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 National convention of the Socialist Par 
 
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 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030333268 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SOCIALIST PARTY 
 
 Chicago, Illinois, May i to 6, 1904 
 
 Stenographic Report by 
 
 WILSON E. McDERMUT 
 
 Chicago, Illinois 
 
 Edited by 
 WILLIAM MAILLY 
 
 National Secretary 
 
 ISSUED BY THE 
 
 NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY 
 
 National Headquarters 
 269 Dearborn Street, Chicago, Illinois 
 
 J^ 
 
6~4-i+^B"7'6 
 
 Jt-- 
 
 Kerwin Bros., Printers, Chicago 
 
EUGENE V. DEBS 
 
 Nominated by the Socialist Party for President 
 of the United States, at Chicago, 111., 
 May 5th, 1904: 
 
Eugene V. Debs 
 
 UGENE V. DEBS, Socialist Party candidate for President, 
 
 was born in Terre Haute, Ind., in 1855, and at the age of 
 
 15 years began work as a railway employe in the Vandalia 
 
 railroad car shops. Afterwards he worked as fireman on a 
 
 freight engine for several years and became a member of 
 
 the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen. He was made 
 
 editor of the Brotherhood magazine in 1877 and three years 
 
 afterward he was chosen general secretary and treasurer, 
 
 a position which he occupied for thirteen years, resigning 
 
 it in 1893 to organize the American Railway Union, which was intended 
 
 to unite the railway workers of America in one great organization. 
 
 Within a year the Great Northern Railway strike was fought and 
 won. Through this contest the wages of thousands of workers from 
 St. Paul to the Pacific coast were saved from reduction and the railway 
 managers awoke to the fact that they had a new power with which to 
 grapple. 
 
 In May, 1894, the famous Pullman strike occurred. Unable to 
 afifect a settlement by arbitration, the A. R. U. took up the matter in 
 the national convention in session at Chicago in June. As a result a 
 boycott was declared against the Pullman cars, to take effect June 26. 
 Within a few days the entire railroad sys-tem of the country extending 
 from Chicago West and South to the Gulf and Pacific coast was tied up 
 and the greatest labor war in the country's history was on. 
 
 On July 2, 1894, Judges Woods and Grosscup, at Chicago, issued a 
 sweeping "omnibus" injunction. Mr. Debs and associates were ar- 
 rested for contempt of court, on alleged violation of the injunction. 
 They were tried in September, but Judge Woods did not render a 
 verdict until December, when he condemned Mr. Debs to six months' 
 imprisonment, and his associates to three. The case was carried to 
 the Supreme Court, which sustamed the lower court, and in May, 1895, 
 the imprisonment in Woodstock jail began. The term expired on 
 
November 22, 1895, and on the evening of that day the prisoner was 
 tendered a reception in Chicago, the Hke of which that city had never 
 seen. 
 
 Debs and associates were also indicted and placed on trial for con- 
 spiracy, and the trial continued until the evidence of the prosecution 
 had all been heard, but suddenly, when the defence began to testify, a 
 juror was taken ill during a temporary adjournment and the trial 
 abruptly terminated in spite of air efforts of the defendants to have it 
 continued. They were anxious to bring the General Managers' Asso- 
 ciation into court and show who were the real law breakers and de- 
 stroyers of property. An acquittal by a jury upon substantially the 
 same charge as that upon which they were imprisoned for contempt 
 would have been fatal to Judge Woods. 
 
 On January i, 1897, Debs issued a circular to the members of the 
 A. R. U., entitled "Present Conditions and Future Duties," in which he 
 reviewed the political, industrial, and economic conditions, and came out 
 boldly for Socialism. Among other things he said : "The issue is 
 Socialism vs. Capitalism. I am for Socialism because I am for hu- 
 manity. The time has come to regenerate society — we are on the eve 
 of a universal change." 
 
 When the A. R. U. met in national convention in Chicago, in June, 
 1897, that body was merged into the Social Democracy of America, 
 with Debs as chairman of the National Executive Board. The following 
 year (1898) the Social Democratic Party was started as! the result of a 
 split in the Social Democracy. In 1900 Debs was nominated for presi- 
 dent as candidate of the Social Democratic Party, which was afterward 
 merged" into what is now the Socialist Party. 
 
 During the past seven years Debs has devoted all his time to 
 lecturing and writing for Socialism, and has also taken part in some 
 notable strikes in the industrial and mining centers of the East and 
 West. He has visited every state during his travels and carried the 
 Socialist message into more places than probably any other man in 
 America. 
 
BEN HANFORD 
 
 Nominated by the Socialist Party for Vice-President 
 
 of the United States, at Chicago, 111., 
 
 May 5th, 1904 
 
Ben Hanford 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 EX HxANFORD, of New York, candidate for Vice-President 
 on the Socialist Party ticket, has long been known as one of 
 the hardest workers in the Socialist movement. 
 
 He combines to an exceptional degree the qualities of 
 figitator, speaker and writer, and he is therefore a worthy 
 companion to the presidential candidate, Eugene V. Debs. 
 
 Hanford has been a Socialist over ten years and a 
 trades unionist for twice that period. He was born in 
 Cleveland, Ohio, 46 years ago, but began life as a wage 
 worker in a country printing ofifice in Iowa. He shortly afterward 
 went to Chicago, where he joined the International Typographical 
 Union, of which he has been a member ever since. He has worked in 
 printing offices in every city east of the Missouri river. 
 
 Hanford became a Socialist in Philadelphia and upon removing to 
 New York in 1892 not only continued his activity as a trades unionist, 
 but threw himself into the Socialist movement with all the intensity and 
 earnestness which has always characterized him. 
 
 Although he has never held an office in his union, and has never 
 been a candidate for one, he has answered to the call of duty for the 
 political working class movement several times. In 1898 he was the 
 candidate of the Socialist Labor Party for governor of New York, but 
 leaving that party the following year because of disagreement with its 
 policy, he joined the Social Democratic Party (which is the official name 
 of the Socialist Party in New York state) and in 1900 and 1902 was its 
 candidate for governor. In the latter year the Socialist vote mcrea£ed 
 from 12,069 to 23,400, giving the party third place on the ballot in that 
 atsic. 
 
 Hanford's writings have become deservedly popular, his "Rail- 
 roading in the United States" winning distinction for its merit and 
 originality. His "Jimmy Higgins" has appealed to all Socialists as a 
 description of a type peculiar to the Socialist movement everywhere. 
 
As a speaker it has been said of him, "Two qualities go to make 
 Hanford a convincing and an inspiring spealcer — a burning earnestness, 
 as evident in his daily private life as in his appearance on the platform, 
 and an ability to clothe his thoughts and feelings in the simplest and 
 most direct language, so that no hearer can fail to understand. 
 
 "More than this, he is a workingman, a class conscious working- 
 man, in every fiber of his being — living the life of the working class, 
 thinking its thoughts and instinct with its feelings, full of its growing 
 hope and self-reliance, hating class rule with all his soul and despising 
 the sham and meanness and cruelty which are necessary to what is 
 conventionally called 'success.' Thus he speaks for the working class 
 when he speaks from his own experience, and he speaks in the sincere 
 and unmistakable language of his class." 
 
Acknowledgment is herewith 
 made of services rendered by Com- 
 rades Charles Dofabs, Secretary of 
 the Convention, and Charles R. 
 Martin, Assistant in the National 
 Office, in editing and otherwise 
 preparing this report. 
 
 WILLIAM MAILLY, 
 
 National Secretary. 
 
PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 National Convention Socialist Party 
 
 of America 
 
 Held in Chicago, 111., May ist to 6th, 1904 
 
 FIRST DAY'S SESSION 
 
 The National Convention of the So- 
 cialist Party of the United States was 
 called to order by National . Secretary 
 William Mailly at Brand's Hall, Chi- 
 cago, 111., Sunday morning, May i, 1904, 
 at 10 o'clock. ■ After preliminary an- 
 nouncements regarding railroad fares, 
 hotel accommodations, etc.. Secretary 
 Mailly announced that the Committee 
 on Credentials, when selected, would 
 meet for the present in the lodge room 
 on the second floor of the Revere House. 
 The Secretary then read the official call 
 for the convention, and before calling 
 for the election of temporary officers, 
 presented for the use of the chairman 
 a silver gavel, saying : "Before calling 
 for the election of temporary officers for 
 the convention, which I believe will be 
 the next thing in order, I am glad to 
 be able to announce to the convention 
 that the comrades of Wisconsin have 
 presented to the Socialist Party, for the 
 use of the chairman during this conven- 
 tion and succeeding conventions, this 
 gavel, in the name of the Socialist Party 
 of Wisconsin." 
 
 The announcement was greeted with 
 applause. 
 
 Nominations for temporary chairman 
 were then called for, and James F. Ca- 
 
 rey, of Massachusetts, and N. A. Rich- 
 ardson, of California, were placed in 
 nomination. Carey was elected on a ris- 
 ing vote, and on motion of Richardson 
 of California, the selection was made 
 unanimous. 
 
 For Secretary, Charles Dobbs of New 
 York was elected without opposition. 
 
 The Socialist Singing Society of Chi- 
 cago then entertained the convention 
 with the "Marseillaise" and other songs 
 and the convention passed to the selec- 
 tion of a Committee on Credentials. 
 
 Committee on Credentials 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The next busi- 
 ness in order is the election of a Cre- 
 dentials Committee. 
 
 DEL. STANTON (Ohio) : I rise to 
 ask this convention ' a question. Is it 
 the sense of the delegates that a person 
 who sends a congratulatory telegram to 
 a candidate of a party in opposition to 
 the Socialist Party should be recognized 
 as a dass-conscious representative of the 
 worldng class? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I desire to state 
 to the delegate that that matter can 
 properly 'be brought before the Creden- 
 tials Committee. If any delegate has 
 any objections to any person wko may 
 
14 
 
 Afternoon Session^ May 
 
 be applying for admission here, such 
 matters must be brought before the 
 Credentials Committee, and upon report 
 by that committee, settled in this con- 
 vention. We cannot anticipate who 
 may deposit credentials. 
 
 DEL. BANDLOW (Ohio): I un- 
 derstand that it is not a question in re- 
 gard to any delegate, but it is a ques- 
 tion to be settled in this convention 
 whether or not in their estimation any 
 person who sends congratulatory tele- 
 grams to political candidates in opposi- 
 tion to the Socialist Party shall be re- 
 cognized as a class-conscious representa- 
 tive of the working class. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The chair de- 
 sires to state that we are not as yet the 
 regularly organized convention of the 
 Socialist Party. We are in preparation of 
 organization. If the persons present de- 
 sire to make an expression on that point, 
 upon motion, the chair will have no 
 objection to putting such a motion. But 
 we are not as yet the convention of the 
 Socialist Party because the delegates' 
 credentials have not been received and 
 have not been acted upon. We are yet, 
 so far as being a convention is con- 
 cerned, nothing more than an assem- 
 blage of persons who declare that they 
 are delegates. However, the Chair 
 awaits any action of the convention. 
 
 Upon motion of Delegate Work, of 
 Iowa, the convention proceeded to elect 
 
 a credentials committee of five mem- 
 bers. The motion to make the com- 
 mittee consist of five members was re- 
 considered after eight delegates had been 
 nominated, and when one of the nomi- 
 nees withdrew it was moved that the 
 committee consist of the seven remain- 
 ing in nomination. The motion prevailed 
 and the following were declared elected 
 as the Committee on Credentials: Car- 
 ver (Mb.), Hayes (Ohio), Kronenberg 
 (N. J.), Titus (Wash.), Floaten (Colo.), 
 Bistorius (Wis.), Lee (New York). 
 
 By a large majority the delegates pres- 
 ent resolved to prohibit smoking during 
 the temporary organization, and the con- 
 vention proceeded to the election of a 
 Committee on Rules to consist of seven 
 members. 
 
 The following delegates accepted nom- 
 inations for membership of the commit- 
 tee : Penrose (Ark.), Work (Iowa), Will 
 (Kas.), Stedman (111.), Bickett (Ohio), 
 Gaylord (Wis.), Taft (111.), Slobodin 
 (N. Y.), MtFarlan (Mich.), Deutzman 
 (Cal.), Robbins (Cal.). 
 
