 I.e. on the 16th February, 1546. He was killed, by 
 the fall from a window of a chest of linen, while engaged 
 in a game with the Dauphin and some of his suite. 
 
 ' Or. Fun. . . de Frangoise d'Alengon, fol. 35 r°. ' 
 
1548] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 169 
 
 avoir regardees Tune apres I'autre, elle reprenoit 
 celle qui luy sembloit faire contenance Si main- 
 tien rustique ; elle blasmoit celle qui estoit 
 moins que proprement & modestement paree; 
 elle prenoit I'ouvrage de chascune, s'il y avoit 
 faulte I'amendoit, si le peu d'avancement portoit 
 tesmoinage de sa negligence & paresse la tenceoit. 
 . . . Que si aucun leur vouloit parler d'amour, 
 falloit que ce fust de I'amour permis ... car 
 oncques Ullyxe n'estouppa si bien ses aureilles 
 centre le deceptif chant des Sirennes, qu'elles 
 estoient gourdes a tels propos comme filles 
 prudentes & rendantes bon tesmoinage de leur 
 nourriture. . . . Ains permettoit qu'elles al- 
 lassent se pourmener & esbastre ou aux jardins, 
 ou en quelque honorable maison, ou qu'elles 
 balassent, ou qu'elles jouassent de lues, de 
 guitternes, d'espinettes & autres instruments 
 de musique." ^ Deeply religious, she allowed 
 them no other reading than the scriptures or 
 "quelque historiographe qui ne donnoit aucune 
 mauvaise & impudique doctrine; " no other 
 songs than the Psalms or the Odes of the Queen 
 
 ' Or. Fun. . . . de Frangoise d'Alengon, fol. 14 r" and 
 
170 CHARLES DE SAINTE-M^HITHE [1544- 
 
 of Navarre.' She imitated her sister-in-law, 
 in fact, in causing hymns to be set to new and 
 popular airs, " tourna les lascives chansons 
 de I'impudique Venus en hymnes et cantiques 
 spirituelles."^ These compositions were usually 
 the work of Charles de Billon,' her Maitre des 
 requites, but sometimes Sainte-Marthe composed 
 them . ' ' Quelque f ois me f aisoit tant d'honneur, ' ' 
 he writes, "que de m'en commander autant; 
 & quand j'avoie escript quelque Elegie qui parloit 
 des benefices de Jesus, de la bont6 & misericorde 
 de Dieu & d'autre telle matiere chrestieime, me 
 la faisoit distinctement lire devant elle en la 
 presence de ses Damoiselles, pour les exciter 
 tous jours a la crainte & amour de Dieu & leur 
 faire gouster le fruict de pietd." * Frangoise's 
 supervision of the conduct of the gentlemen of 
 the household was no less vigorous. She con- 
 sidered one reprimand enough, not only for 
 "mutins joueurs, blasphemateurs, oultrageus," 
 but also for those who " entreprirent sur les 
 
 ' Or. Fun. . . . de Frangoise d'Alengon, fol. 15 r°- 
 2 Ibid., fol. 15 v°. 
 
 ' "Son maistre des requestes, homme d'angelic esprit 
 & de grande erudition." Ibid., fol. 15 r° 
 ' Ibid., fol. 15 v°- 
 
1548] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 171 
 
 autres es estats & offices qu'elle leur avoit dis- 
 tingu^s." After that they were haled to prison 
 to suffer "bonne justice." ' 
 
 For all her virtues, faults were not lacking; 
 a generous, open-handed woman, — prompt in 
 anger and in forgiveness, unresentful, easy of 
 access, affable, pious, charitable, — the Duchess 
 had the defects of her qualities.^ Presumption 
 angered her like vice, and she was heard to de- 
 clare "tout hault et devant touts" that no ser- 
 vant should ever govern her.^ She was always 
 deeply in debt, and there were some to whisper 
 that she had never in her life paid her servants/ 
 Sainte-Marthe, indeed, gives a curious picture of 
 the hand-to-mouth existence led by this royal 
 princess. When she received money, those who 
 were fortunate enough to discover it and to ask 
 
 ' Or. Fun. . . . de Frangoise d'Alengon, fols. 15 v° and 
 16 r°. 
 
 2 Cf. ibid., fols. 30 t°, 26 v°, 12 v°, 34 v°. 
 
 ' For example: "Et encor que I'advis & opinion de 
 son consei) luy semblast bonne, elle la reprouvoit, non 
 pour ne la vouloir croire (car, apres, elle la mettoit a 
 execution) mais pour oster toute occasion aux gents de 
 son conseil, de se iacter de la gouverner." Ibid., fols. 16 v° 
 and 17 r°- 
 
 < Ibid., fols. 29 1° and 31 r° 
 
172 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1544 
 
 for a payment were never refused/ and she com- 
 pounded with her household for their wages by 
 appointing them to offices as fast as they fell 
 vacant. Still, whatever her faults, Frangoise 
 d'Alengon was able to gain the love of those 
 who served her, and was sincerely mourned at 
 her death. "0 franc coeur de Francoise," ex- 
 claims Sainte-Marthe, "6 bonte incroyable, o 
 rare exemplaire de misericordieuse Princesse, que 
 tu as aujourd'hui en chrestiente petit nombre 
 de Princes, a toy en cela semblables. " ^ 
 
 After a period which must have been spent 
 between Vendome, La Fleche and Beaumont, 
 Sainte-Marthe was enrolled in the household 
 also of Marguerite of Navarre, as one of her 
 counsellors and mattres des requites, besides 
 holding office as Lieutenant Criminel of Alengon. 
 Sainte-Marthe's own description of himself as 
 "both their servant and of their Council"^ in- 
 dicates that he held office in the household of the 
 
 ' Or. Fun. . . . de Frangoise d' Alengon, fol. 31 r° and v°. 
 
 ^ Ibid., fol. 23 r° 
 
 ' "J'ay done ample matiere de plorer la mort de mes 
 maistresses qui les ayant perdues ay tout perdu: & 
 seray tesmoing croyable a la predication de leurs vertus, 
 qui ay est6, & leur domestique & de leur conseil." Ibid., 
 fol. 8 r°. 
 
1548] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 173 
 
 Duchess and of the Queen at the same time, and 
 is another proof of the close affection which to 
 the end united the two women, in spite of the 
 strain it must have been put to by the Queen's 
 reluctance for her daughter's marriage with 
 Antoine,' and, eariier, by the lawsuit begun 
 by Charles d'Alengon's sisters, after his death, to 
 recover the usufruct of the duchy granted to his 
 widow.^ It is difficult to establish the date of 
 Sainte-Marthe's connection with the Queen's 
 household, its renewal, rather, since we have sup- 
 posed him among her followers in 1539. He is 
 not mentioned until 1548 in the book of expenses 
 which Frott6 ' kept for the queen from 1540 to 
 
 ' Cf. Ruble, Le Mariage de Jeanne d'Albret, pp. 250- 
 268; A. Lefranc, Les Derniires Poesies de Marguerite de 
 Navarre, Preface, pp. xx-xxii; F. Frank, Les Marguerites 
 de la Marguerite, Preface, pp. xvij & xviij. 
 
 ^ In 1529. The lawsuit was decided in the following 
 year. Cf. Anselm, Histoire ginialogique & chronologique 
 de la Maison Royale de France (Paris, 1726-1733), Vol. I, 
 p. 277, and G^nin, Nouvelles Lettres, p. 123. 
 
 ' The queen's secretary. Sainte-Marthe thus refers 
 to him, "... son Secretaire Jhean Frott6, — sien le 
 dy je pource qu'il estoit de son priv6 Conseil comme son 
 premier & tr6s6prov6 Secretaire, homme de grande 
 experience & de bon esprit, prudent et hayant peu de 
 semblables au debvoir & 4 la diligence de son office, etc." 
 Or. Fun. ...deM.de N., p. 63. 
 
174 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1548 
 
 1548 ; ' and the date on which his name appears, 
 November, 1548, as " conseiller & maitre de 
 requites" ^ falls precisely during the month of 
 the festivities that marked Marguerite's visit 
 to Vendome, Jeanne d'Albret's new home.' On 
 that occasion, "Charles de Sainte-Marthe, con- 
 seiller & maitre des requites, est charg^ de 
 taxer les d^penses de la seance de rechiquier 
 tenue a Alengon au mois de septembre dernier." 
 Sainte-Marthe's probable presence at Vendome 
 in Frangoise's household makes it plausible, 
 then, to suppose this the time chosen by the 
 Queen to attach Sainte-Marthe once more to 
 her person. The evidence of the funeral oration 
 on this point is almost wholly negative. Sainte- 
 Marthe was apparently not with Marguerite at 
 the time of Frangois I's death on March the 
 31st, 1547, — "elle mesmes le m'a depuis ainsi 
 dit," is the phrase he uses of Marguerite's dream 
 of her brother on that day ; but, no doubt, after 
 
 ' Ably edited, or rather analyzed, by the Comte de la 
 Ferrifere-Percy. MargxLerite d' Angouleme, son lime de 
 dSpenses {1540-1549). 
 
 2 Ihid., p. 131. 
 
 " Cf. Ruble, Antoine de Bourbon & Jeanne d'Alhret, 
 Vol. I, pp. 3-5 ; La Ferrifere-Percy, op. cit., p. 131. 
 
1548] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 175 
 
 this appointment to her household, he remained 
 in close attendance upon the Queen of Navarre. 
 "Nous estions lors au monast^re de Thusson," 
 he writes/ describing an incident in the Queen's 
 life, as if he were regularly on her train. His 
 other appointment, as Lieutenant Criminel of 
 the town of Alengon,^ may conceivably have 
 antedated his closer attendance upon Marguerite; 
 but by itself his office at Alengon would bring 
 
 ' The mention of Tusson, where Marguerite went into 
 retreat immediately upon the death of the king, does not, 
 necessarily, indicate an earlier connection between queen 
 and poet ; for Tusson may reasonably be supposed to have 
 remained a favorite resort of the Queen's. 
 
 ^ "Comme ce fut par sa faveur qu'il obtint I'ofBce de 
 Lieutenant Criminel de la ville d'Alengon," etc. Sc6vole 
 de Sainte-Marthe (CoUetet), loc. cit. Sc^vole makes no 
 mention of the office of "Conseiller A Techiquier et au con- 
 seil d'Alenjon" which Odojant Desnos, op. cit., Vol. II, 
 p. 546, attributes to Sainte-Marthe, adding, "apres I'ex- 
 tinction de I'echiquier, il fut Lieutenand criminel d'Alen- 
 5on." Odolant Desnos is not entirely reliable, as is proved 
 by his statement that Sainte-Marthe was still Lieutenant 
 Criminel at Alengon in 1562, when, as a fact, he had 
 been dead seven years. The family genealogy makes 
 the following statemept (fol. 25 v°) : " Marguerite 
 . . . I'honnora de la charge de Lieutenant criminel 
 d' Alengon, ou selon le temoinage de I'histoire de Perche, 
 de I'oflfice de Lieutenant general en cet exchiquier." On 
 the whole we may conclude that ScSvole would not have 
 failed to mention any of his uncle's honors. 
 
176 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1S48- 
 
 him little contact with the Queen of Navarre, who 
 spent her last years at Pau, Mont de Marsan, and 
 N^rac, with occasional absences, which included, 
 so far as we know, no journey to Alengon after 
 1544. It is probable, then, that Sainte-Marthe's 
 more intimate connection with her household 
 began hardly earlier than the year before her 
 death. For Marguerite, those last days of life 
 were full of sorrow, disenchantment, and dis- 
 appointment, and the gratitude of a kindred 
 soul like Sainte-Marthe's must have offered 
 elements of solace. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe felt his debt, indeed, to be im- 
 mense towards her who, in his own words, "de sa 
 grace m'a tant fait de bien et d'honneur que je 
 lui devois & ce qui est a moy & moi-mesmes, tel 
 que je sois."* His IcJve and admiration for 
 that "femme incomparable qui n'eut one rien 
 en ce monde sinon le corps commun avec les 
 aultres mortels," ^ "les vertus de laquelle quand 
 on vouldroit dignement exprimer, la fertility 
 d'Hom^re en deviendra sterile, le torrent de 
 D^mosthene en d&eicheroit, la lumi^re et 
 splendeur de 1' eloquence Tulliane en seroit 
 
 • Or. Fun. ... deM.de N ., p. 28. ' Ihid., p. 26. 
 
1549] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 177 
 
 estainte," ' informs his whole oration with elo- 
 quence. It supplies to his feeling terms, which 
 — if less telling than Rabelais "Esprit abstraict 
 ravy & ecstatic," or Marot's "corps feminin, 
 coeur d'homme & teste d'Ange" — show us the 
 queen "in her habit as she lived." Her candor, 
 "ingenuite de franc coeur," her force and mag- 
 nanimity, her humility and goodness conjoined 
 with tempered gravity, her courtesy, sweetness, 
 and merciful heart, her excellent wit and "pro- 
 found and abstruse erudition," and that "mdle 
 majeste" which made an offender wish himself a 
 hundred feet underground, — all these Sainte- 
 Marthe lovingly recalls.^ He notes, too, the 
 queen's practical application to life of her 
 knowledge of philosophy ; her patronage of 
 letters ; her disinterested distribution of office in 
 a day when patronage was a fertile source of 
 income; her constancy in grief, and generosity 
 when injured; her reasonable and merciful dis- 
 cipline of her household ; her exact discharge of 
 obligation to her inferiors; her liberality to all, 
 
 1 Or. Fun. . . . de M. de N., p. 28. 
 
 2 Ihid., pp. 99, 64, 60, 80, 31, 84, 49-52, 56-59, 65- 
 67, 83, 87, 88 et passim. 
 
 N 
 
178 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1548- 
 
 even to the evil and vicious : "EUe estoit 
 la plus humaine & la plus lib^rale femme du 
 monde, " he exclaims; "elle escouteoit parler 
 tous estats & toutes nations d'hommes ; elle ne 
 refuseoit sa maison a personne ; elle ne vouloit, 
 quand on la prieoit de quelque chose, que 
 celuy qui demandeoit s'en allast refuse. " * 
 "Tous les malades de grief ves maladies," he 
 writes elsewhere, his enthusiasm kindled by. his 
 own experience, "tous ceuls qui souffroient 
 n6cessit6 & indigence, tous ceuls qui avoient 
 perdu leurs biens & abandonne leur patrie, tous 
 ceuls qui fuioient la persecution de la mort, 
 bref, tous ceuls qui estoient en quelque adversite, 
 fust ce du corps ou de 1' esprit, se retiroient k la 
 Royne de Navarre comme k leur ancre sacre & 
 extreme refuge de salut en ce monde. Tu les 
 eusses veus, k ce port, les uns lever la teste hors 
 de mendicity, les aultres, co'mme apr^s le nau- 
 frage, embrasser la tranquillity tant desir^e, 
 les autres se couvrir de sa faveur, comme d'un 
 second boucler d'Ajax, contre ceuls qui les pers6- 
 cutoient. " ^ 
 
 ' Or. Fun. .,. deM.de N., p. 101. 
 2 Ibid., pp. 88-89. 
 
1549] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 179 
 
 Sainte-Marthe hardly admits, as the queen's 
 only fault, a certain credulity so marked "que 
 facilement on la tourneoit qk & la," for which, 
 even if true, her sex would be an excuse; and 
 he makes such apology as befitted his audience 
 for her patronage of those "qui sentoient bien 
 peu chrestiennement de nostre foy & religion." ' 
 It was probably the unfortunate Des Periers 
 whose disgrace ^ he parades as proof of his idol's 
 orthodoxy: "Mais ceuls qui n'estoient de Dieu, 
 je dy ceuls desquels les faicts r^pugnoient a la 
 paroUe, ceuls de qui la vie estoit scandaleuse, 
 ceuls de qui la doctrine estoit doctrine inspiree 
 des Demons, une doctrine impie, sacrilegue & 
 qui deust estre degetee, apres qu'elle les avoit 
 aigrement tencfe, apres que leur avoit monstr^ 
 leur faulte, apres que tr^shumainement les 
 avoit voulu remettre au chemin de verite, s'ils 
 ne vouloient se recongnoistre & amender, selon 
 le precepte de S. Paul qui commande d'eviter 
 I'h^retique apres la premiere ou seconde admo- 
 
 • Or. Fun. . . deM. de N., pp. 96-101. 
 
 ^ Re this incident cf. La Ferrifere- Percy, op. cit., 
 p. 41 et seq.; L. Lacour, (Euvres Frangoises de Bona- 
 veniure Des Peri?rs, Vol. I, p. 1 et seq. 
 
180 CHARLES.de SAINTE-MARTHE [1548- 
 
 nition, incontinent les d^chasseoit de sa Maison, 
 de sa famille & de sa compagnie. " ' 
 
 It was natural that Sainte-Marthe, himself eru- 
 dite and a schoolmaster, should have much to say 
 of the education of the Queen, a matter of deep 
 concern to her father and to her mother, that 
 "mirouer tr^slucide de prudence et matronale 
 gravity." Under discipline of Persian severity, 
 Marguerite was trained in manners " pudiques & 
 humains, sev^res toutefois & vraiement Roy- 
 aulx," and her intellectual education was con- 
 ducted by really learned men.^ 
 
 The oration, which at moments approaches 
 a biography, concerns itself not merely with 
 Marguerite's education, but with her ancestry 
 and the main events of her career. Her two 
 marriages, the negotiations of the Emperor 
 for her hand, the birth of her children, her mis- 
 sion to Spain, her political activities at home, 
 the death of her infant son, "ravy devant son 
 aige par I'envie des fatales Deesses":^ all are 
 duly and eloquently set forth. It is, however, 
 when he records the way of life of his beloved 
 
 ' Or. Fun. ...deM.de N., pp. 101 and 102. 
 ' Ibid., pp. 38-44. ' Ibid., pp. 44-45. 
 
1549] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 181 
 
 mistress, as he himself observed it, that Sainte- 
 Marthe is at his best. He will not have his 
 reader suppose that Marguerite was like the 
 ladies of the court, who pass the day in idleness 
 and vain talk, or concern themselves but with 
 feminine occupations and exercises. Not so, 
 truly, is it, for, as she surpassed all those of 
 her own sex in liveliness of mind, and possessed 
 in a feminine body a heroic and manly heart, 
 she wished to pass the time in arts worthy the 
 occupation of a man, in honest and praiseworthy 
 pursuits.^ And so we see her, in his pages, 
 accessible to great and small; giving audience 
 with the sweetness and humility of a simple lady 
 rather than like a queen; dictating, or even 
 writing with her own hand, letters of recom- 
 mendation, full of sweetness, humanity, and 
 affection, so warm that a reader might suppose 
 them written for her own advantage; counsel- 
 ing, consoling, cheering those who needed it ; 
 waiting after her audience for possible petition- 
 ers that none might be disappointed. We see 
 her, now bestowing alms secretly that she might 
 not seem to be bidding for the favor of her 
 ' Or. Fun. . . . de M.de N., p. 76. 
 
182 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1548- 
 
 people, now begging her officers, with clasped 
 hands and tears in her eyes, to make the poor 
 their special care; or, when reprimand was 
 needed, mingling honey with aloes, sweetly 
 addressing and familiarly admonishing the 
 transgressor.^ 
 
 Sainte-Marthe has portrayed the Queen also, 
 occupied in more intellectual pursuits : alone 
 in her room, when her husband was absent, a 
 book in her hand in lieu of a distaff, pen or tab- 
 lets replacing spindle or needle. She actually 
 excelled in tapestry and other needlework, 
 however ; and, when she apphed herself to these, 
 some one read from a "historiographe" or poet 
 or other noteworthy and profitable author, or 
 else she herself dictated some meditation. In 
 his own person her eulogist saw her dictate at 
 the same time to two of her secretaries, letters 
 to one, to the other French verses which she 
 composed promptly but with admirable erudi- 
 tion and gravity.^ At meals, though she con- 
 sidered "pro pes joyeux & recreatifs" as neces- 
 sary as salt, she avoided that coarseness which 
 
 ' Or. Fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 61-64. 
 ' Ibid., p. 76. 
 
1549] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 183 
 
 delighted the men of her time, and talked rather 
 of medicine, hygiene, and physics with her physi- 
 cians Schyron (Scuronis), Cornier, and Esterpin 
 (Sterpin) ; of history and the precepts of philoso- 
 phy with other learned people of her household ; 
 of faith and the Christian religion with Gerard, 
 Bishop of Ol^ron. One table conversation, 
 which took place at Tusson, Sainte-Marthe has 
 reported with great particularity. The subject 
 was Christ's saying, " Except ye become as little 
 children ye shall in no wise enter the kingdom 
 of heaven," and after Le Roux, the queen's 
 chaplain, had quoted St. Augustine; Regin, St. 
 Jerome ; and Sainte-Marthe himself Chrysostom, 
 Theophylactus, and Hilary ; the learned queen — 
 "0 Seigneur Dieu de quelles parolles & gravite 
 de sentences!" — explained her own opinions, 
 to the disgust of a Spanish gentleman present, 
 who afterwards, in the house of a cardinal, com- 
 plained that he had heard Marguerite discuss 
 things frivolous and of no moment with certain 
 "bonnets ronds," there being but two or three 
 "gentlemen" in her train, and that she had not 
 spoken a single word to himself. " complaint 
 worthy of such a personage," comments Sainte- 
 
184 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE [1548- 
 
 Marthe, apostrophizing the Spaniard as "beast" 
 and "man without the least judgment." ' 
 
 Sainte-Marthe gives a touching picture of 
 Marguerite as a wife, a happier portrayal of her 
 married life than is usually offered. According 
 to him, Henry of Navarre loved the queen his 
 wife with conjugal affection. Nor was he one 
 of those who object to women's concern with 
 study or conversation about letters; on the 
 contrary, he always revered the wit and erudi- 
 tion of Marguerite, and even caused his daughter 
 to be trained in good disciplines and knowledge 
 by Nicholas Bourbon. Henry himself, indeed, 
 was no enemy of the Muses nor of learning, but, 
 like his wife, often conversed of literature and 
 greatly loved men of letters.^ The praise is not 
 excessive from a man who, like Sainte-Marthe, 
 excelled in eulogy as he did in vituperation; 
 but at least the picture does not accord with 
 the usual one of the king of Navarre, not only 
 unfaithful to his wife but even ill-treating her,' 
 
 » Or. Fun. ...deM.de N ., pp. 68-71. ' Ihid., p. 73. 
 
 = Cf. Ruble, Manage de Jeanne d'Albret, pp. 90-91 and 
 267 ; F. Frank, op. cit, p. xvij. Per contra, Olhagaray 
 gives a lively picture of Henri's distress at the death 
 of his wife. Hist, de Foix, Biarn & Navarre, pp. 505-507. 
 
1549] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 185 
 
 and on the worst terms possible with her from 
 jealousy of their daughter.' As for Marguerite, 
 her wifely behavior and tact were perfect. Be- 
 fore her husband, she entered into no discus- 
 sions on philosophy or Christianity, unless he 
 broached the subject. Like Sara, she recognized 
 him as her lord, honored and obeyed him as her 
 head. Thus she gained and kept his grace by 
 all humility and obedience. If he commanded 
 an3rthing, it was done as soon as asked ; she 
 never contradicted him, and loved him so that 
 she cherished his favor at the expense of mis- 
 chief and hurt to herself. 
 
 She carried her devotion so far, indeed, that 
 she followed Henry to B6arn at a time when her 
 physicians assured her that to go to that climate 
 was to risk her life.^ And she paid the forfeit 
 with her life, if we are to believe Sainte-Marthe. 
 Her death took place on the 21st of December, 
 1549, after a sudden illness while she was at 
 Odos in Bigorre.^ Some days before her illness, 
 
 ' Cf. letter of Henri II to Montmorency, cit. A. Le- 
 franc, o^. cit., p. xxiii. 
 
 2 Or. Fun. ...deM.de N., pp. 73-74. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe should be better informed on thia 
 point than Brant6me, who says she died at the castle 
 
186 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1549 
 
 she, to whom her brother had appeared in sleep 
 the day he died, felt herself warned, by a vision, 
 of approaching death. Abandoning thereupon 
 all her activities, she left the care of her affairs 
 wholly to her husband ; ceased to compose and 
 began to weary of everything. Only she set in 
 order what might need it after her death, and 
 wrote at much length to those concerned. These 
 things accomplished, she fell into her last ill- 
 ness, and, having been much in torment for 
 twenty days, died in the fifty-ninth year of her 
 age.' Those who heard her converse of the im- 
 mortality of the soul and of celestial blessedness, 
 before she departed from this world, says Sainte- 
 Marthe, very well knew that she feared death 
 little, for she awaited him with smiling coun- 
 tenance, as knowing well that he was near.^ 
 During the last three days speech left her and 
 she broke her silence only to utter three times 
 the name of Jesus, with which cry she died. 
 
 The Queen's funeral was celebrated with much 
 pomp in the church at Lascar.^ Sainte-Marthe 
 
 of Andaus in B&rn (i.e. Andaux, Basses Pyrenees), 
 (Euvres, Vol. viii, p. 123. 
 
 ' Or. Fun. . de M. de N., p. 108. ' Ibid., p. 113. 
 
 ' Cf. G6nin, op. cit., Pieces justificatives, p. 457. 
 
1549] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 187 
 
 did not compose for that occasion the Oration 
 from which we have been quoting. It was 
 prepared for a memorial service to be held at 
 Alengon/ and it is doubtful whether it was 
 pronounced at all, although it may have been 
 given in the course of the following year.^ 
 Sainte-Marthe wrote it in Latin fifteen days 
 only after the queen's death/ but the memorial 
 service was so delayed that, when nearly three 
 months had passed without its taking place,'' 
 
 '■ "Ut me Alenconii pronuntiaretur, si Reginse nostras 
 funebris pompa celebrata fuisset." Lectori candido. 
 In obitum . . . Margaritoe . . . Navarrorum Beginoe Oratio 
 Funebris, p. 4; cf. p. 587. 
 
 ^ The Gin&alogie de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe, never 
 wholly reliable, states (fol. 26 r°) that it was pronounced: 
 "L'ann6e suivante, k la priere des citoiens de la ville 
 d'Alen^on, qui preparoient de celebrer funerailles pour 
 leur Dame, Charles fut invito de celebrer la memoire et 
 vertus de la Royne par une Oraison fun^raire latine, qu'il 
 prononga elegamment au rapport d'un tres fameux his- 
 torien Jacques Auguste, president de Thou au Livre G"*." 
 De Thou's mere " laudavit " is here embelUshed, but it at 
 least suggests that the Oration was delivered. Cf. infra, 
 p. 218, note 2. Longuemare, op. cit., p. 46, quotes de Thou, 
 but evidently from the Ginialogie without verification. 
 
 * "Note, lecteur que ceste Oraison ut faicte xv jours 
 aprfes la mort de la Royne de Navarre, pour la prononcer 
 k Alen5on." Marginal note, Or. Fun. ...deM.de N., 
 p. 122. 
 
 ' The candido lectori is dated Alenconii, Idibus Martiis, 
 
188 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 he yielded to the pressure of his friends and 
 published, not only the Latin version, but the 
 vigorous idiomatic and picturesque translation 
 which has, observes Montaiglon justly, "un 
 tout autre accent qui ne s'est pas eteint & qui 
 vibre encore aujourd'hui. " ' The two versions, 
 published simultaneously in April,^ were, accord- 
 ing to Sc6vole de Sainte-Marthe, greeted with 
 "un grand applaudissement de toute la France." 
 There were, however, in spite of Scevole, ex- 
 ceptions to "all France," on Sainte-Marthe's 
 own confession. "C'est piti6 d'ouir faire recit," 
 he writes in the preface to his Funeral Oration 
 for the Duchess of Beaumont,' "de combien de 
 
 1550, In obitum . . Margarike . . Navarrorum Regince 
 Oratio Funebris, p. 4. 
 
 ' Ed. Heptameron, Vol. I, p. 3. 
 
 ' The privilege of the Latin version is dated xviii 
 Cal. Maij; that of the French version is the same, "le 
 xiii] Apvril," and its achievi d'imprimer is of April the 
 20th. 
 
 5 Or. Fun. de Fr. d'A., fol 2 v°- Cf. also another 
 
 passage, " Je ne fay doubte que, venue ceste mienne orai- 
 son funebre en lumiere & oognoissance des hommes, elle 
 ne soit lardee, dessiree, blamee, reprinse, & du tout (non 
 pourtant de touts) condamnee; comme a est6 celle du 
 trespas de la Royne de Navarre, mais je n'ay voulu 
 ressembler au paresseus & pusillanime laboureur, etc. 
 . . . Car pour la crainte des Babillardes femmes qui n'ont 
 
1550] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 189 
 
 parts ma pauvre oraison a este assaillie, blessee, 
 degetee, voire & de plusieurs qui sont plus in- 
 sipides que la Bete," among whom were not only 
 "babillardes femmes," but "un tas d'envieus 
 qui n'ont pcEU souffrir Thistoire de la vie de la 
 defuncte Royne de Navarre estre proposee pour 
 exemplaire de vertueuse vie. ^ 
 
 Sainte-Marthe is amazingly vindictive on 
 the subject of these detractors. He rejoices 
 at the prospect of making them burst with spite 
 as they read of virtues in which they are wholly 
 lacking, and as their conscience tells them that 
 no one will trouble himself after their death to 
 write their funeral oration, "si I'orateur ne veult 
 transgresser le commandement de la loi des 
 douze tables & faire des vices vertus. " ^ 
 
 In the course of his Oration for the Queen, 
 Sainte-Marthe takes pains to mention with 
 praise various officials of her government and 
 household. With most of these he was evidently 
 
 trouv6 goust en la premiere oraison je ne laisseray de 
 mettre ceste cy en lumiere." The marginal note reads : 
 "Icy sont notees les Babillardes envieuses de la louenge 
 de la Royne de Navarre." Ibid., fol. 8 r" and v". 
 
 ' Or. Fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 19 r° 
 
 2 Ibid., fol. 8 v°. 
 
190 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 on terms of personal acquaintance, and the fact 
 accentuates the difference, so strikingly obvious 
 in the whole tone of the Funeral Oration, between 
 the official and eulogist of the Queen of Navarre, 
 a man of consequence among his fellows, and the 
 persecuted schoolmaster-poet of the Paraphrases. 
 He names Groslot,* the learned chancellor of Alen- 
 gon; his two predecessors in office, Brinon and 
 the great Olivier, the latter already chancellor of 
 France; and Habbot, former President of the 
 Council at Alengon, now King's Counselor at 
 Paris, who possessed " une tr^sferme s6v6rit6 de 
 justice conjoincte avec une incredible human- 
 it6." He praises the courtesy and graciousness 
 conjoined with senatorial gravity of Antoine 
 du Lyon, Jean Provost, and Frangois Boilleau, 
 judges in the Alengennois Parlement and per- 
 spicacious patrons of letters; the prudence and 
 experience of Ren4 de Silly, governor of the 
 province, the Nestor of Alengon.^ Nor does he 
 omit the names of his own companions and 
 colleagues whom, for fear of flattery, he hesitates 
 
 '■ Cf. Lefrano and Boulanger, Comptes de Louise de 
 Savoie & de Marguerite d'AngouUme, pp. 71, 82, 89. 
 
 2 Or. Fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 70, 81, 82, 89. Cf. 
 Lefranc and Boulanger, op. cit., pp. 24, 31, 39, 41, 42, 56. 
 
1550] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 191 
 
 to praise in terms, — the Moynets/ father and 
 son, Thomas le Coutelier/ secretary and mattre 
 des requites, Bonin,' Dagues, There!,' Pelletier, 
 Rouill^, Herv^,' Farcy, Truchon, members of the 
 Exchequer and Council. But he is especially 
 eloquent on the subject of the wit, doctrine, and 
 integrity of Matthieu du Pac," president of the 
 Parlement of B^arn. 
 
 Matthieu du Pac was one of those who con- 
 tributed to the collections of poems, including a 
 number of his own, which Sainte-Marthe pub- 
 lished at the end of the two versions of his 
 
 ' Or. Fun. ...deM.de N., p. 83. Cf. Lefranc and 
 Boulanger, op. cit., pp. 29, 32, 34, 45, 46, 51, 59, 62, 82, 
 89. 
 
 ^ Or. Fun. . . .deM.de N., p. 83. He it was to whom 
 Marguerite dictated a letter asking news of the king 
 fifteen days after his death, just before she learned of 
 it almost by'accident. Ibid., p. 104. 
 
 " Perhaps identical with Frangois Bonjan, already 
 secretary in 1512. Cf. Lefranc and Boulanger, 'op. cit., 
 pp. 25-28, 33-46. 
 
 * Abraham Thorel, Conseiller since 1539. Cf. ibid., 
 pp. 71 and 89. 
 
 " Probably the Jacques Herv6 who in 1539 was still 
 icolier pensionnaire . Cf. ibid., pp. 79 and 96. 
 
 " One of the correspondents of Robert Breton. Pro- 
 fessor at Toulouse, he had been arrested in 1531 on sus- 
 picion of heresy. 
 
192 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB [1550 
 
 Funeral Oration/ Nothing could be more strik- 
 ing than the variety of people, friends of Sainte- 
 Marthe as well as proteges of the Queen of 
 Navarre, whose poems were united in these 
 collections. The names of Pierre du Val, bishop 
 of Seez, recent translator of the Crito,^ of 
 Heroet "le subtil," ^ platonist and poet, after- 
 wards also a bishop,^ of the distinguished 
 Frott6,' and the still more distinguished Nicolas 
 Denisot, appear side by side with that of Pierre 
 des Mireurs, student or new-fledged doctor of 
 medicine, the gay companion of Ronsard,° and 
 
 ' For Sainte-Marthe's contributions c/. pp. 547-557. 
 One, a French quatrain, neatly translates a Latin distich 
 of his own. 
 
 2 Published in 1547. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe's epithet for him in the Tempe de 
 France. 
 
 * It will be remembered that his Parfaicte Amye 
 was published in 1542. He became bishop of Digne in 
 1552. 
 
 ' Presumably the unamiable hero of the 28th A^o«- 
 velle of the Heptameron. 
 
 " Re Des Mireurs, cf. P. de Nolhac, Documents nouveaux 
 sur la PUiade, Rev. d'Hist. litt., 1899, pp. 356 el seq.; 
 and P. Laumonier, Ronsard, PoHe lyrique. Ibid., p. 71. 
 Ronsard mentions him among the joyous companions 
 of the "folastrissime voyage d'Hercueil" (1549), (Euvres, 
 Vol. VI, p. 362. He contributed some verses to the 
 NanicB of S. Maorin (1550), a Latin poem Ad Lectorem 
 
1550] SERVICE WITH DUCHESS AND QUEEN 193 
 
 that of Hubert Sussan^e, the dissipated school- 
 master, Sainte-Marthe's quondam enemy, who 
 was withal a learned man and the friend of 
 most of the learned of his time. The other 
 contributors were Jacques Goupil, a physician 
 versed in Greek ; ' Sainte-Marthe's two brothers 
 Ren6 and Louis ; Antoine Armande of Mar- 
 seilles ; ^ Pierre Martel of Alengon, one of 
 Marguerite's numerous secretaries ; another 
 anonymous secretary; and two persons known 
 only by their initials I. M. and A. D.,^ the latter 
 a "Damoyselle Parisienne." Sainte-Marthe's 
 own contributions conclude with a sonnet, — 
 his second effort of the kind, — addressed to 
 Demoiselle Renee Laudier of Alengon, who was 
 probably already his wife. 
 
 What had become of Mile. Beringue does not 
 appear. All that is certain is that her lover was 
 married by 1550.' In that year, he mentions the 
 
 exhortatio to Sainte-Marthe's In Psalmum xc . . . Medi- 
 tatio and an epitaph to his Oraison Funkhre . de Fran- 
 Qoise d' Alengon. He used the device Ignoti nulla cupido. 
 
 1 laKoi/Sos TiOTTvXoi {sic). He contributed two Greek 
 poems. 
 
 ' Otherwise unidentified. 
 
 3 "Set nonnullis iniquum uisum est, me et uxori copu- 
 latum . . . de rebus sacris, . . . aliquid mandare." 
 o 
 
194 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 fact as a sort of disability in a letter of dedi- 
 cation to Gabriel Puy-Herbault. Of the five 
 women with whom Sainte-Marthe was intimately 
 connected in the course of his life, his wife is 
 the only one of whom we know absolutely 
 nothing but her name, and that we owe to 
 Odolant Desnos,* — in general none too exact 
 an authority. 
 
 Ca. Sanctomar thanus, F. Gab. Putherbeo, etc. In Ps. xc. 
 Meditatio fol. [g. vij] r° of the unpaginated leaves which 
 follow the 51 paginated. Cf. p. 201 et seq. 
 
 ^ Who, however, asserts it positively: "M. I'abbfi 
 Goujet dit qu'on ignore s'il a 6t6 marie & M. Dreux du 
 Radier assure qu'il est mort gargon." (The latter 
 statement is difficult to verify.) "II epousa certaine- 
 ment, & Alenpon, Ren6e Laudier d'une tres bonne famille 
 de cette ville" {op. cit., Vol. II, p. 546). The Genealogie 
 de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe, fol. 29 v°, contributes the 
 following — "Charles termina enfin la cours de sa vie en 
 I'age de quarrante trois ans sans enfans en la ville 
 d'Alengon ou il s'etait mari6." Sainte-Marthe's phrase 
 "ma soeur et compaigne" in his sonnet strongly suggests 
 that he was already married in 1549. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 LAST YEAES 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's situation had become very 
 different from that of the mere wandering 
 scholar. A man with definite ties, an official 
 of importance in two duchies, he had also estab- 
 lished his reputation as poet by constant pro- 
 duction of verse, much to the taste of his con- 
 temporaries. In 1549 Frangois Habert, who, 
 though unknown to him, shared with him a 
 common admiration of Marot,' as also a view 
 of love quite un-marotic, thus addressed him : 
 
 A Monsieur de saincte Marthe Poete Fran^oys 
 " Par un dixain escrit au lieu d'Amboyse,^ 
 Que m'envoyas ne me cognoissant point 
 
 ' Cf. his epistle to Marot, cit. Tilley, op. cit, Vol. I, 88. 
 "Mais tel qu'il est, ton humble serf se tient 
 Et des Frangoys le plus grand te maintient 
 Comme Virgil entre Latins, Homere 
 Entre les Grecz a louenge premiere." 
 
 ' The poem was probably written between November 
 the 13th, 1548, when the Queen of Navarre was at Ven- 
 d6me, and January the 16th, when she was at Castel 
 195 
 
196 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 D'un stile beau le goust & la framboyse 
 J'apperceu lors, qui encores me poingt. 
 Et ne me doy esbahir sur ce poinct 
 De tes beaulx vers d'elegante escriture, 
 Car des long temps de ta fabricature 
 Tant de polis ouvrages sent yssants, 
 Qu'on seroit bien d'ignorante nature 
 De ne louer tes labeurs florissants." 
 
 — Temple de ChastMe, fol. Hij. 
 
 Few of the "polis ouvrages" have survived. 
 
 Among them were three dixains on the subject of 
 
 love, published in 1543, in a collection of poems 
 
 to which a translation of Nicolas Leonique 
 
 Thome's Quaestiones amatoriae gave its name;* 
 
 Jaloux (c/. La Ferrifere-Peroy, op. cit., p. 131-133). In the 
 interval she was at Tours, whence she might easily have 
 gone to Amboise. Sainte-Marthe was probably in her 
 train at the time. 
 
 > Quaestiones aliquot naturales, cum amatoriis problem- 
 atibus viginti. Opuscula, Paris, 1530. Cf. Brunet and La 
 Croix du Maine, art. Nicolas L6onique. For full title of 
 the translation Les questions problematiqiies du pourquoy 
 d'amours, cf. p. 614. In these volumes five dixains were 
 attributed to Sainte-Marthe of which two are actually 
 Salel's and are to be found in his (Euvres (1539). One 
 of these two is a translation from Petrarch, Sonnet xciii, 
 Sonetti e Canzoni. The other, De luy et Venus, (Euvres, 
 pp. 49 and 54, has also in all probability an Italian proto- 
 type. The fact of Salel's authorship of these two dixains 
 throws a doubt upon the remaining three, but in any case 
 their attribution to Sainte-Marthe has its interest. Cf. 
 pp. 355 and 356. 
 
1550] LAST YEARS 197 
 
 and early in 1550^ Sainte-Marthe contributed 
 his first venture in sonnet form, De la Paix 
 faicte par le Roi avec les Anglois, as a com- 
 panion to the Ode de la Paix which Ronsard 
 published in that year.^ The volume contained 
 also poems by Goupil, Antoine de Baif, and 
 Pierre des Mireurs. "Leur presence seule k 
 cette place," says M. Laumonier, speaking of 
 the contributions of des Mireurs and Sainte- 
 Marthe, "nous prouve les liens qui I'unissaient 
 (i.e. Ronsard) k leurs auteurs."^ 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's acquaintance with Ronsard 
 was evidently new. It may be that he owed it to 
 Nicolas Denisot, who was their common friend. 
 In March or April, 1551,^ Denisot, the Comte 
 d'Alsinois, as he whimsically styled himself, 
 
 ' I.e. shortly after March the 24th, when the peace 
 was signed. 
 
 ' Ode de la Paix par Pierre de Ronsard, Vendomois, 
 auroi. C/. p. 616. Sainte-Marthe's sonnet was reprinted 
 by P. Laumonier, Chronologie et variantes des poesies de 
 Pierre de Ronsart, Rev. d'Hist. litt. 1904, p. 436. M. 
 Laumonier remarks that this sonnet has never, to his 
 knowledge, been reprinted. 
 
 2 Ronsard, PoHe Lyrique, p. 71. 
 
 < Denisot's dedication is dated the 25th of March, 1551. 
 The privilege is undated and there is no achevS d'imprimer. 
 Cf. Laumonier, Ronsard, p. 73. 
 
198 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1551 
 
 republished, under the title of Le Tombeau de 
 Marguerite de Valois, royne de Navarre,^ the 
 Hecatodistichon, — lament of the three daughters 
 of the Protector Somerset for the death of Mar- 
 guerite/ a work published late in the previous 
 May.^ Denisot added translations of the Eng- 
 hsh sisters' Latin distichs into Greek, Italian, 
 and French, by himself, Daurat, I. P. D. M., — 
 Jean Pierre de Mesmes, Du Bellay, Baif, and 
 A. D. L., — Antoinette de Loynes; and in 
 this volume Sainte-Marthe, republishing two 
 Latin poems, once more collaborates with 
 Ronsard, who is represented by four odes. 
 This was not, however, Sainte-Marthe's first 
 connection with the new group of poets. He 
 had already collaborated with Baif and Daurat 
 in the Hecatodistichon itself, contributing to the 
 small collection of verses printed with it five 
 
 ' Cf. p. 621. 
 
 ' Cf. p. 618 et seq. Denisot had been their tutor. 
 ' The dedication of the edition is dated Calend. Mavis 
 1550; but Sainte-Marthe writes in the poem cit. infra, 
 
 "Jam sextus prope mensis est tibi ex quo 
 Sseva Margaridem abstulere fata." 
 
 We must then, to make the ■pro-pe even remotely applica- 
 ble, suppose the end of May. 
 
1550] LAST YEARS 199 
 
 Latin poems, among them one of those reprinted 
 in the Tombeau} In one of these five poems, 
 a reproach to the poets of France for their 
 neglect of Marguerite's memory,^ to which they 
 responded by their contribution to the Tom- 
 beau,^ Sainte-Marthe expresses his admiration of 
 Ronsard, the new singer, "recens scriptor" in 
 lines which M. Laumonier justly calls dithyrambic. 
 But a mediocre poet himself, Sainte-Marthe at 
 once recognized the greatness of the master, and 
 hastened to do him honor. He addresses him 
 as — 
 
 " Ronsardus meus ille, quern Minerva 
 
 Sacrauit sibi : cui suada Pitho 
 
 Dextro Mercuric irrigauit ora, 
 
 Qui (nolit, velit inuidus) poetas 
 
 Inter, conspicuus locum tenebit : " * 
 
 The volume of the Hecatodistichon contains 
 also verses addressed to Sainte-Marthe by his 
 
 ' The other had appeared with the Latin funeral 
 oration. 
 
 ' Ad Oallos. Cur tarn pauci poetae Galli Reginam 
 Nauarrce lavdant. Op. cit., p. 135. Cf. p. 561. 
 ' ' Cf. Laumonier, Ronsard, pp. 72 and 73; and Henri 
 Chamard, Joachim du Bellay, pp. 242-243. 
 
 ■> Hecatodistichon, p. 136. Cf. p. 559. Cit. Laumonier, 
 Ronsard, p. 72. 
 
200 CHARLES DE 8AINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 brother Louis, Procureur du Boi at Loudun, 
 and by his brother Ren4/ both of whom had 
 already, as we have seen, contributed to the 
 poems pubhshed with the Funeral Oration. This 
 collaboration, no doubt, indicates that the poet 
 was now on good terms with his family. We 
 have indeed another curious evidence of this. 
 In the course of 1550, Sainte-Marthe went to 
 Paris. Perhaps — since he was not only an 
 admirer of Ronsard, but a representative of 
 the Marotic school, and had not omitted Saint- 
 Gelais ^ from his invocation to the poets of France 
 — he hoped for Court favor. Whatever his 
 object, he was there by the middle of April ^ and 
 there published or republished * his Latin Medi- 
 
 ' In Margaridem Valesiam Ren. Sane; lAidovici 
 Sanctomarthani apud luliodunum Procuratoris Begij ad 
 Carolum fratrem. 
 
 ^ Cf. p. 558. It is curious to find him named almost 
 in a breath with Ronsard at the moment of his effort to 
 prejudice the Court against the new school. Cf. Lau- 
 monier, Ronsard, p. 72. 
 
 ' He dated thence, le xvii d'Apuril, the dedication of 
 his funeral oration on the Queen of Navarre to her 
 daughter and niece. Cf. p. 557. 
 
 * This is suggested by his remark, " Id sum expertus 
 in eeditionem meditationis meae," etc., in the very letter 
 included in the volume itself. Cf. Rev. des Et. Rab., 
 1906, p. 347. 
 
1S50] LAST YEARS 201 
 
 tation on the Ninetieth Psalm,^ dedicated to a 
 close friend, Gaston Olivier,^ Lord of Mangi, 
 cousin of the Chancellor,' a friend to whom 
 he was indebted for many favors. With this 
 letter he included another, dated June the 
 19th, addressed to Gabriel Putherbeus, i.e. Puy- 
 Herbault,^ author of a notorious and venomous 
 attack upon Rabelais, who had responded to it 
 by numbering "enragez Putherbes" among the 
 "monstres difformes et contrefaitz" engendered 
 by Antiphysie.^ As Professor Lefranc has re- 
 marked, a comparison of dates leaves no doubt 
 that it is precisely the book containing this 
 
 ' The 91st in our version. 
 
 ^ Cf., p. 585, the conclusion of his dedicatory letter. 
 
 ^ First cousin of Frangois Olivier. He took his title 
 from his mother, Perrette Lopin, Lady of Mangi and 
 Morganis. Cf. Moreri, Did. Hist.; Nouvelle Biographie 
 Ginirale. 
 
 ' Car. Sanctomarthanus, P. Gab. Putherbeo Sodali 
 FontehraldensiyS. End of In Psalmum xc . . . Meditatio, 
 fol. [g. vij] r° Rev. des Et. Rab., 1906, pp. 347 et seq. 
 Re Puy-Herbault (1490-1566), cf. Honorat Nicquet, 
 Hist, de I'Ordre de Fontevravd, p. 343 et seq. ; Carr6 de 
 BusseroUe, Diet. d'Indre et Loire, Vol. V, p. 238 et seq.; 
 A. Lefranc, Rabelais, Les Sainte-Marthe et V "enraigi" 
 Putherbe, Rev. des Et. Rab.; and A. Heulhard, Rabelais, 
 Ses Voyages en Italie, son exil a Metz, p. 265 et seq. 
 
 ' CEuvres, vol. II, p. 385. 
 
202 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 attack upon which Sainte-Marthe congratulates 
 the monk of Fontevrault.' Puy-Herbault's 
 Theotimus ^ was published in 1549, and in 1550 
 we find Sainte-Marthe thus addressing its author : 
 "You may easily perceive by the letter I wrote 
 you, what I think of your book, most humane and 
 learned Putherbeus ; nor did I express more than 
 is impressed and fixed in my mind. I praised 
 your eloquence, rarer among men of your order 
 than a white crow; I praised the argument of the 
 work most suitable to our times; I praised its 
 uncommon learning united to exact judgment; 
 I praised finally the Christian piety and zeal 
 for our religion by which, under God's grace, 
 you were, it seems to me, moved to write such a 
 work. I know not how fortunate the issue of your 
 work may prove to you; but this I will declare 
 to you without question of flattery : I have seen 
 no one up to this time who did not agree in their 
 judgment of your writings. I may not doubt in 
 
 1 Loc. cit., pp. 343-345. 
 
 ^ Theotimus, sive de tollendis el expugnendis malis 
 libris, Us prcecipuk, quos vix incolumi fide ac pietate pleri- 
 que legere queant, libri tres. Paris, Jean Roigny, 1549. 
 The passage re Rabelais has been translated by A. 
 Lefranc, loc. cit., pp. 339-341. 
 
1550] LAST YEARS 203 
 
 the least," he continues, "that your labors seem 
 useless and ridiculous to those Atheists and Epi- 
 cureans some of whom you name, while others you 
 leave unnamed in such a manner as to be easily 
 recognized, painted as they are in their character- 
 istic colors ; but you touch them on the raw, so 
 that it is not wonderful if they abhor your doc- 
 trine so contrary to their tastes. Would that all 
 theologians and men of your profession might, 
 like you, so adorn that Sparta they have attained 
 that, the Diagoras reduced to despair, it were 
 no longer permissible to utter with freedom, 
 not to say passion, either verbally or in writing, 
 impiety larded with poisonous flavor. I had 
 written to you of my determination to stretch 
 every nerve of my intelligence against such, 
 nor am I yet weaned from this intention; al- 
 though my efforts, however honest and praise- 
 worthy, are condemned by those whose favor 
 and thanks should support them." ^ 
 
 Language of this sort from Sainte-Marthe to 
 the author of a work whose whole spirit was en- 
 
 ' The letter has been reprinted by A. Lefranc, loc. cit., 
 pp. 347, 348, and is therefore not reproduced in the 
 Appendix of this book. 
 
204 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 tirely out of harmony with his own, — the Theoti- 
 mus is in the main a virulent attack upon all that 
 the Renaissance promised' — can only be explained 
 by personal interest ; and, however much one may 
 deplore in Sainte-Marthe a certain lack of loyalty 
 to his literary as to his religious beliefs, it may 
 safely be concluded that he was acknowledging 
 the prowess of a champion who had avenged his 
 family from the immortal ridicule thrown upon 
 it by Rabelais.^ Professor Lefranc observes 
 that Rabelais is the only "Epicurean" author of 
 the time mentioned in the Theotimus, and that 
 Sainte-Marthe's "Atheists and Epicureans" ob- 
 viously refers to him. Not only here, in fact, 
 but in the text of the Paraphrase itself ' and in 
 several of the scattered poems of 1550, Sainte- 
 Marthe animadverts upon "Epicureans" and the 
 doctrines of Epicurus.^ One violent attack 
 
 ' Cf. A. Lefranc, op. cit., pp. 341, 342. It is interest- 
 ing to note the opinion of an admirer of that 'religieux 
 . . . enfroqu^ jusqu'aux moelles,'' as Heulhard calls him. 
 Honorat Nicquet refers to him as " Lumifere de I'Eglise & 
 Colonne de la Foy," and "le Ciceron de France pour la 
 puret6 de son style en la langue Latine. " Op. cit., p. 343 
 et seq. 
 
 ^ Cf. A. Lefranc, op. cit., pp. 344 and 345. 
 
 ^ Fols. 16 v°, 18 v°, 19 v°, 44 v° ■" Cf. pp. 548, 549, 560. 
 
1550] LAST YEARS 205 
 
 upon the Atheist and the Epicurean, especially, 
 seems to be at least in part aimed at Rabelais ; 
 "Porro, quum audit vir pius, blasphemam Athei 
 vocem: Non est Deus; quum audit eum Evan- 
 gelic illudentem, divinas promissiones ridentem, 
 in Christum invehentem, Angelos, Divos, Reges, 
 Ecclesise ministros, Magistratus, ac coelum deni- 
 que et terram impudenter perstringentem, idque 
 modo aperte facientem, modo clauculum, tincta 
 salibus et jocis, velut melle, impietate sua, ut 
 incauti lectores, tanquam Sardoam biberint aut 
 ederint, ridentes insaniant, ac tandem misere 
 moriantur; quumque audit epicurea, impia et 
 pecunia illius verba : Ede, bibe, vive, post mortem 
 nulla voluptas : nee audit solum verumetiam et 
 scripta legit, quasi vero non satis impium sit, 
 epicureismum in animo profiteri, nisi etiam 
 scriptis ad profligatissimum vivendi morem 
 Christiani invitentur, scriptis dico, adeo effrenate 
 impudicis, ut quantumlibet prostituta scorta 
 pudore suffundant, quis credat, patientibus cum 
 auribus tantas blasphemias audire ac legere 
 posse ? " ^ If , as seems plausible, the phrases " im- 
 pietas" "salibus et jocis tincta," or "scripta 
 
 > In Ps. xc . . Medit., fol. 19 v" 
 
206 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 adeo effrenata impudicia," indicate that the 
 description was intended for Rabelais, this is but 
 another evidence that Sainte-Marthe made him- 
 self on this occasion the mouthpiece of his kin 
 no less in attacking their enemy than in compli- 
 menting their ally. We may then suppose that, 
 whatever bitter causes of complaint Sainte- 
 Marthe had had in earlier years, he now no 
 longer cherished any grievance against his 
 family. 
 
 The Meditation and the letters which accom- 
 pany it shed light upon Sainte-Marthe's position 
 at this period, and upon his opinions, or those, at 
 least, which he chose to convey as his. He had 
 obviously been accepted by the authorities, if not 
 as a sound thinker, at least as one not too danger- 
 ous. There was no further question of perse- 
 cution. That bitter experience had become a 
 mere "quibusdam Monachis, in materia religi- 
 onis negocium f acessitum" ; ^ but to many minds 
 he was not yet persona grata. What had a 
 married man and a mere jurist to do with theo- 
 
 » Ca. Sanctomarthanus F. Gab. Putherbeo etc. In Ps. 
 xc. . . . Medit., fol. [g.vi]"] r°. Cit. Rev. des Et. Rab., 
 1906, p. 347. 
 
1550] LAST YEARS 207 
 
 logical Meditations, or even with conversations 
 on sacred subjects? Well, how is he then, asks 
 Sainte-Marthe, to give a reason for the faith that 
 is in him as S. Peter commands ? And, since the 
 law designates those as sacerdotes who are de- 
 voted to the study of Jurisprudence, why should 
 they defile the name of Theologian ? He wishes 
 — he makes the declaration firmly — to remain 
 in the bosom of our Mother the Church,' and 
 to submit to Her authority and judgment all his 
 writings; but he beseeches the faithful to re- 
 ceive the truth and reject impiety from what- 
 ever source they come.^ Sainte-Marthe, so he 
 tells Olivier,' felt keenly the decay of faith, the 
 dissensions in the Church and the growth of the 
 sectarian spirit, which had once so nearly torn 
 him from Her ; and his sympathy with the 
 doubtful and hesitating, as also with those, so far 
 
 ' Ibid. Loc. cit. p. 348. " Adiutorium Altissimi est 
 Ecclesia," he declares in the Meditation itself, fol. 14 r°. 
 
 ^ Ut quae catholica et vera erunt, etiam si olitor ea pro- 
 ferat, sequantur; quae impia erunt etiam si ab Angelo 
 nuntientur, fugiant. Letter to Pay- Herbault, loc. cit. 
 p. 348. 
 
 ' Carolus Sanctomarthanus Gastono Oliuario Mancii 
 Domino S. D. In Psalmum xc . . . Meditatio, fols. 
 2 r"-4 r°. 
 
208 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 not involved and entangled in any labyrinth of 
 opinion, led him to wish to provide for them 
 a physician to sustain the unstable, lift up the 
 fallen, call back wanderers into the way and 
 confirm those not yet fallen away. Who should 
 this physician be but the Holy Spirit, and where 
 more surely to be found than in the Scriptures, 
 above all in the Psalms? These were to him 
 what Pliny was to Cicero. A man's pleasure 
 in them betokened the possession of grace, as 
 a man's pleasure in Pliny betokened for the 
 Roman his possession of learning.* 
 
 As for the Meditation itself, the taint of un- 
 orthodox opinion, which an exacting critic 
 might find in it, was offset by the author's 
 protestations of loyalty. "Nothing is so bitter 
 and hard to bear," he writes, "as when he who 
 hastens to defend the faith against heretics is 
 accused of going over to them from the Christian 
 faith." ^ Undue stress upon the doctrine of 
 Grace; animadversions upon human traditions 
 and reference to the Scriptures as the source of 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Meditatio, fol. 2 r° and v° Cf. 
 p. 585. 2 p,i^^ fol 20 r°. 
 
 ' For example, re St. Peter, "Quod . . . peooavit Carnis 
 fuit, Naturae fuit, humanitatis fuit . . . quod autem 
 
1550] LAST YEARS 209 
 
 religion;' reflection, somewhat suspicious, though 
 couched in general terms, upon the persecutions 
 of the world ;^ — these were not enough to damn 
 
 Petrus, agnita culpa, in lachrymis prorupit, non Petro 
 id quidem, sed ei dandum est, qui Petrum ooulis pietatis 
 intuitus, ejus animum ad poenitentiam excitavit. Hsec 
 itaque tua sunt opera, Domine, qui quos vis induras, quos 
 vis emollis, quos vis eligis, quos non vis reprobas : emollis 
 autem & elegis eos, qui te ex penitissimo cordis adfectu 
 quserunt et sese ad electionem praeparant; induras autem 
 & reprobas quotquot se a te subducunt et subtrahunt," 
 etc. In Psalmum xc . . . Meditatio, fol. 34 r° and v° 
 
 ' For example : " Est itaque Dei armatura, non Plia- 
 risaioae et Deo contraria traditiones, non nostra merita 
 Fidei expertia, set verbum Dei." Ibid., fol. 23 v°. 
 Sainte-Marthe takes care to qualify his disapproval of 
 tradition: "Quum vero, pro divinis praeceptis rudi 
 plfflbeculae traditiones hominum religiose servandse 
 obtruduntur (de illis loquor quae verbo Dei repugnent; 
 quandoquidem quae cum eo conveniunt non humanse 
 amplius set divinae censendse sunt) quid agitur aliud, 
 quam ut a fiducia Dei abducamur: non contempto 
 solum set damnato etiam verbo Dei?" Ibid. fol. 20 r°. 
 
 ' For example : Quum itaque verbo Dei nitaris, atque 
 jam non possis amplius ex traditionibus hominum eas 
 quae illi adversantur non rijicere ac aspernari, nihil a 
 Mundo atque mundanis omnibus expectare debes, quam 
 adversa omnia. Te igitur Mundus a sinistra parte im- 
 petet: atque ut relioto Dei verbo suis placitis adhaereas, 
 carcerem, infamiam, vincula, plagas, exihum, rerum 
 jacturam, ac mortem etiam crudelissimam intermina- 
 bitur. Quod si sese videat nihil suis minis efficere ac 
 consequi posse, atque sis animo obfirmato, non te prius 
 
210 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 the work of a man who now emphatically de- 
 clared that there was no hope of salvation out 
 of the Church.' Sainte-Marthe, in fact, looked 
 for no censure except from those whose habit it 
 was to malign every production, " qui scripta 
 trahunt in calumniam omnia." ^ 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, as we learn from his dedicatory 
 letter to Olivier, was still in Paris in early July.^ 
 He had, however, left it by September when his 
 patroness, the Duchess of Beaumont, died at La 
 Fl^che.* Evidently Sainte-Marthe was present. 
 He reports with particularity the peace of that 
 departure. About midnight the Duchess sent 
 for all her officers and principal servants, and 
 thus addressed them : " Mes amis, dorenavant n'y 
 aura plus de difference entre vous et moy; j'ay 
 
 toilet e medio quam tentaverit blanditiis ad suas partes 
 allicere. Proponet enim honores tibi ac populi applausus, 
 pingues proventus, atque vitam inter prsestabiles pacifi- 
 cam. Ac simul te adscribet in numerum filiorum seternae 
 vitse. Addet, sese commodi salutisque tuse adeo studio- 
 sum esse, ut te a tua opinione in suam pertrahere, nisi 
 summo tuo bono non velit. In Psalmum xc . . . Medi- 
 tatio, fol. 29 r° and v°. 
 
 ' Ibid., fol. 14 r°. 
 
 ' Letter to Olivier, ibid., fols. 3 v° and 4 r". 
 
 ' The letter to Olivier is dated thence quarto Idus lulij. 
 
 * On September the 4th, cet. 59. 
 
1550] LAST YEARS 211 
 
 este grande, je ne suys plus que la plus petite 
 de vous. Je sens que c'est faict de moy; je vous 
 prie me pardonner & prier Dieu pour moy." The 
 interview over, and the last rites performed, 
 Frangoise told her physicians, chief among 
 them Jacques Hibou, from whom her panegyrist 
 doubtless got this information, that they might 
 do what lay in them for the good of her body, 
 but that, as for her soul, that was ready to de- 
 part; and turning on her side she gave up the 
 ghost in sweet sleep.' 
 
 Sainte-Marthe composed a funeral oration 
 for this patroness which is, with all its merits, 
 inferior to that for the Queen of Navarre. 
 An apologist, not this time for opinion but for 
 faults of conduct hard to condone, the panegyrist 
 of a character wholly different from that of the 
 Queen, Sainte-Marthe had, in fact, a less conge- 
 nial task before him. And the later Oration, 
 although a learned, vigorous, and picturesque 
 performance, lacks altogether that touch of 
 spirituality almost mystic, which informs the 
 Oration for Marguerite. Like the latter, this 
 Oration too was, it is probable, never deliv- 
 1 Or. Fun. de . . . Fr. d'A., fols. 42 v°-43 v°. 
 
212 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 11550 
 
 ered/ but was published at Paris in the course 
 of the year. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe himself, however, went to Alen- 
 gon and thence dated the avis au lecteur on the 
 12th of October. He felt that, with the death 
 of his patroness, he had lost all hope of prefer- 
 ment, "veu qu' Avarice ha ce iourd'huy telle- 
 ment occup^ domination au coeur d'aucuns 
 Princes que les lettres ny doivent plus attendre 
 des Meccenes nes des Augustes." ^ These senti- 
 ments did injustice to Antoine de Bourbon, 
 "la fleur de la tresnoble & tresillustre maison 
 de Vendosme, fleur de bonte, de candeur, de 
 liberalite, d'humilite, & de toutes les vertus qui 
 sont necessaires a la decoration d'un vray 
 Prince," according to Sainte-Marthe's not too 
 disinterested tribute.^ The young prince had 
 reason for attachment to Sainte Marthe, no less 
 on his wife's account than on his mother's; and, 
 despite the weakness and vanity which had made 
 
 ' No mention is made on the title-page of its having 
 been delivered. The GinMlogie de la Maison de Sainte- 
 Marthe, fol. 27 r°, describes it as " prononc6e en la ville 
 d'Alengon, au mois d'octobre 1550, et peu apres pubU6e 
 en franQois par nostre Charles." This testimony should, 
 however, be received with caution. 
 
 2 Or. fun. de . . . Fr. d'A., fol. 8 r°. ' Ibid., fol. 38 r". 
 
1550] LAST YEARS 213 
 
 the Queen of Navarre so averse to her daughter's 
 marriage with him, he seems to have had a 
 genuine Hking for the society of men of letters. 
 So much is indicated by the tradition, however 
 ill-founded, which would have him carouse at Pre- 
 patour with young Ronsard and old Rabelais/ 
 It may have been to his good-will that Sainte- 
 Marthe owed his continuance in office as Lieu- 
 tenant Criminel of Alengon, a post he still held 
 in 1553 when he succeeded to the estates of 
 Chasserat and I'lsle Bremant, and the fief of 
 Noguette: his share of the property left by his 
 father, Gaucher, who died in 1551.^ It was 
 certainly to Antoine that he owed his reappoint- 
 ment as Procureur General of the duchy of 
 Beaumont, a post carrying with it a revenue of 
 a hundred and forty-nine livres a year. The 
 patent of Sainte-Marthe's reappointment to 
 this office is of the January following the 
 Duchess's death, and confers upon him also the 
 title of Conseiller to the Duke.^ The document 
 
 ' Cf. L'abb6 Simon, Hist, de Venddme & ses environs, 
 Vend6me, 1834, Vol. I, p. 304. 
 
 ' Cf. Ginialogie de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe, fol. 
 41 v°; A. Lefranc, loc. cit., pp. 346 and 347. 
 
 ' It is dated January, 1550, i.e. 1551. Cf. p. 590 et seq. 
 
214 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1550 
 
 not only speaks of the "bonne et entiere con- 
 fiance" which Antoine placed in Sainte-Marthe, 
 and, as usual, of his sense, sufficiency, literature, 
 and fidelity, but also of the services which he 
 had rendered to his former mistress. 
 
 A copy of one of the Procureur Geniral's early 
 official acts under his new lord has been pre- 
 served. In the summer of 1550, Henri II. had 
 appointed two commissioners to sell the waste 
 lands and commons of Anjou and Maine. In 
 November these commissioners, Frangois Boyl^ve 
 and Julien Teste "diet de Bretagne," in pursu- 
 ance of their commission, proclaimed the sale 
 of various waste lands within the jurisdiction of 
 the duchy of Beaumont. Sainte-Marthe's duty 
 required that he should remonstrate on behalf 
 of the Duke. He prepared a brief, demanding 
 a stay of proceedings until the case could be 
 heard, and putting on record the remonstrance 
 of the Duke and the formal announcement of 
 his appeal to the courts. He attempted to plead 
 the cause at the very moment the commissioners 
 were proceeding to the allotment of the com- 
 mons; but such was the clamor of the people, 
 and the impatience of the commissioners, that 
 
1550] LAST YEARS 215 
 
 he was unable to proceed. He therefore de- 
 hvered the brief to Boyleve and Teste as 
 they were coming out from dinner next day, 
 November the 7th, at the inn at Fresnoy, in spite 
 of their objection that it contained more than 
 he had pleaded. They completed their sales on 
 the following day, although as late as the 18th 
 of the month Sainte-Marthe again approached 
 Boyleve to object on technical grounds;' 
 and within the next five years all the common 
 lands of Maine were inventoried and sold.^ Yet 
 another official procedure of Sainte-Marthe's, 
 "une procedure qu'il fit sure les Articles de la 
 Vicomt^ de Domfront," has left its traces in the 
 family biography, but no information about it is 
 available.^ 
 
 ' For these details, c/. pp. 593 and 594. 
 
 ' " Etat des Landes du Maine appartenant au domaine, 
 1553-54." " Ventes des Landes du Maine 1554-1655." 
 These two documents are noted in Anjubault's catalogue, 
 as in the municipal archives, liasse 38. _ 
 
 2 Genialogie de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe, fol. 27 v° 
 It must be this passage which M. de Longuemare ex- 
 pands into "prenant toujours avec une grande ardeur 
 I'int6r6t de son prince, aussi que nous le prouve la fa^on 
 dont il s'occupa de certaines difficultfis survenues dans le 
 vicomt6 de Domfront, difficultSs qui ne furent r^solues 
 que grace au zfele du procureur g6n6ral," op. cit., p. 47. 
 
216 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE [1555 
 
 However much his official duties may have 
 taken him into the duchy of Beaumont, Sainte- 
 Marthe's last years were probably mostly spent 
 at Alengon, and it was there that he died quite 
 suddenly in 1555, at the early age of forty-three. 
 "Mais peu de temps apres," thus Colletet, em- 
 broidering Scevole's account, "il se sentit presse 
 luy mesme de suivre sa bonne Maitresse. Car, 
 comme il estoit d'une humeur extr^mement san- 
 guine, une abondance de sang sortie de ses veines 
 avec violence et impetuosity malgre les vaisseaux 
 qui le contenoient ayant esteint sa chaleur natu- 
 relle, il en futsuffoquetout a coup & en mourut en 
 la fleur de son aage, I'an 1555." * He was buried 
 in Alengon.^ He left no children.' His widow, 
 sought in marriage by Rene Rouxal Sieur de 
 Baville & d'Aubry, left a son who became, 
 as Captain Jullien, a soldier of repute. The 
 legitimacy of the son was contested by the 
 
 ' Cf. p. 518. 
 
 2 The Gin&alogie de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe, 
 fol. 29 v° ; Dreux du Radier, op. cit. ; and the Biographie 
 Universelle, are authorities for the fact of his death at 
 Alengon. The G^n6alogie alone states that he was buried 
 there. 
 
 ' So Moreri, loc. cit., and the Ginialogie de la Maison 
 de Sainte-Marthe, fol. 29 v°. 
 
1555] LAST YEARS 217 
 
 family of Medavy, and one of the reasons ad- 
 duced has its interest as showing the leanings of 
 Sainte-Marthe's entourage. It was that the 
 parents' marriage took place in the "protestant 
 church." ^ Sainte-Marthe's wife, then, had evi- 
 dently more definite afliliation with the reformers 
 than her husband. 
 
 Whatever his position may have been with 
 regard to these, there is no uncertainty as to 
 Sainte-Marthe's place among the savants of his 
 time. He was, as we have seen, the friend of 
 many of the learned. The family genealogist 
 indeed, represents him as praised, not only by 
 Sc^ve, Dolet, and Faucher, as we know in fact 
 that he was, but by Marot, whom it would be 
 pleasant to think of as expressing his appreciation 
 of his disciples' admiration, as well as by Bude, 
 Faber (?),^ Vatable, Tussaint, Pierre Paschal, 
 and de Thou, adding that he is mentioned in 
 the History of the University of Paris.^ Much 
 of this, however, if possible to believe, is difE- 
 
 ' Odolant Desnos, loc. cit., is, however, the only 
 authority for these facts, and his testimony must be 
 received with caution. 
 
 2 Op. cit., fol. 30 r". 
 
218 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 cult to verify' and probably exaggerated. De 
 Thou's mention of Sainte-Marthe is too 
 casual to count as "praise"; Du Boulay's, while 
 fuller, is scarcely important.^ Sainte-Marthe's 
 reputation appears, then, on the whole, to have 
 been brilliant in certain narrow circles, but little 
 extended. He had no place at Court like Colin, 
 Marot, La-Maisonneuve, Macault, La Borderie, 
 
 ' I have made every effort to do so without avail, ex- 
 cept in the case of de Thou and Du Boulay. The gene- 
 alogist probably spoke loosely. Re Marot, cf. supra, 
 p. 108, note 3. In Bud6's case the genealogist may have 
 confused Charles with his brother Jacques, but even here 
 the praise was on the other side. Cf. p. 12, n. 1. M. de 
 Longuemare, op. cit., p. 48, repeats the whole list, ap- 
 parently without verification. 
 
 2 " Mortuani funebri orationelaudavitCarolusSammar- 
 thanus." Thus de Thou (p. 209) in the London Edition 
 (1733) of his History which, in this locus, gives no vari- 
 ants. He does not even mention Sainte-Marthe in the 
 preceding passage dealing with the Hecatodistichon, "quod 
 Joan. Auratus, Joachimus Bellaius, Joan. Antonius 
 Baifius, Nic Denisot, praeclara Galliae nostrae ingenia, 
 . . . expresserunt." The passage stands thus also in the 
 Orleans ed. of 1620 (p. 177). In editions of 1604 and 
 1609 it does not occur at all. 
 
 Du Boulay's account runs as follows: "Ex eadem 
 Gente Carolus Sammarthanus, Scevolae Patruus, luris 
 consultus, plurimas laudationes habuit & scripsit. Edidit 
 quoque libros tres de Poesi (a) Gallica & floruit ab an. cir- 
 citer 1540." Hist. Univ. Paris, Vol. VI, p. 972. 
 
LAST YEARS 219 
 
 Salel, Herberay ; ' he is not mentioned by Pas- 
 quier ^ among that "infinite de bons esprits que 
 I'exemple de Frangois premier excita k bien 
 faire," nor by Sibilet in his Art Po&tique, nor yet 
 by Des Masures in his ode to Joachim du Bellay,' 
 nor by the humble Paul Angier in his address to 
 his betters, " tres-scientificques poetes, Marot, 
 Sainct Gelais, Heroet, Sabel {sic), Borderie, 
 Rabelais, Sc^ve, Chapuy, & aultres poetes,"* 
 published only two years after Sainte-Marthe's 
 death, although its author names poets of both 
 the old and new schools. Again, in Fontaine's 
 Etrennes to his fellow-poets for the year 
 1555,' Sainte-Marthe is omitted from a com- 
 pany catholic enough to include Saint-Gelais, 
 Sc^ve, Ronsard, du Bellay, Jodelle, Pontus 
 de Thyard, Olivier de Magny, Remy Belleau, 
 Claude Chappuis, Tahureau, and Bonaventure 
 
 ' All mentioned by Claude Chappuis in his Discours 
 de la Court. 
 
 ' Recherches de la France, Chaps. V and VI. 
 
 ' A Joachim du Bellay Aug., (Euvres, pp. 15-21. Saint 
 Gelais, Herberay, Rabelais, Jacques Pelletier, Salel, 
 Marot, Macrin, Carles, Colin, Jean Martin, and, finally, 
 Ronsard are there named. 
 
 * Le mespris de la Cour, (1544) fol. [hv] v°- 
 
 ' Les Ruisseaux de Fontaine, pp. 198-203. 
 
220 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 du Tronchet. It was indeed the year of Sainte- 
 Marthe's sudden death, but even if that antici- 
 pated the pubhcation of Fontaine's volume, 
 the omission of all mention of it appears a little 
 singular. On the other hand, we find his por- 
 trait in a collection of engraved portraits of 
 famous men ; Portraitz de plusieurs hommes 
 ■Ulugtres qui ont flory en France depuis Van 1500 
 jusques a present. This presentment brings out 
 that contemplative austerity which, for all his 
 eloquence, even for all his impulsiveness, must 
 have been Sainte-Marthe's prevailing character- 
 istic. Extremely small, it represents a man of 
 about forty with a pointed beard, of a decidedly 
 severe cast of countenance, the nose long, the 
 forehead high and slightly bald. Among the 
 descriptive marginal notes accompanying the 
 portraits. Briefs eloges des hommes Ulustres des- 
 quels les pourtraits sont icy representez. Par 
 Gabriel Michel Angevin, adv. en Parlement,^ 
 
 ' Gabriel Michel de la Rochemaillet. So Lelong and 
 the G6nealogie de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe (fol. 3) name 
 Michel. He was probably the father of Ren6 Michel de 
 la Rochemaillet. Cf. p. 2. The extremely rare folio 
 sheet containing one hundred and forty-six portraits, and 
 Michel's brief biographies was made in 1622. No name 
 
LAST YEARS 221 
 
 that devoted to Sainte-Marthe thus simply 
 describes him : "Charles de Saincte Marthe, 
 Poitevin, oncle de ce grand Scevole de Saincte 
 Marthe lumiere de nostre siecle, fut Lieutenant 
 Criminel d'Alengon, Poete Latin et frangois 
 beaucoup renomme/ qui mourut environ I'aage 
 de 40 ans, 1555." 
 
 of artist or engraver appears on the portraits, but the 
 ornamental border is signed /. le Clerc. excu. Leclerc 
 dedicates his work to Jacques de la Guesle. The copy in 
 the Bibliotheque Nationale is included (folded) in a vol- 
 ume entitled Diverses Pibces. Recueil G&n6ral des Pieces 
 detacMes, & Figures qui regardent La Ligue, La^'b. The 
 sheet, under its title of Briefs Eloges, is mentioned by the 
 Pfere Lelong, not however by Brunet. There is a copy 
 in the Chatsworth library inserted in the Chronologie 
 generate or ThiAtre d'Honneur, a sort of album of portraits 
 and descriptions cut out of other books and pasted to 
 form new pages. 
 
 ' The word is illegible in the Bibliothfeque Nationale 
 copy. 
 
Part II 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 La Poesie Francoise 
 
 IMITATION OF MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 
 
 It is almost a platitude that the word " fore- 
 runner " should be used with caution. Ideas, it 
 has been said, belong to those who develop 
 them, yet ideas are often afloat in the minds of 
 a generation before they find adequate or tell- 
 ing expression, and a mind incapable of causing 
 them to germinate may be the first to give 
 evidence of their influence. "II n'y a rien de 
 plus frequent que cette esp^ce d'inconscience 
 ou d'ingenuite ; " a great critic has written, 
 "nous en verrons de nombreux exemples dans 
 I'histoire de la litt^rature frangaise, meme 
 classique; et tous les jours un ecrivain effleure 
 en passant une id^e, dont ce n'est pas lui, mais 
 un plus heureux ou un plus habile qui verra 
 222 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 223 
 
 sortir les consequences." * Sainte-Marthe offers 
 a case in point. An intelligence assuredly not 
 of the first rank, a poet more than mediocre, he 
 yet, in his Poesie Francoise seized upon ideas 
 which the members of the Pl^iade were to make 
 famous, and gave them such expression as he 
 could.^ So far as theories are concerned, it is 
 not difficult to prove Sainte-Marthe in more 
 than one particular a true forerunner of that 
 group which set what seemed so new a standard 
 for the French language and literature. Du 
 Bellay and Ronsard were concerned to enrich 
 and illustrate their mother tongue; nine years 
 before them, Sainte-Marthe showed the same 
 concern. The poets of the Pleiade owed much 
 to that Platonism which left profound traces in 
 their work even though they forsook and denied 
 it ; ^ Sainte-Marthe in 1540 showed the influence 
 
 ' P. Brunetifere, Hist, de la litt. frangaise class., Vol. I, 
 p. 185. 
 
 ' " L'avfenement de la P16iade, succ^dant k I'^cole de 
 Marot, ne s'explique que si Ton tient compte de revolution 
 qui s'etait accomplie anterieurement dans la manifere de 
 penser et de sentir des classes 6clair6es." A. Lefranc, 
 Le Platonisme et la Littirature en France h I'ipoque de la 
 Renaissance, Rev. d'Hist,, litt. Jan. 1891, p. 2. 
 
 ' W. A. R. Kerr, tracing out the influence of Renais- 
 
224 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 of Platonism at its very dawn in France, and ten 
 years afterward produced what has been called 
 a magnificent monument of the Platonism of 
 the French Renaissance.^ Petrarchism was an 
 essential element of the new poetry; in 1540 
 Sainte-Marthe was already a Petrarchist. New 
 meters were the pride of the Pleiade ; ten years 
 before them, Sainte-Marthe made use of one at 
 least, and dabbled besides in Alexandrines.^ Du 
 Bellay in the Defence paid a tribute to the in- 
 dustrious translators of the previous reign who 
 had made the French language a "fidele inter- 
 prete de tons les autres," even though he felt 
 that translation could never be a means "unique 
 et suffisant, pour elever nostre vulgaire a I'egal 
 et parangon des autres plus fameuses langues;" ^ 
 
 sance Platonism on each poet of the P16iade (except 
 Daurat, a negligible quantity), has shown that Ronsard, 
 despite certain concessions to it, found it in the main 
 antipathetic, as did Belleau, Baiif, and Jodelle, while 
 Du Bellay definitely reverted from it, and Pontus du 
 Thyard's interest in it was soon spent. The PUiade and 
 Platonism, Modern Philology, Vol. V, pp. 407-421. 
 
 ' A. Lefranc, Marguerite de Navarre et le Platonisme de la 
 Renaissance, Bib. de TEcole des Chartes, Vol. LIX, p. 754. 
 
 2 Cf. infra, pp. 232 and n. 2. 
 
 ' Deffence et Illustration de la Langue Francoyse, pp. 
 78 and 82. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 225 
 
 and Sainte-Marthe anticipated him in the very 
 sentiment.^ He himself was also among these 
 translators ; for, although his work was not 
 published or has not survived, we know from 
 the dedication of his poems to the Duchess 
 of Etampes that he intended to pubHsh parts 
 of Theocritus which he had translated.^ The 
 humanism, indeed, in which the PMiade steeped 
 itself, and which, in France, had been growing 
 with the century, had no more ardent disciple 
 than Sainte-Marthe : 
 
 " Homme scavant estre dire ne m'ose, 
 Mais mon esprit sur les lettres repose, 
 Sa vie est ]k, Ih est tout son soulas, 
 D'y travailler ne sera jamais las. " 
 
 — P. F., p. 149. 
 
 Such is the modest account he gives of his learn- 
 ing, and learning, in Sainte-Marthe's parlance, 
 could mean nothing but knowledge of the clas- 
 
 1 Cf. infra, p. 257. 
 
 ^ "Auquel si aggreablement elle (i.e. "ceste mienne 
 vaine et jeune fatigue") se veoit quelque foy pervenue, te 
 pourra mettre [hors ?] plus haulte, non touts foy sienne, 
 invention, qui est partie de la traduction de ce Bucco- 
 liquain Theoorite, elegante imitation de nostre grand 
 Poete." P.F.,p.5. Cf. p. 563. 
 
226 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 sics. These instances are hardly needed to 
 prove Sainte-Marthe extraordinarily receptive to 
 the intellectual currents of his time. We have 
 seen with what eagerness he took his share 
 in the "Querelle des femmes/' how facile was his 
 inclination to the doctrines of the new Reform ; 
 and it is not surprising that he should be as 
 quick to reflect the influences which, even at this 
 date, were making themselves felt in the litera- 
 ture of France. Had his quick response to the 
 impulses of his time found its earliest expres- 
 sion in prose, Sainte-Marthe might have left a 
 greater mark upon his generation, for in prose he 
 showed himself talented even to a supreme 
 degree; but it was unfortunately in verse that 
 he first chose to express himself, and there his 
 gifts were lamentably small, even judged by the 
 performance of his contemporaries. 
 
 Although Sainte-Marthe had put forth some 
 fugitive verse in Latin, and probably also in 
 French, before 1540, his volume of that year, La 
 Poesie Francoise de Charles de Saincte-Marthe, 
 was his first elaborate publication. An appre- 
 ciative friend — a certain Chevalier Grenet — 
 thus expressed his admiration of it : 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 227 
 
 "Le vray Poete a deux conditions 
 En ses escripts, par lesquels il est rare : 
 C'est de n'user de maledictions, 
 Qui monstrent bien que de meurs est Barbare, 
 Puis de n 'avoir invention avare 
 Sur le desir de la Concupiscence. 
 
 Avec ces deux, une grande Science 
 Rend le Poete entierement facund. 
 
 Si nous voulons les escripts fonder en ce 
 En France n'a Saincte Marthe second. " 
 — Le Chevalier Grenet, sur la Poesie de S. Marthe. Livre 
 de ses Amys, P. P., p. 237. 
 
 Grenet, however, — aptly illustrating in this 
 dixain the Renaissance confusion of learning and 
 creative power no less than its puristic con- 
 ception of art, — somewhat hastily credits with 
 freedom from "maledictions" a poet who is at his 
 best when inclining to these ; but he is exact in 
 the last two respects. The chastity of Sainte- 
 Marthe's verse is marked, even — for his age — 
 singular; and of his learning, as his reputation, 
 and indeed his later work, witnesses, there is 
 equally Httle doubt, though his display of it in 
 this first essay is small. Apart from Plato, 
 with whose ideas he seems to have been already 
 familiar, the list of classic authors with whom 
 he here shows acquaintance is no more extended 
 
228 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 than to include Theocritus, Ovid, Horace, 
 Homer, Plutarch, the invaluable ^lian^ and 
 Stobseus,^ with perhaps Pausanius or Strabo.' 
 
 The Poesie Francoise is divided into three 
 books. The first '' contains, according to its 
 heading, epigrams: a title which, if it may 
 reasonably be made to include a virelay, A un 
 usurier, Virlay; triolets, A un grand prometteur 
 sans effect; and an Epitaphe de feu Monsieur 
 maistre Foulcaud Mosnier procureur de Fonte- 
 vrault,^ is somewhat strained by the insertion 
 of a Paraphrase du Pseaulme 120 of seven four- 
 lined stanzas; a poem of fourteen four-lined 
 
 ' Translated extracts from .Elian had appeared in 
 Lyons seven years earlier, and gone into a second edition 
 in 1535. Ex /E. Historia -per P. Gyllium Latine Facli, 
 itemqioe ex Porphyria, Heliodoro, Oppiano . . . Libri xvi, 
 Lyons, 1533. Sainte-Marthe was chiefly indebted to this 
 volume (the only edition of jElian so far issued) for his 
 description of the Vale of Tempe, P. F., p. 197. 
 
 ^ Trincavelli's ed. Venice, 1536. For Sainte-Marthe's 
 later debts to Stobseus c/. infra, pp. 369-374. The refer- 
 ences in the P. F. are an interesting indication of the 
 rapidity with which an Italian edition could become 
 accessible to scholars in France — at least in Lyons. 
 
 3 Cf. P. F.,p. 24, 32, 61, 134, 200, et passim. 
 
 ' Le Premier Livre de la Poesie Francoise de Charles de 
 Saincte Marthe, contenant les Epigrammes, P. F., pp. 7-80. 
 
 * P. F., pp. 64, 63, 53. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 229 
 
 stanzas entitled Le Philalethe, c'est adire Amy 
 de verity, blazonne son Amye; and another of 
 five seven-lined stanzas, which might well have 
 been included among the elegies: A la Ville 
 d' Aries en Provence, d'ou est natifve Madamoiselle 
 Beringue s'Amie. En forme de comiplainte} The 
 second book contains rondeaux and ballades/ 
 one a balade double^ and one Couplets unisonants, 
 avec refrain, en maniere de Balade.* The third 
 book,' which forms the bulk of the volume, con- 
 sists of epistles (one of them a coq h I'dne^) and 
 elegies, the elegies being sharply divided from 
 the epistles by a separate avis au lecteur.'' The 
 
 ' P. F., pp. 48, 40, 25. \ 
 
 ^ Le Second Livre de la Poesie Francoise de Charles 
 de Saincte Marthe, contenant Rondeaux, Balades & chant 
 Royaulx, P. F., pp. 81-112. The Au Lecteur, p. 223, directs 
 "oste chant royaulx." 
 
 ' Balade double, contenant la promesse de Christ, sa 
 Nativite, Passion, Resurrection, & precieux sacrement de 
 son Corps, icy a nous delaissi pour gaige de Salut, P. F., 
 p. 110. 
 
 * Scavoir se complaint qu'aujourdhuy soil ainsi vili- 
 pendi, P. F., p. 106. 
 
 ' Le Tiers Livre de la Poesie Francoise de Charles 
 de Saincte Marthe, contenant Epistres et Elegies, P. F., 
 pp. 113-224. 
 
 « A Jean Ferron, Coq a Lasne, P. F., p. 141. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 197. 
 
230 CHARLES DB SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 volume concludes with a collection of poems 
 contributed by the author's friends, entitled 
 Livre de ses Amys,^ of which mention has been 
 made. 
 
 It will be seen that — with the exception of 
 chants royaulx and chansons — Sainte-Marthe, 
 like his master Marot, used all those "episseries 
 qui corrumpent le goust de nostre langue et 
 ne servent si non a porter temoingnaige de notre 
 ignorance.'" However, if he was not the first 
 poet to imitate Marot in a sonnet,^ nor to 
 
 ' It has a separate title-page, P. F., p. 225. It is com- 
 prised within pp. 226-237. 
 
 2 Du Bellay, Defence, pp. 202-203. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe published two sonnets in 1549 and 
 1550. Cf. pp. 193 and 197. According to M. Vaganay (Le 
 sonnet en Italie et en France au XYl™^ siecle) the intro- 
 duction of the sonnet into France proceeded as follows 
 (omitting hypotheses and re-editions) : 
 1539 Marot (1). 
 
 1544 (Whether published before 1674 unknown) Saint- 
 
 Gelais, (1). 
 
 1545 Marot (7) (6 trans. Petrarch). 
 
 1546 Saint-Gelais (1). 
 
 1547 Peletier (14). 
 Marguerite of Navarre (1). 
 M. Sc6ve(2). 
 
 1548 VasquinPhilieuI (196). 
 Jean Charrier (1). 
 Ferrand Debez (1). 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 231 
 
 anticipate Du Bellay's advice and follow his 
 master in the composition of a "plaisante ec- 
 
 1648 Sibilet (1). 
 
 Saint-Gelais (whether pub. before 1574 unknown) 
 (1). 
 1549 DuBellay (50). 
 
 Des Autelz (1). 
 
 Pontus de Tyard (70). 
 
 Thierry de la Mothe (1). 
 A. Tilley's account of the sonnet in France {Lit. of the 
 French Ren., Vol. I, pp. 152 and 153) offers, in a note, 
 certain modifications of this list : 
 
 1539 Marot's sonnet is given as of 1538 (and as written 
 
 not later than 1532). Another sonnet is credited 
 to Marot with this one. 
 
 1540 Saint-Gelais (with Des Essarts's Amadis) (1). 
 1545 Marot's translation of Petrarch is given as of 
 
 1544. 
 1547 Saint-Gelais (1). 
 
 The number of Jacques Peletier's sonnets is given 
 as 13. 
 
 At least as early as 1548 Jacques Colin mentions as 
 some time past his composition of sonnets. In an inter- 
 esting passage he enumerates the new Italian and the 
 older forms of verse : 
 
 ..." Chansons, balades, triolets, 
 Mottetz, rondeaux, servantz et virelaiz, 
 Sonnetz, strambotz, barzelotes, chapitres, 
 Lyriques vers, chantz royaux et epistres, 
 Ou consoler mes maux jadis souloye 
 Quand serviteur des dames m'appeloye." 
 — Epistre a une Dame, Le Livre de plusiews pieces, fol. 
 103 r°. 
 
232 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 clogue rustique," ^ he at least, like Marot, made 
 essay with the still rare Alexandrine,^ and the 
 reader will divine the older poet's influence 
 in certain other timid experiments in meter.^ 
 
 ' Deffence, pp. 225 and 226. The eclogue in question 
 was of course of a later date, but the phrase applies equally 
 to Marot's earlier ones. 
 
 ^ Marot made use of the Alexandrine ten times, CEuvres, 
 Vols. II, pp. 224, 230, 231, 234, III, pp. 9, 10, 15, 113, IV, 
 p. 55. He named it five times, but as Pasquier says, every 
 time " comme si c'eust este chose nouvelle et inaccous- 
 tum6 d'en user pource qu'S, toutes les autres il ne bailie 
 point cette touche." Recherches de la France, CEuvres, 
 p. 711. This was precisely Sainte-Marthe's procedure, as 
 though proud of the innovation. He uses it six times, i.e. 
 
 (1) A. P. Tolet, Medicin du grand Hospital de Lyon, Sur 
 L'amitie deluy etde Dolet. Vers Alexandrins. P.F.,p.ll. 
 
 (2) Le Cueur reprend L'ceil de regard trop vollaige, et le prie 
 de s'en retirer. Vers Alexandrins. P. F., p. 36. (3) A 
 Maurice Sceve Lyonnois, homme treserudit. Vers Alex- 
 andrins. P. F., p. 50. (4) De la transportation d' Eloquence, 
 . . Vers Alexandrins. P. F., p. 61. (5) A Maurice 
 Chausson, vers Alexandrins. P. F., p. 66. (6) Elegie, de 
 I'Ame parlante au Corps, & monstrante le proffit de la Mart. 
 Vers Alexandrins. P. F., p. 214. Three of these (1), (2), 
 and (4), are dixains (a B A B B c c D c d) ; one (3) a huiiain 
 (a B A B B c B c) ; and one (5) a dixain of five couplets. 
 
 ■'' For instance, the Elegie, Du vray bien & nourriture de 
 I'Ame, P. F., p. 210. This consists of rhyming ten-syl- 
 labled triplets followed by a four-syllabled line which 
 gives the rhyme for the following triplet (aaab, bbbc, cccd, 
 etc.). This is, as has been observed, the principle of the 
 terza rima. Faguet, Seiziime Sibcle, p. 70. Marot used 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 233 
 
 The spell of the famous poet's manner lies, in 
 fact, upon much of the younger man's work. 
 Sainte-Marthe was the first to acknowledge his 
 extensive debt to his " pere d'alience: " 
 
 " Que dirS, Ton, de me veoir si hardy 
 De composer apres toy, 6 Clement? 
 Mon cerveau n'est encor tant estourdy 
 
 this meter four times, Vols. II, pp. 100, 112, 121, and III, 
 p. 97. Sainte-Marthe has also a quatrain of alternating 
 nine and ten syllabled lines (aba b), Du mesme, avec 
 allusion h son Nom, P. F., p. 47. This Marot did not use. 
 Sainte-Marthe's arrangements of his rhymes also offers 
 some variety. Aside from the ten-syllabled couplets of 
 the epistles and elegies (he uses the eight-syllabled couplet 
 only three times), the commonest isABABBCcncD 
 for both ten and eight-syllabled lines (ten-syllabled fifty- 
 eight times, eight-syllabled six times) ; next in number 
 are the arrangements ababbcbc (ten-syllabled lines 
 nineteen times, — once two stanzas, — eight-syllabled 
 twice ; a B A b B c c (ten-syllabled Mnes seven times, — 
 once five stanzas, — eight-syllabled once) ; quatrains 
 A b A B (ten- syllabled lines five times, — once fourteen 
 stanzas, once seven stanzas, — eight-syllabled twice). 
 One of the arrangements in decasyllabic septains, a b a b 
 B c c, A la ville d' Aries, P. F., p. 25, and the poem of 
 fourteen quatrains, Le Philaleihe, P. F., p. 40, are noticed 
 by M. Laumonier among early Ijrrics probably inspired by 
 Marot's example. Sorasard, p. 660. The following arrange- 
 ments occur only once : in ten-syllabled lines : a b a a b b 
 cc;ababbccb; ababb; aabaabbcc;aab 
 aabbccdbd; ababbccdd; abaab; abbaab; 
 in eight-syllabled quatrains : a b b a. 
 