 The ballot was canvassed by four tell- 
 ers and two judges appointed by the 
 chair, as follows : Berlyn (III.) and 
 White (Mass), judges, and Sieverman 
 (N. Y.), Richardson (Cal.), Floaten 
 (Colo.), and Rose (Miss.), tellers. 
 
 Pending the announcement of the re- 
 sult of bkllot, recess was taken until 
 two o'clock. 
 
 AFTERNOON SESSION 
 
 The convention was called to order at 
 two o'clock P. M. by Temporary Chair- 
 man Carey, but owing to the small num- 
 ber in attendance the recess was extend- 
 ed subject to the call of the Chair. At 
 2:45 the Chair called the convention to 
 order, and the results of the ballot on 
 the Committee on Rules was read, as fol- 
 lows : Penrose, 84 ; Work, 141 ; 
 Will, 81; Stedman, 98; Bickett, 74; Gay- 
 lord, 117; Taft, 87; Slobodin, 119; Mc- 
 Farlan, 43; Deutzman, 43; Robbins, 83. 
 
 The seven delegates receiving the 
 highest vote, viz.. Work (la.), Slobodin 
 (N. Y.), Stedman (111.), Gaylord 
 (Wis.), Taft (111.), Robbins (Cal.), 
 were thereupon declared elected. 
 
 The secretary read the following com- 
 munications : 
 
 Cleveland, O., May i, 1904. 
 Socialist Convention, Brand's Hall. 
 Heartiest wishes. May celebration. 
 Bohemian Socialists of Qeveland. 
 
 Comrades of the Convention of the 
 Socialist Party of the United 
 States : 
 
 The Socialist Saengerbund and the 
 Liedertafel Freiheit of Chicago kind- 
 ly invite you to attend a social ar- 
 ranged for the benefit of the delegated 
 comrades from the different states at 
 55 North Clark street, in Trades 
 Union Hall, Tuesday evening at 8 
 o'clock. 
 
 We shall be happy to meet the rep- 
 resentatives of the working class at 
 our headquarters at the stated time, 
 
Afiern(yon Ses^on, May j. 
 
 15 
 
 and hope to entertain them in a true 
 fraternal way. 
 With best wishes, fraternally yours, 
 Socialist Saengerbund, 
 Liedertafel Freiheit, 
 Per O. Gritschke, Secretary. 
 
 The invitation of the Saengerbund 
 was accepted upon motion. 
 
 Upon motion it was decided to con- 
 fer upon Comrade Jas. S. Smith, Chi- 
 cago, full poTVer to select a Sergeant- 
 at-Arms. 
 
 Report on Credentials 
 
 The Committee on Credentials being 
 ready with a partial report. Chairman 
 Algernon Lee was recognized. Comrade 
 Lee prefaced the reading of the report 
 with the following statement : 
 
 "Your Committee on Credentials has 
 passed upon all of the regular and un- 
 contested credentials presented to it. I 
 will first state that in regard to the 
 decision of the National Committee that 
 no States should be entitled to repre- 
 sentation which were in arrears beyond 
 a certain time in payment of dues, the 
 Credential Committee voted not to con- 
 sider this matter, but to refer it back 
 to the convention without recommenda- 
 tion. 
 
 "The committee heard certain contests. 
 There was a protest brought against 
 the seating of J. Stitt Wilson as a dele- 
 gate from California upon a charge pre- 
 sented by Delegate Stanton, of Ohio, 
 in writing, that Comrade Wilson had 
 sent a congratulatory telegram to Mayor 
 Samuel Jones of Toledo, on the occasion 
 of his election, and that this was such 
 a violation of Socialistic ethics that it 
 should debar him from taking part in 
 the deliberations of this convention. 
 Comrade Wilson appeared before the 
 Committee and made the statement that 
 he did not send that telegram ; that he 
 did not authorize its sending; that he 
 did not have anything to do with it or 
 know anything about its having been 
 sent until a considerable time afterwards, 
 but that it was sent by Mr. Nelson, of 
 St. Louis, with whom he had been in 
 conversation before that lime in regard 
 to this and other matters ; and that he 
 believed that Mr. Nelson acted in good 
 faith in sending it and using his (Wil- 
 son's) name along with his own. But 
 thatas a matter of fact he did not. au- 
 thorize it, did not know of it, and had 
 he known of Mr. Nelson's intention to 
 
 sign his name to such a telegram would 
 not have allowed it. Upon this state- 
 ment of Comrade Wilson, there being 
 no further evidence or statements of 
 fact upon the one side or upon the 
 other, the committee unanimously voted 
 to seat Comrade Wilson as a delegate 
 from California. (Applause.) 
 
 "There was a further question raised 
 in regard to Comrade Wilson's seat and 
 the seat of Comrade M. W. Wilkins 
 as delegates from California. The State 
 Secretary in his report to the National 
 Secretary had included J. Stitt Wilson 
 in the list of delegates and had included 
 M. W. Wilkins in the list of alternates. 
 He had issued regular credentials as 
 delegate to Comrade Wilson, and had 
 issued credentials as delegate, with the 
 word delegate underscored, in writing 
 to Comrade Wilkins. It was explained 
 that this arose out of a certain irregular- 
 ity in the districting of the state, the 
 delegates there being elected by districts. 
 There being two on the list of delegates 
 from California who are not present, 
 and at least one of whom, Comrade Hel- 
 fenstein, we are sure will not be present, 
 the committee recommended that both 
 Comrade Wilson and Comrade Wilkins 
 be seated as delegates and ordered that 
 delegates' badges be issued to them. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 "In two or three cases the delegates 
 were unable to present their credentials 
 through some irregularity of the mails, 
 their credentials not having reached 
 them in time. In these cases, the com- 
 mittee having sufficient evidence, as they 
 deemed, of the fact that they were regu- 
 larly elected, have recommended that the 
 delegates be seated. I have here the 
 list of the delegates and alternates who 
 were recommended to be seated, and if 
 it is the pleasure of the house I will 
 read the list. 
 
 "In regard to South Dakota, the com- 
 mittee decided that-though that state 
 was by its membership entitled to only 
 two delegates, yet it had so increased 
 its membership that it was well entitled 
 to three, and the commitee desired that 
 Comrade Ix>vett of South Dakota shall 
 be admitted as the third delegate, yet 
 it understood it had no authority to 
 seat more delegates from any state than 
 the number to which that state was en- 
 titled under the exact terms of the 
 call. 
 
 "The committee finds it necessary to 
 hold a further session to consider con- 
 
16 
 
 AfterMoHtSi^Mtonj-Uayx t. 
 
 tests and irregularities, and it was voted 
 that as soon as the convention has dis- 
 posed of the present report of, the coip- 
 raittee on credentials the committee will 
 then hold another session at once at a 
 place to be announced from this plat- 
 form, and any delegates who are in- 
 terested in any cases of. contest? and 
 wish to come before the committee may 
 attend it at that time." 
 
 List of Delegates 
 
 The Chairman of the Committee then 
 read a list of those entitled to seats ii\ 
 the convention, as follows: 
 
 ALABAMA— F. X. Waldhorst. 
 
 ARKANSAS— Wells LeFever, Wm. 
 Penrose. 
 
 CALIFORNIA— J. L Cobb, P. 
 Deutzman, M. W. Wilkins, Paul H. Kel' 
 ler, H. M. McKee, J. J. Pattonv N. A. 
 Richardson, H. B. Weaver^ Bertha Wil- 
 kins, J. Stitt Wilson, G. W. Woodbey. 
 Alternate, Sam Robbins. 
 
 COLORADO— Wm. Ash,.A. H. Float- 
 en, Ida Crouch Hazlett, Guy E. Miller, 
 R. A. Southworth. 
 
 CONNECTICUT— Cornelius Maho- 
 ney, Eugene Toomey. 
 
 IDAHO— E. B. Ault. 
 
 ILLINOIS— B. Berlyn, Sam Block, 
 Chas. L. Breckon, Jas. H. Brower, E. 
 E. Carr, John Collins, Wm. Dalton, A.: 
 W. Mance, Theo. Meyer, Thos. Ji Mor- 
 gan, J. E. Phelan, D* M; Smith, Jasi S. 
 Smith, A. M. Simons, S. Stedman, M. 
 H. Taft, E Untermannv Alternate, A. 
 Harrack. 
 
 INDIANA— Wm. Barrettj Eugene V. 
 Debs, Matt. Hollenberger; james; Oneal. 
 
 IOWA- John W. Bennett, J. J. Ja- 
 cobsen, Carrie L. Johnson,- John M-.; 
 Work. 
 
 KANSAS— Mrs. E. G. Cogswell, Mrs. 
 Luella R. Kraybill, Walter T. Mills, 
 Thomas E. Will. Alternates, W. S. Neal, 
 W. R. Parks. 
 
 KENTUCKY— Thomas McGrady, A. 
 L. NageL Alternate^ F. R. Markert. 
 
 LOUISIANA— Wilbur Putnam. 
 
 MARYLAND— Wm. A. Toole. Al- 
 ternatCi S. L. V. Youngi 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS— James F, Ca- 
 rey, Herman Brandt, J. A. Keown, Geo. 
 E. Littlefield, H. A. Gibbs, John J. Kel- 
 ly, A. Bi Outram, Dan A.- White. Al- 
 ternate, Alex. Hayman. 
 
 MICHIGAN*.-Wm. L. Beriessi, C. J. 
 Lambj J. H. McFaTlanc Johtii A. C. 
 Menton. 
 
 MINNESOTA— M. A. Brattlan,d,; A. 
 N. Gilbertson, S. M. Holnjan,; Nicholas 
 
 Klein, Thos. H. LuCas. Altetoatesj £d. 
 Bosky, E. B. Ford. 
 
 MISSOURI^E. T. Behrens, Wm> M. 
 Brandt, Fred H. Dilno, W. L. Carver, 
 G. A. Hoehn, Carl Knecht, Caleb Lips- 
 comb, T. E. Palmer, Geo. H. Turner, 
 Hugh J. Raible, J. H. Rathbun. 
 
 MONTANA— C. C. MtHugh. 
 
 NEBRASKA— W. E. Qark, William 
 Mailly. Alternates, J. W. HawkinSj P. 
 J. Hyland. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE— James S. Mur- 
 ray. 
 
 NEW JERSEY — Peter Burrowes, 
 Wm. Glanz, Carl Kronenberg, W. L. 
 Oswald, Charles Ufert, David Rubinow. 
 Alternate, G. H. Strobell. 
 
 NEW YORK— Warren Atkinson, C. 
 P. Bush, Wm. Butscher, A. P. Byron- 
 Curtis, Chas. Dobbs, Wm. Ehret, P. J. 
 Flannigan, Julius Gerber, Ben Hanford, 
 Geo. D. Herron, Morris Hillquit, Alex- 
 ander. Jonas, Algernon Lee, Frank Sie- 
 verpiaij, H. L. Slobodin, John Sparge, 
 Otto Wegener, H. W. Wessling. Alter- 
 nates,. Gustave Dressier, Gaylord Wil- 
 shire. 
 
 NORTH DAKOTA— Tomnes Thams. 
 
 OHIO— Robert Bandlow, C. A. Bick- 
 ett, D. F. Farrell, Martin Goss, Max S. 
 Hayes, W. A. Stanton, W. L. Webster, 
 C. E. WiUey. 
 
 OKLAHOMA— J. V. Kolachney, A. 
 S. Loudermilk, J. E. Snyder. Alternates, 
 Roy Hayes, A. W'. Renshaw. 
 • OREGON— Irene M. Smith. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA— Hugh Ayres/ J. 
 Mahlpn Barnes, Geo. W. Bacon, Innes 
 Forbes, Louis Goaziou, Chas. Heydrick, 
 James Maurer, Ed. Moore. Alternate, 
 Robert Ringler. 
 
 SOUTH DAKOTA — Freeman 
 Knowles, O. C. Potter. 
 
 TEXAS— John Kerrigan, R. O. Lang- 
 wprthy, E. B. Latham. 
 