234 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Que ton pareil me dye aulcunement. 
 Car davant tous je confesse haultement 
 Que seulement ton aprentif je suis, 
 J'escris, j'invente, & fais ce que je puis. 
 On ne me peut tourner k impropere 
 Si escrivant totalement t'ensuis. 
 Qui reprendrS, I'enfant qui suit son Pere ? " 
 — A Clement Marot son Pere d'alience, P. F., p. 55. 
 
 Thus loudly proclaiming his allegiance, Sainte- 
 Marthe did follow Marot very close, close as an 
 almost total lack of poetic talent would allow. 
 Like Marot he writes verses on his " soeur d'ali- 
 ence," ' dwells, like him, upon the charm of his 
 mistress' laugh,^ boasts his unshaken love in the 
 face of slander,^ rebukes an inconstant love,* 
 
 ' Marot, D'alUance de sceur, (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 56; 
 Saints- Marthe, A Madamoiselle d' E stable saseur d'alience, 
 P. F., p. 159; A Madame Magdaleine de la Tour, sa Soeur 
 d'alience, P. F., p. 70. 
 
 ' Marot, Du rys de Madame d'Allebret, (Euvres, Vol. Ill, 
 p. 23; Sainte- Marthe, A Madamoiselle Oacinette Loytaulde, 
 Mere de Beringvs s'Amye, P. F., p. 88. 
 
 ' Marot, Chanson, " Vous perdez temps de me dire mal 
 d'elle," (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 192 ; Sainte- Marthe, De s'Amie 
 & de soy, P. F., p. 60; D'aulcuns mesdisans luy faisans 
 reproche de la paouvreti de s'Amye, P. F., p. 33. 
 
 ■■ Marot, Chanson, " Ma Dame ne m'a pas vendu," 
 (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 183; Sainte- Marthe, A une dame in- 
 constante, P. F., p. 19. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 235 
 
 or accompanies with verses a present of gloves.' 
 And, in the latter instance, Sainte-Marthe, al- 
 though not dealing with that particular subject 
 as Marot does, and even borrowing his material, 
 not from Marot, but from Saint-Gelais ' A 
 un gand,^ successfully approaches his master's 
 manner : 
 
 Pour un Gentil homme qui envoyoit des Gans h sa Dame 
 " Gans, advantaige k ce que j'ay perdu, 
 AUez, soyez au coiffes recompence. 
 Si je n'ay bien la pareille rendu 
 Parlez pour moy, excusez I'impuissance. 
 Guardez de froid, et de toute nuisance, 
 Ces blanches Mains tant dedans que dehors. 
 O pleust k Dieu que j'eusse la puissance 
 De vent et froid guarder tout son gent Corps." 
 
 — P. F., p. 17. 
 
 Marot's translations of the psalms were in great 
 vogue at court, though as yet unpublished ; ' 
 
 ' Marot, A une jeune dame, laquelle un veillard marU 
 vouloit espouser et decevoir. CEuvres, Vol. I, p. 175, at 
 end; Sainte-Marthe, loc. cit. infra. 
 
 ^ CEuvres, Vol. 1, p. 56. 
 
 ■' It will be remembered that in 1541 thirty of Marot's 
 Psalms were printed in Paris, the complete fifty only 
 in 1543; but they had been presented to the king and 
 had begun to circulate in manuscript the year before 
 Sainte-Marthe published his Poesie Francoise. Twelve 
 had even been printed with five of Calvin's in the Stras- 
 
236 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, too, must needs, like their author, 
 
 "accompagner sur son flageolet la harpe du 
 
 Proph^te" ^ with a rhymed paraphrase of the 
 
 One hundred and twentieth Psalm,^ which the 
 
 elder poet had not rendered. Marot's Epistle, Au 
 
 Roy pour avoir este deroM^ was justly famous; 
 
 Sainte-Marthe matched it with a dixain to his 
 
 master, A Marot, d'un sien valet qui I'avoit desrobe, 
 
 playing rather feebly upon its subject-matter: 
 
 " Ton Serviteur le mien avoit apris, 
 Ou tous deux ont est 6 k una EschoUe. 
 J'y ay est^, comme toy, si bien pris, 
 Qu'il ne m'est pas demeure une oboUe. 
 Le tien(t) estoit, de faict & de Parolle, 
 Un vray Gascon ; si le mien ne I'estoit, 
 A tout le moins bonne mine portoit 
 
 burg Psalter in 1539. A translation of the Sixth Psalm 
 had been published with Marguerite of Navarre's Miroir 
 de I'Ame pecheresse, as early as 1533. Cf. F. Frank, Mar- 
 guerites de la Marguerite, Vol. I, pp. Ixxxvii, Ixxxviii, and 
 150; and Tilley, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 70 and 71. Brunet 
 mentions an edition of 1535 as reported but vainly 
 cearehed for in the public library of Geneva. 
 
 ' Sainte-Beuve of Marot, Tableau de la Poisie Fran- 
 gaise au XVP siicle, p. 24. 
 
 ^ Paraphrase du Pseaulme 120, P. F., p. 48. Sainte- 
 Marthe uses the quatrain of ten-syllabled lines with 
 alternating rhymes which serves Marot for his trans- 
 lation of Psalms ii, xi, xii, and ovi. 
 
 3 (Euvres, Vol. 11, p. 195. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 237 
 
 D'estre de Meurs au tien fort allid. 
 Gascon ne fut mais son Gascon sentoit : 
 Jouant un tour d'un Moyne resni6." 
 
 — P. F., p. 13. 
 Nor can there be any doubt that the Ballade, 
 De Frere Lubin,^ was in the disciple's mind when 
 he penned his huitain, D'un frere Doemonique 
 blasmatit I'escripture saincte : 
 " Si Dsemonique contredit 
 Tousjours a I'Escripture saincte, 
 Si Dsemonique trop mesdit 
 Des bons, sans avoir de Dieu craincte, 
 Si Dsemonique k langue saincte 
 Et poursuit tous les Gentz de bien, 
 Ce n'est pas merveilleuse attaincte, 
 Car Daemonique ne vault rien." 
 
 — P.F.,p.27. 
 
 It was Marot's dixain, De la duche d'Estampes,^ 
 with its far-fetched pun upon the name of the 
 duchy and the Val de Tempe, which undoubt- 
 edly suggested to Sainte-Marthe his most ambi- 
 tious poem, an Elegie. Du Tempe de France, en 
 I'honneur de Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes,^ 
 wherein he expands to great length the com- 
 parison made by Marot, whose translation of the 
 Metamorphoses also, it is significant to note, in- 
 
 ' Marot, (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 63. 
 
 ■' (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 45. ' p p ^ p, 197, 
 
238 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHB 
 
 eluded the passage relative to the vale of Tempe.* 
 Moreover, whatever the poet's description of 
 that happy valley may derive from Mlian and 
 perhaps also from Lorenzo de' Medici,^ it appears 
 to owe something, at least, in general style, 
 to the descriptions in the Temple de Cupidon. 
 The reader will recall the " joye et deduyt " of 
 Marot's "oyselets," his "arbres verdoyans" and 
 "buyssons de verd boscage" when he reads 
 Sainte-Marthe's account of Tempe : 
 
 " Ilk, y avoit grands diversity 
 De toutes floeurs, et verdoyants bocaiges 
 Ou Ton oyoit las beaulx et doulx ramaiges 
 Des oisillonts, chantants souefvement. 
 Ilk, florissoyent touts Arbres noblement, 
 Si tresespests qu'ilz sembloyent forets fortes, 
 Et produysoyent des fruicts de toutes sortes, 
 AmcEnit^ leur umbraige rendoit 
 Et de Phcebus tresestuant gardoit. " 
 
 — P. F., p. 198. 
 
 From Marot's epistle, Le Despourveu h madame 
 la duchesse d'Alengon et de Berry, soeur unique 
 du Roy,^ Sainte-Marthe borrowed ideas for two 
 
 ' (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 188. 
 
 ' A description occurs in the Silva d'Amore, Opere, 
 Vol. II, p. 89 et seg. 
 
 ' (Euvres, Vol. I, p. 134. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 239 
 
 of his addresses to the duchesse d'Estampes. 
 In the first, the prose dedication of his whole 
 volume/ he elaborates Marot's simple image 
 of himself as saved from the sea of misfortune 
 by Marguerite into a description of his own 
 "vaine & jeune fatigue, laquelle non aultrement 
 que apres longue & griefve tempeste, le palle et 
 travaille Nocher, descouvrant de loing la Terre, 
 h laquelle avec tout estude il s'efforce de se 
 saulver, recueille le mieux qu'il peut tous les frag- 
 ments de sa navire rompue, j'ay amasc^e pour a 
 ton Port tresdire la diriger. . . . Tu doncques," 
 he continues, "une entre nostre siecle des belles 
 treserudite, des erudites tres belle, . . . recep- 
 vras benignement les tables de mon naufrage par 
 divers cass de la fortune conduitte, finablement 
 en petits faiz reduittes, et maintenant en ce tien 
 Havre, ou de long temps les Muses commodement 
 se retirent, assurdment arriv^es, etc." ^ Again, 
 Sainte-Marthe, emulating Marot's use in the same 
 epistle of the personifications of the older poetry, 
 introduces Honte and Hardiesse in the roles which 
 
 1 Epistre A Tresillustre et Tresnoble Princesse, Madame 
 la Duchesse d' Estampes et Contesse de Poinctieure, P. F., 
 pp. 3-5. Cf. p. 563 et seq. 
 
 2 P. F., pp. 4, 5. 
 
240 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Marot had given to Crainte and Bon Espoir, Honte 
 endeavoring in twenty-four rhymed couplets to 
 dissuade him from addressing the Duchess, while 
 Hardiesse in seventeen successfully encourages 
 him to the attempt.^ Finally, Sainte-Marthe 
 even imitates from Marot a certain c3Tiicism in 
 the matter of love wholly different from his 
 own usual view, as in two epigrams, De Vinegalle 
 & injuste recompense du service d' Amours and 
 Que, sans Argent, Amour est mat asseur'.^ In one 
 poem of this order, in fact, he so closely ap- 
 proached Marot's manner as to deceive at least 
 three modern editors : 
 
 A une Dame, qui contentoit ses servants de paroUe. 
 
 "Dame vous avez beau maintien 
 Et grand grace en vostre langaige, 
 Mais tous cel^ est peu ou rien, 
 Si vous ne faictes davantaige. 
 J'accorde bien que c'est un gaige 
 De pouvoir jouir quelque jour. 
 Si ce n'est pas le perfaict tour 
 Qu'il fault pour achever 1 'affaire : 
 Pour avoir le deduit d 'Amour 
 Vault mieux peu dire et beaucoup f aire. " 
 
 — P. F., p. 68. 
 
 ' A Madame la Duchesse d' Estampes, P. F., pp. 125-129. 
 2 P. F., pp. 18 and 65. 
 
MAROT AND PBTRARCHISM 241 
 
 This is not the only one of Sainte-Marthe's pro- 
 ductions which found a place among the works 
 of a man who expressed a lively dislike of such 
 intrusions.' Marot had composed a rondeau, 
 Sur la devise de Madame de Lorraine, Amour et 
 Fay.'' Sainte-Marthe imitated this with another, 
 A Salel, valet de chambre du Roy, Sur sa divise,^ 
 and this imitation has also found its way into 
 standard collections of Marot's works. And 
 the same is the case with four other poems.* 
 
 ' Cf. his preface to the 1538 edition of his works. 
 Clement Marot a Etienne Dolet, (Euvres, Vol. IV, pp. 194- 
 196. Pasquier's remark seems applicable to Marot's 
 editors of the eighteenth and nineteenth, as of the six- 
 teenth, century. "S'il se presente quelque epigramme, 
 ou autre trait de gentille invention dont on ne scache 
 le nom de I'autheur, on ne doute de le luy attribuer et 
 I'inserer dedans ses oeuvres comme sien." Recherches 
 de la France, (Euvres, p. 714. 
 
 2 (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 162. 
 
 ' "Honneur te guide," P. F., p. 90. 
 
 ' The others were: (1) the second of the two eight- 
 lined stanzas composing the poem A noble Seigneur, 
 Monsieur Francois de Muillion, seigneur de Ribbiers, en 
 le remerdant des biens qu'il luy a faictz, P. F., p. 34; 
 (2) A ma Damoiselle Beringue, Quel martyre c'est, brusler 
 d' affection & n'oser parler pour la descouvrir, Dixain, P. F ., 
 p. 75; (3) A Monsieur de 8. Remy, luy estant en necessite 
 A Vincence, Rondeau, P. F., p. 92; (4) A Thomon Pitrel, 
 que c'est grand richesse d'estre content. Rondeau, P. F., 
 
 B 
 
242 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Yet these poems do not exemplify Sainte- 
 
 p. 105. These, as well as those mentioned above, were 
 incorporated by Lenglet Dufresnoy, with various poems 
 by other hands, in his' edition of Marot's works. The 
 Hague, 1731, under the general heading. Poesies Nouvelles 
 Pour les deux premiers Tomes des (Euvres de Clement 
 Marot. Vol. Ill, pp. 493-522. Dufresnoy, Vol. Ill, p. 493, 
 expressly declines to vouch for the authorship of one of 
 the poems, Heroet's Douleur et VolupU, identified by 
 Georges Guiflfrey, Marot, Vol. II, p. 503, — and, by his 
 heading, casts a doubt also upon that of the others. Ex- 
 cept in the case of the Rondeau to Salel, he also states. 
 Vol. Ill, pp. 504, 506, the source to which he is indebted 
 for the poems by Sainte-Marthe and others, attributed to 
 Marot, and from which he drew also Sainte-Marthe's 
 epigram on the news of Marot's death, Epigramme de 
 Saincte Marthe d, Clement Marot sur le bruit de sa mart, here, 
 p. 521, attributed to Gaucher de Sainte-Marthe, besides 
 the Douleur et Volupti and various other poems, some, 
 no doubt, actually by Marot. 
 
 This source is a collection of poems published by Denis 
 Janot in 1544 entitled (according to Dufresnoy) : Recueil 
 de vraye Poesie FranQoise prinse de plusieurs Poetes. In 
 spite of Dufresnoy's disclaimer, the six poems in question 
 reappeared in Lacroix' edition of Marot's works published 
 by Rapilly, Paris, 1824, without any question of their 
 authenticity; and Pierre Jannet, Bib. Elzevirienne, Paris, 
 1883, followed this lead, merely classifying Sainte- 
 Marthe's poems with others, according to their various 
 genres as Rondeaux tiris d'autres Editions, Vol. II, p. 167; 
 Epigrammes tiroes de diverses autres Editions, Vol. Ill, 
 p. 101, other, i.e. than those upon which he based his 
 own, viz. : Dolet's, Lyons, 1538, that of the Enseigne du 
 Bocher, Lyons, 1544, and Portau's, Niort, 1596. Certain 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 243 
 
 Marthe's closet imitation of Marot. It is in his 
 
 of the six appeared also in Despr^s' CEuvres choisies de 
 CUment Marot, Paris, 1826, as Pieces attributes d, Marot; 
 in H6ricault's CEuvres de CUment Marot, Paris, 1867; and 
 in Voizard's CEuvres Choisies de Clement Marot, Paris, 
 1888. 
 
 The titles of Sainte-Marthe's poems in the Recueil 
 and in the editions mentioned vary from those of the 
 Poesie Francoise : the dixain cit. supra, A une Dame qui 
 contentoit ses servants de parolle, appears in the Recueil, 
 p. 56, and in Jannet's ed., Vol. Ill, p. 114, as D'une 
 qui contentoit ses servans de paroles; in Dufresnoy's ed.. 
 Vol. Ill, p. 512, and Rapilly's, Vol. II, p. 473, its title 
 is, A une Dame qui fasoit force promesses a ses amans. 
 The rondeau to Salel is entitled in the Recueil, p. 45, 
 Rondeau sur la Devise de Salet (sic) varlet du chambre 
 du Roy; Despr^s, p. 45, gives it as Sur la devise de 
 Hugues Salel; Dufresnoy, Vol. Ill, p. 507, Rapilly's ed.. 
 Vol. II, p. 139, Ja-nnet, Vol. II, p. 171, and Voizard, p. 
 315, add valet de chambre du Roy Frangois I, Dufresnoy 
 prefixing Autre Rondeau. The whole of the poem num- 
 bered (1) supra appears in the Recueil, p. 71, divided into 
 two poems, Non estre ingrat des biensfaitz, and Huictain. 
 Only the second half appears in the editions of Lenglet 
 Dufresnoy, Vol. Ill, p. 517, Rapilly, Vol. II, p. 370, 
 Jannet, Vol. Ill, p. 117, and Despr6s, p. 451, as Autre 
 Epigramme, Epigramme and Huictain, respectively. The 
 poem numbered (2) supra is, in the Recueil, p. 53, and 
 in Jannet, Vol. Ill, p. 113, Dixain de n'oser descouvrir 
 son affection; Dufresnoy, Vol. Ill, p. 511, and Rapilly's 
 ed.. Vol. II, p. 473, give it as Amours qu'on n'ose decouvrir, 
 Dufresnoy prefacing Autre Epigramme. The poem 
 numbered (3) supra, appears in the Recueil, p. 42, simply 
 as Rondeau, and as Autre Rondeau in Dufresnoy's ed., 
 
244 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 use of the mordant epigram, where indeed he is 
 
 Vol. Ill, p. 505; Rapilly's ed., Vol. II, p. 132, Jannet, 
 Vol. II, p. 168, and Voizard, p. 314, have A un pour 
 avoir de I'argent. Lenglet Dufresnoy remarks In a note, 
 " Ce Rondeau sent bien son Marot qui manque d'argent h. 
 tout moment, & qui en demande k un grand Seigneur." 
 The poem numbered (4) supra becomes, in the Recueil, 
 p. 44, Rondeau sur chascun soil content de ses biens, qui 
 n'a suffisance il n'a rien ; Dufresnoy, Vol. Ill, p. 506, 
 Rapilly's ed., Vol. II, p. 133, Jannet, Vol. II, p. 167, 
 Desprfe, p. 450, H^ricault, p. 206, and Voizard, p. 313, 
 give it as Sur ces mots : 
 
 Chacun soit content de ses biens, 
 • Qui n'a suffisance n'a riens. 
 
 Paul Lacroix (Bibliophile Jacob) reprinted the Recueil 
 in question. He describes the original as a small 8vo 
 of 56 fols. unpaginated, in italics, and accompanied by 
 woodcuts or a woodcut (avec fig. sur bois), credits it with 
 four editions, and gives its title-page as Recueil de vraye 
 Poesie Francoise prinse de plusieurs Poetes, les plus ex- 
 cellentz de ce regne. Avec privilege du Roy pour cinq ans, 
 1544. De I'imprimerie de Denys Janot, imprimeur du 
 Roy, en langue francoyse, et libraire jure de V University de 
 Paris. On les vend au Palais en la gallerie par oil I' on va 
 A la chancellerie, es bouticques de Jan Longis et Vincent 
 Sertenas libraires. The Bib. de 1' Arsenal contains two 
 copies of the second edition : Le Recueil de Poesie Fran- 
 coyse, Prinse de plusieurs Poetes, les plus excelUntz de ce 
 regne. A Lyon. Par Jean Temporal 1550. Unpaginated. 
 Typographic mark no. 186 (Silvestre), both on title and 
 final pages. Only one copy is complete. The Bib. de 
 1' Arsenal contains also a copy of the fourth edition which 
 has a different title. Poesie Facecieuse, extraitte des 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 245 
 
 at his best, that he most resembles his model. 
 
 aeuvres des plus fameux Poettes de nostre siecle. Imprim^ 
 nouvellement. A Lyon. Par Benoist Rigaud, 1559. Typo- 
 graphical mark no. 1302 (Silvestre). The references 
 supra have been made to this edition, which has the ad- 
 vantage of pagination. It was upon this that Lacroix 
 based his reprint. He gives its title-page, omitting the 
 words des ceuvres. Lacroix evidently confuses the fourth 
 edition with the second copy of the second edition. He 
 adds an appendix containing the eleven pieces — none of 
 them Sainte-Marthe's — occurring in the first and second 
 editions and omitted in the fourth, and gives in his pref- 
 atory notice a list of six pieces, one of them by Saint- 
 Gelais, added in the fourth edition, none, however, by 
 Charles de Sainte-Marthe. 
 
 The Recueil, at least in its first two editions, con- 
 tains one hundred and twenty-five poems, of which all but 
 five are anonymous. Of these five, one is by Sainte- 
 Marthe, A Marot, dufaulx bruict de sa mart, P. F., p. 59. 
 Of the anonymous poems, twenty-four are by Sainte- 
 Marthe, one at least, Douleur et VolupU, by Heroet, 
 one at least by Rabelais, and a fair number perhaps 
 actually by Marot. This hardly warrants Dufresnoy's 
 remark. Vol. Ill, p. 493: "Ce recueil ne contient gueres 
 autre chose que des poesies de Marot & de son amy Saint 
 Gelais," nor Lacroix's reference to it, op. cit., p. vi, 
 as " compost pour la plus grande partie de pi&ces in- 
 edites ou nouvellement imprimSes de Clement Marot." 
 Lacroix adds indeed that the editor, — whom he in- 
 clines to identify with Des Essarts, ■ — "a gliss6 dans 
 son Recueil quelques pieces qui n'^taient pas de Clement 
 Marot"! 
 
 I should have supposed that Jannet had not con- 
 sulted Lacroix's Reprint, since he adds nothing to Lenglet 
 
246 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Here, undoubtedly through Marot, he owed much 
 
 Dufresnoy's selection of poems from the Recueil were it 
 not that, in two instances (c/. supra), he goes back to the 
 titles in the Recueil where Dufresnoy has departed from 
 them. If he did consult it, it is remarkable that he 
 neither added to Dufresnoy's selection nor cast any 
 doubts upon Marot's authorship of the poems attributed 
 to him. It is no less curious that Dufresnoy was not 
 struck by the omission of Sainte-Marthe's six poems 
 from the early editions of Marot; especially in the case 
 of those editions subsequent to the publication of the 
 Recueil, considering the number published in the six- 
 teenth century, and the variety of their editors. 
 
 The other poems of Sainte-Marthe included in the 
 Recueil are, in addition to the six already dealt with 
 (Lacroix' reprint, pp. 50, 40, 66, 48, 38, 40) : 
 
 (1) Le Cueur reprend I'oeil de regard trop ■vollaige, & le 
 prie de s'en retirer. Vers Alexandrins, P. F., p. 36. In 
 the Recueil, p. 19, — Lacroix, 17 — . the last eight words 
 are omitted. 
 
 (2) A Marot. Du favlx bruict de sa Mart, P. F., p. 59. 
 (Cf. p. 530) In the Recueil, p. 77, — Lacroix, 73 — , its 
 title is Saincte-Marthe <i Marot. Lenglet Dufresnoy in- 
 cludes this with Marot's works as Epigramme de Saincte 
 Marthe d. Clement Marot sur le bruit de sa mart, Vol. Ill, 
 p. 521, but attributes it to "Scevole ou Gaucher de 
 Sainte-Marthe, premier Medecin du Roi FranQois premier, 
 et contemporain de Clement Marot." 
 
 (3) A Monsieur le Baron de Bressieux, D'un qui mesdisoit 
 de luy en son absence, P. F., p. 59. In the Recueil, p. 47, — 
 Lacroix, 42 — : Dizain d'un qui mesdisoit d'un autre en 
 son absence. 
 
 (4) De s'Amie & de soy, P. F., p. 60. In the Recueil, p. 
 76, — Lacroix, 72 — : Autre (i.e. quatrain) des Mesdisantz. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 247 
 
 to Martial, and many instances might be adduced 
 
 (5) A un grand prometteur sans effect, P. F., p. 63. 
 The Recueil, p. 73, — Lacroix, 68 — , omits the word grand 
 and adds Triolet. 
 
 (6) A un Maistre d'hostel d'un Abbe detractant de luy, 
 P. F., p. 64. In the Recueil, p. 48, — Lacroix, 43 — ■: Du 
 Maistre d'hostel de Monsieur de Boessieux {i.e. Bressieux) 
 qui detractoit d'autruy. 
 
 (7) A un usurier. Virlay, P. F., p. 64. Altered in 
 the Recueil, p. 78, — Lacroix, 74 — , to D'un usurier. Vire- 
 lay. 
 
 (8) Que, sans Argent, Amour est mal asseuri, P. F., 
 p. 65. In the Recueil, p. 56, — Lacroix, 51 — : Amour est 
 m,al asseuri sans argent. 
 
 (9) A un ord Villain qui, en compaignie de Dames, 
 jactoit la grosseur de son Membre. P. F., p. 35. In the 
 Recueil, p. 70, — Lacroix, 65 — , the words "ord villain" 
 are omitted. 
 
 (10) A un brave qui menaceoit chascun, P. F., p. 69. 
 The same in the Recueil, p. 53, — Lacroix, 50. 
 
 (11) A noble Edmond Odde, Seigneur de Triors. 
 Du cloistre de la Langue. P. F., p. 72. In the Recueil, 
 p. 19, — Lacroix, 17 — , simply Du cloistre de la Langue. 
 
 (12) Qu'on ne doibt desister de poursuivre son entreprise, 
 quoy qu'on ayt des competiteurs, P F., p. 75. In the 
 Recueil, p. 55, — Lacroix, 49 — , De ne desister de pour- 
 suivre son entreprise. 
 
 (13) D'un qui avoit revili son secret, P. F., p. 76. 
 The same in the Recueil, p. 54, — Lacroix, 49 — , with 
 slight alteration in line 6. 
 
 (14) A un estant jaloux de s'Amye, P F., p. 77. In 
 the Recueil, p. 53, — Lacroix, 48 — , Dizain d'un jaloux de 
 s'Amye. The third Una altered. 
 
 (15) A Andri Tardivon, Courrier de Romans, P. F., p. 
 
248 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 of his skill in imitations of this order.^ Two or 
 three must suffice, however. Sainte-Marthe, Hke 
 other liberals, must needs have his fling at the 
 monks, and especially the Franciscans. Of 
 
 89. In the RecmU, p. 44, — Lacroix, 39 — , Rondeau, Mai 
 sur Mai estre sanU. Punctuation — and sense — -of the 
 ninth line altered. 
 
 (16) A R. Pere en Dieu Monseigneur Anne de GroUe, 
 Abb6 de S. Pierre de Vienne, P. F., p. 166. In the 
 Recueil, p. 27, — Lacroix, 24 — , A Monsieur de Boessieux, 
 Abbi de Saint Pierre de Vienne. 
 
 (17) A un superbe Detracteur, P. F ., p. 176. The same 
 in the Recueil, p. 22, — Lacroix, 20. 
 
 (18) A une Dame ingrate. Pour un Gentilhomme, 
 prenant cong6 d'elle, P. F., p. 186. In the Recueil, 
 p. 25, — Lacroix, 23 — , Epistre d'un Gentilhomme d une 
 dame en prenant conge d'elle. Change in line 28. 
 
 ' There are thirty-seven such epigrams in Sainte- 
 Marthe's volume. The most worthy of note, in addition 
 to those given, are the following : 
 A Reni le Fevre, Que sur toutes bestes, I'homme est a 
 
 craindre, P. F ., p. 12. Cf. p. 531. 
 Au Painctre qui avoit portraict un Moyne au vif, P. F., 
 
 p. 19. 
 De la variable & diverse signification de ce nom Escot. P. 
 
 F., p. 45. 
 D'un Moyne et de lafemme d'un Libraire, P. F., p. 67. 
 D'une Dame qui mal parloit de luy, apres avoir est6 par 
 
 luy extolUe jusqu'au del, P. F., p. 50. 
 D'aulcuns siens Parents mais maulvais Amys, P. F., 
 
 p. 52. 
 A un superbe Detracteur, P. F., p. 176. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 249 
 
 several epigrams to their address, the best is 
 the following: 
 
 Du mesme {i.e. " un Cordelier" ) parlant apres sa Mort 
 h ses Freres. 
 Sus, lisez tous, Freres, diligemment 
 Que dit I'Escot du merite condigne, 
 Car I'on ma dit icy apertement 
 A me saulver mon Merite estre indigne. 
 Mais j 'ay monstr^ k Jesu Christ, par signe, 
 Qu'il ne debvoit me faire tel exces. 
 Lisez, lisez en ce Docteur tresdigne, 
 Car j 'ay espoir d'en gagner mon proces. 
 
 — P.F.,p. 46. 
 
 In another epigram Sainte-Marthe jests after 
 
 Rabelais : 
 
 D'un Evesque portatif.^ 
 
 " Monsieur I'Evesque portatif, 
 Oster un R vous fauldra. 
 Puis, si le nom est potatif, 
 Cest ce que mieulx vous conviendra.'' 
 
 — P. F., p. 28. 
 
 Rabelais himself may, not impossibly have sat 
 for a satiric picture of a bibulous Franciscan: 
 A un Docteur seraphique par compotations vespertines. 
 
 Monsieur le Docteur, par ta Foy, 
 
 As tu tant estudi6 que beu ? 
 
 ' I.e. Bishop in partibus. Rabelais in the catalogue 
 of the library of St. Victor names "Les potingues des 
 evesques potatifs, " CEuvres, Vol. I, p. 249. 
 
250 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Si respondz que non je t'en croy, 
 Aussy I'avois je tousjours creu. 
 Long temps y & que I'ay cogneu 
 A la couleur de ta medalle : 
 Car I'estudiant advient tout palle, 
 Et par estude extermin^ ; 
 Mais celuy qui bon vin avalle 
 Est (comme toy) illuming. 
 
 — P.F.,p.71. 
 
 A punning huitain, of this epigrammatic sort but 
 by no means in Sainte-Marthe's best vein, was 
 rather unkindly quoted by Du Verdier "pour 
 montrer seulement le style de I'auteur" : 
 
 A un quidem, qui se disoit homme de Men. 
 " Tu te fais tant homme de bien, 
 
 Si ainsi est, n'est peu de chose ; 
 
 Ce neantmoins je n"en croy rien 
 
 Quoyque ton Cerveau te propose : 
 
 Car le Sainct Evangile expose 
 
 Que mil n'est bon, fors seuUement 
 
 Le Seigneur Dieu, certainement 
 
 Tu n'es pas Dieu, mais pecheur. Doncques 
 
 Je te diray tout haultement 
 
 Qu'homme de bien tu ne fuz oncques." 
 
 — P.F.,p.l6. 
 
 Enough has been said to show that, of set 
 purpose, Sainte-Marthe followed closely in the 
 steps of " le poete scavant," as he chose to call 
 Marot. His discipleship was not confined to 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHI8M 251 
 
 manner and subject. He was eagerly receptive 
 of the ideas of his model. Marot, for instance, 
 was concerned for the glory of his mother-tongue. 
 Following the example set by his publisher, 
 Geoffrey Tory,^ he wished to do his share towards 
 enrichiag his own language, — his translation 
 of the Metamorphoses, for example, was to be a 
 "decoration grande en nostre langue";^ Sainte- 
 Marthe, after him, deprecated the idea that he 
 could wish to "deprimer I'exercise de la mienne 
 Langue Vulgaire," and proclaimed in his dedica- 
 tion to the Duchesse d'Estampes the conviction 
 that he could offer no "plus louable sacrifice k 
 ma Nation que d'illustrer sa Langue selon mon 
 rudde Esprit." ^ And this was at a time, — 
 Sainte-Marthe himself is our witness, — when to 
 compose verse in the vernacular was regarded 
 as unworthy the attention of a learned man. 
 "Que direz vous," thus he addresses his father: 
 
 " Que direz vous quand vous viendrez a lire 
 L'oeuvre Francois de celuy, qui escrir^ 
 
 ' In his Champ fleury. Cf. Tilley, Lit. of the French 
 Renaissance, Vol. I, pp. 32 and 33. 
 
 2 Marot au Roy, touchant la Metamorphose, CEuvres, Vol. 
 Ill, p. 154. 
 
 sp. i^., p. 3. 
 
252 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Selon raison, et vostre jugement, 
 
 Pour s'acquitter, debvoit tout aultrement ? 
 
 Si demandes, pourquoy doncques ma Muse 
 (Veu qui puis plus) k ces Fatras m'amuse, 
 Et que soubdain je ne mats en avant 
 CEuvre sentant homme qui soit scavant : 
 
 Avec le temps (sans de rien se jacter) 
 On verra bien celS, qu'il (men esprit) scait traiter." 
 — A son Seigneur et Pere, etc. P. F., pp. 148 
 and 149. 
 
 If Sainte-Marthe does not, in the poem from 
 which these hnes are taken, attempt the defense 
 of poetry in the vernacular upon any grounds 
 other than that of its charm as a pleasant 
 recreation, elsewhere, as we shall see, he comes 
 vigorously enough to the defense of the French 
 language. 
 
 In this regard Marot was not Sainte-Marthe's 
 only inspiration. Dolet had just published his 
 Maniere de bien traduire d'une langue en avitre,'- 
 intended as earnest of a larger work already 
 
 ' The dedication to de Langey is dated ce dernier jour 
 de May. A modern reprint by Techener, cit. Tilley, Vol. 
 I, p. 33 n. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 253 
 
 composed, the Orateur Francoys,^ and Sainte- 
 Marthe had immediately proclaimed his admira- 
 tion in a dixain published with it.^ Now, Dolet 
 gives his desire to "Ulustrer" the French tongue 
 
 ' It was the existence of this book which Du Bellay 
 offered as one reason for not treating of the orator as 
 well as of the poet, Deffence, p. 161. He was, perhaps, 
 ignorant of the fact that the work contained a chapter 
 on L'art poetique as well as on L'art oratoire. In view of 
 Du Bellay's approval, the following passage has its inter- 
 est : " II te fault garder d'usurper mots trops approchants 
 du Latin ; et peu usit6s par le pass6 ; mais contente toy 
 du commun, sans innover aulcunes dictions follement, et 
 par curiosity reprehensible. Ce que, si aulcuns font, ne 
 les ensuy en cela : car leur arrogance ne vault rien et n'est 
 tolerable entre les gens scavants. Pour cela n'entends 
 pas que je dy, que le traducteur s'abstienne totallement 
 de mots qui sont hors de I'usage commun: car on scait 
 bien que la langue Greoque, ou Latine est trop plus riche 
 en dictions que la Francoyse. Qui nous contrainot souvent 
 d'user de mots peu frequentes. Mais cela se doibt faire k 
 I'extreme necessite, etc. " Maniere de bien traduire, p. 14. 
 ' In the Maniere de bien traduire, p. 33, it is entitled 
 Au Lecteur Francoys, Dixain de Saincte Marthe. Re- 
 printed in the Poesie Francoise, p. 78, it became Aux 
 Francois, du Livre de Dolet, de la langue Francoise. 
 The versions differ only in the spelling of three words, 
 which in Dolet's book are Francoys, langage and usage. 
 M. Chamard quotes it, recognizing in its author one of 
 Du Bellay's precursors, Joachim du Bellay, p. 10; and 
 refers to it again in his review of P. de Longuemare's 
 work. Rev. d'Hist. Litt., 1903, p. 349. It is reprinted 
 by Copley Christie, Etienne Dolet, p. 357. 
 
254 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 as one reason for composing his book in French, 
 and it was probably from him that Sainte- 
 Marthe borrowed a phrase which Du Belliay was 
 to render famous. "L'une (raison) est quemon 
 affection est telle envers I'honneur de mon pais 
 qui je veulx trouver tout moyen de Tillustrer;" 
 writes Dolet, "et ne le puis mieulx faire que de 
 celebrer sa langue comme ont faict Grecs et 
 Romains la leur." ' In the dixain, which Sainte- 
 Marthe republished in the Poesie Francoise, his 
 own enthusiasm for the French language is no 
 less clear than his admiration of Dolet : 
 
 " Pourquoy es tu d'aultruy admirateur 
 Vilipendant le tien propre langaige ? 
 Est ce (Francois) que tu n'as instructeur, 
 Qui d'iceluy te remonstre I'usaige ? 
 Maintenant as, k ce, grand advantaige, 
 Si vers ta Langue as quelque affection. 
 Dolet t'y donne une introduction 
 Si bonne en tout, qu'il n'y a que redire. 
 Car il t'enseigne (6 noble invention) 
 D'escrire bien, bien tourner et bien dire. " 
 
 A long epistle, Aux Francois, en recommendation 
 du Livre de Dolet,^ however, brings out Sainte- 
 
 ' Op. cit., pp. 3 and 4. 
 
 'P P., p. 177. The full title is, Aux Francoys, 
 en recommendation du Livre de Dolet, de la maniere de 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 255 
 
 Marthe's own attitude even more clearly than 
 does the dixain. Dolet by his efforts, says the 
 poet, 
 
 "L'immortel bruict de sa Langue procure — 
 Pour au Francoys, Francois habituer ; " 
 
 — P. F., p. 177. 
 the purpose of his book is, 
 
 "6 noble esprit Francoys, 
 Affin que tien (non plus k aultruy) sois; " 
 
 11 , • ,,. — Ibid. 
 
 the book itself 
 
 "te sert de perfaict exemplaire, 
 Non seulement en ta Langue vulgaire, 
 Pour bien parler ou escrire (combien 
 Que cela seul te soit nompareil bien) 
 Mais . . . 
 
 . . . k plain entendre la Latine. " 
 
 — Ibid., p. 178. 
 
 Further on, Sainte-Marthe thus exhorts his 
 countrymen : 
 
 " Parquoy, Francoys, si dans ton cueur tu aymes 
 Ta nation, ton honneur et toy mesmes 
 
 traduire, -punctuer & accentuer, en nosire Langue. Avec- 
 ques exhortation d, tous lettris Francoys, s'aymer et soub- 
 tenir I'un I'aultre. It will be observed that both this 
 poem and the Dixain distort the title of Dolet's book. 
 The poem is noticed by M. Chamard. Rev. d'Hist. Litt., 
 loc. eii., p. 349. Copley Christie surprisingly omits any 
 reference to it. 
 
256 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Demonstre toy du Bien reeognoissant 
 Qui est moyen que ton bruit va croissant," etc. 
 — Ibid., p. 179 and 180. 
 
 Dolet, he says, has shown the language to be 
 full of "graves mots, termes et dictions," as well 
 as in itself "tresantique et noblement famle." 
 He grows eloquent as he continues : 
 
 " Ce labeur est a nostre Langue lustre 
 Pour I'advaneer, et rendre tresillustre, 
 Pour I'advaneer et poulser en avant 
 En luy gardant le los qu'avoit davant. 
 Ne veulx tu donq', 6 Francois, y entendre ? 
 Ne veubc tu done virilement contendre 
 Contre quelcuns Barbares estrangiers,' 
 Qui les Francoys disent estre legiers ? " etc. 
 
 — Ibid., -pp. 180 and 181. 
 
 Again he takes up the cudgels for France in 
 comparison with other nations : 
 
 " Qyi'k ritalie, ou toute TAUemaigne 
 La Grece, Escoce, Angleterre ou Hespaigne 
 Plus que la France ? est ce point de tous biens ? 
 Estce qu'ilz ont aux Arts plus de moyens ? 
 Ou leurs Esprits plus aiguz que les nostres ? 
 
 ' Here Sainte-Marthe neatly turns the tables on the 
 foreigners. Dolet had written of his book : " pars le molns 
 pense que c'est commencement, qui pourra parvenir k fin 
 telle, que les estrangiers ne nous appellent plus Barbares. 
 p. 6. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHI8M 257 
 
 Ou bien qu'ilz sont plus scavants que nous aultres ? 
 Tant s'en f auldra que leur vueillons cedder, 
 Que nous dirons plus tost les excedder. " 
 
 — Ibid., p. 181. 
 
 This is not the only passage of the poem which 
 
 faintly strikes notes more vigorously sounded 
 
 nine years later by Du Bellay.' "Que sert il," 
 
 exclaims Sainte-Marthe 
 
 " Langue estrange tourner 
 Si la tournant tu ne la scays orner ? " ^ 
 
 — Ibid., p. 178. 
 And again: 
 
 " II ta monstr6 tresfacille maniere, 
 Comment pourras getter ton fondement 
 Sur le latin, puis bastir bellement : 
 Donnant k ce, la matiere propice, 
 Pour eslever en I'Air ton edifice. " ' 
 
 — Ibid., p. 180. 
 
 The most noteworthy passage however is the 
 
 following, with its reminiscence of Horace : * 
 
 " Quelcun pourra Paintre de nom se faindre, 
 Mais s'il ne peut aulcune image paindre 
 
 ' Cf. Du Bellay's Defence, Bk. I, first four chapters, 
 esp. pp. 50-52, 63-64, 73-74, 76, 80-81. 
 
 2 Cf. Du Bellay, op. dt., pp. 84-89. 
 
 3 Cf. Du Bellay, op. cit., pp. 99-102. 
 * Cf. A. P. 86, 
 
 "Descriptas servare vicas operumque colores 
 Cur ego si nequeo ignoroque poeta salutor?" 
 s 
 
258 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Ou, la paignant, s'il n'accomode point, 
 
 Ainsy qu'il fault, les couleurs k leur poinct, 
 
 Le debvons nous painctre penser ou dire ? 
 
 Rien n'est aussi, en quelque Langue escrire, 
 
 Sans y avoir des mots variety, 
 
 Et en user en leur propriety. 
 
 II faut avoir avecques cast usaige 
 
 Bon jugement & doulceur de langaige, 
 
 Y ajouxtant (pour la perfection) 
 
 Ordre d'accents et punctuation. " 
 
 — Ibid., p. 179. 
 
 If it were rash to claim that this passage antici- 
 pates the theory, disseminated by Pl^iade, that 
 the poet must have both native gifts and train- 
 ing, must be "port6 de fureur et d'art," at least 
 it contains the idea of art, — the gift, it has been 
 said, of Italy to the French Renaissance,^ — and 
 proves its author well abreast of the new ideas 
 of his time. 
 
 If Sainte-Marthe can lay no just claim to such 
 honors as were thrust upon him by Dolet, who 
 repaid his friend's admiration by crediting him 
 
 with such a style 
 
 " touchant nostre parler, 
 (Parler Francoys, plaisant k touts humains), 
 Que jusqu'au Ciel on veoit ton loz aller, " ' 
 
 • Gustave Lanson, Hist, de la Litt. frangaise, pp. 218 
 and 219. 
 
 ^ Etienne Dolet, A S. Marthe. Livre de ses Amys, 
 P. F., p. 232. Cf. p. 544. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 259 
 
 he at least deserves credit for having, at so early 
 a date, made even a faint approach to theory in 
 criticism. He had theories also, it appears, on 
 questions of rhyme as of morphology: "Tu 
 pourras aussi redarguer, " he writes, in his au 
 Lecteur which deals with errata, "que, en la 
 rhythmie, je semble ne faire deue observation des 
 terminations : comme rythmant tant & tent; ance 
 & ence; ante, ente; aistre, estre; aire, ere; ange, 
 enge; cer, ser; ouse, ose; n6, n'ay; & semblables. 
 Mais je te pry ne t'advancer a m'.en reprendre 
 jusques k ce qu'auras sceu ma fantaisie. Je 
 n'observe aussi la termination des premieres 
 personnes des verbes: comme dys, dy; veois, 
 veoy; & semblables: m'accommodant au commun 
 usaige, jusqu'a ce que plus amplement en ays 
 traicte en mon Livre de la conjunction des 
 quatre Langues, lequel je te prepare." ' 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's enthusiasm for his mother 
 tongue and his elementary ideas in regard to 
 composition, rhymes or terminations are of 
 less moment for his place in the history of the 
 French Renaissance than his early imitation of 
 Italian models. Petrarchism has been said by 
 ' P. F., p. 224. 
 
260 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 M. Faguet to consist of a collection of formulse, 
 perfectly defined and consecrated, into which 
 the poet may dip at leisure. In the same 
 passage ' that author notes that the program of 
 the perfect Petrarchist can hardly be better 
 described than by Du Bellay in his satire Contre 
 les petrarquistes : 
 
 "Ce n'est que feu de leurs froides chaleurs, 
 Ce n'est qu'horreur de leurs feintes douleurs, 
 Ce n'est encor de leurs soupirs et pleurs, 
 
 Que vent, pluie, et orages ; 
 Et bref, ce n'est k ouir leurs chansons 
 De leurs amours, que flammes et glacons. 
 Filches, liens, et mille autre facons 
 De semblables outrages. 
 
 De vos beautfe, ce n'est que tout fin or, 
 Perles, cristal, marbre et ivoire encor, 
 Et tout I'honneur de I'indique tr&or, 
 
 Fleurs, lis, ceilet, et roses ; 
 De vos douceurs ce n'est que sucre et miel 
 De vos rigeurs, n'est qu'alols et fiel, 
 De vos esprits, c'est tout ce que le ciel 
 
 Tient de grS,ces encloses. 
 
 The phenomenon here indicated appeared in 
 France only after the best intelligences of the 
 
 ' Desportes. Rev. des Cours et Conferences. Vol. I, 
 p. 418. Cf. also Seizikme Sihcle, p. 301. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 261 
 
 country had been absorbing Italian influences 
 
 for some forty years, and may be fairly said to 
 
 date from the supposed discovery of Laura's 
 
 tomb in 1533. That incident interested Frangois 
 
 I, who ordered a sumptuous tomb built at 
 
 Avignon and even composed for the occasion 
 
 verses * which naturally aroused the poets of his 
 
 realm to emulation and compliment. Marot 
 
 took the occasion to pay a tribute to the king: 
 
 "O Laure, Laure, il t'a est6 besoing 
 D'aymer I'honneur & d'estre vertueuse 
 Car Frangois Roy sans cela n'eust prins soing 
 De t'honorer de tumbe sumptueuse," etc. 
 
 — Du Roy et de Laure, (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 39. 
 
 Saint-Gelais was ready with a dixain and a 
 
 huitain on the same subject, doubting in the 
 
 latter whether his subjects, or Laura, or Petrarch 
 
 owed most to the king.^ Macrin went further, 
 
 and, in Latin verses," debated whether Laura 
 
 ' They are reprinted by Blanchemain as part of 
 La Monnoye's note on a poem of Saint-Gelais cit. infra, 
 (Euvres de Melin de Sainct-Gelays, Vol. II, p. 166. It 
 was La Monnoye who attributed them to Frangois I. 
 Blanchemain suggests that they may actually be by 
 Saint-Gelais. Ihid., Vol. I, p. 44, note. 
 
 2 (Euvres, Vols. II, p. 165, and III, p. 3. 
 
 ' Included in Benedicti Theocreni . . . Poemata, fol. 
 Eij r°- 
 
262 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 herself owed her fame most to Petrarch or to 
 the king, and the subject was equally welcome 
 to smaller poets like Tagliacame, bishop of La 
 Grasse, who, also in Latin, represented Phoebus 
 as congratulating himself that Francis would 
 revive the glory of his laurel tree.' It is signifi- 
 cant to find the effusions of the two latter in- 
 cluded in a volume containing also a poem show- 
 ing the Italian sympathies of another poet, Colin, 
 who shortly afterwards translated the Cortigiano:^ 
 lacobi Colini ad Federicum Fregosium Musa 
 loquitur.^ The fact that, in this very year, a 
 French press put forth a work steeped in 
 Petrarch, the O-pere Toscane of Luigi Alemanni,^ 
 dedicated to the king, may have given intensity 
 to the current of thought already directed 
 towards Italy. In any case, from this time on, 
 interest in Petrarch remained alive, and imita- 
 
 ' Benedicti Theocreni . . . Poemata. In the last of 
 three poems on the subject by him : De rege Francisco & 
 Laura Francisci PeirarchcB arnica; De eadem, fol. Ej v°; 
 De eadem, fol. Eij r°. 
 
 2 In 1537, the year after the publication of the volume 
 in question. 
 
 * Op. cit., fol. G iiij. 
 
 * On the title page under the King's salamander is 
 the legend, "Sovr' 6gni uso mortal m' k dato albergo." 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 263 
 
 tions of him — clumsy indeed at first — con- 
 tinued to appear until the poets of the Pleiade 
 set upon the movement the seal of their genius. 
 By 1535 Petrarch's name was sufficiently in 
 the mouths of men for Saint-Gelais to refer to 
 him as a matter of course : 
 
 "Car il (amour) est trop rus6 
 Et n'en croyez Petrarque ny Ovide;" 
 
 — (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 5. 
 
 In 1537, Almanaque Papillon writes of him as the 
 poet of love par excellence. Argent addresses 
 Cupid : 
 
 "Mays en premier de toy triumpheray 
 Et deshonneur de vaincu te feray, 
 Et si auray d'un nouveau dieu la marque 
 Pour en ton lieu estre mys en Petrarque. " 
 — La Victoire et Triumphe d' Argent contre Cupido, 
 fol. A viij, v°- 
 
 In 1540, Dolet quotes Aretino, Sannazar, Petrarch, 
 
 and Bembo as authorities for composition in the 
 
 vernacular,' and, by 1542, imitation of the Italian 
 
 poet was so frequent that Heroet could write : 
 
 " Ne recevez, Dames, aulcune craincte 
 Quand vous oyez des doloureux la plaincte. 
 Tous les escripts et larmoyants autheurs, 
 
 ' Op. cit., p. 4. 
 
264 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Tous le Petrarcque et ses imitateurs, 
 Qui de souspirs et de froydes querelles 
 Remplissent I'air en parlant aux estoilles, 
 Ne facent point soupsonner qu'i aymer 
 Entre le doulx il y ayt de Tamer. " 
 
 — La Tparfaicte amye, p. 70 et seq. 
 
 Before Heroet penned these lines, the chief 
 imitators of Petrarch and of the modem Itahan 
 Petrarchists were Marot, Saint-Gelais and Salel. 
 Although Marot's Six Sonnetz de Petrarque were 
 still in the future, he had already composed the 
 only two sonnets so far published in France, and 
 his Visions de Petrarque, a translation of one of 
 the Canzoni,'- had appeared as early as 1534 in 
 the Fleurs de Poesie Francoyse? Nor are other 
 traces of the influence of the great Italian poet 
 lacking ia Marot's early work. In 1536 he had 
 written an epigram to Saint-Gelais, A soy mesmes, 
 De Madame Laure,^ and, even before 1533, he, 
 whose native vein is better expressed in the 
 cynical Chanson, "he cueur de vous ma presence 
 
 ' Sonetti e Canzoni, no. cccxxiii. 
 
 ^ Hecatomphile. . . . Les Fleurs de Poesie Francoyse. 
 
 ' (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 36. Due allowance niust, how- 
 ever, be made for the preconceived ideas of Lenglet 
 Dufresnoy, whose dates I have used for this and the other 
 poems referred to. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 265 
 
 desire," ^ attempted poetical expression of that 
 purer love touched with imagination to which 
 Petrarch introduced the French poets of the 
 Renaissance. His delicate Chanson, " J'ayme le 
 cueur de m'amye," ^ his epigram, De V amour 
 chaste,^ with its etherealized conclusion "Je 
 I'ayme tant que je ne I'ose aymer," are evidences 
 of this, and his huitain, " Sur la Devise: Non 
 ce que je pense,"* strikes a true Petrarchistic 
 note. The more conceited aspect of Petrarchism 
 appears in the early elegy assuring his mistress 
 that he can bum his letter by 
 
 "ramoureuse flamme 
 Que mon las cueur pour voz vertus enflamme." 
 — CEuvres, Vol. II, p. 37. 
 
 For such imagery as this, Marot was undoubt- 
 edly more indebted to contemporary Italian 
 Petrarchists than to Petrarch's own poems. 
 
 M. Vianey has observed ^ that Marot probably 
 owed his fondness for the huitain no less than his 
 use of conventional Italian imagery to the 
 strambottists, especially Tebaldeo, whose temper 
 
 ' (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 186. ' Ibid., Vol. II, p. 190. 
 
 3 Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 38. ' Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 16. 
 
 * Le PUrarquisrm en France au xvi' siicle, pp. 45 and 
 46. 
 
266 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 was far nearer to his own than was Petrarch's. 
 Several of the examples adduced by M. Vianey 
 are of an early date ; for instance, A Anne, qu'il 
 regrette, "a true Sicilian strambotto, " Du parte- 
 ment d'Anne, De son feu, et de celluy qui se 
 print au Bosquet de Ferrare} But Marot's early 
 work contains many other examples of Italian 
 influence. He describes the sun as shining 
 when he sees his mistress, while when he looks 
 elsewhere, all is black night; he thanks Venus 
 for making him love a mistress so fair that, 
 should Cupid unbandage his eyes, the god would 
 fall in love with her himself, and declares again, 
 that Cupid has exchanged bows with Diana ;^ 
 he represents Cupid as mistaking his lady for 
 Venus,' and he makes her the promise of immor- 
 tality through his verse, so characteristic of 
 Renaissance poetry.* To multiply examples 
 were useless. It is clear that Marot in his early 
 compositions sacrificed to the coming poetical 
 fashion. 
 
 Saint-Gelais was hardly less prompt than 
 
 ' GEuvres, Vol. Ill, pp. 16, 31, and 60. 
 
 2 Ihid., Vols. Ill, pp. 84 and 28, and II, p. 180. 
 
 ' lUd.„ Vol. Ill, p. 44. 
 
 * A Anne tencie pour Marot, Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 62. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 267 
 
 Marot in drawing inspiration from the same 
 sources ; and M. Vianey has noted the extent of 
 his debt.' All the examples which that critic 
 cites are of about 1535;^ so is Saint-Gelais' 
 rendering of Ariosto: doulce nuit, nuict 
 heureuse et belle ;^ so is an imitation of Bembo's 
 twenty-second Sonnet ; ^ and the famous trans- 
 lation from Saimazaro, or from Wyatt's version 
 of Sannazaro,^ Voyant ces monts de veue ainsi 
 lointaine, was written not later than 1540. As 
 early as 1534, some half dozen of Saint-Gelais' 
 poems were, Uke Marot's Visions, printed in the 
 
 ' Op. cit., pp. 104-107. 
 
 ^ I.e., drawn by their editor, Blanchemain, from the 
 MS. de la Rochetulon, which he dates 1535. CEuvres, 
 Vol. Ill, p. 1. M. Vianey, op. cit., p. 52, merely remarks 
 that this MS. probably contains the earliest examples of 
 Saint-Gelais' borrowings. In fact, all the instances 
 quoted by him (except those from Sannazaro and Berni) 
 are from that MS. 
 
 ' Nuict d' Amour. (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 99. Cf. Vianey, 
 op. cit., p. 52 and note. 
 
 « (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 84, 
 
 5 CEuvres, Yol. 1, p. 78. J. M. Berdan, The Migrations 
 of a Sonnet, Mod. Lang. Notes, Vol. XXIII, pp. 33-36, 
 suggests that the translation was from Wyatt's as yet 
 unpublished version, basing the supposition on strong 
 internal evidence. His theory makes it the result of a 
 meeting between Wyatt and Saint-Gelais in 1539 or 1540. 
 
268 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Flews de Poesie Francoyse, a collection published 
 as a suite to a translation of the Hecatomphile of 
 Leon Battista Alberti.* The combination is in 
 itself proof of the progressing interest in ItaUan 
 poetry. The king did not disdain to collaborate 
 in the volume, which contained, interspersed 
 among verses of a purely "Gaulois" type, ex- 
 amples of conventional Petrarchistic imagery and 
 echoes of Petrarch himself, — verbal, as in the 
 refrain of a Chant Royal, 
 
 "Desbender Tare ne guerit pas la playe, "" — 
 
 ' Eleven of the poems included in it are to be found in 
 Blanchemain's edition of Saint-Gelais, i.e. (1) Vol. I, 
 p. 82 ; (2) Rondeau, Vol. I, p. 302 ; (3 and 4) two Dixains, 
 Vol. Ill, pp. 48 and 49; (5) Dixain, Vol. Ill, p. 37; (6 and 
 7) two Huitains, Vol. Ill, p. 285; (8 and 9) Huitains and 
 Dixain, Vol. Ill, pp.280 and 281; (10) Huiiain, Vol.. Ill, 
 pp. 7 and 8; (11) Dixain, Vol. Ill, pp. 2 and 3. Four 
 of these, (nos. 6, 7, 8, and 9) — already claimed by 
 ChampoUion-Figeac for Francis I — are merely tenta- 
 tively included; another (1) is positively attributed to 
 Saint-Gelais, as it had been to Francis I. 
 
 ^ Chant Royal d'ung Amant, Hecatomphile, etc., p. 73. 
 The refrain translates the last line of a sonnet of Petrarch, 
 no. xc of the Sonnetti e Canzoni. 
 
 " Piaga per allentar d' arco non sana." 
 
 The words of the refrain conclude Salel's paraphrase 
 of this sonnet (c/. infra), and were probably borrowed 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 269 
 
 more substantial in the poems entitled : Le plus 
 perfaict des amans confortant sa Dame malade, 
 Le perfaict des Amans a sa Dame definissant quelle 
 est le vraye Amour, ^ Corroboration du ferme propos 
 de la dame;^ or the poem which called forth that 
 "propos," Je n'ause estre content de mon contente- 
 ment? The book in fact is one of the first land- 
 marks in the progress of Petrarchism. 
 
 Hugues Salel, third of the Petrarchizing trio, 
 may be best described as a purely external 
 imitator of Petrarch. Evidently interested in 
 the Petrarchian manner and subject-matter, he 
 was quite untouched by its spirit. His (Euvres, 
 published early in 1540, a very type of the 
 more pagan aspects of the Renaissance, contain, 
 besides a translation and a paraphrase from 
 Petrarch,* many a reminiscence of that poet. 
 
 from that version. Salel's poems were in circulation for 
 some time before their publication in 1540; and the ex- 
 istence of this quotation in the Flews de Poesie Francoyse 
 fixes the date of at least one of them. It is, naturally, 
 improbable that the debt was on the other side. 
 
 1 Op. cit., pp. 89 and 91. Attributed to Francis I by 
 Champollion-Figeac . 
 
 2 Op. cit., p. 93. 
 
 ' Op. cit., p. 92. Attributed to Francis I by Cham- 
 poUion-Figeao. 
 
 * He translated a sonnet, no. ocxxiv of the Sonnetti e 
 
270 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Such is the treatment of the well-worn glove 
 theme/ or the promise — made, it is true, only 
 by one of the poet's friends and not by the poet 
 himself — that his mistress, excelling Laura in 
 virtue, shall equal her in fame.^ This antici- 
 patory commonplace of the French as of the 
 English Renaissance, indicates clearly the pre- 
 occupation of Salel's circle with subjects to be 
 found in Petrarch. Salel even begins a huitain 
 in the tone of a true disciple of Petrarch : 
 
 "La beault^ du corps n'est que monstre 
 De la Vertu qui est en Tame ; " 
 
 — (Euvres, fol. 52 v. 
 
 but the epigrammatic ending is in true " Gaulois " 
 
 style. Salel, pagan when he philosophizes,' 
 
 Canzoni {Tir& de Petrarque), (Euvres, fol. 47 r°, and para- 
 phrased another, no. xc of the Sonnetti e Canzoni {Dixain 
 Tiri de Petrarque). Ibid., fol. 48 v°, cf. supra, p. 268, n. 2. 
 ' Envoyi avecques une paire de gantz, (Euvres, fol. 46 r°. 
 It recalls Petrarch's sonnet, no. cxcix of the Sonnetti e 
 Canzoni. 
 
 ' Claude de Plays, secretaire de Madame la Daulphine, 
 a la Marguerite de Salel. (Euvres, fol. 51 r°. 
 
 ' Cf. De la misere et inconstance de la vie humaine, 
 ibid., fol. 21 r" et seq., which concludes : 
 " II sembleroit en suyvant la sentence 
 De plusieurs Grecz, que n'avoir print naissance 
 Seroit meilleur pour I'homme miserable, 
 Gu, estant n6 en ce monde muable, 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 271 
 
 sensual when he deals with love, is, in fact, totally 
 unable to reproduce Petrarch's idealism. His in- 
 herent predisposition — despite a vein truly poetic 
 — is clearly evidenced by a translation from 
 Pontanus ' of sentiment more than "natural"; 
 by his "Blasons," de I'Anneau and de I'Espingle; 
 even by his coarse and cynical A la Veille Amour- 
 reuse, or his Souhaits a une Dame Rigoureuse.^ 
 He is far better fitted to ape the Italian stram- 
 bottists than their so-called model; and it is 
 only natural to come upon descriptions of Cupid 
 tormented by Venus, or the lover tormented by 
 Cupid, of the heart betra3ang the body by letting 
 La love, or Cupid setting up in a lady's breast 
 the forge to sharpen his arrows.' There are, 
 besides, complaints of the hardness and coldness 
 of the heart of the poet's mistress, verses on a 
 
 Soudain par mort aller au lieu prospere 
 Que tout vivant apres la mort espere. " 
 
 — fol.25r°. 
 
 '- Les troys degrez de la misere d'amour tiri de pontan, 
 CEuvres, fol. 49 v°. 
 
 ' CEuwes, fols. 58 r", 59 r", 43 r", 49 v". 
 
 ' Cf., for these respective conceits, Chant poetique 
 ouquel Cupido est tourment6 par Venus, ibid., fol. 34 r°; 
 Epistre, fol. 39 v°; Bu cueur qui a trahy le corps y mettant 
 amour, fol. 46 v°; De la gorge d'une damoyselle, fol. 45 v°. 
 
272 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 bracelet, addresses to a sigh, and declarations 
 that the poet would die, but fears that the flame 
 of love will consume him after death/ The chief 
 composition of the book, the Eclogue Marine on 
 the death of the Dauphin with its musical re- 
 frains, " Chantez mes vers, chantez melancolie," 
 and "Chantez mes vers, chantez dueil & tris- 
 tesse," ^ is but another evidence of Salel's Italian 
 sjTnpathies. 
 
 If Marot, Saint-Gelais, and Salel were the 
 eariiest imitators of Petrarch, they were also the 
 poets whom Sainte-Marthe would, naturally, 
 most eagerly emulate. We have seen his feeling 
 for Marot; his admiration for Saint-Gelais, if 
 less abounding, was stUl marked. He expressed 
 it in the lines : 
 
 "Chascun n'a pas son esprit tant fertile 
 Que Sainct Gelays, " 
 
 — P.P., p. 52. 
 
 and elsewhere describes Saint-Gelais as 
 " Chantant des sons de sa sonante Lyre 
 Plaisants a tous & utiles a lire. " 
 
 — P. F., p. 202. 
 
 ' Cf., for these conceits, Du cueur, ibid., fol. 44 v°, and 
 Huictain, fol. 53 r°; Du brasselet, fol. 50 v°; Huictain, fol. 
 52 r°; L'amant passioni, fol. 45 r°. 
 
 ' Ibid., fol. 25 r° et seq. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 273 
 
 For the substance of one of his happiest imita- 
 tions of Marot's manner, he was indebted to 
 Saint-Gelais' epigram A un Gand, and one of his 
 own epigrams was close enough to the court 
 poet's manner to procure its insertion by a 
 critic hke La Monnoye among Saint-Gelais' 
 poems.* As for Salel, if he and Sainte-Marthe 
 took a common view of the Querelle desfemmes,^ 
 
 ' Au Seigneur de Parnans, Qu'au bien d' Amour, 
 rien n'est plus nuysant que jouyssance, P. F., p. 13. In 
 Saint-Gelais' CEuvres, Vol. II, p. 296, it is simply entitled 
 Autre. Blanchemain adds a severe note, "Ceoi est un 
 pur galimatias." The real title shows it actually to be 
 a somewhat clumsy attempt to express a platonic idea. 
 The last word also of the last line, diminue, is changed in 
 Blanchemain's Saint-Gelais to continue, which completely 
 spoils the sense. Cf. p. 319. Blanchemain took the 
 poem from the 1719 edition of Saint-Gelais published by 
 Coustellier, and is authority for the fact that La Monnoye 
 supplied the new material of that edition. Op. cit.. Vol. I, 
 p. 39. 
 
 ^Cf. Salel: 
 
 " O noble Sexe en ce monde produict 
 Pour conserver nature humaine en estre, 
 Sexe sans qui I'homme seroit mal duyct, 
 Bien qu'il se die aucunesfois le maistre. 
 Que ne ma Dieu & Nature faict naistre 
 Plein de sea voir pour dignement escripre 
 Les grandz Vertus que je voy apparoistre 
 En vos espritz comme je le desire?" 
 
 — CEuvres, fol. 39 r°. 
 
274 CHARLES DE 8AINTE-MARTHE 
 
 this was not their only point of sympathy. 
 Sainte-Marthe's rondeau to the older poet, on the 
 subject of his " divise," is full of admiration of his 
 " grand sens" and " science," as of the "prudence" 
 which he had acquired in the school of Apollo his 
 master.' Although Salel's poems were but just 
 published, his epigrams and longer poems must 
 have been current for some time, and Sainte- 
 Marthe, no doubt, was familiar with them even 
 before the king ordered them printed.^ It was 
 probably to Salel that Sainte-Marthe owed the 
 idea of inspiring himself from iElian for his 
 Tempe de France, as had the former for his poem 
 De la misere & inconstance de la vie humaine? 
 His tribute of imitation, in fact, was marked 
 enough to confuse contemporaries as to the 
 authorship of certain of Salel's poems, which 
 were credited to Sainte-Marthe.^ 
 
 It was natural, then, that, in what must have 
 been his first attempts at Petrarchism, Sainte- 
 Marthe should follow in the wake of the three 
 
 ' A Salel, valet de chamhre du Roy, Sur sa divise. 
 P. F., p. 90; cf. supra, p. 241 and n. 3. 
 
 ^ Sensuyvent les epigrammes qu'on a peu recueillir, 
 faictz par ledict Salel. (Euvres, fol. 45 r°- 
 
 » Op. cit., fol. 21 r° et seq. * Cf. supra, p. 196, n. 1. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 275 
 
 older poets and occupy himself rather with the 
 conceits than with the idealism of Petrarch. 
 When he writes of Cupid's arrows in his mistress' 
 eyes;' of the prison of love or the prison of her 
 heart; ^ of Fortune personified and envious of 
 
 ' " Je ne scay point lequel plus me martyre, 
 Son doulx parler, ou son picquant regard, 
 De son parler comme enchesn^ m'attire, 
 Dedans ses yeulx est Cupido, qui tire 
 Centre mon cueur, d' Amour le mortel dard." 
 
 — De Madamoiselle Beringue, P. F., p. 54. 
 Cf. Petrarch, Sonnets nos. xlvi, cxxxiii, cxliv, cli, clvii 
 of the Sonnetti e Canzoni, also no. Ixxxvii ; Bembo, Sonnet 
 xiii, and Saint-Gelais, Vol. Ill, pp. 46 and 69, nos. 
 Ixxxviii, cxxix. In other respects the epigram may 
 possibly be a reminiscence of Giusto dei Conti, La Bella 
 Mano, Sonnet cviii, lines 5 et seq. : 
 
 " II bel parlar che sorridendo move, 
 E tra il vezzoso sguardo i bei sospiri, 
 II cor m' infiamman si, che fra i martiri 
 Di abbandonarmi ha fatto mille prove." 
 
 ' " Ceste prison, c'est vostre noble Cueur 
 
 Lequel du mien vaillamment fut Vainqueur." 
 — A Madamoiselle Beringue De leur honneste & irrepre- 
 hensible Amour, P. F ., p. 147. 
 " Or maintenant m'est force que je vive 
 (Quoy vive ?) mais languisse sans raison, 
 Le Corps aux Champs & le Cueur en prison." 
 — Ala Ville d' Aries en Provence. P. F., p. 26. 
 Cf. Petrarch, Sonnet no. Ixxxix of Sonnetti e Canzoni; 
 Bembo, Sonnet no. xcvi ; Seraphino, Sonnet no. x. Also 
 Saint-Gelais, Vol. II, pp. 95 and 99, nos. xix and xxv. 
 
276 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 his love; ' even when he represents the lover as 
 preferring his mistress' will to his own;^ he is 
 using- the commonplaces of Italian Petrarchism 
 which the French poets had already assimilated. 
 When he treats that Petrarchian theme, the 
 lover's inability to express himself in the pres- 
 ence of the beloved,' which attracted both 
 
 ^ Contre Fortune, fait au departir de luy & Madamoi- 
 selle Beringue, P. F., p. 52. Cf. Petrarch, Sonnets, nos. 
 ccliii and cclix of Sonnetti e Canzoni, and also Saint- 
 Gelais, (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 49. 
 
 '" Et non pourtant, si les (i.e. other lovers) me preferez, 
 J'accorde & veulx tout ce que vous ferez. 
 De vostre Amour mon cueur est tant ardent 
 Qu'avecques vous est en tout accordant. 
 Ne vueillez donq' aulcun cas qui me plaise, 
 Ou bien vueillez chose qui me desplaise, 
 Ce que ne veulx alors bien me plaira, 
 Ce que je veulx soubdain me desplaira, 
 Car en tout cas, par consent uniforme 
 Mon vouloir est au vostre tout oonforme." 
 — Pour un Gentilhomme a une Dame. P. F., p. 133. 
 
 Cf. Castiglione, Cortegiano, Bk. Ill (p. 27 of Hoby's 
 translation) ; Seraphino, Sonnet no. cvii, and, among 
 Sonnetti di dubbia attribuzione, no. xx ; Bembo, Sonnet no. 
 vi; Marot, (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 16, and Saint-Gelais, 
 (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 73, no. cxxxvi. 
 
 ' Cf. Petrarch, S. e C, nos. clxix, clxx and Ixxiii (at 
 end), "Solemente quel nodo," etc.; Chariteo, Sonnet 
 no. xov. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 277 
 
 Salel ' and Saint-Gelais, the very title he chooses 
 is reminiscent of the latter's douzains on the 
 subject. Saint-Gelais' epigram begins as follows : 
 
 " Le cueur qui fut si longuement trouble, 
 Ne vous osant descouvrir mon martyre, 
 Apr&s avoir commence k le dire 
 A de mes maux le nombre redouble."' 
 
 — (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 151. 
 Sainte-Marthe writes : 
 
 A ma Damoiselle Beringue, Quel martyre c'est, hrusler 
 d' affection & n'oser parler pour la descouvrir. 
 " Force d 'Amour me veult souvent contraindre 
 A declarer mon Cueur apertement, 
 Mais un reffus, (pour honte) tant k craindre, 
 M'a tousjours fait un grand empeschement. 
 Mon mal ainsy nourrys couvertement 
 Dissimulant I'ennuy tant que je puis. 
 D'aultre cost^, du bien que je poursuis 
 
 ' " Puis que I'esprit ne peult & langue n'ose, 
 Je vous supply de vous mesmes entendre 
 L'ardent desir de celuy qui propose 
 Tant qu'il vivra vostre esclave se rendre." 
 
 — A Marguerite, (Euvres, fol. 47 v°. 
 
 ^ And cf. the immediately following poem on the same 
 subject, beginning : 
 
 " Mille fois le jour je pense 
 A vous compter mon martyre ; " 
 
 Cf. also Ibid., Vols. II, p. 6, and III, p. 71. 
 
278 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Le soubvenir renforce mon martyre. 
 Veoyez (helas) le tourment ou je suis, 
 Voulant parler, un seul mot ne puis dire." 
 
 — P. i?., pp. 75-76. 
 
 The poet continues in a second dizain : 
 
 A elle mesme, Sur le mesme propos. 
 
 " Voulant parler, un seul mot ne puis dire, 
 Si tresfort est mon Cueur espris d'angoisse, 
 Le jour & nuict pour mon mal je souspire, 
 Et ne puis fin trouver h, ma tristesse. 
 Seule pouvez (O Madame & Maistresse) 
 Mon mal mortal entierement guerir. 
 Vous plaise done, (pour Dieu) me secourir, 
 Et que par vous, sant6 me soit rendue ; 
 Vostre servant guarderez de perir, 
 Et luy rendrez la paroUe perdue. " 
 
 — P. P., p. 76. 
 
 The element of common sense in the iirst of 
 these productions, no less than the epigrammatic 
 close of the second, show that Sainte-Marthe 
 had probably got at his Italian models through 
 a French medium. In another place he plainly 
 imitates Marot's manner even when varjdng a 
 conventional Italian conceit: 
 
 D'une Dame h merveilles froidde h son Amant. 
 " Cupido veit une Dame f ourr^e 
 Un jour d'hyver & luy dist, helas, belle, 
 Je suis toute nud, donnez moy la entree 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 279 
 
 Pour m'eschauffer. Je le veulx, (respond elle), 
 
 Mais mettez bas I'Arc, qu'avez soulz I'ecelle. 
 
 L'enfant le fait, puis se fourre dedans. 
 
 Ha qu'il fait bon (dist lors) estre c6ans, 
 
 Mais tost apres il vuidda bien la place. 
 
 Comment, (fist il) qui dureroit 16ans? 
 
 Le lieu y est plus froid que n'est la Glace. " 
 
 — P.J'., p. 31. 
 
 Again, when Sainte-Marthe writes of his love's 
 
 "beaulx & plaisantz yeulx. 
 Son doulx parler, sa soubrainte Face, 
 Son beau maintien, sa tresperfaicte grace, 
 Et les Vertuz, qu'on peut en elle veoir, " 
 
 — Ihid., p. 32. 
 the description recalls Petrarch's 
 
 "E CO I'andar e co'l soave sguardo 
 S' accordan le dolcissime parole, 
 Et r atto mansueto, umile et tardo ; " 
 
 Sonnetti e Canzoni, Sonnet no. clxv. 
 
 but Salel had been beforehand with him describ- 
 ing 
 
 " Ton noble esprit de si beau corps convert, 
 Ton oeil riant k tous cler & ouvert. 
 Ton doux accueil, ta faconde elegante." 
 
 — (Euvres, fol. 42 r°. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe twice treats that Petrarchian 
 
 conceit, universally appropriated by Petrarch's 
 
 disciples, according to Mr. Sidney Lee,^ of an 
 
 ' Elizabethan Sonnets, Vol. I, p. xli. 
 
280 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 address or dialogue in which the poet's heart or 
 eyes are concerned.^ In both cases, it is curious 
 to note, Sainte-Marthe anticipates Ronsard^ in 
 
 ' Cf. Petrarch, S.e C, nos. xiv, Ixxxiv, cl, cciv, cclxxiii- 
 cclxxv, etc. 
 
 * Odes, Book IV, no. xxii. Mr. Sidney Lee, in two 
 notes on this conceit {loc. cit., note, and A Life of William 
 Shakespeare, p. 133, note), names Ronsard alone as thus 
 treating the subject. I have found one earlier instance 
 of it among Renaissance poets, viz. in Tebaldeo : 
 
 " Spesso il cor mesto e gli occhi lite fanno : 
 II cuor si duole e dice che il lor lume 
 E causa del suo mal : ma per costume 
 Altrove gli occhi volgersi non sanno. 
 II cor che crescer sente il grave affanno, 
 Di lagrime un corrente e largo fiume 
 A gli occhi drizza acciocchfe si consume 
 La visiva virtil che gli fa danno. 
 E cosi il faretrato e cieco Iddio 
 Che mosso ha fra lor lite per disfarme 
 Lieto ride fra se del danno mio. 
 Omai io non so pill di chi fidarme : 
 Come sperar salute mai poss' io 
 Se i miei contro di me prendono 1' arme?" 
 
 — Parnaso Italiano, Vol. VI, p. 307. 
 This form of the conceit occurs, however, as early as the 
 thirteenth century in a sonnet by Guido Guinizelli : 
 " Dice Io core agli occhi : Per voi moro. 
 Gli occhi dicono al cor: Tu n' hai disfatti. 
 Apparve luce che rendfe splendore 
 Che, passato per gli occhi, il cor ferlo; 
 Ond' io ne sono a tal condizione." 
 
 — D' Ancona e Bacci : Manuale, Vol. I, p. 109. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 281 
 
 making heart and eye the interlocutors. In the 
 dixain, Du dehat de I'ceil & du Cueur, voyant la 
 perplexite de luy qui languit en attente, heart and 
 eye bandy reproaches to this conclusion : 
 
 "Mais, dit le Cueur, toy & moy as surpris, 
 Maulvais Garcon, par ton regard voUage, 
 Si n'en doibs je (fait I'oeil) estre repris 
 Ce que j'ay fait, I'ay fait comme messaige." 
 
 — P.F.,p.23. 
 
 The second poem, Le Cueur reprend I'oeil de 
 regard trop voUaige, & le prie de s'en retirer, is 
 plainly reminiscent of Saint-Gelais' epigram on 
 a similar subject beginning: 
 
 "Cesse mon ceil de plus la regarder 
 Puisque ton mal precede de son bien." ' 
 
 M. Laumonier, treating of this conceit, notices Sainte- 
 Marthe's Dehat de I'oeil et du cceur, and remarks that it 
 was a subject not uncommon among pre-Ronsardian 
 French poets. He cites an instance from a collection of 
 the fifteenth century, the Jardin de Plaisance (pub. 1500), 
 and another from Baude de la Carrifere, cit. Claude Fauchet 
 (CEuvres, ed. of 1610, p. 573), Ronsard, Potte Lyrique, 
 p. 487 and notes 2 and 3. 
 
 ' CEuvres, Vol. Ill, p. 48. It has no title beyond its 
 number, xc. It was, however, printed in the Fleurs de 
 Poesie Francoyse, p. 80, with the title, Au mesme pTopos 
 d'ung Amoureux ung peu marry. Cf. also CEuvres, Vol. Ill, 
 p. 37. 
 
282 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's dixain follows these traces: 
 
 " Ne pourrois tu, mon (Eil, un petit t' engarder 
 Te getter si souvent sur son luysant visaige ? 
 Plus la regardes, plus tu la veulx regarder, 
 Et par ton fol regard je suis en une raige. 
 ■ Je te pry que tu sois dorenavant plus saige 
 Et que ta legiert^ n'augmente ma douleur. 
 EUe est un Parangon, mais quoy, tu n'es pas seur 
 De I'attirer k toy, ce dangler est Et craindre. 
 Parquoy, pour ne tumber en un plus grand mal- 
 
 heur, 
 N'allumes point le feu que ne pourras estaindre." 
 
 — P. F., p. 36. 
 
 Saint-Gelais' dixain was published in the 
 
 Fleurs de Poesie Francoyse, with which Sainte- 
 
 Marthe appears to have been acquainted. The 
 
 latter's involved and pretentious prose dedication 
 
 of his poems to the duchesse d'Estampes ^ may 
 
 even have been modeled upon the execrable style 
 
 of its Prologue du disciple de L'archipo^te Fraw- 
 
 coys? The collection, as we have seen, contained 
 
 several poems in the more idealistic Petrarchian 
 
 tone sympathetic to Sainte-Marthe's tendencies; 
 
 and " le vraye amour, " as described by the 
 
 "Perfaict des Amans," found more than one 
 
 1 Cf. p. 562 et aeq. 
 
 ' Hecatomphile, . . . Les Fleurs de Poesie Francoyse, 
 pp. 49-51. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 283 
 
 echo in his book of poems. It is clear, however, 
 that, whatever his indebtedness to French inter- 
 preters, Sainte-Marthe soon struck the Petrarch- 
 istic note without recourse to them. Petrarch's 
 references to the net or snares of love,' for ex- 
 ample, had been imitated by Saint-Gelais ; but 
 when Sainte-Marthe uses this image, he comes 
 nearer to Bembo, who compares his struggles to 
 those of a bird iu a net.^ " Desire," writes Sainte- 
 Marthe : 
 
 "A I'environ de moy ses fillets tend, 
 Ses fillets tend pour m'y poulser & prendre, 
 M'advertissant, si je veulx y entendre, 
 Environn6 par ainsi & surpris, 
 Evidemment me cognois estre pris. 
 Par ce moyen, plus ses fillets je lasche. 
 Plus il me tient, & plus fort il m'attache." 
 — A Madamoiselle Beringue, de leur honneste & irre- 
 prehensible Amour, P. F., p. 146. 
 
 The eyes of Petrarch's Laura could make night 
 
 clear, but they also obscured the noonday.' 
 
 ' S. e C, Sonnets nos. clxxxi, cc, cclxxi. 
 2 Sonnet no. xcvi, and cf. Sonnet no. civ. 
 ' S. e C, Sonnet no. ccxv. Cf. Chariteo, Sestina, I, 1. 
 12, Vol. 11, p. 18. " Et per me il di serino e negra notte," 
 and Maurice Scfeve, Blazon du Sourcil, Fleurs de Poesie 
 Francoyse, cit. Baur, op. cit., p. 39 : 
 
 " Sourcil qui rend I'air clair, obscur soudain 
 Quand il froncit par yre ou par desdain." 
 
284 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Marot had, as we have seen, borrowed this 
 image, and he had given it a truly Gaulois turn.' 
 Sainte-Marthe uses the figure as the first of a 
 series of conceits which are not found in his 
 French predecessors. He walks in darkness 
 in the clear noonday because of his mistress' 
 glance indeed, but he adds that her sweet ut- 
 terances are his death warrants and that he is 
 so overcome by her shadow as to lose sense, 
 sight and speech and be incapable of begging 
 mercy. Hence, he concludes, she must have 
 near her "quelque divin umbrage." ^ It was a 
 commonplace with Petrarch and still more with 
 the Petrarchists that the poet was preordained by 
 fate to love his mistress ;' Saiate-Marthe exclaims : 
 
 ' Cf. supra, p. 265. 
 
 ' A Madamoiselle Beringue, P. F., pp. 22 and 23. Cf. 
 p. 536. Cf., for the poet's loss of consciousness, Petrarch, 
 no. Ixxiii, S. e C. 
 
 ' Cf. Petrarch, S. e C, nos. Ixix, cciii, Ixxiii; Bembo, 
 Sonnets nos. xxxi, xcvi, xcix ; Seraphino, Sonnets nos. 
 vi, xiii, Ixxv, cxiii. Sainte-Marthe is verbally nearer the 
 latter: 
 
 " N6 mi biasmo de voi, ma de mia sorte 
 Quel mi guid6 a mirar vostra beltade, 
 Che allor mi tolse el cor de libertate. 
 Onde convien che in pace el giogo porte." 
 
 — Sonnet xiii. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 285 
 
 "La liberty qui jadis estoit mienne 
 Par toy, Belle, est mise en captivity. 
 Doncques il fault que ton serf je "me tienne 
 Suyvant le Sort de ma nativity. 
 J'avois longtemps le peril evit6, 
 Mais vaincu suis par fatale ordonnance. 
 Qui me promet que j'auray allegeance 
 Par grand doulceur joincte k rigoeur tres rudde. 
 Et par ainsy j'obtiendray delibvrance 
 Par mon contraire. O doulce servitude. " 
 — A Madamoiselle Beringue de la servitude, d'Amour 
 P. F., p. 17. 
 
 Here the poet may well have been inspired by 
 the opening lines of the Selva d'Amore of Lorenzo 
 de' Medici: 
 
 " O dolce servitil, che liberasti 
 II cor d' ogni servizio basso e vile. 
 
 Quant 6 dolce e beata la Fortuna 
 Che servo a si gentil signor (i.e. Amor) mie diede I 
 Et servo piil, ch' alcun, libero e degno 
 Servendo a tal, il cui servir e regno." 
 
 , — Opere, Vol. II, p. 7. 
 
 What looks like even a clearer echo of this pas- 
 sage occurs in the quatrain, Que par Amour 
 estant en servitude, on pervient h liberie: 
 
 "Servant Amour, serf suis, je le confesse; 
 Mais libre m'est telle captivite. 
 
286 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHB 
 
 Car le servir est une seure addresse 
 Pour parvenir k toute liberte." 
 
 — P. F., p. 74. 
 
 Elsewhere Sainte-Marthe yet again repeats the 
 
 same idea: 
 
 "Au Monde suis Libre & serf, tout ensemble, 
 Serf par le Sort & Libre de Nature 
 Serf suis d'amour, etc. " 
 — A Madamoiselle Beringue, De Liherte & Servitude 
 provenante par Amour, P. F., p. 78. 
 
 Petrarch made frequent use of paradoxical 
 antitheses extremely tempting to his imitators.' 
 Bembo emulated him with enthusiasm, and it 
 may have been Bembo whom Sainte-Marthe 
 followed in one instance at least. His 
 
 " Je vy, je meurs, je ry, je pleure. 
 En esperant je vy & ry, 
 Desesper^, transy demeure, 
 Donq, en mourant, f ais pitieux cry, " ' 
 
 suggests, more in arrangement than in actual 
 words, the beginning of Bembo's thirty-sixth 
 Sonnet : 
 
 ' For example, S. e C, Sonnets nos. cxxxiv, clxxviii, 
 clxxxii, cclii. 
 
 ^ En la personne d'un Amant desesperi, P. F., p. 74. 
 The conceit recurs in the poem A Madamoiselle de haulte- 
 ville, Comment Liberty & Servitude (deux contraires) peu- 
 vent durer ensemble, P. F., p. 99. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 287 
 
 "Lasso me, ch' ad un tempo e taccio & grido, 
 Et temo e spero, e mi rallegro e doglio. " ' 
 
 He is nearer Petrarch's 
 
 "dolce mia pena, 
 Amaro mio diletto, " 
 
 — S. e C, Sonnet no. ccxl. 
 when he writes, 
 
 "Langoreux suis pour fermement aymer, 
 Mais en langoeur mon Esprit se contente, 
 Le mal m'est doulx, si m'est grief & amer, 
 Grief pour I'ennuy, & doulx pour une attente." 
 — Sur la devise des brasselets envoyes h une Damoiselle, 
 P. F., p. 77.^ 
 
 Petrarch declares^ that the combined emotions 
 
 of other lovers cannot compare with his ; one of 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's lovers is of the same opioion : 
 
 " Duquel {i.e. Amour) je suis tenu si fermement 
 Que je ne saiche avoir leu par hystoire, 
 Ou sceu par faict evident & notoire, 
 
 1 The nearest thing in Petrarch is : 
 
 "In dubbio di mi state, or piango, or canto; 
 E temo e spero ; ed in sospiri e'n rima 
 Sfogo '1 mio incarco.'' 
 
 — S. e C, Sonnet no. cclii. 
 
 2 Cf. also Seraphino, Sonnet (XXI) : 
 
 "CosI el tormento un tale abito ha fatto 
 Dentro al mio cor, che '1 stento li par gioco." 
 
 " <S. e C, Canzone no. Ixxii, 1. 46 et seq. 
 
288 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MA RTHE 
 
 Un cueur lequel Amour si fort attise, 
 Comme le mien est de vous, sans faintise." 
 — Pour un Gentilhomme a une Dame, P. P., p. 134. 
 
 A few lines further he adds : 
 
 " Impossible est veoir en homme mortel, 
 De vif Amour un remors qui soit tel. " 
 
 Petrarch' finds consolation in the fact that his 
 
 mistress is worthy his torments ; so does Sainte- 
 
 Marthe. The following lines conclude a dixain 
 
 Delle mesme, & de soy full of the woes of the 
 
 lover: 
 
 "Et n'ay comfort si non que je poursuys 
 Une, sans plus, qui vault bien la poursuivre. " 
 
 — P. P., p. 29. 
 
 Petrarch, and Bembo after him, represents Beauty 
 and Chastity as inhabiting the heart of the be- 
 loved ; ^ Sainte-Marthe thus expresses himseK 
 about the duchesse d'Estampes ( ! ) : 
 
 " Pour sa tresgrande & bien rare Beault6, 
 EUe est la floeur entre toutes nomm6e : 
 Et tant pleine est de grand Honestet6 
 Qu'elle est de tous entierement aym^e. " ' 
 
 — P. F., p.20. 
 ' S. e C, Sonnet no. clxxiv. 
 
 2 Petrarch, S. e C, Sonnet no. ccxcvii; Bembo, Sonnet 
 no. V. 
 
 ' Saint-Gelais also expressed this idea, CEuvres, Vol. II, 
 p. 22, no. xxxiv. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 289 
 
 Petrarch declares that Laura's virtues are to 
 blame for his love : 
 
 " E pill '1 fanno i celesti e rari doni 
 Ch' ha in sd Madonna;" 
 
 — S. e C, Sonnet no. ccxxxvi. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe chooses a rondeau as the form 
 in which to express the same sentiment. He 
 concludes : 
 
 " Je le confesse, que vous ayme, 
 Mais, si vous aymant j'ay mespris, 
 Je n'en doibs pource estre repris, 
 Mais plus tost en aura le blasme » 
 Vostre vertu." 
 — A une Dame au nom d'un Gentilhomme, P.F.,p.85. 
 
 Petrarch set a fashion for the poets of the 
 Renaissance by references to Apollo more devout 
 than befit mere allusions to the classical patron 
 of poets. ^ Bembo, for example, developes the 
 idea into a prayer to Phoebus for the recovery of 
 his mistress from illness.^ It may well have been 
 the recollection of this which suggested Sainte- 
 
 ' " E che '1 nobile ingegno che dal cielo 
 
 Per grazia tien' dell' immortale Apollo, ..." 
 — S. e C, Canzone no. xxviii, 1. 64. And c/. Epistolae de 
 Rebus Familiaribus, x, 4. 
 
 ^ Sonnet nos. xcviii, and cf. Ronsard, Odes, Bk. I, 20; 
 Amours Diver ses, ix. 
 
290 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Marthe's quite sincere prayer, A Jesu Christ, 
 Supplication pour obtenir guarison h Madamoiselle 
 Beringue estant malade des Fiebvres} After such 
 a title it needs an appreciation of the lengths 
 to which the Renaissance could carry classical 
 allusion ^ not to be startled at the opening lines : 
 
 "O Esculape, Dieu de medicine 
 Souverain Dieu, tresexpert & insigne 
 Pour tout grand mal de nos Corps deschasser, 
 Et en sant^ tout vray bien pourchasser, 
 O d'ApoUon seul & eternal Filx 
 Aux langoureux pour refuge prefixe, 
 Filx d'Apollon, largiteur de lumiere, 
 Et composeur de la forme premiere 
 De tout le monde, en qui tous nous vivons, 
 Et de qui bien (par ton moyen) avons. 
 Filx d'une Vierge en tout immacul6e 
 Pour nettoyer Nature maculee. 
 O bon Jesus, etc. " 
 
 Here Bembo's outline is much elaborated, but 
 other similarity is not lacking. For example, 
 Bembo writes of 
 
 '■ P. F., p. 183. 
 
 ' Elsewhere Sainte- Martha writes : 
 "Puisque m'aymer, & aymer je vous veulx 
 Nos deux vouloirs {au plaisirs de haultes Dieux) 
 Ensemble joinots, auront touts puissance." 
 — A Mademoiselle Beringiie, qiie leur Amour ne se pourra 
 minuerpour les mesdisants, P. F., p. 86. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 291 
 
 " . . . la mia vita, 
 Che si consuma in lei, nh meco vuole 
 Sol un di sovrastar, s' ella sen fugge," 
 
 and is matched by Sainte-Marthe's 
 
 " Je suis celuy, qui avec le tourment 
 Ne puis avoir aultre contentement 
 Que, par sa Mort, une Mort, qui m'est seure. " 
 — P. P., pp. 184-185. 
 
 It will be seen that Sainte-Marthe's direct 
 borrowings from Petrarch and Bembo — who 
 among sixteenth century Italians best conveyed 
 his master's spirit — are few in number. The 
 same is probably true of what he took from the 
 more extreme Petrarchists. Whether or not he 
 took his inspiration, even in one instance, directly 
 from Seraphino,* in another from Giusto de' 
 
 ' Seraphino, Sonnet no. xlix : 
 " Mando el ritratto mio qual braml ognora, 
 N6 te admirar se par d' un altro el volto; 
 Non m' ha el pittor del natural gi^ tolto, 
 Perche el mio natural teco dimora. 
 Lassando te, da me fu el spirto fora 
 E intorno agli occhi toi rimase involto. " 
 
 Sainte-Marthe : 
 
 " Vous me direz, n'estre qu'une semblance. 
 Et, quoy que soit aulcune vive trace. 
 Que pour cela n'a pas grand efficace, 
 D'aultant, que c'est seulement chose mue, 
 
292 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 Conti,' whether or not there are other traceable 
 sources for his conceits,' the Petrarchist influence 
 upon Sainte-Marthe's general manner is beyond 
 question. When he harps, as he continually does, 
 upon "libre captivite" and "captive liberte,"^ 
 he may indeed have recalled lines of Lorenzo de' 
 Medici's, but he was also repeating a threadbare 
 conceit of the sonneteers. When he regards love 
 as a means to arrive at freedom,* or declares, all 
 in one breath, that a pleasant languor causes him 
 life in death; that the more he resists the more 
 helpless he is; that he has offended without guilt 
 and is captive though free; that, without mov- 
 ing,' he hastened in search of his bane ; that his 
 heart has escaped from his body and bewails its 
 condition with joy; that he flees but cannot 
 escape his distress; and when he ends by apos- 
 
 II est bien vray, mais pour la paincte Face 
 Parle mon Cueur, qui dans vous se remue." 
 — A une Dame, Pour un Gentil homme, qui luy envoyoit 
 sa portraicture, P. F., p. 33. 
 ' Cf. supra, p. 275, n. 1. 
 
 ' The search I have been able to make is not exhaustive. 
 3 For example, P. F ., pp. 17 and 147. 
 * P. F., p. 78. 
 
 ^ This idea occurs also in Chariteo's eighteenth Sonnet : 
 " Per r aere vo volando, & son portato 
 Da tempestosi venti & non mi movo." 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 293 
 
 trophizing the blessed misery which causes that 
 life in death/ we recognize the wire-drawn an- 
 titheses of the hardened Petrarchist, even though 
 his vehicle of expression be a rondeau. The same 
 influence is patent in the poet's warning to his 
 mistress not to drive him to death, because he 
 will benefit thereby, whereas she will lose the 
 pleasure of his torments ; "^ in his representation 
 of Juno, Venus and Pallas striving for the posses- 
 sion of a lady,' or in his use of the image of the 
 chase/ Again, his question why Cupid is always 
 painted as a child; the explanation that the 
 god establishes himself in youth and lives longer 
 and more hale the stronger he is at first; his 
 picture of Cupid dipping his arrow in a bath 
 
 ^ A Jean Benac, De soy, P. F., p. 93. There are certain 
 similarities between this rondeau and Sonnet no. xv of 
 Lorenzo de' Medici, but not enough to point to it with 
 any certainty as anything but one general source among 
 others. 
 