 WASHINGTON— O. Lund, Hermon 
 F. Titus. 
 
 WISCONSIN— H. J. Ammann, Victor 
 L Berger, J. W. Born, W. R. Gaylord, 
 J, M. A. Spence, E. H. Thomas, Jacob 
 Hunger. Alternates, H. W. Bistorius, 
 Richard Eisner, F. J. Weber, W. C. 
 Young. 
 
 Delegate Berlyn moved that the report 
 be adopted. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN (111.) : I ask that 
 the name placed in the report as a sub- 
 stitute for Delegate McEachern be not 
 endorsed 1 until the subject matter in ref- 
 erence thereto be submitted to the Com- 
 mittee on Credentials. My reason for 
 
Afternoon Session, May !■ 
 
 17 
 
 tins is that the election of delegates for 
 Illinois resulted in a tie vote for the 
 last two names. The tie was settled by 
 methods of chance. One of the com- 
 rades, of course, lost. It is thought that 
 in the absence of the successful com- 
 rade, the one receiving the equal vote 
 should be his substitute, and not any 
 one else. Therefore, I ask that this be 
 left to the committee. / 
 
 Delegate Barnes (Pa.) moved to 
 arnend the motion that the report be 
 adopted with a statement in. writing of 
 the case of Delegate Wilson of Cali- 
 fornia. The amendment was accepted 
 and the report of the Committee was 
 adopted.* 
 
 Delegate Keown (Mass.) moved that 
 the extra delegate from South Dakota 
 be seated. Motion seconded. 
 
 Delegate Barnes (Pa.) opposed the 
 motion as overriding the law of repre- 
 sentation. 
 
 The Chairman ruled that this was a 
 matter to come before the Convention 
 later. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now before the house is the motion that 
 the report of the committee be accepted 
 and the delegates named seated. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.) : I want 
 to know as a matter of information — 
 the chairman of the Committee on Cre- 
 dentials reported that there were some 
 
 *The papers in the case of Delegate 
 J. . Stitt Wilson, of California, were as 
 follows : 
 
 Comrades of the Credential Committee: 
 Your attention is . hereby called to the 
 fact that Comrade Stitt Wilson, on the 
 occasion of the last election of Hon. Sam 
 Jones of Toledo to the mayorality of 
 that city, sent to him a telegram con- 
 gratulating him upon the success of his 
 candidacy. 
 
 W. A. STANTON, Ohio. 
 Chi. 5-1-04. 
 
 To the Committee on Credentials. 
 
 With reference to the telegram re- 
 ferred to by the protest from Ohio, I 
 wish to say that I did not send the tele- 
 gram. It was sent by N. , O. Nelson of 
 St. Louis, with whom I had been in con- 
 versation about the various elections. 
 I did not authorize Mr. Nelson to send 
 the telegram congratulating JMayor Jones 
 on his election over our Socialist com- 
 rades. Whatever the telegram con- 
 tained, which I do not know to this 
 day, I believe that Mr. Nelson acted in 
 good faith In coupling my name with his. 
 
 My attitude to Mayor Jones can be 
 attested by the Toledo comrades, who 
 know that I went specially to Toledo 
 to oppose Mr. Jones in his campaign for 
 Bryan. 
 
 J. STITT WILSON. 
 
 states which, according to the action of 
 the National Committee, would not be 
 entitle^ to seats in the convention. I 
 want to know now if this motion to ac- 
 cept and adopt the report of the com- 
 mittee will do away with that action of 
 the National Committee in not wanting 
 to seat delegates whose states were in 
 arrears for a certain amount of dues. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The supreme 
 authority of the Socialist Party rests 
 with the National Committee, subject 
 to referendum. We determine our 
 membership. The National Committee 
 are simply our creatures. We are here. 
 The report of the committee is to the 
 effect that the delegates of certain states 
 which are in arrears be seated. They 
 are included in the general report. The 
 motion before the house is to accept 
 the report and seat the delegates. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST: This is cer- 
 tainly satisfactory, to me, and I sup- 
 pose to other comrades, as far as this 
 matter is concerned. But at the same 
 time, I would like to see this report of 
 Comrade Lee 'put in such shape that ^t 
 the conclusion of the convention the 
 matter can come to the comrades in the 
 different states and be a part of the con- 
 vention proceedings. If that is the case, 
 that is all. That is the question I want 
 to have settled. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The suggestion 
 of the delegate from Alabama is to the 
 effect that the statement made by. the 
 Committee on Credentials relative to the 
 states which are in arrears and whose 
 delegates the committee reported fa- 
 vorably upon, be included in such docu- 
 ments as may be issued by this body. The 
 question before the house is the accept- 
 ance of the report of the committee as 
 read and the seating of the delegates 
 named. 
 
 Motion put and carried. 
 
 The chair then called for the election 
 of permanent chairman for the day, and 
 the temporary chairman was made perr 
 manent chairman for the day by unani- 
 mous vote. The temporary secretary, 
 Dobbs (N. Y.), was unanimously chosen 
 permanent secretary for the convention. 
 Upon motion, Ira B. Cross (Wis.) and 
 F. X. Waldhorst (Ala.) were elected 
 assistant secretaries. 
 
 No Smoking Allowed 
 
 A delegate moved that the convention 
 re-indorse the , action taken providing 
 
18 
 
 Afternoon Session, May i. 
 
 that there be no smoking during the 
 conventioHi Seconded. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I regret 
 a motion of that character coming from 
 a man, as being out of place. From a 
 lady delegate it would have a proper 
 {)lace. But it is born of sentimentality, 
 and it is inconsistent with the comrade- 
 ship that should exist, and the com- 
 radeship that exists in Europe between 
 men and women under relations of a 
 high order. A woman exercises all the 
 rights that a man exercises as to the 
 selection of those that are favorable to 
 her. We as Socialists have no right to 
 demand from members here any action 
 to suit our peculiar ideas as men or. 
 individuals. She has a right to exercise 
 the privilege that all men exercise. I 
 have a comrade here who likes to smoke. 
 It is not offensive to him. I am satisfied 
 that the lady delegates who are here 
 come here feeling that they have all the 
 rights that a man enjoys, and they are 
 equal to the men and can .protect them- 
 selves, and it is altogether sentiment, 
 this supposed protection of woman. She 
 can speak for herself and don't have to 
 have a man to speak for her. 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN (111.) : I take 
 issue with Comrade Kerrigan of Texas. 
 This is not a question of sentiment; it 
 is a question of common decency. 
 (Applause.) There are men and women 
 in this hall, and it is a violation of 
 comradeship to insist that those who 
 do not like smoke shall be compelled to 
 submit to it. 
 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH (Ore.): As 
 the comrade has intimated that we 
 speak for ourselves, I will speak for 
 myself. I am not representing the other 
 ladies present. I have not objected to 
 smoking personally, for the reason that 
 I did not want to be set down as a 
 crank. But speaking for myself, I make 
 known to the comrades that I do protest 
 against smoking second-hand smoke. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN: Mr. Chairman, 
 inasmuch as one of the lady delegates 
 has spoken, there is nothing for the con- 
 vention to do but pass upon the objection 
 she has made. Now, I say that the gen- 
 tlemen who speak on this matter should 
 carry their views out into life. If they 
 do not smoke personally at home they 
 do not smoke in public places. But it 
 is a Socialist principle that we do not 
 recognize any sex, and that is the 
 reason 
 
 DEL. BARRETT (Ind.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Ker- 
 rigan has the floor until this point of 
 order is settled. 
 
 DEL. BARRETT: He has already 
 spoken once upon that proposition. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The statement 
 made by the delegate from Indiana is 
 correct, but there is no rule, and Dele- 
 gate Kerrigan had risen and was the 
 only delegate that had been recognized, 
 and he still has the floor. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN: In the absense 
 of a rule 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: In the absence 
 of a rule Delegate Kerrigan can talk 
 as often as he can get the floor and as 
 long as he wants to. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN : I have as much 
 regard for the rights of others, I expect, 
 as any delegate on the floor, but I do 
 object to the introduction of sentimen- 
 tality to prevent the women from com- 
 ing into our movement. I know that 
 women do not object to anything in the 
 conduct of men, providing they are 
 within the rules of common decency. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. Our Chairman has time 
 and time again ruled that he was going 
 to rule this convention according to par- 
 liamentary provisions. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate 
 from Kansas will inake his point of or- 
 der and not criticize what the Chair- 
 man may have said. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. PARKS: We are under par- 
 liamentary law until we adopt some 
 other rule, and we have a committee 
 drafting a set of rules that will be- 
 come a supplement and take the place 
 of parliamentary procedure as soon as 
 they report, and until that time we are 
 under parliamentary procedure, and it 
 has been ruled time and again in this 
 convention that we are to proceed ac- 
 cording to parliamentary rules. The 
 point of order is this : that no man shall 
 talk twice upon one subject. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is raised that under parliamentary 
 law a delegate is not allowed to talk 
 twice upon any one subject. The body 
 will understand that not only have we 
 not accepted any rules, but we have not 
 even become a parliamentary body as 
 yet, and under the same parliamentary 
 law that the gentleman is acquainted 
 with I make that ruling, and it has been 
 held that in all parliamentary bodies of 
 
Afternoon Session, May j. 
 
 19 
 
 this kind a man can talk as often as he 
 can get the floor. The point .of order 
 is not well taken. Delegate Kerrigan 
 has the floor. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN (111.) : May I ask 
 a question? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Not without the 
 consent of the delegate. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN : My point of order 
 is this: that when we made you Chair- 
 man we became a parliamentary body, 
 and you are ruled by parliamentary 
 usages. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is not well taken. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN : I desire to appeal 
 from the decision of the chair. 
 
 The Secretary took the chair. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN: Mr. Chairman 
 and delegates, our Chairman has ruled 
 that the delegate from Texas has the 
 right to speak as long as he will and 
 keep us here as long as he likes. I ap- 
 peal from the decision of the chair. 
 
 CHAIRMAN CAREY: Mr. Secre- 
 tary, I want to speak to this house. 
 Now, I do not care as to the position 
 that any of the members may take. Let 
 us not confuse our personal views with 
 the question. What is the question? 
 It is not whether we like what Dele- 
 gate Kerrigan says or what he does not 
 say, whether he has _ talked twice or 
 may talk a million times. The ques- 
 tion is whether, in the absence of rules 
 limiting the number of times a person 
 may talk or the length "of time that he 
 may talk, if a person is recognized by 
 the chair, in the absence of such rules 
 he can talk as long as he wants to, and 
 it is therefore the duty of this conven- 
 tion as soon as possible to get at the 
 adoption of rules. _ I have attempted to 
 assist this convention, but this conven- 
 tion has not been of any assistance to 
 me in the matter. (Laughter.) 
 
 The decision of the chair was sus- 
 tained. 
 
 Del. Carey resumed the chair. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : A point of 
 order. I raise the point of order that 
 Delegate Kerrigan of Texas has been 
 discussing the philosophy or abstract 
 theories of the Socialist movement, and 
 has not confined himself to the smoke 
 nuisance. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is well taken. (Laughter.) The 
 delegate from Texas, who has got me 
 into a lot of trouble already, will please 
 confine himself to the subject. 
 
 Del. Phelan (III.) asked for recog- 
 nition. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The conven- 
 tion will be in order until I state that 
 under the rule the delegate from Texas 
 has the floor, but that unfortunately we 
 have no rules that may prevent a per- 
 son from taking advantage of it. It 
 is not my fault. I must simply act in 
 accordance with the general practice. 
 
 Several delegates endeavored to get 
 the floor. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate 
 from Texas has the floor. Are there 
 any parliamentary objections? 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.): A point 
 of order. The Committee on Rules is 
 ready to report. 
 
 _ THE CHAIRMAN : If the conven- 
 tion would permit Delegate Kerrigan 
 to say what he wishes we would have 
 been through long before. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.): Which is the 
 more important, for us to adopt rules 
 or have a discussion on smoking? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Ker- 
 rigan has the floor parliamentarily. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: A point of or- 
 der. At the session this morning there 
 were two committees elected, a Com- 
 mittee on Credentials and a Commit- 
 tee on Rules. After the Committee on 
 Credentials reported, there was nothing 
 before this body except to receive the 
 report of the Committee on Rules. 
 That committee is now ready to report, 
 and there is nothing that precedes their 
 right to report. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The chair de- 
 cides on the point of order that this con- 
 vention is not the convention that met 
 before two o'clock; that we are the or- 
 ganized body of the Socialist Party 
 regularly seated, and the meeting be- 
 fore was simply a mass of persons who 
 claimed to be delegates. Delegate Kerri- 
 gan, you have the floor as long as you 
 hold it parliamentarily, but I want to say 
 that Comrade Kerrigan would Have got 
 through long ago if you would only let 
 him say what he wanted to say. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN : It placed me in 
 an unfair attitude. It was unfair to 
 say that J was discussing a subject that 
 was not in line with the motion. I was 
 not. The point I wish to make is that 
 this motion is in line with most of the 
 foolish notions that have placed the 
 Socialist party in a wrrftig attitude. I 
 say that the lady delegates who are 
 here are able to take care of themselves, 
 
20 
 
 Afternoon Session, May i- 
 
 and I am sure they do not want to place 
 themselves in the attitude of being criti- 
 cised on the part of the Socialist party. 
 They want to be in the class Of com- 
 rades who are devoted to the welfare 
 of the Socialist party. I have no de- 
 sire to take up your time or harass 
 the convention, as comrades seem to 
 think, but I will insist on being heard 
 when I am in the right, and that is all 
 I have to say. (Applause.) 
 
 The motion that smoking be pro- 
 hibited was finally put and carried. 
 
 The Chairman stated that the time 
 for vacating the building (3 :4s) had 
 already passed, and that if the rules 
 were taken up they would consume sev- 
 eral hours, but that the convention was 
 the judge of its own acts. 
 
 Delegate H(illquit (N. Y.) moved that 
 the convention do not adjourn until the 
 committees are elected, and that it then 
 adjourn. 
 
 It was moved to adjourn until eight 
 o'clock Monday morning. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I am in 
 favor of the motion proposed by Dele- 
 gate Hillquit of New York. I do not 
 think that this convention ought to con- 
 sider of paramount importance the ar- 
 rangements for a banquet. 
 
 DEL. HEYDRICK (Pa.) : I rise to 
 a point of order. A motion to adjourn 
 has been rhade and seconded, and that 
 is the only business before the house. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: A motion to 
 adjourn to a stated time is subject to 
 discussion. A plain motion is not! This 
 is a motion to adjourn to a certain time. 
 
 DEL. PHELAN (III.) : A point of 
 order. We are at present under the 
 question of the Committee on Rules, 
 and no other subject can be introduced. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: A. motion to 
 adjourn a body without time or with 
 time is always in order, and Delegate 
 Spargo has the floor. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.) : A point of order. 
 A motion made while another matter is 
 before the house is not debatable. It 
 is only privileged when there is no 
 other matter before the house. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: A plain motion 
 • to adjourn is not debatable, but a mo- 
 tion to adjourn to a specified time is 
 always debatable. 
 
 DEL. TAFT: But it is not privi- 
 leged when there is another motion be- 
 fore the house, and is not debatable. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: T think it is impor- 
 tant that this convention get down to 
 
 its serious work. I am not in favor of 
 considering as a matter of primary im- 
 portance to interfere with the conven- 
 tion the arrangeJnents that have ^been 
 made for a banquet by the members bf 
 the Reception Committee. I think it 
 was an act of ill judgment, to say the 
 least, that they .should have arranged 
 a banquet in this hall which would ne- 
 cessitate the adjournment of this con- 
 vention at an early hour, at such an im- 
 portant time, before the serious work 
 of the convention had begun. Now, 
 comrades, we have not come from 
 New York, Seattle or California pri- 
 marily for the purpose of attending a 
 banquet. (Applause.) We have ho ob- 
 jection to a banquet; we have no 'ob- 
 jection to smoking; we have no objec- 
 tion whatever to any pleasantries of 
 comradeship that can be introduced into 
 an occasion of this character. But ipri- 
 marily and above all, we have met to 
 transact the business of the Socialist 
 party, and that must come first of all, 
 and for my part, if the banquet has to 
 be abandoned, if we have to go vvithout 
 it, we will go without it rather than 
 impair the efficiency of the work of this 
 convention. (Applause.) Therefore I 
 hope that the delegates present will not 
 vote either for adjournment now until 
 to-morrow morning or for any adjourn- 
 ment which will necessitate the leaving 
 undone of things which ought to be 
 done at the beginning of its sessions. 
 
 The motion to adjourn was put and 
 lost. 
 
 Comrade Gaylord, secretary of the 
 committee, made the following 
 
 I'Report of Committee on Rules 
 
 The Committee on Rules met at the 
 Revere House and Comrade John 
 Work of Iowa was elected Chairman. 
 Comrade W. R. Gaylord was elected 
 Secretary. The Committee begs to re- 
 port as follows : 
 
 1. A chairman shall be elected at the 
 commencement of each day's session. 
 
 2. A secretary and two assistants 
 shall be elected for the entire conven- 
 tion. 
 
 3. A reading clerk and one assistant 
 shall be elected for the convention. 
 
 4. A sergeant-at-arms and assistant 
 shall be appointed for the entire con- 
 vention. 
 
 5. Five (s) pages and five (s) mes- 
 sengers shall be appointed from visiting 
 members by the sergeant-at-arms. 
 
Afternoon Session^ May i. 
 
 6. Four (4) tellers and two (2) 
 judges to count all ballots shall be ap- 
 pointed for the entire convention. 
 
 7. A Committee on Platform shall be 
 elected, to consist of nine (9) members. 
 
 8. A Committee on Constitution shall 
 be elected, to consist of one member 
 from each organized state or territory, 
 who shall be chosen by the delegates of 
 each organized state and territory re- 
 spectively. 
 
 9. A Committee on Resolutions shall 
 be elected, to consist of nine (9) mem- 
 bers. 
 
 10. A Committee on Municipal Pro- 
 gram shall be elected, to consist of nine 
 (9) members. 
 
 11. Tiie standing Committee on Mu- 
 nicipal Program appointed by the In- 
 dianapolis Convention shall report to the 
 Committee on Municipal Program. 
 
 12. A Press Committee shall be ap- 
 pointed, to consist of five (s) members. 
 
 13. An Auditing Committee of five 
 (S.) members shall be appointed by the 
 chair. 
 
 14. A Committee on Ways and 
 Means shall be elected, to consist of 
 nine (9) members. 
 
 15. Discussions shall be limited to 
 ten (10) minutes for each speaker. No 
 speaker shall speak a second time until 
 all desiring to use their time shall have 
 had an opportunity to speak. 
 
 16. The sessions of the convention 
 shall begin at 10 a. m. and continue to 
 12 noon, and from 1 130 p. m. to S :30 
 p. m., and a night session as soon as the 
 reports of committees are ready or have 
 been called for. The night session shall 
 extend from 7:30 to 9:30 p. m. 
 
 . 17. Roberts' Rules of Order shall be 
 used, with the exception that when the 
 p^revious question has been called for 
 three delegates on each side of the 
 question shall be allowed three minutes 
 each for closing the debate before the 
 question is put. 
 
 18. During the sessions of the con- 
 vention no smoking shall be allowed on 
 
 th? floor of the convention. 
 
 19. Following shall be the order of 
 business : 
 
 1. Report of the Committee on 
 
 Credentials. 
 
 2. Reiport of the National Secretary. 
 
 3. Report of the Committee on Plat- 
 
 form. 
 
 4. Report of the Committee on Mu- 
 
 nicipal Program. 
 
 21 
 
 $. Report of the Committee on 
 Resolutions. 
 
 6. Nomination of candidate for 
 
 President; 
 
 7. Nomination of candidate for 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 8. Election of Delegates to the In- 
 
 ternational Socialist Congress. 
 
 9. Report of the Committee on 
 
 Ways and Means. 
 
 10. Report of Auditing Committee. 
 
 11. Election of the National Cam- 
 
 paign Committee. 
 W. R. Gaylord, Secretary. 
 DEL. GAYLORD: I beg to report 
 the following minority report signed by 
 Seymour Stedman and W. R. Gaylord: 
 
 Minority Reports 
 
 A Committee on Trades Unions shall 
 be elected-, to consist of nine members. 
 
 A Committee on Farmers' Program 
 shall be elected, to consist of nine mem- 
 bers. 
 
 A Committee on Race Problems, to 
 consider the Negro and Chinese ques- 
 tions, shall be elected, and shall consist 
 of nine members. 
 
 Seymour Stedman, 
 W. R. Gaylord. 
 
 The Committee on Constitution shall 
 consist of nine (9) members, to be 
 elected by the convention. 
 
 Henry Slobodin, 
 Of the Committee on Rules. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.) : I have another 
 minority report : 
 
 The undersigned members of the^ 
 Committee on Rules concur with the 
 majority report of the Committee, ex- 
 cepting that portion of the report 
 providing for a Committee on Munic- 
 ipal Program, We recommend the 
 adoption of the report with this pro- 
 vision stricken out. 
 
 M. H. Taft, 
 Sam Robbins. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You have heard 
 the report of the committee and of the 
 minority. The chair suggests that you 
 proceed to take the matter up seriatim, 
 and upon those matters to which there 
 is no objection that we act at this 
 time, and pass the sections upon which 
 objections are made and consider them 
 later. Is there any objection to that 
 procedure? If not, the Secretary will 
 read the first paragraph. 
 
 Thereupon the Secretary of the com- 
 
22 
 
 Afternoon Session, May t- 
 
 mittee re-read the report section by sec- 
 tion, and sections 2, 3, 4, 6 and 12 were 
 received without objection. 
 
 Discussion upon matters contained in 
 the report of the Committee on Rules 
 was upon motion limited to three min- 
 utes. 
 
 Section i was amended to provide for 
 the election of a chairman and vice- 
 chairman at the commencement of each 
 day's session. 
 
 Sections S and 7 were adopted. 
 
 The minority report providing for the 
 election of a Committee on Constitu- 
 tion to consist of nine members was 
 adopted. 
 
 Section 9 -of the report was adopted. 
 
 Committee on Municipal Program 
 
 Section 10 of the report was then read 
 as follows : 
 
 "A Committee on Municipal Pro- 
 gram shall be elected, to consist of 
 
 nine (9) members." 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (III.) : I move that 
 that be stricken out as unnecessary. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I speak 
 for the committee. There was a com- 
 mittee appointed by the Indianapolis 
 Convention on Municipal Program, 
 which was ordered to report to this 
 convention. The Committee on Rules 
 put this in, if for no other reason, sim- 
 ply to facilitate the handling of that re- 
 port. It must be received and something 
 done with it, and if for no other reason, 
 it is necessary for that purpose. 
 
 DEL. BROWER (111.) : I am in fa- 
 vor of the report. I do not believe it 
 is right for any delegate to this conven- 
 tion to ask that we rescind the action of 
 a former convention, or that we refuse 
 to listen to the report of so important a 
 committee of the Socialist party in this 
 convention in this year of 1904. I shall 
 vote for the adoption of the report of 
 the committee. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I under- 
 stand that there are men in this con- 
 vention who are trying to go ahead on 
 the wrong track. They want to fight 
 by knocking out this committee, and I 
 want to warn those delegates that the 
 question itself is a case of whether 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (Ohio): I raise 
 the point of order that the comrade is 
 not speaking to the subject. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is not well taken, for the reason 
 that it is impossible to hold a man 
 absolutely to the question. I can only 
 rely upon each delegate's judgment to 
 
 try and talk on the subject For what 
 purpose does the delegate rise at this 
 time? 
 