 2 A une Dame aspre & cruelle a son servant, P. F., p. 74. 
 Cf. p. 351. 
 
 'P. F., p.37. C/. p. 531. In another instance the god- 
 desses dispute the possession of an infant : Sur la nais- 
 sance de la fille de Monsieur le Baron d'Entraig-ues, P. F., 
 p. 30. 
 
 ' Delle mesme {i.e. Beringue) et de soy, P. F., p. 29, and 
 A une Dame pour un Gentilhomme, P. F., p. 190. 
 
294 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 of chastity and keeping it still; ^ his surprise 
 that all the water at Vaucluse could not quench 
 Petrarch's love,^ and conclusion that either the 
 flame was divine and Laura's beauty super- 
 natural, or else that Laura was cruel not to 
 throw the water of Vaucluse upon her lover's 
 flame; ^ and finally Laura's reply that water 
 could not quench this because it was invisible 
 and immortal;' — all these things are evidence 
 that Sainte-Marthe is using post-Petrarchean 
 imagery. At the same time, these very conceits 
 contain an ideal element which derives directly 
 from Petrarch himself, and the same element 
 appears in other "conceited" poems. The poet 
 inquires why Venus and Cupid are represented 
 in painting, since love "n'est chose corporelle," 
 and concludes : 
 
 " Done qu'est ce Amour ? (me direz vous la belle) 
 Un feu secret, qui sans touche consomme. " 
 — A Madamoiselle de Nuilly. Que c'est d' Amour, 
 
 » P. F., pp. 71 and 201. Cf. pp. 535 and 540. 
 
 * Sw la fontaine de Vaucliise pres laquelle jadis habita 
 Petrarche, P. F., p. 21. C/. p. 535. 
 
 ' Sur la mesme sentence & de Laure Amye de Petrarch, 
 P.F.,p.21. 
 
 ' Dame Laure se defend & monstre, que le feu d' Amour 
 ne s'estaint par Industrie humaine, P. F ., p. 22. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 295 
 
 Again, he sees a fire which does not bum dry 
 wood and asks Venus the cause. Is not the wood 
 as corporeal as he who bums at a single glance ? 
 No, replies Venus, it is not a natural flame, nor 
 yours material : 
 
 "Ce n'est ton Corps qui brusle, mais ton Ame." 
 — De Beringue s' Amye & de soy, P. F., p. 14. 
 
 This spiritual element which, far more than 
 his conceits, was Petrarch's bequest to the poets 
 of the Renaissance, although many of his most 
 "conceited" disciples neglected it, is constantly 
 observable in Sainte-Marthe's productions. Love 
 has become infused with imagination, and is of the 
 heart rather than of the senses. It is in his in- 
 terpretation of this view, no less than in his de- 
 scription of the sufferings of the lover,' that Sainte- 
 Marthe shows himself a tme follower of Petrarch: 
 
 "Car en Amour, un Cueur I'aultre reveille, 
 Et entre Amants delaisse un soubvenir 
 Pour fermement I'amour entretenir," — 
 
 — /-'. F., p. 132. 
 
 ' " Si longuement en tel estat demeure 
 Je veoy ma fin, qui &, moy ne se cele. " 
 — Ala Ville d' Aries en Provence. P. F., p. 26. 
 " Car maintenant si pris d' Amour je suis 
 Q'en tel estat longuement ne puis vivre. " 
 
 — Delle mesme & de soy, P. F., p. 29. 
 
296 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 thus he makes one lover express himself : 
 
 " A mon advis aussi, en tel affaire 
 Le bon cueur doibt amplement satisfaire. 
 Car le seul Cueur est principal motif, 
 En esmouvant, est du faict attraictif, 
 En attirant, plus souvent il advient 
 Qu'heureusement k sa fin il parvient. 
 Ma fin est bonne, & loyalle, & honneste, 
 Et tout ainsi que I'honneur admonestre 
 Le poursuivant son enterprise suivre," — 
 
 — P.F., p. 191. 
 
 such are the words he puts into the mouth of 
 another. A lover's duty is to love all ladies, 
 serve only one.' The poet admires the goodness 
 no less than the graces of his mistress. He even 
 goes so far as to say : 
 
 "Vostre Beaulte en ce n'y a rien fait. 
 Quoy qu'Oeuvre soit de Nature perfaict, 
 Oeuvre divin & splendeur Angelique, 
 Encores moins Desir qui fust lubrique."^ 
 
 The lover becomes the slave of his mistress : 
 
 " Non seulement sa personne, Madame, 
 Mais la moiti6 de son immortel Ame, 
 
 ■ P. P., p. 147. 
 
 ^ A Madamoiselle Beringue, De leur honneste & irrepre- 
 hensible Amour, P. P., p. 147. 
 
MAROT AND PETRARCHISM 297 
 
 Pour declarer que n'est point Amour tel 
 Que de vous deux, car il est immortel. " ' 
 
 And here we are upon the traces of Platonism, 
 that Platonism without taking account of which, 
 it has been said, we cannot understand the 
 Renaissance.^ 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe says it of Tolet. A la Dame & bien 
 aymie de M. P. Tolet, Medicin du grand Hospital de Lyon, 
 son singulier Amy, P. F., p. 174. 
 
 = J. B. Fletcher, Did "Asirophel" love "Stella." Mod. 
 Phil., Vol. V, p. 257. 
 
CHAPTER 11 
 
 La Poesie Frangoise 
 
 Platonic Influences 
 
 The doctrine of Platonic love as the Renais- 
 sance understood it was perhaps never better 
 expressed than by Giordano Bruno late in the 
 century, when men's thought had had time to 
 form and ripen: 
 
 "... Quantunque un rimagna fisso su una 
 corporal bellezza e culto estemo, pu6 onorevol- 
 mente e degnamente trattenersi; pur che de la 
 bellezza materiale, la quale e un raggio e splendor 
 de la forma ed atto spirituale, di cui e vestigio ed 
 ombra, vegna ad inalzarsi a la considerazion e 
 culto, de la divina bellezza, luce e maestade ; di 
 maniere che da queste cose visibili vegna a 
 magnificar il core verso quelle che son tanto piil 
 eccellenti in se, e grate a 1' animo ripurgato, 
 quanto son piu rimosse de la materia e senso. 
 298 
 
PLATONISM 299 
 
 Oirae, dir^, se una bellezza umbratile, fosca, 
 corrente, dipinta nella superficie de la materia 
 corporale, tanto mi piace, e tanto mi commove 
 r affetto, m' imprime nel spirito non so che 
 riverenza di maestade, mi si cattiva, e tanto 
 dolcemente mi lega e mi s' attira, ch' io non trovo 
 cosa, che mi vegna messa avanti da li sensi, 
 che tanto m'appaghe; che sara di quello che 
 sustanzialmente, originalmente, primitivamente 
 e bello? che sar^ de Tanima mia, del' inte- 
 letto divino, de la regola de la natura? Con- 
 viene dunque, che la contemplazione di questo 
 vestigio di luce mi ammene mediante la ripur- 
 gazion de I'animo mio a 1' imitazione, conformity 
 e participazione di quella piii degna ed alta, in 
 cui me trasforme, ed a cui me unisca: per che 
 son certo, che la natura, che mi ha messa questa 
 bellezza avanti gli occhi, e mi ha dotato di 
 senso interiore, per cui posso argumentar bellezza 
 piu profonda ed incomparabilmente maggiore, 
 voglia, ch' io da qua basso vegna promosso a 
 r altezza ed eminenza di specie piil eccelenti. 
 Ne credo, che il mio vero nume, come mi si 
 mostra in vestigio ed imagine, voglia sdegnarsi, 
 che in imagine e vestigio vegna ad onorarlo, 
 
300 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 a sacrificargli con questo, ch'il mio core ed af- 
 fetto sempre sia ordinato, e rimirare piu alto. 
 
 ... L' amor di bellezza corporale a color, che 
 son ben disposti, non solamente non apporta 
 ritardarmento da imprese maggiori, ma piil 
 tosto viene ad improntarli 1' ale per venire a 
 quelle. . . . E cosi sempre verr^ tentando il 
 spirito eroico, sin tanto che non si veda inalzato 
 a desiderio de la divina bellezza, in s6 stessa, 
 senza similitudine, figura, imagine e specie, se 
 sia possibile, e piil si sa arrivare a tanto. . . . 
 
 ^. ^ ^ 4: ^ 
 
 Essendo che, come queste basse cose derivano da 
 quelle, ed hanno dipendenza, cosi da queste si 
 pu6 aver accesso a quelle [pid alte], come per 
 propri gradi. Queste [bellezze corporali] se non 
 son dio, son cose divine, sono imagini sue vive, 
 ne le quah non si sente offeso, se si vede 
 adorare." ' 
 
 So complete a conception of a philosophy 
 which played an important part in the Renais- 
 sance may be said never to have been attained 
 
 ' DegV Eroici Furori, Pt. II, Dialog. I, Ed. Sonzogno, 
 Milan, p. 7 et seq. 
 
PLATONISM 301 
 
 in France. There, although Platonism became, 
 from 1549 on, a growing fashion among poets, 
 it lasted less than two decades and came to a 
 sudden conclusion with the later production of 
 the Pleiade, dispelled, it may be, by that firm 
 hold on fact which has distinguished French 
 literature at its best in every period. It is evi- 
 dent that during the few years of its vogue, many 
 of the poets to whom it afforded poetic material 
 failed to conceive of it as a philosophy. "Mais 
 ce qu'il emprunte a P^trarque," writes M. Emile 
 Faguet of Ronsard, "et connait bien, et exprime 
 heureusement, c'est, plus humainement, les 
 d^licatesses de I'amour pur, respectueux, 61ev6 
 sans etre sublime, et qui est une admiration et une 
 tendresse sans ^tre un desir. . . . C'est je 
 crois le degr6 de Platonisme oil les Frangais, qui 
 ne melent presque jamais aucun mysticisme 
 h leurs sentiments, peuvent atteindre . . . " ' 
 The Platonic ideal of love as an expression of 
 the search for perfection became attenuated to 
 " honnete amour," which — if the analogy be 
 permitted — made approaches to the sentimen- 
 talities of certain poets of our own day, and 
 ' Seizitme siicle, p. 241. 
 
302 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 which was sometimes expressed with wonderful 
 charm, as for instance by Corrozet: 
 
 "L'amour que chacun te propose 
 Dent tant d'escritz sent embellis 
 Proprement ressemble h, la Rose, 
 Car trop poignans sont ses d61itz : 
 Mais l'amour duquel cy tu lis, 
 Qui en coeur chaste s'enracine, 
 Ressemble au blanc et tresbeau Lis 
 Qui croist sans chardon ny espine. " 
 
 — - Compte du Rossignol, Au lecteur, fol. Aj v°. 
 
 At the time Sainte-Marthe pubHshed his 
 Poesie Francoise Platonism, or Neo-platonism, 
 had made hardly any impression upon French 
 literature, but everything was ripe for its appear- 
 ance. No follower of Petrarch could remain 
 unaware of an element at least akin to it in the 
 poetry of his master; and so, even the most arti- 
 ficial Petrarchists, however incapable of actual 
 Platonic feeling, must needs pay it the homage 
 of empty phrase; while poets genuinely respon- 
 sive to it harmoniously blended Platonism with 
 Petrarchism.' Among Petrarch's sixteenth 
 
 ' " Or, il ne faut pas perdre de vue que I'id^al p6trar- 
 quiste derive, pour une large part, de celui du platonlsme 
 et que, s'il a pu former, k certains moments, un courant 
 en quelque sorte parallfelle et ind^pendant, il s'est k 
 
PLATONISM 303 
 
 century Italian imitators, Bembo was expressing 
 Neo-platonic ideas only less in his sonnets than 
 he had in the Asolani ; and the latter work, 
 although not yet translated,' must have been 
 current in Lyons at least, as was also probably 
 the case with the Dialoghi d' Amore of L^on 
 Hebreo. But Bembo had been made the mouth- 
 piece of an exposition of Platonic love, far more 
 eloquent than any his own works contained, in 
 the Cortegiano, translated three years earlier 
 by Jacques Colin. Indeed, considering the 
 vogue of Castiglione's work, and the publication 
 in France, four years before this translation 
 appeared, of Alemaimi's poems, all instinct with 
 Platonism, — to mention no more than two 
 vivifying forces, — it is matter for astonishment 
 that this philosophy made no earlier appearance 
 as an influence in French literature. Meanwhile 
 Plato's own works and those of his commen- 
 tators had for years been becoming more and 
 
 d'autres, manifestement confondu avec le premier." 
 A Lefrano, Le Platonisme et la Litt. en France, loc. cit., 
 pp. 21-22. 
 
 ' It was translated in 1545 {cit. Brunet without biblio- 
 graphical details) ; Leon Hebreo not until 1551 by Pontus 
 de Tyard and, in the same year, by Denys Sauvage. 
 
304 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 more accessible to the French learned public. 
 Before 1540, Ficino's translation of the complete 
 works had been already three times published 
 in France, the last time in 1533,' although 
 
 •1518 (Jean Petit). 
 
 1522 (JosseBade). 
 
 1522 (Bade and Petit with collaboration of Gryptie). 
 Cf. Lefranc, Le Platonisme et la Literature en France, loc. 
 cit., pp. 6, 7, and 8, which contains also an account of the 
 progress of the publication in France of Plato's works and 
 works re Plato before the close of 1540. The following 
 list indicates the ground covered, apart from the works 
 mentioned supra: 
 
 Plato's Works. 
 
 1520 Timceus; Chalcidus' trans, 
 
 ciro. 1520 Axiochus; Latin. 
 
 1527 Cratylus; Greek. 
 
 1532 TimcBus; Greek. 
 
 1533 Charmides ; Politian's trans. 
 1536 Timceus; Greek. 
 
 1536 Phcedo; Fincino's trans. 
 
 1538 Laws; Latin. 
 
 1539 Apology for Socrates; Greek. 
 
 1540 Timceus; Collated fragments. 
 
 Other Authors. 
 1489 Ficino, De triplica vita. 
 1494 Ficino, Trans. Trismegistes. 
 1498 Ficino, Trans. Athenagoras and Xenocrates. 
 1510 Ficino, Liber de Christiana religione. 
 1530 Proclus, Comment. Timceus. 
 1540 Gemistus Plethon, Comvaratio Platonis et Aris- 
 totelis; Greek. 
 
PLATONISM 305 
 
 his commentary on the Banquet was only trans- 
 lated in 1546 by Jean de la Haye, and the 
 separate dialogue itself only in 1559 by Le Roy. 
 Nor, apparently, was there any separate edition 
 of the Phmdrus or the Lysis within the century. 
 Already in 1511, however, the Disputationes 
 Camaldulenses of Landini had been printed by 
 Jean Petit, and the Doctrina Platonis of Alcinous 
 appeared in 1531. Finally, to the diffusion of 
 Neo-platonic ideas through Italian sources and 
 of a first-hand knowledge of Plato likely to 
 temper these, and to the enthusiastic imitation 
 of Petrarch, may be added, as an element in the 
 poetic conception of Platonic love, that marked 
 strain of mysticism which still survived from the 
 middle ages. 
 
 Nevertheless, before Sainte-Marthe published 
 his Poesie Francoise evidences of Platonic ideas 
 among French poets were, as has been indicated, 
 extremely rare if not altogether absent. In his 
 Tempe de France Sainte-Marthe pays a tribute 
 to ten of the more important French poets of 
 his time, each of whom he represents as inspired 
 by one of the Muses. Marot, under the auspices 
 of CaUiope, heads the list with his 
 
306 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 " Plume, de mots & sentences fertille, 
 Plume, 3, trouver, & k coucher subtile. " 
 
 — P. F., pp. 202 & 203.' 
 
 Next follow, Colin patronized by Clio; Saint- 
 Gelais by Erato ; Sc^ve by Thalia ; Maisoimeuve 
 by Melpomene ; Brodeau by Terpsichore ; Bouchet 
 by Euterpe; Heroet and Fontaine, "en leur 
 sons une personne unie," by Polyhymnia; 
 while Salel, for what seems an ill-founded reason, 
 is alloted to Urania.^ However inept this may 
 be as criticism, the Hst of names is a clue to 
 Sainte-Marthe's admirations and to the poets 
 who would be likely to weigh with him.^ Now, 
 
 ' Cf. p. 541. ' Cf. p. 541 et seq. 
 
 ' This list offers interesting points of comparison with 
 one of the year before by Dolet, who mentions the same 
 names with the exception of those of La Maisonneuve 
 (not Heroet) and Bouchet, and with the addition of 
 those of Brodeau the Elder and of a certain Moyne de 
 Vendosme {L'avdnt naissance de Claude Dolet, cit. Copley 
 Christie, op. cit., p. 347) ; with one of three years later 
 by Chappuis who mentions Colin, Brodeau, Macault, La 
 Borderie, Salel and Herberay {Discours de la Court, fols. 
 F. iij v° et seq) ; with one of 1542 or 1544 by Paul Angler, 
 " A tresscientifiques Poetes Marot, Sainct Gelais, Heroet, 
 Salel, Borderie, Rabelais, Seve, Chapuy & autres Poetes, 
 Paul Angler leur humble disciple Salut." {L' experience de 
 Maistre Paul Angier etc. Le meapris de la Cour etc. (ed. 
 1544, fol. [Hv] v°; and finally with Sibilet's continual 
 harping upon the names of Marot, Saint^Gelais, Salel, 
 Heroet and Scfeve. (Art Poitique, passim.) 
 
PLATONISM 307 
 
 not one of these poets was seriously influenced 
 by Platonism before this date. Marot has, 
 it is true, an eariy ballade, in which the reader 
 might suspect its presence, the Chant de May 
 et de vertu where " vertu " is the beloved,' but 
 this is merely a reminiscence of the comparison 
 of human and divine love common in earlier 
 poetry and present, for example, in his own 
 youthful description of "Ferme Amour" in the 
 Temple de Cwpido? Marot's real homage to the 
 Platonic ideal, the sonnet beginning Retirez vous, 
 bestiaulx eshontez, is of much later date.^ Colin, 
 the very translator of the Cortegiano, seems to 
 have been scarcely at all influenced by its spirit 
 in his own views, if we judge by his Epistre a 
 une dame indignantly advocating the rights of 
 "natural" love ; ^ and if Saint-Gelais, — the 
 
 ' (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 102. ' Ibid., Vol. I, p. 23. 
 
 " Ibid., Vol. I, p. 116. .It is among the Pieces ajouUes 
 aux (euvres de Marot aprbs sa mort. 
 
 * Published as Epistre de complaints a une qui a laissS 
 son Amy, in Marot's Adolescence Clementine, 1535, as 
 Epistre Amoureuse, in the Opuscules d' Amour, 1542, it 
 reappears as Epistre a une Dame par ledist I. C, follow- 
 ing his Proces d'Ajax et d'Ulixes in Le livre de plusieurs 
 pieces, 1548, fol. 99 v°- Cf. Bourrilly, Jacques Colin, 
 p. 56, note. 
 
308 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 utmost stretch of whose effort in the direction 
 of Platonism before 1540 is a reference to the 
 "beautez ang^liques" and "biens de Timmorta- 
 lit^" possessed by his mistress/ — begins a 
 ballade wjth a reference to love's pursuit of per- 
 fection, it is that he may bring the idea to a 
 humorous conclusion: 
 
 " Qui dira done variable un qui fait 
 De divers biens prudent flection ? 
 L'abeille prend, pour venir &, son faict 
 De maintes fleurs douce refection ; " etc' 
 
 — (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 4. 
 
 It is not until 1554, when Platonism had flooded 
 
 French literature, that the latter writes of the 
 
 " feu celeste " and of 
 
 "bas desire, qui empesche et retarde 
 Le bien supreme oil la vertu regarde. " ' 
 
 Scfeve, one of the earliest exponents of Petrarch- 
 ism infused with Neo-platonism, had as yet pub- 
 
 ' (Euvres, Vol. Ill, p. 96. Giro. 1535 (MS. La Roche- 
 tulon). 
 
 ' It should be observed that the date of this poem 
 remains uncertain. It was published in the (Euvres 
 of 1547. 
 
 ' Pour la partie qui fut faite en armes aux nopces du 
 Marquis d'Alheuf h Blois, le troisieme jour de fevrier , 15B4, 
 etc., (Euvres, Vol. I, p. 173. 
 
PLATONISM 309 
 
 lished in verse only his Blasons in the Fleurs de 
 Poesie Francoyse, and his eclogue, Arion, on the 
 death of the Dauphin; La Maisonneuve is an 
 almost unknown poet: of his scanty remains all 
 that was published before this date is an eight- 
 lined Latin epigram of more than doubtful attri- 
 bution;^ and Brodeau's slight volume of re- 
 ligious verse, Les Louanges de Jesus nostre 
 Saidveur, was issued only after his death, which 
 occurred in the very month Sainte-Marthe pub- 
 lished his Poesie Francoise. Whatever poetic 
 effusions may have placed Victor Brodeau "entre 
 les poetes Francoys treseloquents " ^ have not 
 
 ' Jean d'Aubusson de la Maisonneuve, not to be con- 
 founded with Heroet, contributed several poems to a 
 volume of Habert's, La Harangue de la Deesse Astree 
 (1556). After Habert's productions follows a sonnet, 
 De I'escriture et de I'art d' Imprimerie par Jean de la 
 Maisonneuve (fol. 9, viij v°), and all the ensuing Sentences 
 morales & epigrammes are attributed to " le mesme 
 Autheur.'' His other works are: Colloque Social de paix, 
 justice, misericorde & verity . . . Paris, 1559; Discours sur 
 le . Recueilfait par les V&nitiens au Card, de Lorraine, 
 Paris, 1556; Huictains Poetiques . . . Paris, 1561; L' Adieu 
 des neuf Muses, Paris, 1558; and a Diploration sur le tres: 
 pas de . . Frangois le Picart, included in Hilarion de 
 Cost^s Parfait EccUsiastiqu£. Cf. La Croix du Maine and 
 Du Verdier, Bibs.francoises. 
 
 2 Cf. at end of his book : " Maistre Victor brodeau, natif 
 
310 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 survived/ As for the interaiinable Bouchet, if 
 he showed himself a stout defender of the weaker 
 sex,^ it was not as a Platonist, and, if he dis- 
 tinguishes between "folle amour" and "saincte 
 amour," he means by the latter simply conjugal 
 love: 
 
 "... celle honneste amour 
 Que Ihomme & femme ont en leur marriage, 
 
 pp SjS *1» !|* •** 
 
 Ceste amour est la figure & limage 
 De celle amour qua Jesus a leglise, etc." 
 — Les angoysses & remedes damours, p. 70. 
 
 Bouchet shows himself, in fact, a frank exponent 
 of mediaeval ideas in his frequent comparison of 
 human and divine love, — a common theme 
 among religious versifiers before the Renaissance. 
 The publication of Heroet's chef d'muvre, La par- 
 
 de Tours, entre les Poetes Francoys treseloquent & autheur 
 de ce present oeuvre est decede de ceste vie en laultre en 
 moys de Septembre Lan mil cinq cens quarente." 
 
 ' A rondeau of his, Response par Victor Brodeau au 
 precedent, is preserved in Marot's works (Vol. II, p. 163) ; 
 his translation of a couplet by Meleager and of an Elegie 
 du semi-dieu Faunus are included in Sainte-Gelais' works 
 (Vol. II, p. 12) and in the Rimes of Pernette de Guillet 
 (1856, p. 128), respectively. Cit. Tilley, Lit. of the French 
 Renaissance, Vol. I, p. 86, ii. 2. 
 
 ^ In his Jugement poetique de Vhonneur feminin. 
 
PLATONISM 311 
 
 faite Amye, which was to set forth the new Pla- 
 tonism with conviction and charm, "petit 
 ceuvre mais qui en sa petitesse surmontait les 
 gros ouvrages de plusieurs," 'was still to come;^ 
 Fontaine, although he had already championed 
 Cupido against Argent,^ had given no evidence 
 whatever of being influenced by Platonism;* and 
 
 ' Pasquier, Recherches de la France, CEuvres, p. 701. 
 
 * There were four eds. in 1542, and the poem was 
 frequently reprinted. 
 
 ' La Victoire et Triumphe d' Argent contre Cupido dieu 
 d' Amour, etc., fol. Bij v°- 
 
 ■■ The history of Fontaine's later conversion to that 
 point of view has its interest. In 1541 or 1542 he took 
 part in that controversy to which Heroet's Parfaite 
 Amye was the most notable contribution. His Contramye 
 de Court, espousing the cause of ideal love, undertakes to 
 confute point by point La Borderie's satire, L'Amye de 
 court. Its Platonism, however, is far from being sus- 
 tained as is that of Heroet's poem. Fontaine's next 
 publication, La Fontaine d' Amour of 1544, which drew 
 Du Bellay's fire, marks an abrupt revulsion from Platon- 
 ism. It is filled with Petrarchistic conceits of the most 
 contorted variety, undoubtedly the harvest of recent 
 Italian travels, of which a good example is afforded by 
 the lines, imitated from Sannazaro : 
 
 " De Amour qui fait feu et eau, 
 Je suis le Nil & suis le mont Etna. " 
 
 — fol. Ij v°. 
 On the other hand, its resolute avoidance of Platonic 
 sentiment, its " natural," even cynical, treatment of love. 
 
312 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Salel, obtuse even to the more ideal aspects of 
 Petrarchism, was naturally entirely out of sym- 
 pathy with Platonism. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's list of poets leaves one or 
 two, of a certain importance in their time, imac- 
 counted for. In 1537 Eustorg de Beaulieu had 
 published his Divers Rapports which, though a 
 graceful feeling for nature ' redeems its pessi- 
 mism, prolixity, and occasional coarseness, shows 
 no trace of ideality in love. If the poet indites 
 a Ballade h la louange du sexe feminin, he follows 
 it with another A I'opposite de la precedente.^ 
 His poems to women are completely common- 
 place, now and then touched with humor. His 
 
 are probably a protest against the ecstatic flights of 
 Scfeve's just published D6lie of which Fontaine justly says : 
 
 " Certes, la difficult^ 
 Le grand plaisir en a ost6. 
 Brief ilz ne quierent un Lecteur, 
 Mais la commune autorit6 
 Dist qu'ilz requierent un Docteur." 
 
 — fol. Miiij v°. 
 
 Fontaine's next essay of interest in this connection was 
 Les Ruisseaux de Fontaine of 1555, and here he finally 
 appears as the ardent convert and exponent of Platonism. 
 
 ' Cf. the rondeau, En la forest (op. cit., ed. 1544, fol. 
 Dj. r° & v°). 
 
 ' Ibid., fol. E, iiij, v". 
 
PLATONISM 313 
 
 highest flight is a declaration of faithful attach- 
 ment, and if he rebukes sensual love, it is on 
 practical grounds : 
 
 " ^Yi de Venus et de son passetemps, 
 Et fy de ceulx qu'elle tient en sa cage. 
 Car trop souvent leur tombe le plumage, 
 Dont j'en ay veu plusieurs de mal contens." 
 
 Frangois Habert had, before this date, dealt 
 merely with sensual love,' and, even as late as 
 1551, when he published, with his translation of 
 Beroald's Histoire de Titus & Giseppus, his own 
 Le nouveau Cupido or Les quatres Amours, his 
 "Amour honorable," like Bouchet's, is conjugal 
 love, his " nouveau Cupido " a conjugal Cupid. 
 Jean Rus, in poems published about this time,^ 
 shows faint signs of Petrarchism but is quite 
 without idealism; while Jean Leblond, whose 
 poems were pubUshed in 1536, makes a curious 
 approach to Petrarchistic exaggeration, his effu- 
 sions even exhibiting a misleading resemblance 
 to a Platonism by which he was wholly unin- 
 fluenced.' La Borderie, the earliest opponent 
 
 ' In his Epistres Cupidinesques, etc. 
 ' Republished by Tamizey de Larroque, 1875. 
 ' Cf. Le printemps de I'humble esperant, fols. Evj & 
 Fij. 
 
314 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 of Platonism, had not as yet published even 
 his dull Voyage de Constantinople;^ Chappuis' 
 equally commonplace Discours de la Court had 
 not seen the light/ and his Panygirique redtS 
 au . . . roy Francoys (1538), his Complainte de 
 Mars (1539 ?) and the eclogue on the battle of 
 Pavia, if it be his/ contribute nothing to the 
 question. The graceful poet, Almanaque Papil- 
 lon did not pubhsh his Nouvel Amour until 
 1543,^ when Platonic doctrines needed a de- 
 fender. Bona venture Des Periers, of more weight 
 as a poet, was soon to render important services 
 to Platonism by his translation of the Lysis, 
 published with his collected works in 1544. At 
 the moment, however, his published work con- 
 sisted of a translation of the Andria, and that 
 cause of scandal the Cymbalum Mundi,^ although 
 many of the poems published after his death 
 
 ' Le discours du voyage de Constantinople, etc. Lyons, 
 1542. 
 
 2 Paris, 1543. 
 
 5 Cf. Guiflfrey, ed. Marot, Vol. II, p. 493, note. 
 
 ' First published, together with certain dixains by 
 Sainte-Marthe, with Leonique's Pourquoy d' Amour, in 
 1543 and, in the same year, as a separate volume at 
 Rouen. 
 
 ' Both of 1537. 
 
PLATONISM 315 
 
 by Antoine de Moulin must have been already 
 current. Finally, Jacques Peletier, deeply in- 
 fluenced by Marguerite of Navarre, and more 
 than once claimed as the true precursor of the 
 Pl^iade, was but just turning his thoughts to 
 verse.' 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, then, struck a new note when 
 he wrote: 
 
 " Amour n'est rien que bonne volunt6 
 Signifiante entiere affection, 
 Amour k Bien est tousjours aprest6, 
 Amour aussi a ses fins arrests 
 De pervenir k la perfection. 
 Amour pretend une conjunction 
 Individue, & par ainsi honneste. 
 Or ne peut donq estre Amour deshonneste. "^ 
 — Que Amour ne pourroit estre deshonneste, P. P., p. 10. 
 
 ' Cf. P. Laumonier, (Euvres Poetiques de Jacques 
 Peletier du Mans, pp. xi and xii and p. 148. Mr. Lau- 
 monier calls Peletier already a poet in (circ.) 1537, but 
 does not suggest that he was so at that time in any serious 
 sense. 
 
 2 C/. Bembo: 
 
 " Amour e graziosa e dolce voglia, 
 Che i pui selvaggi e piu feroci aflfrena, 
 Amor d'ogni vilta 1' anime spoglia," etc. 
 
 Stanze recitate . . . la sera del Carnassale, MDVII, Opere, 
 Vol. II, p. 115. Professor Lefranc quotes Sainte-Marthe's 
 lines as an example of the similarity of tone between 
 
316 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 This was more than " honn^te amour " : it was 
 an attempt to express the Platonic aspiration 
 towards perfection. Sainte-Marthe's Platonism 
 — vaguely conceived and awkwardly uttered — 
 expresses itself again in his celebration of tem- 
 perance in love : 
 
 " Qui dit Amour estre plein de langoeur, 
 II ne cognoist que c'est de bien aymer. 
 Car, quoy que joye y soit avec douleur, 
 Et par ce\k le goust on trouve amer, 
 Nous ne pouvons Amour k, droict blasmer, 
 Aultre cas n'est que nostre Intemperance. 
 Plus nous aymons, & plus voulons aymer, 
 Aymer debvons avecques Temperance." 
 — L'amertune qui est en Amour, provenir de nostre faulte. 
 P.F.,p.61. 
 
 However, it was not the doctrine of temperance in 
 love, but that of its spiritual and immortal nature, 
 which the poetical Platonists of the Renaissance 
 chiefly made their own. This was the true key- 
 note of the Platonic movement, and Sainte- 
 Marthe's verse abounds in variations on this 
 theme. He writes, for example, to Claveyson 
 on the subject of their mutual affection: 
 
 his Platonic utterances and those of Marguerite of 
 Navarre. Marguerite de Navarre et le Platonism de la 
 Renaissance, loc. cit., p. 754, note 3. 
 
PLATONISM 317 
 
 "Frere, qui dit Amour estre immortel, 
 A mon advis a bien touch^ au poinct. 
 La raison est, car s'il estoit mortel, 
 Seroit au Corps, & non k I'Esprit joinct. 
 Or, le Corps meurt, mais I'Esprit ne meurt point, 
 L'Esprit ne meurt, ne done I'Amour aussy. 
 Et oultre plus, je dy, que tout ainsy 
 Que nostre Esprit en toutes parts s'empare, 
 Si fait I'Amour, & concludz par cecy 
 Que le depart des Corps ne nous separe. " 
 — Au Seigneur de Parnans. Quay que deux Amys se 
 separent I'un de Vaultre, que, toutefoy, sont tous- 
 jours presents. P. F., p. 35. 
 
 There is no mistaking the Platonic origin of a sen- 
 timent like this uttered in the first half of the 
 sixteenth century. Sainte-Marthe expresses it 
 even more vigorously in lines addressed to the 
 woman of his love, for example, in the poem, A 
 Madamoiselle Beringne, Que son Amour est im- 
 mortel. Here he appears to insist consciously 
 upon the breach between the older treament of 
 love-themes and his own. Laments on the fleet- 
 ing nature of love, catalogues of lovers dead, are 
 not comprised in his poetical repertory. His 
 love, he repeats it, is immortal : 
 
 " On veult scavoir si je suis amoureux, 
 Je dy qu'ouy, & qu'aymer je veulx bien. 
 
318 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Puis on me dit que je suis malheureux, 
 Et que je doibs penser en moy combien 
 Pour aymer Corps, lequel ne dure rien, 
 Et les Amours, & Amoureux sont morts. 
 Par ce moyen, ce leur responds je lors, 
 Je suis heureux. Mon Amour n'est point tel, 
 J'ayme d'Esprit & I'Esprit, non le Corps, 
 Par ainsi est mon Amour immortel. " 
 
 — P. P., p. 58. 
 
 The futility and the sadness of attempting to 
 satisfy desire with mortal things was a favorite 
 theme with the Neo-platonists, lending itself as 
 it did easily to paradox, — especially in fine 
 distinctions between desire and love. "Desi- 
 derio e affeto voluntario dell' essere 6 d'havere 
 la cosa stimata buona che manca ; I'amore ^ 
 effetto voluntario di fruire con unione la cosa 
 stimata buona," ran the definition -of Leon 
 Hebreo;' and, only three years before Sainte- 
 Marthe wrote, Colin had put into French Cas- 
 tiglione's reflections on the subject : "car des in- 
 continent quilz sont arrivez a la fin desiree, ou 
 que non seuUement ilz sentent ennuy & fascherie 
 mais aussi preiment hayne contre la chose aymee 
 quasi comme se repentant I'appetit de son erreur 
 
 ' Dialoghi di amore, p. 6. 
 
PLATONISM 319 
 
 et recognoissant le mescompte a luy faict par 
 
 les faulx jugements du sentiment par ou il a 
 
 creu que le mal soit Men, ou quilz demeurent 
 
 au mesmes desir et cupidite comme ceulx qui 
 
 ne sont point veritablement arrivez au but qui 
 
 (sic) cherchoient," etc' The paradoxical view 
 
 was well expressed by Bembo : 
 
 " . . quant e il peggio assai sovente 
 De quel che place, aver alcuna parte;"* 
 
 — Sonnet no. xl. 
 
 and it was probably Bembo that Sainte-Marthe 
 echoed ui his dixain to the Seigneur de Pamans : 
 
 Qu'au Men d'Amour, rien n'est plus nuysant que 
 jouyssance. 
 
 " Rien n'est plus cher que cela qu'on desire, 
 Car moins on I'a, plus on y est ardent : 
 Lors qu'on ne peut k son soubhait souffire, 
 Le desir croist plus fort en attendant. 
 Quiconques est de jouir pretendant, 
 Par un espoir k demy se contente : 
 Mais s'il advient que Fortune presente 
 Contentement de la joye incogneue, 
 En jouissant du fruict de son attente, 
 Le desir cesse, & I'Amour diminue." ' 
 
 — P.P., p. 13. 
 
 ' Le Courtisan, fol. 218 v" 
 
 2 The second edition of the Rime had been published 
 in Venice in 1535. ' Cf. supra, p. 273. 
 
320 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 The contrast between desire and love was not 
 the only tenet of Platonism which its votaries 
 could push to extreme and paradoxical conclu- 
 sions; and Sainte-Marthe's ingenuity in this 
 regard proves him a true Neo-platonist. He 
 applauds, for instance, in Tolet's mistress, a love 
 so pure that it could entertain a thousand lovers : 
 
 " Ce n'est Amour qui fol plaisir poursuive, 
 Ce n'est Amour d'ou reprise s'ensuive, 
 C'est un Amour que le tien, si bien mis 
 Qu'entretenir il pourroit mille Amys. 
 C'est un Amour avecques raison ronde, 
 C'est un Amour lequel sur Dieu se fonde." 
 
 He grows more ingeniously transcendental as 
 he proceeds, mingling his Platonism with per- 
 verse Petrarchistic conceits : 
 
 " Et nonobstant, contentes ton desir, 
 Plaisir prenant, pour fuir le plaisir. 
 Fuiant plaisir, lequel nous est visible, 
 Et choisissant un plaisir invisible, 
 Un plaisir donq au dedans actuel, 
 Et n'estant rien sinon spirituel. 
 Et par ce poinct, il nous donne k cognoistre, 
 Qu'en decroissant incessamment veult croistre. 
 Et decroissant de cest vanity, 
 De plus en plus croist k eternity." 
 
 — A la Dame & Men aymee de M. P. Tolet, Medicin 
 du grand Hospital de Loyn, son singulier Amy. 
 P. F., pp. 174 and 175. 
 
PLATONISM 321 
 
 Sainte-Marthe does not, however, always maintain 
 himself at this Platonic level, nor, it may be 
 added, sink to these Petrarchistic depths. He 
 is nearer commonplace honnete amour when, in 
 his prayer for Beringue's recovery, he sets forth 
 the nature of their love : ' 
 
 " Tu scays, Seigneur (car ainsi I'as permis) 
 L'Amour qui s'est dedans nos deux cueurs mis, 
 Amour louable, Amour sainct & honneste, 
 Et Amour tel que ton uueil admonneste," etc. ; 
 
 — P.F.,p. 185. 
 
 nearer mere Petrarchism in his dixain Du siege 
 d' Amour & que ne peut estre separe du Cueur;'^ 
 but even in such lines as these there is a sug- 
 gestion of a more definitely ideal influence. 
 
 In spite of occasional lapses, the poems and 
 passages quoted sufliciently indicate the usual 
 trend of Sainte-Marthe's ideas, especially when 
 taken in conjunction with the insistence — in 
 the poems already quoted of which Laura and 
 Petrarch are the subject — on the supernatural 
 nature of beauty and the immortal quality 
 of love, and with such other symptoms of Pla- 
 tonic influence as stress on the hidden signifi- 
 
 1 Cf. supra, pp. 67, 289 et seq. ' Cf. p. 536 et seq. 
 
 T 
 
322 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 cance of names/ reference to beauty as the in- 
 citement to desire,^ acknowledgment of love or 
 friendship as the source of all advantages: 
 
 " Ce bien (Monsieur) n'est sinon Amyti6 
 Qui entretient le Monde de moitie. 
 Quoy de moiti6 ? mais (ainsy qu'ont escrit 
 Tous bons Autheurs de scavoir & d'esprit) 
 Bien sans lequel du Monde la machine 
 Seroit bien tost renversfe en ruine. 
 Car sans Amour, il n'est possible veoir, 
 Chose qui soit, venir k son debvoir. 
 
 Sans Amyti6, nobles chasteaulx & villes, 
 Tantost seroyent desertes et trop vUes, 
 Sans Amyti^, U n'est Due, Roy, ou Prince, 
 Qui deuement regentast sa Province. 
 Sans Amy tie, auroit disjunction. 
 Que nous veoyons grande conjunction. 
 Sans Amyti6, (pour brefvement finir) 
 Verrions tantost le Monde definir." 
 — A noble & puissant Seigneur, Monsieur Antoine de 
 Muillion, Baron de Bressieux, frere du susdict 
 Seigneur de S. Pierre, P, F., p. 171. 
 
 And the reader must also consider a certain bias, 
 
 even in the religious poems, which can only be 
 
 called Platonic, showing itself, for example, in a 
 
 ' Cf. infra, p. 398 et seq. 
 
 ^ Cf. Sur la contention qu'avoyent troys Gentilhommes 
 ascavoir, son doibt plus aymer, ou pour Richesse, ou 
 pour Beaulti, ou pour Prudence. Pour celuy qui choisissoit 
 Venus, signiflante BeaulU, P. F., p. 38. 
 
PLATONISM 323 
 
 constant concern with "le souverain bien," "le 
 bien eternel," "le bien de Dieu." 
 
 And if it is clear that Sainte-Marthe was, 
 even so early as 1540, deeply influenced by Pla- 
 tonism, the motive force which must have turned 
 his thought in that direction is not far to seek. 
 His treatment of "le souverain bien," for ex- 
 ample, considered in connection with the tone of 
 his religious poems in general, affords a clue to 
 the source of his immediate inspiration. It is 
 clearly not the result only of a first-hand study 
 of Plato, whatever acquaintance with Plato he 
 may show. Calvin had taken pains to expound 
 this particular phrase,^ and no doubt his inter- 
 pretation influenced Sainte-Marthe; but Sainte- 
 Marthe's religious poems, and especially the man- 
 ner in which he treats this constantly recurring 
 expression, contain an emotional element which 
 did not derive from Calvin, but waS almost 
 certainly an echo of Marguerite of Navarre. She, 
 for her part, no doubt owed her view of the 
 " souverain bien " in the first instance to Calvin; 
 but, if for her, as for him, the greatest good 
 
 ' Inst, de la Relig. Chrit., Liv. I, ch. Ill, parag. 3 ; 
 Liv. Ill, ch. XXV, parag. 2. 
 
324 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 discussed by Plato could only be union with 
 God, resolved itself in short into God, her treat- 
 ment of the subject was as far as possible re- 
 moved from Calvin's taste. She writes to the 
 abbess of Fontevrault : 
 
 " Car il faut bien scavoir de quel lien 
 Deux cueurs en ung sont au souverain Bien 
 Parfaictement adjoinctz sans departir; " 
 
 — Demihres Poesies, p. 29. 
 
 and conceives of man as 
 
 "Uny au Tout et au souverain Bien 
 Pour estre fait aveques Jesus Rien. " 
 
 — Les Prisons, D. P., p. 296. 
 
 Sairite-Marthe echoes the phrase in the same 
 sense : 
 
 "Le bien mondain n'a de duration 
 Le bien de Dieu est bien incomparable. " 
 
 —P.P., p.m. 
 
 and again : 
 
 " La Mort ma apport^ de mes maulx delibvrance, 
 Et du bien eternel desir6 recouvrance. " 
 
 — P. F., p. 216. 
 
 Elsewhere, starting with Plato's dictum that 
 wisdom is the true good, he arrives at the Queen 
 of Navarre's conclusion : 
 
PLATONISM 325 
 
 "C'est done thresor infiny, que Saigesse, 
 C'est un thresor qui tousjours croist sans cesse, 
 Et vray thresor, de qui vray bien s'ensuit, 
 Car en tous lieux son possesseur il suit. 
 
 Mais en cecy convient adviser, comme 
 Saige quelcun par Saigesse Ion nomme ; 
 Car je n'entends celle la des humains, 
 Ausquelz la vray eschapp^e est des mains. 
 Saigesse dy de DIEU la cognoissance, 
 Laquelle fait de tout bien accroissance. 
 Qui tant bonne est, qu'en tout temps & tout lieu, 
 Elle maintient pour souverain Bien, DIEU. 
 Souverain Bien, car a jamais il dure. 
 Et ne permet qu'aulcun Mai on endure." ' 
 
 — P. F., p. 221. 
 
 But it is not merely for a single idea that 
 Sainte-Marthe shows himself debtor to the Queen 
 of Navarre. The similarity of spirit of the re- 
 ligious poems to that of many of the poems of 
 Marguerite is striking. Now it has been convinc- 
 
 ' There is secondary evidence that Sainte-Marthe had 
 read the Philebus. In the course of that dialogue 
 Socrates says: "For play is sometimes, Protarchus, 
 a remission from serious study" (xxx E). This was 
 probably the origin of Salnte-Marthe's " A I'imitation de 
 I'Archer qui son Arc desbende pour a meillieur exercice le 
 reserver, souloit communement Socrates de sa roidde 
 & severe Philosophie a jeux pueriles se descendre." 
 Epistre . . . A Madame la duchesse d' Estampes, P. F., 
 p. 3. 
 
326 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 ingly shown that the Queen of Navarre's atten- 
 tion was drawn to the Platonic doctrines of love 
 precisely in 1540, and that it was she who must 
 have been the center of a movement as abrupt 
 as it was marked.' If it was not until years 
 later that her pubHshed poems' revealed in some 
 measure to a larger public the queen's attitude 
 towards the deepest problems of hfe, this atti- 
 tude was probably made clear to her intimates 
 and adherents by the circulation in manuscript 
 of works composed about this time. La Cocke 
 belongs to the year 1540, and so in all hkelihood 
 do other characteristic poems, such as Le triomphe 
 de I'Agneau, the Chansons Spirituelles, and the 
 pieces comprised between pages 342 and 382 of 
 the Dernitres poesies,^ — and all these poems con- 
 
 ' A. Lefranc, Le Platonisme et la LitUrature, etc., loc. 
 cit. pp. 8-12; Marguerite de iSlavarre et le Platonisme de la 
 Renaissance, loc. cit.. Vol. LVIII.pp. 259-260 j Vol. LIX, 
 pp. 713-715. 
 
 ^ Les Marguerites de la Marguerite were published in 
 1547. Much of her most characteristic work, however, 
 was not published until our own day. Les Dernikres 
 Poesies de Marguerite de Navarre publi^es . . . par Abel 
 Lefranc, Paris, 1896. 
 
 ^ Such is M. Lefrano's opinion. Marguerite de Navarre 
 et U Platonisme de la Ren., loc. dt.. Vol. LIX, p. 716. 
 F. Frank, Marguerites de la Marguerite, Vol. I, p. xcj. 
 
PLATONISM 327 
 
 vey in greater or less degree Marguerite's view 
 of Platonism. Aspiration towards the divine 
 was the informing spirit of this as of her later 
 work. Love of the creature was to her but a 
 stage towards union with the divine; and she 
 looked back from this end to earthly love as 
 its means, whereas the poets who may be con- 
 sidered as her disciples, Des Periers, Heroet, 
 Sceve, Corrozet, dwelt rather upon the idealiza- 
 tion of earthly as the inspiration to heavenly 
 love.' And it was not only by the perusal of her 
 manuscript poems that these and other of Mar- 
 guerite's earliest proselytes to Platonic views 
 were convinced. It has been shown ^ that her 
 preferred instrument for the spread of her ideas 
 among the enlightened of her entourage was 
 personal commimication, and that it was in 
 
 had assigned 1532 as the date of Le Debat d' Amour, i.e., 
 La Cache. 
 
 ' For a discussion of Marguerite of Navarre's philos- 
 ophy and its diffusion, and of her relations with these 
 poets, cf. the two articles of Professor Lefranc cit. 
 supra, especially Marguerite de Navarre et le Platonisme 
 de la Ren., loc. cit.. Vols. LVIII, pp. 275 et seq. and LIX, 
 pp. 732 and 749 et seq., and Le Platonisme et la littirature, 
 etc., loc. cit., pp. 10-19 and 21-23. 
 
 ^ Cf. ibid. 
 
328 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 conversation with her that the new Platonic 
 doctrines were formulated and their influence 
 conveyed to an ever widening circle. In view 
 of what has been said, a comparison of Mar- 
 guerite's poems with those of Sainte-Marthe 
 published about the time of her conversion to 
 Platonism might be expected to show that the 
 latter came within the radius of this influence; 
 and such, whether or not he was at the moment 
 in direct communication with the queen whose 
 servant he had once been and was to be again, 
 is clearly the case. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe had already plainly come under 
 the influence of the poems published by the 
 queen some seven years earlier. These, the 
 Miroir de I'Ame Pecheresse; the Discord estant 
 en I'homme par la contrariety de I'Esprit et de la 
 Chair et paix par vie spirituelle; and the Oraison 
 h nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ^ already contained 
 
 ' They were published together in 1533 by Simon 
 du Bois at Alengon, and, the same year, by Augereau at 
 ■ Paris. These were the second and third editions of the 
 Miroir de I'Ame Pecheresse. F. Frank's admirable bibli- 
 ography {Marguerites de la Marguerite, Vol. I, pp. Ixxxvi- 
 xc) does not state whether the two other poems were in- 
 cluded with the Miroir in the first edition of 1531 : Le 
 Miroir de lame pecheresse, ouquel elle recognoist sesfaultes 
 
PLATONISM 329 
 
 indications of a mystic spirituality which has 
 certain aflBnities with the Neo-platonic ideal of 
 love, and which, in fact, remained always an in- 
 tegral part of the Queen of Navarre's expression 
 of it, as in references to Christ as the true lover, 
 to the beatitude of possessing Him, and to the 
 longing of the worshiper to be absorbed and 
 blinded by the light of the divinity.' Sainte- 
 Marthe took pains to express his admiration of 
 these among Marguerite's other works : "si, toute 
 contention sophistique mise h part, & depouill^es' 
 les malvaises affections qui pervertissent le juge- 
 ment de I'esprit, on vient k lire le Mirouer de 
 Vame pecheresse, le Triumphe de I'Aigneau, les 
 Comedies, les Odes, les Oraisons & aultres peuvres 
 par elle escripts en langue & poesie Frangoise, 
 je dy lire avec un jugement arrests, nous con- 
 viendrons ensemble qu'onc n'y en eut une des 
 
 et pechez, aussi ses graces et benefices a elle faitez p. Jesu- 
 christ son epoux. La Marguerite tres noble et precieuse 
 sest proposee a ceulx qui de bon cueur la cherchoient. A 
 Alenfon, ckez maistre Simon du bois MCXXXI. The 
 second edition is (presumably) a reprint of the first. Cf. 
 Margs. de la Marg., Vol. I, pp. 147 and 148. 
 
 ' Cf. Le Miroir de I'Ame Pecheresse. Margs. de la 
 Marg., Vol. I, pp. 48, 64, and 68, and Oraison h nostre 
 Seigneur Jesus Christ, ibid., p. 144. 
 
330 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 anciennes, tant soit elle estim^e par les doctes 
 hommes, qui merite d'estre compar^e avec elle." ' 
 Traces of the influence of these early poems upon 
 the Poesie Francoise are, as might be expected, 
 easy to find. The long religious epistle, A Dieu, 
 Confession de son infirmite & Invocation de sa 
 Grace, not only opens, like the Oraison h nostre 
 Seigneur, with an acknowledgment of predesti- 
 nation, and closes, like it, with a declaration of 
 faith, but shares with it common sentiments, such 
 as the suppHant's unworthiness even to speak of 
 God's greatness, his sins too many to be named, his 
 trust in the promises and fatherhood of God and 
 the Hke.^ The impress upon the same poem of the 
 Miroir de I'Ame Pecheresse is also evident, espe- 
 cially in an appeal to Christ as intercessor, where the 
 same exultant gratitude finds vent in similar ten- 
 syllabled flat rhymes.' Again, Sainte-Marthe's 
 impassioned prayer for Mademoiselle Beringue's 
 recovery catches not only the tone, but some of 
 the very tricks of the Miroir with its character- 
 istic invocations: "0 mon vray Dieu," "0 vray 
 
 ' Or. fun. . de M. de N., pp. 79 and 80. 
 2 Cf. Margs. de la Marg., Vol. I, pp. 133, 145, 135, 138, 
 140, and P. F., pp. 113, 119, 115, 116, and 118. 
 ' Margs. de la Marg., Vol. I, p. 50; P. F ., p. 118. 
 
PLATONISM 331 
 
 amant, de Charit6 la source," and "0 doux 
 Jesus vous ay Je retrouv^?".' "0 douk Sei- 
 gneur," "O vigilant & amoureux pasteur," "0 
 bon Jesus par qui Grace est infuse," are Sainte- 
 Marthe's echoes,^ the more noticeable that each, 
 as in the Miroir, stands at the beginning of a 
 line of similar meter. It was, however, the Dis- 
 cord estant en Vhomme par la Contrariety de 
 r Esprit & de la Chaire, a poem reflecting one of 
 those mediaeval ideas destined triumphantly to 
 survive the Renaissance, passionately reiter- 
 ated, in fact, in the face of it by precisely such 
 souls as Marguerite and her disciple, which, of 
 all Marguerite's early poems, most strongly in- 
 fluenced Sainte-Marthe. He wrote four poems 
 on the same subject, a prayer, A Dieu Du debat 
 de la Chair & de l' Esprit,^ and a sequence of three 
 dixains,^ the last of which is clearly imitated 
 from a passage in the Discord describing the long- 
 contiuued "bataille obstin^e" between body and 
 spirit terminated only by death : ^ 
 
 ' Margs. de la Marg., Vol. I, pp. 55, 64, 32. 
 2 P. P., pp. 183 and 184. ' Ibid., p. 49. 
 
 * Du fruit de la Mart, P. P., p. 42. 
 5 Cf. Margs. de la Marg., Vol. I, p. 70. And Cf. ibid., 
 Vol. I, p. 72, and P. P., p. 50. 
 
332 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 " Deux ennemys sont en une closture, 
 Se guerroyants en cruelle discords. 
 Voire & si faulte que ceste guerre dure 
 Jusques k ce, qu'un seul les deux accorde. 
 C'est dans le Corps I'Esprit, & la Chair orde, 
 Qui tousjours ont ensemble difference; 
 Et besoing est que la Mort s'y advance, 
 Qui les separe & termine leur guerre. 
 Mettant I'Esprit la hault par sa puissance, 
 La Chair cy bas, avec son Corps en terre." 
 
 — P. F., p. 43. 
 
 The first dixain of the sequence also very closely 
 approaches the Queen of Navarre's manner : 
 
 " La Mort n'est rien que separation 
 De deux conjoinctz, c'est du Corps & de I'Ame, 
 Par laquelle a I'Esprit fruition 
 De son Espoux, qu'il soubhaitte & tant ayme. 
 Le Corps s'en V£i pourrir dessoubz la lame, 
 Et fait I'Esprit vivre de luy disjoinct. 
 Lequel, estant paravant a luy. joinct, 
 Nestoit que serf, languissant en sa vie. 
 O doulce Mort, qui k Dieu nous conjoin ct, 
 De tous plaisirs rendant I'Ame assouvie.'' 
 
 — P. F., p. 42. 
 
 This image of the soul as the spouse of Christ, 
 kept in bondage to the body and longing to be 
 free so as to have perfect fruition of Him, is 
 one in which Marguerite delighted even in the 
 
PLATONISM 333 
 
 earlier poems/ and whose recurrence points to 
 the later direction of her mind. Sainte-Marthe's 
 concluding lines, with their overstrained unction, 
 have, indeed, almost more affinity with her 
 habitual expression than with his own. The 
 mediseval conception of the strife of soul and 
 body expressed in these poems is far from un- 
 common in Marguerite's verse. In one of her 
 Chansons Spirituelles, many of them, it is fair 
 to conjecture, composed and current in the 
 course of 1540, and, in that case, assuredly 
 known to Sainte-Marthe, Marguerite casts it into 
 the form of a dialogue between the poet and 
 her tempted soul. Certain similarities, and 
 especially its spirited beginning: 
 
 "Ame tu n'es au chemin 
 Ny en la voye 
 De vraye felicite 
 Dieu t'y convoye, " * 
 
 seem to point to it as the inspiration of Sainte- 
 Marthe's long Elegie de I'Ame parlante au Corps 
 & monstrante le profit de la Mart, whose fine 
 
 ' Cf., for example, Miroir, Margs. de la Marg., Vol. I, 
 pp. 21, 50, 64, 93. 
 
 ' Margs. de la Marg., Vol. Ill, p. 141. 
 
334 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 opening is not often matched in Sainte-Marthe's 
 
 productions : 
 
 " Regarde moy, ton Ame, 6 mon Corps corruptible, 
 Regarde, que je suis du tout incorruptible ; 
 Et contemple sur moy, d'interieur remort, 
 L'effect, I'esgard, I'effort, & pouvoir de la Mort." 
 
 — P. F., p. 241. 
 
 Inspiration and suggestion Sainte-Marthe doubt- 
 less owed to Marguerite's Chanson, but for the 
 original model we must look elsewhere, for the 
 Queen of Navarre merely pointed the way to 
 that famous mediaeval Debat du corps et de 
 I'dme, whose composition dates back at least to 
 the early twelfth century, and the endurance of 
 whose popularity was proved by its publication 
 in the early sixteenth. Noteworthy resemblances 
 between Sainte-Marthe's other productions and 
 religious poems of Marguerite's of uncertain date 
 are not lacking. Both authors, for instance, 
 dwell upon the importance of the Scriptures, 
 "la pierre de touche"'' to the one, to the other 
 "pain incorruptible;"^ both write at length of 
 justification by faith ; ^ and, while there is nothing 
 
 ' Les Prisons, Dernikres Poisies, p. 227. 
 " Elegie du way bien & nourriture de I'ame, P. F., p. 213. 
 ' Cf., for example, A Dieu Confession de son infirmite, 
 etc., P. F., p. 113. 
 
PLATONISM 335 
 
 singular in the fact that their thoughts should 
 fall together on such subjects, it is a coinci- 
 dence that both should express such views in 
 verse and often in similar terms. Passages in 
 the Oraison de I'Ame Fidele '■ find their counter- 
 parts in Sainte-Marthe's poems. The Oraison 
 sets forth the doctrine of grace more than once 
 in somewhat the same terms as Sainte-Marthe,^ 
 and the invocation with which Sainte-Marthe 
 opens his volume : 
 
 "O Eternel, qui donnes bon esprit, 
 Haultain scavoir, cognoissance & momoire, " 
 — A Dieu, Pour invocation, P. F., p. 7. 
 
 recalls the Oraison' s 
 
 " O Eternel, en qui mon Tout je croy 
 ***** 
 Toute bont6, sapience & puissance. " 
 
 — Margs. de la Marg., p. 98. 
 
 Even when Sainte-Marthe does not borrow the 
 very words of the Queen of Navarre, he frequently 
 catches the turn of her phrase, the tone of her 
 
 ' The date of its composition is uncertain. It was 
 not published with the Miroir de I'Ame Pecheresse in 
 1531 or 1533. It appeared in the Marguerites de la 
 Marguerite of 1547. 
 
 ^ Cf. Oraison de I'Ame Fidele. Margs. de la Marg., 
 Vol. I, pp. 113, 116; and P. F., p. 109. 
 
336 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 thought. The description of the Almighty in a 
 " Ballade double," beginning, 
 
 " Le roy des Roys & Trinity celique, 
 Essence simple & d'un assentement," 
 
 — P. F., p. 110.' 
 
 has precisely the mystical complexion that 
 Marguerite conveys into her early poems; and 
 in an Apostrophe to Truth the closely linked 
 exclamations and images are entirely in the 
 queen's early manner: 
 
 " I'heureux don S, qui la pent avoir, 
 rheureux bien, k qui la peut scavoir, 
 O le thresor grand & inestimable, 
 Richesse seure k jamais perdurable, 
 C'est la conduite aux perilleux destrois, 
 C'est le pillier^^ supporter ses croiz, 
 C'est I'esguillon a toute tolerance, 
 Et I'entretien de fidele Esperance. " 
 
 — P. F., p. 131. 
 
 It is not surprising, then, that a disciple who 
 had shown himself impressionable to the influ- 
 ence of the already published works of the Queen 
 of Navarre and in whose eyes she was "souvraine- 
 
 ' Balade double, contenant la promesse de Christ, sa 
 Nativite, Passion, Ressurrection & precieux sacrement 
 de son Corps, icy a nous delaiss4 pour gaige de Salut, P.P., 
 p. 110. 
 
PLATONISM 337 
 
 ment perfecte en Poesie, docte en Philosophic, 
 consumm^e en I'Escripture Saincte, voire jusques 
 a en rendre les plus sgavants fort 6merveill&" ^ 
 should catch at her new Platonic turn of thought, 
 aired just at the time that he was preparing to 
 publish his poems, and should take pains to ex- 
 press it. The question is not merely one of such 
 similarities between Marguerite's later poems and 
 Sainte-Marthe's Poesie Francoise as their mutual 
 scorn of absence as affecting love,^ their respec- 
 tive descriptions of " I'amour honnete," ^ or of the 
 higher, more ideal love.^ 
 
 Nor is it a matter of the fall of Sainte-Marthe's 
 verse, which at times curiously echoes that of 
 Marguerite. The reader familiar with the 
 Chansons Spiritudles, for example, may well 
 recall the lines, 
 
 "Mais quand j'ay JESUS receu, 
 Par Foy conceu, 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 78. 
 
 ^ Marguerite, La distinction du may Amour, D. P., p. 
 309; Sainte-Marthe, A Mademoiselle Beringue De leur 
 honneste & irreprehensible Amour, P. F.,p. 145. 
 
 2 Marguerite, Prisons, D. P. p. 156 ; Sainte-Marthe, 
 loc. cit. 
 
 ' Marguerite, Le Navire, D. P., p. 390 et seq. Sainte- 
 Marthe, A la dame . . . de M. P. Tolet, etc., P. F., p. 174. 
 
338 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Me suis du malheur non sceu 
 Bien apperceu, " 
 
 — Margs. de la Marg., Vol. Ill, p. 111. 
 
 when he reads Sainte-Marthe : 
 
 "... par la Foy, Jesus nous renouvelle, 
 Par la Foy fait, 
 
 Que nostre Esprit, se nourrit & reffect, 
 Que le lyen de pech6 est deffaict 
 C'est le vray bien, & le seul bien perfaict, 
 Qii'il fault avoir. " 
 
 — Elegie, cit. supra, P. F., p. 214. 
 
 Again, when Sainte-Marthe writes, 
 
 "Chass^ de Thomme, avec DIEU suis receu, 
 Qui m'a est6 tousjours au lieu de Pere, 
 De Mere, Sceur & charitable Frere, " 
 
 — P. P., p. 210. 
 
 it is natural to suppose him familiar with an- 
 other of the Chansons Spirituelles, certain, with 
 their seductive singing rhymes, to pass from 
 mouth to mouth as soon as composed : 
 
 " Je n'&y plus ny Pere ny Mere 
 Ny Seur, ny Prere 
 Sinon Dieu seul, auquel j'espere. " 
 
 — Margs. de la Marg., Vol. Ill, p. 120. 
 
 Not in such verbal similarities, however, nor 
 even in the employment of the same general 
 
PLATONISM 339 
 
 themes, is Sainte-Marthe's discipleship of the 
 Queen of Navarre most evident. He treads in 
 her steps above all in his treatment of one par- 
 ticular idea. The conception of union with God 
 as the highest good led naturally to that of the 
 soul as the spouse of God, of God or Truth or 
 Christ as the lover of the soul. This idea, al- 
 ready, as we have seen, present in her earlier 
 poems, recurs again and again in the works of 
 the Queen of Navarre,' especially in the Chansons 
 Spirituelles and in the mystical ecstasies of the 
 shepherdess of the Comedie jouee au Mont de 
 Marsan? Characteristic of the genius of the 
 Queen of Navarre, it was adopted with enthusi- 
 asm by her disciple, and forms the basis of his 
 highest and most sustained poetical effort. He 
 touched upon it, indeed, in his dixain Du fruict 
 de la Mort, but it is in his Philalethe that its 
 possibilities are most thoroughly exploited. The 
 
 ' Cf. Margs. de la Marg., Vol. Ill, pp, 94, 96, 118, 144, 
 152; Comedie jouie au Mont de Marsan, D. P., p. 88; 
 Prisons, ibid., p. 216 ; La distinction du way Amour, 
 ibid., p. 305; Chansons Spirituelles, ibid., p. 325. 
 
 ' Comedie jouie au Mont de Marsan, le jour de Caresme 
 Prenant mil cinq cens quarante sept, A quattre personnages, 
 c'est assavoir la Mondainne, la Super stitieuse, la Sage et 
 la Raine de I' Amour de Dieu, Bergere. D. P., pp. 66-118. 
 
340 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 title of this poem is explanatory ; Le Phildlethe, 
 c'est adire, Amy de verite, blasonne son Amye} 
 Such a comparison of love of the creature with 
 love of Truth so well echoes the spirit of the Queen 
 of Navarre that it seems, as it were, to forestall 
 the songs of the Berg^re though bereft of their 
 fire and imagination. Indeed, without a knowl- 
 edge of dates, the reader might suppose it an 
 imitation of those effusions. Since this cannot be 
 the case, the probabilities are that Sainte-Marthe 
 caught at Marguerite's ideas through hearsay 
 and a perusal of such of the Chansons SpintueUes 
 as may have been written and current during the 
 year, and interpreted them in a maimer which, — 
 it is perhaps not too rash to surmise, — the queen 
 herself remembered when creating the character 
 of her Berghe. The words with which Sainte- 
 Marthe's poem opens might easily have been 
 written by Marguerite : 
 
 "0 Amoureux, bien ya difference 
 Si comparez vostre Amye h, la mienne. " 
 
 The whole poem consists of a series of contrasts 
 between the object of ordinary love and the love 
 whom the poet courts : 
 
 ' P. F., p. 40. 
 
PLATONISM 341 
 
 " La vostre est belle en beault^ non durable, 
 Et tousjours k besoing d'adjoustement. 
 La mienne est belle en beault^ perdurable, 
 Sans aucun Sy, perfaicte entierement." 
 
 "The Queen of Navarre's Bergk-e, too, contrasts 
 her satisfaction in her perfect lover with the 
 usual pains of love, compares his faithfulness to 
 love's unfaith : 
 
 "Amour m'a faict de desplaisir mainte heure, 
 Mais le parfaict, qui dans mon cueur demeure, 
 M'a satisfaict & gard6 que ne meure. " 
 
 — D.P., p. 94. 
 
 " Vous qui estes ignorantes 
 Que c'est que [la] ferme foy: 
 O combien seriez contantes 
 Sy vous le s[c]av[i]ez comme moy ! " 
 
 — Ibid., p. 101. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe thus, in his turn, exalts the faith- 
 fulness of his love : 
 
 "De vostre Amye avez suspition, 
 Qu'aymant aultruy quelque jour ne vous laisse. 
 La mienne n'a de variation, 
 Et nay point poeur que son amour rabbaisse. " 
 
 — P.F., p. 41. 
 
 In the course of this poem Sainte-Marthe re- 
 turns to an idea which he had already expressed 
 
342 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 in his lines to Tolet's mistress,^ an idea which, 
 while not actually present in the Queen of 
 Navarre's poems, savors of the sort of Platon- 
 ism, or rather Neo-platonism, which inspired her : 
 
 "Or plus, n'en peut vostre Amye aymer qu'un, 
 Ou aultrement elle sera blasm^e, 
 Mais la mienne a vers tous Amour commun, 
 Et plus Vierge est, quand plus elle est aym6e." 
 — P. F., pp. 41-42. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe differs from Marguerite in giving, 
 in his concluding stanza, the answer to his 
 riddle, an answer which the Bergbre, creation of 
 a greater poet, no more than hints at. The fable 
 is clearly explained : 
 
 "Mamye est dicte en son nom Verity, 
 Celle qu 'aymer de bon cueur je soubhaitte : 
 Celle que veulx servir en purity, 
 Et pour qui prens tiltre de Philalethe. " 
 
 — Ihid., p. 42. 
 
 Here is none of the mystery and exultation of 
 the Bergere's utterances, still less any touch of 
 their perverse charm, as of a secret always on the 
 point of revelation yet never escaping the lips. 
 Nor does Sainte-Marthe any more nearly ap- 
 
 ' Cf. supra, p. 320. 
 
PLATONISM 343 
 
 proach the poetic mastery shown in other songs 
 
 of the Queen of Navarre, such as those beginning : 
 
 "O Bergere, ma mye, 
 Je ne vis que d'amours ; '' 
 
 — D. P., p. 323. 
 or, 
 
 "Helas, je languis d'Amours 
 Pour Jesuchrist mon espoux. " 
 — Margs. de la Marg., Vol. Ill, p. 152. 
 
 He echoed, it is true, his mistress' phrases, but 
 he missed her soaring conceptions as a Platonist 
 no less than the passion and fire of imagination 
 which made her a poet. On the other hand, he 
 imitates con amore Marguerite's painful pro- 
 lixity. It is almost as much in this respect 
 as in general tone that his poem, A Madamoiselle 
 Beringue De leur honneste & irreprehensible 
 Amour, ^ resembles that of "Le quatrieme gentil- 
 homme" in Les qvMre dames et les quatre gentilz- 
 hommes? Sainte-Marthe interpreted the Queen's 
 ideas as he understood and assimilated them in- 
 deed, but his imitations are, as a fact, those of 
 an inferior mind. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's debts to Marguerite were 
 
 ' P. F., p. 145 et seq. 
 
 ' Margs. de la Marg., Vol. IV, p. 83 et seq. 
 
344 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 manifold, but in one or two instances it appears 
 that the obUgation may have been the other 
 way. This may even be the case with the 
 poem of Les quatre dames et les quatre gentilz- 
 hammes. By the time that the Queen of Navarre 
 published it iu the Marguerites de la Marguerite, 
 Sainte-Marthe's Poesie Francoise had been issued 
 seven years; and although, even at that date, 
 Sainte-Marthe was probably not in his later close 
 personal touch with her, her interest in him and 
 his work may be assumed, especially if we beheve 
 Sainte-Marthe's own version regarding the feel- 
 ing of 
 
 "Ce Cueur royale qui m'avoit annobM 
 De sa faveur : en tenant un grand compte 
 De mes escripts : que moimesmes sans honte 
 Ne pouvois lire, & louant mon esprit, 
 Autant rustic, qu'est lourdant mon escript." 
 — Dedication A Treshaultes et tresillusres Princesses . . . 
 Marguerite de France . . . & Jheanne, Princesse 
 de Navarre . . . Or. fun. de . . . M. de N., ed. 
 1550, fol. Aij r°- 
 
 It is not surprising, then, to come upon what look 
 like more positive, though insignificant debts of 
 the royal author to her admiring follower. The 
 Prisons offers at least one reminder of the spirit 
 
PLATONISM 345 
 
 of a passage in Sainte-Marthe's address to his 
 
 love, De lew honneste & irreprehensible Amour, 
 
 thus describing that prison which is vaguely 
 
 either her heart or his desire : 
 
 " Mais la prison, 6 prison tresheureuse, 
 Prison qui n'est dure, n6 tenebreuse, 
 Prison qui a captive Libert 6, 
 Prison qui a Libre captivity, 
 Prison (qui est une grande merveille) 
 Ou moins je veulx, fault que plus fort je vueille." 
 — P.F.,p.U&etseq. 
 
 Marguerite gives vent to similar feelings about 
 a prison of the same nature : 
 
 " Je vous confesse, Amye tant aym^e, 
 Que j'ay longtemps quasi desestim^e, 
 La grand doulceur d'heureuse liberty 
 Pour la prison oii par vous j 'ay est6, " etc. 
 
 ^ :{; :(: :!: :)c 
 
 "Et si taisoys ce que je vouloys dire, 
 En desirant alonger mon martyre. 
 Martyre, quoy ! mais mon tres grand plaisir ; 
 ***** 
 
 Brief, qui eust veu le grand contantement 
 
 Que je prenoys en ce cruel tourment 
 
 Et d'estre ainsy rudement enchayn^, 
 
 II eut jug6 mon sens aliene," etc. 
 
 — D. P., p. 121 et seq. and pp. 123 and 124 et seg.' 
 
 ' Cf. Ariosto, Sonnet no. x, " Awenturoso carcere 
 soave." 
 
346 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Again, Sainte-Marthe's invocation to Christ as 
 Esculapius, already quoted/ may have suggested 
 Marguerite's much later prayer for her brother : 
 
 "0 Grand Medecin tout puissant 
 Redonnez luy sant^ parfaite. " ^ 
 
 These, however, are but trivial borrowings. The 
 stream ran in fact the other way, and we are 
 safe in concluding that Sainte-Marthe's muse 
 owed much to the inspiration of his patroness. 
 It has been pointed out that personal inter- 
 course between the Queen of Navarre and 
 Sainte-Marthe during the latter's sojourn in 
 Lyons — i.e. in the year which turned her 
 thoughts towards Platonism — is entirely prob- 
 lematic. There are no indications of Mar- 
 guerite's presence in the southern capital, 
 though she may conceivably have made it one 
 of her frequent visits at the time her former 
 proteg6 was there. It would have been an 
 easy matter, however, for Sainte-Marthe to 
 become informed as to the new orientation of 
 
 ' Cf. p. 289 et seq. 
 
 ' Pensees de la Royne de Navarre estant dans sa litikre, 
 durant la maladie du Roy, etc. Margs. de la Marg., Vol. 
 in, p. 87. 
 
PLATONISM 347 
 
 the Queen's ideas. Three of the ablest supporters 
 of her Platonic propaganda were at Lyons at 
 the time of his arrival there. Des Periers, 
 who had been disgraced by the queen, was in 
 favor again for the moment, but if my con- 
 jecture is correct, Sainte-Marthe's reference to 
 him with scant sympathy after death ' argues no 
 tie of friendship between them in hfe. With 
 Dolet and Sceve, however, Sainte-Marthe was on 
 terms of intimacy and could not, therefore, fail 
 to hear discussion of Marguerite's new preoccu- 
 pation, and of its effect upon these men of 
 letters.^ Dolet had not yet, indeed, in the 
 midst of danger and secrecy, "turned over his 
 treasures"^ and conceived the idea of translat- 
 ing, besides the Axiochus and Hipparchus, which 
 were to be his death warrant, the whole of 
 Plato's works ; * but there must have been talk 
 
 ' Cf. p. 179. ' Cf. p. 327 et seq. 
 
 ' Cf. Letter of Dolet to Francis I., prefixed to the 
 Axiochus and Hipparchus in the Second Enfer d'Estienne 
 Dolet, etc. (1544), cit. Copley Christie, op. cit., pp. 445, 
 456, 549, 550. 
 
 ^ " . . . to show you that I have commenced and 
 made good progress in the translation of the whole of 
 the works of Plato. So that either in your kingdom 
 or elsewhere (since without cause I have been driven 
 
348 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 of Des Periers' translation of the Lysis,^ as- 
 suredly by this time in mind if not in hand ; 
 and some of Sceve's four hundred and fifty- 
 eight dixains, so expressive of Platonism, must — 
 it is safe to conclude — have begun to circulate 
 among his friends even four years before their 
 publication.^ 
 
 Of the four Platonists gathered in Lyons, 
 Sc^ve and Sainte-Marthe had most in common. 
 Dolet's inclination towards the new doctrine 
 was that of an erudite man of letters, interested 
 in philosophy as such; the contribution of Des 
 Periers, poet, conteur, man of genius, to the 
 
 from France) I promise you with the help of God that 
 I will give you within a year the whole of Plato translated 
 into your own language. " Ibid., p. 445. 
 
 ' Published after his death in the Recueil des CEuvres 
 de feu Bonaventwre des Periers, Lyons, 1544. M. 
 Lefrano opines that it was finished not later than 1541, 
 Le Platonisme et la litterature en France, loc. cit., p. 11. 
 And cf. La Ferrifere-Percy, op. cit., pp. 40-46, for Des 
 Periers' presence at Lyons and situation aire. 1541. La 
 Ferrifere-Percy erroneously represents Sainte-Marthe also 
 as at Lyons in September, 1541. Ibid., pp. 40 and 41. 
 
 2 Delie. Object de plus haulte Vertu, Lyons, 1544. 
 Scfeve's biographer, M. Albert Baur, asserts that he had 
 been engaged in their composition since writing his 
 Blasons (1534) and that from that time on they circulated 
 among his friends. Maurice Sckve, p. 75. 
 
PLATONISM 349 
 
 Platonistic movement was to consist only of 
 the prose translation of the Lyds and its sub- 
 limated epilogue in verse, the Queste d'AmytU,^ 
 addressed to the Queen of Navarre, before " Mort 
 implacable, implacable Mort, I'a surpris au cours 
 de sa bonne intention,"^ to quote the disingenu- 
 ous account of Du Moulin. His other poems, 
 with one possible exception,' show no traces of 
 Platonic feeling. But Sceve and Sainte-Marthe, 
 influenced, like the others; by the Queen of 
 Navarre, were both bitten with Petrarchism as 
 well as Neo-platonism, and a comparison of their 
 productions has an interest of its own in show- 
 ing their few similarities and their astonishing 
 divergence.^ Both complain of the loss of liberty 
 through love and find their servitude sweet;' 
 
 ' Le Discours de la Queste d'Amytie diet Lysis de 
 Platon envoys h la Royne de Navarre, (Euvres Frangoises, 
 Vol. I, pp. 7-46 and 46-56. 
 
 ' Dedication of the editor Du Moulin to the Queen of 
 Navarre. Ibid., p. 3. 
 
 ' There is a trace of it in the Response to the Chanson. 
 A Claude Bectone, Daulphinoise, included with Des 
 Periers' poems, ibid.. Vol. II, p. 164. 
 
 • P. F., pp. 17, 54, 78, 93, 99. Scfeve, Delie, Dixains 
 iii, vi, ccxii. 
 
 ' Scfeve, Dixains ccxvii, clxi, ccl, ccciv. Cf. also Dixain 
 xlvi. 
 
350 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's "Vie en Mort" is matched by 
 Serve's reference to "Vie morte" or to "celle en 
 qui mourant je vis," ' and Sceve's mistress no less 
 than Sainte-Marthe's could turn his light to dark- 
 ness. He says so in almost the same words as 
 Sainte-Marthe, "Elle m'abysme en profondes 
 tenebres, " ^ and he returns to the idea no less 
 than three times. If Sainte-Marthe finds his ill 
 both sweet and bitter, Sc§ve does no less,' and 
 the dixain which contains this sentiment also 
 expresses another, elsewhere repeated, that he 
 wishes and yet dares not, like Sainte-Marthe be- 
 fore him, 
 
 " Je le vouluz, an ne I'osay vouloir ; '' 
 
 and again : 
 
 " Je veulx soubdain & plus, soubdain je n'ose," 
 
 — Dixain cxciii. 
 
 " Je veulx, voulant, rien faire je ne puis, 
 Et ne pouvant, tousjours j'essaye," 
 
 — P. F., p. 191. 
 
 ' Cf. p. 292; Sc^ve, Dixains cxxvi and vii. Cf. also 
 Dixain cxxvi. 
 
 ' Cf. p. 284 ; Scfeve, Dixain vii. And cf. Dixains 
 xxiv, li, and ccclxiv. 
 
 ' Cf. p. 287; Scfeve, Dixain Ixxvii. 
 
PLATONISM 351 
 
 says Sainte-Marthe. However, if Sceve, like his 
 friend, languishes in the prison of love, 
 
 "Ensepvely en solitaire horreur," 
 it is not his fate which so dooms him but, 
 
 " la durte de ton ingrate erreur."' 
 
 Sc^ve, Uke Sainte-Marthe, is powerfully affected 
 by his mistress' laugh: in one poem it gives 
 him hope of life, whilst in another he finds him- 
 self dying of it and other charms.^ The common 
 themes of the arrows of love, eyes that shoot 
 and wound, the glove, the mistress rejoicing in 
 her lover's torments, chastity and beauty,^ and 
 the less common one of the victory of love over 
 age,^ which we have already met with in the 
 
 ^ Cf. pp. 275 and 345; Scfeve, Dixain Ixxxviii. 
 
 ' Cf. supra, pp. 65 and 234; Scfeve, Dixains cv and 
 ccxxxviii. 
 
 ^ Cf. pp. 235, 275, 288, and 293; Scfeve, Dixains v, vl, 
 cxix and ccvii ; ccviii, clxxviii, cclxxxii; occviii. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe, Pourquoy Ion painct Cupido en En- 
 fance, P. F., p. 71. C/. pp. 293 and 535. Scbve, Dixain 
 cccxcviii. It should be noted, however, that Sainte- 
 Marthe represents love as growing with age, Scfeve only 
 describes himself as not escaping love through age : 
 
 " Et en Automne, Amour, ce Dieu volage 
 Quand me voulois de la raison armer 
 A prevalu centre sens, & contre aage. " 
 
352 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Poesie Francoise, are also present in the Delie. 
 Each poet is also confident that slander can 
 make no impression on his mistress, and here 
 Sceve has decidedly the advantage in expression : 
 
 "Retirez vous Envie & Imposture, 
 Soit que le temps le vous souffre, ou le nye, 
 Et ne cherchez en elle nourriture 
 Car sa foy est venin a Calumnie. " 
 
 — Dixain ccxxi. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's confession of faith is undeni- 
 ably commonplace: 
 
 " II te fauldra premier la divertir 
 D'une Bont6 en la quelle elle est n6e. 
 Et si tu peux (alors) la pervertir, 
 Cry hardlment la bataille gaign6e." 
 — A un, qui taschoit d'aliener s'Amye de luy, & la tirer 
 
 h soy, P. P., p. 29. 
 
 Both poets are especially close m maimer when, 
 dealing with ideal love, they declare their souls 
 captivated by the virtue of the beloved,' repre- 
 sent love as rising superior to absence, or spurn 
 mere desire.^ 
 
 1 Cf. pp. 65 and 289. Scfeve : 
 
 " Sa vertu veult estre aym6e & servie, 
 Et sainctement & comma elle merite, 
 Se captivant I'Ame toute asservie." 
 
 • — Dixain ccclxiii. 
 ' Cf. pp. 65 and 317; Scfeve, Dixains cl and eiii, cl and 
 cliii. 
 
PLATONISM 353 
 
 Their likenesses, however, are actually no more' 
 striking than the dissimilarities between the two 
 poets. Sceve, owing perhaps to four years 
 advantage in which to polish his dixains and 
 drink in further Itahan influences, is by far the 
 more accomplished Petrarchist, as, by native 
 gifts, he is the better poet. Not only is Marot's 
 influence, so evident in Sainte-Marthe's Poesie 
 Francoise, absent from his work (he shows only 
 slightest trace of it),^ but the Itahan models of 
 the two were, in fact, different. Sainte-Marthe, 
 influenced by the Petrarchistic movement in gen- 
 eral, kept close to the spirit of Petrarch and the 
 school of Bembo, while Sc^ve went almost ex- 
 clusively to the writers of strambotti, extremists 
 in Petrarchistic conceits. If he wrote in dixains 
 instead of sonnets, it was, as has been pointed 
 out by an authority in these matters, in imita- 
 tion of his chief model, Seraphino, and his school.^ 
 He connected these dixains into a sequence in 
 
 ' " Ce doulx nenny, qui flamboyant de honte, 
 Me promit plus qu'onc n'osay esperer." 
 
 — Dixain cxlii. 
 ^ Vianey, L' influence Italienne chez les Pricurseurs 
 de la PUiade, p. 108. Re Scfeve's Italian models, c/. 
 ibid., pp. 107-147. 
 2a 
 
354 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 the Italian style, and was the first French poet to 
 do this. Nor was he content, like Sainte-Marthe, 
 to borrow a few ItaUan conceits. His Delie 
 contains nearly all those current among the 
 Italian Petrarchists. In his poems we come 
 upon the conceits of the mirror,^ the unblinded 
 eye of the eagle,^ the marble of ingratitude,^ the 
 wounded stag,^ rivers of tears,^ frozen hearts," 
 eyes with the influence of stars, ^ or the dazzling 
 power of the sun,* Hydra,' Phcsnix," rose and 
 thorn," immunity from death the body lacking 
 its heart,^^ eyebrows which are Cupid's bow," 
 fire and cold," — nor does this exhaust the list 
 of common conceits used by Sceve. Their ab- 
 sence from Sainte-Marthe's poems is no less 
 singular than, on the other hand, in his character 
 as Marot's disciple, is his neglect of the "blason," 
 the " device," or even of the " vers equivoque." 
 
 ' Dixain ccxl. ^ Dixain cii. ' Dixain cxxxiv. 
 
 * Dixain ccclxii. ' Dixains cii and cccxlx. 
 
 « Diaain ccxvii. ' Dixaira ccliii. 
 
 ' Dixains cxiv, cxxiv and cxovi. ' Dixain cxcvii. 
 "* Dixain cclxxxviii. " Dixain cclxi. 
 
 " Dixains clxiii and Ixxxi. In the latter case even 
 a thunderbolt produces no effect. 
 
 " Dixain cxlix. " Dixain cxvii et passim. 
 
PLATONISM 355 
 
 It were pleasant to suppose both omissions due 
 to a niceness of taste. 
 
 Little remains to be said of the Poesie Fran- 
 coise. Imitation of Marot, with excellent effect, 
 in epigram; imitation, within limits, of the 
 Italian Petrarchists ; rather weak attempts at 
 Platonism, under the influence of the Queen of 
 Navarre, — these constitute its claims to at- 
 tention. Its author has not the lucidity nor the 
 engaging charm of Marot, the verve of Saint- 
 Gelais, the feeling for nature and breadth of 
 view of Salel; still less the reach and passion 
 of the Queen of Navarre, or the tenderness and 
 subtlety of Heroet. He lacks even the dexterity 
 of his friend Sceve. 
 
 This is plain also in at least two of the three 
 dixains by Sainte-Marthe which were published 
 three years after the Poesie Francoise, with 
 PapUlon's Nouvel Amour in Leonique's Pour- 
 quoy d' Amours} One, De folle Amour, a warning 
 against the dangers of love, in the common- 
 place tone of Eustorg de Beaulieu, concludes 
 with unexpected grace: 
 
 " Car k la fin soubz jeu de repentance 
 Voyez amour distiller eau de larmes." 
 
 ' Cf. pp. 196 and 614. 
 
356 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 The other appears to be an attempt to emulate 
 Sclve's as yet unpublished dixains on their own 
 ground.' The third, Autre dixain de Cupido, has, 
 however, an engaging air of originality. Its con- 
 ceit is not a common one, but it were rash to 
 suppose that search would not reveal an Italian 
 original : 
 
 "Cupido sgait enter jusques au bout, 
 Et se delecte en faict de jardinage, 
 Et, qui plus est, son ente prend son tout 
 Done, & produit divers fruictz & sauvage. 
 Tou jours travaille & poursuyt son hommage, 
 Sur tous vergees, il obtient la regence. 
 II n'est jamais nott6 de negligence 
 Ne laschet^, au moins qu'on ne cognoisse. 
 II est expert & plein de diligence, 
 Mais en tout arbre ente poirier d'angoisse. " 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's verse is, in general, character- 
 ized by an entire lack of poetic feeling. It may 
 be argued that the test of what modem criticism 
 calls "poetic feeling" is too narrow a one to 
 apply to all forms of verse, and that a genre mid- 
 way between prose and poetry is a conspicuous 
 possession of French literature. But of such 
 a genre the critic has a right to exact other 
 
 ' Cf. for both poems, p. 544 et seq. 
 
PLATONISM 357 
 
 qualities, if not those of poetic feeling or imagi- 
 nation. Brilliance, wit, terseness, clarity, "du 
 bon sens et de I'art," should be there to delight 
 the reader; and these qualities Sainte-Marthe's 
 verse as a whole does not possess. It may 
 almost be said that he could not be expected to 
 possess them at a moment when it was Latin 
 verse chiefly which seemed worth the care of 
 polishing. Yet Marot had possessed them and 
 had brought his own particular vein to perfection. 
 In a narrow field, Sainte-Marthe also evidences 
 some measure of these gifts, when, that is, he 
 confines himself to imitation of Marot. It 
 is when he turns into new paths that he loses 
 ground and becomes involved and prolix. He 
 was in fact incapable of applying new technique 
 to the new themes that absorbed his attention; 
 and his epigrams remain his best produc- 
 tion. Conscious art, which shaped these epi- 
 grams, is generally absent from the other content 
 of the Poesie Francoise. There are, of course, 
 certain exceptions to this. Sainte-Marthe's most 
 ambitious poem, the Elegie du Tempe de France, 
 has passages of undoubted charm, and a certainty 
 of touch which argues it his most carefully 
 
368 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 finished production;^ but much of its charm is 
 that of ^lian, of Marot, perhaps of Salel; the 
 Philalethe, perhaps Sainte-Marthe's best poem, 
 with its well-sustained contrasts, is direct, grace- 
 ful, and even musical ; and there is elsewhere at 
 least one example of telling simplicity inspired 
 by real feeling: 
 
 " Vous n'estes point n6 Royne ni Princesse, 
 Et ne tenez cent mil'escus de rente, 
 Mais vostre tendre & premiere jeunesse 
 Et grand doulceur, joincte k rare simplesse. 
 Plus que tons biens du Monde me contente." 
 
 — P.i^.,p.56. 
 
 Occasionally, too, the volume offers instances of 
 vivacious expression and telHng cadence. The 
 two best examples were inspired, one by patri- 
 otic zeal, one by feeling for the king. Sainte- 
 Marthe speaks of the ill repute of France for 
 brawls and calumny : 
 
 "Vela,, Francoys, Francois, ve\k I'injure 
 Que Ion nous fait. Fault il que la nature 
 D'une tant belle et noble Nation, 
 Soit corrumpue en altercation ? " 
 
 — P. F., p. 182. 
 
 ' Colletet even calls it " I'ouvrage le plus riche et le 
 plus florissant de son sifecle." Vies des poetes frangaise, 
 fol. 447 r°. 
 
PLATONISM 359 
 
 Again, he addresses Francis with devoted loyalty : 
 
 Au Roy treschrestien. 
 " Je n'ay qu'un DIEU & un Roy en ce Monde, 
 Et k ces deux veulx faire obeissance. 
 CHRIST, le premier, est men DIEU, sur qui fonde 
 Par ferme Foy, ma totale Esperance. 
 Men Roy tu es, treschrestien Roy de France, 
 Franc Roy Francoys, refuge de Minerve. 
 Le debvoir veult que Tun et I'aultre serve, 
 De quoy au Cueur j'ay tresfervente envie, 
 A CHRIST mon DIEU, mon Ame je reserve 
 A toy mon Roy, j'abandonne ma vie. " 
 
 — P F., p. 8. 
 
 There are few such spirited passages, however; 
 and it must be admitted that the poetry of 
 Sainte-Marthe deserves a niche in French liter- 
 ature scarcely at all for its actual merits, but 
 only as, in some measure, an instrument which 
 transmitted to posterity tendencies of later 
 fruitfulness. It is a relief to turn to the prose 
 which gives him a right to an individual place 
 there. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 
 
 "Les Anciens," thus Sainte-Marthe begins 
 his Funeral Oration on the Queen of Navarre, 
 "les Anciens fort bien et sagement feirent, 6 
 Alengonnois, quand ils instituerent que ceuls qui 
 auroient illustr^ leur nom par la gloire de leurs 
 vaillances & prouesses, & delaiss6 quelque noble 
 tesmoinage & exemple de vertu, fussent grande- 
 ment loues." ^ His later oration for Frangoise 
 d'Alengon, Duchess of Beaumont, opens in the 
 same vein: "Si nous voulions, en suivant les 
 anciens, observer, par inviolable coustume, de 
 marquer de pierres noires les jours, les moys, & 
 les ans qui nous apportent tristesses & ennuis, 
 ou publiques ou priv^s & domestiques, & mettre 
 au nombre des cas malheureus les accidents qui 
 joumellement nous surviennent: certes nostre 
 
 ' Or. fun. ...deM.de N., p. 23. 
 360 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 361 
 
 France auroit aujourd'huy tresbonne occasion 
 de ce faire." * 
 
 This stress upon the ancients, and especially 
 the reference to Plato in the first case ^ strikes 
 the key note of Sainte-Marthe's oratorical efforts. 
 The ancients were his preoccupation, his passion ; 
 Plato, his oracle. He responded with enthusi- 
 asm to the impulse of the Renaissance towards 
 the classics; and yet, in this regard a man of 
 the new age, his appeal to authority is as con- 
 vinced as that of the veriest mediseval school- 
 man, even though it be to classical authority, 
 which had for him more force than reason or 
 analogy. This preference for authority over ex- 
 perience may surprise the reader who expects to 
 find in the productions of a typical man of the 
 Renaissance that constant appeal to the world 
 of nature and of sense which was one of its 
 characteristic aspects. Hardly less surprising 
 is the devout piety of a man whose mind 
 was permeated as was Saint-Marthe's with 
 classic ideas. In spite of this unbounded en- 
 thusiasm for the ancients, Sainte-Marthe always 
 — unHke others of his time and of his circle — 
 'Or./wre. . de Fr.d'A.,iol.3r°- ' Laws, YII, 801. 
 
362 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 remained unpaganized by his classical sympa- 
 thies. And yet, so far as his Funeral Orations 
 are concerned, the truths of Christianity, dearly 
 cherished as they were, form but a background 
 for the crowding forms of all antiquity. To 
 read his two Orations on the Queen of Navarre 
 and the Duchess of Beaumont is to perceive that 
 for him, as for so many of his contemporaries, 
 the world Sainte-Marthe lived in was the classic 
 world, to which he would fain adjust the life 
 about him. 
 