 DEL. BICKETT: I thought you 
 would recognize a point of order when 
 a comrade in making his speech 
 referred to something not before the 
 house. He is certainly not talking to 
 the question that is before the house. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The chair rules 
 that when a delegate departs from the 
 subject he is out of order, but he should 
 attempt to keep as close as possible to 
 the subject. Delegate Berger has two 
 minutes and twenty seconds. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: I thank you for the 
 twenty seconds, Comrade Chairman. I 
 would move to amend the report of the 
 committee, that we appoint a committee 
 of nine to report on State and Municipal 
 Program. We have a program 
 
 A point of order was raised that the 
 speaker was not discussing the ques- 
 tion, but discussing an amendment that 
 he desired to have carried, and not 
 speaking to the question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The chair has a 
 recollection of hearing the delegate say 
 that he would like even to enlarge the 
 powers of the committee. That is what 
 I heard him say when he rose and I 
 therefore declare the point of order 
 not well taken. 
 
 The delegate insisted on his point of 
 order on the ground that Del. Berger 
 first offered an amendment and thfin 
 proceeded to make a speech upon the 
 amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is not well taken. Delegate Ber- 
 ger has a minute and four seconds. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: Mr. Chairman, 
 again I will make another attempt. 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, we want to un- 
 derstand that we are in a different state 
 of brotherhood than we were four years 
 ago. We are _ made up, and we must 
 face the situation on a question of life 
 and death for the party, and I rise to 
 amend the report of the committee by 
 making it 3 committee of nine for the 
 purpose of reporting on state and muni- 
 cipal' program. 
 
 The amendment was duly seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The original 
 motion is that a Committee on Muni- 
 cipal Program of nine members be se- 
 lected. A motion was made to strike 
 out the entire paragraph. A motion was 
 then made to amend the original report 
 by inserting the word "State," so it 
 will read State and Municipal Pro- 
 
Afternoon Session, May j. 
 
 23 
 
 gram." The question will come first on 
 the motion to strike out, since it will 
 practically settle the issue. 
 
 DEL. STEDMIAN (111.) : Mr. Chair- 
 ttian and Delegates: One reason the 
 Indianapolis Committee was not under 
 the rule required to report to this con- 
 vention was because if .we had a dif- 
 ferent committee created by this con- 
 vention for the same subject-matter it 
 would take into consideration any sug- 
 gestions that might be made during de- 
 bates and any suggestions that the dele- 
 gates might make to the Committee cre- 
 ated by this body; and that committee, 
 acting upon the information which they 
 receive from the standing committee, 
 could then report. That was to save 
 the convention the trouble of receiving 
 the report of the old committee and 
 adopting it and then receiving the re- 
 port of a new committee and adopting 
 that. That was the purpose of the com- 
 mittee — I mean the majority of the 
 committee.^ The minority of the com- 
 mittee desired to strangle both commit- 
 tees and the reason is very apparent. 
 We are in this situation : either we must 
 arrange our campaigns in cities like 
 Chicago^ upon the declaration that we 
 believe in a co-operative commonwealth, 
 or we must be placed in a position 
 where we can fight every single issue 
 that has a socialistic aspect that is 
 rafsed in the city. (Applause.) Don't 
 applaud — that cuts my time down. I 
 want to call your attention to one situa- 
 tion in the City of Chicago. The prob- 
 lem came up as to whether 
 
 A delegate here raised a point of or- 
 der that the question before the house 
 was on the adoption of rules, and not 
 a question of political program. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 as to the advisability of the selection of 
 the committee necessarily involves the 
 objects for which they are to be ap- 
 pointed. The chair therefore decides 
 the point of order not well taken. 
 
 The delegate raising the point of or- 
 der appealed from the decision of the 
 chair, and the question being put to 
 the house by the Secretary, the decision 
 of the chair was sustained. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: We had two 
 propositions — one was the question of 
 the election of a Board of Education. 
 TTiere were some in our party who 
 
 agreed with those who thought that the 
 members of the Board of Education 
 should be elected by a popular vote. 
 There were others who were absolutely 
 opposed to it because it was under 
 capitalism. We have in this city a ques- 
 tion of municipal transportation, and 
 there were members of this party in this 
 city who took the position that they 
 would vote in favor of granting fran- 
 chises to the corporations until we con- 
 trolled the entire country. Now, then, 
 we should at least have a position upon 
 which we can agree. For my part, I 
 should be opposed to granting fran- 
 chises to corporations. (Applause.) For 
 my part, I believe the greater the 
 democracy the greater and . more accel- 
 erated does progress proceed toward our 
 ultimate ideal. We disagree on that. 
 Some members are in favor of nothing, 
 until we have recognized Socialism 
 which would come in by a grand cata- 
 clysm. Others -believe in taking advan- 
 tage of every means that transfers pri- 
 vate ownership to public ownership of 
 these industries. This motion to strike 
 out is made to confine us in this city 
 to the program that existed years ago — 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The time of the 
 gentleman has expired. 
 
 A delegate from Pennsylvania moved 
 the previous question. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : Comrades, 
 I am very sure that whether we want 
 any discussion on the question or not, 
 the question of the municipal program 
 and of the state program will be dis- 
 cussed in this convention on its merits' 
 This report of the committee is simply 
 a recommendation that the question of 
 the municipal program may *be pre- 
 sented in a regular, thoughtful form in 
 order that we may discuss it — not to 
 determine what we will do, but that we 
 may have an opportunity to act with de- 
 liberation and with wisdom. (Applause.) 
 Therefore, I am in favor of this report 
 for the appointment of the committee — 
 not on the merits of the question in- 
 volved, but in order that we may do 
 business decently and in order. 
 
 DEL SIMONS (111.) : I move you 
 that we do now adjourn until eight 
 o'clock to-morrow morning. 
 
 The motion was adopted by a vote of 
 84 to 62 and the convention adjourned 
 until next morning. 
 
24 
 
 Morning Session, May 2- 
 
 SECOND DAY'S SESSION 
 
 Chairman Carey called the convention 
 to order at lo o'clock. Del. Hillquit 
 (N. Y.)' was unanimously elected chair- 
 man' for the day and Del. Woodbey 
 (Cal.) was made vice-chairman. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : If the con- 
 vention will permit me, I desire to say 
 that our Comrade Katayama • of Japan 
 is here in the hall, and I move that he 
 be given a 'seat on the platform. Sec- 
 onded and carried. 
 
 Comrade Katayama was received with 
 enthusiasm as he took his seat on the 
 platform. 
 
 A Committee on State and Muni= 
 cipal Program 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will next 
 proceed with the report of the Commit- 
 tee on Rules. We are still under the 
 three-minute rule. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD, of the Committee 
 on Rules : I believe we had reached the 
 tenth item. "A Committee on Municipal 
 Program shall be elected, to consist of 
 nine members." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Is there any ob- 
 jection to that? Does anyone desire the 
 floor on this proposition? 
 
 DEL. TAFT (IJl.) : As a member of 
 the Committee on Rules who signed the 
 minority report recommending the strik- 
 ing out of the appointment of this com- 
 mittee, I ask your indulgence lor the 
 three minutes' time allowed. The strik- 
 ing out of this report does not in- 
 volve the question as to whether we 
 go before the people simply on a revo- 
 lutionary platform. I am aware of 
 the fact that the delegates are largely 
 in favor of the appointment of a com- 
 mittee which shall report a municipal 
 program. I hold, however, that now is 
 the proper time to discuss whether there 
 shall te a prpgram, because if there is 
 not to be a program the work of the 
 Committee on Platform and of the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions will probably be 
 somewhat different if they are to em- 
 body certain points that might otherwise 
 have been brought up as a program. 
 Comrade Stedman and some others are 
 
 in the habit of referring to this Chicago 
 bunch as impossibilists, and I think I am 
 perhaps charged with being one ot that 
 crowd, but I disclaim being an . impos- 
 sibilist in any sense of the word. I 
 stand for the Socialists doing something. 
 I. maintain that if we get into legislative 
 bodies we should go to work and take 
 an active part in these bodies, but I do 
 affirm that it is not the place of the -na- 
 tional convention to describe and lay out, 
 at this time at any rate, what shall be 
 done in such a body. Now, 1 ask, what 
 is the nature of a program? Is it the 
 bona fide, is it the real intention that 
 this program is simply to define what 
 our representatives in these bodies shall 
 do? If that is true, I assert that it will 
 be ■ absolutely futile. We cannot now 
 lay out any kind of a program which 
 will answer the purpose for fotir years 
 to come. Things are coming up con- 
 tantly which require action at once, and 
 I will refer just now to our own case in 
 the city of Chicago. It is a fact greatly 
 to be regretted that the comrades of 
 Cook county have seen fit to expel from 
 the Socialist party our member whom 
 we elected as alderman in the city coun- 
 cil a year ago. That expulsion was by 
 almost unanimous vote of the County 
 Central Committee. Now, as to the 
 grounds upon which that action was 
 taken, without going inte them' in detail, 
 I assert that there was not' a single 
 ground that was brought up which could 
 have been thought of a year before,- or 
 even six months before. To mentfon just' 
 one, the immediate cause was the fail- 
 ure of our member to take action as di- 
 rected in regard to the ^roquois TJjeater 
 fire disaster, and I woijld like to know 
 if any convention could predict a great 
 calamity like that or what should be done 
 in that case. We directed what should 
 be done, and the alderman failed to do 
 it. The other charges, if I took them up 
 in detail, would require too much time, 
 but they were of the same character. 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Col.) : It seems to 
 me the issue is whether the Socialist 
 party is ready to say something definite 
 on the questions that confront the peo- 
 
Morning S^ession, May 2. 
 
 25 
 
 pie at this time. Undoubtedly the 
 questions of program, of the farmer, of 
 the negro, etc., are going to come before 
 this convention. It is time that the best 
 intelligence in the Socialist party should 
 express itself along that line in order 
 that we may be able to act with the 
 most wisdom. We cannot ignore these 
 questions, and the proper thing to do is 
 to go ahead and use our time in the se- 
 lection of a committee that shall bring 
 the best thought they are capable of 
 bringing to bear on that question, sub- 
 mitting the results of their labor to this 
 convention, and then let the convention 
 adopt, accept, amend or reject as in the 
 opinion of the convention the best in- 
 terests of the Socialist party of the 
 world would be advanced. We may just 
 as well meet the issues as they come. 
 If we are not ready to say sotilething 
 clear and definite upon these issues it 
 is because we do not yet realize the sit- 
 uation. To say "I do not know" Is not 
 the final answer to the questions that 
 confront the people of this country. The 
 day will come when we shall say, "I do 
 know," and when the intelligence of the 
 Socialist party shall point the way out 
 of the wilderness; when we shall be 
 able to direct the proletarian coriflict on 
 every part of the field and point out the 
 interests of the worker at all times. I 
 hope that that day has arrived. I hope 
 that we may take the leadership of the 
 world, ' because we are the only party 
 fit to take the leadership, the only party 
 that can win the confidence of the prole- 
 tarians by pointing to something definite, 
 something that they can take hold of 
 right now, something that shall indi- 
 cate the course that we shall take in the 
 years that are yet to come. When that 
 hour arrives many of the difficulties and 
 objections — stock objections--that every 
 socialist Agitator is met with, will be 
 solved. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I rise to 
 a point of order. The speakers are not 
 speaking to the question before the 
 house. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The motion be- 
 fore the house is that a Committee on 
 Municipal Program shall be appointed 
 to consist of nine. There is an amend- 
 ment that a Committee on Stave and 
 Municipal Program shall be elected to 
 consist of nine. Delegates will please 
 confine themselves to the motion. 
 