 An inheritor of mediaeval tradition in reliance 
 upon authority, his preference for quotations 
 from the classics rather than the Scriptures and 
 the fathers stamps Sainte-Marthe a child of the 
 Renaissance. Plato dictates the very conduct 
 of his Oration for the beloved Queen of Navarre : 
 "Suyvant la doctrine de Platon, je parleray 
 premi^rement des Ancestres de Marguerite; 
 apres, de sa nourriture & institution, &, finalle- 
 ment, de ses moeurs & de sa vie, qu'elle a si 
 heureusement pass6e en la compaignie de toutes 
 les vertus que, de la m^moire des hommes, Ton 
 n'a one veu plus perfaicte femme."^ If the 
 
 ' Or. fun. ... deM.de N., p. 29. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 363 
 
 same order is not observed in the Oration on 
 the Duchess of Beaumont, the fact is duly- 
 deprecated: "II est vray que je pourroie com- 
 mencer a louer Francoise de la noblesse du sang 
 & de la maison dont elle fut extraicte, si je 
 vouloie religieusement garder les preceptes des 
 Rhetoriciens, . . . mais il me semble que seroit 
 parolle superflue, de vouloir manifester a nostre 
 France ce qu'il luy est si clair & si notoire." ' 
 The practice itself of delivering funeral orations 
 is supported by the example of Greeks, Romans, 
 Indians and Egyptians, the origin and progress 
 of the custom among whom is duly sketched.^ 
 "Pleust il k Dieu," adds Sainte-Marthe, refer- 
 ring to those customs, and ignoring, like a true 
 humanist, all the interval between classical an- 
 tiquity and his own time, "Pleust il h Dieu, 6 
 Alengonnois que ceste coustume fust aujourd'huy 
 si bien gard^e que ceuls qui louent les trespasses 
 si v^ritablement d^clarassent leur vie que . . . 
 ils ne feissent de vices vertus." ^ Elsewhere 
 Sainte-Marthe again indicates the small place 
 held by medigeval tradition in the view of the 
 
 1 Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 8 v". 
 
 2 Or. fun. ... deM.de N., pp. 24-26. ' Ibid., p. 25. 
 
364 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 enthusiastic classicist: "Quand nous desirons 
 aulcuns precepteurs pour la reformation des 
 moeurs de la jeunesse, nous prenons nostre re- 
 cours aux pr^ceptes des Perses," he writes, com- 
 paring the queen's education to that of the 
 Persians in the Cywpcedia} As the happy result 
 of the efforts of Louise of Savoy, one would 
 have supposed her daughter a Persian maiden 
 instructed in Persian severity rather than a 
 Frenchwoman, and it was, indeed, according to 
 Sainte-Marthe, Xenophon's precept that induced 
 Charles D'Angouleme, her father, to devote more 
 attention to the education than to the worldly 
 advantage of his children. Again, since critics 
 may complain of the uselessness of praises ad- 
 dressed to the deceased who are deaf to them, or 
 doubt the advantages of orations in general, per- 
 haps of Sainte-Marthe's in particular, that orator 
 quotes A'spasia, Cicero, and the Law of the Twelve 
 Tables in his support.^ There were those, more- 
 over, who found any account of the life of the 
 deceased out of place in a funeral oration. 
 Sainte-Marthe, by way of reply, dwells upon the 
 usefulness of "I'oeuvre qu'a escript Plutarche 
 
 1 Or. fun. ... deM.de N., p. 38. ' Hy^^ pp 25-26. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 365 
 
 des vies des Grecs & Romains Empereurs, 
 Princes, & belliqueus Capitaines," ^ as of the 
 histories of Suetonius and Xenophon ; points to 
 the-effect upon Alexander of Homer's account of 
 Achilles, upon Csesar of viewing a statue in 
 Gades; and credits the adventures of Theseus 
 to the legends of Hercules, the actions of Them- 
 istocles to the sight of the trophies of Miltiades.^ 
 Let the sex of the Queen of Navarre be objected 
 as a reason against public praise of her, and 
 Sainte-Marthe, once again remembering Plut- 
 arch, is ready with references to the Roman 
 matrons of the time of Camillus, to the mother 
 of Crassus, the wife of Csesar ; ^ while, if he 
 abstains from dwelling upon the faults of Mar- 
 guerite, he justifies himself by the examples of 
 Demosthenes, Hortensius, Crassus, Cicero, the 
 authority of Plato and Maximus Tyrius, as also 
 of St. Paul "nostre docteur." ^ 
 
 Sainte-Marthe regarded the ancients, indeed, no 
 less as guides for the entire conduct of life, than 
 as sponsors for his own procedure. He defines 
 
 1 Or. fun. . de Fr. d'A., fol. 19 v° 
 
 ' Ibid., fol. 20 r°. 
 
 3 Or. fun. . . . de M. de N., p. 27. < Ibid., p. 95. 
 
366 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 the functions of a prince according to Demos- 
 thenes, Musonius and Plato ; illustrates illiteracy 
 by a reference to Valentinian and Licinius; 
 magnanimity by comparison with Aristides, 
 Socrates, Julius Csesar, AureUus Antordus and 
 Vespasian; envy with the names of Zoilus, 
 Palsemon, Bavius, PoUio, Eudocius.' If he 
 wishes to contrast avarice and liberality, the 
 opinions of Pythagoras, Socrates and Seneca 
 occur to him, the examples of CaHgula, Nero, 
 Demetrius, Cleopatra, Flavius, Vespasian, Galli- 
 enus, Pomponius, LucuUus, Alexander, Augustus 
 and Agrippa, of Pygmalion, Polymnestor, Julian, 
 Patroclus, Orchus, Tiberius, Galba, Domitian and 
 Achseus, together with a paltry pair of modern 
 instances : Alphonso of Naples and Alexander V.^ 
 
 'Or./ura. . . . rfe ilf.de iV., pp. 85, 73,56; Or. fun. . . . 
 de Fr. d'A. fol. 20 v° 
 
 2 Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fols. 27 v", 28 r" and v°, 
 29 v°. Some of the same examples occur to illustrate 
 identical points in the Oration for the Queen of Navarre 
 (pp. 86-90). Here it is lamblichus, Plato and Epictetus 
 who are quoted. The examples of liberality are Cimon 
 the Athenian, Obadiah and Lucina, as well as Vespasian, 
 Gallienus and Marc Anthony; of avarice, Uvidius and 
 Saleranus in addition to Patroclus, Polymnestor and 
 Orchus. The others are omitted. 
 
THE FXJNERAL ORATIONS 367 
 
 When Sainte-Marthe touches upon the Duchess 
 of Beaumont's treatment of her servants, he feels 
 that it needs the examples of Cato and Lucullus 
 and the authority of Plato to support it ; her 
 pity and Uberality, on the other hand, would 
 have won approval of Crates; while Xenophon, 
 Virgil and Plato are called upon to confirm the 
 value of her other qualities/ The Queen of 
 Navarre's patronage of learning is compared 
 with that of Maecenas and Lucullus, her sisterly 
 piety extolled above that of Antigone, the sisters 
 of Phaeton, or the Hyades. In that she risked 
 liberty and life and served the king for her 
 country's good, she is likened to Marcus Regulus, 
 to Perseus freeing Andromeda, to Lucullus 
 aiding Cotta, to Balsatia saving Calphurnius 
 Crassus ; ^ as are she and her brother to Anchurus 
 the Phrygian, Spertus and Bulls, the Decii 
 and Curtii, and Codrus' the Athenian. The 
 grief of those who survived her recalls to Sainte- 
 Marthe's mind that of Alcestis and Laodamia, 
 and he contrasts with it the sorrow of Evadne, 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., fols. 17 v°, 21 v°, 13 r" 
 ' " Calphurne le gras " is Sainte-Marthe's version. 
 3 Or. fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 81, 48, 49. 
 
368 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Marcus Plautus, Portia, adding a reference to 
 Antoninus Pius and Antimachus.^ France, in the 
 loss of her princes, is hkened to the Romans at 
 Cannae, to Cyrus harassed by the Scythians, 
 or Demetrius by Ptolemy.^ It were useless to 
 multiply examples to show that the mind of 
 Marguerite's mattre des requites was saturated 
 with classic ideas. 
 
 It will be seen that Sainte-Marthe makes a 
 parade of learning as extended and varied as 
 does Rabelais, though without Rabelais' happy 
 gift of fusing all his borrowings to his own use by 
 the fire of his genius. He desired, no doubt, to be 
 credited with the erudition which he attributes 
 to Mathew Pac, "qui a si dextrement vers6 en 
 I'estude des bonnes Lettres que ne puis dire 
 aultre chose de luy sinon qu'il est parvenue h. 
 L'Encyclopedie " ; ' and his hearers might well 
 be stunned by the infinity of his allusions. He 
 produced this effect, however, by means in 
 which Rabelais had shown the way,* that of 
 
 1 Or. fun. ... deM.de N., pp. Ill and 112. 
 ' Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 3 v° 
 'Or. fun. . de M.de N., p. 82. 
 ' Cf. on this subject Brunetifere, Hist, de la litt. Fran- 
 Qaise classique, Vol. I, p. 128, n. 1. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 369 
 
 concealing his sources, and even taking pains to 
 deceive his readers. For example, when he con- 
 firms, by the authority of the Scriptures or of 
 St. Chrysostom, the sentiments on life and death 
 of Euripides, iEschylus, Cicero, Sophocles, The- 
 mistius, Sotades, Gorgias Leontinus, Maximus 
 Tyrius, and above all "le divin Platon," whom 
 he quotes twice in this connection,^ it seems 
 certain that he took eight of the ten classical 
 quotations straight from Stobseus' two chapters 
 on the Inevitability and Praise of Death where 
 they are to be found.^ Again, in the Oration 
 
 • Or. fun. de M. de N., pp. 113-119. 
 
 ' I.e. all but those from Cicero and Maximus Tyrius. 
 Plorilegium, Tit. 118; 23, Tit. 119; 6, Tit. 120; 7, 11, 12, 
 and 28. Ed. Gaisford, Vol. Ill, pp. 453, 459, 466. One in- 
 dication tiiat this was Sainte-Marthe's real source is the 
 anecdote of Gorgias Leontinus which he attributes to 
 Aristotle, " Cela est confirm^ par ce qu'Aristote escript de 
 George, L6ontin. " Stobaeus correctly gives the source 
 as jElian (Tit. 118; 23), and a few lines farther on (Tit. 
 118; 29) he gives another anecdote of Gorgias attributed 
 to Aristotle. Obviously Sainte-Marthe confounded the 
 two. Of the editions available for Sainte-Marthe, the 
 Greek of Trincavellus, Venice, 1536, and the three first 
 Greeoo-Latin editions of Gesner, Zurich, 1543, Turin, 1544, 
 and Basle, 1549, it seems probable that he used one of 
 the latter, since he makes several citations present in these 
 but lacking in Trincavellus; i.e. those from Socrates on 
 
 2b 
 
370 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 for Frangoise d'Alengon, he rebukes flatterers 
 with a saying from Isocrates, another from 
 Diogenes, and two from Antisthenes ; and these 
 four occur hkewise in Stobseus' chapter on 
 flattery.' When he quotes Musordus and lam- 
 bUchus on the attributes and duties of a prince, 
 it is interesting to note that Sainte-Marthe 
 might have found both quotations in the same 
 anthology,^ although more widely separated than 
 the others. Again it is highly probable that, 
 when he refers more generally to the precepts 
 of Plato, Isocrates and Aristotle concerning the 
 office of a prince, or when he exclaims that the 
 life of Frangoise d'Alengon was such as the 
 teachers of princes recommend, "ou je ne sgay 
 que Platon, Aristote, Xenophon, & leurs sembla- 
 bles appellent vivre en vray Prince," he had in 
 mind Stobseus' chapters on rulers, on the advan- 
 tages of government, or on precepts for govern- 
 
 temperance, dt. p. 371, and on liberality, cit. p. 366, and 
 one from Euripides on true nobility {Or. fun. . . . de M. 
 de N., p. 30; Stobseus, Tit. 87; 2. Vol. Ill, p. 207), and 
 another on death (c/. supra). 
 
 'Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 18 r"; Stob., Tit. 14; 
 14, 15, 19. Vol. I, pp. 333 and 334. 
 
 2 Or. fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 85 and 89; Stob., Tit. 
 48; 14, and Tit. 46; 62. Vol. II, pp. 304 and 276. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 371 
 
 ment, — chapters in which Plato, Xenophon and 
 Isocrates are very fully represented even though 
 citations from Aristotle are scant. ^ The reader 
 who notes that a single chapter of the Florilegium 
 includes both a saying of Socrates on temperance 
 and Aristippus' comparison of moderation to 
 proper horsemanship, which Sainte-Marthe cites 
 within a page of one another,^ gives its weight to 
 the coincidence, especially when strengthened by 
 the fact that the opinion of the Stoics on the treat- 
 ment of malefactors, cited by Sainte-Marthe, is 
 reported at length by Stobseus." ' Again, Sainte- 
 Marthe's quotations on the charm of silence in 
 woman are all comprised in Stobaeus' chapters of 
 precepts on marriage, or on its advantages and 
 disadvantages ; ^ and the aphorisms on liberality 
 in princes which, within a few pages of one an- 
 
 ' Or. fun. ...deM.de N., p. 46; Or. fun. . . de Fr. 
 d'A., fol. 19 r"; Stob., Tit. 45; 16 (X.), 18, 21 (A.), 24, 
 30, 31 (PI.), Tit. 47; 8 (PL), 9-18 (Is.), 23, 25 (PL), Tit. 
 48; 18 (X.), 22 (PL), 28-41 (Is.), 48-58 (Is.), 59 (PL), 60 
 (X,), 68-76 (X.). VoL II, pp. 245-246; 293-341. 
 
 2 Or. fun. de M. de N., pp. 67 and 68; Stob. Tit. 
 17; 18, 28. Vol. I, pp. 347 and 349. 
 
 3 Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 69; Stob. Tit. 44; 50. 
 Vol. II, p. 269. 
 
 < Or. fun. . .deM. de N., p. 75. Stob. Tit. 74; 29, 38, 
 65, Tit. 69; 17. VoL III, pp. 76, 77, 34, 90. 
 
372 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 other, he attributes to Epictetus and lambHchus, 
 occur close together also in the anthology.' It 
 is striking, too, that Sainte-Marthe should on the 
 same page quote, from Pythagoras and Socrates, 
 aphorisms on liberality which stand side by 
 side In Stobseus,^ even though he adds a saying 
 of Seneca's on the same subject, which the 
 Florilegium does not contain. His quotations 
 from, and references to, Aristotle are few; yet, 
 of the six references he makes, four might have 
 been taken from Stobseus,' and one is certainly 
 a misquotation from that source. Xenophon 
 is much in Sainte-Marthe's mouth, but, despite 
 reference to "I'elegant livre de Xenophon de 
 I'adolescence de Gyre," or the insinuating 
 phrase, "vous avez lu en Xenophon," * it is al- 
 most certain that he read Xenophon through 
 
 \Or.fun. . .deM.de N., pp. 86 and 89; Stob. Tit. 
 44; 75, Tit. 46; 88. Vol. II, pp. 282 and 279. 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . .de Fr. d'A., fol. 27 v° Stob. Tit. 15; 7. 
 Vol. I, p. 336. 
 
 ' I.e. on the ofBoe of a prince, the anecdote of Gorgias 
 Leontinus (c/. supra, p. 369, n. 2), and two descriptions 
 of anger {Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 25 r°, and v°). 
 
 *Or.fun. . . deFr.d'A.,io\.\^w°. Or. fun. . . de 
 M. de N., p. 38. The Cyropcedia had been first printed 
 in 1516. The latest edition had been of Halles, 1540; 
 there had been also one at Florence in 1527 (Brunet). 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 373 
 
 the medium of Stobseus, so striking is the 
 coincidence of the citations, of one of which he 
 even forgot the original source and made a false 
 attribution.^ Euripides is another favorite with 
 Sainte-Marthe, and every quotation from him 
 might have been drawn from Stobseus.^ Even 
 references to Alcestis and Evadne,' not there 
 found, do not necessarily presuppose a knowl- 
 edge of the Alcestis or the Supplices, but may 
 well, judging by Sainte-Marthe's procedure 
 with Stoba3us, have been gleanings from some 
 other anthology. Such parade of learning has 
 a naivete all its own, once its sources are 
 known. 
 
 It is obvious from all this that Sainte-Marthe 
 did not desire his sources recognized. In fact 
 he took pains to avoid such recognition. He 
 mentions Stobseus twice — 'comme nous lisons 
 
 ' A reference to the importance of gravity in a prince 
 (Stob. Tit. 5; 127. Vol. I, p. 177) is actually not from 
 Xenophon, as given by Sainte-Marthe, but from Plato 
 {Rep. Ill, 388), and is so given by Stobffius. 
 
 2 The quotations are : on silence in women, on death, 
 on noble parentage, on true nobility. Or. fun. . de 
 M. de N., pp. 33, 29, and 30; Stob. Tit. 89; 2, Tit. 86; 1, 
 Tit. 87; 2. Vol. Ill, pp. 212, 194 and 207. 
 
 5 Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 111. 
 
374 CHARLES DB SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 en Stob6e le Philosophe Musone avoir autrefois 
 dit," he writes in one place ^ and elsewhere 
 refers to "Sopatre en Stobee."^ Yet a few 
 pages further on, he quotes Sopater again 
 without any reference to Stobseus although 
 the citation is drawn from the same chap- 
 ter and is one of Stobseus' ten extracts from 
 Sopater, all bracketed together.' Nor does 
 he, elsewhere, give the slightest iadication 
 of this source, nor uidicate other second- 
 ary sources of his classical allusions, which 
 were probably, in fact, Maximus Valerius,'' 
 
 • Or. fun. ...deM.de N., p. 42. The reference is to 
 Stobseus, Tit. 48; 67. Vol. II, p. 274. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 65. The reference is to Stobseus, Tit. 48; 
 67. Vol. II, p. 274. 
 
 5 Ibid., p. 69. Stob. Tit. 46; 55. Vol. II, p. 271. 
 
 * Sainte-Marthe once mentions this author, " Valfere 
 le grand," in company with Plato, Aristotle and Cicero, 
 re divination by dreams (Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 
 105). It seems probable that he owed to him a story of 
 two Arcadians, one of whom after death warned the 
 other in a dream; a reference to the inconsolable grief of 
 Marcus Plautus, and even — though here possible sources 
 increase — another to the devotion of Codrus and of 
 Regulus; {ibU., pp. 106, 111, 48. Cf. Max. Val. 1, 8; IV, 
 6; V; 6; I; 1 and 2). There had been many editions, 
 and an early translation, pub. circ. 1480, was reprinted in 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 375 
 
 ^lian/ and Boccaccio's De mulienbus 
 Claris.^ 
 
 Abstraction made of these, however, Sainte- 
 Marthe still evinces an acquaintance with ancient 
 authors sufficient to mark him as a widely read 
 classical scholar, if not one of so encyclopedic 
 an erudition as he would have his hearers believe. 
 
 1485 and several times thereafter. There had been a 
 Paris edition as recent as 1544. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe's debt to ^Elian for his description of 
 the Vale of Tempe in his Temp4 de France, when he could 
 only have known selections, has already been noted. 
 There had since been two editions of the Variw historice, 
 i.e. 1545 (Rome) and 1548 (?) (Frankfort). It seems 
 plausible to suppose that Sainte-Marthe had in mind 
 that author's account of Nauches (Far. Hist. XIX; 7) 
 when he writes ; " EUe ayma trop mieuls . . . se rendre 
 digne du sanctuaire des Presbstres d'Aegypte . . . que 
 de . . laisser emmaigrir, aux Lois des Lac6d6momens, 
 un gros, un gras, & 6picurien ventre" (Or. fun. . de 
 Marguerite de Navarre, p. 67). If he knew ^Elian well, 
 Sainte-Marthe perhaps also owed to him other references, 
 as to Alexander, Zoilus, Xantippe, the Pythagoreans, etc. 
 
 ^ Sainte-Marthe devotes two or three pages {Or. 
 fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 78-80 and 90) to the praise 
 of famous women. Many of the same names occur in 
 Boccaccio's De mulieribus claris, which had, by 1550, 
 gone through several editions and had been twice trans- 
 lated into French; notably those of Sappho, Leontium, 
 Proba, Pope Joan, as well as those of Cleopatra, and Por- 
 tia mentioned by Sainte-Marthe in another connection. 
 
376 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 He shows familiarity with Horace and Martial ; * 
 Virgil, Ovid, Cicero, and Plutarch he knew by 
 heart, and he had certainly read Suetonius,^ — 
 "Quel profit avons nous de I'histoire que Suetone 
 nous a laissee de la vie des douze Cesars?" 
 he exclaims with more apparent ingenuousness 
 than is shown in his references to the Cyropmdia.^ 
 He begins one of his allusions to Herodotus with 
 the words, "Herodote a mis en son histoire, " 
 and he appears at least to have dipped into 
 that author.' Homer he seems to have known 
 chiefly in the Odyssey, for he makes but two 
 
 ' Cf. supra, p. 366, re envy. He quotes Ovid re 
 Maecenas, and also two lines from the first ode of Horace : 
 
 " & a ouy Horace, qui I'appeloit son appuy & refuge, 
 engendrfi d'ayeuls & bisayeuls Roys." 
 
 — Or. fun. . . .. de M. de N., p. 30. 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe appears to be chiefly indebted to Sue- 
 tonius for anecdotes of Titus Vespasianus, and possibly 
 for references to Augustus, Trajan, Galienus, Domitian, 
 etc. {Or. fun. . de M. de N., pp. 56, 60, 62, 86, 67; Or. 
 fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 28 r° and v°). There had 
 been numberless editions of the authors mentioned. 
 
 3 Or. fun. . de Fr. d'A., fol. 19 v° 
 
 ^ Or. fun. . .de M.de N.,p.50. He was probably in- 
 debted to him for a reference to Bulls {ibid., p. 48), and 
 to one of the Idngs of Egypt {Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., 
 fol. 32 r°). The only available edition of Herodotus was 
 the Aldine of 1502. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 377 
 
 clear references to the Iliad} Maximus Tyrius, 
 "le grand Tyrien/' he quotes several times ^ 
 and he had possibly read in Suidas.' From 
 Demosthenes he quotes thrice, and, since he was 
 not indebted to Stobseus for any of the three 
 quotations, we may infer that Sainte-Marthe 
 at least skimmed the original/ To Dion Cassius 
 he appears to have owed at least one story ^ 
 whUe for another he probably consulted Capi- 
 tolinus,' and he was certainly acquainted with the 
 
 1 Le. to Achilles (Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 20 r°), 
 and to the shield of Ajax {Or. fun. . . . de M.de N.,p. 89) . 
 In another place (Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 5) he refers 
 to Agamemnon, Orestes, Atreus and Tantalus. The only 
 separate edition of the Odyssey available was that of 1541 
 (Paris). 
 
 2 Or. fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 60, 78, 118, and 
 119. 
 
 = Supposing that by "Agacle" (cf. infra, note 1) he 
 intended Agalla. 
 
 ^ Or. fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 61 and 85. 
 
 * Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 29 v". Of the im- 
 poverishment of the Emperor Nerva. The source may 
 have been Dion Cassius, LXVII, 15-125; LVIII, 21. 
 Sainte-Marthe's version, however, is erroneous. The first 
 edition of Dion Cassius had appeared but two years pre- 
 vious to the date of Sainte-Marthe's orations (Paris, 
 1548). 
 
 8 Or. fun. . ."deM. de N., p. 67. An anecdote of 
 Helvetius Pertinax, " Aelie surnommg Pertinace." 
 
378 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Greek Anthology.' Apart from scattered refer- 
 ences to Simonides, to Aristophanes, to Anti- 
 machus/ to the Law of the Twelve Tables, the 
 foregoing, with the single exception of Plato, 
 
 ' There had been a Paris edition in 1531. In the ac- 
 count of famous women, cit. supra, p. 375, note 2, Sainte- 
 Marthe includes the following dixain : 
 
 " Ne Praxille, jadis femme si trfess9avante 
 Ne Nosse, qui fut tant doctement esorivante, 
 Ne Agacle & Anite, & le gentil esprit 
 D'Erinne, qui coucha trois cents vers par escript, 
 Ne Myrte, & T616siUe au Virile courage, 
 Ne Corinne, poete eloquente & trfessage. 
 Qui si bien le boucler de Pallas blasonna 
 Qu'un immortel renom sa plume luy donna, 
 Oeuvre ne feirent one tant docte qui m6rite 
 Le comparer k ceuls de nostre Marguerite." 
 
 This simply repeats Antipater of Thessalonica's list of 
 women-poets (Anthol. I; LXVII; 8), omitting the names 
 of Sappho and Myro, and adding that of Agacle (Agalla?). 
 In addition to these names and those he drew from 
 Boccaccio, Sainte-Marthe mentions in this connection 
 some whose source is easily recognized, Cassandra, Dio- 
 tima, Aspasia; others derived from his theological read- 
 ing, Hildegarde, St. Catharine of Sienna, Fabia, Marcella 
 and Eustochia ; and yet others whose source is less 
 easily established, Damo, Themistoclea, Artemisia, and 
 Sosipater whom he names oddly enough among women- 
 poets. 
 
 'Or. fun. . de M. de N., pp. 31, 90, 112, 26; Or. 
 fun. de Fr. d'A., fol. 8 v°- 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 379 
 
 fairly sums up the classical knowledge displayed 
 by Sainte-Marthe in his Funeral Orations. 
 
 In spite of his array of pagan authorities, in 
 spite of such phrases as "ravy devant son aige 
 par I'envie des fatalles Dresses," ' it should not be 
 hastily concluded that enthusiasm for antiquity 
 superseded his religion in Sainte-Marthe's mind. 
 A devout Christian, his mind was well furnished 
 with images and phrases, the outcome of a 
 profound religious experience, even though, so 
 far as the Orations are concerned, they rose less 
 readily to the surface than pagan allusions. In 
 several passages of great beauty his reference is 
 entirely to Christian authority and tradition, 
 as for example in the entire account of an in- 
 cident at Bourg-la-Reine quoted later in this 
 chapter,^ or in praises of the anti-pagan virtues 
 of simpleness and charity: "ce qu'ils appellent 
 legi^rt^ & inconstance, nous dirons que c'a est6 
 une candeur & pour parler comme I'Escripture 
 Saincte une simphcite." ' Another passage of 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 45. 
 
 ' Cf. infra, p. 431 et seq. 
 
 ^ Or. fun. . de M.de N.,p.99. Sainte-Marthe con- 
 tinues : " Au Genfese, Jacob est fort pris6 de sa simplicity, 
 et Job nous est propose comme simple et droict homme. 
 
380 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 this kind is a touching description of Marguerite's 
 faith as shown in her death, wherein all pagan 
 allusions appear to be purposely omitted, and 
 only St. John and St. Paul are quoted.^ "Mais 
 d'ou nous vient il d'affermer & confesser Jesus 
 estre tel? Certes nous ne I'apprenons des pre- 
 ceptes des Philosophes, non des contentions 
 sophistiques, non du jugement de la Chair, non 
 des traditions des hommes, non de la sapience 
 
 Aussi escrit Solomon le juste vivre au Monde en simplicite 
 & qu'il nous fault cercher Dieu avec une simplicity 
 d'esprit. Et S. Paul aprfes, escrivant aux Corinthiens, se 
 glorifie de n'avoir converse au Monde en sagesse charnelle, 
 mais en simplicite. Or prend il ceste simplicite pour 
 une candeur. Quand il loue aux mesmes Corinthiens la 
 charite de ceuls de Mac6done, qui, quelque pauvret^ qu'ils 
 heussent, avoient secouru les pauvres de Jerusalem de 
 toutes choses neoessaires par un simple cceur, c'est de 
 ccEur candide, non fainct ne double. Et Job, louant la 
 mesme vertu, dit que le Seigneur n'abandonne & ne 
 repoulse jamais les simples, mais qu'il ne preste sa main 
 aux malings. 
 
 " Mais, 6 Alengonnois, k quelle fin disons nous tout 
 cecy, sinon pour vous monstrer clairement que nous ■ 
 appellons justement simplicite ce que les detracteurs 
 de Marguerite appellent inconstance & esprit muable? 
 Je dy simplicity, une ing6nuit6 & candeur de franc cceur, 
 ne pensant a aulcune malice, d61oyault6 & dol. Mais 
 d'oil vient cest candeur que de Charity? Car Charity, 
 comme dit S. Paul ne pense k aulcun mal & n'est point 
 maligne. " 
 
 1 Cf. Or. fun. . . deM. de N., p. 103. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 381 
 
 & prudence humaine," ' thus Sainte-Marthe intro- 
 duces this subject. Elsewhere, again, he breaks 
 into the language of the Psalms : "heureuse 
 d'avoir este comme la vigne fructueuse es cost6s 
 de sa maison ; heureuse d'avoir veu ses enfants 
 commes plantes d'olives a I'environ de sa table," 
 etc' 
 
 Such passages are indeed rare, rarer than those 
 whose classical reference is unalloyed with any- 
 thing Christian. As a fact Sainte-Marthe's com- 
 monest procedure is to mix together Christian 
 and pagan allusions. It seems clear that, follow- 
 ing the example already set by Marguerite of 
 Navarre,^ he deliberately attempted to harmo- 
 
 ' Or. fun. ...deM.de N., pp. 102 et seq. 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 42 v" 
 
 ' Cf., on this subject, A. Lefranc, Les DernQres Poisies 
 de Marguerite de Navarre, p. Ixiv. M. Lefranc says 
 elsewhere : " II r6ve de r^concilier le christianisme 
 avec la philosophie antique et congoit, a la suite de celle 
 qu'il pleure, une sorte de vie nouvelle oil les deux prin- 
 cipes, en apparence opposes, s'uniraient dans une har- 
 monie sup6rieure. II est curieux de noter que ce beau 
 discours, oil le nom et les citations de Platon se retrouvent 
 k chaque page, renferme pour ainsi dire la moelle des 
 enseignements academiques sur tous les grands pro- 
 blfemes qui sollicitent la reflexion." Marguerite de 
 Navarre et le Platonisme de la Renaissance, loc. cit., Vol. 
 LIX, p. 754. 
 
382 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 nize, in his readers' minds, Christian doctrine 
 and classical philosophy, to reinterpret, through 
 the latter, a rehgion encumbered with the false 
 or useless traditions of men.^ Already, ia one 
 of his Paraphrases, of ten years before, he had 
 caught up St. Jerome's phrase " Christian philoso- 
 phy,"^ and echoed it with "secretoria Evange- 
 licse philosophise,"^ and now he repeated it with 
 an emphasis indicating that it fell in well with 
 his own thought: "II ne fault toutefois qu'on 
 pense, quand nous faisons mention de Philoso- 
 phie, que nous ne parlous que de celle qui 
 s'aprend es escripts de Platon & des aultres 
 Philosophes, car nous entendons aussi de la 
 Philosophie Evangelique, qui est la Parolle de 
 Dieu."^ If, however, like Calvin, he attempted 
 to interpret Christianity as a philosophy, his 
 wish to amalgamate it with that of the ancients, 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe's animadversions upon human tra^ 
 ditions have already been noted; c/. supra, p. 209, n. 1. 
 
 ' The letters of St. Jerome had been frequently printed 
 and had even been translated into French in 1520. Nisard 
 has pointed out Erasmus' use of the phrase, Hist, de la 
 lit. frangaise, Vol. I, p. 328. And cf., on the subject of 
 Calvin's philosophy, ibid., pp. 322-336. 
 
 ' In Ps. . . xxxiij Paraphrasis, p. 146. 
 
 * Or. fun, ,,, deM.de N., p. 43. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 383 
 
 shown by constant juxtaposition of Christian 
 and pagan authorities, was a thing assuredly 
 far from Calvin's thought. An example of his 
 procedure is his comparison of the fortitude of 
 the queen, who on the death of her infant son 
 caused the Te Deum to be sung, and who 
 placarded about the town, "The Lord gave and 
 the Lord has taken away," to that of Anaxagoras, 
 Bibulus, Antigone, Rutilius, no less than to that 
 of Symphrosia, FeHcity, or Sophia; and his 
 assurance, almost in the same breath, that her 
 courage was as much based upon her recollection 
 of Euripides and Herodotus as upon her con- 
 viction that the soul of her child was "entre 
 les mains de Celuy qui avoit cri^ sur la terre: 
 'Laissfe venir les enfants k moy.'"^ In like 
 manner, when forced to admit that Marguerite 
 was not without faults, he illustrates indifferently 
 from the characters of Alexander, Julius Caesar, 
 Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Cato and Cicero, 
 Solomon and St. Peter. Elsewhere Sopater 
 and "nostre Saincte Escripture" are bracketed 
 together, as are Plato, Cato, and Solomon, or 
 Plato, Moses, Christ, and St. Paul, or again 
 1 Or. fun. . . deM. de N., pp. 49-51. 
 
384 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Cimon the Athenian, Obadiah and Lucina/ while 
 "Tethnique Socrate" and "le fid^e Job" rub 
 shoulders more than once.^ Here the reader wiU 
 find the mothers of Cato, Fabian, CamUlus, the 
 Decii, the Curtii, Homer, Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, 
 and of Tertullian, Origen, Augustine, Ambrose, 
 Jerome, Cyprian and Chrysostom, named in a 
 list sufficiently diverting,^ there the discussion 
 of anger embellished by reference to Euripides, 
 Menander, Aristotle, Plato, Homer, Seneca, 
 Alexander, and St. Paul and David.^ Else- 
 where her panegyrist declares that, if the Queen 
 of Navarre had not learned conjugal behavior 
 from St. Paul, she would have done so from 
 
 1 Or. fun. ... deM.de N., pp. 97, 65, 88. 
 
 ^ " L'ethnique Socrate ou le fiddle Job seroient de 
 nous grandement loufis si nous lisions d'euls un acte 
 semblable. Combien plus doibt il estre prise en une 
 femme, dont le sexe pourroit excuser toute pusillani- 
 mite, tant grande fustelle?" Or. fun. . . de M. de N., 
 p. 52. "Passast il en patience Socrate & lob." "Si 
 Socrate n'eust trouv6 la malicieuse Xantippe, comment 
 eust il exerce sa Constance ? Si Hiob n'eust est6 aSiig6, 
 qui nous eust rendu tesmoinage de sa patience?" Or. 
 fun. . . . de Ft. d'A., fols. 26 r° and 32 v°. 
 
 " Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 36 r". As proof of the 
 usefulness of the Duchess in her generation. 
 
 < Ihid., fols. 25 r"-26 r=. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 385 
 
 Plutarch/ and that, as for all that Euripides, 
 Democritus, Epicharmus, Nicostrates or Phidias's 
 significant statue of Venus could teach on the 
 need of reticence in speech, "Marguerite sgavoit 
 tout cecy, car elle avoit aprins, non seulement 
 des auteurs ethniques, mais aussi des catholiques 
 & chrestiens, combien doivent les femmes 
 honorer, r6v6rer, craindre & aymer leurs maris.^ 
 In yet other contexts he sets an anecdote of 
 Alexander over against a command of Christ,' 
 or links together sayings of Aristotle and St. 
 Paul: "Aristote escrit que vertu est exercee 
 par les jjhoses difficiles & S. Paul dit, qu'elle se 
 rend & monstre perfaicte en I'infirmite." * Such 
 juxtaposition of authorities clearly expresses a 
 mind at once humanistic and Christian, but it is 
 only when taken in connection with the all-per- 
 vading influence of Plato that it seems to point 
 to the attempt of a devout theologian and a 
 devoted Platonist to amalgamate the two phi- 
 losophies. 
 
 Plato's name comes in with emphasis at the 
 
 I Or. fun. ... deM.de N., p. 73. Cf. infra, p. 418. 
 ^ Ihid., p. 75. ^ nu., p. 59. 
 
 * Or. fun. . de Fr. d'A., fol. 32 v°. 
 2c 
 
386 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 end of a passage which clearly expresses Sainte- 
 Marthe's views and in which every sentence 
 recalls the master's teachings, almost his very 
 words.' How may we learn, asks the orator, 
 what justice is, save of the philosophers ? Who 
 shall better govern than he who can govern 
 himself ? But only philosophy leads to temper- 
 ance and the other virtues. Should he be king 
 who is the effeminate slave of vice, or he who 
 is magnanimous and impregnable by furious 
 desires ? Philosophy it is that teaches fortitude 
 and constancy, and shows that virtue dwells not 
 in the realms of pleasure. How shall, a man 
 who cannot establish nor obey the laws be king ? 
 Philosophy alone governs these and calls a king 
 " soul of the law." If princes considered these 
 things they would not despise philosophers but 
 study that philosophy, the practice of goodness 
 and honor, which profits great, mean, and small, 
 but is most useful to the prince. ... It must 
 not be supposed, — Sainte-Marthe brings out 
 at last the name and design nearest his heart, — 
 it must not be supposed that we speak only of 
 that which is to be learned in the writings of 
 
 1 Or. fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 42-44. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 387 
 
 Plato and the other philosophers, for we mean 
 it also of the evangelical philosophy — "Philo- 
 sophie Evang^lique" — which is the very word 
 of God. 
 
 The influence of Platonic ideas upon Sainte- 
 Marthe as evinced in the Poesie Frangoise has 
 already been noted. In the ten years between 
 the publication of that volume and the com- 
 position of the two Funeral Orations, Sainte- 
 Marthe's impulse in this direction had had time 
 to become all the more pronounced because a 
 fraction of these years had been passed within 
 the radius of that woman's influence who more 
 than any one of her time fostered the doctrine 
 and spirit of Platonism. But he had had time 
 also to acquaint himself more closely with the 
 Dialogues ; and, as a consequence, the direct im- 
 press of Plato upon his thought is strikingly 
 shown in both Orations, in contrast to the Neo- 
 platonic cast of Marguerite's philosophy, no less 
 than to that of his own ideas as shown in his 
 Poesie Francoise. "Le poete qui, dans I'entour- 
 age litt^raire de la reine a c416br6 avec la foi la 
 plus ardente, la plus communicative, les beaut^s 
 de la religion platonicienne, ce fut sans contredit 
 
388 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 I'aimable Charles de Sainte-Marthe." ' Thus a 
 modern authority sums up his contribution 
 to the Platonic movement in the earlier of 
 the two Fimeral Orations, "chef d'oeuvre trop 
 ignore." Here, as in the Oration for Frangoise 
 d'Alengon, references to Plato and citations 
 from him abound, clearly, unhke Sainte- 
 Marthe's other classical allusions, the fruit of 
 first-hand knowledge.^ Besides the references 
 
 ' A. Lefranc, Marguerite de Navarre et le Platonism 
 de la Renaissance, he. cit. p. 754. 
 
 ' While certain of the passages in Plato referred to by 
 Sainte-Marthe are to be found in Stobaeus, others are 
 noticeably absent. For example, passages from the 
 Cratylus, cit. infra, p. 401; the reference to death as the 
 fruition of all good (Or. fun. . de Fr. d'A., fols. 6 v" 
 and 43 r°; Phcedo, 68); the passage from which Sainte- 
 Marthe drew his reference to Diotima (Or. fun. . . . de M. 
 de N., p. 78; Symposium, 201-8) ; the description of anger 
 with the quotation from Homer (Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., 
 fol. 25 v°; PhiUbus, 47), and of domestic rule as the test of 
 a prince cit. infra, p. 391; the passages on Socrates' 
 dream (Or. fun. . de M. de N., p. 106; Crito, 44), on 
 dreams in general (ibid., p. 107; Rep., IX, 571), and on 
 the common material of humanity wrought to different 
 ends(Or./M«. deFr.d'A.,fol. 10r°and v°; Rep.,lU, 
 
 415) ; the description of the prince as the soul of the law 
 (Or. fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 43 and 85 : a possible mis- 
 reading of Laws, IV, 715), and of credulity as the mother of 
 inconstancy cit. infra, p. 391, — all are lacking in Stobseus. 
 Finally there are two passages of particular significance. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 389 
 
 already noted, there are citations of Plato 
 
 One, is a reference to the unruly horse of the passions of 
 the Phcedrus {at. infra), which is omitted by Stobseus al- 
 though he includes other famous passages on love from 
 the Phcedrus and the Symposium, viz. the dissertation on 
 love and the choice of a lover {PhoBdrus, 237 and 238; 
 Stob., Tit. 64 ; 40, 41, and 42), the story of the Androgyne 
 {Symp., 189 ; Stob., Tit. 63 ; 35), and Agathon's description 
 of love {Symp., 195; Stob., Tit. 63 ; 36) ; the other signiii- 
 eant passage is part of Aspasia's funeral oration as re- 
 ported by Socrates {Menex., 236 and 237; Or. fun,. . . 
 de M. de N., pp. 25 and 26), which is omitted from Stobaeus 
 although other passages preceding and following it are in- 
 cluded, viz. Menex., 234, 235, 238, 240, 242, 246; Stob,, Tit. 
 50; 16, Tit. 14; 26, Tit. 43; 86, Tit. 1; 91, Tit. 38; 49, Tit. 
 51; 30, Tit. 9; 30. The passages from Plato quoted by 
 Sainte-Marthe included in Stobseus are : on virtue as easy 
 to the nobly born {Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 20; Alcib. 
 120; Stob., Tit. 86; 6), on death as a change from one 
 place to another {Or. fun. . de M. de N., 115; Ap. 
 Soc, 40; Stob., Tit. 120; 29), on departure from one life 
 to another {Or. fun. de M. de N., p. 118; Phoedo, 
 
 67; Stob., Tit. 118; 18), on the improvement of breed as 
 the result of education {Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 38; 
 Rep., IV, 420; Stob., Tit. 43; 156), on the advantages 
 of a good instructor of youth {Or. fun. . . de M. de N., 
 p. 40; Laws, VI, 766; Stob., Tit. 44; 55), on kings as 
 philosophers {Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 41; Rep., V, 
 473; Stob., Tit. 43; 109), on legislation concerning 
 mourning {Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 44 r°; Laws, 
 XII, 959; Stob., Tit. 123; 16), on the treatment of servants 
 {Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 17 v"; Laws, VI, 777; Stob., 
 Tit. 62; 52), on the imprisonment of the soul in the 
 body {Or. fun. . . .deM.de N., p. 119; Axiochus, 365; 
 2c 
 
390 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 on temperance ; ' on virtue and vice as sub- 
 jects of conversation;^ on mourning; on dis- 
 interestedness in princes; on the relation of 
 education to the improvement of the breed; 
 on the distinctions of birth ; on the advantages 
 of funerals,' or of good instructors for youth; 
 on the bestowal of merited honor.' He is 
 twice appealed to on the subject of death, and 
 yet again on that of the relation of soul and 
 body: "Car, comme dit le divin Platen, combien 
 que nous disons I'Homme estre compost du Corps 
 & de FAme, si est ce que sa milleure & plus noble 
 partie c'est I'Ame, participante de la raison & 
 de I'immortalit^ divine ; " ^ and Sainte-Marthe 
 goes on to describe the soul imprisoned in the 
 
 Stob., Tit. 121; 38), and on disinterestedness in princes 
 {Or. fun. ... deM.de N., p. 89; Rep. V, 462-464; Stob. 
 Tit. 43; 102). 
 
 It is of course always possible that Sainte-Marthe 
 used some unknown anthology for the rest of his quota- 
 tions from Plato, but the abundance of these indicatfes 
 that he went to the original. 
 
 ^ Or. fun. . de M. de N., p. 67; cf. Rep., Ill, 389 
 and 390. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 95. Probably a reference to Rep., Ill, 390. 
 
 ' From Aspasia's funeral oration. 
 
 * For the references cf. supra, p. 388, note 2. 
 
 ' Or. fun. . de M. de N., p. 119. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 391 
 
 body. Beauty of body, he writes elsewhere, 
 paraphrasing rather than quoting his author, 
 is the witness to beauty of soul, "comme dit 
 Platon. " ^ Plato's quotation from Homer de- 
 scribes righteous anger, and Sainte-Marthe duly 
 reports in another context his famous counsel 
 that republics will be happy when philosophers 
 reign and kings philosophize, and his char- 
 acterization of the prince as soul of the 
 law. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's allusions to his master's 
 writings are not always clear. When, for in- 
 stance, he writes of the " vie et reigle domestique 
 que Platon appelle certification & asseurance 
 en un Prince de bien regir & gouverner la re- 
 publique & ses subjects, & ou aussi la prudence, 
 sagesse et vertu, ou (au contraire) I'imprudence 
 & la corruption de la vie se manifestent," he 
 appears to be paraphrasing a passage in the 
 Politicus;' when he attributes to Plato the phrase 
 that credulity is the mother of inconstancy, he 
 seems to have but vaguely in mind a chapter of 
 
 '^ Or. fun. . de M. de N., p. 120; Rep., IV, 402; 
 Stob., Tit. 65; 18, Cf. also Cratylus, 416. 
 
 2 Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 13 v°; cf. Politicus, 258 
 and 259. 
 
392 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 the Demodocus} This very inaccuracy may be 
 taken as a proof that his mind was stored with 
 the treasures of the Dialogues, a thing further 
 evidenced by his obvious recollection of Plato 
 even when he does not name him. For ex- 
 ample, the source of a passage on the benefit of 
 funeral orations, in the Oration for the Duchess 
 of Beaumont is easily recognizable. Those who 
 object to such orations are to be questioned on 
 the advantage of statues and images of the 
 dead. Their reply is practically a paraphrase 
 of a passage in the Menexenus already used in 
 Sainte-Marthe's previous oration, where Plato 
 is directly quoted: "Je croy qu'ils me diroient 
 (i'entends s'ils ont une seule scintille de juge- 
 ment) que les morts en sont honnores, & par 
 cest honneur leurs vertus recompensees : & tant 
 ceuls qui leur touchent de sang, que generalement 
 touts les autres, excites h, les ensuivre." ^ 
 
 In view of the immense influence which 
 Plato had upon Sainte-Marthe's mind, in view 
 of his constant reference to him as authority, 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 97; Demodocus, 6. 
 2 Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 19 v°. Cf. Menex., 236 
 and 237, and supra, p. 362. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 393 
 
 in view above all of his attempts to give to 
 Christianity a philosophical cast rivaling that 
 of classic literature, it is curious to come upon 
 a passage which ends by expressly dividing 
 Christians and philosophers into separate if not 
 antagonistic groups. The distinction is the 
 more striking for its occurrence in an appeal to 
 Plato and the Scriptures as final authorities on 
 the subject of the value of dreams : "Ceuls qui 
 s'en mocquent," writes Sainte-Marthe, "ou sont 
 avec nous Chrestiens, ou Philosophes, ou du tout 
 Ath6istes & sans loy. Que s'ils sont du nombre 
 de ceuls qui ne tiennent grand compte de nostre 
 Religion & la veulent postposer aux traditions 
 des Philosophes, me respondent done qu'il leur 
 semble de Platon, d'Aristote, de Ciceron, de 
 Valere le Grand, desquels les escripts traictants 
 de telle divination ont est6 regeus de nos pr6- 
 d^cesseurs & mis entre nos mains." After the 
 rehearsal of several anecdotes, confirming the 
 significance of dreams, concluding with that of 
 Socrates in prison, Sainte-Marthe continues : 
 "Si le Platonique s'efforce de me contraindre a 
 croire cecy, il luy est aussi n^cessaire m'accorder 
 celle, qui dist a Marguerite en songe que bien 
 
394 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 tost elle seroit couroim^e de la couronne qu'elle 
 luy monstreoit, avoir entendu de la couronne 
 de vie qu'elle devoit recevoir apres la mort du 
 corps. 
 
 " Que si nous avons affaire a'ux Chrestiens, je 
 croy qu'il ne nieront que le Seigneur a accous- 
 tum6, quelquefois par songes, quelquefois par 
 d'aultres signes ext^rieurs, nous faire entendre 
 sa volont6 & nous r^v^ler ce qui nous doibt 
 advenir." . . . "Quant est des Epicuriens & 
 Ath^es . . ., puisqu'ils ostent du tout la 
 divinity k nos Esprits, ils nieront aussi la divi- 
 nation leur estre dehors manifestee, & au dedans 
 divinement enclose; mais les Philosophes ne les 
 prefereront a Platon & Socrate, les Chrestiens'^ 
 ne les preposeront a I'Escripture Saincte." ^ In 
 his Meditation on the Ninetieth (Ninety-first) 
 Psalm of the same year, Sainte-Marthe, not 
 content with declaring that the philosophers, 
 knowing God through his works, were yet denied 
 the true knowledge of Him since they did not 
 glorify Him, suggests that philosophy is incon- 
 sistent with Christianity, leads, in fact, straight to 
 
 ' The italics are my own. 
 
 » Or. fun. ... deM.de N., pp. 105-108. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 395 
 
 Atheism "in eum lapidem," {i.e. the stone which 
 the builders rejected) "impegere Gentes . . . 
 Judsei . . . Philosophi . . . prudentia Camis . . . 
 impegit sapienta hujus seculi," etc' "Atheists 
 and hypocrites," he writes elsewhere, "both 
 spread their nets for us; the former the snares 
 of philosophy and the wisdom of this world, the 
 latter those of hypocrisy. Follow those and you 
 will deny God ; these and you change truth to 
 lies." ^ Again, the philosopher is classed in one 
 place with Manicheans, Pelagians, Arrians, Jews, 
 idolaters, atheists ; in another with Jews, hypo- 
 crites, anabaptists, and atheists,' and atheists 
 are described as attacking the Christian faith 
 "philosophise rationibus tanquam machinis.* 
 Such expressions are so far removed from Sainte- 
 Marthe's evident sympathy with philosophy, 
 above all Platonic philosophy, that they must 
 certainly have sprung from a sense of danger, 
 and must have been meant to allay suspicion; 
 and we may conclude that their author felt the 
 increased need for such disclaimers after the 
 pubhcation of the Funeral Oration, and that 
 
 ' Fols. 45 r° and 41 r°. " Ibid., fol. 18 v° 
 
 = Ibid., fols. 41 v" and 45 r". " Ibid., fol. 43 r°. 
 
396 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE f 
 
 their added emphasis in the Meditation was due 
 to this. 
 
 Such reservations do not, however, in the least 
 conceal Sainte-Marthe's enthusiastic preoccupa- 
 tion with Platonic philosophy, and especially 
 with those particular elements in it which most 
 appealed to his generation, or to that group in it 
 to which he belonged, those elements namely 
 which lend themselves to a mystical point of 
 view. The influence of the Platonic doctrines 
 of love and spiritual aspiration transformed 
 rather than replaced the mystical aspects of 
 Christianity which the Middle Ages had de- 
 veloped. Mysticism played a large part in the 
 religious life of such a man as Sainte-Marthe, 
 and the Platonic philosophy could provide scope 
 for it while freeing it from elements distasteful 
 to a mind touched with the new thought of his 
 time. Sainte-Marthe gives various indications 
 of the influence upon him of the Dialogues most 
 favorable to it. Such, for example, is a recollec- 
 tion of the Phcedo occurring in a characteristic com- 
 parison of Marguerite with the Amazons, equally 
 reminiscent of the classics and the Scriptures/ 
 ' Or. fun. ...deM.de N., pp. 92-94. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 397 
 
 The Amazons burnt their right breast; Mar- 
 guerite cut away, hke members of the body, her 
 more dangerous affections ; ' the Amazons handled 
 their horses well, "sgavoient tr^s-bien les con- 
 tourner, dompter, conduire, & gouverner tant 
 f eroces & maulvais fussent ils " ; Marguerite, " par 
 raison illuminee & fortifiee de la Foy, a dompte, 
 adoulcy, renge au frein & humilie ceste partie de 
 V^me qui est incessament rebelle a I'esprit, qui 
 rue, qui mord son frein, qui reculle a I'espron, 
 qui tousjours r^pugne." After thus paraphras- 
 ing the famous Platonic passage,^ Sainte-Marthe 
 resorts to the Scriptures for his comparison 
 of Marguerite's amour and conquests with those 
 of the Amazons.' He closes, however, on a 
 Platonic note: "Car quiconques obeit aux 
 vices & aux cupidites, encor qu'il prenne des 
 villes, qu'il amplifie ses Seigneuries & mette soubs 
 sa puissance tant de Royaumes & d'hommes 
 qu'il vouldra, certes il demeure esclave d'une 
 miserable & villaine servitude." * Again, death 
 
 ' Cf. Coloss. chap, iii, 5. 
 ••' Cf. PhcBdrus, 253 and 254. 
 
 ' The passage is a not very exact recollection of Eph. 
 chap, vi, 11-17. 
 
 ' Cf. Rep., IX, 379. 
 
398 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 is for Sainte-Marthe "parfaicte fruition de tout 
 bien," ' and he puts this recollection of the 
 Phcedo into the mouth of the dying Frangoise : 
 " Auries vous regret que je laissasse ce miserable 
 monde, pour avoir fruition de ce bien?" ^ 
 
 This particular aspect of Platonic philosophy 
 had, as we have seen, been largely present in 
 Sainte-Marthe's Poesie Francoise of ten years 
 earlier ; indeed, the conglomeration of Christian 
 and pagan ideas was already a feature of that 
 composition, but its expression was hampered 
 by noticeable immaturity and indecision of 
 utterance. This, time had now improved, and 
 Sainte-Marthe's exposition of his thought in 
 the Orations is incomparably in advance of that 
 in his verse. He had not only the advantage of 
 greater maturity, and a decade's closer acquaint- 
 ance with the works of his master, but he, who 
 had shown himself but an apprentice in verse 
 forms, had now at his command an instrument 
 which he used with the assured touch of mastery. 
 A single instance will exemplify. The poet had, 
 once at least, dwelt upon the hidden significance 
 
 1 Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 6 v° 
 ' Ibid., fol. 43 r°; cf. Phwdo, 67 and 68. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 399 
 
 of names in his rondeau addressed to Anne 
 d'Arbigny : 
 
 A Madame Anne d'Arbigny Dame de la Val en 
 Daulphine. 
 
 "Nom convenant au cas ou Ion I'applique, 
 Sur aultres noms est le plus magnifique, 
 Causant aussi tiltre tresvenerable : 
 C'est ce qui fait, 6 Dame tresnotable, 
 Qu'estes la perle entre toutes unique. 
 
 Esprit avez prompt & scientifique, 
 Bien exerceant les Vertus en practique, 
 De quoy vous est en honneur perdurable 
 
 Nom convenant. 
 
 " Ce beau nom Anne en la langue Hebraique, 
 Interpretons don de Grace autentique, 
 Chascun le veoy estre en vous admirable, 
 Parquoy concluds par diet irrefragable. 
 Que vous avez, sans aulcune replique, 
 
 Nom convenant." ' 
 — P.F.,p.8Q. 
 
 This is but a cold recollection of the Cratylus. It 
 is far from exhibiting the enthusiasm with which 
 Sainte-Marthe paraphrases passages in that dia- 
 logue when at the full of his powers he comes 
 to deal with the name of Marguerite.^ It was, in 
 
 ' Cf. supra, p. 58. 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . .deM.de N., p. 33 et seq. 
 
400 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 his view, hers by a sort of divine providence of 
 its suitability. When she was to be baptized, 
 the assembled princes and lords held long debate 
 on the name her god-parents should give her. 
 They might, according to the custom of France, 
 have named her Louise or Charlotte, since the 
 greater number of her predecessors were Louis 
 or Charles, in France names of princes; "mais 
 le plaisir de Dieu fut luy faire bailler nom qui 
 repondroit aux graces futures en elle." Here 
 Sainte-Marthe gives full rein to his Platonic 
 mysticism. Such Providence might appear ri- 
 diculous to some, the dream or the delusion of 
 old women, for at first blush it is not credible 
 that Celestial Divinities — "les Dieus Celestes" 
 is the significant phrase — should concern them- 
 selves about mortal names. Again, it may be 
 absurd to suppose that there is any mystery 
 hidden in proper names, since they are rather 
 bestowed at the pleasure of god-parents than 
 for any religious sense understood and hidden 
 within them ; but, if "le divin philosophe Platon " 
 deserves credence, — and here Sainte-Marthe 
 follows his authority more closely, — though 
 names be often given from those of ancestors, 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 401 
 
 or, like that of Theophilus, to express a wish, 
 still, some are more mysteriously bestowed, "in- 
 stitu^s plus par une occulte providence et dis- 
 position divine que par la deliberation & puis- 
 sance humaine." For since, as Plato says, a 
 name is like a painting, imitation or instrument 
 by which the substances of things are pointed 
 out and distinguished, then surely he who gives 
 names should call things by names proper and 
 suitable, which is not the part of the inexperi- 
 enced nor is common to all, but is rather the 
 work of Divinity. Had not the observances of 
 names been a mystery to the ancients "comme 
 reUgieuse & sacrosancte aux Anciens ainsi qu'une 
 chose couverte & adumbree de grands et pro- 
 fonds mysteres," ' Homer would assuredly not 
 have labored to suit names to things nor named 
 Agamemnon for suffering, travail and trouble, 
 Orestes for a sylvan nature, Atreus for inexor- 
 ability, Tantalus for infehcity.^ Having thus 
 dwelt upon the appropriateness of the queen's 
 name, Sainte-Marthe takes up the subject of the 
 
 1 Or. fun. . . . de M. de N., p. 35. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 35. Cf. Cratylus, esp. 388, 390, 391, 394, 395, 
 397, 423, 424, 431. 
 
 2d 
 
402 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 pearl it signified ; and, while, in dealing with it, 
 he leaves Plato for Pliny and illustrates anew 
 his double indebtedness to the ancients and the 
 scriptures, a mystical element remains noticeably 
 present, especially in the analogies which he 
 draws at the end between the character of the 
 queen and the pearl. 
 
 Beginning with a quotation from Pliny on the 
 subject of pearls,^ he confirms it by Christ's 
 comparison of the kingdom of God to a pearl 
 and adds St. Augustine's variations upon this.^ 
 Thereupon he makes reference to common 
 custom, ' illustrated as it was by one of his own 
 phrases in his rondeau to Anne d'Arbigny : "Les 
 Francois en leur langue nomment la Marguerite 
 'Perle' & la chose perfaicte en toute perfection 
 & estim^e n'avoir sa pareille, ils appellent une 
 'Perle.'" This he follows by a short passage 
 on the medicinal value of pearls drawn from 
 
 ' Or. fun. ...deM.de N. The translation is from 
 Pliny, IX, 56 : " que Pline dit emporter I'honneur & le 
 pris sur toutes choses pr^cieuses & havoir perfection en 
 blanoheur, grandeur, rotondite & pois, " etc. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 35 et seq. The quotation is from St. 
 Augustine, Ex quoest. Matthei, Patr. Lat., Vol. XXXV, 
 cols. 1371 and 1372. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 403 
 
 one of the mediaeval lapidaries,' returns without 
 
 ' " Les M6decins donnent des grandes vertus aux 
 Marguerites, lesquelles nous ne reciterons pr&entement 
 par leur noms & ordre, car seroit chose trop ennui[eu]se 
 pour la prolixite, mais nous en parlerons briefvement 
 d'aulcunes. Les Marguerites & Perles servant de souve- 
 rain remfede au mal de coeur & a tout evanouissement, 
 & pource Ton dit qu'elles confortent & fortifient les 
 esprits. Or, a quelles personnes les esprits ddfaillent 
 plus qu'a ceuls qui sont agit^s d'adversite & ne veoient 
 aulcun port oil se puissent tirer a, saulvet6 ? Marguerite 
 devoit estre le divin instrument et organe par lequel 
 le Dieu de consolation r^conforteroit les affligfe. Les 
 Perles sont grandement utiles contre I'humeur m^lanco- 
 lique, dont surviennent maintes pernicieuses & mortelles 
 maladies ; Marguerite devoit estre illustr^e par le Seigneur 
 de Royalle dignite, de grandeur d'auctorite & d'abondanee 
 de biens de fortune pour secourir & souUager tous 
 pauvres necessiteus & indigents, & tous ceuls qui seroient 
 en tribulation d'esprit. Les Perles proffitent singulifere- 
 ment aux nerfs des ceils, deseiohent leurs humeurs, 
 nettoient leur ordure & ^clarcissent la veue; en Mar- 
 guerite devoit estre la main de Celuy qui tire les souffre- 
 teus hors de la fange," etc. Or. fun. . . de Marguerite 
 de Navarre, p. 36 et seq. These qualities of the pearl are 
 enumerated in the first French translation of the Latin 
 lapidary of Marbodius, in other respects a garbled version 
 of Pliny. Nothing of the sort occurs in the original of 
 Marbodius, nor in the three other translations published 
 by M. Pannier. 
 
 " Cuntre gute corel est bone 
 
 Et cuntre tac ke naist en ume. 
 
 Cuntre mal d'oilz est sa nature," etc. 11. 873-875. 
 — L. Pannier, Les lapidaires fran^ais du moyen age des 
 XII', XIII', & XlVsieclbs, p. 65. 
 
404 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 acknowledgement to Pliny, whom he translates 
 almost verbatim/ and makes between the 
 qualities of Marguerite, and those of the pearl, as 
 
 ' "Encor adjout^ray je que les Perles naissent dans 
 la mair & se trouvent en la mair; toutefois elles hont plus 
 grande sociSte avec le ciel qu'avec la mair." "Ex eo 
 quippe constare coelique els majorem societatem esse 
 quam maris." "II fault aussi soigneuseirient contre- 
 garder les perles afBn qu'elles ne perdent leur plaisante 
 blanoheur. " "Usu atteri non dubium est coloremque 
 indiligentia mutare." Or. fun. de M. de N., p. 37, 
 
 Pliny, IX, 54 and 56. 
 
 "L'on doit pareillement prendre bonne garde que les 
 Perles ne trempent aulcunement en vinaigre, car bien 
 tost se rdsouldroient en liqueur." Here Sainte-Marthe 
 is evidently indebted to Pliny's account of the incident 
 of Cleopatra and the pearl : " Ex prsecepto ministri unum 
 tantum vas ante earn posuere aceti, cujus asperitas 
 visque in tabem Margaritas resolvit." Or. fun. . . . de 
 M. de N., p. 38, Pliny, IX, 58. 
 
 This is not the only time Sainte-Marthe borrows from 
 Pliny without naming him. Elsewhere (Or. /mm. . . de 
 M. de N., p. 109) he writes of the death of the queen, 
 " car comme celuy qui porte en un anneau une pr6cieuse 
 emeraude, quoy qu'en la regardant elle remplisse ses 
 ceils & ne les puisse saouller, si est ce qu'il ne congnoit 
 quel proffit luy porte sa gratieuse verdeur jusques a 
 ce qu'elle soit saillie hors de son oeuvre, car lors, ne 
 veoiant plus cest object qui luy recrSoit ses ceils, il 
 regrette la pierre perdue, dont ne tenoit grand compte 
 quand il I'havoit a son plaisir. " It is clear that Sainte- 
 Marthe here had in mind the passage in Pliny on the 
 emerald : " Nullius colons aspectus jucundior est. Nam 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 405 
 
 described in the latter two sources, one of those 
 favorite seriatim comparisons parodied by Rab- 
 elais in Lasdaller's exposition of the Twenty- 
 fourth Psalm. ^ He finds analogies between 
 the queen's purity, grandeur and consistency, 
 and the whiteness, size and roundness of 
 the pearl; between her aid to the downcast 
 and afflicted, and its supposed stimulating 
 powers; between her usefulness to the poor in 
 tribulation, and its avail against melancholy 
 humors; between her divine gift of drawing 
 the unfortunate from the mire, and the cleans- 
 ing effect of the pearl upon the eye. Again, he 
 compares pearls, born in the sea yet allied to the 
 sky, to the woman born in the world yet aspiring 
 to heaven; between the immaculate pearl and 
 the queen unspotted by pleasure; between the 
 
 herbas quoque virentes frondesque avide spectamus: 
 smaragdos vero tanto libentius quoniam nihilo omnino 
 viridius comparatum illis viret. Prseterea soli gem- 
 maruin contuitu oeulos implent, nee satient. Quin 
 et ab intentione alia obscurata, aspectu smaragdi 
 recreatur acies. Scalpentibus gemmas non alia gratior 
 oculorem refectio est: ita viridi lenitate lassitudinem 
 mulcent." Phny, Hist. Nat., XXXYII, 16. And c/. also 
 infra, pp. 456, 569, 570, 571, and 573. 
 1 Cf. (Euvres, Vol. I, p. 143. 
 
406 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 care needful to protect the pearl from stain, and 
 the education of Marguerite ; between the effect 
 of vinegar on the pearl, and her modest, humane 
 manners/ The reader is tempted, for all Sainte- 
 Marthe's eloquence, to smile at his efforts to 
 justify by strained comparisons the Platonic 
 theory with which he embarked upon the sub- 
 ject. 
 
 The passage on the pearl, however, has an- 
 other interest. It shows its author for once 
 the complete man of his time rather than the 
 mere enthusiastic humanist. Here classical 
 knowledge, mediaeval tradition. Christian learn- 
 ing, and the sense of contemporary life all play 
 their part. Reference to the habits of his time, 
 as in the allusion to vernacular usage, has its 
 interest in view of Sainte-Marthe's usual absorp- 
 tion with the ancients, the Scriptures, and the 
 fathers, his all but slavish reliance upon author- 
 ity for argument. Such appeals to experience, 
 though uncommon compared with his more fre- 
 quent reference to authority, are sufficiently 
 present in Sainte-Marthe's Orations to throw 
 light for his readers upon the life of his time ; 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . de M. de N ., p. 38. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 407 
 
 and several of his descriptive passages, also, give 
 a lively picture of his own entourage. For in- 
 stance, son and brother as he was of distinguished 
 physicians, Sainte-Marthe, naturally, displays 
 the interest of his time and of his mistress in 
 hygiene and pathology.* He quotes the recom- 
 mendations of the doctors as to meals,^ notes the 
 treatment of lethargic patients,' and refers in 
 true Rabelaisian style to those who "assomes 
 de lethargie perdent la memoire, k raison de la 
 pituite froide et humide qui occupe les poste- 
 rieurs ventricules du cerveau." ^ Whatever the 
 
 ' " EUe devisoit done, a son disner & soupper, tantost 
 de Medeoine comme des viandes mal saines ou salubres 
 au corps humain, et des choses naturelles, avec les sieurs 
 Schyron, Cormier, Esterpin, ses Medecins trfesexperts 
 & trfesdoctes, qui soigneusement la regardoient boire & 
 menger, comme Ton observe en cela les Princes." Or. 
 fun. . . .deM.de N., p. 69. 
 
 ^ " EUe n'ignoroit les Medecins ordonner que, quand 
 nous delib^rons mettre a table, nostre esprit doibt estre 
 libra & depouill6 de tout ennuy & solicitude, & que nos 
 viandes ne doivent moins estre confites de propos joyeus 
 & recreatifs que de sel, ou d'aultres saulse provocante 
 I'appetit." Ihid., p. 68. 
 
 ' " Comme il fault bastre & pinser le lethargique pour 
 I'eveiller; ainsi leur fault comme par force faire entendre 
 leur dommage." Or. fun. de Fr. d'A., fol. 7 r°. 
 
 * Ihid. 
 
408 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 value of this diagnosis may be, it is at least a 
 
 step towards reality in a man whose chief notion 
 
 of tigers, for example, is that music maddens 
 
 them,' or whose reference to so common a thing 
 
 as the defensive power of animals is drawn — the 
 
 reader must infer it from the inclusion of " porc- 
 
 espic" and "narce" — from classic sources.^ 
 
 Again, his glance at the vices of the age, 
 
 gaming, dissolute pomp and the "gouffre des 
 
 bastiments," gives, as it were in a flash, the 
 
 seamy side of Renaissance magnificence,^ and his 
 
 reference to the sweat of the poor, at whose 
 
 expense the rich loaded their tables, even strikes 
 
 a note seldom heard in the sixteenth century: 
 
 "Qui es ce qui doubte qu'elle n'eust peu remplir 
 
 son ventre de viandes exquises, d61icates, pre- 
 
 cieuses & cerchees par mair & par terre, reluire 
 
 de toutes parts d'or & de pierrerie &, ce que font 
 
 plusieurs, r^parer son corps & charger sa table 
 
 des sueurs d'aultruy?"^ Elsewhere his satirical 
 
 sketch of the occupations of the ladies, as of 
 
 the conversation of the gentlemen of his time, 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 42 and 78. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 57. 
 
 ' Or. fun. . Fr. d'A., fol. 30 r" 
 
 4 Or. fun. ..deM.de N., p. 67. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 409 
 
 shows the former passing the days "en oisivet^ 
 & vaines parolles/' the latter concerned with 
 war, the chase, vengeance and bloodshed or 
 the trifles of love. " Qu'appelleras tu choses 
 graves?" he asks such an one, "Je croy que 
 sera de confire les disners & les souppers des 
 faicts de la guerre, des armes, des bardes de 
 chevauls, de la chase, de la vollerie, de banquets, 
 de boubans, d'amours, de blasphemes, de ven- 
 geance, d'effusions de sang, de mettres les hommes 
 en pieces, et de semblables nobles et vertueux 
 propos." ' * 
 
 This censorious note is common in Sainte- 
 Marthe's treatment of contemporary conditions. 
 In the course of his Orations, the venality of 
 offices,^ the routine of courts,' are held up to 
 scorn, the circumstances of attendance on the 
 great bitingly set forth.* There are nobles, he 
 writes, glad enough to number in their house- 
 holds learned and able men, perhaps of inferior 
 birth, but it is another matter to honor their 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . .deM.de N., p. 71. 
 2 Ibid., pp. 85-86. 
 
 ' Ibid., passim; Or. fun. Fr. d'A., passim, esp. 
 
 fols. 14 r°, 19 r° and 31 v". 
 
 ■> Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 83 et seq. 
 
410 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 virtues, and often no more account is made of 
 them than of muleteers or kitchen scullions. A 
 page or two further on Sainte-Marthe continues 
 the subject with a passion which recalls that 
 of Areusa's arraignment of mistresses in the 
 Cekstina} There are masters who consider their 
 servants not as free men but as slaves and beasts, 
 who, having not only used, but abused, their 
 service, think too much done for their dependents 
 if they have merely given them food and drink, 
 and that but as may chance. And, suppose 
 wages agreed on, when the poor \^etches ask 
 that reward of their diligence, labor and service, 
 which their wages in fact are, they get but ill 
 for good from ingrates who outrage, beat and 
 abuse them.^ 
 
 Sainte-Marthe was not the first in France to 
 voice this wrong. Eustorg de BeauUeu had been 
 beforehand with him in making such complaint ' 
 of what was apparently a crying evil of the 
 
 ' La Cilestine, Nouvelle Collection Jannet, p. 136. Four 
 or five editions of a translation through the Italian had 
 appeared by 1550; i.e. 1524, 1527, Paris; 1529, Lyons; 
 1529, Paris; 1542, Paris. 
 
 ' Or. fun. . de M. de N., p. 87. 
 
 ' Cf. Divers Bapportz. Rondeaux. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 411 
 
 times; but Sainte-Marthe had already in the 
 Poesie frangqise anticipated the older poet in 
 resentment of another, and kindred abuse, in 
 denouncing the arrogance of the upstart noble: 
 
 "Monsieur de tiltre & un villain de faict, 
 Tel qu'aujourdhuy par argent on le faict. " ' 
 
 In both Funeral Orations he returns to this attack 
 with a fire suggesting a personal grievance. If 
 a great lady like the Duchess of Beaumont was 
 humble, what should be the feelings of those 
 "messieurs engentillastr^s," descended from 
 notaries and shoemakers, or grooms and scul- 
 lions, who call others "villein," despise and 
 repulse them? Defense of Marguerite's habit 
 of surrounding herself with "gens de longue 
 robbe & de bonnet rond " betrays the personal 
 animus which guided Sainte-Marthe's pen. 
 With whom should she converse? With such 
 nobles as her critic? Prudent and learned 
 nobles there were, of course, but Sainte-Marthe 
 means a gang of bullies and bravos, of whom to 
 ask their opinion of letters, prudence, council or 
 the government of the republic, were to ask the 
 
 ' Elegie, A Monsieur Veruist, Doyen de Macon. De la 
 vraye Noblesse. P. F., p. 217. 
 
412 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 blind to see, the deaf to hear, the dumb to 
 speak, or from a marble statue counsel and sage 
 deliberation. But what of those ' ' gownsmen ? " ' 
 Are they " villeins " ? But, if they have both 
 titles of nobility at once, yea, if they are of 
 noble and ancient race and house, and there- 
 withal illustrious and splendid in virtue, shall 
 they be declared no longer noble because they 
 wear gowns? What of the gownsmen who 
 founded the Roman republic, etc. ? ^ The 
 obvious vanity is the more pardonable that, 
 as we have noted before, pique heightened 
 Sainte-Marthe's powers, and inspired him to 
 eloquence. 
 
 "O Seigneur Dieu," thus he takes up the 
 same subject elsewhere, " si un tas de glorieux 
 & superbes Nobles du jourd'huy pouvoient 
 nombrer ainsi par ordre les rengs & lignes de 
 leurs Ancestres, par quel moyen pourroit estre 
 leur impudente violence arrestee & abbatue? 
 Qui dureroit devant euls? lis sont pent estre 
 descendus de Porchiers, de Cousturiers, de 
 Chaussetiers ou d'aultres gents m^chaniques, & 
 
 ' "Robbes longues." 
 
 2 Or. fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 71 et seq. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 413 
 
 encor de plus vile et plus abjecte condition, & 
 sont les premiers du Nom, je dy les premiers 
 Nobles de leur race. Nobles, dy je, a bon et 
 loyal tiltre, Dieu le sgait; ce n^antmoins ils 
 hont le cceur si orgueilleus & si enfi^, & sont 
 tant coustumiers de mespriser toutes personnes 
 qu'ils cuident qu'il n'y ait, hommes qu'euls. 
 Mais ceuls qui sont illustres d'ancienne noblesse, 
 ext^rieurement, je dy a leurs moeurs & fagon 
 de faire, monstrent ass^s leur noblesse, car ils 
 hont en euls je ne sgay quoy d'une bont6 naifve, 
 qui, les s^pare manifestment de la f^rocite 
 des fauls nobles. Et comme, si tu dores un 
 vaisseau de cuivre, pour un certain temps il 
 haura bien la couleur de I'or, mais k la longue 
 la dorure se consume & efface, en sorte que 
 le cuivre demeure & apparoit nud; ou, si ce 
 vaisseau est de pur or, plus I'accommoderas k 
 ton usage & service, plus il reluira, & plus beau 
 & plus fin apparoistra I'ar. Ainsi, tous ceuls 
 qui faulsement se ventent du tiltre de Noblesse, 
 quoy qu'il tarde, d^couvrent a la fin par leurs 
 moeurs & conditions leur villennie & lachet^ k 
 ceuls avec lesquels ils conversent; mais les 
 vrays Nobles monstrent, a la fr^quentation 
 
414 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 exterieure, I'iiiterieure noblesse & expriment 
 leur g6n6rosit6, tant en faicts qu'en parolles." * 
 Sainte-Marthe's concern in the interests of his 
 day, as shown by his share in the controversy on 
 the question of woman, has already been noted. 
 The discussion in general focused upon the 
 subject of her worthiness or unworthiness rather 
 than upon that of her position and privileges. 
 The suggestions of Erasmus on the latter aspect 
 of the question had, on the whole, not fructified. 
 We may, then, regard as an advance upon the 
 ordinary defense of the sex, Sainte-Marthe's 
 eloquent plea for the right of woman to educa- 
 tion and learning. He made it in reply to 
 those who, like others before them, considered 
 learning not meant for women, " aliene de I'office 
 & estat de la femme." ^ Sainte-Marthe, indeed, 
 differs from his master. Plato in considering that 
 certain activities, such as the conduct of an 
 army, the govemmeftt of a republic, or public 
 speaking belong only to man, while others, keep- 
 ing the house, caring for their husbands, and 
 having an eye on their establishment, are the 
 
 ' Or. fun. ...deM.de N ., p. 32. 
 ' Ibid., p. 76 et seq. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 415 
 
 proper function of women. Still, no one can 
 deny, he continues, "s'il n'a du tout perdu le 
 sens, le jugement & la raison," that other matters 
 are common to both, such as strength and magna- 
 nimity, justice, temperance, continence, religion 
 and generally all the other virtues. If this be 
 so, he asks, why should woman not be allowed 
 to draw from the common fountain, common to 
 them and all men ? If those who read philosophy 
 and consider the Holy Scriptures to learn thence 
 integrity of morals, are held to be good, wise 
 and prudent, why should we forbid women to 
 read the same books ? To clinch the argument, 
 Sainte-Marthe gives a list of the learned women 
 of antiquity,^ and, since other names than these 
 are needed to support his plea that women should 
 not be denied the reading of the Scriptures as if 
 it were impious and intolerable in them to talk 
 of what men arrogate to themselves "plus par 
 auctorite tirannique que de droit et de raison," ^ 
 he cites the examples of Catherine of Sienna and 
 Hildegarde of Germany, as of Fabia, Marcella 
 and Eustochia, correspondents of St. Jerome. 
 
 ' Cf. supra, p. 375, n. 2. 
 
 ^ Or. fun. de Marguerite de Navarre, p. 79. 
 
416 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 There was no singularity in Sainte-Marthe's 
 views of women other than the warmth of his 
 plea for her enlightenment. He could indeed 
 write with respect of famous women of antiquity, 
 "illustres Amazons," for instance, "qui, par 
 leur virile courage & leurs excellent, proeus & 
 magnanimes gestes, se sont donne une] 6ternelle 
 renomm6," ^ or speak of heroines and the virtues 
 which had won them repute and immortal fame ; 
 still more, could he admire in a woman of his 
 own time the "heroic and virile heart that led 
 her to prefer to pass her time in pursuits worthy 
 of a man ; " ^ but, though he may have cherished 
 an ideal in some sort fulfilled by the Queen of 
 Navarre, Sainte-Marthe's conception of woman 
 as she actually was differed httle from that of 
 the men of his time. 
 
 His eagerness for her enlightenment, indeed, 
 he shared with a far greater mind, not to be 
 credited with defense or admiration of the sex, 
 and yet also captivated, at least at a given 
 moment, by the prospect of woman nobly 
 trained. Rabelais's dream of Thelema, where 
 "il n'estoit entre eux celuy, ne celle qui ne sceust 
 
 1 Or. fun. ... deM.de N., p. 92. ^ Ihid., p. 76. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 417 
 
 lire, escripre, chanter, iouer d'instruments harmo- 
 nieux, parler de cinq & six langaiges, &l en iceulx 
 composer tant en carme que en oraison solue," 
 and where " iamais ne feurent veues dames tant 
 propres, tant mignonnes, moins fascheuses, plus 
 doctes k la main, k I'agueille, k tout acte mulie- 
 bre honneste & libere, que 1^ estoient," ' seems 
 to echo Sainte-Marthe's plea for feminine edu- 
 cation. Yet, in their general conception of 
 woman, these two, man of genius and man of 
 talent, personal enemies it may be, and, in any 
 case, little sympathetic in spirit, are united in 
 indorsing the common view of their day. How 
 can a woman, asks Sainte-Marthe, referring to 
 the loss of Frangoise d'Alengon, "how can a 
 woman have laid under obligation the whole of 
 France? No otherwise than as a fruitful tree, 
 a fecund mare, a spreading stream, benefits its 
 owner, as all the mothers of great men have 
 benefited their country, by conceiving and bear- 
 ing them, as the original source of whose useful- 
 ness they should be forever honored.^ Again, 
 condemning those who hold their wives in such 
 
 1 CEuvres, Vol. I, p. 206. 
 
 2 Or. fun. de Ft. d'A., fol. 35 v"-36 v" 
 
 2b 
 
418 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 servitude that they dare not cough before them, 
 the orator yet feels it proper for a woraan, as 
 St. Paul recommends, to keep silence in her 
 husband's presence, and to speak, according to 
 Plutarch's precept, only with and through him, 
 and he especially commends in Marguerite her 
 wifely obedience and submission. "Mais la trSs- 
 prudente Royne sgavoit bien 1' office d'une bonne 
 & vertueuse femme, qui est de ne contester 
 avec son mary par caquetterie, mais, comme dit 
 S. Paul, se taire en sa pr&ence Sz:, si elle veult 
 aprendre quelque chose, I'interroger. Et, ores 
 que S. Paul n'en auroit one parl6, si avoit elle 
 leu en Pleutarche que la femme doibt parler 
 avec son mari & par son mari & non se cour- 
 roucer si elle parle par la bouche d'aultniy, ainsi 
 que fait le menestrier. 
 
 "Elle eust bien peu avec d'aulcunes caquetter 
 devant son mari ; elle eust peu luy rompre pro- 
 pos quand il eust parl6; elle eust peu usurper 
 son auctorite; elle eust peu contredire k son 
 commandement, mais le recognoissant avec Sara 
 comme son seigneur, I'honoroit, luy ob^issoit 
 comme k son chef ; je d'y qu'elle gaigneoit sagrdce 
 & s'i entretenoit par toute humility & ob6is- 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 419 
 
 sance. Quand il commandeoit quelque chose 
 si tost ne I'avoit dit qu'il estoit faict, car jamais 
 ne lui contredisoit & tant I'aimeoit qu'elle n'a 
 craint d'entretenir so grace k son detriment 
 & dommage." ^ All this corresponds with Rabe- 
 lais' s presentment of the virtuous woman taught 
 to cleave only to her husband. " . . . le cherir, 
 le seruir, totalement I'aymer apres Dieu. . . . 
 Car comme le mirouoir est diet bon et perfaict, 
 non celluy qui plus est orn6 de dorures et pierre- 
 ries, mais celluy qui veritablement repraesente 
 les formes obiectes: aussi celle femme n'est la 
 plus k estimer, laquelle seroit riche, belle, ele- 
 gante, extraicte de noble race; mais celle qui 
 plus s'efforce auecques Dieu soy former en bonne 
 grace & conformer aux meurs de son mary." ^ 
 Sainte-Marthe's omission, too, of all mention of 
 a mother's educative influence in the passage 
 on the conception and birth of great men, well 
 befits an author who, praising the work of the 
 Queen of Navarre, adorned "de telle v6nust6 
 & de si profonde & abundante doctrine," adds 
 that the reader would never suppose he were 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . .deM.de N., p. 73 et seq. 
 ' (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 148 et seq. 
 
420 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 reading the composition of a woman but of 
 "quelque trlsgrave & tresing^nieus auteur,"' 
 who writes of Frangoise as " ce feminin & fragile 
 vaisseau,"^ and who no more forgot the poet's 
 "varium et mutabile" ' than had Rabelais before 
 him when treating of that sex "tant fragU, tant 
 variable, tant muable, tant inconstant & im- 
 perfaict que nature me semble (parlant en tout 
 honneur & reuerence) s'estre esguar^e de ce bon 
 sens par lequel elle auoit cree & form^ toutes 
 choses quand elle a basty la femme." * 
 
 Another movement of his time, concerned 
 with education, keenly interested Sainte-Marthe, 
 and here, too, he meets Rabelais on a common 
 ground. He deplores the defects of the in- 
 struction of the period, which he perceived "au 
 tr^sgrand regret & dommage tant de nous que 
 de la R^publique," to be most corrupt, perni- 
 cious and detestable. If parents would do away 
 with such and follow the method of the Persians, 
 "de maulvais & depraves esprits ils en feroient 
 
 ' Or. fun. ... deM.de N., p. 80. 
 
 2 Or. fun. . . . de Pr. d'A., fol. 32 v°. 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 97. " Car il fault havoir 
 egard au sexe, que le Poete appelle variable & muable, & 
 S. Pierre escrit que c'est un vaisseau fragil & inflrme. " 
 
 * (Euvres, Yol. II, p. 157. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 421 
 
 de bons, & ceuls qui de leur naturelle inclination 
 sont bons, ils rendroient meilleurs." * Rabelais, 
 who also had his word of admiration for the 
 Persians,^ had, some sixteen years earlier,' de- 
 clared his opinion of the books and teachers of 
 his time, who^ "sgavoir n'estoit que besterie, & 
 leur sapience n'estoit que moufles, abastardisant 
 les bons & nobles esperitz, & corrompent toute 
 fleur de ieunesse." ^ The description of the 
 education of the Queen of Navarre, enthusias- 
 tically interpreted by Sainte-Marthe, reads like 
 a page from Rabelais 's account of the ideal 
 education of Pantagruel, especially taken in 
 conjunction with Marguerite's table conversa- 
 tion in later life and her panegyrist's remark 
 on the subject: "Somme il n'y avoit un seul 
 moment d'heure qui ne fust par elle emploi6 k 
 tous propos honnestes, delectables & utiles; "' 
 
 1 Cf. Or. fun. ... deM.de N., p. 38. 
 
 2 (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 34. 
 
 ' Professor C. H. Page, the latest editor of Urquhart's 
 Rabelais, somewhat doubtfully places the date of the 
 earliest edition of Gargantua, following Brunet, between 
 1534 and 1535f Rabelais, p. xliv. And cf. (Euvres de 
 Rabelais (Marty-Laveaux), Vol. VI, p. 323. 
 
 * (Euvres, Vol. I, p. 59. 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . . deM.de N., p. 69. 
 
422 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 " Ceste noble done et sage Dame ne laissa celle 
 qui luy estoit bailee en charge (Marguerite) 
 estre dissolue par voluptes, abandonn^e a super- 
 fluit^s & vains boubans, ne corrompue de parolles 
 oisifves & deshonnestes, qui est, de nostre temps, 
 I'institution presque de tons les grands Seigneurs, 
 mais prudemment I'occupa k tous louables & 
 vertueus exercices, dignes du nom & tiltre de 
 Princesse et d'une future Royne. Aussi luy 
 furent baillfe des domestiques Pr^cepteurs, 
 hommes bien experiment's en maintes bonnes 
 choses, prudents et excellents en toutes mani^res 
 de Science &, pour dire en somme, tels que les 
 Philosophes requi^rent trouver aux Courts des 
 Princes & aux Maisons des Seigneurs au lieu 
 d'un tas de flatteurs, de fols et de gens du tout 
 inutiles." ^ 
 
 There are other subjects on which Rabelais and 
 Sainte-Marthe were in accord. Rabelais, before 
 Sainte-Marthe, had made allusion, jocular, it 
 is true, to the mystical significance of names; 
 both agreed on the prophetic value of dreams ; ^ 
 
 ' Or. fun. ...deM.de N., pp. 40^1. Cf. Rabelais, 
 GarganiiM, Chap. XXIII, (Euvres, Vol. I. 
 
 =i Rabelais, Quart Livre, Chap. XXXVII; Tiers Idvre, 
 Chap. XIII; CEuvres, Vol. I. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 423 
 
 both referred in this connection to Socrates' 
 interpretation of the hnes from Homer as 
 indicating his own approaching death, though 
 Rabelais actually used this as authority for the 
 Virgilian lots, Sainte-Marthe as proof of the 
 import of dreams.^ And, in this connection, 
 Rabelais no less than Sainte-Marthe brackets 
 the Scriptures and classics together, "les sacres 
 lettres le tesmoignent les histoires prophanes 
 I'asoeurent. " ^ Plato's saying on king-philoso- 
 phers or philosopher-kings impressed both;^ and 
 both dwell upon the need of self-rule in him 
 who would govern others.' But such similarities 
 are almost negligible in view of the body of 
 Rabelais's work. It is more surprising that two 
 authors, each steeped in the classics, each pre- 
 sumably drawing from the same sources, should 
 
 ^ It will be remembered that Rabelais represents 
 Socrates as " oyant en prison reciter ce metre de Homere 
 diet de Achilles 9. Iliad. " (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 64. Sainte- 
 Marthe gives the true account of the vision " Socrate en 
 Platon, estant prisonnier veit en dormant une trfesbelle 
 femme qui I'ayant appell6 par son nom lui dist ce vers 
 d'Homfere." Or. fun. ... deM.de N., p. 106. 
 
 2 (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 67. 
 
 ' Cf. supra, p. 391, and Rabelais, (Euvres, Vol. I, 
 p. 168. 
 
 * Cf. supra, p. 386, and Rabelais, (Euvres, Vol. I, p. 189. 
 
424 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 have fallen upon so few common allusions, than 
 that men so temperamentally different should 
 have shared a few common views. Their differ- 
 ences appear especially in the effect upon them 
 of Plato's philosophy. Sainte-Marthe's idol and 
 his doctrines are, on the whole, referred to by 
 Rabelais with a smile,' and this divergence is in- 
 dicative of others. Despite the points mentioned 
 on which they coincided, we may conclude that 
 Sainte-Marthe probably owed little or nothing 
 to Rabelais as regards subject-matter. 
 
 He appears, nevertheless, to have read him well, 
 for, involuntarily it would seem, his own work 
 shows the impress made upon him by the force 
 and vitality of Rabelais' style. For example, 
 the trick of enumeration which the latter employs 
 with such verve and power is to be foimd many 
 times in Sainte-Marthe's prose, as when he writes 
 of the "remunerations constituees aux vertueux 
 & heroiques faicts, comme les couronnes, les 
 triumphes, les trophies, les images & statues, 
 les magistrats, les dignit^s & aultres pareils 
 honneurs," or asks elsewhere, "Oil est celuy, 
 si ce n'est un homme de tout ali^nl d'humanit6, 
 
 ' Cf. for example, CEuvres, Vol. 11, pp. 22, 27, 31, 150. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 425 
 
 qui ne prise, qui n'aime, qui ne revere la candeur, 
 la charity, la piet6 de ceste tant liberale, tant 
 magnifiique & tant vertueuse Royne?"^ Per- 
 haps the best examples of the many which 
 might be adduced are those occurring in the 
 account of the queen's grief on the death of her 
 son. Here the art lies in heightening the 
 description with every clause: "Mais, oil 
 presque toutes les femmes en telle fortune 
 accusent le Ciel, mauldissent la Mort, remplissent 
 Fair de hurlements & vaines plainctes &, du tout 
 faillies de courage, demeurent ainsi que mortes, 
 estonnfes & stupides. Marguerite ouit la triste 
 nouvelle de la mort de son fils de cceur constant 
 & asseure. . . . Cela certes semble chose in- 
 audite & inacoustum^e a ceuls qui jugent 
 grande injure estre faicte aux trespasses si les 
 vivants ne sont vestus de noir, ne se tourmentent 
 de deuil, ne frappent leur poictrine, ne s'arrachent 
 les cheveuls, ne se deffont eulxmesmes d'impa- 
 tience & de d&epoir. " ^ The reader is tempted, 
 also, to attribute to unconscious recollection 
 of Rabelais such expressions as "un mespris des, 
 
 1 Or. fun. . de M. de N., pp. 24 and 89. 
 
 2 IhU., p. 50. 
 
426 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 choses basses & terrestres," "les vertueux & 
 heroiques faicts de tous ces Roys & Princes," 
 " la dehontee loquacity des gents de nulle valeur." ' 
 The resemblance is no less evident for consist- 
 ing in matters so general as the rhythm of the 
 sentence, or the amalgamation of French and 
 Latin words into a native idiom clearly removed 
 from the classical, as in the description of those 
 "qui ont est6 aveugMs de pareille c4cit6 & sont 
 tumb^s en mesme fosse d'erreur & t^merite, "^ 
 or in Sainte-Marthe's account of himself, "Qui 
 ne suis exuberant en resonantes paroUes & n'ay 
 abondance de sentences copieuses." ^ It is, how- 
 ever, in his nobler and more soaring passages that 
 the orator most betrays his debt to the author of 
 Pantagruel. One striking example may suffice. 
 Sainte-Marthe is describing the goodness of God, 
 "lequel nous rend toutes les heures du jour, 
 manifeste tesmoinage de sa misericorde & hberal- 
 ite, ne punissant ceuls qui I'offensent de la rigueur 
 de sa justice, mais les admonnestant se recoign- 
 oistre & amender, les attendant venir a penitence, 
 
 ' Or. fun. de M. de N., pp. 31, 57, and 77. 
 
 ' Or. fun. ...deM.de N., p. 77. 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . de Fr. d'A., fols. 42 v° and 30 v°- 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 427 
 
 & les recevant amoureusement, & leur pardon- 
 nant tresbenignement, quand ils implorent la 
 pitie : commandant pour nous, au ciel, h la terre, 
 & aux mers, nous produire ce qui est necessaire 
 a nostre vie." ^ Such a passage carries the reader 
 back to more than one eloquent outburst in 
 Pantagruel; as, for example: "N'est ce honorer ' 
 le seigneur, createur, protecteur, seruateur? 
 N'est ce le recongnoistre vnicque dateu-r de tout 
 bien ? N'est ce nous declairer tous dependre de 
 sa benignite? Rien sans luy n'estre, rien ne 
 valoir, rien ne pouoir: si sa saincte grace n'est 
 sus nous infuse? N'est ce mettre exception 
 canonicque a toutes nos entreprinses? & tout 
 ce que proposons remettre a ce que sera dispose 
 par sa saincte volunt^, tant es cieulx comme en 
 la terre ? N'est ce veritablement sanctifier son 
 benoist nom ? " ^ 
 
 Since his Funeral Orations show such traces 
 of the influence upon his style of a man with 
 whom Sainte-Marthe had few or no afSnities, still 
 clearer evidence might be expected in them of 
 the impress of authors for whom he professed 
 
 1 Or. fun. . . de Ft. d'A., fol. 22 r° 
 
 2 (Euvres, Vol. II, p. 148. 
 
428 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 admiration. Yet Calvin left no mark, and Mar- 
 guerite of Navarre but a slight one, upon Sainte- 
 Marthe's prose. We have seen with what eager- 
 ness Sainte-Marthe looked forward to the perusal 
 of the Christianae Religionis Institutio, whose 
 strong effect upon his theology is even more 
 ■ evident in the Poesie Francoise and the Para- 
 phrases than in the Funeral Orations. Yet the 
 vigorous, compact, logical style of Calvin's prose 
 has left not the slightest trace upon Sainte- 
 Marthe's. Apart from temperamental diver- 
 gences between the two men, which no admiration 
 could bridge, and which, in spite of the paucity 
 of models, must have rendered abortive any 
 attempt at imitation on Sainte-Marthe's part, 
 there may have been a practical obstacle. Judg- 
 ing by his letter to Calvin,^ Sainte-Marthe un- 
 doubtedly read the Latin version as soon as he 
 could get access to it, and may, therefore, have 
 remained unacquainted with the French. With 
 the unpublished Heptameron, on the other hand, 
 it would be natural to suppose Sainte-Marthe 
 familiar. In spite of its author's sympathetic 
 account of the Dauphin's literary project from 
 
 ' Cf. supra, p. 42. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 429 
 
 which he barred out the learned and "ne 
 voulloyt que leur art y fut mesle, & aussi de 
 paour que la beault6 de la rh^torique feit tort 
 en quelque partye k la v4rit6 de I'histoire,"^ 
 it remains in general likely that she would con- 
 sult, about literary work that occupied her mind, 
 the men of letters in her court. One motive 
 _ of abstinence suggests itself, however, and that 
 a compelling one. The Queen of Navarre may 
 well have doubted whether the philosophical 
 weight of the discussions in the Heptameron 
 would outbalance the hghtness of many of its 
 plots in the minds of men who, like Sainte- 
 Marthe, regarded her principally as the leader 
 in a spiritual movement ; as 
 
 "un d^esse femme. 
 Femme, laquelle au monde converseoit, 
 Mais qui, d'esprit, femme n'apparaissoit. " ^ 
 
 Even if acquainted with it, however, Sainte- 
 Marthe probably regarded the Heptameron 
 a work which the Queen composed, as Brantome 
 has it, "en ses gayettez," as unworthy of serious 
 
 1 Heptameron, Prologue, Vol. I, p. 247. 
 ' Or. fun . . de M. de N., ed. 1550, Dedication, fol. 
 Aiij. v°. 
 
430 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 consideration, and, for whatever cause, he makes 
 not the sHghtest allusion to it when dealing with 
 the Queen of Navarre's "(Euvres &Meditations."' 
 Its philosophical ideas, which might have struck 
 him, were already, if less expressively, present 
 in Marguerite's earlier poems, and he had little 
 to learn from it in that regard ; he was prob- 
 ably incapable of feeling, certainly of emulating, 
 its delicate humor; and the completeness of 
 its presentment of contemporary life, even if 
 he had apprehended it, was not a thing to 
 be consciously imitated in funeral orations. If 
 Sainte-Marthe owes anything to the Hep- 
 tameron it is as a model of picturesque and 
 convincing narrative; and here he may be 
 said to have equalled if he did not surpass 
 its author. 
 
 A fair example of his power in this direction, 
 showing his selection of the most telling details, 
 his skilful use of direct quotation, and the sense 
 of movement which he succeeds in conveying, 
 is his account of the hurried journey, already 
 referred to, taken by Marguerite on hearing 
 of her child's sickness. Its beauty must excuse 
 > Or. fun . de M.de N.,Tpp.79 aad 80. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 431 
 
 its repetition here in spite of its comparative 
 accessibility in Montaiglon's text : ' 
 
 "Mais je vous veuls encores dire un aultre ex- 
 emple de rare piet6, force & constance, qui se 
 trouve en Marguerite ; car comme sa fille Jheanne 
 estoit tr^sgri^vement malade en la royalle Maison 
 de Plessis les Tours, & le bruict fust a la Court, 
 estant lors a Paris, que ceste bonne Princesse 
 tendoit k la mort, la vertueuse mere Marguerite, 
 sur les quatres heures du soir, commanda luy 
 admener sa lectiere, disant qu'elle vouloit aller 
 vers sa fille & que chascun des siens d^lib^rast 
 de partir. II n'y avoit rien prest ; les Officiers 
 & serviteurs estoient absents & 6quart6s, tant 
 par la ville de Paris que par les villages; il 
 estoit desj^ basse heure, car ce fut au plus 
 courts jours: le temps estoit aussi contraire 
 pour la pluye, et ne sa lectiere ne ses mulcts de 
 coffres n' estoient la aupr^s. Cela veoiant, la 
 courageuse Royne emprunta la lectiere de 
 Madame Marguerite, sa niepce, se met dedans 
 &, contente de petite compaignie, deloge de 
 Paris et s'en va jusques au Bourg la Royne. 
 
 1 L' Heptam&ron des Nouvelles de . Marguerite . . 
 de Navarre. The Or. fun. comprises pp. 23-130, of Vol. I. 
 
432 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 "Quand ils furent la venus, ne s'en alia de- 
 scendre a son logis, ains alia tout droit a I'Eglise, 
 oCi, ainsi qu'elle vouloit entrer, diet aux assis- 
 tants que le cceur luy signifieoit je ne sgay quoy 
 de la mort de sa fille, & les priea tous affec- 
 tueusement se retirer &, pour une petite heure, la 
 laisser seule au Temple. Tous luy ob dissent &, 
 en grand ennuy, attendent leur maistresse h la 
 porte de I'Eglise. La S^neschalle de Poictou,* 
 trSsfidele Dame & tressoigneuse de Marguerite, 
 entra seule avec elle. 
 
 " Estant Marguerite entree, se met k genoils 
 devant I'image de Jesus crucifix, fait a Dieu 
 pri^re du pBofond du cceur; elle souspire, elle 
 pleure, elle luy confesse toutes ses offenses & 
 tourne sur elle la seule cause de la maladie de 
 sa fille, demande treshumblement pardon & 
 supplie que la sant^ de la malade lui soit 
 octroi^e mais c'estoit avec condition si I'en- 
 t^rinement de sa requeste estoit a I'une & 
 I'aultre n^cessaire, sgaichant bien que la vo- 
 lunte de Dieu doibt estre tout demand^e. . . . 
 
 ' Louise de Dallou, wife of Andr6 de Vivonne, Sene- 
 schal of Poitou. She was Brantdme's grandmother. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 433 
 
 Marguerite, aprls sa pri^re faicte, se lilve, sort de 
 I'Eglise et trouve k la porte plusieurs grands 
 personnages qui coramenc^rent de lui doimer 
 courge par maintes bonnes consolations, auxquels 
 elle dist: "0 mes amis, il ne me fault attendre 
 que les hommes adoulcissent ma douleur par 
 leur conseil & consolation, car Celuy seul me 
 consolera k qui plaist par cette dure adversity 
 faire essay de ma patience et de ma Constance. 
 Mais, puis que, le temps pass6, ne m'a point 
 abandonee en tant d'infortunes oil j'estois en- 
 velopp6e, j'espere que je ne seray trompee de mon 
 attente, car desja son sainct Esprit prommet au 
 mien que ma fille, tant p^rilleuse & d6sesp6ree 
 soit la maladie qui I'afHige, sera d61ivr6e & re- 
 couvrera sa premiere sant6. 
 
 "En tenant ces propos, arrive h son logis, entre 
 &, apr^s qu'elle se fut un petit repos^e, son 
 Maistre d'hostel I'advertit de soupper. Elle 
 lave & s'assiet a table, mais je vouldrois, 6 
 Alengonnois, ou que tr^sbien vous sgeuss^s, ou 
 que je vous peusse sufSsamment reciter les pro- 
 pos qu'elle tint, en souppant, de la bonte, de 
 la pi^te, de la mis^ricorde de Dieu, de quelle 
 haulteur de paroUes elle exprima la puissance 
 2f 
 
434 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 & la providence divine, de quelle gravity de 
 sentences elle r^cita la mis ere & la calamit6 
 humaine. 
 
 " Apres qu'elle eut soupp6, de rechef commanda 
 k chascun de sortir de sa chambre &, quant elle 
 eut quelque espace de temps vaqu6 a oraison, 
 se feist apporter la Bible. L'ayant ouverte, 
 s'agenoille & s'appuye sur un petit banc, &, 
 comme elle vint, le S. Esprit ainsi I'ordonnant, 
 k s'arr^ter sur le passage oii nous est recitee 
 I'oraison que feist k Dieu Ez6chie, Roi de Juda, 
 quand il demanda prolongation de sa vie apres 
 que le Prophete luy eut adnonc6 la mort, sans 
 que personne y penseast, de loing fut entendu 
 venir un Poste qui, au son de son cor, monstroit 
 ass^s qu'il alloit en diligence. Adonc vous les 
 eussies tous veus ch& la Royne fort 6tonn6s 
 &, ainsi que dit le Proverbe, tenants le loup 
 aux aureilles, car ils n'estoient encores bien 
 assures quelles nouvelles le Courier apportoit. 
 
 "Au signe de la Poste Marguerite se lieve, 
 court k la fenestre, I'ouvre, demande ou va le 
 Courier & quelles nouvelles il porte. Personne 
 ne luy respond, car qu'eussent ils peu respondre ? 
 Si, pour la consoler, luy eussent dit qu'il apportoit 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 435 
 
 bonnes nouvelles & il eust est6 aultrement, la 
 vaine esp^rance de si courte joye eust possible re- 
 nouvell6 & de plus fort augments sa douleur 
 & tristesse. Et, si ainsi eust est6 que sa fille 
 fust dec^d^e, oil est celui qui eust voulu si 
 soubdainement luy dire & se faire messager de 
 si triste fortune ? Veoiant Marguerite que per- 
 sonne ne lui respondoit, retourne k son oraison; 
 mais 6 Seigneur Dieu, de quelle affection d'esprit 
 & de quelle ardente foy elle parloit a toy ! Et, 
 comme elle estoit ainsi demour^e entre crainte 
 & esp^rance, Nicolas d'Anguye, lors Evesque de 
 SaiXj maintenant de Mande, au logis duquel le 
 Courier 6toit descendu, s'en vint k la maison de 
 la Royne, frappe k la porte de sa chambre. On 
 luy ouvre ; il entre & trouve ceste bonne Princesse 
 estant h genoils, la face inclin^e centre terre, & 
 intentifve k oraison. 
 
 "Un peu apr^s elle se lieve &, d^tournee vers 
 le venerable Evesque : "Monsieur de Saix, " luy 
 dist-elle, " ven^s vous icy pour adnoncer k une 
 dolente mere la mort de sa fille unique ? J'entens 
 bien qu'elle est maintenant avec Dieu?" Le 
 tresprudent homme, auquel une singuli^re pi4te 
 de moeurs est conjoincte avec une assur^e 
 
436 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 erudition & exact jugement, ne voulut emou- 
 voir les esprits de la Royne par une trop soub- 
 daine joye, aias tr^smodestement luy respondit 
 que v^ritablement sa fille vivoit avec Dieu aiusi 
 qu'avec luy vivent tous ceuls I'esprit desquels vit 
 par Foy, car il est mort oil il n'y a point de foy, 
 mais qu'elle estoit encores en ce monde, que la 
 fiebvre Tavoit lais6e, que son flux de sang estoit 
 arreste & que les M^decins envoioient toute bonne 
 et joyeuse nouvelle, ce qu'il avoit entendu par 
 les lettres que le Courier avoit apportees. 
 Quand Marguerite entendit ce propos, elle ne 
 commencea, comme plusieurs eussent fait, de 
 monstrer une insolente & effr^nee joye pour si 
 bonne nouvelle, mais, les mains levies au Ciel, 
 tr^shumblement le remercia. " ^ 
 
 Such a passage is by no means exceptional. 
 Both orations offer many examples of close ob- 
 servation and clear expression, gifts of the true 
 narrator. And Sainte-Marthe was evidently 
 conscious of his pictorial powers, declaring of 
 those who mourned the duchess of Beaumont: 
 "Quand ils liront cest louenge funebre, I'image 
 de la trespassee se representera k euls, qui leur 
 1 Or. fun. . . de M. de N., pp. 52-55. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 437 
 
 causera une consolation & contentement par la 
 memoire d'elle. "' 
 
 Their passages of graphic narrative and pre- 
 sentment of visual images are not, however, the 
 most noteworthy features of the Orations. It 
 was in gifts of oratory that Sainte-Marthe 
 really shone, and here it is when heated with 
 indignation that he is most fluent and most elo- 
 quent : " Que si Ton nous vouloit presser de trop 
 pres pour nommer ceuls qui sont tombfe jus- 
 ques en ceste rage que d'avoir aus6 d^hontement 
 mesdire d'elle," he writes, for example, "ceuls 
 1^ apertement & en public, ceuls cy secretement 
 & soubs les chemin^es, les uns aux tavernes, 
 les aultres en leurs maisons, les aultres aussi en 
 leurs Legons & Sermons, certes sa doulceur, sa 
 benignity, sa Constance, seroit ass^s manifestee 
 & congnue k toutes sortes de gents." ^ Sainte- 
 Marthe's skill with verse as an instrument of 
 invective has been remarked upon ; his use 
 of prose for the same purpose is no less telling. 
 The fire and energy of his attack ennoble even 
 his exaggerations and personalities. He lifts 
 
 1 Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 21 r° 
 
 2 Or. fun. ...deM.de N., pp. 56-57. 
 
438 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 his voice against ingratitude thus: "0 extreme 
 impudence, ingratitude Scythique! Mais ce 
 n'est grand merveille d' entendre ceuls avoir est^ 
 impudents qui ont surpasse toute memoire d'in- 
 gratitude, je dy, qui sent monstres les plus 
 ingrats dont jamais on ouit parler?" "O 
 quelle honte hauront nos babUlardes, qui de 
 Savetieres se font grandes Dames & encores, 
 qu'elles soient descendues de basse maison et 
 mariees h des nobles & illustres persormes aus- 
 quels elles doivent tout ce qu'elles sont, ce 
 n^antmoins ce sont de glorieuses coquardes, qui 
 ne portent honneur k leurs maris, & n'en tiennent 
 compte non plus que de simples Charbonniers, 
 &, tant k la maison que dehors, leur langue est 
 un traquet de moulin & un vray cymbale, en 
 sorte que, quand elles caquettent leurs inepties, 
 on diroit, k les ouir, que c'est un tintamarre de 
 chaulderons, tabourins & clochettes." ^ For his 
 oratory, Sainte-Marthe owed little to French 
 models. The commonplaces of the rhetoric of 
 the time, as Montaiglon has noted, are commonly 
 absent from his work, but, even in passages 
 where the tactics of the orator are most in 
 ' Or. fun. . . .deM.de N., p. 74 et seq. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 439 
 
 evidence, Sainte-Marthe can redeem them by the 
 picturesqueness of his phrases and a certain sus- 
 tained energy, and generally succeeds in resisting 
 the temptation to mere grandiloquence. When 
 he speaks of the world " qui n'est que vanite, 
 n'ha rien que vanity, promet que vanity, ne poeut 
 donner que vanity : et par consequent, il fait 
 celuy qui se rend son esclave, cercheur de vanite, 
 amateur & admirateur de vanity," ' though the 
 attempt to charm the ear by rhythmic repetition 
 is too obvious to be altogether successful, Sainte 
 Marthe stops short of distasteful extremes. 
 When he addresses death, fortune, and the in- 
 fluential stars, his verve redeems the bombast 
 he does not escape: "0 Mort, si nos injures 
 pouvoient de toy nous venger, & diminuer aussi 
 la douleur que nous sentons de ta violence & 
 crudelit6, que tu serois assaillie s'opprobres, que 
 tu serois picquee de Satyres, que tu serois assiegee 
 d'invectives, que tu serois assommee d'oultrages. 
 Et vous Astres & corps celestes, si nostre foy 
 permettoit donner telle vertu & tels effects k vos 
 influences, que les Ethniques & infideles leur 
 attribuent, & que nos maledictions peussent 
 
 1 Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., M. 10 r°. 
 
440 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 donner aucun soulagement a nostre dueil, que 
 d'imprecations vous oyri^s de nous ! Et toy 
 Fortune, qui desires estre recognue & reveree 
 pour la seule regente de ce monde, si nostre 
 Religion consentoit k te recevoir pour telle, que 
 tu serois souvent appellee muable, indiscrete, 
 inique, cruelle!" ^ 
 
 It must be confessed that there are a few 
 passages in which Sainte-Marthe's taste fails 
 him completely, as when he compares the 
 duchess of Beaumont to the Trojan horse, in 
 that from her "ont est§ procr^es tant de 
 tr^snobles Princes, fr^res, k I'honneur, proesse 
 & vertu desquels toute I'esperance des Frangois 
 . . . pour aujourd'huy se repose;"^ or when he 
 likens to the court of Francis I, "laT^ Court de ce 
 grand Dieu, Empereur & Seigneur de tout le 
 Monde." ^ Again, with exasperating bluntness 
 of sensibility he consoles his hearers by the 
 reminder that if Marguerite of Navarre is gone. 
 Marguerite of France remains : " EUes ne differ- 
 ent de nom, de surnom, de maison, de sang, 
 d'armoiries; il pent estre qu'elles diff^roient 
 
 1 Or. fun. . . . de Ft. d'A., fol. 5 r° 
 
 " Or. fun. de M. de N., pp. 44-45. ' Ibid., p. 115. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 441 
 
 quelque peu en grandeur, car I'une estoit Royne 
 & I'aultre attend encor le tiltre Royal, mais elle 
 est tresdigne d'estre colloqu^e non avec un Roy 
 seulement, mais avec un Monarche & dominateur 
 de tout ce monde. Que si le tr^sd^bonnaire 
 Dieu nous donneoit, ce que tous esp^rons & de 
 tr^sbon coeur luy demandons, que la Niepce 
 mist sur sa teste la couronne que la Tante a 
 lais^e, nous n'haurions plus occasion de regretter 
 Marguerite de Valois, Royne de Navarre." ^ 
 Sainte-Marthe is even, on occasion, not above 
 the least worthy tricks of the orator. The 
 oration on the Queen of Navarre was, in fact, 
 never delivered; yet its author thus prepares 
 to exhort his expected audience: "Mais vostre 
 maintien 6 Allengoimois, m'incite & contraint a 
 parachever ce que j'ay commence, & desja je 
 sents en moy mon coeur, vous veoiant ainsi 
 attentifs, s'estre tant enhardy que je ne puis 
 plus r^sister k vostre autorite, qui ha sur moy 
 puissance." ^ 
 
 Defects like these, however, are rare in Sainte- 
 Marthe 's prose; and he may, on the whole, be 
 
 1 Or. fun. ... deM.de N., pp. 117-118. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 29. 
 
442 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 said to stand alone among his immediate con- 
 temporaries in the matter of feeling, taste and 
 eloquence. The reader has only to compare his 
 Orations with similar works much admired in 
 their time in order to appreciate Sainte-Marthe's 
 superiority, such works, for example, as Duch^ 
 tel's two funeral orations on the king, to one of 
 which Sainte-Marthe himself refers as "une 
 tresornee & tresrenomm6e Oraison." ^ The clear 
 and picturesque, if somewhat elaborated and 
 prolix, exposition of Sainte-Marthe's thought 
 contrasts favorably with the disconnected ideas, 
 the long, inorganic sentences, the awkward meta- 
 phors of Duchdtel's orations,^ his true touch 
 in matters of feeling, with his predecessor's 
 labored expressions. Hardly once does the latter 
 succeed in conve}Tng profound feeling in telling 
 words ; Sainte-Marthe's Oration, on the contrary, 
 overflows with emotional expression which con- 
 vinces without transgressing the bounds of taste, 
 such as, "0 quelle douleur, quelle angoisse, quel 
 chagrin & soulcy avoit la dolente mere de voir 
 son enfant en si pitoyable estat?"^ — his excla- 
 
 ' Or. fun. ... deM.de N., p. 40. = Cf. p. 629. 
 
 3 Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 33. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 443 
 
 mation on the distress of Frangoise at her child's 
 illness. It is, naturally, when speaking of the 
 death of the Queen of Navarre that Sainte-Marthe 
 is most moved and most touching. Whether 
 expressing his sense of the finality of death, 
 or the grief and faithful love of the survivors, 
 Sainte-Marthe knows how to reach the hearts 
 of his auditors. He finds words for their despair 
 and for their loyalty: "Que voulons nous 
 done puisque nostre volunte n'ha plus de puis- 
 sance? C'est fait." "Mais je sents bien, 6 
 Alen5onnois, ou tendent les plainctes que vous 
 faictes contre la Mort, c'est que plus ne veoyls 
 vostre Marguerite en ce Monde, plus ne parlfe 
 a elle, car elle est estendue morte en son 
 sepulchre." " Laissons done les froids & faincts 
 colladateurs des morts refraischir leur memoire, 
 ou en lisant les inscriptions des sepulchres ou 
 en regardent les statues qui leur sont erig^es, 
 car nous havons tousjours memoire de la Royne 
 de Navarre."^ Perhaps Sainte-Marthe's most 
 convincing words are those of consolation. He 
 pictures the queen at rest after the business of 
 the day was over — "Tame de laquelle, qui tout 
 > Or. fun. ... deM.de N., pp; 116, 117, 118. 
 
444 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 le jour a est^ diffuse par le corps & respandue 
 aux sens, descharg^e de §on fardeau, se r6unit 
 par un douls dormir & se caiche au dedans, si 
 bien que jamais elle ne fut veue dormir plus 
 doulcement ne plus a son aise. Ou est celui de 
 nous," he continues, "qui seroit marri de son 
 repos ? Et, si son Valet de chambre ouvroit la 
 porte k quelques uns qui feissent tel bruit qu'elle 
 s'en eveillast, ne luy dirions nous toutes les 
 injures du monde &, quand elle reposeroit, 
 n'imposerions nous silence £t un chascun? Ne 
 les advertirions nous de marcher tout beau? 
 Que n'en faisons nous aujourd'huy autant?" he 
 concludes, simply.^ 
 
 No less frequent with Sainte-Marthe than the 
 true expression of feeling is the happy use of 
 simile, the happy turn of phrase. He compares 
 the Duchess of Beaumont to a spring, "une claire 
 fontaine, qui de ses crystalins bras embrasse 
 & circuit tout le pais, arrose les pres, & liberale- 
 ment distribue de son eau, pour esteindre la 
 soif des hommes, des bestes, des arbres, des 
 herbes & de toutes les creatures de la terre," ^ 
 
 ' Or. fun. ... deM.de N., pp. 114-115. 
 ' Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 36 r°. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 445 
 
 and compares the virtues of Marguerite to a 
 glittering light, in an account of the Emperor's 
 suit, which, for the rest, reads like a page from a 
 fairy tale : " Et comme ceuls qu'elle avoit attirfe 
 h son admiration semoient par tout & k tous 
 les rares vertus d'elle, tantost fut la renomm^e 
 espandue jusques a Charles, aujourd'huy Em- 
 pereur & lors Roy des Espaignes, qu'en la Court 
 du Roy de France estoit une jeune fille, Princesse, 
 excellente en beault^ & resplendissante de 
 vertus comme d'une clarte estincellante par ses 
 raions. Charles, esmeu de ce bruit, commengea 
 se sentir frapp6 de I'amour de la vierge, qu'il 
 n'avoit one veue, dont il envoia en France 
 ses Ambassadeurs la demander pour luy en 
 marriage. " ' The artful simplicity of such a 
 description would be hardly ma ched in any 
 contemporary author, but it is by no means un- 
 common in Sainte-Marthe's Orations. In one 
 place, speaking of the birth of Marguerite, Sainte- 
 Marthe, by sheer graoe and artlessness, almost 
 persuades his hearers of the impossible : " Quand 
 done elle fut sortie du ventre de sa mere, si tost 
 ne fut entree en ce Monde que si grands signes 
 » Or. fun. . . de M. de N., p. 44. 
 
446 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 & certains indices d'une tresexcellente indole 
 apparurent au visaige de cest enfant que quicon- 
 ques la regardoit, comme touchy d'un divin 
 augure, soubdainement se promettoit d'elle je 
 ne sgay quoy de bon qui excedderoit la naturelle 
 inclination de la mortality & condition humaine. 
 Elle monstroit un visaige riant k tous ceuls qui 
 la regardoient, &, estant nue, presentoit a un 
 chascun sa main, comme si elle eust voulu donner 
 sa foy de ne se laisser jamais surpasser a per- 
 sonne en humanity, doulceur & liberality. " ^ 
 Such graceful phrases as adorn these passages 
 abound in both orations. "Je n'en scaiche 
 aultres," Sainte-Marthe tells the Alengennois, 
 "qui deussent plus tost se revestir de noir & 
 estre solitairement triste que vous." ^ "Mettons 
 toute tristesse, dueil & m^lancholie hors de 
 nostre esprit," ' he exhorts them, echoing a re- 
 frain of Salel's, and thus addresses those who 
 mourned Frangoise d'Alencon: "Laissons ces 
 charnelles louanges aux chamels & mondains; 
 qui ne prisent que les choses extemes, caduques 
 
 1 Or. fun ... deM.de N., p. 33. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 109 etseq. 
 ' Ibid., p. 121. 
 
THE FUNERAL ORATIONS 447 
 
 & transitoires," ' — a phrase whose musical 
 fall must have pleased his ear, since he repeats it 
 concerning her daughter Catherine de Bourbon's 
 renunciation of the world and all "dehces mon- 
 daines, caduques & transitoires. " ^ 
 
 It is evident, then, that the Orations are to 
 be credited with grace no less than eloquence; 
 and these qualities, combined with a taste, if not 
 unerring, still in the main correct, and brought 
 into the service of profound feeling, entitle them 
 to consideration as noteworthy performances for 
 their time. It was more probably their remark- 
 able erudition which gained for them, in an age 
 passionately concerned with learning, that 
 "grand applaudissement de toute la France" 
 recorded by Scevole de Sainte-Marthe ; but it 
 is his appeal to the more elemental feelings, no 
 less than his reflection of the thought of his 
 generation, which justifies the claim of their 
 author to a respectable place in the history of 
 French prose as well as in that of ideas. 
 
 ' Or. fun. . . . de Fr. d'A., fol. 9 v°. 
 2 Or. fun. . . . de Ft. d'A., fol. 40 r". 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 LATIN WORKS 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's Latin paraphrases of the 
 Seventh and Thirty-third ^ Psalms, although 
 composed within a short time of one another and 
 published together, were produced under very 
 different circumstances; his Latin Meditation 
 on the Ninetieth Psalm ^ after an eventful in- 
 terval of ten years ; yet the Paraphrases and the 
 Meditation do not fail to exhibit the common 
 impress of their author's individuality. 
 
 This shows itself, for instance, in the theology 
 which lay at the bottom of his thought, a theology 
 obviously in some measure, at least, derived from 
 Calvin. All three works lay stress upon 'pre- 
 destination,' 'election,' 'grace,' 'providence' ; 
 all animadvert upon 'works' and 'merits,' al- 
 though the doctrine of the depravity of human 
 
 1 The Thirty-fourth in our version. For the sake of 
 convenience, it will be referred to as in Sainte-Marthe's 
 title. 
 
 ^ The Ninety-first in our version. Cf. supra, note. 
 448 
 
LATIN WORKS 449 
 
 nature is clearly stated only in the first Para- 
 phrase. This, the Paraphrase upon the Seventh 
 Psalm, shows the least, the Meditation upon the 
 Ninetieth Psalm the greatest, caution in doctrinal 
 matters. The former devotes a third of its pages 
 to the exposition of theological views at least 
 open to suspicion; the latter, without altering 
 these views, deals in saving clauses and depre- 
 cates censure. Its author, for example, as we 
 have seen, emphatically declares against schism, 
 "quum extra Ecclesiam non sit salus, atque 
 solos illos pro suis Deus agnoscat qui manent 
 in Ecclesia," as again, in his Argument, he takes 
 care to disarm those who may discover in his 
 Paraphrase too much stress upon faith, too much 
 scorn of 'works' and 'merits': "De fide quum 
 loquimur, de sola fide dicimus, quae bona opera 
 per Charitatem profert: ne quis putat nudam 
 illam fidem, hoc est, pietate vacuam, eas promis- 
 siones expectare debere quae hie vere credentibus 
 fiunt." ^ The whole is in the tone of a man pre- 
 pared to submit his judgment to that of the 
 Church, a man who is ready to exclaim: "Adju- 
 
 1 In Psalmum xc . . . Meditatio paraphrastica, fols. 14 r" 
 and 7 r°. 
 
 2g 
 
450 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 torium altissimi, est Ecclesia sacrosancta, Cujus 
 caput est Christus." '■ 
 
 And, if Sainte-Marthe's actual theology under- 
 went no appreciable change in the course of 
 ten years, this is notably true also of its prac- 
 tical fruits, which held him to the ascetic con- 
 ception of life at a moment when the early 
 movement of the Renaissance inclined a man of 
 his time and associations to a view wholly dif- 
 ferent. In his Paraphrase of the Thirty-third 
 Psalm written in his first movement of joy and 
 gratitude at his release, he writes: "Non habet 
 ille grata Pharisseorum opera, qui sua merita 
 tactitant, & suae iustitiae sanctitatem tribuunt : 
 set eorum qui se abnegant ipsos, ac prorsus dis- 
 trahuntur a suis adfectibus. Qui, spretis huius 
 mundi uoluptatibus, in lachrymis, in uigiliis, & 
 in ieiunii, vitam transigunt."^ Ten years later 
 he makes his ascetic point of view even plainer. 
 The declaration with which he opens his Medita- 
 tion on the Ninetieth Psalm could not more 
 clearly forswear the material paganism, the mere 
 sensual dehght in life which played so large a part 
 
 • In Paalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 14 r°. 
 
 2 In Psalmum . xxxiii Paraphrasis, p. 192. 
 
LATIN WORKS 451 
 
 in the Renaissance. The sentiments of Petrarch 
 surveying the world from Mount Ventoux were 
 not more characteristically mediaeval: "Quum 
 ego mecum statum mundi hujus consydero, ac 
 rerum prope omnium, cum cotidiana varietate, 
 frequentes mutationes ante oculos pono meos, 
 mihi videtur perpulchre sibi consulere, qui, quse- 
 cumque hie videt ac intuetur pro vanitate ducit : 
 atque et a mundo, et ab iis rebus quae in mundo 
 sunt omnibus, animum abducit ac in solum 
 ilium cunctorum opficem Deum, mentis suae 
 aciem dirigit. Nam, ubi humanae felicitatis, 
 quam homo in vanitate collocat, principium, 
 progressionem, incrementum, statum, ac finem 
 tandem ipsumque exitum diligenter perspexeri- 
 mus, nemo certe homo erit (nisi prorsus judicio 
 careat) qui felicissimum esse non dicat illium 
 Qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi. " '■ Further 
 on in the Meditation Sainte-Marthe's words 
 suggest that he had consciously in mind some 
 of the views popular with the men of the Re- 
 naissance. He not only deprecates the Re- 
 naissance conception of 'Nature' as interpreted 
 by the skeptic, "qui denique pro altissimo, 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . Medit., fol. 1 r". 
 
452 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Naturam nescio quam introducit cui attribuit, 
 quidquid terra alit, procreat ac vegetat," 
 but he definitely attacks one of its extreme theo- 
 ries, the 'omnis voluptas bona est,' so frankly 
 set forth by Laurentius Valla.^ "Dicunt prse- 
 terea, Naturae adfectibus prorsus acquiescendum 
 esse, ut quoquo se inchnent, eo proni ac prse- 
 cipites fern debeamus, ac proinde ridiculum 
 existimant, cupiditates cordis sic cohibere, ut, 
 quam habeamus a Natura Ubertatem, nescii 
 cuidam spiritati seruituti adhgemus. Huic 
 opinioni non refragatur sapientia Carnis; nam 
 quomodo reclamaret sententise ita sibi adridenti ? 
 Non repugnat Mundus: quandoquidem nullos 
 habet, qui suos fines latius dilatent : neque non 
 potest iis plausibilis esse, qui Mundo adeo addict 
 sunt, ut nihil aliud quam Carnem spirent." ^ 
 
 But, although Sainte-Marthe may have ex- 
 pressed his inner convictions when he set his 
 face against the pagan aspect of the Renaissance, 
 he assuredly did violence to himself in suppress- 
 ing in these Latin works all, or almost all, obvious 
 
 ' at. Brunetifere, Hist, de la Kit. Franfaise classique, Vol. 
 1, p. 15. The De Voluptate ac summo bono had been pub- 
 lished as lately as 1512. 
 
 2 In Psalmum xc . . Medit., fols. 14 r° and 18 i°. 
 
LATIN WORKS 453 
 
 evidence of his humanistic sympathies. His 
 frequent quotations are scriptural quotations, 
 his examples almost invariably scriptural ex- 
 amples. To readers familiar with the Funeral 
 Orations the taste which eliminated practically 
 all classical allusions from scriptural Paraphrase 
 and Meditation presupposes a discipline little 
 short of heroic. Sainte-Marthe must have 
 checked himself at every page, almost at every 
 sentence. As a fact, although in the dedicatory 
 letters he yields freely to his classical proclivities, 
 he succeeds in suppressing all but four or five 
 direct classical references in the works them- 
 selves. We should tear our hearts and not our 
 garments, "atque eo minus bachantium more 
 in proprios artus ssevire"; when enemies sur- 
 round him, who would not wish to be covered 
 "clypeo illo fortissimo, quo apud Homerum 
 Teucer, Aiacis f rater, a morte servatus est" ? to 
 speak of justification by 'merits' and 'works' 
 alone, what is it else, but to pile mountains 
 on mountains and attempt a violent assault 
 of heaven, "Gygantum poeticorum instar"?i 
 
 1 In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraphrasis, p. 91 ; In 
 Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fols. 22 r° and 20 r°. 
 
454 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Sainte-Marthe indulges himself elsewhere also 
 with this simile. God will destroy those, who, 
 trusting in their own powers, are ready to 
 venture anything : "forte montes montibus super- 
 ingesturi ut te cffilo propellant, quemadmodum 
 Gygantes fecisse quondam finguntur, ut lovem k 
 solio suo deturbarent. Set quo tendit Poetarum 
 figmentum . . . nisi quod (ut ait scriptura) non 
 saluabuntur in multitudine uirtutis suae?"^ 
 These, with a reference to the riches of Crcesus, 
 a characterization of the vulgar crowd as 
 Euripus and Polypus, and a reference to aveng- 
 ing conscience as "ultricem illam, infestissimam 
 molestissimamque furiam Alastoram in con- 
 scientia," '^ sum up the obviously classical orna- 
 ments he permitted himself in a total of two 
 hundred and fifty-seven pages. But Sainte- 
 Marthe could not so easily divest himself of 
 the substance of the classics which had become 
 part of the stuff of his mind. Surely the e/a/co? 
 oSovTcov occurred to him when, paraphrasing the 
 verse, " Prohibe linguam tuam a malo & labia 
 tua ne loquantur dolum," he ushers in St. 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraph., p. 61. 
 * In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fols. 9 v° and 37 v°- 
 
LATIN WORKS 455 
 
 James' metaphors of fire and of the bitted 
 horse with "Cogita dihgenter apud te, quam ab 
 caussam Natura Hnguse dentes & labia, tanquam 
 vallum aliquod, opposuerit : nempe ut non possit 
 quando uolet prorumpere ac blaterare ac futilia 
 pleraque inaniter effutire quse longe prsestaret 
 tacuisse;"^ and Horace scarcely less than Job, 
 to whom he makes marginal reference, must 
 have been in his mind when he wrote, " Proinde 
 si sseviat fortuna, non dejiciar animo: si quid 
 prosperitatis adfulserit, non insolescam," ^ or 
 elsewhere expanded the same idea with an elo- 
 quence in which reminiscence of his own experi- 
 ence plays its part.^ Again, Lucretius was at 
 least the original source of one of his similes: 
 "Ut enim quum puero volumus absinthium dare, 
 oras poculi melle circum linimus, quo puer, 
 meUis dulcedine allectus, quidquid in poculo 
 continentur mellitum esse putet, ac haustu uno 
 in ventrem mittat.* And if Horace and Homer 
 informed his mind, Sainte-Marthe was indebted, 
 
 ' In Psalmum . . . xxxiii, Paraph., p. 179. 
 ' Ihid., p. 148. 
 
 « In Psalmum xc . . Medit., fol. 16 v". Sainte-Marthe 
 returns to this idea later in the Meditation, fol. 25 v°. 
 i Ibid., fol. 17 v"- 
 
456 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 as theologian no less than as orator, to Pliny 
 for his natural history. 
 
 Paraphrases and Meditation, as little as the 
 Orations, indicate that he cast an actual observ- 
 ing eye upon fauna and flora, though these afford 
 him many a convenient simile. In his Para^ 
 phrases such prodigies are to be met with as 
 a porcupine (hystrix) compounded of Phny's 
 'hystrix' and 'harinaceus," as the "Bonasus 
 animal" (qui), quoniam cornibus inutiliter im- 
 plexis Isedere non potest, fugiens fimum reddit : 
 cuius contactus, insequentes ut ignis aliquis 
 comburit," ^ or as the ' rhododendron,' poisonous 
 to animals but affording to man a cure for the 
 venom of serpents.^ Even when he did not go 
 to Pliny, Sainte-Marthe relied upon his imag- 
 ination rather than upon his own observation 
 in such matters as when he represents chickens 
 defending themselves against a hawk, "suseim- 
 becilitatis obliti" !* 
 
 ' In Psalm,um Septimum . . . Paraph., p. 59. Cf. Pliny, 
 VIII, Chaps. LIII and LVI. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 107. Cf. Pliny, VIII, Chap. XVl. 
 
 ' Ded. to Galbert, In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraph., 
 p. 9. Cf. PUny, XVI, Chap. XXXIII. 
 
 * In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 22 r°. 
 
LATIN WORKS 457 
 
 However small Sainte-Marthe's perception of 
 natural phenomena, he is, in his Latin works, 
 more lavish of illustrations drawn from actual 
 life than is the case in his funeral orations. 
 This was perhaps because his abstinence from 
 classical illustration or allusion threw him back, 
 when scriptural examples did not suffice him, 
 upon his own experience of life. It may be, 
 indeed, that he actually owed to recollections of 
 Rabelais rather than to his own observation so 
 lively an account of a city in danger of siege as the 
 following: "Si quando hostium adventu terre- 
 tur civitas, statim omnem curam adhibent cives, 
 ne incauti deprehendantur, muros reficiunt, val- 
 lum et fossam reparant, arces armis, hastilibus, 
 lanceis, bombardis, teUs missilibus muniunt, ex- 
 cubias coUocant: in summa, sese omnes operi 
 accingunt, quo imparatos eos hostis non adgredi- 
 atur : in hanc enim soHcitudinem si non incum- 
 berent, nullo negocio expugnarentur ; " ' but 
 other illustrations may with more probability 
 
 be set down as the fruit of his own obser- 
 
 « 
 
 vation. He dwells, for instance, with great 
 
 1 In Psalmum xc . . Medit., fol. 12 v". Cf. Rabelais, 
 CEuvres, Vol. II, pp. 6 and 7. 
 
458 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 vividness upon the unhappy conditions of the 
 time at which he wrote: "Hodie propemodum 
 exanimamur omnes moerore, cum fructus terrse 
 sementi non respondent, cum feruent omnia 
 bellis, cum grassatur pestis, cum cruciamur in- 
 audito quodam genere morbonun, cvlm uexant 
 nos Bestiae, cum urget fames & homines una 
 cum brutis animantibus iugulat." ' Again, he 
 describes the fall of courtiers: "Eos Principes 
 exosculabuntur, amplectentur, amabunt, lu- 
 benter audient, honoribus ac divitijs cumula- 
 bunt: set quid inde? Si enim fortuna reflarit 
 odiosior, in quas illi miserias recident, testes 
 erunt complures, quos nostra memoria vidimus, 
 a summo favore, aula excludi, et ignominiose 
 in vincula pertrahi ; atque alios, bonis publicatis, 
 cruci sufBgi; alios capite truncari, alios carceri 
 perpetuo mancipari; alios relegari." * Else- 
 where he gives in a few words a convincing 
 picture of poverty: "Quod si te rerum onmium 
 penuria sic divexabit, ut quantam quantam 
 operam impendas, ut tua industria tibi ac tuis 
 victum pares, non possis tamen: ac te interim 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum . Paraph., p. 100. 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fols. 10 r° and v° 
 
LATIN WORKS 459 
 
 destituant homines auxilio prorsus omni, ac 
 despiciant et a ste reiiciant, clama: refugium 
 meum es tu Deus meus." ^ In yet another place 
 he attacks insatiable money getters and usurers 
 with a page of fine bluster which a modem 
 agitator might envy. Small doubt that it was 
 inspired by his own bitter experience of things : 
 "Faciunt quidem illi, quod plerosque in theatro 
 facere videmus, qui sedilia occupant, ac super- 
 uenientes excludunt : sibi proprium uendicantes, 
 quod omnium usui patet. In hunc modum, 
 pecuniae studio ducti, quod commune est priores 
 inuadunt, ac suum ex prseoccupatione faciunt. 
 Imo uero latronum similes sunt, qui uias 
 obsident. Ut enim illi praetereuntibus insidian- 
 tur & comprehensos rebus nudant suis & quan- 
 doque iugulant; rapiunt quae in agris sunt, 
 domos expilant, & subterraneis foveis, quaecun- 
 que ui furtoue sustulerunt, ac incursionibus de- 
 praedati sunt, aurum, argentum, uestes, armenta 
 & similia recludunt : Ita ipsi, per fas & nefas 
 proximorum facultates rapiunt, & in areas suas 
 reponunt, quas ut aliquando expleant, Lepores 
 agunt, qui simul pariunt & ahud alunt & rursum 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 18 v". 
 
460 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 supenbetant.^ Nam egentibus mutuo pecu- 
 niam numerant -ad foenus, & dantes statim 
 petunt, & ponentes tollunt et foenerant, quod 
 pro foenore accipiunt: interim, miseri qui in 
 illorum ebs inciderunt, explicantur nunquam; 
 fiuntque similes equo, qui, accepto semel freno, 
 sessorem alium post alium fert. Set tametsi 
 pecuniam undecunque & quocunque modo ac- 
 cumulent, & aurum auro superingerant, nihilo- 
 minus tamen satiari semel non possunt, etiam 
 si thesauri omnes ipsis circumfluxerint : atque 
 quo plus habent, plus appetunt, &, cum inferno 
 cadaueribus mortuorum inexplebili, nunquam 
 dicunt satis est. Sunt interim feroces & uiolenti, 
 ac diuitias suas ostentantes, liber hie sese regnare 
 putant ; quasi multos pati tyrannos, nemp6 dis- 
 cruciari, auaritia, ira, liuore, cupiditate uindictse, 
 metu, spe, non sit ipsissimam seruitatem seruire, 
 & uix uiuere: tantum abest ut eos regnare 
 credam." ^ The convincing illustration, in this 
 passage, of the seats at a theater is matched by 
 other allusions to contemporary conditions. To 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe is here indebted to Pliny, VIII, 
 Chap. LXXXI. 
 
 ' In Psalmum . . . xxxiii, Paraph., pp. 175 et seq. 
 
LATIN WORKS 461 
 
 illustrate his points Sainte-Marthe refers, for ex- 
 ample, to the farmer dismissed for negligence, 
 "qui . . . semina non spargat, rura non scindat, 
 vites non colat ; " to the false coiner, to whom 
 Satan is likened ; to the alternating hardship and 
 ease of military service; to the press no more 
 necessary to perfecting olive and grape for human 
 use than are persecutions to the Christian's 
 preparation for heaven, to the heralds who pub- 
 lish, the envoys and public letters that emphasize, 
 the decrees of princes.' Perhaps his most telling 
 reference to the customs of his time is his ac- 
 count of the temptations to brawling: "Itaque 
 si te quispiam atroci aliquo et inhonesto conuitio 
 impetit, unde possis infamiam aliquam contra- 
 here, Deus bone, quam hie vetus ille Adam com- 
 movetur ! Quam succenset ! Quam indigne fert 
 opprobrium quantum vis etiam justa ratione in- 
 flictum ! Imo vero, ita hodie Carnis pervicacia 
 et superbia apud plerosque ferme omnes invaluit, 
 ut si quis, vel colaphum in os tibi impegerit, vel 
 te mentitum esse dixerit, statim sit tibi educto 
 
 1 In Psalmum, . . . xxiii, Paraph., p. 183; In Psalmum 
 xc . Medit., fol. 27 v°; In Psalmum Septimum . . . 
 Paraph., pp. 75, 83, 85. 
 
462 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 gladio frustatim discerpendus, nisi mavis per- 
 petua ignominia conspergi." * However, the 
 bulk of Sainte-Marthe's Latin performances con- 
 sidered, their allusions to the external aspects of 
 life itself are not abundant and even in some of 
 these an unrecognized literary source may be 
 suspected. 
 
 For the more general matters of human feel- 
 ing, good and bad, Sainte-Marthe finds happy 
 and telling expression. He portrays vividly 
 enough the terrified child as it flees to its mother, 
 "ac in ejus amplexus salutis suae spem ponit 
 omnem," * and, if one eloquent passage on friend- 
 ship ' owes something to recollections of Cicero, 
 Sainte-Marthe speaks from his own heart when 
 in another he describes angels performing their 
 ministry in the guise of friends.' He satirizes 
 with effect the common human desires for honor, 
 riches and love, no less than for remembrance 
 after death. The righteous man, he writes, does 
 not say to the Lord, "Cumula me honoribus, 
 dignitatibus, opibus, proventibus ; da mihi pacem 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc . Medit., fol. 19 r° 
 2 Ibid., fol. 21 r°. 
 
 » In Psalmum . xxxiii, Paraph., p. 153. 
 • In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 39 r°. 
 
LATIN WORKS 463 
 
 toto vitse mese tempore ; da mihi bene datatam 
 et egregia forma uxorem; da quaecunque mihi 
 collibuerint" ; and he points out how vainly men 
 attempt to gain from posterity an immortal 
 name, "operibus, traditionibus, institutionibus, 
 aedificiis ac similibus quae relinquunt."^ Con- 
 science, again, could hardly be better charac- 
 terized than by Sainte-Marthe ; "timore undique 
 & tremore perculsa, dolore quodam perpetuo 
 torquetur. Suspitiosa est, anxia est, angulos 
 metuit, umbras formidat : & in lecto, & in mensa, 
 & in foro, & interdiu, Sz: noctu, & in ipsis 
 frequenter somnijs, suse iniquitatis simulachra 
 uidet : & quem extra intuetur nemo, sentit con- 
 tinuum ignem, quo uiua intus et sine spe uUa 
 refrigerij consumitur & flagrat." ^ But it is 
 naturally in matters of religious experience that 
 Sainte-Marthe is at his best; the love of God, 
 gratitude and trust towards Him, penitence, 
 worship and spiritual aspiration: such motions 
 of the soul call out his best gifts. "Itaque 
 agnoscamus, confiteamur & palam ac passim 
 
 1 InPsalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 15 r°; InPsalmum . . 
 xxxiii, Paraph., p. 189. 
 
 2 In Psalmum . . . xxxiii, Paraph., p. 185. 
 
464 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 prsedicemus magnitudinem, gloriam, maiestatem, 
 honorem, grauitatem, splendorem ac omnipo- 
 tentiam eius : quod cum faciemus, ilium quidem 
 magnificabimus " ; so his worship expresses it- 
 self.^ "Laudabo cum Dauide," he writes else- 
 where, "quod multis me periculis inuolutum 
 explicauerit, ac liberauerit a malis omnibus. 
 Laudabo, inquam eum, bonitatem eius narrabo, 
 misericordiam eius prsedicabo, ac paternum plane 
 erga nos adfectum eius recensebo: & (quod 
 fecisse Apostolos legimus) in patienta expectabo 
 Spiritum eius sanctum." ^ Paraphrases and 
 Meditations, in fact, overflow with expressions 
 of deep personal piety. 
 
 Even the few passages it is possible to quote 
 suffice to show the fluency and correctness of 
 Sainte-Marthe's Latin. He is as much at home 
 in it as in his native tongue, probably indeed 
 more at home, since in using it he had the 
 advantage of models without number, while 
 as a writer of French prose he was still to some 
 extent a pioneer.' It is impossible to read 
 
 ' In Psalmum . . . xxxiii, Paraph., p. 154. 
 
 2 IhU., p. 150. 
 
 ' CoUetet's criticism has its interest : " Comme la n6tre 
 
LATIN WORKS 465 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's Latin works and not feel sur- 
 prise at Montaiglon's assumption that French 
 must have been the original form of the funeral 
 oration for the Queen of Navarre, even though 
 it was first pubhshed in Latin.i Sainte-Marthe's 
 Latin impresses the reader above all as exactly 
 conveying its author's thought. He plays no 
 tricks with it, nor disports himself in it with the 
 Ciceronian flourishes of his friend Breton, for 
 example ; he does not even give the impression 
 of the artist's search for the right word; his 
 periods flow easily and simply with his thought. 
 Occasional telling phrases, as when he writes of 
 John the Baptist "acrioribus verbis mordens con- 
 scientias Judaeorum," or of the check given to 
 Balaam "festinanti ad maledicendum Israeli," 
 have an air rather of happy accident than of 
 deliberate effort. ^ It might seem natural that, 
 in the Paraphrases, Sainte-Marthe should be 
 
 (langue) n'avait pas encore de son temps de hautes Eleva- 
 tions, on peut dire que son Elocution latine I'emporte 
 mSnae de bien loin sur sa diction frangaise." Vies des poetes 
 frangois, fol. 445 r". 
 
 ' Ed. Heptamiron, Vol. I, p. 3. 
 
 ^ In Psalmum Septimumet Psalmum xxxiii, Paraphrasis, 
 pp. 34 and 167. 
 2h 
 
466 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 little tempted to virtuosity, since the first is the 
 anguished cry of his heart for help, the second 
 his exultant thanksgiving for deliverance. But 
 he himself takes pains to declare that the sim- 
 phcity of his style is the result of deliberate 
 choice. He has a definite theory of the proper 
 style for a theologian. "Desiderabit in ea 
 Momus," he writes, "dictionem elegantiorem 
 ac nitidiorem, atque nauseat ad omnia quse 
 rhetorum condimentis et ornamentis carent." 
 But Sainte-Marthe has his objection ready; 
 he is writing for those who desire sound doctrine 
 however expressed rather than Ul opinions set 
 forth by the most eloquent author ; and, in any 
 case, although eloquence may be required in 
 most disciplines, the theologian's boast should 
 be simplicity : "in hoc ipso laudatur Theologus, 
 in quo aquae laus est, nimirum ut probatur si 
 nihil sapiat ilia : sic, si infans sit ipse, & a Musis 
 alienus." ' Elsewhere, in his preface to the Latin 
 version of his Funeral Oration on the Queen of 
 Navarre, Sainte-Marthe has much to say of 
 the strictures of the rhetoricians who could 
 
 ' Ded. to Galbert. In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraph., 
 pp. 14 and 15. 
 
LATIN WORKS 467 
 
 not endure any infractions of their rules and 
 condemned digressions or quotations. But the 
 Ciceronians, "qui malunt Cicer[on]ianos se quam 
 Christianos esse," were still more exacting. 
 They despised the placid style of the juriscon- 
 sult and condemned all that did not attain to 
 Cicero's eloquence, nor considered the profounder 
 doctrine which proved a writer more than a 
 mere grasshopper delighting the ear.^ It is per- 
 haps a little surprising to find Sainte-Marthe on 
 this side of the Ciceronian controversy consider- 
 ing his close relations with Dolet and Breton, 
 especially as, in the Poesie Francoise, he had 
 represented the palm for eloquence as passing 
 from Cicero to Erasmus, from Erasmus to Bembo 
 and Sadolet, and, finally, to Dolet. In any 
 case the result of his views upon his Latin prose 
 style was admirable. His language, wholly free 
 from self-consciousness, lends itself perfectly to 
 his feeling, and, in this respect at least, the 
 Meditation, composed at leisure at a period of 
 greater maturity, marks little advance upon his ■ 
 earlier efforts, the two Paraphrases. 
 
 1 C. Sanctomarthanus lectori candido. In obiium . . 
 Margaritas . . . Oratiofunebris,p.2etseq. Cf. p. 586 etseq. 
 
468 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 If, however, Sainte-Marthe's use of the Latin 
 language was as efficient in his earliest attempt 
 as it ever became, the same cannot be said of 
 either the matter or construction of the Para- 
 phrase of the Seventh Psalm. This work is 
 obviously inferior to its two successors in these 
 regards. Composed in prison at a moment of 
 despair, it is, in the main, not only an appeal 
 to God for help, but a cry for vengeance upon 
 the writer's enemies, and its bitterness is so in- 
 tense that no profession of Christian resignation 
 nor explanation of Christian theology can con- 
 ceal it. Sainte-Marthe dwells upon his wrongs, 
 his destitution, his bonds, his physical sufferings 
 in a foul dungeon, upon the accusations against 
 him, and the machinations against his life ^ of 
 enemies "quos nuUo plane ratione mitigare 
 possum." 2 He protests his innocence, his con- 
 viction that his sufferings are for righteousness' 
 sake, " propter nomen tuum " or " ob pietatem," ' 
 and calls down vengeance upon his enemy : 
 "In numero filiorum irse, hostes nostri sunt: & 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraph., pp. 19, 21, 70, 
 112, 26, 41, et passim. 
 
 " Ibid., p. 58. ' Ibid., pp. 25-27. 
 
LATIN WORKS 469 
 
 quotquot nos persequuntur. Quare, in filios irse, 
 exurge Domine in ira tua: & elevare propter 
 indignationem inimicorum meorum." ^ He ob- 
 jurgates his enemy freely, and, after impugning 
 his motives and attacking his private life, ex- 
 horts him with an assumption of piety singularly 
 unpleasing: "Redi ergo ad te, & exuto ueteri 
 Adamo cum actibus suis omnibus, nouum indue : 
 hoc est, non secundum carnis desideria uiuito, set 
 secundum spiritum, et voluntatem CHRISTI. 
 . . . Set iam me uox clamantem deficit, neque 
 plus certe proficio mea cohortatione, qu^m qui 
 iEthiopem conabitur dealbare." ^ Even when 
 Sainte-Marthe is only exhorting the wicked in 
 general to repentance, and in the name of 
 charity, it is more than likely that he had his 
 personal enemies in mind: "Cogor hie uos pro 
 charitatis ofl&cio adhortari, 6 cseci & miseri, qui 
 nuUis cohortationibus, nullis prsedicationibus, 
 nuUis item exemplis adhuc moueri potuistis, ut 
 relictis tenebris ad lucem confugiatis. Non est 
 tam execrandum peccati genus, quo delectati 
 non sitis, ut carnis uestrse titillationibus satis- 
 
 1 In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraph., p. 36. 
 2 /fcid., p. 113. 
 
470 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 fieret. Nullum est ignominise, infamise probri- 
 que genus, quo non asperseritis nomen piorum. 
 Nulla est tyrannis, nulla crudelitas, quam non ex- 
 ercueritis in corpora seruorum Dei, & eorum qui 
 salutem uestram nobis adnunciarunt." ' The 
 intensity of all this is none the less hysterical for 
 having been expressed under the stress of great 
 provocation. Toward the end of the Para- 
 phrase, however, Sainte-Marthe becomes less 
 preoccupied with his own situation and makes 
 application of the text more general and more 
 doctrinal. Beginning with the distinction be- 
 tween true and false penitence, he proceeds to 
 discuss 'total depravity,' 'salvation by faith,' 
 'grace,' the punishment of the unrepentant, 
 'election,' 'free will,' 'Providence,' the duty of 
 thankfulness, as of confessing Christ in word and 
 deed ; and he closes on a note of hope and trust 
 in the Lord. 
 
 It is not necessary to discuss here the theologi- 
 cal bias of Sainte-Marthe's treatment of such 
 subjects, which has already been dealt with. 
 Long discussions of doctrinal points and allusions 
 to the author's own situation are, in the main, the 
 
 • In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraph., pp. 94-95. 
 
LATIN WORKS 471 
 
 only external matters conveyed into the body of 
 this Paraphrase in the course of its exposition. 
 In general Sainte-Marthe's method of procedure 
 is simple enough. He takes up each verse of 
 the Psalm in turn, without, as a rule, directly 
 quoting it except in the margin, and amplifies 
 it with abundant quotations from other passages 
 of the Scriptures germane to it in thought 
 and wording. So ample are these quotations, 
 that here and there the expansion of the text 
 consists of them alone, and they, it must be 
 owned, are often only approximately correct, the 
 references noted in the margin frequently inac- 
 curate. For all the crudity of its conception, the 
 Paraphrase is not without bursts of eloquence, 
 and the more vigorous of these, inspired by 
 Sainte-Marthe's feehng towards his enemies, 
 not only owe much, as might be expected, to 
 Scripture phraseology, but are tinged with that 
 hebraizing spirit which puritanic movements 
 have so generally imported into Christianity. 
 For example, expoimding the phrase "Dominus 
 judicat populos," Sainte-Marthe, after quoting 
 Jeremiah's exhortation to Zedekiah as the 
 proper guide for a just judge, continues: 
 
472 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 "Id ne obseruatis? id ne facitis? 
 ludicet uos Dominus, non ego, iudi- 
 cent uos opera uestra, non ego. Set, 
 
 Esa. 5. audite quam uos mercedem reporta- 
 bitis, pro uestro tam corrupto iudicio. 
 Vse qui dicitis malum bonum, ponentes 
 tenebras lucem, & lucem tenebras: 
 
 Deut. 27. ponentes amarum in dulce, & dulce in 
 amarum. Vse, qui iustificatis impium 
 
 Esa. 10. pro muneribus, & iustitiam iusti aufer- 
 tis ab eo. Vse, qui conditis leges 
 iniquas, & scribentes, iniustitiam 
 scribitis, ut opprimatis pauperes in 
 iudicio: ut uim faciatis caussae hu- 
 milium populi, ut sint uiduae prceda 
 uestra, & pupillos diripiatis. Vse, qui 
 
 Esa. 59. retrorsum iudicatis, & iustitia k nobis 
 long^ stat, & in plateis uestris corruit 
 
 Jere. 6. ueritas. Vse nobis, qui caussam uiduse 
 
 non iudicastis, & caussam pupilli non 
 
 dixistis. Maledicti, qui peruertitis 
 
 Deut. 24 indicium : & dicet omnis populus 
 &27. '^ ^ 
 
 Amen. Nunquid super ijs non uisi- 
 
 Prov. 24. tabo ? dicit Dominus, aut super gentem 
 
 Jerem. 5. huiusmodi, non ulciscetur anima mea ? 
 
LATIN WORKS 473 
 
 Haec ad uos dicta sunt, 6 sacrilegi & 
 nefarij ueritatis osores: qui iudicium 
 in amaritudinem (ut ait Propheta), 
 & iustitiam in absynthium uertitis: Amos 6. 
 hoc est, qui, sontes absoluitis, & in- 
 sontes opprimitis, adeoque adminis- 
 tratis omnia tyranice, & corrupte." ^ 
 
 Such vigor of vituperation, attained by the sim- 
 ple stringing together of quotations, shows hardly 
 less ingenuity than close acquaintance with the 
 Scriptures. Sainte-Marthe is, however, far from 
 incapable of introducing interpretations of his 
 own. A few lines farther on he applies the 
 scriptural image of the deaf adder that stoppeth 
 her ears to those that will not hear even the most 
 learned and the wisest preach the scriptures. 
 Not only will they not hear, he adds, but they 
 await their chance of falling upon the preacher, 
 "ut mordeant gladijs dentium & molarium."^ 
 Sometimes he conveys surprising energy into 
 these more original interpretations. For ex- 
 ample, writing of God, as the just judge before 
 whom all are equal, he brings the figure home 
 
 1 In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraph., pp. 54-55. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 55. 
 
474 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 to his readers by means of definite concrete 
 images, familiar to the thought of all: "Sit 
 Papa, sit Imperator, sit Rex, sit Dux, sit Car- 
 dinalis, sit Comes, sit prsepotens aliquis & prse- 
 diues uir, nihil apud eum sua autoritate plus 
 ualebit in iudicio qu^m uidua et edentula anus, 
 quam faber, qu^m agricola, quam mendicus." ' 
 Besides ingenuity and force of expression 
 amounting to eloquence, the Paraphrase boasts 
 one or two examples of that concise clearness 
 which Sainte-Marthe occasionally attains in the 
 midst of his prolixity. "Nam uos non metuit," 
 he writes, "qui uester est factor: uos non re- 
 formidat qui uester est Dominus: uestra con- 
 silia, & impias molitiones uestras non ueretur, qui 
 uos in nictu oculi, redigere ad nihilum potest." ^ 
 Nor does this early effort of Sainte-Marthe as 
 theologian lack the effective use of the rhetorical 
 question : " Quam ob caussam, Dathan et Abyron 
 uiuos terra deglutiuit ? Quare maledixit JESUS 
 Chorozaidi ? quare Bethsaide ? quare Caper- 
 naom? Quare funditus euersse & solo sequatse 
 f uerunt lerosoHmse ? " ^ But although this Para- 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraph., p. 53. 
 ' Ibid., p. 79. 5 Ibid., p. 100. 
 
LATIN WORKS 475 
 
 phrase shows evidence of profound acquaintance 
 with the Scriptures, although it is not devoid of 
 eloquent invective, and is occasionally adorned 
 with quaint or vivid illustration and, though 
 rarely, with clear or telling oratory, these 
 redeeming features are few in comparison with 
 its defects. As a whole, it is bitter in tone, poor 
 in invention, careless in arrangement and need- 
 lessly verbose. 
 
 The Paraphrase upon the Thirty-third Psalm 
 shows some improvements upon it. Written 
 upon Sainte-Marthe's release from prison, the 
 Psalm in question, chosen because it expressed 
 his thankful gratitude, is naturally without 
 the bitterness, still less the vindictiveness, of the 
 earlier Paraphrase. The opening exclamation 
 gives the keynote of its feeling throughout: "Si 
 quisquam est mortalium, cui data fuerit un- 
 quam occasio benedicendi Dominum Deum, ac 
 ei gratias agendi, pro acceptis ab eo prseter 
 meritum magnis et multis beneficiis: ipsum 
 esse me, fateri certe Veritas cogit." ^ The Para- 
 phrase keeps consistently to this tone. It is, in 
 fact, a jubilant paeon of praise and thankful- 
 ' In Psalmum . . . xxxiii, Paraph., p. 145. 
 
476 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 ness, concluding with the promise of the joys of 
 heaven. 
 
 And if the spirit of this Paraphrase is more 
 Christian than that of its predecessor, it is 
 also less doctrinal. Doctrinal points are indeed 
 touched upon in passing, but, although they 
 show Sainte-Marthe's point of view unchanged, 
 there is no exhaustive discussion of them, as in 
 the preceding Paraphrase.' The whole course of 
 procedure is more natural, if less crude. Each 
 verse of the Psalm paraphrased, instead of being 
 merely expanded by other scriptural quotations, 
 is introduced, elucidated, amplified by illustration 
 and explanation more or less original, although 
 with abundant scriptural ornament. Much is 
 drawn from Sainte-Marthe's own experience, 
 more from his own heart. When he paraphrases, 
 for instance, with eager exultation, the words 
 "Laus eius semper in ore meo," he leaves no 
 doubt that his own gratitude is finding its ex- 
 pression: "Nullum erit mihi prsefixum tempus, 
 nulla stata hora, nullus certus dies, nuUus- item 
 
 ' Cf. In Psalmum . . . xxxiij, Paraph., pp. 145, 152, 
 170, 171, 173, 177, 178, 179, 182, 186, 192, 194, 197, 198, 
 201. 
 
LATIN WORKS , 477 
 
 constitutus modus laudis eius. Sit mane, sit 
 uesper, sit dies, sit nox, sit festus dies, sit pro- 
 festus, sit serenitas, sit tempestas: ego omni 
 tempore, omni die, omni hora, omni momento, 
 omni denique in loco prsedicabo bonitatem Dei 
 mei, & laudabo Nomen eius in perpetuum." ^ 
 Again, his description of the meek referred to 
 in the verse "Audiant mansueti & Isetantur," 
 aided but not overwhelmed by scriptural allu- 
 sion, is fitted to persuade the reader that Sainte- 
 Marthe's personal ideal is being set before him : 
 " Qui uim faciunt nulli, set Isesi facile Rom. lo. 
 condonant iniuriam ; qui non retaliant 
 malum malo, set pro malo rependunt 
 bonum ; qui rixosas non amant diuitias, 
 non opes, non latifundia, non dig- 
 nitates, non honores, set quietam pau- 
 pertatem, atque ade6 ueram animi 
 tranquillitatem ; qui noscunt seipsos, Rom. 4. 
 ac proinde nihil iustitiffi ac sanctitatis 
 meritis et operibus tribuunt suis, set 
 Fidei in JESUM CHRISTUM; qui 
 abnegarunt sese, & opera sua mala 
 habent quammaxim^ exosa, seque Mat. 13 
 1 In Psalmum . . . xxxiij, Paraph., p. 149. 
 
478 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 plane cruci subiecerunt, ac solius Dei 
 manui commiserunt ; quique (ut semel 
 finiam) uer6 Deum timent, & de quibus 
 Psai. 23. scriptum est, diriget mansuetos in 
 iudicio." ^ 
 
 Throughout the Paraphrase the reader feels him- 
 self in vital touch with the author. He no longer 
 has merely to marvel at scriptural learning 
 "undique decerptam," but is refreshed with the 
 realities of human feeling. He realizes that the 
 author is setting before him the results of a deep 
 religious experience, whether the difference be- 
 tween abject and filial fear is explained in con- 
 nection with the psalmist's exhortation, "Timete 
 Dominum omnes sancti ejus," the restlessness 
 of the lusts of the flesh and of their satiety de- 
 scribed, — " expletos magis cruciat saturitas quam 
 cruciaret fames " — or the loving-kindness of God 
 compared with that of man, — "Longe quidem 
 alius est benigni Ulius patris coelestis fauor, longe 
 diuersa illius amicitia." ^ What there was of 
 the fanatic in Sainte-Marthe shows itself in his 
 prophecy of the change of opinion inevitable 
 
 1 In Psalmum . . . xxxiij, Paraph., p. 152. 
 
 2 Ihid., pp. 171, 185, 190. 
 
LATIN WORKS 479 
 
 when the light of the world shall shine, "pulsis 
 traditionum humanarum tenebris" ;' what of the 
 philosopher, in his view of death, inevitable in 
 any case: "Non est nobis obscurum nos com- 
 muni naturae lege mori debere: proinde quid 
 refert, utrum, uel morbus uel alius casus uitam 
 auferat, an persecutor ?" ^ These may be the 
 commonplaces of faith or stoicism, but they 
 bear none the less the impress of their author's 
 individuality. Nothing that Sainte-Marthe has 
 to say in this Paraphrase may be profound, or 
 illuminating, but it is at least real and at first 
 hand. 
 
 The stylistic value of the work is not great. 
 It has a certain eloquent flow, often redundant, 
 and shows some evidence of its author's gift of 
 phrase. It is even occasionally adorned with 
 telling imagery, the result obviously of Sainte- 
 Marthe's familiarity with the scriptures and 
 imitation of their language — inevitable in a 
 Paraphrase. He writes thus of his release, for 
 example: "post tempestates multas mihi Sol ille 
 ueritatis purissimus illuxit, & e tenebris &. car- 
 
 ' In Psalmum Septimum , , , Paraph., p. 195. 
 2 Ibid., p. 196. 
 
480 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 cere, in lucem & libertatem reuocauit.'" Con- 
 stancy and faith, he says again, are best shown in 
 affliction, "ut aut unguentorum suauis & bonus 
 odor, aut aromatum fragrantia non sentitur 
 nisi moueantur ilia, hsec frangrantur uel incen- 
 dantur." ^ But it is not flow, nor phrasing, nor 
 imagination, which stamps this Paraphrase as 
 superior to its author's earlier attempt. It is 
 the power by which Sainte-Marthe makes its 
 Latiu the vehicle of sincere and contagious 
 emotion. Sincerity breathes from every page, 
 and it was, the reader must feel, the reality of 
 his feeling rather than any art or skill which 
 showed him here the way to convincing ex- 
 pression. 
 
 If Sainte-Marthe's later Paraphrase was an 
 advance upon his first, both are far behind his 
 Meditation on the Ninetieth Psalm. Composed 
 much later, at the maturity of his powers and 
 after years of prosperous experience in a larger 
 world than he had known before his imprison- 
 ment, the Meditation gives every evidence of its 
 author's ripened temper. It is throughout the 
 
 ' In Psalmum . . . xxxiij, Paraph., p. 165. 
 2 Ihid., p. 196. 
 
LATIN WORKS 481 
 
 performance of a man of the world, of a writer 
 sure of his powers. Its theology, though un- 
 changed, is more conciliatory; there are in it 
 few traces of personal bitterness. If Sainte- 
 Marthe dwells upon the vanity of the world, he 
 does not minimize the force of its allurements. 
 The work shows more intentional arrangement; 
 the style is more conscious. The care Sainte- 
 Marthe gives to style makes him, in fact, predeux 
 at times, as his refinements of thought lead him 
 into breaches of taste of which he would have 
 been incapable when composing his far cruder 
 Paraphrases. 
 
 His attention to method shows itself from 
 the first in the Argument with which Sainte- 
 Marthe prefaces the Meditation. He conceives 
 of the Psalm as having three interlocutors — the 
 Prophet, the Man of faith, the Spirit of God; 
 and their colloquy contains the doctrine, — and 
 here Sainte-Marthe neatly sums up the matter of 
 the work — "ut qui Christianismum profitetur 
 et deo fidit, undecumque munitissimus et tutissi- 
 mus sit: nee Dsemonum subdolas tentationes, 
 nee mundi malignitatem, nee hominum insidias, 
 nee pestis contagionem, nee bestiarum etiam 
 2i 
 
482 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 noxiarum impetum et ssevitiam formidare am- 
 plius possit." ^ The Prophet opens the colloquy 
 with the promise that he who dwelleth under 
 the defense of the Most High shall abide under 
 the shadow of the Almighty. Encouraged 
 thereby, the Man of faith reflects that he will 
 not blush nor fear to confess the Lord his hope 
 and his stronghold, his God in whom he will 
 trust. Hardly has he so reflected, when the 
 Prophet interrupts him and continues the 
 Psalm from the third through the eighth verse. 
 In these verses, Sainte-Marthe explains, the 
 prophet confirms the opening promise of the 
 Psalm, "tanta sane cum energia," that the faith- 
 ful approaches God Himself with the first words 
 of the ninth verse, " For thou, Lord, art my hope." 
 The prophet interrupts him and continues the 
 Psalm until the fourteenth verse, showing the 
 outcome of hope in the promises of God : " Nemo 
 est autem, si modo Dei amore vel minimum tan- 
 gatur, qui, quum hac legit et secum expendit, 
 gaudio non subsiliat ; atque sentiat incredibilem 
 in animo consolationem, ubi clare perspicit, 
 nihil sibi a rebus quibuscumque noxiis periculi 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 5 r° 
 
LATIN WORKS 483 
 
 imminere."! The last three verses, the four- 
 teenth to the sixteenth, are spoken by the Lord 
 to confirm the words of the prophet, "ne is putet 
 hominis tantum verba et promissiones, non Dei 
 esse." 2 The words of God, as expressed in these 
 verses, are analyzed by Sainte-Marthe, divided 
 and subdivided in a manner which shows that, 
 for all his response to new intellectual impulses, 
 he was still hampered by scholastic training. 
 Out of them he constructs a premise and a con- 
 clusion : 
 
 " Fidelis nomen Domini cognoscit, 
 ergo 
 Fidelis Deum invocare potest ; " 
 
 shows the conclusion confirmed by authority, 
 that of the Spirit of God ; and proceeds to explain 
 still further that the "long life" of the last verse 
 is life eternal, that "my salvation" is Christ 
 Jesus, and that St. John was referring to the 
 promise of this verse when he wrote, "these 
 things are written that ye might believe, and 
 believing, have eternal life." Sainte-Marthe 
 concludes with that concihatory definition of 
 faith which has already been quoted.' 
 
 ^ In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 5 v° 
 
 2 Ihid., fol. 6 r° ' Cf. supra, p. 449. 
 
484 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 It has seemed worth while to dwell at some 
 length upon the Argument, because its methodi- 
 cal arrangement is a foretaste of that employed 
 in the Meditation. Sainte-Marthe does not, as 
 m the Paraphrases, merely set in the margin each 
 verse of the Psalm as he arrives at it in his ex- 
 position. The Psalm becomes an integral part 
 of the Meditation. Its verses, or parts of its 
 verses, occur therein as a refrain repeated again 
 and again with an effect almost rh)rthmic. The 
 opening words of the Psalm, for instance, " Qui 
 habitat in adjutorio altissimi," is repeated 
 twelve times, always as an integral part of a 
 sentence. Its first introduction as the cUmax 
 of Sainte-Marthe's exordium has an air almost 
 fortuitous. It is only after continued re- 
 iteration at intervals of a page or so, that it 
 is forced upon the reader's attention as the 
 focusing idea of the argument. Sainte-Marthe's 
 whole treatment of this text may be taken as 
 typical of that which he employs through- 
 out the Meditation with each verse or portion 
 of a verse in turn. The Meditation opens with 
 a reflection upon the vanity of all things com- 
 pared to his blessedness "qui habitat in ad- 
 
LATIN WORKS 485 
 
 jutorio altissimi." The flesh may set hopes 
 upon riches "tanquam in sacra quadam 
 anchora";^ but thief, fire, dice or a rapacious 
 lord can bring the rich man into direst poverty, 
 and if chance do not despoil, yet death must. 
 Not the rich man, then, is happy, but he who 
 dwelleth under the defense of the Most High, 
 " qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi." Ambition 
 for honors, again, tickles many ; for those who 
 have them are esteemed and sought for by the 
 people, theirs are the first places and they are 
 at the helm of public affairs, while private men 
 remain inglorious and despised, "qualicunque 
 virtute illustrentur. " ^ Yet the examples of 
 history show it unsafe to glory in the dignities 
 and honors of the world or to depend upon 
 the uncertain favors of the crowd which pulls 
 down its own favorites, "et quos fuerat in- 
 audito favore prosecutus, ex inopinato, capi- 
 tah ac intestino odio perdidit. " ' The corrupt 
 functionary, however high his honors, will 
 certainly be punished "utcunque procrastinet 
 Deus ac ultionem differat " ; but on the other 
 
 1 In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., 9 v°. 
 
 2 Ihid. ^ Ibid., fol. 10 i°. 
 
486 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 hand, the upright, if incorruptible, can hardly 
 escape exasperating some one in power, and 
 runs the risk of being destroyed or accused of 
 a capital crime. How can he be happy, then, 
 who shines in honors so uncertain ? Far happier 
 he "qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi." And 
 courtiers, "qui sunt Principibus a latere, a mani- 
 bus, ab auribus, a secretis," their fortune seems 
 to be a smiling one; but their future how un- 
 certain ! "Put not your trust in princes nor in 
 any child of man;" more prudent he "qui 
 habitat in adjutorio altissimi." StUl, there are 
 friends to whom the fallen may turn. None 
 can doubt the necessity of friendship in the 
 human race, " nisi simul ambigat, sint ne mundo 
 aqua et ignis res necessarise," ^ and a true friend 
 is an incomparable treasure ; but man is subject 
 to vanity, only God it is who does not change. 
 In prosperity a man has many friends, but in ill 
 fortune his false friends, " ore tenus amici isti," 
 desert him "in mediis fluctibus," as alloy of 
 gold passes away in the smoke of the furnace. 
 The wise man, then, is not he that puts all his 
 trust in friends with whom he has feasted, " cum 
 ' In Paalmum xc . . . Medit., fols. 10 r° and v° 
 
LATIN WORKS 487 
 
 quibus salis modios multos consumpsit," but he, 
 " qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi." And what 
 shall be said of those who conceive of pleasure 
 as the highest good? Sainte-Marthe draws a 
 telling picture of men of pleasure: "potant, 
 ludunt, rident, stertunt, scortantur: et quid- 
 quid concupiscit in eis caro, id perficiunt." 
 None live more peaceably than the votaries of 
 pleasure, no one troubles them, their busy con- 
 cern to fulfil the desires of the great recom- 
 mends them to these. They succeed in every 
 way, in fact. What could be happier, were it 
 not that such a life is as hateful to God as 
 pleasing to the world and to the flesh? But, 
 apart from the diseases and sudden deaths which 
 they may entail, pleasures are unhappy things 
 if' only for this reason, — that they shut us out 
 from the company of the blessed. The man of 
 pleasure is not happy as is he "qui habitat in 
 adjutorio altissimi." ' Nor are they any happier 
 who are swollen with the wisdom of this world 
 and trust in 'works' and 'merits.' The wisdom 
 of the flesh is hostile to God; it is folly in His 
 sight. And here Sainte-Marthe again embarks 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 11 r". 
 
488 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 upon a discussion of 'merits' and of 'grace/ 
 concluding that all is well, not with him who 
 measures his jiistification only by 'merits,' but 
 with him " qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi." ^ 
 
 His treatment of this first text shows Sainte- 
 Marthe at his best. His application of the 
 scriptures to the experience, spiritual and actual, 
 of his readers rings true. No doubt, as they 
 read, comparisons and examples occurred to 
 them of the loss of riches, fall from place, be- 
 trayal of friendship, disease or death as the 
 result of indulgence, — all common enough in 
 that age of intrigue and excess. But the most 
 striking feature of the passage is its well con- 
 ceived and carefully followed form, and in that 
 respect also it is typical of the whole Meditation. 
 The central idea is never obscured; Sainte- 
 Marthe never forgets that he is dealing with the 
 protection God affords to his elect and the 
 benefits that must accrue to them through such 
 protection; and to this matter he confines his 
 commentary upon one verse after another. To 
 treat of the relation of God to the soul, how- 
 ever, must almost necessarily include some ex- 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 11 v° 
 
lATIN WORKS 489 
 
 planation of the world as it is. For Sainte- 
 Marthe the key to the problem of the actual 
 world is to be found in the doctrine of Providence, 
 presented in an aspect at least suggestive of the 
 fuller sense in which, in the next century, that 
 doctrine was permanently codified for the 
 Galilean church by Bossuet. Sainte-Marthe had 
 already treated this subject in the Paraphrase on 
 the Seventh Psalm, written in resentful distress, 
 but there he lays more emphasis upon the 
 problem than upon its resolution. The flesh 
 would persuade the faithful that God must love 
 those whom He favors here and hate those whom 
 He afflicts, and so even the righteous have felt ; 
 and Sainte-Marthe instances Job, David, Jere- 
 miah, Habakkuk. He reminds God, indeed, 
 of His promises and exhorts Him to help His 
 servants, but his tone is actually far from 
 being that of Christian hope, and what he seems 
 to ask is vengeance rather than justice. In the 
 Paraphrase he touches, indeed, in passing on the 
 solution of the problems of an unjust world, but 
 does not treat the subject of Providence ex- 
 haustively, while in the Meditation he gives his 
 views fuller utterance. And even here, though 
 
490 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 he presents it in various passages of the Medita- 
 tion, it is only in his treatment of the conclud- 
 ing words of the Psalm that Sainte-Marthe fully 
 sets forth his conception of God's part in the gov- 
 ernment of the world.^ Here, also, the difficulty 
 is indeed clearly propounded, but the stress is 
 upon its solution rather than upon the problem 
 itself. God the ruler of this world, this life for 
 trial, eternity for final adjustment; here is the 
 proper explanation. This world, then, is to be 
 endured as it is. Elsewhere Sainte-Marthe had 
 pointed out that, for God's reasons, power be- 
 longs to princes "quibus non sine caussa h Deo 
 commissus gladius est" ; that the persecutor may 
 be God's instrument; the rich, God's stewards.^ 
 Here he elaborates. What seem evils to man are 
 so little so in the eyes of God that, unless they 
 befall the elect and pious. His promises are not 
 fulfilled.' God's promises require that there 
 shall be tribulations in this world, or what can 
 be their meaning? Worldly wisdom may ob- 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Medit, fols. 47 r°, 50 r". 
 ^ In Psalmum Septimum . . . Paraph.,pp. 128, 127; In 
 Psalmum xc . Medit., fol. 16 r° 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 47 v°. 
 
LATIN WORKS 491 
 
 serve that the followers of Christ are in this 
 world despised and wretched, "inglorii, explosi, 
 despicabiles, ignominii, lapidati, pauperes, et 
 modis omnibus adflicti," although God had 
 promised them glory .^ "O caecum Carnis judi- 
 cium," exclaims Sainte-Marthe, exhorting the 
 Christian to shake off the trammels of such 
 reasoning: "absurdas hujusmodi et impias ratio- 
 cinationes (si modo animum tuum semel occu- 
 paverint) quam ocissime excutias."^ If God 
 exalts some to honor and increases them in 
 riches, for the most part He renders the heirs of 
 eternal glory wretched and despised. He is the 
 only master of riches, honors; He is their dis- 
 penser and bestower. Sainte-Marthe urges those 
 who are powerful and noble in this world to 
 beware lest they forget God who exalted them. 
 Let them never forget that they are stewards, 
 not lords, of what they possess. Let them not 
 hastily conclude that the poor and wretched are 
 hated by God. Let them rather revere and 
 embrace them as God's favorites.' Yet, on the 
 other hand, it is not to be supposed that the 
 
 1 In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fols. 47 v° and 48 v°. 
 
 2 Ihid., fol. 48 v° ' Ihid. 
 
492 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Lord is less pleased with those whom He does 
 not test with outward crosses: "Nam licet 
 Reges, Principes et summates, autoritate valeant, 
 divitiis abimdent, honorati sint, atque vivere 
 videantur pacatissimi, sentiunt tamen in spiritu 
 crucem, alius graviorem, alius leviorem: hie 
 uno, ille alio modo: ac frequenter in majoribus 
 angustiis et doloribus versantur, quam qui in 
 hominum oculis pares cum Hiobo adflictiones 
 sustinent. "' Only those live ill who have no 
 cross at all in this world. It is not here that 
 God's promises are ultimately fulfilled. When 
 He promises, "with long life will I satisfy him," 
 He means eternal life. It is that eternal life 
 which is to justify and explain the life here. 
 Time is lord of this world; "long life" caimot be 
 lived out here. Sainte-Marthe elaborates this 
 idea in a passage singularly eloquent; and his 
 words upon the transitoriness of time sound 
 again a faint prelude to Bossuet's famous pas- 
 sage on a similar subject: "Regit et gubernat 
 Mundum Tempus; constat autem illud mo- 
 mentis, horis, diebus, mensibus ac annis. Certis 
 horis dies, certis diebus mensis, certis mensi- 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Medit. 
 
LATIN WORKS 493 
 
 bus annus constituitur ; certis item annis vitsB 
 humanse spatium et curriculum terminatur : ubi 
 tu in Mundo longitudinem dierum reperies? 
 Caelum et terra transibunt ; id ita futurum esse 
 soli inficiantur, qui verbo Dei veritatem et cer- 
 titudinem tollunt : quid est aliud transire, quam 
 finem accipere, ubi autem finis inibi certe lon- 
 gitude dierum esse non potest." * 
 
 Sainte-Marthe's explanations of the intellec- 
 tual difficulties of the Christian are not always 
 so plausible as this. For instance, when he 
 tries a fall with objections to the doctrine of 
 predestination, he does not escape the vicious 
 circle. It is not in our power of will to cry to 
 God or pray to Him for what is good. So they 
 conclude "qui te simul cum eis languidum, tor- 
 pentem, ac stupidum esse volent. " ^ They do 
 not cry to God, exclaims Sainte-Marthe, because 
 they do not wish to; they would cry if they 
 willed to, but they cannot will it because they 
 have separated themselves from Him who gives 
 to all the gift both of right willing and of ex- 
 ecuting the right.' But such vain reasoning is 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Medit, fol. 49 v° 
 2 Ihid., fol. 46 v°- " Ihid. 
 
494 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 exceptional with Sainte-Marthe. As a rule he 
 shows himself in the Meditation both clear and 
 logical. 
 
 Nor are clearness, consistency, certainty of ap- 
 peal, the only literary merits of this work. The 
 power of graphic description, of which Sainte- 
 Marthe had made much good use in his Funeral 
 Orations, is no less in evidence in the Meditation. 
 A comparison of the hypocrite to the wolf in 
 sheep's clothing may be taken as an example. 
 It was a favorite subject, on which Sainte- 
 Marthe had already expatiated in his earliest 
 Paraphrase.^ With half a page of realistic 
 touches he sets before us the Tartuffe of his 
 generation, whose name, for Sainte-Marthe, was 
 doubtless Mulet. "Sic hypocrita, jejunio se 
 macerabit, lachrymis se conficiet, totas noctes 
 in oratione pernoctabit, pannosus ac impexus in 
 medium prodibit, sua charitatis nomine profuse 
 largietur, viduas, vinctos, ac pupillos visitabit et 
 solabitur, mundum detestabitur, atque de ccelesti 
 patria semper loquetui". Hsec omnio verse pieta- 
 tis opera esse, nemo (nisi impius) negabit: set 
 si tu interim examines, qualis sit homo interior 
 
 '■ In Psalmum Septimum . . Paraph., pp. 59 and 66. 
 
LATIN WORKS 495 
 
 simulatse istius sanctitatis, experiere profecto, 
 sanctulum tuum avaritia sestuare, caligare ad- 
 fectibus, in vindictam toto studio ferri, ambitione 
 exardescere, superbia infiari, spurca venere dis- 
 solui, ac denique nihil minus esse, quam cui 
 assimilatur: et ut in summa dicam, sub hac 
 persona, omnis generis vitia pro virtutibus sese 
 venditant."^ There are many such graphic 
 passages. The wayfarer, "qui media nocte in 
 obscuro loco ambulat, quo vadat plane ignorant ; 
 ac nisi, aut lumen habeat aut ducem, periculum 
 est ne in foveam aliquam incidat, vel in lapidem 
 aliquem impingat, vel sese parietibus illidat";^ 
 Satan, busying himself all in vain, — " frustra 
 tibi insidias struit, frustra laqueos tendit, frustra 
 lapides in via tua jacit" ' — these are examples 
 of the many images which Sainte-Marthe with 
 unerring skill brings before the " inward 
 eye." 
 
 Nor, although the occasions for eloquence are 
 fewer, is the Meditation behind the Funeral 
 Orations in oratorical enthusiasm. If the lan- 
 guage of the Meditation is pictorial, its appeal 
 
 1 In Psalmum xc . . Medit., fol. 28 r° 
 
 2 Ibid., fol. 24 v°. = Ibid., fols. 24 v° and 40 v° 
 
496 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 to the ear is hardly less than to the visualizing 
 faculty. The fire and force of the orator burst 
 out again and again. Sainte-Marthe deals in 
 exclamations, in the rhetorical question, in tell- 
 ing repetitions of word or phrase, in sentences 
 too obviously balanced. It is difficult at times 
 for the reader to persuade himself that he is 
 perusing a pious meditation, and not listening 
 to impassioned if somewhat artful rhetoric. It 
 seems certain, at least, that Sainte-Marthe must 
 more than once have imagined himself address- 
 ing a responsive audience rather than an unim- 
 passioned reader. He seems to lash himself 
 with sound, and, if the effect is sometimes of 
 over-excitement, he generally succeeds in evad- 
 ing mere emptiness, the pitfall of the writer 
 who relies more on sound than sense. Arrived 
 at the verse which promises the faithful de- 
 liverance and protection, Sainte-Marthe pauses 
 in his exegesis to exclaim : " mellita verba ! 
 o felicem promissionem iis omnibus qui Deo 
 fidunt ! Vides o Vir pie, quae sit merces Fidei 
 et Spei tuse: nempe liberatio. .Habitare in 
 adjutorio altissimi, dicere illi, susceptor meus et 
 refugium meum es tu: quid aliud est, quam 
 
LATIN WORKS 497 
 
 spem in eum suam defigere?"* Again, when 
 he treats of the transitoriness of human satisfac- 
 tions, the rhetorical skill of the form is matched 
 by the penetration of the thought: "Quis est, 
 qui, si immortales divitise, horiores ac voluptates 
 essent, non cuperet in earum protectione com- 
 morari? Quis fugeret Principum aulas, si una 
 cum ipsis, favor ac amicitia illorum perennis 
 et incommutabilis foret? Quis sese totum 
 amicorum fidei non devoveret, si cum corpori- 
 bus, amicitise nexus non dissolueretur ? Quis 
 opera sua ac merita omnia non adoraret, cui 
 esset certissimum, ilia Deum sic intueri, ut 
 pro sola operum qualitate, sine sua gratia, nobis 
 justitiam dividat?"^ But perhaps the best ex- 
 ample of Sainte-Marthe's hortatory style is his 
 summing up of the proper Christian view of 
 misfortune: "Si quidquam tuse fidei seruandum 
 commisero, dicesne a me injuriam te accepisse 
 id si repetam ? Sanus eras, in morbum incidisti : 
 dives eras in penuriam prolapsus es: in precio 
 apud homines eras, nunc inglorius, ab omnibus 
 exploderis: pacificam ducebas vitam, nunc te 
 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 43 v°. 
 2 Ibid., fol. 12 r". 
 2k 
 
498 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 impetunt omnes : heri vivebas, hodie ad mortem 
 petraheris: quid quod tuum esset, perdidisti? 
 Sanitatem tibi, divitias, honores, pacem et vitam 
 etiam ipsam, Deus ut creditor commodarat, quod 
 suum est repetit ac tibi aufert, qua tibi expostu- 
 landi relinquitur occasio?" ^ Sainte-Marthe, for 
 all such telling power of rhetoric, is not always 
 free from the puerilities which beset the per- 
 fervid orator. There is at least one example of 
 that legacy from the schoolmen, the wearisome 
 analysis of meaning, from which modern pulpits 
 are not even yet entirely freed. In whose de- 
 fense, asks Sainte-Marthe, shall the righteous 
 dwell ? and here, where the dithyrambic questions 
 and replies of the Twenty-fourth Psalm might 
 have occurred to him, he prefers a needless and 
 childish explanation of what God is and is not. 
 Well, the question is not of the protection of 
 Satan, the god of this world, not of that un- 
 known god of the Athenians; the righteous 
 shall not dwell in the defense of sculptured 
 gods and images, — idols whom the Gentiles 
 worshiped instead of God — nor in that of the 
 god of the Epicureans, whose god is their belly, 
 1 In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., fol. 30 v°- 
 
LATIN WORKS 499 
 
 nor in that of the god of misers and usurers, 
 for whom money holds the place of God, but in 
 the protection of the God of heaven, etc.* 
 
 Sainte-Marthe does not often, it is fair to say, 
 fight with windmills in this fashion, but the 
 Meditation cannot be even so far acquitted of 
 the vice of artificiality of another sort. The 
 years which had given him, with a knowledge 
 of life, a firm touch upon his instrument and a 
 sure instinct for the telling appeal, had also 
 strengthened its author's skill and subtlety 
 in the art — as such he probably regarded it 
 — of far-fetched interpretation, the counter- 
 part of which is that conceited treatment of 
 poetic themes, wherein, as has been shown, 
 Sainte-Marthe was an early adept. At the 
 time he composed his Meditation, that poetic 
 vogue was nearing its height ; and it was natural 
 that, even when writing religious prose, and 
 even in Latin, Sainte-Marthe should show traces 
 of its influence upon his manner. The reader 
 almost catches him casting about for quota- 
 tion and illustration to fit some fantastical ex- 
 planation of the text. Perhaps this weakness 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . , Medit., fol. 12 v°. 
 
500 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 could hardly be better illustrated than by his 
 treatment of the twelth and thirteenth verses 
 of the Psalm, promising the faithful that angels 
 shall bear him up in their hands lest he dash 
 his foot against a stone, and that he shall go 
 upon the lion and the adder, and tread the young 
 lion and the dragon under his feet. Such images 
 gave Sainte-Marthe unlimited scope for ingenuity 
 more accomplished than edifying, and he elabo- 
 rates the theme with obvious delight.^ Begin- 
 ning with a long exposition of the functions of 
 angels good and bad, he illustrates liberally with 
 scriptural examples. He treats in all serious- 
 ness an imagined objection, whimsical enough: 
 "Quid audio? (dices) Angelos me manibus suis 
 sublevaturos ? Atqui, quum Angeli sint spiritus 
 et spiritus carnem et ossa non habeant, qui fieri 
 poterit, ut manus habere queant ? " ^ Thereupon 
 he enters upon a long disquisition on the use of 
 the word hand, as, in an earlier passage, he is 
 at pains, as if confronted with a real difficulty, 
 to explain the shoulders (in our version, wings) 
 and feathers' of the fourth verse.' The stone is, 
 
 • In Psalmum xc . . . Medit., tola. 37 v^-iS v°. 
 2 Ihid., fol. 39 r°. ^ Ihid., fol. 21 r°. 
 
LATIN WORKS 501 
 
 of course, the stone of stumbling, against which 
 all must fall in the darkness of this world; as, 
 again, it is the stone which the builders rejected, 
 destined to become the headstone of the corner; 
 and Sainte-Marthe cannot resist interpolating 
 that Satan also spreads temptations like stones. 
 It is, however, when he comes to deal with the 
 lion and the adder, the young lion and dragon, 
 or rather, as the Vulgate has it, "Aspidem et 
 Basiliscum . . . Leonem et Draconem, " that 
 Sainte-Marthe is most precieux and most far- 
 fetched. Pliny, fortunately or unfortunately, 
 had treated of all these creatures,' and, as 1 have 
 already implied in an earher page, Sainte-Marthe 
 is indebted to the Latin author for his con- 
 ception of them. If an asp bite a man, all the 
 afflicted parts must be cut away; so if Satan 
 has instilled his poison, there is no hope for the 
 victim's soul unless the corrupt affections are 
 cut away. The breath, no less than the touch, 
 of the basilisk destroys plant and animal; so 
 the devil irremediably destroys those whom he 
 touches with his breath, which Sainte-Marthe 
 
 • Cf. Pliny, Hist. Nat, VIII, Chaps. XXXV, XXXIII, 
 XII, XIX. 
 