 DEL.- BERLYN; (111.) : I am aston- 
 ished at the drift that the argument has 
 
 talcen. I made a motion to strike out 
 this committee entirely. My motive is 
 this : I want the comrades to under- 
 stand that I am in favor of a program. 
 We are here in national convention and 
 we are going to make a platform and 
 a working program for our congressmen, 
 and for our president, if we should elect 
 him. But here is a question of munici- 
 pal affairs, in a party that is organized 
 on the basis of State autonomy. Where 
 does that come in? Comrade Berger, in 
 yesterday's session, pointed with pride 
 — and he does not take more pride in it 
 than I do-^that they have got nine al- 
 dermen in the Milwaukee City Council. 
 I take as much pleasure in that as he 
 does. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I rise to 
 a point of order. The delegate is not 
 speaking to the question, which is the 
 merits of a program. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is not well taken. We have the 
 broad subject, the necessity of the ap- 
 pointment of a committee of this kind, 
 and it brings up the entire subject for 
 discussion. We have limited our speak- 
 ers to three minutes, and I suggest that 
 it would be well for the delegates not 
 to interrupt the three-minute speeches. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN : I accept the rul- 
 ing, but I think it is a waste of time. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I have made my 
 ruling. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN: I ask your atten- 
 tion in particular now to the charge 
 which was made that in Chicago we 
 have got an impossibilist bunch. I do 
 not think so. Our comrades in Mil- 
 waukee are teaching them a lesson by 
 giving them results. We will accept 
 what was learned in Milwaukee in the 
 campaign, and we would accept a pro- 
 gram twice as long as the one in Mil- 
 waukee if the results warranted. But 
 right at this time I believe we are deal- 
 ing with national affairs, and the ques- 
 tion whether we want a municipal pro- 
 gram for Chicago or Sheboygan or Sque- 
 dunk should not tzke up the time of the 
 national convention. We have got plenty 
 of questions that the convention can deal 
 with, and we should keep the convention 
 to its own work and leave this question 
 of municipal program to the municipali- 
 ties, and with the example that we are 
 going to get from Milwaukee we will 
 get an education and the "Impossibilists," 
 as they are called, will, too. If the re- 
 
26 
 
 Morning Session, May 2. 
 
 suits do not warrant it the impossibilists 
 very probably will be victorious, that is 
 all. In the State convention of Illinois 
 we adopted a State program, and we are 
 going to have it in Chicago. I stood for 
 the program there, but I do not believe 
 it is within the province of the national 
 convention to forecast the particular 
 question that may come up in a munici- 
 pal campaign. It is there the phenomena 
 is met, and there we will be able to meet 
 it. And it was for the purpose of sav- 
 ing time and getting at rules which 
 would keep local questions away from 
 national questions so that we won't 
 get mixed up that I made the motion to 
 strike out and do away with that com- 
 mittee. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : I am not ris- 
 ing to debate whether we ought to have 
 a program or ought not to have a pro- 
 gram. We ought to refer this thing to 
 a committee and let that committee 
 thresh out this subject of program and 
 then bring in their report. We want to 
 get down to work in this convention, but 
 it seems as though it is ruled here that 
 it is in order to diS'Cuss the merits of a 
 program. Am I correct, Mr. Chair- 
 man? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, only inas- 
 much as the merits are necessarily in- 
 volved in the question as to whether or 
 not we are to appoint a committee at 
 this time. We are not to lay out the 
 work of the committee, but to speak to 
 the necessity of the appointment of the 
 committee. 
 
 DEL. PARKS : Then the way out of 
 it is to let the committee report yes or 
 no, and we will have a minority report 
 and a majority report upon that qties7 
 tion, and then we may take it up in 
 due order and decide at that time wheth- 
 er we are going to have a program or 
 not. Now, I am not fully decided upon 
 a program. I believe that rather than 
 saying what we will do when we get 
 elected to the office, we ought to set 
 before the people the principles that will 
 be our guiding rules of conduct. (Ap- 
 plause.) (jentlemen, we cannot cross 
 the river before we come to it. We do 
 not know what we will think to-day or 
 next week. We can only decide when 
 next week comes. There has never been 
 a revolution in the history of the world 
 when the form of government that went 
 into operation after the revolution was 
 worked out before the revolution took 
 place. Of course, we are trying to for- 
 
 mulate some kind of program, and 1 
 hope we will refer this matter to a com- 
 mittee to decide and discuss the ques- 
 tions and bring a report in so that we 
 can debate the thing properly at the 
 proper time. I hold that this is not the 
 proper time and place to take up and 
 discuss the merits of a program. 
 
 Del. Spargo moved the previous ques- 
 tion. Seconded and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will first 
 vote as a substitute, on the motion of 
 Delegate Berlyn to strike out the recom- 
 mendation of the committee. We will 
 next vote on the amendment, if the first 
 is voted down, to make a State and "Mu- 
 nicipal Program. And if that is not 
 carried we will then vote on the original 
 motion to appoint a Committee on Mu- 
 nicipal Program only. The vote is on 
 the substitute to strike out the recom- 
 mendation of the Committee on Rules. 
 
 The substitute was put and lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : We now proceed 
 to vote on the amendment of Delegate 
 Berger, that a Committee on State and 
 Mlunicipal Program shall be elected to 
 consist of nine members. 
 
 The amendment was then put and 
 adopted. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) : Is that 
 the amendment? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is the 
 amendment, and it disposes of the orig- 
 inal motion. We may just as well put 
 before you now the original motion as 
 amended, which now reads as follows : 
 "A Committee on State and Municipal 
 Program shall be elected to consist of 
 nine members." That is the original mo- 
 tion as amended. 
 
 The original motion as amended was 
 was adopted. 
 
 Section 11 of the Committee's report 
 was then adopted. 
 
 At this point the Chairman appointed 
 Comrade Miller of Chicago Sergeant-at- 
 arms, and Comrade Spears as assistant. 
 
 Section 12 was adopted. 
 
 Section 13, providing for the appoint- 
 ment by the Chairman of an Auditing 
 Committee of five was amended to pro- 
 vide that the Chair's appointees stand, 
 providing there was no objection by the 
 delegates. The section was adopted as 
 amended. 
 
 Speakers Time Limited 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD: "Section 15. Dis- 
 cussions shall be limited to ten minutes 
 for each speaker. No speaker shall 
 speak a second time until all desiring 
 
Morning Session, Ma/^ ^. 
 
 27 
 
 to use their time, shall have had an op- 
 portunity to speak." 
 
 DEL. TURNER (Mo.): I wish to 
 offer an amendment to the report of this 
 committee, to strike out the words "ten 
 minutes," and insert "five minutes." 
 Seconded. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : I would be in 
 favor of the report of the committee to 
 give ten minutes' time, except on dis- 
 cussion on the program, whatever that 
 is, I don't know. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD : You will find out. 
 
 DEL. MEYER: But every speaker 
 that desires to speak on a very import- 
 ant subject by all means should have 
 all the time necessary in order to state 
 his views on the subject of the program. 
 I move to amend so as to give each com- 
 rade who desires to speak on the pro- 
 gram as much time as he desires. 
 
 Question called for. , 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There is an 
 amendment to the amendment to the ef- 
 fect that ten minutes be the limit of 
 time in the discussion of all topics be- 
 fore the convention except on the pro- 
 gram, in which discussion the time shall 
 be unlimited. 
 
 The amendment to the amendment 
 was seconded. 
 
 DEL. WILL (Kan.) : I wish to offer 
 an amendment to the amendment, name- 
 ly, that the discussions on program shall 
 be limited to ten minutes instead of be- 
 ing unlimited, while other discussions 
 shall be limited to five minutes. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will take 
 this as a substitute for the whole; that 
 is the only way we can take it. The sub- 
 stitute motion is that all discussions be 
 limited to five minutes except discus- 
 sions on program, which shall be limited 
 to ten minutes. Is there a second? 
 
 Substitute seconded. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN (Mo.) : I favor the 
 original motion. I believe there are 
 some important questions to come be- 
 fore this convention at least equally as 
 important as the program, and I want all 
 of those questions discussed properly. I 
 am as busy as the rest of the delegates 
 and as anxious to get home as the rest, 
 but at the same time we are in national 
 convention i assembled, and while we 
 have all the time and have had all the 
 time to make speeches here at this con- 
 vention, I hope we will not limit the time 
 to five minutes on important matters 
 that will come up. I favor the ten min- 
 utes' rule. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I do not 
 see the necessity for the amendment to 
 the amendment. If it is the sense of the 
 convention the delegates can have more 
 time to discuss questions that come be- 
 fore it, and i do not see why this ques- 
 tion should especially have more time 
 than other questions. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : I think it is 
 more important to talk upon questions 
 of platform and program than on smok- 
 ing. As the comrade from Texas says, 
 one is no more important than the 
 other. I believe bota the program and 
 the platform ought to be fully discussed. 
 We ought to have at least ten minutes. 
 I suggest that we leave that question 
 open until the time for debating program 
 and platform comes, and that we fix the 
 time limits that we will confine the 
 talkers to at that time. That will be 
 Socialistic. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : It does seem to 
 me that the questions that are coming 
 before this national convention are suf- 
 ficiently important to require at least 
 ten minutes if a man is going to speak 
 upon them at all. I would not object 
 if the rules were suspended later, and 
 fifteen minutes were allowed for a dis- 
 cussion on program. I believe ten min- 
 utes is suffijcient for ordinary discussions, 
 but I do not believe five minutes is suf- 
 ficient, and I hope that the convention 
 will vote down all these amendments 
 and adopt the rule proposed by the com- 
 mittee, that we be allowed ten minutes. 
 This convention will be historic. We 
 can afford to stay here another day or 
 two and thresh these important ques- 
 tions out, rather than stifle discussion 
 and make decisions prematurely for lack 
 of discussion, and leave unnecessary feel- 
 ings in the minds of delegates, no matter 
 which side may be defeated in the dis- 
 cussion. I am very much opposed to 
 limiting the discussioii to less than ten 
 minutes. I feel that the matter is more 
 important than some of the comrade* 
 seem to recognize, and I hope that these 
 amendments will be voted down and the 
 recommendation of the committee car- 
 ried. 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.) : There are 
 some of us who believe that questions 
 will come before this organization that 
 are as important as the question of pro- 
 gram, and whatever limit may be set 
 that a speaker may occupy, I believe it 
 would also be wise to state that with 
 the consent of the convention further 
 
28 
 
 Morning Session, May 2. 
 
 time could be extended- Some of these 
 questions can be discussed in five min- 
 utes and some may require ten minutes, 
 and I do not believe the limit should be 
 so cast iron in its nature as to shut off 
 discussion of very important questions 
 that will take some time. The suggestion 
 that I wish to make is this, that we have 
 no cast-iron limit; that the limit that 
 may be set by this convention may be 
 set with the understanding that with the 
 consent of the convention further time 
 may be allowed in the discussion of 
 matters of very great importance. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD: It seems to me 
 these matters are matter-of-course ques- 
 tions. If you concur in the ten-minute 
 rule, pass it and be done with it. When 
 you come to program, platform, smoking 
 or anything else, and want to extend the 
 time for discussion by a speaker^ do it at 
 that time. Have a uniform rule all the 
 way through, and modify it to meet the 
 situation. 
 
 DEL. TURNIER (Mo.) : My object 
 in introducing this amendment was, first, 
 in order to give all the delegates here 
 an opportunity to be heard on all ques- 
 tions. At previous conventions the time 
 limit, I believe, was ten minutes. The 
 result has been that during the first four 
 or five days questions nave been taken 
 up and discussed, each delegate con- 
 suming ten minutes or more, and then 
 at the end of the. convention or on the 
 last day of the convention very import- 
 ant matters have been rushed through 
 without opportunity for consideration 
 because the delegates have been away 
 from home for four or five days and 
 were tired and wanted to get home. Now, 
 if we limit the debate by the five-minute 
 rule, and there are any important ques- 
 tions, we can extend the time under the 
 rule so as to give an opportunity for 
 all delegates to be heard, all those who 
 wish to speak on the question. It is 
 not for the purpose of choking off de- 
 bate that I make this amendment, but 
 for the purpose of getting through with 
 our business as soon as possible and 
 giving every question coming before this 
 convention due and proper consideration 
 n.s its merits deserve. Therefore, I sub- 
 mit my amendment. 
 
 Del. Slobodin (N. Y.) moved to vole. 
 Seconded and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The original 
 recommendation of the committee is that 
 the time for all discussion i be limite'd to 
 ten minutes. The amendment is, that 
 
 the time, be limited to five minutes. The 
 amendment to the amendment is that 
 the time for the discussions be limited to 
 five minutes except on questions of pro- 
 gram, on which it shall be unlimited ; 
 and the substitute for the whole is be- 
 fore the house to the effect that the time 
 be limited to five minutes on a)', discus- 
 sions, except on discussions on program, 
 in which case it shall be li»nited to ten. 
 