502 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 chooses to interpret as his subtle temptations. 
 The dragon hides in river beds and surprises 
 elephants and other creatures ; Satan, whom the 
 scripture in fact terms "Dragonem serpentum 
 antiquum," ^ hes in ambush to devour the un- 
 wary. The lion attacks his prey openly, but 
 is terrified by fire; so Satan visibly assails 
 those whom he cannot deceive by guile. Nor 
 does Sainte-Marthe forget to quote St. Peter's 
 comparison of the devil to the roaring lion, 
 walking about and seeking whom he may de- 
 vour. And what fire can terrify him but that 
 fire of which David said, "Ignitum eloquium 
 tuum," and Solomon, " omnis sermo Dei Ignitus," 
 the fire indeed with which Christ put him to 
 flight ?^ When the devil transforms himself into 
 an angel of light or tempts to sins of the flesh, 
 he is an asp, a basilisk, a dragon ; when he per- 
 forms the works of Satan, he is a lion. Serve 
 sin, Sainte-Marthe continues after a digression, 
 and you will be devoured by the Hon, of whom 
 it is written "tanquam a conspectu serpentis 
 fuge peccatum: nam si acceseris mordebit te. 
 Dentes leonini sunt dentes ipsius animis homi- 
 
 1 A-poc. chap. XX, 2. 
 
 2 I.e. at the Temptation, with the words of Scripture. 
 
LATIN WORKS 503 
 
 nium exitiales." Sainte-Marthe takes up the 
 ensuing verses only after he has made all the 
 scriptural allusions to lions, adders, basilisks 
 and dragons which come to mind, beginning 
 with David's exclamation, "Thou breakest the 
 heads of the dragon in the waters," ^ which 
 Sainte-Marthe explains as referring to Pharaoh 
 and the princes of Egypt. 
 
 Such a passage as this has many a counter- 
 part in Sainte-Marthe's Meditation; the arrow 
 that fheth by day is pride ; the terror by night 
 is despair from consciousness of sin; the "Dse- 
 monium Meridianum" of the Vulgate^ is Satan 
 "transformed into an angel of light." He can 
 be detected only by the true light which gleams 
 in the Christian's shield of truth.^ Perhaps 
 Sainte-Marthe comes nearest to a true conceit 
 when treating of the arrows which the Lord sends 
 by the ministry of Satan, arrows called "fiery 
 darts" when they tempt to concupiscence, anger, 
 impatience, blasphemies, or desperation. Con- 
 
 1 Psalm Ixxiv, v. 14. 
 
 ' In the English version, " the sickness that destroyeth 
 in the noonday." 
 
 3 In Psalmum xc . . . Medit, fols. 26 v°, 24 v°, 27 v°, 
 28 v°. 
 
504 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 necting with this St. Paul's exhortation to take 
 the shield of faith wherewith to "quench all 
 the fiery darts of the wicked," Sainte-Marthe 
 proceeds to elaborate the idea. This sort of 
 dart kindles in him whom it wounds eternal 
 fires, and leaves behind only desperation unless 
 the waters of saving wisdom, faith, that is, in the 
 divine promises, quench them.* While all this 
 is in line with scriptural imagery, its elaboration 
 of metaphor savors of the literary fashion of the 
 day. The Scriptures indeed supply the arrow 
 that flieth by day, the arrows of the Lord and 
 their poison, the fiery darts of the wicked, and 
 the command to quench these, but it is perhaps 
 not too much to say that the Petrarchist in 
 Sainte-Marthe gathered these images together, 
 and added the figure of the water of wisdom. 
 Such tendency to elaborate metaphor leads 
 Sainte-Marthe in his Meditation into grievous 
 breaches of taste. Still, it may fairly be said 
 that the faults of the Meditation are far more 
 than offset by its merits. If occasionally it 
 inclines to "sound and fury, signifying nothing," 
 or to far-fetched elaboration of metaphors, if 
 ' In Psalmum xc . . Medit., fol. 37 v°. 
 
LATIN WORKS 605 
 
 it is not wholly free from errors of taste, the 
 Meditation is yet on the whole a performance 
 worthy the author of the Funeral Orations. 
 
 The coherence of its structure, its careful 
 sequence, the skill and finish of its style, its 
 telling application of worldly experience to the 
 spiritual life, its persuasive eloquence, not only 
 set it far above Sainte-Marthe's two other Latin 
 works, but distinguish it among the numerous 
 Latin productions of the time. It shines, also, 
 by the unaffected grace and fluency of its lan- 
 guage, among works whose effort after Ciceronian 
 style resulted too often in clumsy and obscure 
 periods. In the mere use of language and in 
 pictorial power, as in piety profoundly felt, the 
 Meditation can perhaps hardly claim superiority 
 over the two Paraphrases ; but in other respects 
 Sainte-Marthe's Latin works exhibit steady gain 
 in power and skill. The Paraphrase on the 
 Seventh Psalm, for all its vigorous language, is 
 too violent, too crude, and too confused to claim 
 much admiration from its readers, while that 
 on the Thirty-third Psalm arrests attention by 
 its ardor and its occasionally poetic eloquence. 
 Both these works, however, might not unjustly 
 
506 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 be slighted by the future historian of Latin 
 literature in the Renaissance, but that imaginary 
 author could not justly deny serious appreciation 
 to Sainte-Marthe's best and latest work, the 
 Meditation on the Ninetieth Psalm. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 Conclusion 
 
 With the Latin works, the tale of Sainte- 
 Marthe's productions comes to an end.' It must 
 
 ' We know that he had, at least in hand, at one time 
 or another, the following works, of which one, at least, was 
 published: a theological work (c/. letters of Breton and 
 Arlier, supra, pp. 51 and 72) ; a translation of parts of 
 Theocritus (c/. Dedication of the P. F. to the Duchesse 
 d'Estampes, infra, p. 563); a Book of Elegies (c/. Au 
 Lecteur, P. F., infra, p. 565); a "Livre de la conjunction 
 des quatres Langues " (c/. Au Lecteur (errata), P. F., p. 224) ; 
 a work on Funeral Rites (cf. Dedication to Galbert, In the 
 Psalmum Septimum . . Paraph., infra, p. 574) ; a Legal 
 Anthology (cf. ibid.); Commentaries on the One Hun- 
 dred and Eighteenth Psalm (cf. Letter to Furnseus, infra, 
 p. 583) ; a metrical translation of the Psalms (cf. Letter 
 to Olivier, infra, p. 585). CoUetet mentions "une belle 
 paraphrase Latine des sept pseaumes de penitence qui a 
 6t6 fort bien regue, et dont quelques auteurs latins de 
 I'illustre soci6t6 de Jesus ont fait mention." Vie des 
 poetes frangois, fol. 447 v° This may be a reference to 
 the preceding, or a garbled version of the In Psalmum 
 Septimum et Psalmum xxxiii, Paraphrasis, cf. p. 164, note 2. 
 Brunet mentions (art. Dolet) a " Discours de Charles de 
 Sainte-Marthe Au lecteur francois,'' as included in a sepa- 
 507 
 
508 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 be confessed that he shows himself a man of 
 striking versatihty and surprising contrasts, 
 if not of any great originahty; influenced in 
 many directions by the new intellectual impulses 
 and curt-ents of his time and yet bound by af- 
 fection and admiration to old ways. In the 
 Poesie Francoise he proclaims himself a devoted 
 admirer of Marot and freely imitates him, 
 practising the older forms of poetry; yet is 
 withal an early Petrarchist, and, stranger con- 
 trast still, an early Platonist also, appljdng his 
 Platonism not only to love, but also to the pur- 
 poses of a sincere piety. In the Paraphrases he 
 makes it evident that his sympathies are with 
 the new reformers, yet he must conciliate eccle- 
 siastical authority; indeed, in his situation at 
 the time he wrote the Paraphrases, not to do so 
 might have cost him his hfe. In his Funeral 
 Orations he appears as the ardent humanist, 
 
 rate (1560) edition of La forme et maniere de la ponctuation 
 et accents de la langue francoise etc., a treatise originally 
 forming part of Dolet's La maniere de bien traduire etc. 
 This separate treatise on punctuation is not to be seen in 
 any of the public libraries of Paris, and I have been unable 
 to consult it. I suspect, however, that Sainte-Marthe's 
 Discours is merely the Dixain, Au Lecteur Francoys, al- 
 ready dealt with in these pages. Cf. supra, p. 253 et seq. 
 
CONCLUSION 509 
 
 the convinced admirer of ancient life and wisdom, 
 yet averse to the paganism into which the 
 sixteenth century humanists were so easily led; 
 above all as a confirmed lover of Plato, and yet, 
 somewhat regretfully, so the reader may Uke 
 to fancy, treating Christians and Platonists as 
 belonging to separate groups.^ In his Latin 
 works, especially in his Meditation on the 
 Ninetieth Psalm, he may be tracked by the 
 curious reader to classical sources that betray 
 the humanist, while his method is largely that 
 of scholasticism. For final contrast, he can 
 shock the reader of his Meditation, a work in- 
 stinct with the profundities of Christian piety, 
 by dedicating it, in the interests of a family 
 feud, to the author of a base and hateful attack 
 upon his great contemporary, Rabelais. 
 
 Beyond a doubt, it is Sainte-Marthe's inclina- 
 tion to new ideas which gives him, as the author 
 of the Poesie Francoise, a claim to consideration. 
 Even a prejudiced reader must confess the in- 
 trinsic worth of that volume but slight. Its 
 epigrams are indeed neat, pointed, even pohshed, 
 but its epigrams form an inconsiderable portion 
 of its content. The remainder has only rare 
 
510 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 flashes of grace and poetic feeling to redeem its 
 heavy prohxity. If Sainte-Marthe is to be 
 considered as a contributor to French Hterature, 
 it must be on the merits of his two Funeral 
 Orations. There, accomplished learning, as the 
 time measured learning, is supported by graphic 
 narrative, a highly concrete descriptive gift, 
 insight, and a sense for language which resulted 
 in touching eloquence. By these gifts Sainte- 
 Marthe made the Orations the convincing vehicle 
 of genuine emotion. As for the Latin works, 
 they cannot, of course, be considered in the light 
 of a contribution to French literature, but 
 neither can they be neglected in measuring the 
 worth of Sainte-Marthe's literary production. 
 The influence of contemporary Latin literature 
 upon French prose style in its earlier stages still 
 remains to be studied, but it may be asserted 
 that it was not without its effect; and Sainte- 
 Marthe's Paraphrases and Meditation should 
 have their weight in any consideration of such 
 influence, clothing as they do ideas in images 
 often elaborate, and both in Latin prose notice- 
 able for its simplicity in an age when ornate 
 Latinity was a thing to boast of. 
 
CONCLUSION 511 
 
 Apart from the interest which these produc- 
 tions must have for a student of the early Renais- 
 sance, Sainte-Marthe's mere personaUty arrests 
 the attention, owing to the varying scenes and 
 influences amid which his life was passed. He 
 spent his childhood in a monastery, famous and 
 closely connected with the court, at a time when 
 it had just passed through an interesting re- 
 form. He was a student at the University at 
 Poitiers when it was shaken by the profound 
 spiritual excitement of Calvin's early preaching ; 
 a teacher at the new "college" at Bordeaux, and 
 later in that newly re-organized at Lyons, when 
 both were in the ferment which the new learning 
 infused into education. He was acquainted 
 with Greek and Hebrew at a time when a knowl- 
 edge of these tongues was still new. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, it will be seen, had his share, if 
 in the main but a passive one, in all the high emo- 
 tion of that passionate time. His share was, in 
 point of fact, not invariably passive. Undoubt- 
 edly inclining to the new religious doctrines, in 
 touch for a moment at least with Calvin and 
 Genevan Reform, he endured, as we have seen, 
 his meed of imprisonment and suffering, but 
 
512 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 played, it is probable, no very valiant part in the 
 drama of Reform, just as he played no very tell- 
 ing one in the vigorous literary movement of his 
 time. Early connected with the men who were 
 to form the famous Lyonnese school, he is per- 
 haps more noteworthy for his connection with 
 them than for his undeniable anticipation of 
 their themes. His associations, in fact, were in 
 themselves enough to preserve his name to pos- 
 terity. He looks back to Marot and Saint- 
 Gelais, on the one hand, and on the other wel- 
 comes in Ronsard, Du Bellay, and the new 
 school. Himself possessed of fluent Latin and a 
 close friend of elaborate Ciceronians, he shared 
 with Dolet his enthusiasm for his native speech 
 no less than his interest in Latinity. He was 
 bound by ties of service, intimacy or affection 
 to people as diverse as Calvin and Marguerite of 
 Navarre, Ducher and Sceve, Puy-Herbault and 
 Boisson6. His association with the Queen of 
 Navarre was so intimate that the choice of an 
 orator for the memorial service at Alengon fell 
 upon him ; and his second Funeral Oration was 
 the outcome of his familiar place in another 
 household hardly less closely connected with 
 
CONCLUSION 613 
 
 the fortunes of France; for the Duchesse of 
 Beaumont's family included the father of Henry 
 IV, the victor of Ceresolles, the Cardinal de 
 Bourbon, afterwards titular king, Charles X, 
 of the League, and the founder of the house 
 of Cond6. The traces left by Sainte-Marthe of 
 his activities as Procureur gineral of Beaumont 
 under Antoine de Bourbon have their interest 
 also as shedding light upon the life of the time. 
 It is perhaps partly as the result of this variety 
 of association and activity that Sainte-Marthe 
 leaves with his readers above all a sense of 
 confusion ; of eloquence whose flow is somewhat 
 ill-ordered; of a feeling for language emotional 
 rather than intellectual; of an imagination 
 excited and disturbed. He may profess indeed, 
 as in his Funeral Orations for example, to proceed 
 upon a definite plan of composition, but the 
 result is not the more organic, and only in his 
 Meditation can there be said to be anything 
 like structure. We must not, then, set down 
 Charles de Sainte-Marthe as a poet of great 
 worth, nor even as a finished writer of prose 
 or an accomplished latinist, but rather as a 
 writer whose remains prove him to have taken 
 2l 
 
514 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 an eager and early part in nursing nearly every 
 fruitful idea which found its way to France 
 during the quarter-century of his mature ex- 
 istence. It would be hard, indeed, to discover 
 a more typical average man of the Renaissance 
 than Sainte-Marthe, or one who more aptly 
 illustrates the effect upon a man of imagination 
 and talents of its conflicting currents, its rich 
 confusion. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 SCEVOLE DE SAINTE-MARTHE'S LIFE OF CHARLES 
 AND JACQUES DE SAINTE-MARTHE. 
 
 Caroltjs et Jacobus Samaethani. 
 
 Ne tamen videar (quod ille ait) alienos agros colere, 
 proprium negligere, liceat hie postremo celebrare duo 
 Sammarthanaegentis honestamenta Carolum & Jacobum 
 patruos meos : quorum alter Jurisprudentiam, alter 
 Medicinam coluit, vterque Grsecam linguam, philo- 
 sophiam & ingenuas omnes artes non leviter aut per- 
 functori^, sed serio diligenterque amplexus est. Di- 
 verso tamen more nee eodem studiorum institute. 
 Carolus enim, aurse popularis avidior, perutiles de re 
 sepulchrali commentaries itemque pias in Davidis car- 
 mina commentationes & multa varij generis poematia 
 tum Latina tum Galliea publicavit, Jacobus autem 
 licet Romani sermonis facilitate perfectissimus, tamen 
 quod homo esset inanis gloriae nusquam appetens, 
 totum istud scribendi stadium facile neglexit, uberri- 
 mas illas multiplieis eruditionis opes eodem quo seip- 
 sum tumulo conditurus, nisi haeredes earum reliquisset 
 filios elegantiora studia cum exercitatione forensi 
 doctissime adsequantes. Hie Scsevolae patris vestigia 
 secutus Lodoieae & Leonoras Borboniis coenobij Fonte- 
 515 
 
516 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 braldaei Principibus illustrissimis ad extremam usque 
 senectutem non modo in arte medica, sed etiam in 
 consiliis & omnibus magni momenti rebus fidelem 
 nauauit operam. lUe Margarets Nauarrae auspiciis 
 causarum capitalium apud Alenconios praefecturam 
 adeptus patronam fato functam luculentissima lauda- 
 tione consecravit. Nee ita multo post, integro adhuc 
 aevo nimia vi & copia sanguinis oppressus, emisit ani- 
 mam. Cum sanguis ipse ruptis vasis magno se impetu 
 circum prsecordia dififundens nativum repente calorem 
 suffocasset. 
 — Gallorum Doctrina Illustrium . . . Elogia, Liber 
 II, p. 195 et seq. 
 
 COLLETET'S TRANSLATION. 
 
 Charles et Jacques de Sainte-Mabthe. 
 
 De peur qu'il ne semble, comme dit un Ancien, qu'en 
 cultivant les champs d'autruy, je neglige les miens pro- 
 pres, je pretens icyfaire I'Eloge de ces deux ornemens 
 de nostre Famille, Charles & Jacques de Sainte-Marthe 
 mes deux oncles. Quoy qu'il fussent tous deux, de 
 profession differentes, & que I'un se fust adonn^ serieuse- 
 ment k la Jurisprudence, & I'autre k la Medecine; si 
 est-ce que tous deux ils furent semblables en ce poinct, 
 qu'ils se rendirent excellens dans I'intelligence de la 
 langue Grecque, & que tous deux ils s'appliquerent 
 profondement k la Philosophie, & a la cognoissance de 
 tous les autres arts liberaux. lis les practiquerent 
 neantmoins diversement, & n'eurent pas un mesme 
 but dans des estudes semblables. Car Charles qui 
 aimoit passionnement ceste reputation que Ton ac- 
 
APPENDIX 517 
 
 quiert k la Cour, & parmy le Peuple, apres avoir com- 
 post vn tres-docte & tres utile discours des Sepultures 
 & des Pompes funebres, & compost de doctes & de 
 pieux Commentaires sur des Pseaumes de David, avec 
 plusieurs autres Poemes Fran^oise & Latins sur de 
 differentes matieres, eut soin de mettre tous ces ouv- 
 rages au Jour. Quant k Jacques de Sainte-Marthe, 
 quoy qu'il cognust en perfection toutes les graces de 
 la langue Latine, si est-ce que n'estant pas touch e 
 du desir de la gloire qui s'acquiert k composer des 
 livres, il negligea tellement la peine que Ton prend k 
 les escrire, que tous les thresors des diverges sciences 
 qu'il possedoit, eussent est^ enfermes avec luy dans vn 
 mesme tombeau, si, par les doctes & frequentes con- 
 ferences, il ne les eust communiquez k Louis, & k 
 Franpois de Sainte-Marthe ses enfans, qui scavent 
 encore auiourd'huy marier dignement la function du 
 barreau auec I'exercise des belles lettres. Jacques, 
 marchant done ainsi sur les traces de son Pere Scevole, 
 servit jusques a vne extresme vieillesse ces deux 
 Princesses illustres, Louise, & Leonor de Bourbon, 
 Abbesses de Fontevrault, non seulement en quality 
 de leur Medecin ordinaire mais encore comma vn fidele 
 Conseiller, qu'elles consultoient utilement pour elles, 
 & glorieusement pour luy dans toutes leurs affaires 
 importantes. Quant k Charles de Sainte-Marthe, il 
 s'insinua dans les bonnes graces de Marguerite Royne 
 de Navarre, & comme ce fut par sa faueur qu'il obtint 
 I'OfEce de Lieutenant Criminel de la ville d'Alengon, 
 apres la mort de ceste excellente Princesse, il crefit 
 que pour recognoistre en quelque sorte les bienfaicts 
 qu'il avoit receus d'elle pendant sa vie, il estoit de son 
 
518 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 debvoir de faire son Oraison funebre apres sa mort. 
 Ce qu'il fit certes avec vn grand applaudissement de 
 toute la France. Mais peu de temps apres il se sentit 
 press 6 luy mesme de suivre sa bonne Maitresse. Car 
 comme il estoit d'une humeur extr^mement saiiguine, 
 une abondance de sang sortie de ses veines avec 
 violence & impetuosity, malgre les vaisseaux qui le 
 contenoient, ayant esteint sa chaleur naturelle, il en 
 fut suffoqu6 tout a coup, & en mourut en la fleur de 
 eon aage, I'an 1555. 
 
 — Eloges des Hommes lUustres, Liv. Ill, pp. 372-374. 
 
 PERSONS TO WHOM SAINTE-MARTHE AD- 
 DRESSED LINES IN THE POESIE 
 
 FRANCOISE. 
 Alein : 
 
 A Monsieur d'Alein d'Arles. Que I'homme mes- 
 disant de la Femme mesdict de soy mesme. p. 14. 
 Arbigny : 
 
 A Madame Anne d'Arbigny, Dame de la Val en 
 Daulphin6. p. 89. 
 Bbconne : 
 
 A Madamoiselle de Beconne. p. 193. 
 Benac : 
 
 A Jean Benac. De soy. p. 93. 
 Beringue : 
 
 De Beringue s'Amye et de soy. p. 14. 
 
 A Madamoiselle Beringue, de la servitude 
 d'Amour. p. 17. 
 
 A Mademoiselle Beringue. p. 22. 
 
 De Madamoiselle Beringue. p. 54. 
 
 D'elle mesme & de soy. p. 54. 
 
 A Madamoiselle Beringue. p. 56. 
 
APPENDIX 519 
 
 Beringue : 
 
 A Madamoiselle Beringue, Que son Amour est 
 
 immortelle, p. 58. 
 A Madamoiselle Beringue, Que nostre Esperance 
 
 doibt estre en Dieu. p. 66. 
 A ma Damoiselle Beringue, Quel martyre c'est, 
 
 brusler d'afiection, & n'oser parler pour la des- 
 
 couvrir. p. 75. 
 A Madamoiselle Beringue, De Liberte & Servitude 
 
 provenante Par amour, p. 78. 
 A Madamoiselle Beringue, Que leur Amour ne se 
 
 pourra minuer pour les mesdlsants. p. 86. 
 A Madamoiselle Beringue, Que rien ne vault 
 
 commencer un bien, sans I'aschever. p. 91. 
 A Madamoiselle Beringue, De leur Honneste & 
 
 irreprehensible Amour, p. 145. 
 Bigot : 
 
 A Guiliaulme Bigot homme tresconsomm6 en 
 
 Philosophic, p. 93. 
 BoissoNB : 
 
 A Monsieur Boisson6, Conseiller S, Chambery. 
 
 Qu'on se doibt fier, au seul Seigneur, non aux 
 
 Hommes. p. 57. 
 
 BOUREL : 
 
 A Edmond Bourel Chanoine de Romans en Daul- 
 phin6. Que (suivant I'ordonnance de Dieu) 
 mieulx vault se marier, que d'entretenir 
 Paillardes. p. 87. 
 
 Bressieux. Cf. Geolbe-Mevoxjillon and Veenai- 
 
 SON. 
 
 Chausson : 
 
 A Maurice Chausson, vers Alexandrins. p. 66. 
 
520 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Chereau : 
 
 A Geoffrey Chereau estant malade, Qu'on se doibt 
 esgalement porter en prosperite & adversity, 
 p. 67. 
 Claveyson, Exupere de : 
 
 Au Seigneur de Parnans. Qu'au bien d 'Amour, 
 
 rien nest plus nuysant, que jouyssance. p. 13. 
 A noble Exupere de Claveyson, Seigneur de 
 
 Parnans, responce k son dixain. p. 24. 
 Au Seigneur de Parnans. De quelcun qui disoit 
 
 qu'il aymoit trop s'Amye. p. 31. 
 Au Seigneur de Parnans. Quoy que deux Atnys se 
 separent I'un de I'aultre, que toutefoy, sont tous- 
 jours presents, p. 35. 
 Au Seigneur de Parnans, Qu'aujourdhuy on est 
 plus obeissant k vice qu'^ Vertu. p. 87. 
 Claveyson, Louis de : 
 
 A Frere L. de Claveyson, prieur de Parnans. Que 
 I'habit ne fait pas le Moyne. p. 60. 
 Colin. Cf. Saint-Ambroise. 
 Dalechamps : 
 
 A Jacques Dalechamp. p. 106. 
 
 DOLET : 
 
 A monsieur Dolet, D'un Detracteur mesdisant de 
 luy. p. 33. 
 
 Aux Francois, du Livre de Dolet, de la langue 
 Francoise. p. 78. 
 
 Aux Francoys, en recommendation du Livre de 
 Dolet, de la maniere de traduire, punctuer & 
 accentuer, en nostre Langue. Avecques ex- 
 hortation k tons Lettr^s Francoys, s'aymer & 
 soubstenir I'un I'aultre. p. 177. 
 
APPENDIX 521 
 
 Drusac, Gkatian Dupont, sieur db : 
 
 A Drusac, detracteur du sexe Feminin. p. 94. 
 Du MoucHET : 
 
 Au Seigneur du Mouchet, Que le bien Celeste doibt 
 estre prefer^ au bien Mondain. p. 98. 
 Du Perault (Peron ?) : 
 
 A Madame du Perault. 155. 
 Du Peron. Cf. Pierrevivb. 
 Du Pont. CJ. Drusac. 
 Enteaigues, Guillaumb de Balzac, Baron d' : 
 
 Sur la naissance de la fiUe de Monsieur le Baron 
 d'Entraigues. 
 EsTABLE. Cf. Fay. 
 
 ESTAMPES : 
 
 A Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes, luy presentant 
 
 ses Oeuvres. p. 9. 
 De Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes. p. 20. 
 A Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes. p. 37. 
 A Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes. p. 62. 
 A Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes, luy recom- 
 
 mandant son Oeuvre. p. 82. 
 A Madame La Duchesse d'Estampes. p. 125. 
 
 And cf. infra, p. 531. 
 Elegie. Du Ternp^ de France, en I'honneur de 
 
 Madame la Duchesse d 'Estampes, p. 197. And 
 
 cf. infra, p. 537 et seq. 
 Fay, Paul db : 
 
 A noble Paule de Fay Seigneur d'Estables. p. 
 
 79. 
 Fay, Mlle. db : 
 
 A Madamoiselle d'Estable sa seur d'alience. p. 
 
 159. 
 
522 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 Fereon : 
 
 A Jean Ferron, pourqoy n'a respondu k ses adver- 
 
 saires. p. 15. 
 A Jean Ferron, Coq k Lasne. p. 141. 
 
 Francois I : 
 
 Au Roy treschrestien. p. 8. 
 
 Grenet : 
 
 A Monsieur le Chevalier Grenet au departir. 
 p. 53. 
 
 Grolbe-Mevouillon, Antoine db : 
 
 A noble & puissant Seigneur Monsieur Anthoine 
 
 de MuiUion, Baron de Bressieux. De la misere 
 
 de proces. p. 29. 
 A Monsieur le Baron de Bressieux, D'un qui mes- 
 
 disoit de luy en son absence, p. 59. 
 A Monsieur le Baron de Bressieux, dequoy nous 
 
 sommes au monde debiteurs. p. 72. 
 A noble & puissant Seigneur, Monsieur Antoine de 
 
 Muillion, Baron de Bressieux, frere du susdict 
 
 Seigneur de S. Pierre, p. 170. 
 
 Grolbe-Mevotjillon, Francois db : 
 
 A noble Seigneur, Monsieur Francois de Muillion, 
 
 seigneur de Ribbiers, en le remerciant des biens 
 
 qu'il luy a faictz. p. 34. 
 A Monsieur de Ribbiers, Qu'il fault esprouver 
 
 I'amy. p. 73. 
 A Monsieur de Ribbiers. p. 188. 
 
 Groleb-Mevouillon, Anne de : 
 
 A R. Pere en DIEU, Monseigneur Anne de Grol6e, 
 Abb6 de S. Pierre de Vienne. p. 166. 
 
APPENDIX 523 
 
 Haultbvillb : 
 
 A Madamoiselle de haulteville,' Comment Liberty 
 & Servitude (deux contraires) peuvent durer 
 ensemble, p. 99. 
 HoNDRBMARC (or Ondremar) : 
 
 A Antoine Hondremarc Maistre D'Escholle k 
 Romans, p. 69. 
 La Riviere : 
 
 Au Seigneur de la Riviere Maistre d'hostel de 
 Madame de la Val. Comment on doibt estre 
 cault k faire un Amy. p. 96. 
 La Ruelle : 
 
 A Charles de la Ruelle, Que toute Amyti6 doibt 
 estre Fondle sur Vertu. p. 12. 
 La Tour : 
 
 A Madame Magdaleine de La Tour sa Soeur d'al- 
 lience. p. 70. 
 La Val (Abbessb de) : 
 
 A Madame I'Abbesse de la val en Daulphin^, 
 estant Malade. 28. And cf. Arbigny. 
 Le Fevre : 
 
 A Ren6 le Fevre Que sur toutes bestes THomme est 
 a craindre. p. 12. 
 Lestrange : 
 
 A Madame de L'estrange. p. 129. 
 
 1 M. E. Picot identifies this personage with Isabelle de 
 Haulteville, whom, in 1564, the Cardinal Odet de Chastillon 
 married (wearing his Cardinal's robes for the occasion!), 
 after living with her publicly for several years. Les 
 Frangais Italianisants au XVP Sibcle, Vol. II, p. 11, note 
 3. The date of Sainte-Marthe's volume, 1540, appears to 
 cast some uncertainty upon this identification. 
 
524 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Lisle, de : 
 
 A Hector de Lisle, p. 90. 
 
 LOYTAULDE : 
 
 A Madamoiselle Gacinette Loytaulde, Mere de 
 Beringue s'Amye. p. 88. 
 Margtjebite de France : 
 
 A Madame Marguerite, fille unique du Roy. 
 p. 122. 
 Marguerite de Navarre : 
 
 A la Royne de Navarre, p. 8. 
 A la Royne da Navarre, p. 119. 
 Maeillac : 
 
 A P. de Marillac, Comment on doybt prendre ce 
 
 terme Fortune, p. 10. 
 Elegie A P. de Marillac, Que le Cueur fort mag- 
 nanime, est le seul riche du Monde, par son 
 contentement. p. 219. 
 Marot : 
 
 A Marot d'un sien Valet, qu'i I'avoit desrob^. p. 
 
 13. 
 De la prudence de Clement Marot. p. 19. 
 A Clement Marot son pere d'alience. p. 55. 
 A Luy mesme, Luy recommendant ses Oeuvres, 
 vers Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes. p. 65. 
 A Marot. Du faulx bruict de sa Mort. p. 59. 
 Marquet, Marie : 
 
 A Madamoiselle Marie marquet, sa Mere, Qu' 
 Innocence, quoy qu'eUe soit molest^e, ne pent 
 estre opprim^e. p. 56. 
 Marquet, Pierre: 
 
 A noble Seigneur Pierre Marquet, Seigneur de la 
 Bedouere, son oncle. p. 79. 
 
APPENDIX 525 
 
 Marron : 
 
 A. F. I. Marron, ppurquoy le vray bien est inter- 
 dit. p. 56. 
 Merlin : 
 
 A Jehan Merlin, Que nous sommes aveugles en nos 
 faicts. p. 68. 
 
 MOLANS : 
 
 A Madame de Molans, pour Estrennes. p. 20. 
 
 MONGAILLARD : 
 
 A Monsieur le Capitaine MongaiUard. p. 103. 
 MoNTAusiBR, Leon de Saint Maur, dug db : 
 
 A Monsieur le chevalier de monthozier. p. 
 
 102. 
 Elegie en forme d'epistre, a Monsieur le Chevalier 
 de Monthozier, Que k qui Jesus ayde, rien ne 
 peut nuyre. p. 205. 
 MosNiER : 
 
 Epitaphe de feu Monsieur Maistre Foulcaud Mos- 
 nier, procureur de Fontevrault, & son Parrain, 
 parlant en sa personne. 
 MuiLLioN. Cf. Grolbe-Mevouillon. 
 Navarre. Cf. Marguerite. 
 NuiLLT : 
 
 A Madamoiselle de Nuilly. Que e'est d'Amour. 
 p. 9. 
 Oddb: 
 
 A noble Edmond Odde, Seigneur de Triors. Du 
 cloistre de la Langue. p. 72. 
 Parnans. Cf. Claveyson. 
 Pierrbvivb : 
 
 A Madamoiselle Marie de pierre vive, dame du 
 Peroi), p. 137. 
 
526 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 PiTREL : 
 
 A Thomon Pitrel, que c'est grand richesse d'estre 
 content, p. 105. 
 
 PONTHOISB : 
 
 A Gabriel de Ponthoise. p. 15. 
 RocouLEs : 
 
 A Mademoiselle Jeanne de Raucoulles. Que la 
 cognoissance de Dieu oultrepasse tons aultres 
 dons. p. 36. 
 A Madamoiselle Jeanne de RaoucouUes. p. 153. 
 RiBBiERs. Cf. Groliee-Mevouillon. 
 
 ROBOAM : 
 
 A Jean Roboam Qu'un nouvel ouvrier fait nouvel 
 ouvrage. p. 102. 
 Saint Ambroise, Jacques Colin, Abbe de : 
 
 A Monsieur I'Abbe de sainct Ambroise, il luy re- 
 eommande ses CEuvres. p. 70. 
 Saint-Jean : 
 
 A Michel de Sainct Jhean d'Arles, jeune homme de 
 grand jugement sans lettres. p. 27. 
 Saint-Martin : 
 
 A noble Loys de sainct Martin, d'Arles, luy estant 
 malade. p. 138. 
 Saint-Maur. Cf. Montausier. 
 Saint-Rbmy : 
 
 A Monsieur de S. Remy, luy estant en necessite h, 
 Vincence. p. 92. 
 
 Saint Romans : 
 
 A Monsieur de Sainct Romans Conseiller de 
 Grenoble, p. 30. 
 
APPENDIX 527 
 
 Sainte-Marthb, Gaucher : 
 
 A son Seigneur & Pere, Medicin & conseiller ordi- 
 naire du Roy. II luy rend raison de sa Poesie 
 Francoise, le consolant de ses adversites. p. 148. 
 Sainte-Marthe, Jean: 
 
 A Jean de saincte Marthe son cousin, Que nous 
 debvons louer Dieu de tout. p. 85. 
 Sainte-Marthe, Louis: 
 
 A Loys de Saincte Marthe son frere. Que Vertu 
 n'est contaminde pour detraction des mes- 
 chants. p. 11. 
 Salel : 
 
 A Salel, valet de chambre du Roy, Sur sa divise, 
 p. 90. 
 ScEVE, Claudine : 
 
 A Madame Claude Sceve, femme de Monsieur 
 I'advocat du Roy, k Lyon. p. 157. 
 ScBVE, Maurice : 
 
 A Maurice Sceve Lyonnois, homme treserudit, 
 
 Vers Alexandrins. p. 50. 
 A Maurice Sceve, Qu'il vault mieulx dormer que 
 prendre, p. 80. 
 Tardivon : 
 
 A Andr6 Tardivon, Courrier de Romans, p. 98. 
 
 TOLET : 
 
 A P. Tolet, Medicin du grand Hospital de Lyon. 
 Sur I'amitie de luy & de Dolet Vers Alexan- 
 drins. p. 11. 
 
 A la Dame & bien aym^e de M. P. Tolet, Medicin 
 du grand Hospital de Lyon, son singulier 
 Amy. p. 172. 
 Triors. C/. Odde. 
 
528 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Vallon : 
 
 A Jacques Vallon, delivr6 de sa maladie. p. 100. 
 Veriust : 
 
 Elegie, A Monsieur Veriust, Doyen de Macon. De 
 la vraye Noblesse, p. 216. 
 Vebnaison, Antoinette de Bbessieux, Abbesse de : 
 
 A Madame I'Abbesse de Vernaison. p. 100. 
 
 ViLLIEES : 
 
 A Villiers, Musicien tresperfect. p. 97. 
 
 CONTENTS OF LE LIVRE DE SES AMYS, 
 POESIE FRANCOISE, pp. 225-237. 
 
 AvANSON (Prose Dedication). Cf. p. 564 et seq. 
 
 A Monsieur le Secretain D'avenson, Charles de 
 Sainct Martha Salut. p. 226. 
 Bigot : 
 
 Epistre de Bigotius k Saincte Marthe. p. 229. 
 Benac : 
 
 Jean Benac, A S. Marthe. p. 236. 
 Chausson : 
 
 Maurice Chausson A S. Marthe. p. 234. 
 Clavetson : 
 
 Exupere de Claveyson, Seigneur de Parnans, k son 
 frere S. Marthe. p. 233. 
 DoLBT : 
 
 Etienne Dolet, A S. Marthe. p. 232. Cf. p. 544. 
 Du PuY : 
 
 Charles du Puy, a Madamoiselle Beringue, rAmye 
 de Monsieur de S. Marthe. p. 236. 
 Grenet : 
 
 Le Chevalier Grenet, sur la Poesie de S. 
 Marthe. p. 237. Cf. p. 227. 
 
APPENDIX 529 
 
 MoNTAusiEB, Leon db Saint Maur, dtjc de : 
 
 Leon de Saincte More, dit de Monthozier, Chevalier 
 de I'ordre de Sainct Jean de Hierusalem, A 
 Charles de Saincte Marthe, Salut. p. 227. 
 (Prose.) Cf. p. 600 et seq. 
 Marillac : 
 
 P. D. Marillac, Aux Dames, de la Beringue de S. 
 Marthe. p. 233. 
 Parnans. Cf. Claveyson. 
 
 SaINT-MaUR. Cf. MONTAUIER. 
 ROBOAM : 
 
 Jean Roboam, au Lecteur. Du Livre de S. Marthe. 
 p. 235. 
 Sci!VE : 
 
 Maurice Sceve, A S. Marthe. p. 232. 
 
 TOLET : 
 
 P. Tolet, Medicin, aux Poetes Francoys, du Livre 
 de S. Marthe. p. 234. 
 
 ViLLENEUVE : 
 
 A. de Villeneufve, k la Ville de Poictiers, sur le 
 departement de S. Marthe. p. 236. Cf. p. 53 
 et seq. 
 
 SELECTIONS FROM THE POESIE FRANCOISE. 
 
 A Monsieur Dolet. 
 
 d'un detracteur, mesdisant de lut. 
 
 Si ce Baudet, ton scavoir tant peu prise, 
 Que c^ & Ik, ton nom aille mordent, 
 Consider^ sa tresfolle entreprise, 
 Ce n'est pas trop merveilleux accident. 
 Son meschant Cueur est asses evident, 
 2m 
 
530 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 Jei les enfantz en vont k la moustarde. 
 II cognoistrfi, plus k plain, quoy qu'il tarde, 
 Qu'il a gaigne prendre le frein aux dentz. 
 Mais k ce Sot, ne te fault prendre garde, 
 D'un Sac ne sort, que ce qui est dedans. 
 
 — P.F.,^.33. 
 
 A Maeot. 
 
 DU TAULX BEUICT DE SA MORT. 
 
 U fut un bruit, 6 Marot, qu'estois mort, 
 Et ce faulx bruit un menteur asseura. 
 L'un d'un cost 6, se plaignoit de la Mort. 
 Faisant regret qui longuement dwck. 
 L'aultre, par vers piteux la deplora, 
 Gettant souspirs de dur gemissement. 
 Moy, de grand dueil plorant amerement, 
 Duquel estoit ma triste Ame saisie, 
 Las, dys ie, mort est nostre Amy Clement ? 
 Morte donq' est Frangoise Foesie. 
 
 — P.F.,Y).59. 
 
 A Jacques Dalechamp. 
 
 DIEU ne fault point k ses Amis, 
 Car en sa promesse il est stable, 
 L'homme, inconstant & variable. 
 Est de sa Foy soubdain demis. 
 
 Quoy qu'on se soit centre nous mis, 
 On n'a rien fait qui soit vallable, 
 Dieu ne fault point. 
 
APPENDIX 531 
 
 Avons nous plusieurs Ennemys 
 Usants d'un art cault & damnable ? 
 L'amy se monstr'il trop muable ? 
 Pource n'ayons le Cueur remis, 
 
 Dieu ne fault point. 
 
 — P.F.,p. 106. 
 
 A Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes. 
 
 Juno, Venus, & Pallas, trois ensemble, 
 Ont heu debat merveilleux k vous veoir. 
 S'a dit Juno, mienne est comme me semble, 
 Pour son grand los, sa noblesse, & avoir, 
 Mais, fist Venus, pour moy la veulx avoir, 
 Car en beault6 au Monde n'a seconde. 
 Quoy, dist Pallas, sa tresnoble facunde, 
 Son bel Esprit, ses Graces, la font mienne. 
 Laquelle aurfi, des trois la Pomme ronde, 
 Pour vous tenir justement comme sienne? 
 
 — P. F., p. 37. 
 
 A Rene le Fevee. 
 
 Que sub toutes bestes, l'homme 
 
 est a cbaindee. 
 
 On craint le Loup, par Faim sortant du bois, 
 On craint un Ours, & un Lyon bruyant. 
 On craint Sangler eschauff6 des abbois, 
 Pres poursuivy des Veneurs se veoyant. 
 On craint h veoir un Tigre fouldroyant, 
 Un chascun craint toutes Feres, en somme. 
 Mais moy, je crains sur toutes bestes I'Homme. 
 
 — P.F.,p. 12. 
 
532 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 A Gabriel de Ponthoise. 
 
 Demorgogon monte sur sa charrue, 
 Qui fait aller le Monde de travers, 
 Iris apres, se presente en la rue, 
 Laquelle fait des jugements divers : 
 Et puis, survient cest Ange tant pervers. 
 Qui crie hommage k la teste crested; 
 Les Bigarr^s, regardants de travers, 
 Ont Astrea au chemin arrested. 
 
 — P.F.,p. 15. 
 
 A Jean de saincte Marthe son cousin, Que nous 
 
 DEBVONS LOUER DiEU DE TOUT. 
 
 Dieu soit lou6 de tout ce qu'il envoye, 
 Soit bien ou mal, maladie ou sant6. 
 Si nous prenons en gr6 prosperite, 
 L'adversit^ fault aussi prendre en joye. 
 
 Estant en heur j'ay d'Amys grand montioye, 
 Mais en malheur chascun s'est absents. 
 
 Lou6 soit Dieu. 
 
 Besoing nous est, qu'aulcune foy Ion veoye 
 Si les Amys ayment par fermete, 
 CelS, nous monstre asses necessity, 
 
 Qu'on voise droict, ou bien la torte voye, 
 Dieu soit lou6. 
 — P.F.,p.85et. 
 
APPENDIX 533 
 
 A Dkusac, deteactbur dtt sexe Feminin. 
 
 C'est k bon droit (ainsi comme tu dis) 
 Que sans propos de la Femme mesdis, 
 Est ce a bon droit ? villain tu as menty, 
 Le droit s'est il k celk consenty 
 Que soit raison d'user de tel mesdicts ? 
 
 On pent juger de tes faicts par tes diets, 
 En t'appellant (par tes escripts mauldicts) 
 Un detracteur de raison diuerty, 
 
 C'est k bon droit. 
 
 Estimes tu tes furieux edicts 
 Estre a ton vueil observfe ? & tandis 
 Que gents de bien maintiennent ton party? 
 Mais n'est tu pas de long temps adverty, 
 Q'ont mis au feu tes escripts estourdys? 
 C'est k bon droit. 
 
 —P. F., p. 94. 
 
 Atrx Deteacteues dv sexe feminin. 
 
 Est ce bien fait, malignes Gents 
 D'ainsy mesdire de la Femme? 
 Dieu deffend de mal parler d'ame, 
 Vous luy estes contredisants. 
 
 Vous faites actes non duisants, 
 Et mettez sur elle le blasme, 
 
 Est ce bien fait ? 
 
534 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Vous taschez par motets plaisant, 
 D'attirer k vous quelque Dame, 
 Et puis par vostre lourde game 
 En derriere estes medisants, 
 
 Est ce bien fait ? 
 
 — P. P., p. 82. 
 
 Airx Maistbes & Compaignons de l'Impbimeeie 
 DE Lyon, estants ensemble diffebents. 
 
 En bon accord il se fault maintenir. 
 Pour un Chrestien justement se tenir, 
 Maistres, & vous compaignons Imprimeurs. 
 Vous ne voyez les latentes malheurs. 
 Qui nous pourront de tels debats venir. 
 
 Vous ne pouvez I'un I'aultre entretenir, 
 Ains a5rmez mieulx querelles soubstenir. 
 Que vivre, pour vos profiits & honneurs. 
 
 En bon accord. 
 
 Maistres, saichez Compaignons retenir, 
 Vous Compaignons, leur debvez subvenir, 
 Et cy apres cessent tous ces clameurs. 
 Chassez de vous des noises les fauteurs, 
 A celle fin que puissez revenir 
 
 En bon accord. 
 
 Vous ferez tant, que DIEU, pour vous punir, 
 Ce tant noble Art permettra devenir 
 Plus vil, que n'est celuy des Chiquaneurs, 
 Esveillez done tous ensemble vos Cueurs, 
 Et qu'on vous veoye unis k I'advenir, 
 
 En bon accord. 
 — P. F., p. 104. 
 
APPENDIX 535 
 
 A UN, QUI LE DEHOETOIT DE METTRB SES OeUVRES 
 EN LUMIERE. 
 
 Chascun Marot, escripvant, ne peut estre, 
 Pour attirer le Lecteur par doulx Stile. 
 Un chascun n'est comme Sceve bien dextre, 
 Pour fulminer d'invention subtile, 
 Chascun n'a pas son esprit tant fertile 
 Que Sainct Gelays, il ne sensuit pourtant, 
 Que celuy \k qui n'en peur faire aultant. 
 En ses escriptz soit du tout inutile. 
 
 — P.F.,p.52. 
 
 SuR LA Fontaine de Vaucluse pres laquelle jadis 
 
 HABITA PetBARCHE. 
 
 Quiconques veoit de la Sorgue profonde 
 
 L'etrange lien & plus estrange source, 
 
 La dit soubdain grand Merveille du Monde, 
 
 Tant pour ses eaulx, que pour sa roidde cource. 
 
 Je tiens le lien fort admirable, pource 
 
 Qu'on veoit tant eaulx d'un seul pertuis sortir. 
 
 Et en longz braz divers se departir. 
 
 Mais encor plus, du gouffre, qui bruit IS,, 
 
 Qu'onques ne peut estaindre & amortir 
 
 Le feu d 'Amours, qui Petrarche brusla. 
 
 — P. F.,p.21. 
 
 POURQUOY LON PAINCT CUPIDO EN EnFANCE. 
 
 Pourquoy painet Ion Cupido Dieu d'Amour 
 Estant tousjours en tresplaisante enfance? 
 Est ce qii'il fait en jeunes Corpz sejour 
 Ou bien que lors il est en sa puissance ? 
 II s'ensuyeroit qu'Amour a deffaillance 
 
536 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Cessant le temps de deduit & liesse. 
 
 C'est done qu'il prend sa racine en jeunesse, 
 
 Et que plus est avec vigoeur yssant, 
 
 Tant plus il dure, & moins tumbe en vieillesse, 
 
 Par Eage & temps jamais ne finissant. 
 
 — P.F.,p.71. 
 
 COMPLAINCTE EN LA PBRSONNE d'uN AmANT ABUSE. 
 
 En trop aymant j'ay trop este deceu, 
 
 Et ce trop est, pour trop grande simplesse. 
 
 Jamais je n'eusse en mon Esprit conoeu, 
 
 Qu'elleust est6 tant pleine de finesse 
 
 Je cuiddois bien m'y conduire en sagesse, 
 
 Mais us6 m'a d'une latente ruse. 
 
 Si Saige n'est que la Femme n'abuse. 
 
 — P. F., p. 51. 
 
 A Mademoiselle Beeingue. 
 
 Au clair Midy, je chemine en tenebres, 
 C'est ton regard qui m'obscurcist ainsy. 
 \ Tes doulx Sermons me sont Arretz funebres. 
 Je suis aupres de ton umbre transsy. 
 Je n'ay pouvoir de te crier mercy, 
 Perdant le sens, la veue & le langaige. 
 Contrainct je suis de juger par cecy 
 ' Qu 'as pres de toy quelque divin umbrage. 
 
 — P. P., p. 22 et seg. 
 
 Du Siege d'Amouh & que nb peut estbe 
 Sbpaee du Cueue. 
 
 L 'Amour entier gist dedans non dehors, 
 II gist dedans, doncques est invisible. 
 
APPENDIX 537 
 
 Au Cueur il est, enclos dedans le Corps, 
 De I'en oster est un cas impossible. 
 Le Corps qui est d'une douleur passible, 
 A dueil estant de I'Ainy separ^; 
 Mais le Cueur ou I'Amour est empare, 
 Quoy que du Corps souvent se face absence, 
 Nen donne rien ; car U est prepare 
 D'aymer derriere, aultant comme en presence. 
 
 — P.F.,p.51. 
 
 Elugie. 
 
 DU Tempe de France, en l'honneue de Madame la 
 
 DucHEssE d'Estampes. 
 
 Jadis il fut un lieu en Thessalie, 
 Place estim^e a merveilles iolye. 
 Cinq mille pas ayant en sa longueur, 
 Six mille aussi en patente largeur. 
 Champ delectant par plaisante verdure, 
 Champ produisant toute bonne pasture, 
 Champ, le vray lieu de toute amenity, 
 
 L&.' y avoit grande diversity 
 De toutes flceurs & verdoyants bocaiges, 
 Ou Ion oyoit les beaulx & doulx ramaiges 
 Des oisillonts, chantants souefvement. 
 
 Lk, florissoyent touts Arbres noblement, 
 Si tresespests, qu'ilz sembloyent forests fortes, 
 Et produysoyent des fruicts de toutes sortes, 
 Amcenit^ leur umbraige rendoit, 
 Et de Phoebus tresestuant gardoit, 
 Gardoit de Vent, de Pluye et de Tempeste. 
 
 hk, n'y hantoit aulcune fere Beste, 
 Qui jour ou nuict, peust celuy dommaiger 
 
538 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Lequel y fust all 6 se souUaiger. 
 
 II y avoit devers la main senestre 
 Des petits Monts, & aultant h la dextre, 
 Qui au beau lieu de deffense servoyent 
 Par leur circuit, duquel renvironnoyent. 
 Fortifi6 ainsi fut, par la cure, 
 Et le grand soing qu'y avoit mis Nature. 
 
 Par le millieu, pour la perfection 
 De tout soubhait & delectation, 
 Qui si tresbien y estoit ordonn^e, 
 Alloit dormant le Cristallin Penee, 
 De tous costfe de beaulx Arbres vestu, 
 Lesquels estoyent tousjours en leur Vertu. 
 Et ce lieu 14, garny de toute aisance, 
 Et lieu remply d'incredible plaisance, 
 Lieu soubs un Air si tresbien attremp6, 
 Les Anciens ont appell6 Temp6. 
 
 Plusieurs Auteurs, gents dignes de memoire, 
 Le descrivant, ont voulu faire croire 
 Qu'oncques ne fut dessoubs le firmament, 
 Lieu a celuy semblable aulcunement ; 
 Et ont dit plus, tant que seroit durable 
 Ce monde cy, qu'il n'auroit son semblable. 
 
 Mais ilz n'avoyent ass6s bien calcule, 
 Leur Temp6 est maintenant recuU^, 
 Leur vieil Temp6 au nouveau Temp6 cedde, 
 Temp 6, qui oil de Thessalie excedde, 
 Tempe, qui est remply de tout plaisir. 
 Que soubhaitter pourroit I'humain desir. 
 
 Ce beau Temp6, c'est le Temp6 de France, 
 Avec plaisir, lieu de toute asseurance, 
 Auquel habitte un Cueur si tresloyal, 
 
APPENDIX 539 
 
 Qu'il est trouve digne du Lys Royal. 
 
 Du vieil Temp^, toute la grand' tenue, 
 En certains pas fut jadis contenue : 
 Et le plaisir que la, on pretendoit, 
 Tant seulement par termes s'estandoit. 
 
 Nostre Temp 6, (chose miraculeuse) 
 Quoy que ne soit place tant spacieuse, 
 II comprend plus toutefoy que celuy, 
 Que Ion disoit n 'avoir pareil a luy, 
 
 Le vieil Temp^ estoit plain de flourettes, 
 Que produisoyent verdoyantes herbettes 
 En grand odeur, plain d'Arbres florissants, 
 Et d'iceulx fruicts de toute sorte yssants. 
 Ce nonobstant, quoy que soit chose heur^e, 
 EUe n'est point d'immortelle dur^e, 
 L'herbe flatrit, & deseiche la floeur, 
 Et par le temps se perd souefve odeur. 
 Les Arbres verds perdent leurs verdes fouilles, 
 Perdent leurs fruicts, avecques leurs despouilles, 
 Et n'ont plaisir, que pour un certain temps. 
 Mais le Tempe, duquel parler j'entends, 
 N'a point ainsi plaisance definie, 
 Immortelle est la sienne, & infinie. 
 
 En ce Temp 6 Rhamnasie est entree, 
 Que de I'habit de Faveur acoustr^e 
 S'assied aupres d'une noble De&se. 
 Qui d'y celuy est la possesseresse, 
 La fauorit, & la met en honneur, 
 Cognoissant bien, que merite tel heur. 
 
 Venus y est, laquelle y fait merveille. 
 Car luy donnant la beault6 nonpareille, 
 Nous esblouist k la veoir, comme I'ceil 
 
540 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Est esblouy regardant le soleil. 
 
 Son Cupidon n'est la dedans volage, 
 
 Ains en changeant de sa premiere imaige, 
 
 II tient un traict, lequel tousjours il trempe 
 
 Dedans un Baing, que Chastet^ attrempe, 
 
 En le trempant, immobile il le tient, 
 
 Par un arrest de Foy, qui le soubstient, 
 
 Et IS, se fait, par telle soubstenue, 
 
 Affection d 'immortelle tenue. 
 
 D'ou un Amour croist immortel aussi, 
 
 O pl6ust a DIEU qu'il fust tousjours ainsi. 
 
 Juno y est, avecques sa Noblesse. 
 Laquelle espand de tons cost^s richesse, 
 En un estat de si bel appareil, 
 Qu'en tout le Monde en Regne n'a pareil. 
 
 D'aultre part est la prudente Minerve, 
 Qui s'y soullage avecques sa caterve, 
 Noble Pallas, datrice de tout bien, 
 Et, pour venir aux honneurs, le moyen. 
 
 Ilk sont aussi les troys belles Charites, 
 La recompense k tous loyaulx merites, 
 Faisant plaisir (pourveu quil soit cogneu) 
 Estre des Bons, tost ou tard, recogneu. 
 
 L^ est Diane, avecques les Driades, 
 Ilk est Terp6, & les Nymphes Naiades. 
 Ilk Apollon, le puissant Dieu & Roy, 
 Est president, en triumphant arroy : 
 Accompaignl des plaisantes neuf ScEurs, 
 Qui chantent chants, pleins de toutes doulceurs. 
 C'est un grand heur, veoir telle compaignie, 
 Se consoner en si doulce armonie. 
 
 Le temps pass 6, plusieurs gentils esprits 
 
APPENDIX 641 
 
 Ont pris plaisir, par leurs doctes escripts, 
 Commemorer le los tresmaghifique, 
 Et le grand bruict, du Temp 6 Thessalicque : 
 Tout ainsi font les Muses, en ce lieu, 
 Assises pres d'ApoUon, leur grand Dieu. 
 
 Calliop6, la tant bien resonante, 
 A, k sa voix une voix consonante : 
 C'est son MAROT, le Poete scavant, 
 Lequel premier met la plume en avant. 
 Plume, de mots & sentences fertile. 
 Plume, k trouver, & k coucher subtile. 
 
 Clio apres, a son docte Colin, 
 Colin' sonnant Grec, Francoys & Latin, 
 Et penetrant de I'erudite sonde, 
 La crceuse Mair de science profonde. 
 
 Puis Erato un SAINT GELAYS maintient, 
 Qui la patrie avec les aultres tient, 
 Chantant des sons de sa sonante Lyre. 
 Plaisants k tous, & utiles k lire. 
 
 Aupres duquel, un SCEVE s'est aszis, 
 Petit de corps, d'un grand esprit rassis. 
 Qui I'escoutant, mal gr6 qu'il en ayt, lie 
 Aux graves sons de sa doulce Thalie. 
 
 Avecques eulx, ya Melpom&e 
 La MAISON NEVFVE (esprit gentil) men6, 
 Qui tellement de sa harpe resonne. 
 Que n'est aulcun lequel ne s'en estonne. 
 
 Terpsicore, a pres de soy BRODEAU, 
 Lequel tousjours invente chant nouveau, 
 Et de son chant il fait si grand merveille 
 Qu'il n'y a Cueur que soubdain ne reveille. 
 L^, Euterp6 ne s'est mise en oubly. 
 
542 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Ains le troupeau a tresbien ennobly, 
 
 Par un BOUCHET, qui tant de beaulx diets couche, 
 
 Tous proceddants de sa doree bouche. 
 
 Et II, au pres, HEROET le subtil, 
 Avecques luy, FONTAINES le gentil, 
 Deux, en leur sons una personne unie, 
 Chantants aupres de I'haulte Polymnie. 
 
 Lk, Vranie a son SALEL conduit, 
 Qui tous les jours ses faotures produit, 
 Par juste droict aocomod6 a elle. 
 Vranie est, entre les Muses, celle 
 Qu'on dit Celeste & de divinity ; 
 SALEL, escrit de telle dignite, 
 Et ses escripts si saigement compasse, 
 Qu'il nest aulcun qui en ce, I'oultrepasse. 
 
 Oultre ceulx cy, d'aultres y sont venus, 
 Desquels les Noms encor ne sont cognus : 
 Qui quelque jour se feront apparoistre 
 Si haultement, qu'on les pourra cognoistre. 
 
 Droit au millieu, a un Pare de plaisirj 
 Lequel Honneur pour soy voulut saisir. 
 Tout k I'entour, les Vertus y consistent, 
 Qui vaillamment k tpus vices resistent. 
 Force y est joincte k Magnanimity, 
 Tenant soubs soy Pusillanimity. 
 Prudence y est, qui au hault degr6 monte, 
 Et par Conseil, Temerity surmonte : 
 Avecques soy ayant, pour son pouvoir, 
 Doulceur modeste, & attrempe scauoir. 
 
 L^ tient ses rencs celle qu'on dit Justice, 
 Qui des bienfaicts donne claire notice : 
 Qui donne aux bons remuneration, 
 
APPENDIX 543 
 
 Et aux maulvais deue punition : 
 Qui ne permet a aultruy faire injure, 
 Bref, qui fait tout par egale mesure. 
 
 LS,, au dedans de ce pare, pres d'Honneur, 
 Qui est du bien aux merites donneur. 
 Est noblement une grand' Dame assise, 
 Belle, Prudente, honnorable, & rassise : 
 Ayant regard S, merveilles humain, 
 Couronnde est, & tient sceptre en sa main, 
 Et ce Temp 6 regente sans nul blasme, 
 Duquel elle est la souveraine Dame. 
 
 O beau Tempe, lieu de felicity, 
 Comment sera ton plaisir recite ? 
 Qui pourra dire, ou paindre en une table. 
 Tout haultain Bien, au mortel inscrutable ? 
 Or venez tous maintenant vous Auteurs, 
 Du vieil Temp^ jadis coUodateurs, 
 Des deux Tempos si faictes conference, 
 Lequel sera qui aura preference ? 
 Or sus, jugez, jugez en vostre endroit. 
 Si vous sondez le iugement en droict, 
 Nostre Tempe n'est il plus autentique. 
 Cent mille foibs, que le Temp 6 antique? 
 
 En ay je escript? pourtant ce n'est rien fait, 
 Car fusses je, moy seul, aultant perfaict, 
 Ou qu'ont est^ tant d'aultres, si tressaiges. 
 Si eloquents, si facunds, en leurs Aiges, 
 Ou bien que sont ceulx la de maintenant. 
 Qui ont scavoir & Esprit, convenant 
 Pour bien trouver, bien parler, & bien dire, 
 Je ne pourrois dignement le descrire. 
 En y penseant, ne scay lequel des deux 
 
544 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Je doibs juger estre le plus heureux, 
 Ou le Tempe, d'une telle Regente, 
 Ou celle la, qui ce Temp 6 regente. 
 
 — P. F., pp. 197eiseg. 
 
 Etiennb Dolet. 
 
 A. S. Mabthe. 
 
 Je scay tresbien que Nature la sage, 
 Quant aux Auteurs Grecs, Hebrieux, & Remains, 
 A faict plusieurs excellents chefs d'ouvraige : 
 Comme est Vergile, Homere, & aultres maincts : 
 Mais celle mesme a mis entre tes mains 
 Ung style tel, touchant nostre parler, 
 (Parler Francoys, plaisant k touts humains) 
 Que iusqu'au Ciel on veoit ton loz aller. 
 
 — Livre de ses Amys. P. F., p. 232. 
 
 SCATTERED POEMS, FRENCH AND LATIN. 
 
 PLUSIEURS DIZAINS A CE PROPOS 
 SAINTE-MARTHE.^ 
 
 De Follb Amotje. 
 
 Pour foUe amour, les suppostz de Venus 
 Ont des danglers, k miUiers & k cents, 
 Les uns en sont malheureux devenuz, 
 Autres en ont du tout perdu les sens. 
 Plusieurs autheurs, en terms concedens, 
 De ce ont d'escript exemples d 'importance. 
 Gardens nous done de la foUe accointance, 
 
 ' Cf. pp. 196, note 1, and 614. 
 
APPENDIX 545 
 
 Si ne voulons endurer grands alarmes. 
 Car k la fin soubz jeu de repentance, 
 Voyez amour distiller eau de larmes. 
 -Le nouvel amour, invents par le seigneur Papillon, 
 fol. 179 r°. 
 
 Autre. 
 
 Le fruict demeure, est dur, mol, sec & vert, 
 Legier, pesanf , doux, amer, froid & chault, 
 Secret, commun, affable, descouvert, 
 Triste, joyeux, cler, obscur, bas, & hault. 
 L'un jour present, lendemain en deffault, 
 Plein de rigueur, abrev6 de mercy 
 Rude, amyable, en estat & soucy, 
 Sourse d'adverse & de bonne fortune. 
 Maigre, & refaict, gresle, gros, gay, transi, 
 Droict, & tortu, constant comme la Lune. 
 
 — /bid., fol. 179 r°. 
 
 Autre Dizain de Cupido. 
 
 Cupido scait entrer (sic) jusques au bout, 
 
 Et se delecte en faict de jardinage 
 
 Et qui plus est, son ente prend son tout 
 
 Done & produit divers fruictz & sauvage. 
 
 Tousjours travaille & poursuyt son hommage 
 
 Sur tous vergees, il obtient la regence. 
 
 II n'est jamais nott^ de negligence, 
 
 Ne laschet^ au moins qu'on le cognoisse. 
 
 II est expert & plein de diligence, 
 
 Mais en tout arbre, ente poirier d'angoisse. 
 
 — Ibid.,iol 179 v°. 
 2n 
 
546 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 CAROLIS MARTANI PHALEUCJUM AD DVCHERIUM. 
 
 Virtus me tua, Ducheri diserte, 
 Eruditio summa, uita casta, 
 Felix ingenium, tuumque pectus 
 Syncerum impulit ipse ne uererer 
 Nunc te audenter adire, coUoquiq' 
 Et totum tibi me dare. Hoc'ne factum 
 Impudensq', nouumq' quis putabit ? 
 
 At me, si bene uertat ista contr^ 
 Mihi audacia, plus nimis beatum : 
 Et sim, si mihi denegare nolis 
 In tuis numeris locum, beatus 
 Quod de te bene spero, postuloq', 
 Pro tui ingenij benignitate : 
 Si non sit tibi, Ducheri, molestum. 
 — Gilberti Ducherii . . . Epigrammaton libri duo, 
 
 p. 160 et seq. 
 
 DE LA PAIX FAITE PAR LE ROI AY EC LES ANGLOIS. 
 
 Le Roi Henri, prince vaillant et sage, 
 Aiant les forts de Bouloigne conquis, 
 A pour jamais, entre les preus, acquis 
 Titre et renom d'heroique courage. 
 
 Depuis, combien qu'il eust son equipage 
 Prest k marcher comme en guerre est requis, 
 A par accord le surplus reconquis, 
 Aiant du droit manifeste avantage. 
 
 Le premier acte est noble et glorieus : 
 Mais le second n'est moins victorieux : 
 Car moins n'aura la victoire gaign^e. 
 
 Qui les siens sauve, et bonne paix acquiert : 
 
APPENDIX 547 
 
 Que qui par force ou defend ou conquiert, 
 Quand en son sang sa victoire est baign^e. 
 — Printed with Ode de la Paix, par Pierre de Ronsard, 
 cit. P. Laumonier, Chronologic et variantes des 
 poSsies de Pierre de Ronsard, loc. cit, p. 436 et seq. 
 
 POEMS INCLUDED IN THE LATIN VERSION OF 
 THE FUNERAL ORATION FOR THE QUEEN OF 
 NAVARRE. 
 
 Cab. Sanctomarthani, I. V. Doct. 
 
 DiALOGUS, 
 
 Manes Regin^, Viator. 
 
 M. Cur fles ? V. Margariden mors sustulit atra. 
 
 M. quid inde ? 
 V. Gallia materiam nonne doloris habet ? 
 Pupilli, adflicti, viduae, senio que gravati, 
 
 Doctrina exculti, quique fuere viri, 
 Nobilitas & inops, illam sensere patronam : 
 Perfugio orbata est nunc ea turba suo. 
 M. Illam regali set quis de stirpe crearat ? 
 
 Illi quis dederat regia sceptra ? V. Deus. 
 M. Viua coruscauit magnis virtutibus : unde id ? 
 V. Immensi credo dona fuisse Dei. 
 M. Quale habuit corpus? V. mortale. M. & quale 
 
 f uturum ? 
 V. Res nihili : extremum puluis ad usque diem. 
 M. Spiritus & qualis ? V. morti baud obnoxius ille est : 
 
 Nempe, immortalis quum sit imago Dei. 
 M. Ergo, quae est hominis potior pars ? V. spiritus. 
 M. Et quae 
 Virtutum est sedes ? V. Spiritus ille. M. Sat 
 est. 
 
548 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Haec ita quum constent, simul ipse fatebere, corpus 
 
 Instrumentum hominis : non tamen esse hominem . 
 
 V. Id fateor. M. Faber instrumentum perdidit, artem 
 
 Perditit? atque faber desiit esse? V. minus. 
 
 M. Vnde igitur posthac extincto corpore, dices 
 
 Extinctum esse hominem ? V. sic Epicurus ait. 
 M. Insanit. V. verum est. M. quare, tu comprime 
 fietum : 
 Quando vides, qu6d non mortua Margaris est 
 Nonne creaturam potuit reuocare Creator? 
 Id, cur, qui contra non potes ire, doles? 
 Quod mortale fuit, Mors toUere debuit ipsa: 
 Aut erat aeterno Mors caritura bono. 
 V. Corpus abest, Coelum conscendit spiritus. M. id tu 
 Margariden vobis eripuisse putas? 
 Scripta volant, benefacta manent, & gloria vivit : 
 Talia qui hinc abiens dona relinquit, abest? 
 V. Atqui Margaridi quaero persolvere iusta. 
 M. Margaridis mores ergo imitere pios. 
 
 Nam, non defunctos, qui flet, qui luget, honorat, 
 Set qui virtutes quas coluere colit. 
 — In obitum . . . MargaritoB . . . Oratio funebris, 
 etc., p. 142 et seq. 
 
 Aliud. 
 
 Abstulit hora unam, quam non perfecerat hora. 
 Mains opus fuerit, si dabit hora parem. 
 
 — Ibid., p. 144. 
 Aliud. 
 
 Quid tu Margaridem defles, quasi mortua nunc sit ? 
 Ast ne tu id dicas : non obiit, abiit. 
 
 — Ibid., p. 144. 
 
APPENDIX 549 
 
 Aliud. 
 
 A curis quibus hie grauamur omnes, 
 Margaris modo liberata, dormit, 
 lam non somnia, dormiens, set ipsum 
 Spiritu intuitur beata verum. 
 Vera gaudia, gloriamque veram, 
 Et quae vera Epicurus abnegat, nunc 
 Vinclis corporeis soluta, cernit. 
 
 Haec te scire volo, Viator, ut tu 
 Sinas Margariden quiescere, ac iam 
 Quo negocia te vocant, abito. 
 — In obitum . . . Margaritce . . . Oratio funebris, 
 
 etc., p. 144 et seq. 
 
 Aliud/ 
 
 Margaridi vocem morbus praecluserat : ullum 
 
 Nee verbum emisit, tres moribunda dies. 
 Proxima sed morti, ter conclamauit Jesus : 
 
 Deinde Animam summo reddidit ipsa Joui 
 Tres Charites flerunt : ter tres fleuere Sorores : 
 
 Ingemuit mundi pars, doluitque triplex, 
 Nempe ostendebat (quo non perfectior uUus 
 
 Est numerus) perfectam occubuisse Trias. 
 
 — Ibid., p. 145. 
 
 ' Reprinted, Tombeau de Marguerite, p. 170. F. G6nin 
 translated this poem into French, quoting it from Sc6voIe 
 de Sainte-Marthe's Elogia. Lettres de Margtterite . . . 
 de Navarre, p. 146. 
 
550 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 POEMS INCLUDED IN THE FRENCH VERSION OF 
 THE FUNERAL ORATION FOR THE QUEEN OF 
 NAVARRE. 
 
 A Tebshatjltes, et Tresilltjstees Princesses Mes- 
 
 DAMES MabGTJEBITE DE FhANCE, ScEUR UNIQUE 
 
 Du Roy: Et Jbhanne, Peincbsse De Navarbb, 
 
 DUCHESSE DB VeNDOSMOIS. 
 
 S'il est ainsi, qu'S, celui, qui apporte 
 Triste nouvelle, on doibt fermer la porte, 
 
 Et que celui, qui un ennui pass6 
 Veult rafraichir, merite estre chass6 
 Autant et plus que qui premier I'adnunce : 
 Centre mon faict sentence je pronunce, 
 Et me confesse indigne, ou d'estre veu, 
 Ou que de vous mon triste escript soit leu, 
 O rare pair de perfaictes princesses. 
 
 Car celui suis, qui I'une des tristesses, 
 Qui oncques plus ennuierent vos coeurs, 
 Par mes escripts, messagiers de douleurs. 
 Par mes escripts, paincts de couleurs funebres, 
 Par mes escripts, composes aux tenebres, 
 D'ennui mortel, vous vien renouveUer. 
 Mais vous supply, que vous oi6s parler 
 Au lieu de moy, Debvoir, qui m'a fait faire 
 Ce que mon coeur n'a ni peu, n6 deu, taire. 
 Car i'estois tant k la Dame tenu. 
 Par qui nous est ce grand deuil advenu : 
 Que des ingrats serois I'ingratissime, 
 Si je faisoys un si petit estime 
 De ses bienfaicts : que de mettre en oubli 
 Ce cceur royal qui m'avoit ennobli 
 
APPENDIX 551 
 
 De sa faveur : en tenant un grand compte 
 De mes escripts, que moimesmes, sans honte, 
 Ne pouvois lire, et louant mon esprit, 
 Autant rustic, qu'est lourdant mon escript. 
 
 O moy heureus (si heureus en ce monde 
 L'homme peut estre) aiant, de la facunde, 
 De I'elegante & docte, entre tons ceuls, 
 Qui ont laiss6 quelque memoire d'euls, 
 Heu jugement k mon grant avantaige, 
 Qui m'a rendu maintefois le courage. 
 
 Et maintenant n'ay je bonne raison 
 De tesmoigner par funebre oraison. 
 Que la servir morte, n'ay moindre en vie 
 Que quand estoit avecques nous en vie ? 
 
 L'on me dira que j'ay trop entrepris: 
 Mais j'aime mieux estre en cela repris, 
 Qu'avoir failli faire k tous apparoistre 
 Qu 'ingratitude en mon coeur ne peut croistre, 
 Car plus louable est qui trop entreprend, 
 En noble faict, que vertu ne reprend, 
 Que celuy 1^, qui de paour de mesprendre, 
 Acta d'honneur n'ausa one entreprendre. 
 
 Mais ainsi soit, que me puisse excuser, 
 D'avoir ause, ce qu'on peut accuser; 
 Encore fault il que face mon excuse, 
 Envers vous deus : car mon Acte m'accuse. 
 
 Je vous presente, et quoy ? oeuvre immortel ? 
 Ouy vraiment : car le subject est tel. 
 Et si la plume est autant immortelle 
 Que son subject, onques n'en fut de telle. 
 
 Est-ce une histoire? 6 que point on ne veist 
 Chose moins vraye ! Et que l'on poursuivist 
 
552 CHARLES DB SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 En suivant la verity d'histoire, 
 
 Comme la mienne k la France est notoire. 
 
 Je vous fay done, mes dames, un present 
 Qui vous sera joieus & desplaisant, 
 Joieus, pour estre issues de la ligne 
 De celle la, qui se trouve tant digne 
 De tout honneur, que pour bien la chanter 
 II nous fauldroit son esprit emprunter, 
 Mais quand ce vient, que ses vertus narr^s, 
 D'un triste deuil se trouvent reparees. 
 Je dy, que tous caste mort despittons 
 Qui a ravi celle que nous regrettons : 
 Lors mon present tant de tristesse amasse 
 Que le grand dueil tout men plaisir surpasse. 
 
 Car vous, Madame, k qui un remords vient, 
 Quand du grand tort de la Mort vous souvient, 
 Ne pouvfe estre en vostre coeur contente, 
 De n'havoir plus en ce monde de tante, 
 Et cest amour que d'eUe vous senti^s, 
 Qu'^ elle aussi reciproque porti^s, 
 Ne peut souffrir que, cent fois la joum^e, 
 Vous ne soj6s k y penser donnfe. 
 Et quand oy& Marguerite appeUer, 
 Vous oy6s bien vostre nom parler : 
 Mais ce nom la transit vostre triste ame, 
 Du souvenir de la tant bonne dame 
 Et lorsque ainsi en esprit la veoife. 
 Difficile est que vous ne Iarmoi&. 
 
 Et vous, Madame, k qui la mort cruelle, 
 Feist adnuncer la funebre nouvelle. 
 Que vostre m6re ainsi perdue avife. 
 En qui support de M6re vous trouvife : 
 
APPENDIX 553 
 
 Si nous disons qu'elle soit departie 
 D'avecques vous, sans mortelle angustie, 
 Nous dirons done, que c'est soulagement, 
 D'avoir perdu tout son contentement. 
 
 Or fault il bien, que ce soit dur et tetrique 
 Voire et nourri de la Lionrie lybique 
 Qui en perdant celle, qui I'a port6, 
 Ne soit au ccEur triste et desconfort^, 
 Et mesmement, si (comme vous Madame) 
 Venoit a perdre une d^esse femme. 
 Femme, laquelle au monde converseoit, 
 Mais qui, d'esprit, femme n'apparaissoit, 
 
 O doncques vous, mes dames : vous, niepce, 
 Et vous, sa fiUe, ou prendrfe vous liesse 
 En I'oraison, dont les tristes propos 
 Font souvenir du grand tort qu'Atropos 
 A fait k vous & fi, toute la France ? 
 
 Cela pouvoit m'oster toute esp^rance 
 De recevoir quelque gre de vous deus : 
 Sans que Vertu (qui du thr&or des cieuls 
 Est dans vos ccEurs abondamment infuse) 
 M'eust enhardi vouz envoyer ma muse. 
 Me promettant, que ne seray deceu 
 De mon attente, & que sera receu 
 Le mirouer des Roynes sans reprouche 
 De celles deus, a qui plus pres il touche. 
 
 A qui, le los k la Tante donn€, 
 Qu'S, la Niepce, est de droit ordonn6? 
 A qui I'honneur, qui en la Mere abonde. 
 Plus justement qu'i la fille redonde? 
 Ce mirouer k la Tante est done, 
 Qui suit sa Tante, et n'en forvoya one. 
 
554 CHARLES DE SAINTEyMARTHE 
 
 Et k la fille k bon droict se dedie, 
 Qui aux vertuz de sa mere estudie, 
 Prenant exemple a Texemple perfaict 
 Que Dieu avoit pour exemplaire fait. 
 
 Mir& vous done (Niepce vertueuse) 
 Au mirouer de vostre Tante heureuse. 
 Et vous (sa fille) en qui nous attendons 
 Le fruict sortir des floeurs qu'y regardons, 
 Mires vous y : et donnfe k entendre, 
 Que n'av^s fait la France en vain attendre. 
 
 Quand toutes deus icy vouz mirerez, 
 Vostre pourtraict au vif trouverfe : 
 Car y verres Vertu estre lou6e, 
 Dont de vous deus chascune est bien dou6e, 
 Et y lir& (vous niepce) qu'ainsi 
 Que de maison, de nom, d'armes, icy 
 Pour vostre Tante avfe est6 laisee, 
 Du tout aussi dev& la trespass^e 
 Representer. Vous (fille) qui deves 
 Du tout respondre au nom que vous haves, 
 Pour faire en vous vostre Mere renaistre, 
 
 Chascun dit bien qu'aultrement ne peut estre, 
 Aussi vray est, ce que le commun bruit. 
 Que I'arbre bon nous apporte bon fruit. 
 De Paris, le XVII d'Apvril 1550 
 Par 
 Vostre tres humble & tres obeissant sejrviteur 
 Charles de Saincte-Marthe. 
 — Or. fun. . . . de Marguerite . . . de Navarre, etc., 
 ed. 1550, fol. Aij v° et seq. 
 
APPENDIX 555 
 
 C. D. S. M. 
 
 Pour nous donner visible cognoissance 
 Combien fait Dieu aux Eleus d'advantage, 
 Et tesmoigner sa grande providence, 
 Laissa icy Marguerite pour gaige. 
 
 Mais en veoiant nostre orgueilleus couraige, 
 Mettre en oubly sa tant grande bont6, 
 Au monde ingrat, son don il a ost6. 
 
 Or maintenant sent nostre demerite, 
 Et que valloit ce qu'il avoit preste, 
 Et quel proffit portoit la Marguerite. 
 -Or. Sun. . . . de Marguerite . . . de Navarre, etc., 
 ed. 1550, p. 137. 
 
 AULTEE. 
 
 La Mort voulut la Royne de Navarre, 
 Estant malade au monde, espoventer. 
 Mais cognoissant I'heur qu'elle nous prepare, 
 Ne cessoit point la main luy presenter. 
 
 Un jour, la Mort, en voulant la tenter, 
 S'adventura la toucher en passant. 
 La Royne adonc I'arresta, ravissant 
 Celle, de qui devoit estre ravie. 
 Allons allons (dist elle en I'embrassant) 
 AUons k Dieu : 6 Mort source de Vie. 
 
 — Ibid. 
 
 AuLTEE. 
 
 La mort veoiant I'Esprit de Marguerite, 
 Illuming d'une divinite, 
 
 Au monde avoir mainte bonne ceuvre escripte, 
 Qui luy avoit acquis eternite. 
 
556 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Pour effacer son immortalite, 
 
 A prins le corps, qui estoit instrument 
 
 De cest Esprit : mais I'Esprit, promptement 
 
 S'est empar^ de rimmortelle gloire. 
 
 O noble envie, 6 heureus changement, 
 Ou le vaincu du vainqueur ha victoire. 
 — Or. fun. . . . de Marguerite . . . de Navarre, etc., 
 ed. 1550, p. 132 [138]. 
 
 Peosopopee de la Teree. 
 
 Que me veuls tu par tes pleurs faire rendre ? 
 De ce qui fut Marguerite n'hay rien, 
 Ce qui couvroit Marguerite, hay je bien : 
 Je dy son corps que je redui en cendre. 
 
 Quant k I'Esprit, qu'il fault choisir & prendre 
 Pour Marguerite : k moy ne retourneoit, 
 Ains est monte au ciel, d'ou il venoit. 
 Avecques Dieu il te convient le querre. 
 Car tout mortel, k la Mort rendre doibt, 
 L'Esprit au Ciel, & le corps k la terre. 
 
 — Ibid. 
 
 AULTRE, TOTTRNE DtT LATIN. 
 
 Une heure nous a ost6 celle, 
 Qu'une heure perfaicte n'avoit. 
 O I'oeuvre grand, si une telle 
 Une heure rendre nous pouvoit. 
 
 — Fin des Epitaphes, Ibid. 
 
APPENDIX 557 
 
 A Damoiselle Renee Lavdier, d'Alencon, Sonnet. 
 
 Dieu ne vous feist ni Royne, n6 Duchesse, 
 Pour vous mirer au mirouer luisant 
 De Marguerite : ausi n'est il duisant 
 Qu'au Roy, au Due, au Prince, k la Princesse. 
 
 Mais si fault il, que le petit se dresse 
 Comme les grands, de vertu soit usant, 
 Et que luy soit le vice desplaisant, 
 Comme il doibt estre k la haultre noblesse. 
 
 Icy dedans, 6 ma compaigne & Sceur, 
 Mir6s vous done, & ne mettfe le coeur, 
 Qu'i^ux faicts, ou plus vostre estat s'accommode. 
 
 A ce, qui est de Prince, n'entendrfe, 
 Fors £1 vertu : & lors ne mesprendrfe. 
 Car Vertu est k toutes gents commode. 
 
 — Fin des Epitaphes, Ibid., p. [139]. 
 
 POEMS INCLUDED IN THE " HECATODISTICHON" 
 OF THE THREE SISTERS SEYMOUR. 
 
 Caboli Sanctomahthani Iuh. Vtk. Doct. Ad Gallos. 
 
 Virtutem Tyrius manere nunquam 
 Illaudatam ait : atque veritatem 
 NuUo posse silentio tegi, nee 
 Quavis invidia obrui opprimique 
 
 Christus adseruit. Quod esse utrunque 
 
 Verum, tres hodie Anglicse sorores, 
 
 QusB sunt sanguine Regio creatae, 
 
 Elegantibus ac pereruditis 
 
 Distichis, tibi, Galle, comprobarunt. 
 Set, quod virginibus datur peritis 
 
 Laudi, iudicio omnium bonorum, 
 
558 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Vertitur vitio id tibi, perennes 
 Ingratique animi notas inurit. 
 
 Nam, quod iure suo petabat abs te 
 Nomen Margaridis, quod & beatis 
 Te eius soluere Manibus decebat, 
 Ingratus retines, taces, premisque. 
 
 Jam sextus prop^ mensis est, tibi ex quo 
 Sseva Margaridem abstulere fata : 
 Decus, Galle, tuum, tuumque lumen. 
 Illam Margaridem, cui profecto 
 Parem saecula prisca non tulere, 
 Parem tempera nostra non habent, nee 
 Parem longa hominum videbit aetas. 
 At, cum corpora nomen est sepultum : 
 Gallus nee fuit unus, inter omnes 
 Tota Gallia quos fovet Poetas, 
 Divae Margaridi suos honores 
 Qui extinctae sua solueritque iusta. 
 
 lUam laudibus ad Decs vehebant, 
 Mirabantur, & omnibus colebant 
 Modis, quandiu erat superstes : at nunc 
 Nulla est mentio mortuae. Macrinus, 
 Atque Borbonius, duo celebres 
 Nostrae lumina Galliae Poetae ; 
 Dormiuntque, silentque ; nee minus sunt 
 Sangelasius, Heroetiusque, 
 Et Salaelius ipse, Bugiusque, 
 In quibus nihil eruditionis 
 Ingenique nihil potest requiri, 
 Omnes muti hodie : recensque scriptor, 
 Ronsardus, celebrat suos amores, 
 Heroasque vehit suos ad astra, 
 
APPENDIX 559 
 
 Ausus Pindarico sonare versu : 
 Ronsardus meus ille, quem Minerva 
 Sacravit sibi : cui suada Pitho, 
 Dextro Mercuric irrigavit ora, 
 Qui (nolit velit invidus), poetas 
 Inter, conspicuus locum tenebit : 
 Musas qui usqueade6 sacras amavit, 
 Musse quem usqueade6 sacratiE amarunt, 
 Illi ut carmina Gallice canent ; 
 Non Gallffl modo, set simul Latinse, 
 Atticseque simul lyram ministrent. 
 Ipse at Margaridem tacet, nee ullos 
 Defunctae tribuit poeta honores. 
 
 Bellaius quoque, qui Italo Petrarchse 
 Artem sustulit atque dignitatem : 
 Pellitarius eloquensque, Grsecum 
 Gallic^ faciens tonare Homerum : 
 Et Chappusius omnibus probatus : 
 Habertusque suaviter canens : ij 
 Satis cert6 equidem, satisque multa 
 Scribunt : Margaridem interim silent, nee 
 Mortuam adficiunt honore. Virtus 
 Ast id ferre nequit : nequitque ferre 
 Veritas sacra. Fit proinde, vt illam. 
 Cuius Gallia gloriam tacebat, 
 Exterae celebrent canantque Gentes : 
 Gentes toto equidem orbe separatae. 
 Nee Sophi mod6, nee modo eruditi 
 Vates, Historicique : set sorores. 
 Set puellae etiam, set & puellae 
 (Talia in quibusest nonum videre) 
 Principes. Quid ais ? pudore magno 
 
560 CHARLES DB SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 Non perfunderis, 6 Poeta Galle ? 
 Ciuius officium facit puella, 
 Quando tu officium facis puellae ? 
 — Annm,Margaritm,Janae,Sororum, . . . In mortem 
 Margaritw . . . Hecatodistichon, p. 135 et seq. 
 
 Margakit^ Reg. Nav. 
 Tumulus per C. S. 
 Quando saeuit hyems, virore grato, 
 Et fructu, foliisque, floribusque 
 Nudatur, quasi mortua, arbor : at se, 
 Respirante Favonio suavi, 
 Monstrat vivere ; tuncque gratiorem 
 Et vestem & faciem induit. Cruenta 
 Sic quern tempore Mors ferit statuto, 
 In foedo exanimis iacet sepulchro 
 Tanquam mortuus. Ast ubi ilia summa 
 Nos ad iudicium dies vocabit, 
 Viuet, nam melius profecto viva 
 Surgent corpora, quae interim quiescvmt. 
 Ergo Margaridem quid ipse luges 
 Tanquam mortua sit ? caveto, fallax 
 Ne te errore Epicurus implicet, nam 
 Qui surget, moritur peritque nunquam. 
 
 — Ibid., p. 142. 
 
 SpIRITUS RBGINiE. 
 AD VlATOBEM C. S. 
 
 Clausus carcere corporis, dolores 
 Multos sustinui gravesque languens. 
 Solutus mod6 morte, vivo liber : 
 Nempe, id vivere, quo carere mors est. 
 
 — Ibid., p. 144. 
 
APPENDIX 661 
 
 ElVSDBM. C. S. 
 
 Ad Gallos. 
 
 COE TAM PATJCI POETAE GaLLI, RbGINAM NaUARR^ 
 LAUDENT. 
 
 Mors ubi Margaridem mundo fera sustulit isto, 
 
 Sic affata sacrum diva Minerva chorum : 
 Mortua Margaris est, 6 vos Heliconis alumnae, 
 
 Carminibus natse reddite justa mea. 
 Te tamen 6 Erato excipio, Cythereia vates : 
 
 Esse tuse iubeo mutaque plectra lyrse. 
 Nam mihi, non Veneri, fuerat Regina sacrata : 
 
 Non est lascivis ergo canenda modis. 
 Vix eo finierat, subitd quum clausa poetis 
 
 Ora fuere, suos quos Erycina tenet. 
 lam quid, Margaridem taceat si Gallia, mirum ? 
 
 Octo nempe ali6 nunc abiere Deae. 
 •Annm,Margaritm,JanaeSororum, . . . In mortem 
 Margaritce . . . Hecaiodistichon. 
 
 Pro Gallis Poetis. 
 
 Responsio per Eundem. 
 
 Qvis quaeso, Vraniam negat, supremum 
 Inter Thespiades locum tenere ? 
 Quis, ccelestia quum canit, negabit 
 Quotquot sunt, reliquas tacere Musas ? 
 
 Dices, sydere quamlibet corusco, 
 Phoebo te dare posse claritatem ? 
 Plumbum ignobile, nobili Smaragdo 
 Adferet decus, atque dignitatem ? 
 
 Atqui, Margaridem, cui poeta 
 Nostro tempore nemo conferendus : 
 2o 
 
562 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 Illam Margaridem, perennitati 
 
 Quae sese calamo suo sacra vit : 
 
 Illam Margaridem, beata cuius 
 
 Virtus longe hominum est honore maior : 
 
 Nos vis carmine prsedicare nostro. 
 
 Is certs, Uranise obstrepet canenti, 
 Solem accendere stellulis minutis 
 Nitetur, decus & volet Smaragdo 
 Plumbea dare vilitate, quisquis 
 Sese Margaridem suo putabit 
 Versu, reddere posse clariorem. 
 — Annoe,Margarit(B,Janae,Saroruin, . . . In mortem, 
 
 Margaritce . . . Heeatodistichon, p. 145. 
 
 DEDICATIONS, PREFACES, ETC. 
 
 dedication of the " poesie francoise." 
 
 Epistre a Tresilltjstee et Teesnoble Peincesse 
 
 Madame i,a Duchesse d'Estampes, & Contesse 
 
 de Poinctievke. Charles de saincte Mabthe, 
 
 SON Tresobeissant, rend humble Salut. 
 
 A I'imitation de I'Archer, qui son Arc desbende pour 
 k meilleur exercice le reserver, souloit communement 
 Socrates de sa roidde & severe Philosophie h. jeux 
 pueriles se descendre. Cecy ne dy je, Princesse tres- 
 illustre, pour me voulant ascrire plus hault estude 
 deprimer I'exercise de la mienne Langue vulgaire, veu 
 que plusieurs de trop plus celebre Nom que le mien 
 s'y sont esbattu : & mesmement que, selon ma vacation, 
 ne puis pour le present, plus louable sacrifice k ma 
 Nation, que d'illustrer sa Langue selon mon rudde 
 Esprit. Mais tends k cette fin, que la haultesse de 
 
APPENDIX 563 
 
 ton humility, se daigne quelque foy de plus grande 
 occupation lassie k si bas passetemps se demettre. 
 Lequel facilement je dirois avoir temerairement soubs 
 I'excuse de ton sacre Nom mis en lumiere, si je ne 
 scavoys I'affection tienne envers les Lettres & les Lettrfis, 
 excuser plus grande faulte, que ne pourroit pecher 
 I'ignorance de la mienne envers toy bonne intention. 
 Et plus pour cette seule occasion, que pour vouloir 
 par mon vain escrire adjouster clart^ k la lumiere de 
 tes vertus, ay bien os6 abuser de la debonnairete de 
 ta noble nature, qui entre toutes les Princesses que je 
 cognois, ne m'es veue la derniere k se delecter h toutes 
 vertueuses exercitations tant humbles et indignes de 
 gravity soient elles. Et mesmement qu'aulcune foy: 
 apres longue frequentation des fructueux & bien cul- 
 tivis Vergiers, I'asperit^ & solitude des boys nous 
 agr^e tant nous est la Nature par sa diverse variete 
 non moins belle qu'amyable. Parquoy apres estre jS, 
 asses acoustum^e en I'armonieuse melodie des haultes 
 Lyres, desquelles celle Court treschretienne tresheureuse- 
 ment aujourdhuy, plus que nuUe aultre, abonde, te 
 pourras delecter en cet mienne vaine et jeune fatigue, 
 laquelle, non aultrement, que apres longue & griefve 
 tempeste, le palle & travaille Nocher descouvrant de 
 loing la Terre, a laquelle avec tout estude il s'efforce 
 de se saulver, recueille le mieulx qu'il peut tous les 
 fragments de sa navire rompue, j'ay amascee pour k 
 ton Port tresdesire la diriger. Auquel si aggreable- 
 ment elle se veoit quelque foy pervenue, te pourra 
 mettre [hors ?] plus haulte, non toute foy sienne, inven- 
 tion, qui est partie de la traduction de ce Buccoliquain 
 Theocrite, elegante imitation de nostre grand Poete. 
 
564 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 En laquelle pliis spatieusement te pourras esbattre pour 
 la diverse copiosit^ des matieres aultant elegamment de- 
 duittes, que ingenieusement bien trouvees. Et Ik (vueille 
 Dieu) puisse valoir le mien en vers toy affectionn6 
 vouloir, puisque la mienne sotte translation ne t'y 
 pourra (j'en suis seur) si plaisamment plaire, que 
 I'oeuvre de soy le merite. Tu doncques une entre 
 nostre siecle des belles treserudite, des erudites tres 
 belle, & (ce que j'ay en toy plus reverb) de ancienne 
 prudence, de meur jugement, de treshumaines & tres- 
 ornis coustumes divinement bien doude, recepvras 
 benignement les tables de men naufrage par divers 
 cass de la Fortune conduitte[s]. Finablement en petits 
 faiz reduittes, & maintenant en ce tien Havre, ou de 
 long temps les Muses commodement se retirent, as- 
 seur^ment arrivees, imploreront perpetuellei prosperite, 
 & k moy humble pardon de ta trop plus qu'humaine 
 ingenuity, de ma trop grande temerite, peult estre, 
 offenc6e. Faisant fin, je supply le Seigneur auteur, 
 & createur de toutes choses, & d'icelles par sa grande 
 Providence gubernateur & conducteur, te donner, 
 tresillustre Princesse, avec sa Grace, vie, en prosperity 
 & sante, tr&longue. 
 
 De Lyon, ce premier jour de Septembre. Mil cinq 
 cens, XL. 
 
 — P. i?"., pp. 3-6. 
 
 DEDICATION OF THE "LIVRE DE SES AMYS." 
 
 A Monsieur le Secretain D'avenson, Charles de 
 Saincte Marthe, Salut. 
 J'ay, a, I'instigation de quelquesuns mes bienvoulants, 
 mis en lumiere ma Po&ie Francoyse (Seigneur tres- 
 
APPENDIX 565 
 
 aym6) plus pour esbattement, & relaxation de mon 
 Esprit, que profession d'icelle Art. Parquoy si je 
 n'y suis tant perfaict que ceulx, qui y sont consommes : 
 comme Marot, S. Gelays, Seve, la Maison neufve, 
 Chappuy, Fontaines, & aultres Poetes Francoys, 
 divins & treserudits, plusieurs raisons ay je, lesquelles 
 m'excusent, & toy mesme en scays vne partie. Or 
 il a pleu a, daulcuns de mes Amys me faire I'honneur 
 & le bien, de me rendre, par leur escripts tresdoctes, 
 testification de notre Amytie : cela j'estime, ainsi qu'on 
 doibt estimer toute chose venante du sien Amy, & 
 daultant que je n'ay rien plus char que leurs Epigrames 
 & Epistres, par moy coUig^es en ce Livre : d'aultant 
 ma il sembl6 bon le te donner : comme a celuy, lequel 
 au besoing (ou I'Amytie s'explique) s'est monstr^ 
 par effect mon Amy. II te plairS, donq', attendant 
 aultre Oeuvre de moy, le prendre en gr6: me tenant 
 tousjours pour I'un de ceulx, qui sont tes obeissants. 
 Jesus soit avec toy. De Lyon ce xv. d'Aoust. m.d.x.l. 
 
 — P. 2^., p. 226. 
 
 LES ELEGIES. 
 
 Au Lecteue Salut. 
 
 Nousteguardons (Lecteur candide) un Livre d 'Elegies, 
 lequel voulons mettre en avant, a part, tant pour la 
 diversite, que pour la gravity des matieres lesquelles 
 y sont comprises. Ce pendant te plaira lire, & prendre 
 en gr6, celles que t'avons volu advancer, comme 
 Arres de plus grand' somme : laquelle te payerons, 
 quand nous auras donn6 k cognoistre, le passetemps 
 de nostre labeur t 'avoir pleu. Dieu soyt avec toy. 
 
 — P. F., p. 197. 
 
566 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 DEDICATION OF THE PARAPHRASE OF THE 
 SEVENTH PSALM. 
 
 Cakolus Smaethanus Joanni Galbebto, Gratiano- 
 poLi Allobrogum, begio Senatobi, modis omni- 
 bus ABSOLUTO. S. D. 
 
 Multum atque din dubitatum est, Galberte 
 doctissime, vtri magis sapiant, ij ne, qui 
 seculi huius negocijs sese implicant & inuoluunt, ac 
 vitam agunt, quam vocamus actiuam : an ij, qui mundo 
 se subduxerunt, &, postpositis curis ac negocijs omni- 
 bus, in solitudinem secesserunt, sequunturque vitam, 
 quam contemplatiuam adpellamus. Quibus prior magis 
 adridet, dicunt cert6 quod verum est, nemp^, non nobis 
 solum ipsis natos esse nos, set patrisB, set parentibus, set 
 amicis, set communi quoque Reipublicse : ac proinde, 
 cum sibi solis tantum videantur seruire, qui se ab 
 hominum sooietate disiungunt, laudabiliorem esse vitam, 
 quae vulgo actiua dicitur. ContrS., qui turbas, 
 tumultum, rixas, atque adeo curas omnes fas- 
 tidiunt, felioiter cum eis agi putant, qui sese submoue- 
 runt ab omni turba, et ab omni prorsus hominum 
 contubernio excluserunt : ac tranquillam soli & quietam 
 vitam ducunt. Illorum ego opinioni repugnare, Gal- 
 berte, non possum : nimirum propterea quod recte mihi 
 & ver6 sentire videntur. Horum vero iudiciiun ac sen- 
 tentiam damnare non debeo : cum literarum monumen- 
 tis proditum sit, Philosophos, Poetas, & qui animum ad 
 scribendum suum adiunxerunt, imo Theologos etiam 
 ipsos, & summos & claros, forenses strepitus fugisse, et 
 se in solitudinem recepisse. His accedit, quod quemad- 
 modum stolonibus amputatis, omnia celerius adolescunt 
 in arbore, nimirum alimentis in vnam collatis stirpem : 
 
APPENDIX 567 
 
 ita superuacaneis negocijs leuatus animus, ac curis 
 
 plani omnibus liber, plus efficit in studijs honestis : 
 
 tota vi mentis in idem intenta. Quare si quid sua 
 
 contemplatione publico bono adferant vtilitatis, non 
 
 segniter ac ocios^ prorsus viuant, probabile puto 
 
 esse illorum institutimi, dicam etiam hoc nostro 
 
 seculo beatissimum. Nam si alias unqullm laboriosum 
 
 & difficile f uit in mundo & inter homines conuersari, est 
 
 hodie quidem et laboriosissimum & periculosissimum. 
 
 Vbique siquidem & vndique odia, lites, inuidisB, aemu- 
 
 lationes, detractiones, calumniae, delationes, & infinitse 
 
 pestes : quas, quo quis magis euitare tentabit, ' hoc 
 
 magis sentiet. Si quis sat agat in suis negocijs, & 
 
 studeat rem familiarem parsimonia constabilire, audiet 
 
 sibi sordidissimi auari nomen imponi. Si vero libera- 
 
 litate ac munificentia vtatur erga omnes, & benefioijs 
 
 gratuitis illos inuitet & alliciat, prodigalitatis statim 
 
 reus erit. Qui se sentiet carnis rebellionem non posse 
 
 comprimere, & continentiae donum £i Deo non habens, 
 
 vxorem ducet, luxuriosus clamabitur. Sit, qui fero- 
 
 cientem carnem possit continentiae freno reprimere ac re- 
 
 tinere, & caste viuat, ac ad castitatem alios inuitet : 
 
 spurci scortatores & adulter!, qui aliena ingenia ex 
 
 suo metiuntur, mox Peediconem esse ilium im- 
 p. 6 . 
 
 pudenter dicent. Deum qui religiose timebit, 
 
 colet, venerabitur, ridebitur is vt superstitiosus. Qui 
 
 motus animi reprimet, ac fructificabit pijs et bonis operi- 
 
 bus, quae Fidem suam viuam esse restentur, hypocrita 
 
 carnalium iudicio erit. Si quis excellenti vir ingenio, & 
 
 varia doctrina excultus, nihil luoubrationum suarum in 
 
 apart um mittat, audiet sibi obijci, Scire tuum nihil est, 
 
 nisi te scire hoc sciat alter. Quod si quid proferat in 
 
568 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 lucem nisi satellitio muniat, garrulum & audaculum 
 aliquem habebit Momum, qui in copiosa orations, quae 
 multis exuberet virtutibus, de pauculis voculis temerS 
 elapsis cauillabiter. Nisi quis dicendo scribendo,ue, de 
 Deo disputet, ac frequentem faciat eius mentionem, im- 
 pietatis suspitionem non effugiet. Loquatur itaque de 
 Deo, de Christo Jesu, de gratia Spiritus sancti, & loquan- 
 tur vt loqui par est, Haereseos accersetur. Damnet abu- 
 sus aliquis, quos multos (proh dolor) & nimis multos 
 quorundam auaritiam inexplebilem in Ecclesiam 
 inuexisse, sumno Christianas reipublicEs damno, 
 fateri cogimur, Lutheranus erit. ContrS,, si Ro- 
 mani Pontificis, & reliquorum Ecclesise ministrorum au- 
 toritatem sartam tectam esse debere adfirmet : ac interim 
 adprobetprobabiles aliquot ceremonias, quibus cupiditas 
 humana tanqu^m cancellis septa est, Papista ignomini- 
 ose vocabitur. Euangelicam vitam profiteri, est sanfe 
 felicissimam & sanctissimam vitam profiteri: set 
 Christiane interim non viuere, quid aliud quaeso est 
 quElm Christum mentiri. — Multi sunt hodie huius 
 generis euangelici viri, qui nihil aliud habent in ore 
 quam Euangelion: set in quorum pectore, viuidus 
 ille & perfectus Euangelicae charitatis viguor non 
 perseuerat. Doctrinam quid iuuat habere syncer^ 
 piam, si caligat malis adfectibus — si vita mundanis 
 cupiditatibus sit prorsus offuscata? Set simt amore 
 laudis, cupiditate pecuniarum, studio voluptatum 
 omnium, hbidine vindictae, infamiae, damnorum ac 
 mortis metu, vsqueade6 infatuati, vt non solum in- 
 sulsam multitudinem condire non possint, verumetiam, 
 - vt, et ipsi, et Euangelica pietas, in extremmn 
 hominum contemptum veniat, quia id non praes- 
 
APPENDIX 569 
 
 tant quod decent. Hos si christian^ cohorteris, vt liber- 
 tatem Euangelicam (veram Spiritus libertatem) non com- 
 mutent in libertatem carnis, set vt doctrinse pietatem, 
 cum morum pietate coniungant : ac fort^ acrius cohorta- 
 tionibus non acquiescentes obiurgaris, mox tibi Atheismi 
 notam inurent. Quid pluribus ? Nulla soUicitudine sic 
 nos ad circumspectionem ac diligentiam acuere possu- 
 mus, vt & nobis ipsis, & alijs, faciamus satis. Infestant 
 cert6 haec mala cuiusuis conditionis homines : set 
 maxim^ bonos omnes & doctos. Bonum enim virum & 
 res egregias adgredientem, premit inuidia: doctuni, 
 eloquentem ac disertum, ignorantia. Nam vt Pan- 
 thera bene olet, set non nisi bestijs quas ad se trahit, 
 hominibus non ita : ' sic spurcse literse, quae bene natis 
 ingenijs graues sunt, stupidis istis & bardis gratiores sunt 
 quouis aromate : ac proinde disertos quibus nauseam 
 mouent, modis omnibus insectantur. Quod vt liberius 
 ac securius facere possint, nimirum eos perdere 
 in quorum exitium toti ardent, impise crude- 
 litati pietatis speciem prsetexunt : dicuntque, per- 
 sequi se illos, non odio, non inuidia (si dis placet) set 
 zelo Fidei, nimirum quod Lutherani sunt. Bonos k 
 malis diuexari, doctos ab indoctis, pios ab impijs, 
 non est certft nee mirum nee nouum. Vt enim Fraxi- 
 num campestrem in tantum horrent serpentes, vt 
 nee matutinas nee vespertinas illius umbras vnquam 
 attinguant, set si gyro frondibus huius arboris clauda- 
 tur ignis & serpens, citius in ignem fugiet quam in 
 Fraxinum :^ Ita vitijs & virtutibus, bonis & malis, doctis 
 & indoctis, pijs & impijs nihil conuenit. Euangelion 
 
 1 The natural history is Pliny's. Cf. Hist. Nat. viii ; 23. 
 ' Pliny is authority for this. Ibid., xvi ; 24. 
 
570 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 habent carnales inuisum, vt doctrinam studijs ipsorum 
 aduersantem : proinde si conantur id eliminare nihil 
 quidem mirum est. Nam est illud ipsis quod Rhodo- 
 dendri frondes iumentis, capris et ouibus : nempe 
 venenum, quae tamen homini remedio sunt contra ser- 
 pentium venena.' Sic quod pij vertunt in suum bonum 
 (hoc est Euangelion) stultis et reprobis ipsis, 
 perniciem adfert. Set quanquam vel hoc no- 
 mine excusabiles sunt quod c£eci sunt : tamen quemad- 
 modum vinum dilucius magis prouocat vomitum, quam 
 vel aqua simplex, vel vinum merum : Sic est intolerabilior 
 nequitia, pietatis simulatione condita, quam simplex et 
 aperta malicia. Non est hie Galberte, dicendi locus 
 quam ego duriter Gratianopoli tractatus fuerim 
 menses prope triginta, cum vinctus essem in carcere-: 
 set inhumanitatem quam sensi, non tam Senatui 
 amplissimo, quam malicise aduersarij mei imputare 
 debeo : qui vt vindictam suam meo sanguine expleret, 
 & suo iure me persequi videretur, Lutheranae me 
 factionis reum fecit : hoc magis impius, quod pietatem 
 mentiretur. Set quid effecit tandem nisi quod diu 
 me detinuit in carcere? at qui fuit mihi cum non 
 paucis & principibus & summis viris career communis, 
 imo cum Christo etiam ipso. Nudauit me rebus meis 
 omnibus, quidquid tamen abstuUt non mihi set fortunse 
 jj (cuius erat quod habebam) abstulit. Dominus 
 dederat, Dominus passus est tolli : potest idem, 
 et mehora et multo plura reddere. Fcedauit fortS me 
 infamia : tentauit id quidem, set perficere non potuit. 
 Vt enim Adianton herbam, etiam si perfundas aqua, 
 
 1 From Pliny. Cf. supra, p. 546. 
 
APPENDIX 571 
 
 aut immergas, tamen siecse semper est similis:' Ita 
 in virum bonum non haeret contumelia, non infamia, 
 quantumuis infamare quis conetur ipsum. Set 
 curauit proscribendum. Quid turn? forte me putauit 
 similem Formicse aut Api quae si semel antro & alue- 
 ario eijciantur, peregrinantur.^ Atqui non minus in 
 quouis loco tranquille viuit vir fortis & bonus, qukm 
 potest nauis, cui firma est ancora, in quouis portu 
 conquiescere. Porrd vituperari ob Euangelion, est 
 laudari : cruciari ob Euangelion, est coronari : aspergi 
 infamia ob Euangelion, est honorar:: pelli patria, 
 et solum cogi vertere ob Euangelion est cselo mimicipem 
 adscribi : interimi ob Euangelion, est seruari : miserum 
 denique esse ob Euangelion, est esse felicissimum. Id 
 dixit Christus, cum ait. Beati qui persecutio- 
 nem patiuntur propter iustitiam, quoniam ip- 
 sorum est regnum cselorum. Beati eritis, cCtm maledixe- 
 rint vobis homines, & persecuti vos fuerint, & dixerint 
 omne malum aduersum vos, mentientes propter me. 
 Gaudete et exultate, quoniam merces vestra copiosa est 
 in coelis. Id confirmat Paulus, glorians in passionibus, 
 contumelijs, necessitatibus & adflictionibus, quas prop- 
 ter Christum sustinebat. Confirmat Petrus, cum ait, 
 gratiam inuenire apud Deum illos, qui crucem innoxij 
 ferunt : ac tribulationes patiuntur, non vt homicidae, 
 non ut fures, non ut maledici, non ut ahenorum rap- 
 tores, set ut christiani. Confirmant Apostoli, qui 
 
 ' Sainte-Marthe is again indebted to Pliny. Hist. Nat. 
 xxii; 30. 
 
 ^ Pliny says of bees : " Semper, duce prehenso, totum 
 tenetur agmen. Amisso, dilabitur migratque ad aUos." 
 Ibid., xxxvii ; 18. 
 
572 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 virgis Cffisi, & ciuitate pulsi, gaudebant dignos se 
 
 habitos esse, pro nomine Jesu contumeliam pati. 
 
 Quid igitur persequendo seruum Dei, conseoutus est, 
 
 miser & csecus ille ? quid effecit ? nisi quod me cruciare 
 
 volens, se cruciauit ipsum? Instituerat certe se non 
 
 oessaturum prius, qusim videret me flammis absum- 
 
 tum : set imaginatione id instituerat, non certo iudicio. 
 
 Nam non ita visum est vestro Senatui, hominem 
 p. 13 
 
 innoxium sic e medio toUere : set conatus omnes 
 
 aduersarij mei, et omnes eius nefarias deliberationes, 
 
 vna hora et verbo vno euanidas fecit. Fcemina in 
 
 meo negocio salijt foeminam, & indfe nata sunt oua 
 
 Hyponemia, & Zephyria. Neque vero fieri aliter 
 
 poterat. Domino sic seruis suis vigilante, ut nihil sine 
 
 permissu eius contingere illis possit. Quamobrem, qui 
 
 fidem euangelicam, aut in adultis confirmatam, aut 
 
 teneram adhuc, & in piorum animum gliscentem, sua 
 
 crudelitate conantur extinguere : possunt quidem ex 
 
 mea caussa discere, frustra niti astutiam mortalium 
 
 aduersus consilia diuina. Erat profecto vita mea 
 
 magno in discrimine posita, dan uinctus essem : 
 
 maxime, accusationem exaggerante criminis grauitate, 
 
 quodque in extera terra peregrinus eram, pauper ac 
 
 omni prorsus auxilio destitutus: set erigebat me in 
 
 spem liberationis, quod patrum nostrorum exemplis, 
 
 Dei bonitatem dediceram. Cum itaque Dauidis psal- 
 
 mos solus in obscuro^ & fcetido carcere in manu 
 p. 14 
 
 haberem, & eos consolationis gratia legerem, 
 incidi fortS in septimum, in quo gratias agit Deo, propter 
 ignorantiam suam : nempe, quod non agnosceret crimen, 
 sibi a Semei, filio Jemini, obiectum de homicidio.Saulis, 
 et regni eius inuasione. Ex cuius lectione didici, fide- 
 
APPENDIX 573 
 
 les omnes, de falso intentata ipsis calumnia obmurmu- 
 rare non debere: set gratias agere Deo, ac opem ab 
 eo certissima & inconcussa Fide expectare. Quo in 
 numero cum me perspicerem esse, & mihi conuenire 
 ilium agnoscerem, meditatus sum paraphrasticam eius 
 interpretationem : & mihi non inutilem, & infirmioribus 
 calumniam patientibus necessariam. Desiderabit in 
 ea Momus dictionem elegantiorem ac nitidiorem, utqui 
 nauseat ad omnia quae rhetorum condimentis et orna- 
 mentis carent: cui hoc solum responsum esse volo, 
 scriptam ijs esse illam, qui malint salubria praecepta 
 viuendi, qualicunque sermone proposita, quam pesti- 
 feras opiniones, a quouis eloquentissimo scriptore 
 haurire. Praetere^, cum ab omnibus prope dis- 
 ciplinis eloquentiam requiramus, in hoc ipso Iku- 
 datur Theologus, in quo aquae laus est, nimirum ut 
 probatur si nihil sapiat ilia : sic, si infans sit ipse, & a 
 Musis alienus. Atqui (dicet ille) quid Jurisconsulto cum 
 Theologia? set respondeo, non minus esse me velle 
 Theologmn, quam Jurisconsultum : tum, quod huic dis- 
 ciphnae totum me aliquando deuoui : tum quod est ipsa 
 vt Opalus gemma in qu amultarum gemmarum dotes 
 eminent : ' nempe ignis carbunculi tenuior, amethysti 
 
 * The passage is borrowed from Pliny. 
 
 "Atque in pretiosissimarum gemmarum gloria com- 
 positi, maxime inenarrabilem difficultatem dederunt. 
 Est enim in iis carbuneli tenuior ignis, est amythesti 
 fulgens purpura, est smaragdi virens mare, et cuncta 
 pariter incredibili mixtura lucentia. Alii summo fulgoris 
 augmento colores pigmentorum sequavere : alii sulphuris 
 ardentem flammam, aut etiam ignis oleo accensi." Hist. 
 Nat, xxxvii, 21. 
 
574 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 purpura, smaragdi viror, idque incredibili quadam 
 
 mixtura. Sic, quidquid apud vUos Ethnicos scriptores 
 
 placere potest, in ilia simul inuenitur. Porrd, tametsi 
 
 lurisprudentia summopere probanda est, tamen si 
 
 nos totos illi studio addixerimus, sanitatem mentis 
 
 aufert, & nos inanis glorise furore quodam, et habendi 
 
 cupiditate immodica ceecos, praecipites agit. Insurget 
 
 alius, qui dicat me paraphraseos legem fuisse trans- 
 
 gressum, nempe latius diuagatam, quam paraphrastica 
 
 libertas ferat. Quisquis ille erit, vt volet, vel paraphra- 
 
 . sim, vel meditationem, vel commentarios, la- 
 p. 10 ' .... 
 
 borem nostrum, nominet, nihil equidem moueor 
 
 huiusmodi hominum superba malicia, quibus aliorum 
 
 orationem reprehendere in procliui est, set eodem modo 
 
 vel melius dicere non est perinde facile. Qualis qualis 
 
 est hsec nostra consolatio, tibi, Galberte humanissime, 
 
 deuouetur : cui enim iustius dicari posset ? Aluisti me 
 
 in carcere fame prope confectum, et innoxij Rei ius 
 
 perverti non es passus : quinimo caussse mese, pro tua 
 
 virili (ut sequitas postulabat) tarn acer fuisti defensor, 
 
 ut proba perpeti non recusaueris odio nominis mei. De 
 
 te hinc iudicent docti viri, ego quantum tibi debeam, 
 
 & satis mihi conscius sum, & orbi universe (si viuam) 
 
 testatissimum relinquam. Quare interea dum duos 
 
 de re sepulchrali libros, & lectionum legalium quatuor 
 
 expectabis, accipe, Galberte doctissime, gratitudinis 
 
 me£earrabonem,et (quod hactenus fecisti) Smarthanum 
 
 tuum ama. Lugduni. 17 Cal. lul. 1543. 
 
 — In Psalmum Septimum et Psalmum xxxiii, Para- 
 
 Tphrads, pp. 3-16. 
 
APPENDIX 575 
 
 DEDICATION OF THE PARAPHRASE OF THE 
 THIRTY-THIRD (THIRTY-FOURTH) PSALM. 
 
 G. (sic) SiMARTANUS JoANNI AuANSONIO, APUD GraTI- 
 ANOPOLIM, REGIO SeNATORIO AMPLISSIMO AC DOC- 
 TISSIMO S. D. 
 
 T. ■,-,. Tanta fuit Maiorum nostrorum in euitanda 
 
 p. J-34 • ■ 
 
 ingratitudinerelligio, Senator amplissime, utnon 
 Dijs solum immortalibus, ac hominibus, verumetiam 
 Brutis ipsis, testimonium redderint accepti officij. Erant 
 urbes omnes peculari suo Deo dicatte consecrataeque : 
 h. quo, si, vel ab igne, vel k ruina, vel ab hostili inuasione, 
 saluae ac liberatae foret, in gratiarum actionem Vitulurrj 
 ei candidum mactabant. In bello, cuius incertus sem- 
 per est exitus, inuocabatur Mars : cui, qui victoria 
 potiti, de hostibus triumphum agebant, manubias 
 consectabant : ac solemni sacrificio gratias agebant. 
 Nautse suo Neptuno remos ac rudentes vouebant in 
 medijs procellis commoti Maris : ac subinde se data 
 tempestate in portum vbi appulerant, acceptum officium 
 sacrificio agnoscebant. Eandem animi grati- 
 tudinem homnibus exhibebant, quorum virtute 
 ac f ortitudine Res publica liberata aut conseruata fuerat. 
 Nam vel eos pro publica concione laudabant, vel statuas 
 illis in perpetuum rei monumentum erigebant, vel 
 corona insignitos, quam quaeque res postulabat, aut 
 ouantes, aut triumphantes in urbem redeuntes ex- 
 cipiebant . Fuerunt qui Brutis etiam gratitudinem animi 
 significarunt, ob merita illorum. Alij venerabantur 
 Elephantes, quod cum Draconibus perpetu6 pugnent. 
 Alij Mustellas quod Basilisco exitiale sint virus. Alij 
 Ichneimionem, alij Lacertas, quod seternum habeant 
 
576 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 cum Aspide bellum. Sunt qui Stellones sint venerati, 
 propter capitalem illorum cum Scorpionibus inimi- 
 citiam. Atque hodie quoque, felix ac prosper! au- 
 gurium arbitratur vulgus, Ciconiam habere hospitem : 
 quod serpentibus infesta sit. Porr6 non aliam ob 
 caussam id faciebant, quam quod eorum ope atque 
 auxilio, liberentur ab animalibus, homini suapte 
 natura inimicis : qualia sunt Dracones, Basilisci, 
 Scorpiones, Aspides, & Serpentes. Proponuntur autem 
 nobis hsec exempla, ut ijs doceamur, offi- 
 cium esse ofBcio rapendendum : ac dandam no- 
 bis operam, ne patiamur notam ingratitudinis iustam 
 nobis ob caussam inuri. Quod si sequum est tarn grates 
 esse nos erga omnes homines, a quibus beneficiiun ac- 
 cepimus, quanto iustius erit, beneficiorum Dei erga nos, 
 & memores & gratos esse nos? Si est ingratus, qui 
 officij ab Amico accepti est immemor, an non erit in- 
 gratissimus, qui non agnoscit vltrd benefacientem 
 sum, quern multis ssepe modis offendit, & k quo, pro malo 
 bonum accepit? Commissis nostris Deum irritamus, 
 non dicam cottidiS, set omnibus horis, ac omnibus 
 momentis : qui tamen est tam Hberahs erga nos tamque 
 beneficus, vt postulantibus nihil neget. Imo verd 
 tam singularis eius est bonitas, ut quandoque ea nobis 
 affatim subministret, quas prseuidet 6 re nostra esse: 
 etiam antequS,m ipsi de petitione cogitauerimus. Non 
 repetit ille k nobis dona sua, non quaerit talionem, non 
 compensationem, (quis enim soluendo esset?) tantum 
 i,_ postulat memorem & gratum animum : quern 
 vt illi exhibeamus indies singulos beneficium 
 beneficio accumulat : tantum abest, ut debita a nobis, 
 ipse liberahssimus Creditor, velit repetere. Cseterum, 
 
APPENDIX 577 
 
 non potest melius se gratus animus explicare, quS,m 
 commemoratione ac confessione accepti officij : atque 
 gratiarum actione. Quamobrem, qui Dei clementiam, 
 bonitatem, liberalitatem, ao pietatem expertus erit, 
 Nomen eius celebret, extoUat, praedicet: commemor 
 et beneficia ipsius, et summa & multa : atque gratiam 
 illi habeat, Fide, opere, ore, scripto, de quibuscumque 
 poterit modis : ille profecto gratus turn in eum erit. 
 Ad id nos incitat suo exemplo Dauid qui in pace ac 
 ocio, gloriam dabat Deo, & potentiam eius ac celsitudi- 
 nem praedicabat: in tribulationibus & angustijs, viua 
 Fide instructus, illius opem implorabat : ac dsemum 
 ab ijs liberatus, gratias ei agebat, & fideles omnes 
 conuocabat ad commemorandam eius bonitatem. 
 Illius ego vestigia insecutus, cum essem apud vos 
 vinctus, et nihil prorsus haberem in Parentum, Ami- 
 corum ac hominum auxilio spei reliqui, confugi ad eum, 
 g qui consolationis est Deus, & qui, sperantibus 
 in se presto est semper. Neque vero mea mihi 
 spes imposuit, Auansoni optime, vtqui quam ab eo preci- 
 bus & lachrymis postularam, sim tandem consecutus lib- 
 ertatem. -lEquum erat itd,que, vt solutus carcere, liber- 
 atorem agnoscerem meum : utque gratiam ei haberem & 
 nomen eius sanctissimum ubique pr£edi(.'arem : vt, qui 
 erunt aliqua in angustia constituti, aut quacunque animi 
 maestitudine comprementur, meo commodo sapiant : 
 atque postposita in creaturis vanissima spe, ad crea- 
 torem sese recipiant : ab eo quidquid iustum ac vtile 
 illis fuerit impetraturi. Quamobrem, psalmum hunc 
 Dauidis, paraphrastica interpretatione sumpsi ex- 
 plicandum, tum, quod dignus sit qui syllabatim edisca- 
 tur, proptereS, quod Fidem nostram non parum com- 
 2p 
 
578 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 firmat : turn, qu6d materise ac proposito nostro, quasi 
 de industria seruiat. Nam cCim fugeret ille furorem 
 Saulis, neque haberet tutum aliquem locum, in quem 
 se reciperet, & mortem declinaret, diuertit ad Achis 
 Regem Geth: atque inibi cilm aliquandiu mansisset, 
 k seruis & domestics Regis agnitus, vbi perspexit 
 vitam suam magno esse in discrimine, simulauit 
 insaniam : ac prorsus habitum & morem Epilentici 
 cuiuspiam mentitus est: & earn ab caussam imperio 
 Regis expulsus, recta in speluncam OdoUam diuertit : 
 & ea simulatione k tanto periculo liberatiis, himc 
 psalmum scripsit, in quo gratias agit liberatori Deo. 
 Sic ego, cum tam duriter tractari viderem me k vobis, 
 ut mitius cum siccarijs, latronibus, homicidis, furibus, 
 raptoribus ac deploratse vitae hominibus ageretur, 
 simulavi certfe insaniam : & sum ea consecutus, vt qui 
 in arcta prius & foetida turre solus languebam, cum 
 Pedunculis, Semicibus, Soricibus, & Scorpionibus 
 coUuctans, libertatem obtinuerim per quantulascunque 
 angustias carceris obambulandi. Id vbi adsecutus 
 fui, libertatula ilia in spem me certissimum uocauit, 
 futurum, vt qui iam me pedetentim coeperat liberare, 
 tandem in plenam libertatem aliquando adsereret. 
 Quod aduersarij quidem mei neque volebant neque 
 putabant : imo vero desperabant etiam, qui mese 
 saluti, non minus qu^m suse, consultum esse voluissent. 
 Mouebat omnem lapidem caput istud obstipum 
 (dignior certe homo, qui sit, aut Porcarius aut 
 Bubulcus, qua,m is cuius officio fungitur), vt per fas aut 
 nefas viuus concremarer: quo vt tandem perueniret, 
 viros bonos & graues, quorum consuetudine familiariter 
 sum vsus, ad f alsum contra me testimonium proferendum 
 
APPENDIX 579 
 
 sollicitabat : & quod blanditijs ac corruptelis non 
 
 poterat, tentabat, dolo ac minis, efficere. Habebat 
 
 quoque suum patella operculum, nempe Sisamnem 
 
 istum, silicernium & delirantem senem, stiuae certe 
 
 commodiorem quS-m dicendo luri, qui ludicis simul & 
 
 Actoris partes tractabat. Hos duos satis nouit Gra- 
 
 tianopolis, nouit inquam toto animi impetu fuisse 
 
 impulses in perniciem meam: ac nihil reliquisse in- 
 
 tentatum, ut meo sanguine inexhaustam sitim su3 
 
 vindidictaa explerent. Set quomodo fauissent innocenti 
 
 Reo, qui sunt innocentiae persecutores ? quomodo 
 
 sequioris caussse defensores fuissent, qui, quid sit lus 
 
 plane ignorant, suntque ad id tractandum tanqua,m 
 
 Asini ad lyram? quomodo denique fauore bonarum 
 
 artium, doctrina excultum (licet mediocri) clementer 
 
 & pro officio suo tractassent, qui sunt k Musis 
 
 prorsus alieni, & omnium bonarum disciplina- 
 
 rum expertes ? lurarant illi in mortem meam, non modo 
 
 cum fortunarum suarum, set salutis etiam suae dispen- 
 
 dio : turn, quod voluissent, & adhuc vellent, doctos 
 
 omnes extinctos esse : tum, quod timerent quod euitare 
 
 minime possunt : nimirum, ne mea amicorumque meorum 
 
 industria, vt digni sunt tractentur ac suis pingantur 
 
 coloribus. His accessit, quod eram in barbara ac 
 
 prorsus Scythica terra, & solus & alienigena Gallus, 
 
 longe a, Patria, longe k Parentibus, longfi ab Amicis: 
 
 imo ijs plan6 destitutus, ac totus inermis. Caeterum 
 
 quod inermem me voco, intelligo equidem inopiam pau- 
 
 pertemque meam : quandoquidem diuitiae ac opes 
 
 multae, nostro seculo arma sunt Reis validis- 
 
 sima, contra accusationes & criminationes omnes, atque 
 
 ade6 aduersus quoslibet iudiciorum exitus. In tot 
 
580 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 ac tantis periculis, quis de sua salute non dubitasset ? 
 atqui dubitare cert6 non potui, Dei bonitate ac auxilio 
 fretus, quern, et legeram & multorum exemplo didiceram, 
 suis semper plusquS,m paterna soUicitudine 
 prouidere : ac non sinere vt in tentationibus 
 succumbant. Quid tandem ? accidit certe mihi quod 
 sperabam : nempfe, praesentissima morte liberatus, perse- 
 quentium manus effugi. Quare, vt meo exemplo fidant 
 Deo omnes qui adfliguntur, vt gustent suauitatem mi- 
 sericordiae eius, vtque ilium solum timeant, hac para- 
 phrasi gratias iUi ago, & libertatem meam illi soli 
 acceptam fero. Tibi autem, qualis qualis est, Auansoni 
 doctissime, k me dicatur, nimirum Amico singulari : cui 
 tam gratum fuit, mortis periculum me declinasse, quam 
 fuit graue et molestum, cum nouercate Fortuna in vin- 
 culis tamdiu colluctasse, & tot incommoda pertulisse. 
 Quod vt mihi persuadeam, facit, & tua in meliores literas 
 propensissima voluntas, ac eruditio certe cum iudicij 
 maturitate non vulgaris, & summa ilia tua erga me 
 merita : quae de tua in me voluntate fidem mihi locu- 
 pletissime fecerunt. Valebis itaque Auansoni diser- 
 tissime & Smarthani tui innocentiam probfe tibi per- 
 spectam, pro charitatis Christianas officio, proque 
 tua summa humanitate, esse apud vos sartam tectam 
 curabis. Nam scio aduersarios meos, cfim non 
 potuerint suam crudelitatem meo sanguine 
 satiare, nomen meum omnibus probris aspersuros. Set 
 sciant velim, me vituperationem illorum laudi maximae 
 ducere : dum modo dignitas mea apud Senatum vestrum 
 amplissimum illabefactata & Integra maneat : de cuius 
 in me voluntate dubitare non possum : quandoquidem 
 tam multi estis in vestro ordine, & boni, & docti Sena- 
 
APPENDIX 581 
 
 tores, ut quos Bestiae, insectantur doctrinae nos asper- 
 nandse viros, ipsi vestra sponte diligatis & ab omni 
 prorsus iniuria vindicetis. Jesus Christus, redemptor 
 noster, te sua gratia impleat, Senator eruditissime & 
 humanissime. Lugduni. Calendis luliis, 1543. 
 — In Psalmum Septimum et Psalmum xxxiii, Paror- 
 Tphrads, pp. 144-143. 
 
 LETTER TO THE DOMINICAN, LOUIS DUFOVR. 
 C. SmARTHANUS F. LuDOVICO FouENjEO lACOBIT.ffi 
 
 Theologo S.D. 
 
 |, ^ Paraphrasim nostram, fratibus ordinis tui, 
 
 doctis et catholicis uiris perplacuisse, summo- 
 pere gaudeo, Ludouice suauissime : turn qu6d k probatis 
 uiris probari, laudi summse ducendum est: turn, qu6d 
 hoc tarn turbulento seculo, non uulgare quidem Dei 
 donum est, Theologis placere : & ijs, quibus inquisitionis 
 prouincia demandata est. Nam sunt qui doctorum & 
 Theologorum titulo gloriantes, insania prope rum- 
 puntur, cum uident alios, quanqu^m doctrina sine 
 nomine insignes, aliquid Theologicse meditationis in 
 apertum proferre. Porro, scribis nihil inter legendum 
 illis occurrisse, quod admittendum non sit : nisi quod 
 dubitant, ne, quae scribo de malis Principibus, de cor- 
 ruptis iudicibus, ac de impijs hominibus ueritatis 
 hostibus, aliter accipiantur, qu^m forte inteUigam: 
 nempe aduersus eos dictum, qui, hodi6 sectarum 
 seditiosos amatores & pessime de nostra religione 
 sentientes persequuntur ac puniimt. Ego 
 uero, Furnsee, Hsereticos omnes, Atheos, Ana- 
 
582 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 baptistas, carnales istos Euangelicos, & turbulentos 
 huius generis ac pestiferos homines sic odi, ut cupiam 
 6 medio iam sublatos esse illos : tantum abest ut inuehi 
 velim in magistratus, qui seuerissime in ipsos animad- 
 uertunt. Quod scribo de Principibus, qui malo consilio 
 acquiescentes, saeviunt in bonos et pios, intelligo de ijs, 
 quorum mores facta satis ostendunt, quales experta 
 est Italia ssepS multos, & non ita pridem Anglia. Set 
 nominatim illos exprimere non placuit, ciLxn peri- 
 culosum sit de Principibus huiusmodi etiam uera 
 scribere. De iudicibus malis & impijs hominibus 
 quod scribo, non ignoras quo tendit : nempe tangun- 
 tur ij qui sub Lutheranismi prsetextu, crudelitatem 
 uindictse suae in me innoxium exereuerunt : quos 
 etiam dico suis censuris innoxios ab hominum com- 
 mercio et ab ipsa quoque Ecclesia excludere : de me 
 ipso loquens, quem solum obscuro loco concludi cu- 
 rauerunt : nee id tantum, uerumetiam a sacratissimse 
 Eucharistise communione, tanquam Judseum aut 
 Turcam repulerunt, quamqu^m nuUius plan 6 criminis 
 conuictum. Quod, nunquid est ab Ecclesia arcere? 
 . . Nunquid ueritatem oppugnare? Oppugnat 
 siquidem illam, qui, & quod non est uerum 
 obijcit: & quod uerum est non admittit. Quodsuper- 
 est, non ignoro fuisse semper, et adhuc esse, qui calum- 
 niantur quee recta sunt, sinistra interpretantur qu® sunt 
 dubia, exaggerant quae sunt leuia, et in omnibus tarn 
 inclementes sunt indices, ut magis hoc agant, ut perdant 
 eum qui fort^ prolapsus erit, quam ut sanent. Set non 
 dubito ne qui uer6 Theologi, hoc est aequi, boni, ac docti 
 sunt, ab omni me iniuria uindicent : praesertim, Ecclesiae 
 iudicio, mea qualiacunque omnia sint opera submit- 
 
APPENDIX 583 
 
 tentem. Commentarios nostros in Psal. 118. ociosus 
 relegam & recognitos (ut k me postulas) emittam. Vale, 
 Furnaee doctissime, & ordinis uestri fauorem quem 
 mihi conciliasti, sic f aueto : ut indies magis atque 
 magis coalescat. Gratianopoli, 24. Calendas. Aprilis. 
 1543. 
 — In Psalmum Septimum et Psalmum xxxiii, Para- 
 phrasis, pp. [212]-[214]. 
 
 DEDICATION- OF THE MEDITATION ON THE NINE- 
 TIETH (NINETY-FIRST) PSALM. 
 
 Carolus Sanctomarthanus Gastono Oliuario 
 Mancii Domino. S. D. 
 
 fol 2 r° Quemadmodum grassante paste, non solum 
 qui sunt infecti, set sani etiam ac integra 
 valitudine, ad medicos recurrunt, atque ab eis utrique 
 auxilium & opem postulant : illi, ut curentur : hi, ut 
 pharmacis & salutari aliquo moly, praseruentur : Ita, 
 rescissa hodie per tot tamque varias opiniones Christ- 
 anorum concordia, frigescente charitate, vacillante Fide, 
 ac spe ex omnium ferme animis excussa, crescente in dies 
 hominum malitia, finesque suos dilatante Atheismo, 
 necesse quidam est, & ijs quos sectarum diuersitas aded 
 certs anxios ac dubios reddidit, ut quid credant, cuive 
 parti adhsereant, prorsus incertum habeant: & ijs 
 quoque qui nullis adhuc opinionem labyrinthis inuoluti 
 implicatique sunt, ad doctorem aliquem pium sese 
 recipere, qui mutantes sustinere, lapsos erigere, 
 errantes in viam revocare, eosque, qui a fide ac Spe 
 o non exciderunt, magis ac magis confirmare, & 
 in christianismo continere queat. Doctores 
 
584 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 quidem habemus ac Theologos & Ecclesiastas, & 
 numero multos, & doctrina excellentes, quorum alij 
 publicis lectionibus, alij concionibus, alij scriptis & 
 in lucem emissis commentarijs, quam nacti sunt 
 Spartam probe ornant: & nihil -intentantum relin- 
 quunt, ut Christiana religio sarta tecta maneat. 
 Verum nobis semper in manu non sunt, neque illis 
 licit per ocium votis nostris, quoties volimius re- 
 spondere : vt interim taceam, quodsi peregre proficis- 
 caris, si ruri habites, si non detur in frequentia hominum 
 vivere, cohortatoribus illis ac consultatoribus vti non 
 valeas. Danda itaque nobis est opera, ut si ex tarn 
 magno numero aliquis sese offerat, qui prsesens nobis 
 ac praesto semper esse velit, ipsmn ut retineamus. 
 Prsestare autem id vivi vix possunt: mortui quidem 
 per eorum quae extant scripta possunt : paremque 
 nobis operam commodare valent, qui superstites agunt. 
 Set vereor, ne morbis omnibus qui animum nostrum 
 , . o occupabant, remedium acque nobis prsescri- 
 bere, atque ipsi desiderabimus non possint : vt 
 sileam in scriptis hominum, nescio quid semper humani 
 existere. Quae quum ita sint, eadem nobis est adhi- 
 benda in salute spiritus cura, quam solemus in cor- 
 poris valetudine mala adhibere : nimirum, vt quem- 
 admodum qui decumbit, optimum quemque ac 
 fidissimum Medicum aduocat, ita qui animo laboret, 
 ilium ipsum consolatorem eligat, qui pietate magis 
 valeat. Quum autem Spiritus sanctus, animarum sit 
 nostrarum Medicus & consolator, neminem esse adeo 
 vesanum puto, ut vel neget, vel ambigat, ad eum 
 nobis concurrendum esse. 
 
 Verum, vbi melius ac promptius reperitur, quam in 
 
APPENDIX 585 
 
 scriptis illorum, quibus ipse tanquam organo vsus est ? 
 
 Nempe Mosis, Prophetarum, & Apostolorum ? Prae- 
 
 sentes illi nobis esse semper, nobiscum pernoctare, 
 
 nobiscum perigrinari, nobiscum loqui possunt : neque 
 
 vllum morbis animse nostras remedium desiderabimus, 
 
 quod illi statim & affatim non suppeditent. Caeterum, 
 
 inter omnia qu£e in manu sunt Bibliorum volumina, 
 
 , , „ unus David sic tristes recreat, mcestos solatur, 
 rol. 3 V . . . ' ' 
 
 tristes mitigat, languentes reficit, animo de- 
 iectos erigit, [se?] malS habentes sanat, in prosperis 
 confirmat, in aduersis sustinet, vt non immeritb 
 Hebraei pueros suos eius doctrina tanquam lacte primo 
 imbibant, censeantque Hilarius, Orig. Aug. Hieron. & 
 Chrysost. de manibus ilium deponi nunquam debere. 
 Quod ad me adtinet, fateor me Davidis psalmis sic 
 capi, vt quod de Cicerone dicebat Plinius, eum doctum 
 sese existimare, cui ille placuisset, idem de Davide 
 dicam, posse Christianum de gratia Spiritus Dei 
 certum esse, qui psalmorum lectione obleotabitur. 
 Qua in sententia quum te quoque vir doctissime, esse 
 cognoscerem, ac te voluptatem omnem in eo libro 
 reponere, ex sermone tuo perspicerem : simulque 
 tua in me multa & magna officia expenderem, placuit 
 meditatiunculam, quam in nonagesimum psalmum 
 conscripsi tuo nomini dicatam in apertum dare. Tibi 
 quin grata & accepta sit, nihil plane dubito: idem- 
 que ab ijs expecto, qui pietatem toto pectore tecum 
 amplexantur : de quibusdam autem, qui scripta trahunt 
 , , o in calumniam omnia, quid candidi dextrique 
 
 indicij expectem? Tu itaque quibus oc- 
 cupationibus ocium temporis fallam, vide : ac nostra 
 meditatione fruere, donee integrum Psalmorum opus, 
 
586 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 in hendecasyllabos k me redactum, tibi legendum 
 mittam. Vale amicorum optime. 
 
 Lutetiae Parisiorum quarto Idus lulij. 1550. 
 — In Psalmum Nonagesimum Pia Admodvm & Chris- 
 tiana Meditatio, per Carolum Sanctomarthanum 
 Fontebraldensem I. V.D. 
 
 PREFACE TO THE LATIN VERSION OF THE 
 FUNERAL ORATION ON THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 
 
 C. Sanctomarthanus lectori candido S. 
 
 Tarn corrupt! sunt nostri temporis mores, 
 Lector optime, ut eruditi omnes, ac boni viri, 
 suas vigilias in apertum emittere non audeant. Sunt 
 enim non pauci, quorum alii ingenio certe ac doctrina 
 prsestant : sed caeca qusedam philautia laborentes, nihil 
 judicant posteritate dignum, quod non ipsi scripserint ; 
 alii, tametsi nee judicio valeant, nee sint melioribus dis- 
 ciplinis exculti, temere tamen ad versus omnium homi- 
 num scripta pronuntiant. Qui malunt Ciceronianos 
 se quam Christianos esse, quidquid non accedit ad 
 Ciceronis eloquentiam respuunt : neque interim ullam 
 habent rationem reconditioris doctrinae, quae satis con- 
 firmat Scriptorem non esse ex numero cicadarum, aures 
 tantum oblectantium. Philosophi, qui sibi arcem verae 
 eruditionis occupasse videntur, jejunas omnes et aridas 
 scriptiones appellant, quae de philosophia non tractant. 
 Athei rident omnia, quum sint ipsi omnium 
 maxime ridiculi. Sycophantae, domnia rapiunt 
 in calumniam. Poetae proscindunt omnia. In summa, 
 sumus prope omnes in tot sententias & opiniones dis- 
 tracti, ut nondum satis mihi constet, debeamus ne, 
 cum Demoorito insanians ridere nostram, an cum Hera- 
 
APPENDIX 587 
 
 clito nostram ipsorum miseriam flere, qui vix possumus 
 umbram nostram ferre. Ego sane, lector candide, non 
 expecto aliud de hac funebri laudatione iudicium, 
 quam quod in dies singulos de scriptis eruditissimis 
 fieri video. Ciceroniani, dictionem Jurisconsulti hominis 
 fastidient. Rhetores, e sua schola orationem ejicient, 
 quae orationis partes non habeat & a rhetoricis praBcep- 
 tionibus recedat. Tot digressiones damnabunt: tot 
 autorum (sic) nomina orationi inserta esse improba- 
 bunt : tot denique ex historiis sumpta exempla, tan- 
 quam supervacanea rejicient. Interim vero non ex- 
 pendent, de industria id me fecisse : qui potius 
 historiam scribere vellem quam Orationem. Atqui non 
 erat orationis titulo emittenda, nisi dignitas orationis 
 servaretur. Sit ita. Tu, igitur, cum Cicerone, ac 
 Quintiliano voca Laudationem. Set non ego 
 certe in hoc scripseram, ut ederetur: verum 
 ut a me Alenconii pronunciaretur, si reginse nostrse 
 funebris pompa celebrata fuisset. Quod quum tam 
 diu dififerri viderent amici omnes mei, quibus mecum 
 jactura quam feci, communis est : suo jure a me impe- 
 trarunt ut in apertum ilia prodiret. Audio Petrum 
 Paschalium virum eruditissimum & mihi aliquando 
 Avenione cognitum, statuisse, Reginse vitam Uteris 
 mandare. Quod si semel tentarit, quam id ille feliciter 
 perficiet, vel ex sola oratione quam in obitum Maulii 
 scripsit, judicare poteris. Nimis ergo difEciles esse 
 Cicer[on]ianos dicam, si Paschalii tam pura tamque tersa 
 dictio palato illorum grata non sit. Vale. Datum Alen- 
 conii, Idibus Martiis, 1550. 
 — In obitum incomparabilis Margaritm, . . . Nauar- 
 rorum Regince Oratio funebris, etc., pp. [2]-4. 
 
588 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 PREFACE TO THE FUNERAL ORATION ON 
 THE DUCHESS OF BEAUMONT. 
 
 Chaeles db Saincte Marthe, Docteur es Deoicts, 
 Au Lbcteur, Salut. 
 
 Tu sgais, Lecteur, que le commun proverbe dit : Qui 
 aime, aime apres la mort. Et un autre dit : Loue 
 apres la mort. Si nous devons done louer les trespasses, 
 non pas en detracter, comme font ceuls qui tiennent 
 de la nourriture Arcadique : & qu'il nous soit aussi 
 command e rendre tesmoignage de nostra amitie, 
 plus apres la mort, que durant la vie: j'ay bonne & 
 recevable excuse d'auoir lou6, par louenge funebre, 
 celle qui meritoit toute sorte de louenge, & qui par ses 
 bienfaicts m'avoit oblige k la louer: j'entends de la 
 defuncte Royne de Navarre. Mais je ne sgay ou nous 
 pourrions trouver cuisinier, qui feist saulse agreable 
 k touts appetits, veu les di verses qualitfe des ventri- 
 cules. Je dy, que les jugements des hommes sont si 
 divers (que je ne die pervers), qu'il est impossible que, 
 si Homere, Ciceron, & leurs semblables vivoient, leurs 
 escripts ne leur fussent insipides. C'est piti6 d'ouir 
 faire recit, de combien de parts ma pauvre oraison a 
 est 6 assaillie, blessee degettee, voire & de plusieurs qui 
 sont plus insipides que la Bete. Or maintenant que 
 je t'en envoye une autre, sur le trespas de Frangoise 
 d'Alengon, Duchesse de Beaumont, douairiere de 
 Vendosmois, que m'en adviendra il ? Si les parolles 
 des jugements des personnes estoient ainsi trenchantes 
 qu'est une espee nouvellement affilee, je perdroie 
 aujourd'huy un membre, & demain I'autre, & bien 
 tost je seroie tout destrench^ & mis en pieces. Mais 
 
APPENDIX 589 
 
 Dieu y a pourveu, qui a faict les langues de nos de- 
 tracteurs estre comme une espee de plomb, dens un 
 fourreau sanglant. Je ne desisteray done de poursuivre 
 mon entreprinse : je dy de mettre en lumiere, & la 
 seconde oraison, & les autres oeuvres, ou tous les jours 
 je travaille, dont auras bonne partie dens peu de temps : 
 Aydant le createur, que je supply, Lecteur candide, 
 te donner sa saincte grace. 
 
 Escript h Alengon le xii. d'Octobre. 1550. 
 
 — Or. fun. . . . deF.d'A., fol. 2 r° and v°. 
 
 LEGAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 AGREEMENT OF SAINTE-MARTHE WITH 
 
 JEAN DE TART AS. 
 
 Du 4"'» de decembre 1553. 
 A est6 present et personnellement estably maistre 
 Charles de Saincte-Marthe, maistre es arts, natif de 
 Fontevrault, diocese de Poictiers, et h present de- 
 meurant h, Bourdeaulx, au college de Guyenne, lequel 
 de son bon gr6 et volunte bien instruict de son faict, 
 ainsi qu'il a diet, a promis et promect par ces presentes 
 £l monsieur Maistre Jehan de Tartas, principal dudict 
 colliSge de Guyenne, illec present, pour luy, ses hoirs 
 et successeurs stippullant et acceptant, demeurer 
 dedans ledict colliege ou ailheurs oCl ledict coUiSge 
 sera seant tant en la presente ville que dehors d'icelle 
 pour I'espace d'un an comply, finy et revolu, commens- 
 sant le jourd'huy et finissant k mesme jour et terme 
 pour en icelluy colliege regenter et faire classe et regie 
 k composer et prononcer oraisons, dialogues, comedies 
 et lire publiquement, toute ainsi que le plaisir sera 
 dudict principal luy dire et commander, et auquel 
 
690 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 principal ledict de Saincte-Marthe a promis et sera 
 tenu obSyr et k son pouvoir servir en toutes chouses, 
 le honnorer et garder son profRct et honneur envert 
 et centre tons, et lui feviter, reveller et advertir son 
 dommaige, et en icelluy colliSge vivre quietement et 
 soy maintenir en humility scolastique et coll^giale, en 
 vertus et bonnes meurs, en I'horuieur de Dieu premiSre- 
 ment, dudict principal et dudict colliege, sans com- 
 mettre en diet, ny en faict, bandes, mutinemens, mono- 
 poles, ne aucune chouse scandaleuse, ne vitieuse, et 
 aussy sans dire, dfeclairer ne reveller k aucun dedans 
 ledict colliege, ne hors icelluy, la maniere de vivre, 
 faict et secret dudict colliege, et pour les gaiges, sallaires 
 et stipendies dudict de S'« Marthe, pour ledict an, 
 ledict mons. de Tartas lui a donni la somme de trente 
 cinq livres tournois, laquelle somme ledict de S'« 
 Marthe a confess^ avoir eue et receu entiferement 
 avant ces prfesentes dud. de Tartas, tant en robbes et 
 habilhemens que en or. 
 
 Archives Dipartementales de la Gironde. Garde-Note CorUat. 
 1533. 
 
 LETTERS PATENT, REAPPOINTING SAINTE- 
 MARTHE PROCURBUR GENERAL OF THE 
 DUCHY OF BEAUMONT. 
 
 Antoine, Due de Vendosme, et de Beaumont, Pair 
 de France, comte d'Armagnac, de Roddez, Couversan, 
 Marie et Soissons, Baron d'Epemoy, Mondoubleau, 
 Brou, Brion et Apurilly Surdan et Broye, — Seigneur 
 d'Anguien, d'oysy, de Ham, Bohain, — Beaureuoir, 
 Vendeuil, d'Ailly-sur-Noye, de dunkerke, Bourbourg, 
 Grauelines et Roddez en flandres, chastelain de I'lsle, 
 
APPENDIX 591 
 
 Gouverneur et Lieutenant general pour Monseigneur 
 le Roy ez pays de picardie Boulenois et Arthois. A 
 Tous ceux qui ces presentes lettres verront, Salut. 
 Comme par I'erection que faist feu Monseigneur le 
 Roy du Vicomt6 de Beaumont en Duchd, nostre def- 
 functe treshonor^e Dame et Mere, que Dieu absolue, 
 eust cree plusieurs offices pour I'administration de la 
 police et justice dudict Duche, et entre autres un pro- 
 cureur general lequel eust superintendance sur tous 
 et chacuns les autres procureurs, et lesquels procureurs 
 demeuroient comme substituds dudit procureur general, 
 nostre dicte deffuncte Dame et Mere eut pourueu 
 nostre Am 6 et feal Messire Charles de Sainte Martha, 
 Docteur es droites et retenu de son conseiL Par la 
 mort de laquelle ledict Duche de Beaumont nous seroit 
 escheu et tous les offices d'iceluy demeurez en nostre 
 disposition ; Scauoir f aisons que pour la bonne et entiere 
 confiance que nous avons de la personne dudict de 
 Saincte-Marthe, — et pour ces sens, suffisance, littera- 
 ture, fidellit^, et qu'il s'est bien et sans reprehension 
 gouvern^ audict estat, en consideration aussy des 
 services qu'il a faicts k nostre dicte feu dame et Mere 
 et esperons qu'il nous fera cy apres. Iceluy de Sainte 
 Marthe auons retenu et retenons en I'estat de nostre 
 Conseiller, et luy auons donne et confer^, donnons et 
 conferons par ces presentes, ledict office de procureur 
 general en nostre diet Duch6 de Beaumont aux gages de 
 six vingts liures par an. Sur Saonnye trente Liures, 
 sur chasteau Gontier vingt Liures, sur la flesche vingt 
 liures, sur Fresnay dix liures, et sur Beaumont dix 
 liures, qui est en tout six vingts liures payables k deux 
 termes. Scauoir est la Sainct Jean et Noel le premier 
 
592 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 payement commenQant a la feste de sainct Jean 
 prochain, venant. Pour d'Iceluy en iouir doresna- 
 vant a\ix droicts, esmolumens, franchises, preeminences 
 et libertez qui y appartient tant qu'il nous plaira. 
 Lequel procureur General voulons, intendons et nous 
 plaist auoir la superintendance sur tous nos autres 
 procureurs de nostre diet Duche, qui demeureront ses 
 substituds seulement en sorte qu'en sa presence ne 
 feronf estat ou exercise de procureur general des 
 affaires qui surviendront en nostredit Duch(5, chacun 
 en son endroit pour y estre par luy donn6 ordre, ou si 
 besoin est nous en advertir la part ou serons. Duquel 
 estat de procureur general ledit de Saincte Marthe a ce 
 Jourdhuy prest6 entre nos mains le serment en tel cas 
 requis et accoustum6. Si mandons a chacun de nos 
 Receveurs et fermiers de nostredit Duch6 de Beau- 
 mont presens et k venir, qu'ils ayent a payer audit de 
 Sainte Marthe la dicte somme de six vingts Livres selon 
 I'apreciation et cottite de chacun d'eux aux termes sus- 
 dicts, et rapportant par eux les presentes Lettres, ou 
 le vidimus d'icelles deuement coUatione avec quittance 
 dudict de Sainte Marthe, quand besoin sera. Les 
 sommes ainsy par eux payez audit de Saincte Marthe 
 leur seront allouez par les auditeurs de leurs comptes. 
 Ausquels mandons ainsy le faire sans difficult^. Car 
 tel est nostre plaisir. Mandons en outre i, nostre Am6 
 et feal conseiller, et seneschal de nostre dit Duche 
 et a ses Lieutenans avec lesquels voulons et nous plaist 
 ledit de Saincte Marthe, nostre con" et procureur 
 general, assister et participer a la vuidange des procez 
 civils et en leur absence tenir le siege et jurisdiction. 
 Et a nos autres Justiciers et ofSciers qu'il appartien- 
 
APPENDIX 593 
 
 dra, qu'ils fassent, laissent, et souffrent, facent kisser et 
 souffrir ledict de Sainte Marthe iouir et user pleine- 
 ment et paisiblement de I'effect de nosdictes presentes 
 comme nostre conseiller et procureur general. Non- 
 obstant toutes autres Icttres a ce contraires si aucunes 
 ont est 6 cydevant de nostre feu Dame et Mere ou de 
 nous obtenues : Lesquelles auons reuocquez et re- 
 vocquons par ces presentes, et Scellfes declarons de 
 nuUe valleur et effect. En tesmoing de ce nous auons 
 sign6 ces presentes de nostre main, et a scelles fait 
 mettre nostre seel. Don6 a la feire le septiesme jour 
 de Januier I'an 1550, sign6 Anthoine : et sur le reply 
 par Monseigneur le Due et pair de Valentiennes et scell 
 en queue double de cire rouge. 
 — Genealogie de la Maison de Sainte Marthe, fols. 
 27 v°-29 v°. 
 
 SAJNTE-MARTHE'S BRIEF IN RE THE ALIENATION 
 OP LANDS IN THE DUCHY OF BEAUMONT, AND 
 OTHER EXTRACTS FROM THE PROCES-VERBA UX 
 DES VENTES FAITES AU NOM. DU ROI, DES 
 LANDES DU MAINE, PAR SES COMMISSAIRES 
 FRANgOYS BOYLEVE, CONSEILLER AU PARLE- 
 MENT DE PARIS, ET JEAN TESTE, DIT DE 
 BRETAGNE, AVOCAT DU ROI, DANS LA VICOMTB 
 D'AUGE, 6 SEPT. -8 NOV. 1660. 
 
 8 novembre 1550, Fresnay. 
 
 Et ledit jour nous estans audit lieu de Fresnoy en 
 I'hostellerie ou nous estions logez accompaignez de 
 plusieurs personnes seroit venu par devers nous a I'issue 
 de notre disner ledit de Saincte-Marthe accompaigne 
 d'Aucuns qu'il disoit estre officiers dudit Seigneur de 
 2q 
 
594 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Vendosme et noiis a presents deux feulletz de pappier 
 scriptes sign6 de luy et de quelques autres signez 
 et nous a diet que estoit le plaidoye qu'il avoit faict 
 es jour precedent comme nous voullions procedder a 
 ladicte adjudecation desdictes landes, nous requerant 
 d'icelles faire lecture et ordonner I'icelluy estre insert et 
 transcript en nostre proems verbal; ce faict aurions 
 d'icelluy faict lecture et en faisant la lecture d'iceUuy 
 luy aurions remonstr6 que tout ce qui estoit transcript 
 n'avoit este par luy plaid6. lequel nous auroit diet que 
 ne luy aurions donn6 le loisir de le dire joinct la clameur 
 du grant peuple. . . . 
 
 18 novembre 1550, Fresnay. 
 
 De Sainte-Marthe retourne aupr^s de Boyl^ve, com- 
 missaire, pour lui dire que " la rature mise et appos^ 
 en la teste en marge de son diet plaidoye en laquelle il y 
 avoit ces motz : approbS en rature, dont il avoit appell6 
 n'estoit bien." 
 
 Ensuit la teneur dudit pIaidoy6, sign6 de Saincte- 
 Marthe. 
 
 Ce sont les remonstrances que faict a vous, messieurs 
 m™ Frangoys Boyleve, conseiller du roy nostre sire, 
 et Jehan Teste diet de Bretaigne, advocat dudit sei- 
 gneur en pays d'Auge, commissaires depputez par ledit 
 seigneur pour vendre les landes communes et terres 
 vacques des pays d'Anjou et du Maine, messire Charles 
 de Sainote Marthe, docteur es droictz, conseiller de 
 monseigneur le due de Vendosme et de Beaumont, per 
 de France, et procureur General dudit segneur due en 
 son duch^ de Beaumont pour empescher, pour et au 
 nom dudit seigneur due, Texecution de vostre dite 
 
APPENDIX 595 
 
 commission ' quant a la vente et allienation de terres 
 vacques, landes, et communes, seises et scitu^es en et 
 audedans dudit duche d6 Beaumont. 
 
 Et premierement. 
 
 Diet ledit procureur que les ducz d'Allengon quattre 
 ou cinq cens ans y a et davantagc ont tousjours est6 
 paisibles et pacificques possesseurs du vicont6 de Beau- 
 mont en propriety non contredicte ne limitt6 par les 
 deffunctz roys et sans jamais y avoir pretendu autre 
 droict que de souverainet6. 
 
 Et lequel viconte par partaige de succession est escheu 
 a deffuncte dame et princesse madame Frangoyse 
 d'Allengon, qui en a joy et us6 plainement et paisible- 
 ment comme diet est jusques a la mort ; de laquelle dame 
 ledit seigneur due est filz aisn6 et principal heritier. 
 
 Ce fut le bon plaisir du roy deffunt (que Dieu ab- 
 solve) en faveur de la maison de Vendosme, qui de pres 
 touche la couronne et qui a toujours est6 affects au 
 service d'icelluy, eriger ledict viconte en duchS par 
 laquelle erection touteffoys ne se reserva ledict seigneur 
 autre droict sur la propriety et possession dudit duch€ 
 fors la souverainete. 
 
 Item a faict ledit duch6 par ladicte erection exempts 
 des jurisdictions et ressortz des pays d'Anjou et du 
 Maine et renvoy6 imm^diatement a la Cour de Parlement 
 a Paris, en sorte que ledict duch6 n'est plusmembre de 
 I'un ne de I'autre desdicts pays d'Anjou et du Maine. 
 
 II est aussy, mesdits seigneurs, que le roy voullant 
 
 ' I.e. Letters of commission given the above named by 
 Henri II, St. Germain-en-Laye, August 28th and 29th, 
 1550, and Vend6me, March, 1550. 
 
596 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 tousjours user d'office de bon et Equitable prince sans 
 faire tort ne grief a aulcun de ses subjectz, n'a entendu 
 et n'entend par la teneur de votre commission faire 
 baillies, ventes ne allifeacion desdictes landes et com- 
 munes, terrfe vacques et semblables, sinon de celles 
 qui sont en son dommaine et qui luy appartiennent. 
 Touteffoys ainsi, messieurs, que ledit procureur a est6 
 adverty que vous auez faict publier las ventes des 
 landes et terres vacques communes de Sainct-Pater, 
 . du Grand et Petit-Bercon et Oysseau, en Tonnoy, Berus, 
 Ass6, Maresche et autres plusieurs landes et communes 
 lesquelles sont de I'encloz et appartenances dudit duch6 
 et des baronnyes de Tonnoys et de Fresnoy, membres 
 dudit duch6, desquelles soubz correction ne pourroit 
 estre faicte allienation sans I'evedent dommaige et ap- 
 partenances du roy. 
 
 Que si on voulloit dire que duchez, contez et ba- 
 ronnyes et generallement toutes les terres et seigneuries 
 sont et appartiennent audit seigneur per L. bene a lenone 
 c; de quador prestres (?), il est vray, et personne ne le 
 peult nyer, mays il s'entend quant a la protection, pour 
 ce que tout est en sa protection et sauvegarde (ut not. 
 glossa, in L. barbarus, ff. de ff. preside.) Item tout est 
 aussi a luy en tant que droict commung son intention 
 est bien fondle sur tout ce qui est dans son royaulme 
 et aux fins d'icelluy quant a la jurisdiction et sou- 
 verainet^; car il n'y a due, conte, baron ne seigneur 
 de qui ledit seigneur ne soit souverain personne, ne 
 jurisdiction que de luy; mais atribuer telle seigneurie 
 a la propriete et que ledit seigneur voullust dire que 
 tout est a luy a ce tiltre, ce seroit derogerau nom de 
 roy et seroit faire tort audit seigneur qui, comme 
 
APPENDIX 597 
 
 vray et bon roy, ne veult en riens fouUer ses subject/, 
 ains veult et entend justice leur estre faicte tant contre 
 luy que pour luy ; mais au contraire que lesdictes landes, 
 terres vacques et communes dudit duch6 ne soient en 
 propri6t6 audit due, qui le doubte? Ledict seigneur est 
 souverain, mays ledict due en demeure seigneur proprie- 
 taire (ut scribit, panor., in c. dilligenti, et ibidem Hostien. 
 de prescriptione) . 
 
 II y a davantaige que si mesmes lesdictes terres, landes, 
 et communes estoient "infra fines" dudit duch6 ainsy 
 que les landes et terres vacques des limites des forestz 
 sont aux seigneurs des foretz, aussy seroient elles 
 audit seigneur due et luy appartiennent toutes qui 
 y sont {ita scribit Paul, de castro, in I. I. ff. de acq. 
 possess, eo. Chas. seneus, In caus. burg, titre des mains- 
 mortes, ff. iiif). 
 
 Puisqu'ainsy est, par phis forte raison lesdictes 
 . landes et communes qui sont en et audedans dudit 
 duche appartiennent audit seigneur due. . . . {ratio 
 totius ad totum quae est partes ad partem; L, quae de 
 toto . . . de rei vendi). Si tout ledit duch6 est audit 
 due et que icelluy roy ne pretende rien, qui dira que les 
 nombres et les parties dudit duch6 ne soient aussy audit 
 seigneur due, et pour consequent quel droict y peult 
 pretendre le roy ? aussy a tresbien diet (valde, in. rubo. 
 c. de cont. empt. per. I. res sacra, ff. co. tit.) que toutes 
 terres et aultres choses vacques n'ayans particullier 
 seigneur de droict commung sont a celluy a qui le 
 territoire appartient. Puys done que ledit duch6 est 
 au seigneur due, qui vouldra dire que les terres vacques 
 du dedans dudit duch6 n'appartiennent audit seigneur? 
 
 Et ne pourroit pr^judicier audit seigneur due de 
 
598 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 dire que-lesdites terres, landes vacques et communes 
 sont usurp 6es par le populaire ; car ores qu'ainsi fust, 
 et a qui feroit ledit populaire tort, ou au roy qui n'a droict 
 en la propriety dudit duch6 et a qui lesdictes terres 
 n'appartiennent, ou audict seigneur due a qui ledit 
 duch6 et tout ce qui est en et au dedans d'icelluy appar- 
 tient ; mais les ducz d'AIlengon, vicomtes de Beaumont, 
 ont et6 princes si benings envers leurs pauvres sub- 
 jectz que pour les souUaiger et supporter de toutes 
 leurs puissances les souffroient et ont tousjours souffert 
 et permis user desdictes communes landes et terres 
 vacques et y nourrir des baistes pour eux ayder a vivre. 
 Que si Ton veult priver le peuple de ce b6n6fice, mectre 
 lesdictes terres en labeur et leur donner seigneur pro- 
 prietaire, et ne fault aller chercher autre seigneur d'elles 
 que ledict seigneur due, a qui elles doibvent retourner 
 comme a leur seigneur. 
 
 II y a plus, que d'aucunes desdites terres vacques 
 furent jadis en forestz, apartindrent aux vicontez de 
 Beaumont depuys et demeure le fond pour pasturages, 
 ou y a plusieurs vassaulx et subgetz dudit seigneur 
 due qui luy font certains debvoirs pour I'usaige desdites 
 terres vacques landes et communes et le rendant par, 
 declaration et adveu, ainsy qu'il sera monstr6 quant 
 besoing sera. 
 
 Si le roy faict en son nom alli^nation des dictes terres 
 et que, comme porte votre commission, les ecuz re- 
 tournez a ces receptes d'Anjou et du Maine, il donne 
 manifestement le dommaine dudit seigneur due et 
 interesse grandement la jurisdiction dudit duch6 contre 
 I'intention du feu roy son pere qui par ladicte erection 
 et par tous autres moyens desiroit eslever et advancer 
 
APPENDIX 599 
 
 ladicte maisbn de Vendosme comme le plus proche de 
 son sang, et dayantaige feroit aussi ledit seigneur 
 centre son intention et d&ir qui est de favoriser et 
 ayder audit seigneur due et a toute sa noble maison 
 et mesmes ne g6ner aucunes de ses subjectz tant petit 
 soit il. 
 
 Et ou touteffoys vous procedderiez a I'alifoation 
 desdictes landes, terres et communes qui sont de I'encloz 
 et du dedans dudit duch^, ledict seigneur, comme diet 
 est, diminuroit ledit dommaine et jurisdiction dudit 
 seigneur due et feroit inestimable dommaige a ses 
 subjectz qui est tout le contraire de I'intention dudict 
 seigneur contenue en votre commission. 
 
 Pour ses causes et autres raisons que d^diura ledict 
 procureur en temps et lieu, si mestier est, vous re- 
 quiert ledit procureur pour ledit seigneur due que 
 votre plaisir soit supperceder I'intention de ladicte 
 commission quant a la vente et allienation desdictes 
 landes, terres vacques, et communes estans en et au- 
 dedans dudict duch6 tant es baroimies de Saincte- 
 Suzanne, Chateau-Gontier, la Fleche, que de Tonnoys, 
 Fresnay et Beaumont jusques ad ce que ledict procu- 
 reur ait entendu les droictz dudit seigneur due. 
 
 Et ou vous, messieurs, ne vouldrez entendre aux 
 remonstrances dudit procureur, s'oppose ledit procureur 
 pour ledit seigneur due a la dicte execution et ventes 
 desdictes terres, et si, nonobstant son opposition, voullez 
 passer oultre sans avoir esgards a ses dictes remon- 
 strances, proteste d'en appeler et avoir son recours 
 au il appartiendra. 
 
 Pr&ente a mes diets seigneurs commissaires au lieu 
 de Fresnoy, le septiesme novembre mil cinq cens cin- 
 
600 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 quante. Ainsi signe: de Saincte-Marthe. Sign6: Boy- 
 leve. Ledit proces- verbal annex6 auec lesdictes lettres- 
 patentes ' soubz ung cordon de soye rouge et verd. 
 
 L'an mil cinq cans soixante quatre, le mardy qua- 
 triesme jour de juillet par nous Vincent Maupeou et 
 Jehan Angirart, notaires du roy nostre sire au chastellet 
 de Paris a este faicte collation des coppies tant des- 
 dictes lettres patentes que dudit proces-verbal cy de- 
 vant transcriptes, contenant ensemble deux cens 
 trois roolles estan comprins aux originaulx d'icelles 
 coppies escriptz en parchemin sains et entiers, ledit 
 original de proces verbal contenant trois cens trente 
 roolles de parchemyn dont le dernier escript a la 
 premiere paige seulement. 
 
 Maupeou. Angirart. 
 
 — Bibl. Mun. du Mans, 79, bis, fol. 199 r°-203 v°. 
 
 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO SAINTE-MARTHE. 
 
 Leon de Saincte More, dit de Monthozieh, Cheva- 
 lier DE l'ordre de sainct Jean de Hieeu- 
 SAiiEM, A Charles da Saincte Marthe, Salut. 
 
 Mon Voisin, ce qui m'induict k t'escrire est ta bien 
 reputfe renomm^e : & t'ayant entendu, en maints 
 lieux, ou as est 6 depuis ton departement de Poictiers, 
 de maints regrett6. Et nonobstant qu'as soubstenu 
 plusieurs adverses Fortunes, es pays loingtains, k toy 
 toutefoy prosperes: as est6 dernierement bien venu, 
 & mieulx receu, en ce tant honorable College de Lyon : 
 estant des scavants trouv6 capable, k la profession 
 publique, des quattre tant estim^es & utiles Langues, 
 Hebraicque, Grecque, Latine, & Gallicque : qui faict 
 
APPENDIX 601 
 
 foy certaine, que I'Eternel maintient continuellemeiit 
 en vertu ceulx qui bien I'ayment, & bien traictent 
 ses tant recommend^es paroUes : centre I'opinion & 
 sinistra jugement d'aulcuns. Si ton Pere, que je 
 cognoy, bien estime par ses Vertus & lettres, peut au 
 long estre adverty ta pergrination avoir est6 exerc6 
 en scavoir & louable vie : aura merveilleusement aggre- 
 able ton heureux & desir6 retour, faisant le debvoir 
 paternel. De tes Freres, ilz ne fauldront au naturel, 
 & deu command^, & te peux persuadder, que tu en 
 as aulcuns, desquels useras comme de toy: & qui ont 
 le desir (sans fiction) te secourir de tout leur pouvoir, 
 Je vouldroys entendre de toy, si as cette bonne volunt^. 
 d 'addresser partie de tes Oeuvres, & quelz, k ceste tant 
 honnorable Dame, Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes: 
 car suis certain, qu'il ne t'adviendra plus grand ad- 
 vancement d'honneur, n^ plus de plaisir k tes Amys, 
 que de faire present de chose louable, & aggreable, k 
 celle tant vertueuse & tresliberalle Princesse; en 
 laquelle est le pouvoir de donner moyen k ton scavoir 
 & affects desir : faire chose proflStable, & de grand' 
 efficace, k I'utilit^ publique: qui seroit perpetuelle 
 obligation envers tous. Fay moy scavoir du tout. 
 Je supply I'Eternel, nostre justificateur, & dateur de 
 toutes graces, nous conduire en spirituelle vie. D'hyeres 
 en Provence, Le xx de Juing, m.d.x.l. 
 
 — Livre de ses Amys. P. F., p. 227 et seq. 
 
 Rob. Bhit. Caeolo Samartano. S. D. 
 Recepisti te ad tuos : factum laudo : idem magno- 
 pere optamus : oia (otia ?) tn (tamen ?) prius experiri 
 certum est, atque id tentem, si csetera pree dignitate 
 
602 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 institutum persequamur : Scribes ad nos, & valetudini 
 servies. Tolosse, Septem. Id. Decern. 
 — Roberti Britanni . . . epistolarum libri tres, etc. 
 (1536), fol. 15 v°. 
 
 R. B. Carolo Sammakthano. S. D. 
 Te mihi ex memoria excidere non potuisse minims 
 est mirandtmi: cum prsesertim tecum jucundissime, 
 atque optatissimfe Burdigalae semper vixerim. lUud 
 est, quod satis mirari non possum, te adduci potuisse, 
 ut ne id aliquando accideret, metueres : sed hujus to- 
 tius dubitationis facilis est, ac per aperta, defensio, cum 
 tu a multis annis, neque ubi essem, teneres ; neque ego 
 ipse ubi ageres, satis exploratum h^berem. Quod vero 
 scribis mea reprehendi k multis, facile patior, ac fero 
 jam non molest!. Difficile enim est t<3 /xujucp ap^<TK€iv. 
 Et nos quoque aures defessas jam obtrectatorum pe- 
 tulantia habemus : qui nobis indies non soliun nocendi 
 voluntate, verumetiam multitudine & numero atque 
 ipso apparatu copiarum metum iniicere conantur. 
 Certum tamen est omnia perferre quae ferri poterunt: 
 sin me contumeliosius invadi ab istis atque opprimi 
 sensero, coUigam me & quantum mens patietur pudor, 
 istis modice tantum, quantum satis est, respondebo. Te 
 co-optatum in collegium theologorum summ! est 
 gratum, ut esse debet : jucundius etiam quoque tuus 
 ille in explecanda divina & prsestantissima arte labor, 
 non solimi caeterarum rerum, quae sunt laudabiles, & 
 magnopere expetendse, verumetiam honoris & gloriee 
 fructus uberrimos capiat. De me autem quid dicam? 
 Tu quidem me non mediocriter inflammasti studio 
 imitandi tui, cum patriam adiisti. Nescio quo pacto 
 
APPENDIX 603 
 
 id unum cogito, omissis cseteris studiis qua sunt amplis- 
 sima. Et gestio quodammodo ws ovSlv yXvKiov t^s 
 •n-arpioos ovSe toktjoiv yLyvtran} Ac brevi, ut spero, te 
 videbimus. Roulleto, si modo est Pictavi, salutem a 
 me dicito : ad quern scripsissem, si esse istic certo 
 scissem. Vale. 
 — Roh. Britanni . . . epistolarum, libri duo (1540), 
 fols. 6 v" et seq. 
 
 R. B. Carolo Sammarthano. S. D. 
 
 Etsi magis tuam de his, qusB superioribus litteris 
 petii, sententiam expectabam, quam ut te lacessere 
 novis deberem, tamen cum ad te proficisceretur homo 
 utriusque nostrum studiosissimus, tui vero etiam amore 
 praecipue inflammatus, non potui ad te nihil literarum 
 dare. De meis rebus statues, ut proxime ad te scripsi. 
 Quiquid ages, tarn erit gratum quam quod gratissimum. 
 Dictaturam tibi gratulor. Luculentus iste tuus honor 
 me indies magis ac magis reficit. Vale. Burdig. IIII. 
 id. Oct. 
 
 — Ibid. fol. 8 r°. 
 
 Rob. B. Carolo Sammarthano. S. D. 
 
 Scribis ad me te summo, incredibilique honore ac 
 studio k Rege & illius sorore probatissima & lectissima 
 muliere Margareta exceptum fuisse. Quod mihi qui- 
 dam per quam jucundum fuit. Non solum quia te 
 propter ingenii amplitudinem honore semper dignis- 
 simum duxi verumetiam quod consuetudinem & 
 vitam & politiss. sermones considerans tuos, reficior 
 quodammodo, & recreor, cum ea tibi contigisse audio 
 » Odyssey, i, 35. 
 
604 CHAELES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 quae optimo cuique & modestissimo propter virtutem 
 & constantiam omnium consensu tribui sclent. 
 
 Me quidem istud multtma delectavit, ut etiam erat 
 necesse, sed illud multo magis, quod te idem Rex 
 honorifice nee minus humaniter ad sacrarum profes- 
 sionem literarum invitavit, additis ad compensandos 
 gloriosos labores uberrimis & honestiss. stipendiis. 
 Ilia est professio plena existimationis, dignitatis, 
 gratise, eaque non solum hominibus, quod ipsum 
 tamen est magnum, verumetiam, quod multo est maius, 
 divinae providentise conciliamur. Quod me hortaris 
 ut huic studio me dedam, facio equidem sedulo, facturus 
 tamen accuratius & studiosius, posteaquam videbor 
 satis magnos progressus in grsBca literatura fecisse. 
 At stulte, inquies, quod hanc levissimam, illius gravis- 
 simae & fructuosissimae causa, negligas. Minime sane, 
 neque enim id facio, ut iUam hujus causa relinquam : 
 neque id ferendum uUo modo puto. Sed quoniam 
 videor illi commodius satisfacturus hac cognita, ali- 
 quanto plus temporis in hoc quern in illo studio ponere 
 decrevi, qu6d cum fecero tum me ad Theologiam 
 quasi ad tutum atque optatissimum portum curarum 
 & soUicitudinum omnium revocabo. De negocio meo 
 quod scribis laudo. Nam id ita fieri maxime optabam, 
 idque in rem etiam meam in primis fore videbatur. 
 Quod tamen ut ne negligas te etiam atque etiam rogo : 
 fortasse si ita erit commodum ad vos contendemus 
 propediem rectS Lutetiam petituri. Ac tum libere 
 inter nos irai/ra irepi iravTws. Libellum sacrum de 
 quo simul mentionem fecisti, vehementissime exopto, 
 dabis ilium ad nos simul atque erit editum. De 
 nobis nihil aliud possum scribere nisi iUud, quod 
 
APPENDIX 605 
 
 paulo ante posui me indies Lutetiam cognitare, sed 
 varii de bello rumores metum afferunt, vix posse quod 
 mihi proposui efSci : nos tamen suo tempore omnia. 
 Extremum est, quod cupis scire, sit ne verum illud, 
 quod nos de Durasii morte dissipatur, scito ilium esse 
 Burdigale & florere valetudine ita, ut nunquam magis : 
 sed arbitror homines non infacetos neque omnino illi- 
 teratos id continue disseminasse, quod is nuper caussa 
 accederit. De uxore erat controversia, nunc quia ab 
 ilia spe, quam sibi proposuerat quamque tantopere 
 amplectebatur, est dejectus, id circo eum mortuum 
 fingunt. Scitum est n. illud Catonis, & tibi opinor 
 minime inauditum, animum amantis in alterius corpore 
 vivere. Commendarem tibi tabelarium, nisi hunc 
 eruditio & ingenium, & mehercule etiam humanitas, 
 qute in eo est maxima, satis commendare. Is nostri 
 Gouveani est frater. Tuas literas Corderio & Zebedeo 
 reddidi. Cupido ad nos scribas quam ssepissime: 
 nos quidem si manebimus neque enim, ut dixi, quic- 
 quam adhuc certi habeo, te crebitate, etiam & ver- 
 bositate literarum obruemus. Vale. 
 
 — Ibid., fol. 12r"ei seq. 
 
 DioNTsrus Caeolo Sammaetano. S. P. D. 
 Etsi ego minus idoneus sum, qukxa ut meis Uteris 
 levamen aliquod tibi affere possim, propterea quod & 
 literae mese non sunt feius modi, quae id possint efEcere 
 & ipse tuis incommodis ita sum effectus ut magis con- 
 solationem egere qu^m tibi eam adhibere posse videar, 
 attamen quia vi temporum & calamitatum concursu 
 labefactatus animus minus sua quam aliena videt 
 judicatque, volui pauca hsec ad te scribere, quibus & 
 
606 CHARLES DB SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 meus in te amor qualis esset, agnosceres, & meum fidelis- 
 simum amantissimumque consiilum tibi homini mei 
 amantissimo non deesset. Dolui, Sammarthane caris- 
 sime, ubi te in tarn graue discrimen adductum accepi, 
 quo vita tua periclitaretur, sed dolore pcenae contabui, 
 quod de religione male sentire te aiebant, & haereticorum 
 opiniones erroneas obfirmato animo sustinere. Verdm 
 cum literas tuas nepos meus mihi reddidisset, gavisus 
 sum cum ex iis, turn ipsius verbis intellexissem melius 
 qu^m dudum ac liberius agere futurumque ut breui, 
 sopitis calumniis, liber omnino dimittare. Nam cum 
 te sanctorum patrum vestigiis inhaerentem senatus 
 deprehenderet esse etiam ex eo ordine, qui tibi adhuc 
 morbi reliquiis laboranti sumptus ad victum neces- 
 sarios subministrarent, dum videlicet manifestius 
 innocentia tua (quod brevi futurum est) comprobetur. 
 Unde, mi Sammarthane, te hortor, & pro mutua nostra 
 beneuolentia rogo, ut talem te praestes, quem nulla 
 opinio mala unquam k firmitate sinceritateque fidei 
 Catholicae, nee ulla tribulatio k mentis statu et viri 
 sapientis dignitate possit dimovere. Id autem scribo 
 non tam de tua constantia diffidens, quam confidens 
 te quicquid perscripserim boni aequique pro ea quae 
 mihi tecum intercedit beneuolentia charitateque con- 
 sulturum. Faciet Deus qui est moerentium consolator 
 ut liber ad nos quam citissim^ revertatis. Interea vero 
 da operam ut conualescas, tui Dionysii memor. 
 
 Tharascone. Vndecimo Calend. Julias, 1540. 
 
 — Chronologia Sanctorum et aliorum Virorum Illus- 
 trium ac Abbaium Sacrm Insula Lerinensis, etc., 
 p. 327. 
 
APPENDIX 607 
 
 Anto. Arlerius Carolo Samarthano. 
 
 Quibus agiteris fortunfe ventis, tuis Uteris novimus : 
 quamquam in verbi charitate et rerum tuarum famili- 
 arum exercearis. Quorum et si hsec propria et pe- 
 culiaris philosophantibus est, illam vero te in portum 
 directuram puta. Ego autem, mi Samarthane, me tibi 
 adjutorem darem, ni cogerer Aulam de proximo pro- 
 ficisci, Regi Christianissimo gratias acturus, quod me, 
 si nesciias, munere Senatoris apud Taurinenses dona- 
 verit. Vulueritque me etiam num Prosenescallum 
 Arelatensem perpetuo esse. Ad quod viaticum, equos, 
 vestes, et famulatus, quia non suppetunt, aere alieno 
 obstringar oportet. Ecce quomodo infelici egestate 
 constitutus, cogar, dissimulata paupertate, prodire in 
 Regiam, amicos interpellare, et tibi omnium optimo 
 negare, quae alias essem ultro prsestiturus. Vale, 
 et a me literas propediem e Valensia expecta. Ex 
 urbe Arelati, Calendis Januariis. 
 
 Quod ornamentum nomini nostro doctissimis tuis 
 scriptis addideris, placet id quidem mihi, aliquando 
 curaturo, nee te vigilias prcestitisse pceniteat. 
 
 — Unpublished. Cf. p. 71, n. 1. 
 
 VERSES ADDRESSED TO SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 LINES BY DENYS FAUCHER. 
 
 Ad Carolum Samarthanum. 
 Quas in me innumeras, amice, laudes 
 Et preeconia congeris tuo tam 
 Suavi carmine docto et eleganti 
 Dum mecum tacita reuoluo mente, 
 Ni nossem quis ego siem, repentfe 
 
608 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 Tanto auctore mihi suasus ipse 
 
 lam pulchellus homo viderer, ad me 
 
 Sed sensi rediens tuis camcenis 
 
 Me affectum variS, timore partim 
 
 Partim Isetitia, timore nempS 
 
 ExLn afficior, quod immerentem 
 
 Dum laudas studiosius, tuisque 
 
 Plimiis conspicuum exhibere amicum 
 
 Contendis, videare me periculo 
 
 Non paruo obiicere, ut si opinionem 
 
 De me, non queo sustinere tantam, 
 
 Perfusus nimio pudore sannas 
 
 Et risum incipiam movere, ut olim 
 
 Comix, quando aliarum inepta plumis 
 
 Exornata auium cupit Venusta 
 
 Et decore nimis cupit videri. 
 
 Id sed mi placuit pii Sodalis 
 
 Quod propensa mihi patet voluntas 
 
 Et dulcis patet hinc fidele amici 
 
 Erga me studium, patet fidelis 
 
 Et optatus amor, tuos qui ocellos 
 
 Ne possis liquido videre verum 
 
 PrsBstringens facit ut pusilla false 
 
 Ausis iudicio sestimare summa, 
 
 Tanquam si ex ocularibus specillis 
 
 Pigmeum aspicias repente factum 
 
 Gigantum, facile tibi sed istam 
 
 Condone facile pioque amico 
 
 Culpam, in quam nimio te amore ductum 
 
 Incidisse liquet ; tamen caveto 
 
 Cum sis iudicio acri et Expolito 
 
 Ad unguem, numeris tuis Venustis 
 
APPENDIX .609 
 
 Indignum me oneres magis quam honores 
 Dum te laudibus extulisse credis 
 Ridendumque aliis magis propines. 
 -Dionysii Faucherii monachi varium Poema, in the 
 Chronologia Sanctorum, etc. (pp. 373 et seq.), p. 439. 
 
 LINES BY GILBERT DUCHEB. 
 
 Ad C. Smaetanum. 
 
 Exhauriamus csecuba cantharis, 
 Smartane, uastis, prolue Massico 
 Jam labra Isetus : nee recuses 
 Nunc Thasio indere Coa uino. 
 
 Mauors Cruoris nostri auidus iacet 
 Tandem reuinctus compede ferrea. 
 Bellona fraternse quieti 
 Addita deposuit furorem. 
 
 Pax nunc triumphat curribus aureis 
 Euecta, diues Gallia sordidam, & 
 Multo situ contaminatam 
 Exilio misero euocauit. 
 
 Hispanijs nunc Gallia iungitur 
 Faustis Leonoras auspicijs modo 
 Cum prole utrisque expetitam 
 Vitam agitare sua licebit. 
 
 Ergo procellas solicitudinum 
 Tristesque mentis pellere turbines 
 Tempus uidetur, candide atros 
 Laetitse excipiant dolores. 
 ■Gilherti Ducherii Vultonis Aquapersani, Ejngram- 
 maton libri duo, p. 116. 
 
 2r 
 
610. CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 Ad C. Smaetanum. 
 Mnemosynes natis, ipso uel AppoUine dignos 
 
 Accepi uersus, docte poeta, tuos. 
 Qui licet hoc habeant, quod rari fortS poetse 
 
 Prsestiterint, mundos cum gravitate sales : 
 Attamen hoc unum nulla rations probarim, 
 
 Conferri me ade6 uatibus egrigijs. 
 Nasoni qu6d Ducherium praeponis, ut ilia 
 
 Vergilio sequalem conditione putes : 
 Quam sit ridiculum, Smartane, &, mehercule falsum: 
 
 Hie criticus poteras, Censor & esse tibi. 
 Nam te apud ut mihi sim, non prseco, at uerus Apelles, 
 
 Peniculoque meo me aptius effigiem : 
 At myrthum insuanis ieiunum eructo poema 
 
 Mopsopio passim dulcius amne fluis. 
 Phoebus es, & Pheobo tibi si me confero, fiam 
 
 Protinus extracta Marsya pelle tuus. 
 
 — Gilberti Ducherii VuUonis Aqvupersani, Epigramr 
 
 maton libri duo, p. 116. 
 
 LINES BY VULTEIUS. 
 Ad Car. Marthanum. 
 Vis tibi dem nummos, longe es me ditior ipso. 
 
 Esset id in longum mittere ligna nemus. 
 Vis gemmas ? digiti gemmarum pondere sudant, 
 
 Lucet in articulis gemma nee ulla meis. 
 Vis libros ? NuUos habeo quin te putem habere : 
 
 Nam mea perpaucos bibliotheca capit. 
 Vis vestes? nequeo nam tantum possideo unam 
 
 Qua brevis est, humeris nee satis apta tuis. 
 Vis pectus ? tibi pectus habes prius ipsi dicatum. 
 
 Quid dem igitur, nisi dem, me dare posse nihil? 
 
 — Joan. Vulteii Rhemi Inscriptionwm libri duo, etc., 
 
 fols. 45 r° and v° 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 SECTION I 
 
 Works of Chables de Saintb-Marthe. 
 
 1538. A Latin epigram : Caroli Smartani Phakucium 
 ad Ducherium. Included among the Epigram- 
 mata amicorum in Gilherti Ducherii Vultonis 
 Aquapersani epigrammaton libri duo. Apud Seb. 
 Gryphium, Lugduni, 1538. Bib. Nat. Yc.8222. 
 1540. La Poesie Fran\coise de Charles de \ Saincte 
 Marthe na\tif de Fonte\wault en Poictou. Di- 
 ms ee en I trois | Livres. \ Le tout address e \ h tres- 
 ' noble & tresill\ustre, Princesse \ Madame la 
 Du\chesse d'Estampes & Contesse de \ Poinctievre. 
 I Plus, I Un Livre de ses Amys. \ Imprime h Lyon 
 I Ms le Prince \ MDXL. 8°, 237 pp. Bib. Nat. 
 R^s. Py.l93. Without typographical marks, 
 privilege, or acheve d'imprimer.'- 
 The main divisions of this volume are as follows : 
 pp. 3-6 : Epistre a tresillustre et tresnoble Princesse 
 Madame la Duchesse d'Estampes & Contesse de 
 Poinctievre. Charles de saincte Marthe son 
 tresobeissant rend humble Salut. 
 
 1 Re reprints of various poems contained in this 
 volume, cf. pp. 102 note 3, 117 note. 2, 241 note 4, 250, 
 253 note 1; several were also reprinted by VioUet-le- 
 Duc, Catalogue de . . . la Bibl. poUique de, Vol. II, pp. 
 207-209. 
 
 611 
 
612 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 pp. 7-80 : he Premier Livre de la Poesie Francoise 
 
 de Charles de Saincte Marthe, contenant les 
 
 Epigrammes. 
 pp. 81-112 : Le second Livre de la Poesie Francoise 
 
 de Charles de Saincte Marthe, contenant Rondeaux, 
 
 Balades & chant Royauls^ (sic). 
 pp. 113-124 (sic; actually 224) : Le Tiers Livre de 
 
 la Poesie Francoise de Charles de Saincte Marthe, 
 
 contenant Epistres & Elegies (including Errata, 
 
 pp. 222-224). 
 pp. [225J-237 : Le Livre de ses Amys. Contents as 
 
 follows : 
 p. 227 (sic; actually 226) : A Monsieur le Secretain 
 
 D'avenson, Charles de Saincte Marthe. 
 pp. 226 (sic; actually 227) -228 : Leon de Saincte 
 
 More, dit de Monthozier, Chevalier de I'ordre de 
 
 sainct lean de Hierusalem, A Charles de Saincte 
 
 Marthe. 
 
 pp. 229-237 : Poems by Bigot, Dolet, Sceve, 
 
 P. de Marillac, Exupire de Claveyson, 
 
 Tolet, Maurice Chausson, Jean Roboam, 
 
 Jean Benac, A. de Villeneuve, Charles Dupuy 
 
 & "Le Chevalier Grenet." 
 
 1543. In \ Psalmum \ Septimum et Psal\mum xxxiii 
 
 Para | phrasis per Caro \ lum Smarthanum \ Fonte- 
 
 hralden \ sem, L V. Doc. | Lugduni, \ apud Prind- 
 
 pem 1543. Between the title and the publisher's 
 
 name is the following legend : " Disces hinc Lector, 
 
 in periculis & angustiis omnibus Deo fidere: & 
 
 1 The Errata directs that the words " chant Royaulx" 
 be stricken out. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 613 
 
 lis liberatus, gra|tias ei agere: disces inquam 
 paraphrastse exemplo | qui hssc, in carcere uinctiis, 
 Jesu Christi meditatus est." pet. 8°, 215 pp. 
 Without privilege. Without typographical mark 
 on title-page. On last page, typographical mark 
 no. 616, Silvestre (Marques typographiques . . . des 
 libraires et imprimeurs, etc.). Bib. Ste. Genevieve 
 no. B. 1515.' Contents as follows : 
 
 p. 2 ; Errata addressed Candida lectori. 
 pp. 3-16 : Dedicatory letter : Joanni Galberto 
 Gratianopoli Allobrogunt regio Senatori modis 
 omnibus absolute. 
 pp. 17-133 : Caroli Smartani Fontebraldensis I. 
 V. Doct., in Psalmum Septimum Paraphrasis. 
 pp. 134-143 : Dedicatory letter : C. Smartanus 
 Joanni Auansonio apud Gratianopolim regio 
 Senatori amplissimo & doctissimo. 
 p. 144 : Epigram : Ad Faysanum apud Gratiano- 
 polim Senatorem et Theod. Muletum in eod. 
 Senatu Advocatum regium, Smartanus. 
 