 DEL. WILL: With che consent of 
 my second I desire to withdraw the sub- 
 stitute, and I desiri to concur in the 
 recommendation. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The mover of 
 the substitute desires to withdraw his 
 substitute. The question is on the sub- 
 stitute. If there is any objection we will 
 proceed. 
 
 Objection heard. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The substitute 
 comes first. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD (N. Y.) : I object 
 to the withdrawing of the substitute. 
 The substitute being offered after an 
 amendment to an amendment, is not in 
 order, and; therefore, being out of order, 
 is not' before the house. • . 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The point of or- 
 der is not well taken. A substitute for 
 the whole, an amendment to an amend- 
 ment, is in order. Let us come to a 
 vote. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD: You have not 
 ruled on the point I make. The point 
 was that you have the original proposi- 
 tion, the report of the committee; that 
 you then have an amendment; you then 
 have an amendment to the amendment, 
 and then you have this comrade's substr- 
 tute after that. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD: Now, Roberts' 
 rules of order recognize nothing except 
 the original motion, the amendment and 
 the amendment to the imendment, and 
 the only way that the comrade can 
 bring up a further amendment, or sub- 
 stitute is after one or more of those 
 amendments have been disposed of. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will have to 
 rule the point of order not well taken. 
 We are not guided by Roberts' rules of 
 order, or we have not adopted Roberts' 
 rules for our guidance, and it is perfectly 
 parliamentary usage to act on the sub- 
 stitute. 
 
 -DEL. KERRIGAN: Hasn't the re- 
 port of the committee adopted Roberts' 
 rules of Order? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We have not 
 
Morning Session, May 2. 
 
 29 
 
 adopted them. yet. The substitute , for 
 the whole is now in order. It is to the 
 effect that discussions be limited to five 
 minutes except on questions of program, 
 where they shall be limited to ten. 
 
 The question on the substitute was 
 put and declared lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment 
 to the amendment is now in order, to 
 the effect that all discussion be limited 
 to ten minutes, except on the question 
 of program, in which case discussion 
 should be unlimited in time. 
 
 The amendment to the amendment 
 was lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMANl: We come now 
 to the amendment, that discussion on 
 any subject be limited to five minutes. 
 
 A division being called for upon the 
 vote, the amendment was "declared lost 
 by a vote of 59 for to 71 against. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We now come 
 to the original recommendation, that all 
 discussions be limited to ten minutes. 
 
 Thereupon section 15 was adopted as 
 recommended by the committee. 
 
 Section 16 was amended to provide 
 for the convention to meet at 9 a. m., 
 and was the'n adopted as amended. 
 
 Sections 17 and 18 were adopted. 
 
 The Order of Business 
 
 Section 19 of the committee's report, 
 covering the order of business, was then 
 taken up. 
 
 Del. Robinson (Ky.) moved to adopt 
 this section. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. TURNER (Mo.): I move to 
 amend that in the order of business fol- 
 lowing the adoption of the platform the 
 nominees for President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent be inserted. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. GERBER (N. Y.) : I move 
 that the first order of business be the 
 report of the National Secertary. Is 
 that the order of business for every day ? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, it is the or- 
 der of business covering the entire con- 
 vention. 
 
 DEL. GERBER: The report of the 
 Committee on Credentials is a standmg 
 order, and as it is a standing order we 
 can have that "No. i," and consequently, 
 the first order of business before the 
 coijvention — ^because we have got the 
 
 Committee! on Credentials— is the report 
 of, the National Secretary. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Then what your 
 amendment really means, Del. Gerber, 
 is to have the Committee on Credentials, 
 whenever it has anything, to report, to 
 make the report every morning? 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): In the 
 committee this matter was discussed and 
 it was held there that immediately on the 
 adoption of the rules, amended or other- 
 wise, the very next order of business 
 would be to carry out the recommenda- 
 tion, without knowing whether that 
 would be the election of committees, or 
 whatever should be necessary to carry 
 out these recommendationsj 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN (N. Y.) : I no- 
 tice in the order of business there is a 
 provision for the election of delegates 
 to the International Socialist Congress. 
 It appears to me, in order that we might 
 fully appreciate and understand the char- 
 acter of the work that lays before this 
 congress, that we ought to have the re- 
 port of the Secretary of the International 
 Socialist Congress before us. We ought 
 to have it before us at a time when we 
 want to elect the delegates who are fa- 
 miliar with the nature of this work. I, 
 therefore, move as an amendment to the 
 rules, that we insert, immediately pre- 
 ceding the election of delegates, that the 
 report of the Secretary of the Interna- 
 tional Socialist Bureau be heard — that 
 that be made the order of business im- 
 mediately preceding the election of dele- 
 gates to the Socialist Congress. I move 
 that as an amendment to the report of 
 the committee on Rules. 
 
 The motion was seconded; 
 
 DEL. TURNER (Mo.) : I want to 
 offer another amendment. I move the 
 amendment that the election of dele- 
 gates to the International Congress be 
 referred to the referendum vote of the 
 entire membership of the party. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Before we con- 
 sider that, my attention is called to the 
 fact that we have two amendments al- 
 ready. We will have to dispose of them be- 
 fore we entertain your amendment. We 
 will, therefore, take a vote on the two 
 amendments before the house, and we 
 may then continue. The first amend- 
 ment offered was that the nominations 
 of candidates for President and Vice- 
 President be inserted as the fourth or- 
 der of business, immediately foH<!iwing 
 the report of the Committee on Plat- 
 foTm. 
 
80 
 
 Morning Session, Ma^ i. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORiD : May I speak for 
 the committee on that point? The com- 
 mittee, in discussing this matter, thought 
 it was better to have all the ideas that 
 are to be presented in the campaign be- 
 fore us well in hand before we came to 
 the very important matter of the nom- 
 ination of the candidates. It seemed 
 best to lay out the ground first and then 
 choose the candidates. The matter of 
 resolutions, and other matters connected 
 with' the program, might possibly affect 
 some of these questions to be settled in 
 the nomination of candidates and it 
 seemed to us better to lay out the entire 
 ground first. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.) : Com- 
 rade Chairman, I think before the nomi- 
 nations of President and Vice-President 
 take place that the convention should 
 have settled on every question coming 
 before it and know exactly where we 
 stand before we ask any man to stand 
 as the candidate for the Socialist party. 
 It would be an injustice to ask any man 
 to be a candidate before he knows what 
 the party will require of him. If we 
 leave it to the last every one of them 
 will stay here, because they think, just 
 as I do, ■ that this is the first real con- 
 vention the Socialists of America have 
 had, and they will take great pride in 
 participating in the nomination of our 
 candidates for President and Vice-Pres- 
 ident. 
 
 DEL. MENITON (Mich.)_: I am in 
 favor of the recommendation of the 
 committee. I do not see why we should 
 object to making the nominations as 
 recommended by the committee. It has 
 been said that we don't know what sort 
 of a platform or what principles we are 
 going to stand upon, but this is a Social- 
 ist convention and we are confined to 
 Socialistic principles. We cannot change 
 our platform, and I don't see what dif- 
 ference it makes whether we make our 
 nominations first or last. 
 
 The amendment providing that the 
 nominations of candidates for President 
 and Vice-President immediately follow 
 the report of the Committee on Plat- 
 form was adopted. 
 
 The amendment to the effect that the 
 report of the International Secretary be 
 made an order of business immediately 
 preceding the election of delegates to the 
 International Socialist Congress was 
 adopted. 
 
 Delegate Oneal (Ind.) moved as an 
 amendment that immediately following 
 
 the. report of the National Sec'relary ili6 
 report of the National Quorum be heard, 
 which motion was duly seconded. 
 
 Delegate Work (la.) moved as a fur- 
 ther amendment to strike from the report 
 the nth paragraph of the section, pro- 
 viding for the election of a National 
 Campaign Committee, which motion was 
 duly seconded. 
 
 DEL. WORK (la.): In the hurry 
 
 of finishing up the work of the Commit- 
 tee on Rules I did not notice the sig- 
 nificance of the provision for a National 
 Campaign Committee. The committee is 
 not a simple temporary committee, but 
 is intended as a permanent committee to 
 last until after the November election. 
 Now we have a National Committee to 
 attend to that work. Of course, we can- 
 not tell what the Committee on Consti- 
 tution is going to do, and neither can we 
 tell what we will do with its report. 
 Neither can we tell what the member- 
 ship on the referendum will do. But 
 whatever we do with that report, we can 
 at least assume that there will be either 
 a Quorum or an Executive Committee 
 or a National Committee of some sort 
 left from the wreck, and it will be one 
 of the duties of that quorum or Execu- 
 tive Committee or National Committee 
 to perform the very duties which it was 
 intended that this National Campaign 
 Committee should perform. Consequent- 
 ly, such a committee is superfluous, and 
 I therefore move to strike out the pro- 
 vision. 
 
 DEL. BARNES (Penn.) : I rise to 
 favor the last amendment proposed by 
 Del. Work. I think we are providing 
 thereby a dual committee to perform the 
 same labor, as Comrade Work has de- 
 scribed. It was the understanding that 
 the National Committee, or a sub-com- 
 mittee thereof, should conduct the cam- 
 paign. Now, the Committee on Rules 
 have provided for a separate and dis- 
 tinct Campaign Committee, making 
 practically two committees for the same 
 purpose. For that reason I believe in 
 the striking out of that paragraph, as 
 provided in the amendment of Comrade 
 Work. In regard to the other amend- 
 ment, I cannot see why the two cannot 
 be embodied in the report of the Secre- 
 tary, or followed by the report of the 
 Secretary by the Secretary himself. I 
 uo not see the need of calling for the re- 
 port of the Local Quorum following 
 the report of the National Secretary for 
 the reason that the Secretary's report is 
 
Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 31 
 
 so complete and includes all the work 
 of the National Committee at least. Now, 
 wouldn't that simply be a waste of time, 
 to set off a special time for the report 
 of the Local Quorum especially? 
 
 NAT. SECY MAILLY (Neb.) : Mr. 
 Chairman, the report that I have drawn 
 up for the submission to the convention 
 embodies ideas and suggestions of my 
 own, growing out of my experience in the 
 national office. Now, this report was read 
 to the meeting of the Local Quorum. 
 The Local Quorum is not responsible 
 for the report. I am responsible for 
 that report, myself, entirely. My report 
 does not cover the actual work in the 
 office. That has already been covered 
 in my annual and semi-annual reports. 
 My report is in the nature of sugges- 
 tions to the convention, concerning the 
 organization, so that the Quorum has 
 nothing', to do with my report except that 
 it heard it read, and I am entirely re- 
 sponsible for any ideas or suggestions in 
 the report. 
 
 DEL. BROWER: A point of infor- 
 mation. Has the National Quorum en- 
 dorsed the Secretary's report? 
 
 NAT. SECY MAILLY: I would state 
 that the Quorum took no formal action 
 on my report; They simply heard it and 
 expressed an opinion. I would say one 
 member does not agree with any of it, 
 and the other members agree with some 
 parts and not with others. So that they 
 really could not take action upon it. The 
 report embodies my own ideas entirely. 
 
 Delegate Oneal's amendment was 
 adopted. 
 
 Delegate Work's amendment to strike 
 out the clause providing for a Campaign 
 Committee was adopted. 
 
 A substitute was offered by Delegate 
 Gerber (N. Y.) for the committee's re- 
 port was not seconded. 
 