 ' There is also a copy in the possession of M. Arthur 
 Labb6 of Chitellerault. (C/. p. 161, n. 1.) The Gini- 
 alogie de la Maison de Sainte-Marthe notes, fol. 22 v°: 
 "Tant y a que ceste paraphrase (Ps. xxxiij) et la sep- 
 tiesme sont raport^es et cities par Andreas Schotus, 
 Jesuite d' Amiens au traits qu'il a fait des Interpretes de 
 la S. Escriture ou des livres de la Bible, et au denombre- 
 ment et particulier des Autheurs qui ont traits des para- 
 phrases particulierfes sur des Psaulmes comme sont les 
 Doctes Cardinaux Sadolet, Contaren & autres. Get ouv- 
 rage fut imprim^ k Cologne, 1618." I have been unable 
 to find and consult the work of Schott in question. 
 
614 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHB 
 
 pp. 145-204: Caroli Smartani Fontebraldensis 
 I. V. Doc, in Psalmum xxxiii Paraphrasis. 
 
 pp. [205]-[211]: Index insigniorum materiarum 
 in hisce Paraphrasibus contentarum. 
 
 pp. [212]-[214] : Epistola Apologetica (so on 
 headings of pages only). C. Smarthanus F. 
 Lvdovico Furnaeo Jacobitae, theologo. 
 1543. Presumably the last three of the five dizains 
 attributed to Sainte-Marthe in Les questions prob- 
 lematiques du pourquoy d'amours, nouvellement 
 traduict d'italien en langue frangoyse par Nicolas 
 Leonique (Thome), poete frangoys; avecq ung petit 
 livre contenant le nouvel amour, invent e par le 
 seigneur Papillon; et une epistre dbhorrant folle 
 amour; par Climent, Marot . . . aussi plusieurs 
 dixains a ce propos de Saincte Marthe. M.D.XLIII. 
 On les vfind h Paris ... a I'enseigne de lescu de 
 France par Alain Lotrian, pet. in 8°; 40 fols., un- 
 paginated, with woodcuts. (The description is 
 Brunet's; I have not seen this volume.) The 
 dizains were reprinted in the same year and again 
 in 1546 with Papillon's Le Nouvel Amaur. Papil- 
 lon's poem and its accompaniments is to be seen 
 in the Library of Congress (no. 41 Office), bound 
 with a 1544 edition of Alaigre's translation from 
 Guevara : Le Mepris de la Cour. As is shown by 
 its Imprimeur au Lecteur (dated 1546), no less than 
 by its pagination (it begins at fol. 161), it is not an 
 integral part of this volume, otherwise impaginated, 
 but was taken from some other collection, probably 
 the 1546 edition of Le Mepris de la Cour, which 
 included Le Nouvel Amour. It was, however, 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 615 
 
 actually reprinted in the same form with Le 
 
 Mespris de la Cour in 1549 and again in 1568. 
 
 In the Congressional Library copy, the dizains 
 
 appear on fols. 178 v°-179 v°, of Le Nouvel 
 
 Amour invente par le Seigneur Papillon. Item 
 
 une epistre en abhorrant folle amour, par Clement 
 
 Marot, varlet de chambre du Roy. Item plvr- 
 
 sieurs dixains h ce propos de S. Marthe, and are 
 
 entitled : 
 
 Fol. 178 v° : Dizain de I'autheur & d'amour. 
 
 Ibid. ; De luy et de Venus. 
 
 fol. 179 r° : De folle amour. 
 
 Ibid. : Autre. 
 
 fols. 179 v° : Autre Dizain de Cupido. 
 
 Of these the first and second, the former a trans- 
 lation from Petrarch, are, as we have seen, Salel's. 
 Cf. p. 196, note. 
 1550, March. In obitum incompa\rabilis Margarita, 
 Illustrissime \ Nauarroru Reginm, Oratio funebris, 
 per I Carolum Sanctomar\thanum eiusdem Reginx 
 I {dum ilia viveret) | apvd Aleconienses Consiliaru, 
 & I Supplicum libellorum magistrum. \ Accessere 
 I Eruditorum aliquot virorum eiusdem Re\ginw 
 Epitaphia. \ Parisiis, | Ex oficina Reginaldi Cal- 
 derij | & Claudij eius filij. \ M.D.L. 4°, 147 pp. 
 On title-page, typographical mark no. 432, SiU 
 vestre. Boimd with French version. Bib. Nat. 
 L'k. 1149. Contents as follows: 
 pp. [2]-4 : C. Sanctomarthanus lectori candido S., 
 
 dated Idibus Martiis 1650. 
 pp. 5-136 : In Obitum Reginq Nauarrce, funebris 
 
 Oratio. 
 
616 CHARLES DB SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 pp. 137-[146] : Eruditorum aliquot, in eandem re- 
 
 ginam Epitaphia, i.e. 
 p. 137: Matthmi Paci, JurisconsuUi. 
 p. 138 : Aliud ejusdem. 
 
 p. 139 : eis rr)V tou tjipayKicTKOv PaxriKiuK 'aSfX<l)Ov 
 MapyaptVas Tt6v7]iaja,v, laxwySos TonruKoi larpo'S. 
 ds T^v avTrjv. 
 p. 140 : Petri Mirarii Dialogus. Regina Nauarrm 
 
 & Poeta interlocutor es. 
 p. 141 : Antonii Armandi Massiliensis. 
 
 Renati Sanctomarthani. 
 p. 142: Petri Martelli Alencon. ejusdem Regince 
 Secretarij. 
 
 Car. Sanctomarthani I. V. Doct., Dialogus. 
 p. 144: Aliud] 
 
 Aliud } presumably by Sainte-Marthe. 
 Aliud i 
 p. 145 : Aliud. Margaridi vocem, etc' Cf. Ap- 
 pendix, p. 549. 
 
 Huberti Sv^sancei. 
 p. [146] : Epitaphia. Inscribebat Comes Ahirunxs. 
 p. [147] : Privilege, dated xviij Calend. Maij . . . 
 M.D.L. Sig. de Launay. 
 1550, March. A sonnet : De la Paixfaicte par le Roi avec 
 les Anglois. Included in the Ode de la Paix par 
 Pierre de Ronsard. Vendomois, Au Roi. Guil- 
 laume Cavellat, 1550, cit. P. Laumonier, Chro- 
 nologie et varianies des poesies de Pierre de Ronsart, 
 Rev. d'Hist. Litt., 1904, p. 436 et seq., who gives 
 
 • Reprinted in the Tombeau de Marguerite, de Valois, 
 Royne de Navarre, p. 170. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 617 
 
 a full description of the volume. It is in no public 
 library in France. There is a copy in the library 
 of the Baron J. de Rothschild (c/. Picot, Catalogue) 
 and another in that of M. Laumonier. 
 1550, April. Oraison funebre | del' incomparable \ Mar- 
 guerite, Royne de | Navarre, Duchesse d'Alencon. 
 Compos ee en latin, par Charles de | Saincte Marthe : 
 & traduicte par \ luy, en langue Francoise. \ Plus \ 
 Epitaphes de ladicte Dame: par aulcuns Poetes \ 
 Francois. | Icy est le mirouer des Princesses. | Im- 
 prime h Paris par Regnault Chauldierete. Claude 
 son fils, le vingtiesme d'Ap\uril, 1650. \ Auec 
 Priuilege du Roy, pour six ans. 4°, 148 pp. On 
 title-page typographical mark no. 1142, Silvestre. 
 Bib. Nat., 
 
 f L k 1149. Bound with Latin version. 
 ( L k 1150. Bound separately. 
 Contents as follows : 
 fol. Aj v° : Privilege. Dated le xiiij d'Apvril 1550. 
 
 Sig. de Launay. 
 fols. Aij r°-Aiiij v° A Treshaultes et Tresillustres 
 Princesses Mes Dames Marguerite de France Sceur 
 unique du Roy : & Jheanne, Princesse de Nauarre, 
 Duchesse de Vendosmois. (Cf. Appendix, p. 550 
 et seq.) 
 pp. 1-125 : Oraison funhbre de la Mart De I'incom- 
 parable Marguerite Royne de Navarre & Du- 
 chesse d'Alengon. Reprinted by Anatole de 
 Montaiglon in his ed. of the HeptamSron, Paris, 
 Eudes, 1880, Vol. I, pp. 21-130.' 
 
 ' My references are to this reprint, except in quotations 
 from the Dedication, which is not reproduced by Mont- 
 aiglon. 
 
618 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 p. 126 (actually 127, 126 being blank) : Epitaphes 
 de plusieurs doctes personnes, sur le trespas de 
 ladicte Royne de Navarre, i.e. 
 M. du Vol Evesqtte de Saix. 
 M. Heroet. 
 p. 128: M. I. Frotte Secretaire du Roy & iadis 
 des Finances de ladicte Royne, h. I'Esprit d'icelle. 
 Chant funebre de Lays de Saincte Marthe, 
 Procureur du Roy au pais de Lodunois. 
 p. 130: Par un secretaire de ladicte Royne. 
 
 Du mesme. 
 p. 131 : Du mesme. 
 Du mesme. 
 p. 141 {sic, actually 132) : Sonnet de I. M. 
 p. 142 {sic, actually 133) : Aultre du Mesme. 
 
 Par A.D. Damoyselle Parisienne, Sonnet.^ 
 p. 132 {sic, actually 134) : D'elle mesme. 
 
 De ladicte Dame, par Auteur incertain. 
 p. 135 : Pierre des Mireurs. 
 p. 145 (sic, actually 136) : Du Mesme. 
 
 Epitaphe du cueur de ladicte Dame par le 
 dessusdict. 
 p. 137 (correct) : C. D. S. M. (Sainte-Marthe). 
 p. 132 {sic, actually 138) : Aultre. 
 Prosopee de la Terre. 
 Aultre, tourn^ du latin, 
 p. 139 (illegible) : A DamoiselU Renee Laudier 
 d'Alencon, Sonnet. 
 1550, May. Five Latin poems included in the volume en- 
 titled : Annm, Margarita, I anas, Sororum Virginum 
 
 ^ This " sonnet " has 12 lines, arranged ababbobcc 
 dcd. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 619 
 
 Hercndum Anglarum; In mortem Diuce Margaritm 
 Valesim, Navarrorum Regince, Hecatodistichon. 
 Accessit Petri Mirarij ad easdem virgines Epis- 
 tola; unh cum, doctorum aliquot virorum Carmini- 
 bus. Parisiis ex officina Reginaldi CaMerij & 
 Claudij eius filij, anno salutis 1660 cum Priiri- 
 legio. Bib. Nat. R6s. Pyc. 1215. 
 Their titles are: 
 
 1. Caroli Sanctomarthani lur. Vtr. Doct. ad 
 
 Gallos. Cur tam pauci- poetce Galli Reginam 
 Nauarrm laudant. p. 135 et seq. 
 
 2. MargaritoeReg. Nav. Tumulus per C. S} p. 142. 
 
 13. Spiritus Reginm ad Viatorem. C. S. 
 4. Eiu^dem C. S. Cur tam pauci poetce Galli 
 Reginam Navarrce laudant. p. 144. 
 5. Pro Gallis Poetis, responsio per eundem. p. 145. 
 The other contributors in their order are: 
 Denisofr; Pierre des Mireurs; Matth. Pac; Daurat; 
 Valentina Alsinsoia (wife or daughter of Denisot ?) ; 
 Baif, a Greek epigram; Goupil, two Greek poems; 
 Ren. Sane. (Ren6 de Sainte-Marthe) ; Louis de 
 Sainte-Marthe ; Mart. Brionsei Parisensis ; (Martial 
 de Brionne) ; Gerard Denisot; Mathur. Dod; 
 Daurat ; Pierre des Mirreurs. 
 1550, June. In Psalmum \ nonagesimum pia ad \ mo- 
 dum & Christiana \ Meditatio, | PerCarolumSancto\ 
 marthanum Fontebraldensem. I.V.D. S. 1. n. d. 
 True title-page apparently lacking, pet. 8°, 55 
 fols. Without typographical marks or privilbge. 
 Bib. Mazarine, no. 23433. 
 
 ' Reprinted with two additional lines in the Tombeau 
 de Margwrite de Valois Royne de Navarre, p. 160. 
 
620 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MABTHB 
 
 Contents as follows : 
 Fols. 2 r°-4 r° : Dedicatory letter. Carolus Sancto- 
 
 marthanus Gastono Olivario Mancii domino. S. D. 
 Fol. 4 v°. Blank. 
 Fols. 5 r°-7 r° : Ejusdem Psalmi Argumentum per 
 
 eundem. 
 Fols. 7 v° and 8 r° and v°. Blank. 
 Fols. 9 r°-50 v° : In Psalmum XC jria admodum 
 
 et consolatoria meditatio paraphrastica, per Car. 
 
 Sanctomarthanum I.V.D. 
 Fols. 51 r°-51 v° : P. Mirarii ad Lectorem exhortatio. 
 
 Remainder unpaginated. 
 Fols. giiij r"-[gvi] r° : Index Rerum Memorabilium 
 
 in hoc Meditatione contentarum. Litterce A. B. 
 
 pag. indicant. 
 Fols. [gvj] v°-[gvij] v° : Ca. Sandomarthanus F. Gab. 
 
 Pidherbeo, Sodali Fontehraldensi. Dated Lute- 
 
 tisB, 13 Calend. Julias, 1550. 
 Fol. [gvij] : Petri Musonii ad Pium Lectorem Epi- 
 
 gramma. 
 1550, Oct. Oraison fun\ebre sur le ires\pas de treshauUe 
 & tresillustre Dam£ \ & Princesse, Francoise 
 d'Alencon Diiehesse de Beaumont, \ Douairiere de 
 Vendosmois & de Longeuille. Par Charles de 
 Saincte | Marthe Docteur es Droicts. ImprimS h. 
 Paris par Regnavd Chauldiere, & Claude sonfils. | 
 1550 I auec Priuilege du Roy. 8°, 48 fols. On 
 title-page, typographical mark no. 1142, Silvestre. 
 Bib. Maz. no. 42207. 
 
 Contents as follows: 
 Fol. 2 r° and v°: Charles de Saincte Marthe, 
 
 Docteur es Droicts, au lecteur, Sahd. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 621 
 
 Fols. 3 r"-44 r° : Oraison funebre sur le trespas de 
 treshaulte & tresillustre Dame & Princesse Fran- 
 coise d'Alencon Duchesse de Beaumont, Donai- 
 rihre de Vendosmois & de Longueuille. 
 Fol. 44 v° : Epitaphs de Tresillustre Princesse 
 Madame la Duchesse de Vendosmois & de 
 Beaumont, Par Pierre des Mirreurs. 
 Fols. 45 r°-48 r° : Discours du nouveau changement 
 des choses, faict sur les armes de la maison de 
 France, par Pierre des Mirreurs. 
 1551. Two poems were reprinted, one from the Hecato- 
 distichon, the other from the In obitum . . . 
 Margaritw . . . Oratio funehris, in the Tombeau 
 de Marguerite de Valois, Royne de Navarre. Paris, 
 1551, Bib. Nat. R^s. Ye 1633. These poems are 
 the Tumulus per C. S., p. 160, and one entitled 
 Aliud beginning " Margaridi vocem morbus." p. 170. 
 The other contributions to this collection are : 
 (1) Prefatory matter: Robert de la Haye; Denisot; 
 P. G. T. ; des Essars, a letter dated 22° Februrier 
 1550; Ronsard. (2) Translation of the Hecato- 
 distichon, distich by distich; Daurat (Greek) 
 Jean Pierre de Mesmes (I. P. D. M.) (Italian) 
 Denisot and Du Bellay (I. B. D. A.) (French) 
 several of the distichs translated in addition 
 by Antoinette de Loynes (Dam. A. D. L.) and 
 Antoine de Baif. (3) Original contributions: Dau- 
 rat; de Mesmes; Ronsard; Du Bellay; Baif; J.du 
 Tillet; Goupil; Denisot; Matth. Pac; Macrin; 
 Bourbon ; Claude d'Espence ; Antoine Armande de 
 Marseilles; Jean Tagaut; P. des Mirreurs; N. 
 Peron; Jacques. B.A (?); Robert de la Haye; 
 
622, CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
 'ApicrS) TOK€Tv (?); " DamoiseUe A. D. T." (L.?); 
 T. Morel, Embrunois ; C. Bouguier, Angevin. 
 The collection ends with two anonymous produc- 
 tions, the last a sonnet. 
 
 SECTION II 
 General. 
 
 Abaebanbl. Dialoghi di amore compositi 'per Leone 
 Medico (Abarhanel) , di natione Hebreo, et di poi 
 faito Christiana. Venice, Aldus, 1645. (First ed. 
 Rome, 1535.) 
 
 ^Elian.' Ex Mliani historia per P. Gyllium latine facti 
 itemque ex Porphyrio, Heliodoro, Oppiano, turn 
 eodem Gyllio accessionibus avxiti libri xvi. De vi 
 et natura animalium. Ejusdem Gyllii liber unus 
 de Gallicis et Latinis nominibv^ piseium. Lyons, 
 Gryphe, 1533. 
 
 Varim historim, Libri XIV . . . Rome 1545, 
 Variai historioe . . . cum interpretatione lat 
 Justi VuUeii. Ed. Gronovius. Amst. 1731. 
 
 AiGUBPERSE, P. G. Biographic ou Dictionnaire hist 
 des personnages d'Auvergne, illustres ou fameux 
 par leurs icrits, leurs exploits, leurs vertus. . 
 Clermont-Ferrand, 1834. 
 
 Alamanni, Luigi. Opere Toscane di Luigi Alamanni 
 al Christianissimo re Francesco primo. Lyons, 
 Gryphe, 1533. 
 
 Albbhti, Leon Battista. Hecatomphile. De vul- 
 gaire Italien tourne en langaige Francoys. Les 
 
 ' The two editions, available for Sainte-Marthe, and 
 that consulted by me. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 623 
 
 flews de Poesie Francoyse. Paris, Galliot du 
 Pr6, 1534. 
 
 Allard, Guy. La bibliothbqiie du Dauphine, contenant 
 les noms de ceux qui se sont distingvAz ■par leur 
 sgavoir dans cette province, dressee par M. G. 
 Allard. Grenoble, 1680. 
 
 Nobilaire du Dauphin^, ou discours historique des 
 families nobles qui sont en cette province, . . . 
 Grenoble, 1671. 
 
 Allut, M. p. Etude biograph. et bibliograph. sur 
 Symphorien Champier. Lyons, 1859. 
 
 Angier, p. L'experience de I'Amye de court contre la 
 contreamye. Cf. Guevara. 
 
 Anselm, Le pere. Histoire geneal. et chron. de la 
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 1825. 
 
 Mbnasci, Guido. Nuovi saggi di letter atura francese 
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 Michel de la Rochemaillet, Gabriel. Briefs eloges 
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 representez, par Gabriel Michel Angevin; adv. en 
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 Recueil general des pieces detachees et figures qui 
 regardent La Ligue. Bib. Nat. R6s. La'' 6. 
 
638 CHARLES DE SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
 Michel de la Rochemaillbt, Rene. Renati Michaelis 
 
 Rupemallei Parisini Poemata. Paris, 1658. 
 MoNTAiGLON, Anatole DE. Recueil de poesies fran- 
 
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 Cf. Marguerite of Navarre. 
 MoEBRi, Louis. Le grand. Diet. hist. Drouet's (20th) 
 
 ed. Paris, 1759. Orig. ed. 1674. 
 MoRP, Heinrich. Geschichte der Neuern Franzosischen 
 
 Litterature (xvi-xix Jahrhundert). Strasbourg, 
 
 1898. 
 MuGNiER, F. La vie et les poesies de Jean de Boysonne. 
 
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 NiCBRON, Jean P. Memoires pour servir h I'histoire 
 
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 avec un catalogue raisonne de lews Ouvrages. 
 
 Paris, 1727-1745. 
 NiCQUET, HoNORAT DE. Histoire de I'ordre de Fonte- 
 
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 OuLMONT, Charles. Gratian du Pont et les femmes. 
 
 Rev. des Etudes Rabelaisiennes, 1906. pp. 1-28 
 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 639 
 
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 cf. p. 614 et seq. 
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 Pasquieh, Estienne. Ses (Euvres. Contenant ses 
 
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 Pateh, Walteb. The Renaissance. (Joachim Du 
 
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 Peletier du Mans, Jacques. (Euvres poetiques. Ed. 
 
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 la Litteraiure frangaises des origines h 1900,puhliie 
 
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 1869-1899. 
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640 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE 
 
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 Ronsard Pierre de. (Euvres complkes de. Ed. Pros- 
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 ' The two French eds. available for Sainte-Marthe, 
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- BIBLIOGRAPHY 641 
 
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 1 My references are to the current undated edition of 
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 ^ My references are to the ed. of 1602. 
 2t 
 
642 CHARLES DE SAINTE-MARTHE ', i i i i i 
 
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 1904. 
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644 CHARLES DB SAINTB-MARTHE 
 
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VITA 
 
 Caroline Ruutz-Rees was born in England 
 on the 16th of August, 1865. She received her 
 preliminary education at private schools in Lon- 
 don. In 1883 she came to America and at- 
 tended a private school in Philadelphia. From 
 1886 to 1889 she taught at St. John the Bap- 
 tist's School in New York City. During part 
 of this period she studied Greek under the late 
 Thomas Davidson. From 1889 to 1890 she 
 taught at St. Mary's School, Burlington, New 
 Jersey. In 1890 she became head mistress of 
 Rosemary Hall School, then at Wallingford, Con- 
 necticut. During the years 1896-1898 she at- 
 tended graduate courses at Yale University 
 under the late Professor T. D. Seymour. In 
 1904 she received, by examination, the title of 
 L.L.A. from the University of St. Andrews, 
 North Britain. In the same year she entered 
 Columbia University as a graduate student. 
 The year 1905-1906 she spent in Paris in at- 
 tendance at the University of Paris and the 
 College de France. She was named "flSve 
 titulaire " of the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes. 
 In 1906 she returned to Columbia University, 
 where she obtained the Master's degree in 1907. 
 She has been since then in attendance at that 
 University. 
 
'4 
 
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES ^ 
 
 Abarbanel, Judah, c/. L6on 
 
 Hebreo. 
 Abiram, p. 474. 
 Achaeus, p. 366. 
 Achilles, p. 365, p. 377, note 1 , 
 
 p. 423, note 1. 
 Aohish, King of Gath, p. 578. 
 Actuher, Pou, p. 75, note 3. 
 A. D., p. 193. 
 Adam, p. 77, note 1. 
 iElian, p. 228, p. 238, p. 274, 
 
 p. 358, p. 369, note 2, p. 375. 
 ^sohylus, p. 369. 
 Agalla, p. 377, note 3, p. 378, 
 
 note 1. 
 Agamemnon, p. 377, note 1. 
 Agathon, p. 338, note 2. 
 Agrippa, p. 366. 
 Aigueperse, p. 59, note 1, p. 
 
 83, note 4. 
 Ajax, p. 178, p. 307, note 4, 
 
 p. 377, note 1. 
 Alberti, Leone Battista, p. 268. 
 Albret, Henri d', King of Na- 
 varre, p. 184. 
 Albret, Jeanne d', p. 80, p. 
 
 173, p. 174, p. 550. 
 Alcestis, p. 367, p. 373. 
 Aloinous, p. 305. 
 Alein, Jacques de Raynaud, 
 
 Sieur d', pp. 63 et seq., p. 
 
 518. 
 Alemanni, Lulgi, p. 262, p. 
 
 303. 
 
 Alen^on, Francoise d', Duch- 
 ess of Ven(i6me, Longue- 
 ville and Beaumont, p. 
 7, note 1, pp. 163-165, pp. 
 166-172, p. 174, p. 188, 
 pp. 210 et seq., p. 360, p. 
 362, p. 363, p. 367, p. 370, 
 p. 384, note 3, p. 388, p. 392, 
 p. 398, p. 411, p. 417, p. 420, 
 p. 436, p. 440, p. 443, pp. 
 444 et seq., p. 446, p. 513, 
 p. 588, p. 591, p. 595. 
 
 Alexander, p. 365, p. 366, p. 
 375, note 1, p. 383, p. 384, 
 p. 385. 
 
 Alexander V, p. 366. 
 
 Allard, Guy, p. 54, note 3, 
 p. 57, note 2, p. 58, note 2, 
 p. 59, note 3, p. 85, note 2. 
 
 Alphonso of Naples, p. 366. 
 
 Ambrose, Saint, p. 384. 
 
 Anaxagoras, p. 383. 
 
 Anchurus, p. 367. 
 
 Ancona, Alesandro, d', p. 280, 
 note 2. 
 
 Andromeda, p. 367. 
 
 Aneau, Barth61emy, pp. 113- 
 117. 
 
 Angier, Paul, p. 219, p. 306, 
 note 3, 
 
 Angirart, Jehan, p. 600. 
 
 Angou, Nicolas d'. Bishop of 
 Seez, p. 82, pp. 435 et seq. 
 
 AngoulSme, cf. Marguerite. 
 
 1 Names occurring only in the Bibliography are not included 
 in this Index. 
 
 645 
 
646 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Angoul^me, Charles d', p. 364. 
 Anaelme, Le Pfere, p. 173, 
 
 note 2. 
 Anthony, Marc, p. 366, note 2. 
 Antigone, p. 367, p. 383. 
 Antimaohus, p. 368, p. 378. 
 Antipater, p. 378, note 1. 
 Antisthenes, p. 370. 
 Antoninus Pius, p. 368. 
 Anyta, p. 378, note 1. 
 Aquila, Seraphino d', p. 275, 
 
 note 2, p. 276, note 2, p. 
 
 284, note 3, p. 287, note 2, 
 
 p. 291, p. 353. 
 Arbigny, Anne d', p. 58, p. 
 
 399, p. 402, p. 518. 
 Aretino, Pietro, p. 263. 
 Ariosto, p. 267, p. 345, note 1. 
 Aristides, p. 366. 
 Aristippus, p. 371. 
 Aristophanes, p. 378. 
 Aristotle, p. 369, note 2, p. 
 
 370, p. 371, p. 372, p. 374, 
 
 note 4, p. 383, p. 384, p. 
 
 385, p. 393. 
 Arlier, Antoine, p. XII., pp. 
 
 61 et seq., pp. 71 et seq., 
 
 p. 109, p. 507, note 1. 
 Armande, Antoine, p. 193. 
 Artemisia, p. 378, note 1. 
 Aspasia, p. 364, p. 378, note 1, 
 
 p. 388, note 2, p. 390, note 3. 
 Atreus, p. 377, note 1, p. 401. 
 Auber, I'AbbS, p. 13, notes 1, 
 
 2, p. 14, note 2. 
 Aubignfe, Merle d', p. 42, 
 
 note 1. 
 Audeyard, Pierre, p. 75, note 3. 
 Augereau, p. 328, note 1. 
 Augustine, Saint, p. IS3, p. 
 
 183, p. 384, p. 402. 
 Augustus, p. 212, p. 366, p. 
 
 376, note 2. 
 Aurelius, Antonius, p. 366. 
 
 Avanson, Franjois d', p. 93, 
 
 note 2. 
 Avanson, Guillaume, d', p. 
 
 93, note 2. 
 Avanson, "Jean Saint-Maroel 
 
 d', p. 69, p. 86, note 3, pp. 
 
 92 et seq., p. 121, p. 139, 
 
 note 2, p. 142, p. 145, p. 
 
 160, p. 161, p. 528, p. 564, 
 
 p. 565. 
 
 Bade, Josse, p. 304, note 1. 
 Baif, Jean Antoine de, p. 197, 
 
 p. 198, p. 218, note 2, p. 
 
 223, note 3. 
 Balsatia, p. 367. 
 Balzac, cf. d'Entraigues. 
 Baur, Albert, p. 283, note 3, 
 
 p. 348, note 2. 
 Bayle, Pierre, p. 60, note 3. 
 Beaulieu, Eustorg de, p. 97, 
 
 p. 101, p. 127, p. 312, p. 
 
 355, p. 410. 
 Beaumont, Duchess of, cf. 
 
 Francoise d'Alenpon. 
 Beoonne, Mademoiselle de, 
 
 p. 69, p. 518. 
 Bectone, Claude, p. 349, note 
 
 3. 
 Bellay, cf. Du Bellay. 
 Belleau, Remy, p. 219, p. 223, 
 
 note 3. 
 Bembo, Pietro, p. 19, p. 263, 
 
 p. 267, p. 275, note 1, p. 
 
 276, note 2, p. 283, p. 284, 
 
 note 3, p. 286, p. 288, p. 
 
 289, p. 290, p. 291, p. 303, 
 
 p. 315, note 2, p. 319, p. 353, 
 
 p. 467. 
 Benac, Jean, p. 83, p. 120, p. 
 
 293, note 1, p. 518, p. 528. 
 Berdan, J. M., p. 267, note 5. 
 Beringue, Mademoiselle (Loy- 
 
 taulde?), pp. 64-67, p. 130, 
 
INDEX 
 
 647 
 
 p. 193. P- 241, note 4, p. 275, 
 notes 1 and 2, p. 277, p. 278, 
 p. 283, p. 284, note 2, p. 286, 
 p. 290, note 2, p. 296, note 2, 
 p. 317, p. 321, p. 330, p. 337, 
 note 2, p. 343, pp. 518-519, 
 p. 536. 
 
 Bernard, Frdre Simon, p. 165. 
 
 Bernard, Jacques, p. 129. 
 
 Berni, Francesco, p. 267, note 2. 
 
 Beroald, p. 313. 
 
 B6ze, Theodore de, p. XII, p. 
 13, note 2, p. 31, p. 53, p. 
 63, note 1. 
 
 Bibulus, p. 383. 
 
 Bigot, Guillaume, p. 60, p. 61, 
 p. 64, note 2, p. 120, p. 519, 
 p. 528. 
 
 Blanohemain, Prosper, p. 261, 
 note 1, p. 267, note 2, p. 
 268, note 1, p. 273, note 1. 
 
 Boccaccio, p. 375, p. 378, note 
 1. 
 
 Boieeau, c/. La Borderie. 
 
 BoUIeau, Frangois, p. 190. 
 
 Bois, c/. Du Bois. 
 
 Bolonne, p. 19. 
 
 Bonin, (Frangois?), p. 191. 
 
 Bonnet, p. 42, note 1. 
 
 Borsale, de, p. 19. 
 
 Bosseboeuf, L. A., p. 6, note 1. 
 
 Bossier, J., p. 57, note 2. 
 
 Bossuet, p. 489, p. 492. 
 
 Bouchet, Jean, p. 13, note 6, 
 p. 14, note 1, p. 28, note 2, 
 p. 31, p. 32, note 1, p. 306, 
 note 3, p. 310, p. 313, p. 542. 
 
 Bouju, Jacques, p. 558. 
 
 Boulanger, Jacques, p. 82, 
 note 2, p. 83, note 4, p. 190, 
 notes 1 and 2, p. 191, notes 
 1-5. 
 
 Boulay, cf. Du Boulay. 
 
 Bourbon, Antoine de. Due 
 
 de VendSme, p. 167, p. 173, 
 
 p. 212 et seq., p. 513, pp. 
 
 592-593, p. 594, p. 595. 
 Bourbon, Catherine de, p. 
 
 447. 
 Bourbon, Charles, Cardinal 
 
 de, p. 513. 
 Bourbon, Charles de. First 
 
 duke of Vendome, p. 7, note 
 
 1. 
 Bourbon, Charles Connetable 
 
 de, p. 3. 
 Bourbon, Franjois de, p. 
 
 168, p. 513. 
 Bourbon, Louise de. Abbess 
 
 of Fontevrault, p. 3, p. 28, 
 
 p. 324, p. 517. 
 Bourbon, Magdeleine de, p. 
 
 165. 
 Bourbon, Nicolas, p. 120, 
 
 note 4, p. 184, p. 558. 
 Bourbon, Renfie de, p. 3, p. 4, 
 
 p. 6, note 1, pp. 7-8, p. 28. 
 Bourel, Edouard, p. 74, p. 519. 
 Bourges, Clemence de, p. 102. 
 Bourilly, p. 307, note 4. 
 Eoyl^ve, Frangois, p. 214 et 
 
 seq., p. 593, p. 594, p. 600. 
 Boyssonne, Jean, p. 69, p. 70, 
 
 p. 152, p. 519. 
 Braga, Theophile, p. 22, note 
 
 1, p. 23, note 2. 
 Brantome, Pierre de, p. 101, 
 
 note 1, p. 138, p. 185, note 3, 
 
 p. 429. 
 Breghot du Lut, p. XI, p. 104, 
 
 note 3. 
 Bressieux, Antoinette de. Ab- 
 bess of Vernaison, p. 57, p. 
 
 528. 
 Bressieux, Phillipine de, p. 57, 
 
 note 2. 
 Breton, Robert, p. XII, p. 
 
 17, notes 3, 4, p. 18, p. 19, 
 
648 
 
 INDEX 
 
 p. 20, note 2, p. 21, note 1, 
 p. 22, p. 24, pp. 25-27, p. 
 32, note 3, p. 33, note 2, p. 
 34, note 1, pp. 33-36, p. 37, 
 p. 39, note 1, pp. 47-48, pp. 
 49~S2. P- 191. note 6, p. 465, 
 p. 467, p. 507, note 1, pp. 
 601-605. 
 
 Brinon, Jean de, p. 190. 
 
 Brodeau, Jean, p. 306, note 3. 
 
 Brodeau, Victor, p. 306, note 
 3, p. 309, p. 310, note 1, 
 p. 541. 
 
 Brunet, J. C, p. 105, note 2, 
 p. 196, note 1, p. 220, note 1, 
 p. 235, note 3, p. 303, note 1, 
 p. 872, note 4^ p. 421, note 
 
 3, p. 507, note 1, p. 614. 
 Bruneti^re, F., p. 223, note 1, 
 
 p. 368, note 4, p. 452, note 1. 
 
 Bruno, Giordano, p. 298. 
 
 Bud6, Guillaume, p. 11, p. 
 12, p. 217, p. 218, note 1. 
 
 Buissier, Agnet, p. 129, p. 130. 
 
 Buisson, F., p. XI, p. 20, 
 note 1, p. 22, note 2, p. 
 24, note 3, p. 30, note 1, 
 p. 33, note 1, p. 45, note 
 2, p. 97, note 3, p. 98, note 
 
 4, p. 127, note 3, p. 129, 
 note 1, p. 130, notes 1, 2. 
 
 Bulseus, c/. Boulay. 
 Bulis, p. 367, p. 376, note 4. 
 Busserolle, Carrfe de, p. 201, 
 note 4. 
 
 Caesar, p. 365, p. 366, p. 383. 
 
 Caligula, p. 366. 
 
 Calvin, p. 20, pp. 28-30, p. 31, 
 p. 32, p. 33, note 1, p. 40 
 and note 1, p. 42 and note 
 1, p. 44, p. 45, p. 77, p. 90, 
 p. 127, p. 129, p. 130, pp. 
 137 et seq., p. 235, note 3, 
 
 p. 323, p. 324, p. 382 and 
 
 note 2, p. 383, p. 428, p. 
 
 448, p. 511, p. 512. 
 Camillus, p. 365, p. 384. 
 Canape, Jean, p. 104, note 4. 
 Capitolinus, p. 377. 
 Carles, Lancelot, p. 219, note 
 
 3. 
 Cassandra, p. 378, note 1. 
 Castiglioni, Baldassare, p. 276, 
 
 note 3, p. 303, p. 318. 
 Catherine of Sienna, p. 378, 
 
 note 1, p. 415. 
 Cato, p. 52, p. 367, p. 383, 
 
 p. 384, p. 605. 
 Chamard, Henri, p. 199, note 
 
 3, p. 253, note 2, p. 254, 
 
 note 2. 
 Champeraulx, p. 129, note 2, 
 
 p. 130. 
 Champollion-Figeac, J. J., p. 
 
 268, note 1, p. 269, notes 
 
 1, 3. 
 Chappellani, Pierre, p. 75, note 
 
 3. 
 Chappuis, Claude, p. 219, and 
 
 note 1, p. 306, note 3, p. 
 
 314, p. 559, p. 565. 
 "Chariteo," Gareth, Benedeto, 
 
 called p. 276, note 3, p. 
 
 283, note 3, p. 292, note 5. 
 Charles V., Emperor, p. 445. 
 Charrier, Jean, p. 230, note 3. 
 Charvet, p. 114, note 4. 
 Chassanfie, p. 13, note 3, p. 63, 
 
 note 1. 
 Chastel, Etienne, p. 47, note 1. 
 Chausson, Jean, p. 69, note 4. 
 Chausson, Louis, p. 69, note 4. 
 Chausson, Maurice, p. 69, p. 
 
 120, p. 232, note 2, p. 519, 
 
 p. 528. 
 Chereau, Geoffroy, p. 520. 
 Chevalier, Jules, p. 75, note 2. 
 
INDEX 
 
 649 
 
 Christy, Richard Copley, p. 
 17, note 5, p. 26, note 1, 
 p. 48, note 2, p. 69, note 2, 
 p. 96, note 1, p. 98, note 1, 
 p. 102, notes 2, 3, p. 103, 
 note 2, p. 104, notes 1, 3, 
 p. 108, note 1, p. 110, note 
 1, p. 115, note 1, p. 148, note 
 1, p. 253, note 2, p. 254, 
 note 2, p. 306, note 3, p. 
 347, notes 3 and 4. 
 
 Chrysostom, Saint, p. 183, 
 p. 369, p. 384, p. 585. 
 
 Cicero, p. 208, p. 364, p. 365, 
 p. 369, p. 374, note 4, p. 
 376, p. 383, p. 384, p. 393, 
 p. 462, p. 467, p. 585, p. 
 587, p. 588. 
 
 Cimon, the Athenian, p. 366, 
 note 2, p. 384. 
 
 Claude, Queen of France, 
 p. 37. 
 
 Claveyson, Exupfere de. Sei- 
 gneur de Parnans, p. S7. P- 
 120, p. 273, note 1, pp. 
 316-317, p. 319, p. 520, p. 
 528. 
 
 Claveyson, Louis de, Prieur 
 de Parnans, p. 57, p. 520. 
 
 Clenard, Nicolas, p. 16, note 3. 
 
 Cleopatra, p. 366, p. 375, 
 note 2, p. 404, note 1. 
 
 Cluzot, Henri, p. 5. 
 
 Cooaud, Pierre, p. 19. 
 
 Coct, Guigs, p. 75, note 3. 
 
 Codrus, p. 367, p. 374, note 4. 
 
 Colin, Jacques, Abb6 of St. 
 Ambroise, p. 117, note 2, 
 p. 218, p. 219, note 3, p. 
 230, note 3, p. 262, p. 303, 
 p. 306, and note 3, p. 307, 
 p. 318, p. 526. 
 
 Colletet, Guillaume, p. XI, 
 p, 10, p. 175, note 2, p. 216, 
 
 p. 358, note 1, p. 464, note 
 
 3, p. 507, note 1. 
 Colonia, P^re de, p. 101, note 
 
 1. 
 Conti, Giusto dei, p. 275, 
 
 note 1, p. 291. 
 Cordier, Maturin, p. 22, p. 23, 
 
 p. 52, p. 127, p. 129, p. 605. 
 Corinna, p. 378, note 1. 
 Cormier, Guy, p. 183, p. 407, 
 
 note 1. 
 Corrozet, Gilles, p. 302, p. 
 
 327. 
 Coste, Hilarion de, p. 309, 
 
 note 1. 
 Cotta, p. 367. 
 Crassus, Calphumius, p. 365, 
 
 p. 367. 
 Crates, p. 367. 
 
 Crespin, Jean, p. 63, note 1. 
 Cublize, Claude de, p. 113, 
 
 p. 115, p. 117, p. 126. 
 Curtii, p. 367, p. 384. 
 Cyprian, p. 384. 
 Cyrus, p. 368, p. 372. 
 
 Dagues, p. 191. 
 
 Dalechamps, Jacques, p. 64, 
 
 note 2, pp. 105 et seq., p. 
 
 520, p. 530. 
 Dallon, Louise de, p. 432. 
 Damo, p. 378, note 1. 
 Dampierre, p. 64, note 2. 
 Dartige, p. 13, note 2. 
 Dathan, p. 474. 
 Dauphin Franpois, p. 272, 
 
 p. 309. 
 Daurat, Jean, p. 198, p. 218, 
 
 note 2, p. 223, note 3. 
 David, p. 141, p. 148, p. 384, 
 
 p. 489, p. 502, p. 503, p. 
 
 517, p. 572, p. 578, p. 585. 
 Debez, Ferrand, p. 230, note 3. 
 Decii, p. 367, p. 384. 
 
650 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Delaruelle, Louis, p. 11, notes 
 2, 5. 
 
 Demetrius, p. 366, p. 368. 
 
 Demooritus, p. 385, p. 586. 
 
 Demosthenes, p. 176, p. 365, 
 p. 366, p. 377. 
 
 Denisot, Nicolas, p. 192, p. 
 197, p. 198, p. 218, note 2. 
 
 Des Autels, Guillaume, p. 230, 
 note 3. 
 
 Des Essarts, c/. Herberay. 
 
 Dea Masures, Louis, p. 219. 
 
 Des Mireurs, Pierre, p. 192 
 p. 197. 
 
 Desnos, Odolant, p. XL p 
 164, note 2, p. 175, note 2 
 p. 194, p. 217, note 1. 
 
 Des Periers, Bonaventure, p 
 179, P- 314, p. 327, p. 347 
 p. 348, p. 349, note 3. 
 
 Desprfe, J-B., p. 241, note 4. 
 
 Diodorus, p. 11, note 6. 
 
 Diogenes, p. 370. 
 
 Dion Cassius, p. 377. 
 
 Diotima, p. 378, note 1, p. 
 388, note 2. 
 
 Dolet, p. 19, p. 48, note 2, p. 
 54, note 2, p. 97, pp. 102 et 
 seq., p. 104, note 4, p. 106, 
 . note 3; p. 108, p. 110, p. 
 112, p. 115, p. 120 and note 
 4, p. 217, p. 241, note 1, pp. 
 252-256, p. 258, p. 263, p. 
 306, note 3, p. 347, p. 348, 
 p. 467, p. 507, note 1, p. 512, 
 p. 520, p. 528, p. 529, p. 
 544. 
 
 Domitian, p. 366, p. 376, 
 note 2. 
 
 Dreux du Radier, p. XI, p. 
 2, note 5, p. 9, p. 31, note 3, 
 p. 32, note 1, p. 34, note 2, 
 p. 107, note 3, p. 194, note 
 1, p. 216, note 2. 
 
 Drusac, Gratian du Pont, 
 
 Sieur de, pp. 102 et seq., p. 
 
 521, p. 533. 
 Du Bellay, Cardinal (Jean), 
 
 p. 63, note 2, p. 64, note 
 
 2. 
 Du Bellay, Guillaume, Sieur 
 
 de Langey, p. 19. 
 Du Bellay, Joachim, p. 92, 
 
 note 3, p. 198, p. 218, note 
 
 2, p. 219, p. 223 and note 3, 
 
 p. 224, p. 230, notes 2, 3, p. 
 
 231, p. 253, note 1, p. 254, 
 
 p. 257, p. 260, p. 311, note 4, 
 
 p. 512, p. 559. 
 Du Bois, Simon, p. 328, note 
 
 1. 
 Du Boulay, C. E., p. 218. 
 Duchatel, Pierre, p. 442. 
 DuchSne, p. 19, p. 120, note 
 
 4. 
 Ducher, Gilbert, p. XII, pp. 
 
 98 et seq., p. 102, p. 108, 
 
 p. 109, p. 120, note 4, p. 
 
 512, p. 546, pp. 609-610. 
 Dufour, Louis, p. 139, note 
 
 2, pp. 148 et seq., p. 161, 
 
 pp. 581-583. 
 Dufresnoy, Lenglet, p. 108, 
 
 note 3, p. 241, note 4, p. 
 
 264, note 3. 
 Du Lyon, Antoine, p. 190. 
 Du Mouohet, Seigneur, p. 521. 
 Du Moulin, A., p. 315, p. 349. 
 Duns, cj. Scotus. 
 Du Pao, Matthieu, p. 19, p. 
 
 191, p. 368. 
 Du Perault, Madame, p. 521. 
 Du Pont, c/. Drusac. 
 Du Port, Jean, p. 75, note 3. 
 Du Puy, Charles, p. 107, p. 
 
 121, p. 528. 
 Du Puy, Guillaume, p. 107, 
 
 note 3, 
 
INDEX 
 
 651 
 
 Durasius, p. 52, p. 605. 
 
 Du Val, Pierre, Bishop of Seez, 
 
 p. 192. 
 Du Verdier, Antoine, p. XI., 
 
 p. 104, note 4, p. 250, p. 
 
 309, note 1. 
 
 Eleanor of Portugal, Queen of 
 
 France, p. 609. 
 Entraigues, Guillaume de Bal- 
 zac d', p. 83, p. 293, note 3, 
 
 p. 521. 
 Epicharmus, p. 385. 
 Epictetus, p. 366, note 2, p. 
 
 372. 
 Erasmus, p. 382, note 2, p. 
 
 414, p. 467. 
 Eriuna, p. 378, note 1. 
 Estable, Mademoiselle d', p. 
 
 59, p. 521. 
 Estable, Paule de Fay d', p. 
 
 59, p. 521. 
 Esterpin, Jean, p. 183, p. 407, 
 
 note 1. 
 Etampes, Anne d'Heilly de 
 
 PisseUeu, Duchesse d', pp. 
 
 118 et seg., p. 126, p. 225, p. 
 
 237, p. 238, p. 239, p. 251, 
 
 p. 282, p. 288, p. 325, note 
 
 1, p. 507, note 1, p. 521, p. 
 
 531, p. 537, pp. 562-565, p. 
 
 601. 
 Etienne, Robert, p. 32, p. 43, 
 
 note 1. 
 Eudocius, p. 366. 
 Euripides, p. 369, p. 373, p. 
 
 383, p. 384, p. 385. 
 Eustochia, p. 378, note 1, p. 
 
 415. 
 Evadne, p. 367, p. 373. 
 
 Faber, p. 217. 
 
 Fabia, p. 378, note 1, p. 415. 
 
 Fabian, p. 384. 
 
 Fabrice, Arnold, p. 19, p. 23, 
 
 p. 32. 
 Fabro, Jean de, p. 75, note 
 
 3. 
 Faciot, cf. Vulteius. 
 Faguet, Emile, p. 232, note 3, ' 
 
 p. 260, p. 301. 
 Farcy, Guillaume, p. 191. 
 Faucher, Denis, p. XII, p. 
 
 63, p. 64, pp. 89-92, p. 93, 
 
 p. 126, p. 139, note 2, p. 
 
 217, pp. 605-606, pp. 607- 
 
 609. 
 Fauchet, Claude, p. 280, note 
 
 2. 
 Fay, Paul de, cf. Estable. 
 Faysan, Frangois, pp. 85 et 
 
 seq., p. 133, pp. 142 et seq., 
 
 p. 162. 
 Felicity, p. 383. 
 Ferron, Jean, p. 33, p. 34, p. 
 
 229, note 6, p. 522. 
 Ficino, MarsUio, p. 304 and 
 
 note 1. 
 Fiquel, George, p. 75, note 3. 
 Flavius, p. 366. 
 Fletcher, J. B., p. 297, note 2. 
 Fleury Vindry, p. 86, note 2, 
 
 p. 89, note 2, p. 92, note 2. 
 Fontaine, Charles, p. 104, 
 
 note 4, p. 106 and note 3, p. 
 
 107, note 3, p. 219, p. 220, 
 
 p. 306, p. 311, p. 542, p. 565. 
 Forcault, Etienne, p. 86, 
 
 note 2. 
 Francis I, p. 37, p. 45, p. 46, 
 
 p. 137, p. 174, p. 219, p. 261, 
 
 p. 268, note 1, p. 269, notes 
 
 1, 3, p. 314, p. 347, note 3, 
 
 p. 358, p. 359, p. 440, p. 
 
 522. 
 Frank, F., p. 173, note 1, p. 
 
 184, note 3, p. 235, note 3, 
 
 p. 326, note 3, p. 328, note 1. 
 
652 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Fregoso, Federioo, p. 262. 
 Frottfe, jean, p. XII, p. 82, note 
 
 2, p. 173, p. 192. 
 Furnaeus, c/. Dufour. 
 
 Gaillarde, Jeanne, p. 102. 
 
 Galba, p. 366. 
 
 Galbert, Jean, p. 15, note 1, 
 
 p. 69, p. 89, p. 145, p. 155, 
 
 p. 156, p. 160, p. 161, p. 
 
 466, note 1, pp. 566-574. 
 Gallienus, p. 366 and note 2, 
 
 p. 376, note 2. 
 Gaufr^s, M. J., p. 60, note 3, 
 
 p. 63, note 1. 
 Gaullieur, E., p. XI, p. 16, 
 
 notes 2, 3, 4, p. 17, notes 2, 
 
 3, 4, 5, p. 18 and notes 2, 4, 
 p. 20, note 3, p. 21, notes 1 
 and 2, p. 22, p. 24, notes 2, 
 3,'p. 26, note 1, p. 30, notes 
 2, 4, p. 110, note 1. 
 
 Gemistus, Plethon, p. 304, 
 
 note 1. 
 G6nin, F., p. 39, note 1, p. 
 
 81, note 3, p. 173, note 2, p. 
 
 186, note 3, p. 549. 
 Gerard, Bishop of Olferon, p. 
 
 183. 
 Gerig, J. L., p. 61, note 4, 
 
 p. 71, note 1, p. 98, note 3, 
 
 p. 113, notes 3, 4. 
 Gerot, Antoine, p. 24, note 3, 
 
 p. 26, note 1. 
 Gesner, p. 369, note 2. 
 GUles, P., p. 228, note 1. 
 Giustiniani, Agostino, p. 94. 
 Gondi, Antoine de, c}. Pierre- 
 
 vlve. 
 Gorgias Leontinus, p. 369, 
 
 p. 372, note 3. 
 Goujet, I'AbbS, p. XI, p. 194, 
 
 note 1. 
 Goupil, Jacques, p. 193, p. 197. 
 
 Gouv6a, Andrfe, p. 22, p. 23, 
 
 p. 30, note 2. 
 Gouvea, Antoine, p. 24, p. 49, 
 
 p. 52, p. 605. 
 Gouvea, Martial, p. 24, note 
 
 2. 
 Grenet, Chevalier de, p. 59, p. 
 
 121, pp. 226, 227, p. 522, 
 
 p. 528. 
 Grol6e-Mevouillon, Aimar 
 
 Antoine, Baron de Bres- 
 
 sieux, p. SS> P- 241, note 4, 
 
 p. 322, p. 522. 
 Grol6e-Mevouillon, Aimar- 
 
 Franpois, Seigneur de Rib- 
 biers, p. SS. P- 71, p. 241, 
 
 note 4, p. 522. 
 GrolSe-Mevouillon, Anne, 
 
 Abbfe de Saint Pierre de 
 
 Vienne, p. 56, p. 241, note 
 
 4, p. 522. 
 Grolfee-Mevouillon, Laurent, 
 
 p. 56, note 2. 
 Groslot, Jacques, p. 190. 
 Grouchy, Nicolas de, p. 23. 
 Guibal, Georges, p. 69, note 2. 
 Guidacerius, Agathias, p. 94. 
 Guillette, Pernette de, p. 102, 
 
 p. 310, note 1. 
 Guinizelli, Guido, p. 280, note 
 
 2. 
 
 Haag, Eug. and Emile, p. XI. 
 Habakkuk, p. 489. 
 Habbot, p. 190. 
 Habert, Francois, p. XII, p. 
 
 195, p. 309, note 1, p. 313, 
 
 p. 559. 
 Hallam, p. 23, note 3. 
 Hamon, Auguste, p. 10, note 4. 
 Haulteville, Mademoiselle de, 
 
 p. 523. 
 Helvetius Pertinax, p. 377, 
 
 note 6. 
 
INDEX 
 
 653 
 
 Henri II, p. 56, note 3, p. 
 185, note 1, p. 214, p. 546, 
 p. 595. 
 
 HeracUtus, p. 586. 
 
 Herberay, Nicolas d', Seigneur 
 dea Essarts, p. 219, p. 241, 
 note 4, p. 306, note 3. 
 
 Hercules, p. 52, p. 365. 
 
 H6ricault, Charles, p. 241, 
 note 4. 
 
 Herminjard, A. L., p. XII., 
 p. 20, note 1, p. 22, note 2, 
 p. 40, note 1, p. 42, note 1, 
 p. 43, note 1, p. 44, note 2, 
 p. 47, note 3, p. 85, note 3, 
 p. 127, notes 3, 4, p. 129, 
 note 2, p. 130, notes 1, 2, p. 
 131, note 1,'p. 132, note 1, 
 p. 136, note 2, p. 139, note 
 2. 
 
 Hermonymus, p. 11. 
 
 Herodotus, p. 376, p. 383. 
 
 Heroet, Antoine, de la Mai- 
 sonneuve, p. 192, p. 218, p. 
 219, p. 241, note 4, p. 263, 
 p. 264, p. 306 and note 3, 
 p. 309, note 1, p. 310, p. 311, 
 note 4, p. 327, p. 355, p. 542, 
 p. 558, p. 565. 
 
 Hervfe, Jacques, p. 191. 
 
 Hervet, Gentian, p. 17 and 
 notes 1, 4, p. 19, p. 21. 
 
 Heulhard, Arthur, p. 117, note 
 2, p. 201, note 4, p. 204, note 
 1. 
 
 Hezekiah, p. 434. 
 
 Hildegarde of Germany, p. 
 378, note 1, p. 415. 
 
 Hillary, Saint, p. 183, p. 585. 
 
 Hillerin, Jacques, p. 13, p. 14. 
 
 Homer, p. 176, p. 228, p. 365, 
 p. 376, p. 384, p. 388, note 
 2, p. 391, p. 401, p. 423, p. 
 455, p. 559, p. 588. 
 
 Hondremar, Antoine, pp. 74- 
 
 76, p. 523. 
 Horace, p. 228, p. 257, p. 376, 
 
 p. 455. 
 Hortensius, p. 365. 
 
 lamblicus, p. 366, note 2, p. 
 
 370, p. 372. 
 I. M., p. 193. 
 Isocrates, p. 370, p. 371. 
 Itterius, Matthias, p. 17. 
 
 Jacob, p. 379, note 3. 
 James, Saint, p. 455. 
 Jannet, Pierre, p. 241, note 4. 
 Janot, Denis, p. 241, note 4. 
 Jeremiah, p. 471, p. 489. 
 Jerome, Saint, p. 183, p. 378, 
 
 note 1, p. 382, p. 384, p. 
 
 415, p. 585. 
 Jervis, W. H., p. 124, note 2, 
 
 p. 157, note 1. 
 Joan, Pope, p. 375, note 2. 
 Job, p. 379, note 3, p. 384, 
 
 p. 455, p. 489, p. 492. 
 Jodelle, Etienne, p. 219, p. 
 
 223, note 3. 
 John, Saint, p. 380, p. 483. 
 Josias, p. 75, note 2, p. 77, 
 
 note 1. 
 Jouvencel, Jean, p. 75, note 3. 
 Julian, p. 366. 
 
 Kerr, W. A. R., p. 223, note 3. 
 
 Labb6, Arthur, p. 161, note 2. 
 
 Labb6, Louise, p. 102. 
 
 La Borderie, Jean Boiceau 
 
 de, p. 218, p. 219, p. 306, 
 
 note 3, p. 311, note 4, p. 
 
 313- 
 La Carrifere, Baude, p. 280, 
 
 note 2. 
 La Cour, L., p. 179, note 2. 
 
654 
 
 INDEX 
 
 La Croix, A., p. 57, note 2. 
 La Croix, Paul, p. 241, note 
 
 4. 
 La Croix du Maine, Francois, 
 
 p. XI, p. 23, note 3, p. 57, 
 
 note 2, p. 101, note 1, p. 
 
 102, note 3, p. 104, note 4, 
 
 p. 196, note 1, p. 309, note 1. 
 La Ferrifere-Peroy, H. de, p. 
 
 XII, p. 39, note 1, p. 174, 
 
 notes 1, 3, p. 179, note 2, p. 
 
 195, note 2, p. 348, note 1. 
 La Guesle, Jacques de, p. 220, 
 
 note 1. 
 La Haye, J. de, p. 305. 
 La Maisonneuve, cf. Heroet. 
 La Maisonneuve, Jean de, p. 
 
 306, note 3, p. 309, p. 541. 
 La Mare, p. 33, note 1. 
 La Monnoye, B. de, p. 57, 
 
 note 2, p. 261, note 1, p. 
 
 273. 
 La Mothe, Thierry de, p. 230, 
 
 note 3. 
 Landini, Christoforo, p. 305. 
 Lanson, Gustave, p. 98, note 2, 
 
 p. 258, note 1. 
 Laodamia, p. 367. 
 La Riviere, Seigneur de, p. 
 
 58, p. 523. 
 Larroque, Tamizey de, p. 313, 
 
 note 2. 
 La Ruelle, Charles de, p. 32, 
 
 p. 523. 
 La Ruelle, Louis de, p. 32. 
 Lascaris, Constantine, p. 11. 
 La Tour, Magdalene de, p. 
 
 62, p. 234, note 1, p. 523. 
 Laudier, Mademoiselle Renfee, 
 
 p. 193, p. 194, note 1, p. 
 
 557. 
 Laumonier, P., p. 192, note 
 
 6, p. 197, p. 199, p. 200, 
 
 note 2, p. 232, note 3, p. 
 
 280, note 2, p. 316, note 1, 
 p. 547. 
 
 Laura, p. 261, p. 270, p. 283, 
 p. 289, p. 294, p. 321. 
 
 Laurent of Normandy, cf. 
 Normandius. 
 
 Laval, Abbess of, p. 58, p. 523. 
 
 Leblond, Jean, Seigneur de 
 Branville, p. 313. 
 
 Leclerc, J., p. 220, note 1. 
 
 Le Coutelier, Thomas, p. 191. 
 
 Lee, Sidney, p. 279, p. 280, 
 note 2. 
 
 Le Ferron, Arnold, p. 19. 
 
 Lef^vre, Isabelle, p. 32, note 1. 
 
 Leffevre, Nicole, p. 27. 
 
 Leffevre, Ren6, p. 31, p. 32, 
 note 1, p. 248, note 1, p. 
 523, 531. 
 
 Lefranc, Abel, p. 4, p. 11, 
 note 3, p. 12, note 2, p. 22, 
 note 2, p. 28, note 3, p. 32, 
 note 5, p. 82, note 2, p. 83, 
 note 4, p. 94, note 1, p. 95, 
 note 1, p. 102, note 3, p. 
 Ill, note 2, p. 158, note 2, 
 p. 173, note 1, p. 185, note 
 1, p. 190, notes 1 and 2, p. 
 191, notes 1-5, p, 201 and 
 note 4, p. 202, note 2, p. 
 203, note 1, p. 204 and 
 notes 1, 2, p. 213, note 2, 
 p. 223, note 2, p. 224, note 
 1, p. 302, note 1, p. 304, 
 note 1, p. 315, note 2, p. 
 326, notes 1, 2, 3, p. 327, 
 note 1, p. 348, note 1, p. 
 381, note 3, p. 388, note 1. 
 
 Lelong, Le Pfere, p. XI, p. 
 220, note 1. 
 
 L6on Hebreo, p. 303 and note 
 1, p. 318. 
 
 Leonique, cf. Thom6. 
 
 Leontinus, c/. Gorgias. 
 
INDEX 
 
 655 
 
 Lerminier, p. 45, note 1. 
 Le Roy, Louis, p. 305. 
 Leroux de Lincy, p. VI. 
 Le Roux, Jean, p. 183. 
 I'Estrange, Madame de, p. 84, 
 
 p. 523. 
 Licinius, p. 366. 
 Lisle, Hector de, p. 524. 
 Longuemare, P. de, p. XI, 
 
 p. 1, note 1, p. 9, note 2, p. 
 
 12, note 1, p. 27, note 2, 
 
 p. 58, note 4, p. 66, p. 139, 
 
 note 2, p. 164, note 2, p. 
 
 187, note 2, p. 215, note 3, 
 
 p. 218, note 1, p. 253, note 
 
 2. 
 Longueville, cj. Alengon. 
 Lopin, Perrette, p. 201, note 
 
 3. 
 Lorrain, Cardinal Charles de, 
 
 p. 64, note 2. 
 Lowndes, M. E., p. 16, note 
 
 4, p. 22, note 2, p. 23, note 
 
 3, p. 24, note 1. 
 Loynes, Antoinette de, p. 198. 
 Loytaulde, Mile., c/. Beringue. 
 Loytaulde, Mile. Gacinette, 
 
 Mother of Beringue, p. 65, 
 
 p. 234, note 2, p. 524. 
 Lubin, Frh-e, p. 237. 
 Lucina, p. 366, note 2, p. 384. 
 Lucretius, p. 455. 
 LucuUus, p. 366, p. 367. 
 Luther, Martin, p. 124, p. 138. 
 Lutteroth, H., p. 97, note 2, 
 
 p. 157, note 1, p. 166, note 
 
 2. 
 Lyon, du, cf. Du Lyon. 
 
 Macault, L'eslu, p. 218, p. 306, 
 note 3. 
 
 Macrin, Salmon, p. 64, note 
 2, p. 192, note 6, p. 219, 
 note 3, p. 261, p. 558. 
 
 Maecenas, p. 212, p. 367, p. 
 376, note 1. 
 
 Magny, Oliver de, p. 219. 
 
 Maneni, Jean, p. 75, note 3. 
 
 Marbodius, p. 403, note 1. 
 
 Marcella, p. 378, note 1, p. 415. 
 
 Marcus Plautus, p. 368, p. 
 374, note 4. 
 
 Marguerite d' AngoulSme, 
 Queen of Navarre, p. 37, 
 p. 39, note 1, pp. 80-83, p. 
 88, p. 92, p. 118, p. 126, p. 
 164, p. 170, pp. 172 et seq., 
 p. 189, p. 195, note 2, p. 198, 
 p. 211, p. 213, p. 230, note 3, 
 p. 235, note 3, p. 239, p. 315 
 and note 2, pp. 323-347, p. 
 348, p. 349, 355, 360, p. 
 362, p. 365, p. 366, note 2, 
 p. 367, p. 368, p. 378, note 
 1, p. 379, note 3, p. 380, 
 p. 381, p. 383, p. 384, p. 
 385, p. 387, p. 393, pp. 
 396 et seq., 403, note 1, pp. 
 405 et seq., 407, note 1, p. 
 411, p. 416, p. 419, p. 421, 
 p. 422, p. 425, pp. 428-436, 
 pp. 440 et seq., p. 443, pp. 
 445 et seq., pp. 465 et seq., p. 
 512, p. 516, p. 517, p. 524, 
 p. 548, p. 549, pp. 552-554, 
 p. 555, p. 556, p. 557, p. 
 558, pp. 559-562, p. 587, p. 
 588, p. 603. 
 
 Marguerite de France, p. 38, 
 p. 92, p. 431, pp. 440 e( seq., 
 p. 524, p. 550. 
 
 Marillac, Charles de, p. 59, 
 p. 74, note 1. 
 
 Marillac, Gabriel de, p. 95 and 
 cf. p. 59, note 1. 
 
 Marillac, Pierre de, p. 58, p. 
 95, p. 120, p. 524, p. 529. 
 
 Marot, p. X, p. 32, note 3, 
 
656 
 
 INDEX 
 
 p. 47, p. 54, p. 58, note 4, 
 p. 70, note 1, p. 84, p. 102, 
 p. 108, p. 115, p. 119, p. 123, 
 p. 126, p. 136, p. 177, p. 195, 
 p. 217, p. 218, p. 219, p. 223, 
 note 2, p. 230, pp. 232-246, 
 pp. 250-252, p. 261, pp. 264- 
 266, p. 272, p. 273, p. 276, 
 note 2, p. 278, p. 284, p. 305, 
 p. 306, note 3, p. 307 and 
 notes 3, 4, p. 310, note 1, p. 
 314, note 3, p. 353, p. 354, p. 
 355, p. 357, p. 358, p. 508, 
 p. 512, p. 524, p. 530, p. 
 535, p. 541, p. 565. 
 
 Marquet, Marie, p. 5, p. 524. 
 
 Marquet, Michel, p. 5. 
 
 Marron, Fr^re I., p. 59, p. 
 525. 
 
 Martel, Pierre, p. 193. 
 
 Martial, p. 247, p. 376. 
 
 Martin, Jean, p. 219, note 3. 
 
 Marty-Laveaux, Ch., p. 423, 
 note 3. 
 
 Massebieau, p. 22, note 2. 
 
 Maupeou, Vincent, p. 600. 
 
 Maximus Valerius, p. 374. 
 
 Medici, Catherine dei, p. 101. 
 
 Medici, Lorenzo dei, p. 238, 
 p. 285, p. 292, p. 293, note 1. 
 
 Melancthon, p. 47. 
 
 Meleager, p. 310, note 1. 
 
 Menander, p. 384. 
 
 Merlin, Jean-Raymond, p. 
 73, p. 95, p. 525. 
 
 Mermet, p. 54, note 3. 
 
 Mesmes, Jean Pierre de, p. 
 198. 
 
 Meugnier, F., p. 69, note 2. 
 
 Michel de la Roohemaillet, 
 Gabriel, p. 220. 
 
 Michel de la Rochemaillet, 
 Ren6, p. 2, p. 220, note 1. 
 
 Miltiades, p. 365. 
 
 Molans, Madame de, p. 59, p. 
 
 525. 
 Mongaillard, le Capitaine, p. 
 
 525. 
 Montaiglon, p. VI, p. 188, p. 
 
 431, p. 438, p. 465. 
 Montausier, due de, c/. Saint 
 
 Maur. 
 More, Sir Thomas, p. 150, note 
 
 1. 
 Morfiri, Loviis, p. XI, p. 61, 
 
 note 2, p. 83, note 3, p. 105, 
 
 note 2, p. 201, note 3, p. 216, 
 
 note 3. 
 Moses, p. 383, p. 585. 
 Mosnier, Foucaud, p. 5, p. 
 
 228, p. 525. 
 Mouchet, c/. Du Mouohet. 
 Moulin, c/. Du Moulin. 
 Moynet, Geoffroi and Jean, p. 
 
 191. 
 Mulet, Edmond, pp. 85 et 
 
 seg. 
 Mulet, Thfeodofe, pp. 85 et 
 
 seq., p. 133, pp. 142 et seq., 
 
 p. 162, p. 494. 
 Muses, The, pp. 305-306, p. 
 
 309, note 1. 
 Musonius, p. 366, p. 370. 
 Myro, p. 378, note 1. 
 Myrtis, p. 378, note 1. 
 
 Navarre, cf. Marguerite. 
 Nero, p. 366. 
 
 Nerva, Emperor, p. 377, note 5. 
 Niceron, J. P., p. XI, p. 2, p. 
 
 17, note 4. 
 Nicostrates, p. 385. 
 Nicquet, Honorat, p. 6, note 1, 
 
 p. 201, note 4. 
 Nisard, p. 382, note 2. 
 Nolhac, Pierre de, p. 192, 
 
 note 6. 
 Normandius, p. 32. 
 
INDEX 
 
 657 
 
 i-ossa, p. 378, note 1. 
 Nuflly, Mile, de, p. 294, p. 
 625. 
 
 Obadiah, p. 366, note 2, p. 
 
 384. 
 Odde, Edmond, de Triors, 
 
 p. 73, p. 241, note 4, p. 
 
 525. 
 Olivier, Francois, p. 190, p. 
 
 201. 
 Olivier, Gaston, p. 201, p. 207, 
 
 p. 210, pp. 583-586. 
 Oraison, Catherine d', p. 55, 
 
 note 2. 
 Orehus, p. 366, note 2. 
 Orestes, p. 377, note 1, p. 401. 
 Origen, p. 384, p. 585. 
 Orleans, Magdeleine d', p. 37. 
 Oulment, Charles, p. 102, 
 
 note 3. 
 Ovid, p. 99, p. 228, p. 376 and 
 
 note 1. 
 
 Pac, c/. Du Pac. 
 
 Page, 0. H., p. 421, note 3. 
 
 Pagnini, Sanctes, p. 94, p. 
 
 95. 
 Palsemon, p. 366. 
 Pallas, p. 378, note 1. 
 Pannier, L., p. 403, note 1. 
 Papillon, Almaque, p. 263, p. 
 
 314, p. 355, p. 614. 
 Paschal, Pierre, p. 60, p. 217, 
 
 p. 587- 
 Pasquier, Etienne, p. 219, 
 
 p. 232, note 2, p. 241, note 
 
 1, p. 311, note 1. 
 Patroclus, p. 366 and note 2. 
 Paul, Saint, p. 179, p. 365, 
 
 p. 379, note 3, p. 380, p. 
 
 383, p. 384, p. 385, p. 418, 
 
 p. 504, p. 571. 
 Pausanius, p. 228. 
 2tj 
 
 Pelletier, Jacques, p. 219, note 
 
 3, p. 315. 
 Pelletier, Jean, p. 191, p. 230, 
 
 note 3, p. 559. 
 Perault, c/. Du Perault. 
 Pernetti, I'Abbfe, p. 101, note 
 
 1, p. 104, note 4, p. 105, 
 
 note 2. 
 Perron, c/. Pierrevive. 
 Persius, p. 367. 
 Peter, Saint, p. 207, p. 208, 
 
 note 3, p. 383, p. 502, p. 
 
 571. 
 Petit, Jean, p. 232, p. 304, 
 
 note 1, p. 305. 
 Petrarch, p. 196, note 1, pp. 
 
 261 et seq., p. 268, p. 269 and 
 
 note 4, p. 270 and note 1, p. 
 
 271, p. 272, p. 275, note 1, 
 
 p. 276, notes 1, 3, p. 279, 
 
 p. 280, note 1, p. 283, p. 
 
 284, p. 286, p. 287, and note 
 
 1, p. 288, p. 289, p. 291, p. 
 
 294, p. 295, p. 301, p. 302, 
 
 p. 305, p. 321, p. 353, p. 
 
 451, p. 535, p. 559. 
 Peyret, Jean de, p. 96, p. 97. 
 Pharaoh, p. 503. 
 Phidias, p. 385. 
 Philieul, Vasquin, p. 230, 
 
 note 3. 
 Philo, p. 29. 
 Picart, Francois le, p. 309, 
 
 note 1. 
 Picot, Emile, p. 61, note 4, 
 
 p. 71, note 1, p. 107, note 3, 
 
 p. 523, note 1. 
 Picrochole, p. 4. . 
 Pierrevive, Marie-Catherine 
 
 de, pp. loi et seq., p. 525. 
 Pillosii, Jacques, p. 75, note 
 
 3. 
 Pilotelle, E., p. 13, note 2, 
 
 p. 14, note 4. 
 
658 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Pisselieu, Anne de, c/. Etampes. 
 Pitrel, Thomon, p. 241, note 
 
 4, p. 526. 
 Plato, p. 227, pp. 303-305, 
 
 p. 316, p. 323, p. 324, p. 
 
 347, p. 361, p. 362, p. 365, p. 
 
 366 and note 2, p. 367, p. 
 
 369, p. 370, p. 371, p. 373, 
 
 note 1, p. 374, note 4, p. 
 
 378, p. 381, note 3, p. 382, 
 
 p. 383, p. 384, pp. 385-402, 
 
 p. 414, p. 423, p. 424, p. 
 
 509. 
 Plethon, cf. Gemistus. 
 Pliny, p. 208, pp. 402-405, 
 
 p. 403, note 1, p. 456, p. 
 
 '460, note 1, p. 501, note 1, 
 
 p. 569, notes 1, 2, p. 570, 
 
 note 1, p. 571, notes 1, 2, p. 
 
 573, note 1, p. 585. 
 Plutarch, p. 228, p. 364, p. 
 
 365, p. 376, p. 385, p. 
 
 418. 
 Potlio, p. 366. 
 Poljramestor, p. 366 and note 
 
 2. 
 Pontanus, p. 271. 
 Pontolse, Gabriel de, p. 31, 
 
 p. 526, p. 532. 
 Port, cf. Du Port. 
 Porte-Freyne, Capitaine de, 
 
 p. 75, note 3. 
 Portia, p. 368, p. 375, note 
 
 2. 
 Poatel, Guillaume, p. 19. 
 Praxilla, p. 378, note 1. 
 Prevost, Jean, p. 190. 
 Proba, p. 375, note 2. 
 Proclus, p. 304, note 1. 
 Ptolemy, p. 368. 
 Puy, cj. Du Puy. 
 Puy-Herbault, Gabriel, p. 194, 
 
 pp. 201 et seq., p. 207, note 
 
 2, p. 512. 
 
 Pygmalion, p. 366. 
 Pythagoras, p. 366, p. 372. 
 
 Quicherat, p. 22, note 1, p. 24, 
 
 note 1. 
 Quintilian, p. 587. 
 
 Rabelais, Franjois, p. 5, p. 12, 
 p. 13, note 4, p. 31, p. 104, 
 note 4, p. 107, note 4, p. 177, 
 p. 201, p. 202, note 2, pp, 
 204 el seq., p. 213, p. 219, p, 
 241, note 4, p. 249, p. 306 
 note 3, p. 368, p. 405, pp, 
 416-427, pp. 457-509. 
 
 Hsemond, Florimond de, p. 
 29, note 1, p. 30, note 3, p. 
 42, note 1, p. 77, note 2, p. 
 118, note 1. 
 
 Raynaud, Jacques de, cf. Alein. 
 
 Regin, p. 183. 
 
 Regnier, Lieutenant-Gen&ral, at 
 Poitiers, p. 29. 
 
 Regulus, Marcus, p. 367, p. 
 374, note 4. 
 
 Repellin, Aymo, p. 75, note 3. 
 
 Reynaud, Claude, p. 75, note 
 3. 
 
 Roboam, Jean, p. 120, p. 526, 
 p. 529. 
 
 Roohas, p. 57, note 2, p. 73, 
 note 2, p. 92, note 2. 
 
 Roohemaillet, cf. Michel. 
 
 Rocoules, Francois de Galbert 
 de, p. 72, note 1, p. 89. 
 
 Rocoules, Jeanne de, p. 73, 
 note 1, p. 526. 
 
 Roillet, Nicolas, p. 18, p. 32, 
 p. 36, p. 603. 
 
 Ronsard, p. 92, p. 192, p. 197, 
 p. 198, p. 199, p. 200, p. 213, 
 p. 219, p. 223, p. 232, note 
 3, p. 280, p. 301, p. 512, p. 
 547, p. 559. 
 
INDEX 
 
 659 
 
 Rouillg, p. 191. 
 
 RouUetus, Nicolas, cf. RoUlet. 
 Rouxal, Jullien, p. 216. 
 Rouxal, Reii6, Sieur de Ba- 
 
 ville, p. 216. 
 Ruble, Alphonse de, p. 173, 
 
 note 1, p. 174, note 3, p. 
 
 184, note 3. 
 Rua, Jean, p. 313. 
 RutUius, p. 383. 
 
 Sadolet, Cardinal, p. 19, p. 64, 
 note 2, p. 467. 
 
 Saint-Ambroise, c/. Colin. 
 
 Sainte-Beuve, p. 236, note 1. 
 
 Saint-Gelais, Melin de, p. 200, 
 p. 219, p. 230, note 3, p. 
 235, p. 241, note 4, p. 261, 
 p. 263, p. 264, pp. 266-267, 
 pp. 272 et seq., p. 276, notes 
 1 and 2, p. 277, p. 281, p. 
 282, p. 283, p. 288, note 3, 
 p. 306 and note 3, p. 307, 
 p. 310, note 1, p. 355, p. 
 512, p. 535, p. 541, p. 558, 
 p. 565. 
 
 Saint-Jean, Michel de, p. 62, 
 p. 526. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, Charles de, 
 Spelling and punctuation of, 
 p. VI; Ancestry, p. 1; 
 Arms of, p. 2; Birth, p. 3; 
 Boyhood, pp. 7-9; Edu- 
 cation, pp. 9-15; Teaching 
 at Bordeaux, pp. 16-24; 
 Wanderings in Guyenne, 
 pp. 24-26; Return home, 
 pp. 26-28; Interest in "Re- 
 form" at Poitiers, pp. 28- 
 33; Doctorate, p. 34; Cor- 
 respondence with Breton, 
 pp. 35-36; Regius Profes- 
 sor at Poitiers, p. 37; In- 
 terview with the King and 
 
 Queen of Navarre, pp. 37 
 and 49-50; Letter to Calvin, 
 pp. '40-44; Correspondence 
 with Breton continued, pp. 
 47-52; Fortunate situ- 
 ation at Poitiers, p. 49; 
 Departure from Poitiers, p. 
 53; Travels and acquain- 
 tances in Dauphinfe, Pro- 
 vence, and Languedoc, pp. 
 54-69; Love affair at Aries, 
 p. 67; Letter from Arlier, 
 pp. 71 et seq.; Residence, 
 at Romans, pp. 72-79; 
 Application to Grenoble, p. 
 75 ; Journey with the Queen 
 of Navarre, pp. 80-82; 
 First persecution at Gre- 
 noble, pp. 84-89; Letter 
 from Faucher, pp. 89-92; 
 Release from Grenoble, p. 
 92; Appointment to Col- 
 Uge de la TriniU at Ly- 
 ons, p. 93; Friends at Ly- 
 ons, pp. 98-109; attacked 
 by SussanSe, pp. 110- 
 112; Rondeau to the 
 printers, p. 112; Plan for 
 the college presented to 
 the Town Council by, p. 
 115; Relations with Aneau, 
 pp. 115-117; Publication 
 of Poesie Frangoise, p. 118; 
 Analysis of P. F., pp. 228- 
 230; Correspondence with 
 Saint-Maur, pp. 119-120; 
 Theological views of, pp. 
 121-126, 152-159; Depar- 
 ture from Lyons, Arrival at 
 Geneva, p. 127; Situation 
 at Geneva, pp. 129-130; 
 Return to Grenoble, p. 130; 
 Persecution at Grenoble, 
 pp. 132-135; Second im- 
 
660 
 
 INDEX 
 
 prisonment at Grenoble, pp. 
 139-148; Letter to Dufour, 
 pp. 148-152; Release from 
 prison, pp. 159-160; Return 
 to Lyons, p. 161; Publica- 
 tion of the Paraphrases, 
 p. 161; Service with the 
 Duchess of Beaumont, pp. 
 163-172 ; Appointment as 
 Procureur Gineral for the 
 Duchess, p. 164; Appoint- 
 ment as Mattre des Requites 
 to the Queen of Navarre and 
 as Lieutenant Crimind of 
 Alencon, pp. 172-176; De- 
 scription of the Queen of 
 Navarre, pp. 176-186; Com- 
 position of Funeral Oration 
 on Queen of Navarre, p. 187; 
 Connections in her house- 
 hold, p. 190; Publication of 
 Funeral Oration, p. 191; 
 Marriage, p. 193; Compli- 
 ment from Habert, p. 195; 
 Scattered poems, pp. 196- 
 197 ; Acquaintance with 
 Ronsard, p. 197; Reconcilia- 
 tion with family, p. 200; 
 Journey to Paris, p. 200; 
 Publication of the Medita- 
 tion on the 90th Paalm, p. 
 200; Letters of Puy-Her- 
 bault, pp. 201-203; Intel- 
 lectual position in 1650, pp. 
 206-210; Presence at death 
 of Duchess of Beaumont, p. 
 210; Funeral Oration on the 
 Duchess, p. 211; Return to 
 Alencon, p. 212; Connection 
 with Antoine de Bourbon, 
 pp. 212-214; Official Pro- 
 cedure, pp. 214-215; Death, 
 p. 216; Reputation, pp. 
 217-219; Portrait, p. 220; A 
 
 Forerunner of the I'leiaae, 
 pp. 222-224; Translation of 
 Theocritus, p. 225; Clas- 
 sical learning, pp. 227- 
 228; Imitation of Marot, 
 pp. 230-252; Imitation of 
 Martial, pp. 246-249; Im- 
 itation of Rabelais, p. 249; 
 Quoted by Du Verdier, p. 
 250; Poems on Dolet's 
 Maniire de bien traduire, pp. 
 252-258; Anticipation of 
 Du Bellay, p. 257; Dolet's 
 judgment of, p. 258; 
 Theories on Rhyme and 
 Granmiar, p. 259; Petrarch- 
 ism through Marot, Saint- 
 Gelais, and Salel, pp. 259, 
 272-282; Direct imitations 
 of Petrarch and Italian Pe- 
 trarchists, pp. 283-297; List 
 of Poets of his time, pp. 
 305-306; Platonism of, pp. 
 316-323, 385-^02; In- 
 fluenced by Marguerite of 
 Navarre, pp. 323-347; Com- 
 parison with Mamdce ScSve, 
 pp. 348-358; Dixains, pp. 
 355-366; Quality of his 
 verse, pp. 356-359; Funeral 
 Orations, pp. 360 et seq.; 
 Classical tendencies, pp. 
 361-369; Debt to Stobseus, 
 pp. 369-375; Probable first 
 hand acquaintance with clas- 
 sics, pp. 375-379; Sincere 
 Christianity of, pp. 378- 
 381; Attempt to combine 
 Christian and Pagan Plii- 
 losophy, pp. 381-385; Debt 
 to Pliny, pp. 402-406; Pic- 
 tures of his times, pp. 406- 
 414, 457-462; Views on the 
 Woman Question, pp. 414- 
 
INDEX 
 
 661 
 
 420; Sympathy with Ra- 
 belais, pp. 416-427; Views 
 on Education, pp. 420- 
 422; Stylistically unin- 
 fluenced by Calvin and 
 Marguerite of Navarre, pp. 
 428-430; Descriptive Power, 
 pp. 430 et seq. and 494-495; 
 Account of journey of Queen 
 of Navarre, pp. 431-436; 
 Oratorical gifts, pp. 437- 
 444, 495-498; Gifts of 
 Style, pp. 444-447, 505- 
 506; Latin Works, pp. 448 
 et seq.; Theology of, pp. 
 448-450; Asceticism of, p. 
 450; Classicism of Latin 
 Orations, pp. 454-456; Lat- 
 inity of, pp. 464-467; 
 Method in Paraphrase of 
 the Seventh Psalm, pp. 
 468-473; in Paraphrase of 
 Thirty-third Psalm', pp. 
 475-479; in Meditation on 
 Ninetieth Psalm, pp. 481- 
 488; Philosophy of, pp. 
 489-493; Weakness of, p. 
 493; Medievalism of, p. 
 498; Preciosity of, pp. 499- 
 508; Contemplated works 
 of, p. 507, note 1; General 
 estimate of, pp. 508-514; 
 Life of, by Sc6vole de 
 Sainte-Marthe, pp. 515- 
 516; CoUetet's translation 
 of life of, p. 516; Selections 
 from poems, pp. 529—562; 
 Dedications and Prefaces 
 of, pp. 562-589; Agreement 
 with Tartas, pp. 589-590; 
 Deed appointing Sainte- 
 Marthe Procurer GSriSral, 
 pp. 590-593; Brief of, pp. 
 593-600; Letters addressed 
 
 to, pp. 600-607; Verses ad- 
 dressed to, pp. 607-610. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, Gaucher de, 
 pp. 2-5, p. 9, p. 28, p. 68, 
 note 1, pp. 119 et seq., p. 
 213, p. 241, note 4, p. 252, 
 p. 527, p. 601. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, Jacques de, 
 p. 10, p. 12, note 1, pp. 
 515-518. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, Jean de, p. 
 32, p. 527, p. 532. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, Louis de (I), 
 p. 1. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, Louis de (II), 
 Brother of Charles, p. g, 
 p. 27, p. 88, note 1, p. 193, 
 p. 200, p. 527, p. 601. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, Louise de, p. 
 31. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, Ren6 de, p. 27, 
 p. 193, p. 200, p. 601. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, Scfevole de, p. 
 XI, p. 10, p. 47, p. 176, 
 note 2, p. 188, p. 216, p. 
 221, p. 241, note 4, p. 447, 
 p. SIS, P- 549. 
 
 Saint-Martin, Louis de, p. 
 62, p. 68, p. 526. 
 
 Saint-Maur, L6on de, due de 
 Montausier, p. 54, p. 61, 
 p. 88, p. 93, p. 109, p. 118, 
 pp. 119 et seq., p. 122, note 
 3, p. 126, p. 139, note 2, 
 p. 525, p. 529, pp. 600-601. 
 
 Saint-Remy, Louis de, p. 70, 
 p. 241, note 4, p. 526. 
 
 Saint-Romans, p. 69, p. 89, 
 p. 526. 
 
 Salel, Hugues, p. 120, note 4, 
 p. 196, note 1, p. 219, p. 
 241, p. 264, p. 268, note 2, 
 pp. 269-272, pp. 273 et seq., 
 p. 277, p. 279, p. 306 and 
 
662 
 
 INDEX 
 
 note 3, p. 312, p. 355, p. 
 
 358, p. 446, p. 527, p. 542, 
 
 p. 558. 
 Saleranus, p. 366, note 2. 
 San Martino, p. 23, note 2. 
 Sannazaro, Jacopo, p. 263, 
 
 p. 267 and note 2, p. 311, 
 
 note 4. 
 Sappho, p. 375, note 2, p. 378, 
 
 note 1. 
 Saul, p. 578. 
 
 Saunier, Antoine, p. 129. 
 Sauvage, Denys, p. 303, note 1. 
 Savoie, Louise de, p. 37, p. 
 
 180, p. 364. 
 Savonarola, 150, note 1. 
 Sealiger, J. C, p. 17, note 3, 
 
 p. 19. 
 Sc^ve, Claudine, p. loo, p. 
 
 102, p. 109, p. 527. 
 Sc^ve, Maurice, p. X, p. 64, 
 
 note 2, p. 98, pp. 99 et 
 
 seq., p. 120, p. 217, p. 
 
 219, p. 230, note 3, p. 232, 
 
 note 2, p. 283, note 3, p. 
 
 306 and note 3, p. 308, p. 
 
 311, note 4, p. 327, p. 347, 
 
 pp. 348-3SS, p. 356, p. 512, 
 
 p. 527, p. 529, p. 535, p. 
 
 541, p. 565. 
 So^ve, Sybille, p. 102. 
 SohjTon, Jean (Scuronis), p. 
 
 183, p. 407, note 1. 
 Scotus, Johannes Duns (Es- 
 
 cot), p. 248, note 1, p. 249. 
 Scuronis, c/. Schyron. 
 Seneca, p. 366, p. 372, p. 384. 
 Seraphino, cf. Aquila. 
 Sernandi, Jean, p. 75, note 3. 
 Sejrmour, Anne, Margaret and 
 
 Jane, p. 198, p. 557. 
 Shimei, p. 572. 
 Sibilet, Thomas, p. 219, p. 
 
 230, note 3, p. 306, note 3. 
 
 Silly, Ren6 de, p. 190. 
 Simon, l'Abb6, p. 213, note 1. 
 Simonides, p. 378. 
 Socrates, p. 366, p. 369, note 
 
 2, p. 371, p. 372, p. 383, p. 
 
 384, p. 388, note 2, p. 394, 
 
 p. 423, p. 562. 
 Solomon, p. 379, note 3, p. 
 
 383, p. 502. 
 Sopater, p. 374, p. 378, note 
 
 1, p. 383. 
 Sophia, p. 383. 
 Sophocles, p. 369. 
 Sotades, p. 369. 
 Spertus, p. 367. , 
 Sterpin, cf. Esterpin. 
 Stobseus, p. 228, pp. 369- 
 
 374. p. 377, p. 388, note 2, 
 
 p. 391, note 1. 
 Strabo, p. 228. 
 Sturm, John, p. 47, note 1, 
 
 p. 136. 
 Suetonius, p. 365, p. 376. 
 Suidas, p. 377. 
 SussanSe, Hubert, pp. no 
 
 et seq., p. 193. 
 Symphrosia, p. 383. 
 
 TagUacarne, BeHott, p. 261, 
 
 note 3, p. 262. 
 Tahureau, Jacques, p. 219. 
 Tantalus, p. 377, note 1, p. 
 
 401. 
 Tardivon, Andrfe, p. 72, p. 
 
 89, note 2, p. 241, note 4, 
 
 p. 527. 
 Tardivon, Exup^re, p. 72, note 
 
 1. 
 Tardivon, Guillaume, p. 72, 
 
 note 1. 
 Tartas, Jean de, p. 10, note 
 
 2, p. 16, p. 20, p. 21, p. 22, 
 p. 110, note 1, pp. 589 ei 
 
INDEX 
 
 663 
 
 Tebaldeo, Antonio, p. 265, 
 
 p. 280, note 2. 
 Telesila, p. 378, note 1. 
 Tertullian, p. 384. 
 Teste, Jean, p. 593, p. 594. 
 Teste, Julian, pp. 214 et seq. 
 Tejrve, Jacques de, p. 23. 
 Themistius, p. 369. 
 Themistocles, p. 365, p. 378, 
 
 note 1. 
 Theocritus, p. 225, p. 228, 
 
 p. 507, note 1, p. 563.' 
 Theophylactus, p. 183. 
 Theotimus, p. 202, p. 204. 
 Theseus, p. 365. 
 Thessalonica, p. 378, note 
 
 1. 
 Thibaudeau, p. 13, note 2. 
 Thomfe, Nicolas Lfionique, p. 
 
 196, p. 314, note 4, p. 355. 
 Thorel, Abraham, p. 191. 
 Thou, de, p. 23, note 3, p. 24, 
 
 note 1, p. 187, note 2, pp. 
 
 217 e« seq. 
 Thyard, Pontus de, p. 219, 
 
 p. 223, note 3, p. 230, note 
 
 3, p. 303, note 1. 
 Tiberius, p. 366. 
 TiUey, A., p. IX, note 1, p. 11, 
 
 note 6, p. 230, note 3, p. 
 
 235, note 3, p. 251, note 1, 
 
 p. 252, note 1, p. 310, note 
 
 1. 
 Tolet, Pierre, p. 54, note 2, 
 
 pp. 104 et seq., p. 120, p. 
 
 232, note 2, p. 297, note 1, 
 
 p. 320, p. 337, note 4, p. 
 
 342, p. 527, p. 529. 
 Tory, Geoffrey, p. 251. 
 Tournon, Cardinal de, p. 96, 
 
 p. 97. 
 Trajan, p. 376, note 2. 
 Trincavelli, p. 228, note 2, 
 
 p. 369, note 2. 
 
 Trivulce, Theodore and Pom- 
 pone de, p. 96, p. 97. 
 
 Tronchet, Bonaventure du, 
 p. 220. 
 
 Truchon, p. 191. 
 
 Tussaint, Jacques, p. 217. 
 
 Tyrius, Maximus, p. 365, p. 
 369, p. 377. 
 
 Ulysses, p. 307, note 4. 
 Utenhove, Charles, p. 92, note 
 
 3. 
 Uvidius, p. 366, note 2. 
 
 Vace, p. 104, note 4. 
 Vaganay, Hugues, p. 230, 
 
 note 3. 
 Val, c/. Du Val. 
 Valentinian, p. 366. 
 Valla, Laurentius, p. 452. 
 Vallon, Jacques, p. 528. 
 Vatable, Franpois, p. 94, p. 
 
 217. 
 Vauzelles, Matthieu de, p. 
 
 100. 
 Vend6me, cf. Alengon, and cf. 
 
 Bourbon. 
 "Vend6me, Moyne de,'' p. 
 
 306, note 3. 
 Verdier, cf. Du Verdier. 
 Verdonnay, Jean, p. 75, note 3. 
 Veriust, Frangois, pp. io6 et 
 
 seq., p. 528. 
 Verjust, Thomas Comte, dit, 
 
 p. 106, note 3. 
 Vernou, p. 30, note 4. 
 Vespasian, p. 366 and note 2, 
 
 p. 376, note 2. • 
 
 Vianey, Joseph, pp. 26s et 
 
 seq., p. 353, note 1. 
 ViUedieu, Alexandre de, p. 
 
 111. 
 Villeneuve, A. de, p. 53, p. 120, 
 
 p. 529. 
 
664 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ViUiers, p. 107, p. 628. 
 Vindry, Fleury, c). Meury. 
 VioUet-le-duo, p. XII. 
 Viret, Pierre, pp. 127 e< scg., 
 
 p. 130, p. 131, p. 139, note 
 
 2. 
 Virgil, p. 99, p. 367, p. 376, 
 
 p. 610. 
 Visagier, Jean, de Vendi, cf. 
 
 Vulteius. 
 Voizard, Eugene, p. 241, note 
 
 4. 
 Voltaire, p. 2. 
 Vulteius, p. XII, p. 17 and 
 
 note 5, p. 18, p. 21, p. 22, 
 
 p. 26, pp. 48-49, p. 64, note 
 
 2, p. 108, p. 610. 
 
 Weiss, N., p. 22, note 2, p. 
 
 23, note 1. 
 Wolmar, Melchior, p. 114. 
 Wyatt, Thomas, p. 267. 
 
 Xantippe, p. 375, note 1, p. 
 384, note 2. 
 
 Xenophon, p. 11, note 6, p. 
 364, p. 365, p. 367, p. 370, 
 p. 371, p. 372, p. 373, note 1. 
 
 Zebed6e, Andr6, pp. 19 et seq., 
 p. 22, p. 52, p. 127 and note 
 3, p. 605. 
 
 Zedekiah, p. 471. 
 
 Zoilus, p. 366, p. 375, note 1.