 DEL. TURNER: I wish to renew 
 my motion to strike ont from the order 
 of business the election of delegates to 
 the International Congress, and move 
 this be referred to the referendum vote. 
 • The motion was duly seconded. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN (N. Y.) : I am 
 opposed to that amendment for this rea- 
 son. I believe there is such a thing as 
 carrying the proposition of a referendum 
 . to an absurdity, and I think this is one 
 of the moves in that direction. If we 
 are going to carry out the referendttm to 
 its logical conclusion then we ought to 
 adjourn before naming candidates for 
 President and Vice-President. Our ob- 
 
 ject in meeting in conventions of this 
 kind is to select people to take care of 
 the interests that we think require imme- 
 diate attention. Delegates are selected 
 who are familiar with principles and 
 acquainted with the men, and nobody is 
 better qualified to judge of the merits 
 or demerits of the candidates for Vice- 
 President and President, for National 
 Secretary, for Secretary of the Socialist 
 Bureau and for Delegates to this Inter- 
 national Congress than the assembled 
 delegates. I believe that we ought to 
 do that here. (Applause.) I believe 
 that we ought to vote this amendment 
 down. The great trouble is that in our 
 devotion to an idea or principle we 
 sometimes go to extremes that make our 
 whole course ridiculous and inoperative. 
 How can the various members of our 
 party, scattered all through the country, 
 sit in intelligent judgment upon the 
 merits and demerits of candidates whom 
 they have never met and whom they 
 may possibly never meet? We have 
 the confidence of this membership or 
 we would not be here. We are their free 
 and untrammeled choice as representp 
 tives to this convention, and we, and 
 we alone, are best Qualified to say who 
 shall be selected representatives to the 
 International Socialist Congress. 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.) : I 
 think I understand the spirit of Brother 
 Turner's motion, and I would suggest to 
 him just briefly that the action of this 
 convention is in no sense final. I believe 
 it to be the duty of this convention to 
 nominate a delegate to that important 
 meeting, as the comrade from New York 
 has said, this convention is best quali- 
 fied to judge who should be there. And 
 yet I would call the attention of every 
 other comrade to the fact that that action 
 cannot be made final, and if Comrade 
 Turner is opposed to that action, if he 
 can incite or persuade the proper num- 
 ber of locals anywhere in this nation to 
 register their protest they can demand 
 a referendum vote. That makes the ac- 
 tion absolutely safe and keeps us always 
 within democratic lines. (Applause.) 
 Therefore, I think it the duty of this 
 convention to make the selection, and 
 then, if you make a mistake, let the 
 membership rectify it. 
 
 DEL. DEUTZMAN (Cal.) : I want 
 to rise to make an amendment to the 
 amendment, that this convention name 
 the delegates. 
 
 The motion received no second. 
 
32 
 
 Morning Session, iMcpy 2. 
 
 The amendment to refer the election 
 of delegates to the International Social- 
 ist Congress was defeated. 
 
 DEL, GOAZIOU (Penn.) : I move 
 to amend by adding to section 8, "Elec- 
 tion of - delegates to the International 
 Congress of Socialists," that such dele- 
 gates be elected subject to the approval 
 of the membership at large. 
 
 DEL. KLEIN (Minn.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, everything is subject to ap- 
 proval of the irarty, and that is useless. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : There is no fur- 
 ther discussion upon this amendment? 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN (N. Y.) : I want 
 to remind the delegates here that there 
 is nothing practical to be obtained by 
 this course. The International Socialist 
 Congress convenes i next August, and' it 
 does not seem to me that we can get 
 this referendum in action to accomplish 
 any practical results before that tiine. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : It appears to 
 me that the middle ■ of August is far 
 enough away to get a referendum vote. 
 If we nominate a candidate for Presi- 
 dent here, and only nominate one candi- 
 date, it is 'pretty well understood that 
 we are nominating a man that- the party 
 approves of; but where we name two 
 men for the position of International 
 Delegates, certainly the rank and file 
 ought to have a chance to vote on them. 
 The I4th of August is not so close at 
 hand, but that we can get a vote on it. 
 
 Del. Nagel (Ky.) moved that adjourn- 
 ment be taken until r :30. 
 
 Upon the motion being out, a division 
 was called for nnd pendins; the taiking 
 of the vote and the announcement of 
 the result, the following telesrrams to 
 the convention were read by the Secre- 
 tary : 
 
 "Comrades ; Local, Hudson Coun- 
 ty, N., J., sends greetings and wisEes 
 you success in your deliberations. 
 ■ Ferdinand Ufert, 
 Organizer. 
 
 Washington, 'D. C, May i, '04. 
 
 Local Washington Socialist Party 
 sends congratulations. Three cheers 
 for Socialism ! 
 Local Washington Socialist Party. 
 
 New York, May i, 1904. 
 Socialist Party in Convention Assem- 
 bled, Chicago : 
 
 The New York Socialist Literary 
 Society sends greetings. 
 
 Wm. Karlinsky. 
 
 Stonington,- Conn., May i, 1904. 
 
 Comrades from Stonington, Conn., 
 send greeting for comrades in Social- 
 istic Convention, and congratulations 
 for straight Socialis't work. Hurrah 
 for Socialist Party of America ! 
 
 Wm. Inderelst. 
 
 BusHwicK Junction, N.- Y., 
 May 2, T904. 
 Comrades Local Queens S. D. P. 
 New York assembled, send hearty 
 ■greetings, hoping your earnest endeav- 
 "ors will help the cause. 
 
 Halm, Organizer, and 
 Goeller, Secretary. 
 
 MoNESSEN, Pa., May 2, 1904. 
 Greetings from Belle Vernon Lo- 
 cal, wishing success. 
 Belle Vernon Socialist Party. 
 
 Cincinnati, O., May 2, 1904. 
 The International Union of United 
 Brewery Workmen of America sends 
 greeting and best wishes to the Con- 
 gress of the Socialist party now in 
 convention assembled. May the work 
 of the delegates be of everlasting ben- 
 efit to the proletariat class and to the 
 credit Of the Socialist Party of Amer- 
 ica ! Joseph Prcebstle, 
 
 International Secretary. 
 
 Buffalo, N. Y., May i, 1904. 
 Socialist National Convention, Chi- 
 cago; 
 
 Greeting from May day : demon- 
 stration, Swartzmeyer's hall, by 
 comrades of Local Buffalo. 
 
 S. D. P. 
 
 The messages, especially the last one, 
 were received with great enthusiasm. 
 
 After several announcements, the 
 Chairman declared the convention ad- 
 journed upon a vote of 67 to 52 until 
 1 130 p. m. 
 
.ApterHoon'S&sswn,iMay \2. 
 
 33 
 
 AFTERNOON SESSION 
 
 Chairman Hillquit called the conven- 
 tion to order shortly before 2 o'clock and 
 immediately recognized Del. 'White 
 (Mass.). '*vho' stated that the Sergeant- 
 at-Arms and his assistant, in the literal 
 interpretation of their duty, had re- 
 t)uested the wives of the delegates who 
 had seated themselves with their hus- 
 bands on the floor of'the convention, to 
 move without the circle, and Delegate 
 White accbrdingly moved that for the 
 guidance of the Sergeant-at-Arms dur- 
 ing the future sessions of ' the conven- 
 tion, it be the sense of the convention 
 that the wives of delegates who are not 
 delegates to the convention -be permitted, 
 if they so desire, to sit within 'tlie' con- 
 vention circle. 
 
 The motion was seconded amid hearty 
 applause. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I do not dare 
 oppose that motion for reasons well 
 known to the friends of the Chair. 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 DEL. CARRIE L. JOHNSON 
 (Iowa) : Mr. Chairman, I move you 
 that the hiotion be amended to incldde 
 the husbands and sweethearts. (Laugh- 
 ter.) - 
 
 The' qiiestion was put and the motion 
 carried unanimously, and the convention 
 then proceeded' with the regular order 
 of business. 
 
 \ The Roll Call 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will now 
 proceed with the discussion of the rules. 
 Del. Gerber (N:'Y.) moves as an anien'd- 
 ment tO*the rules, the following: 
 
 "All-'Vbtes 'to 'be' taken of yeas and 
 nays and when division is asked 'for, by 
 a rising .vote. Roll call to be had only 
 when asked for by delegates from three 
 difjerent states." 
 
 The- motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I desire to 
 amend that clause so as to rrtake it read 
 that instead of roll call being permissible 
 on the call of delegates from at least 
 three states, that the roll call may bede- 
 manded' only by a majority of the votes 
 of the convention. 
 
 The amendment was seconded. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The amend- 
 ment is to strike out the words, "by 
 delegates from three different states," 
 and insert instead thereof, "by the ma- 
 jority 'of^the convention." 
 
 DEL. GERBER (N. Y.) : I accept 
 that as an amendment to my motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We have the 
 consent of the seconder of the original 
 inotion to accept. Are you ready for 
 the question? 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : Mr. Chair- 
 '-man, so. as to make it as easy as possi- 
 'ble for the delegates to go on record, I 
 believe that if three demand a roll call, 
 then I believe a roll call ought to be 
 granted. There are a good many of us 
 who^desire to vote, -and we desire to 
 show how we voted when we get back 
 home, and I believe that the . original 
 report of the committee is all right, and 
 I believe that we ought to accept that 
 report. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN! : It is not the 
 I report of the committee we are discuss- 
 ing now, Comrade Berger ; it is the 
 resolution or motion made by Comrade 
 Gerber of New York. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Well, any- 
 how, . it is a good motion. (Laughter 
 ■and applause.) 
 
 DEL. HANFORD (N. Y.) : I would 
 ' ask'ior" an interpretation of the original 
 ..motion. Does it mean that the call must 
 ' be by the unanimous call of all the dele- 
 gates of three different states or by 
 '.delegates from three different states? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: As the Chair 
 ■ reads the motion it signifies any three 
 delegates from any three different states. 
 DEL HANFORD (N. Y.) : I just 
 want to call Comrade Gerber's attention 
 as well as that of' the other delegates to 
 one point, and that is that if a rule as 
 was originally proposed by Comrade 
 Gerber should pass, allowing three dele- 
 gates fromthree different states to call 
 the roll — to demand a roll call instead 
 of ihavii^ it by a imajority, having a 
 rule requiring that a majority of the 
 convention only could ' insist on a roil 
 
34 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 call, you would be in this position: that 
 any time three men from three different 
 states wish to make the entire conven- 
 tion spend its entire day in calling the 
 roll, those three men would have the 
 power to do it. Now, as a matter of 
 fact, you are in this position : In order 
 to do your business, in order to trans- 
 act your business within any time, let 
 alone within any reasonable time, you 
 simply must have some proposition to 
 prevent any individual, or small number 
 of individuals, from consuming the en- 
 tire time of this convention in roll call. 
 As far as I am personally concerned! 
 would just as soon go on record on any 
 old kind of a vote, but I insist that we 
 ought to have the proposition so that 
 two or three individuals could not tie up 
 the entire convention. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : I want to 
 make an amendment to the original mo- 
 tion, that roll call shall be had only 
 upon the request of twenty delegates at 
 any time. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : Upon the 
 motion, so far as I am personally con- 
 cerned, I have no objection at all, and 
 Delegate Berger, or any other delegate, 
 need not waste time in speaking of the 
 fact that we may have to go upon rec- 
 ord: We are willing to go upon record 
 wheri the necessity arises for that, but, 
 comrades, it is not right or proper that 
 it shall be within the power of any two 
 or three men to place the convention in 
 the position that it will have to fritter 
 away its time. That is why I objected 
 to the motion in its original form. Now, 
 Comrade Berger moves that twenty men, 
 or twenty delegates may so demand. I 
 am equally opposed to that, because New 
 York State has twenty delegates present, 
 and the New York State delegation, if it 
 so decided, could compel this convention 
 to have a roll call, even if every other 
 state was opposed to it. Now, then, it 
 would be equally possible for the Wis- 
 consin delegation and some other of the 
 smaller delegations to do the same thing. 
 I am perfectly willing that we be gov- 
 erned by the decision of the majority 
 of the delegates present in this conven- 
 tion, but I am not willing. Comrade 
 Chairman, that we shall be at any time 
 placed at the mercy of the minority. 
 
 DEL. STROBELL (N. J.): Com- 
 rade Chairman, it seems to me that one 
 thing is forgotten in this discussion. A 
 roll call is the weapon of the minority to 
 
 get fair treatment. Now how is the 
 minority ever to get a majority to call 
 for a roll call? Why, it is perfectly pre- 
 posterous. In order to afford the nii- 
 nority a fair vote you have got to get 
 some members of the majority opposed 
 to that, to vote with them. Now, that 
 isn't right at all. You haVe got to have 
 some kind of a minority call for that roll 
 call. You can't have a majority. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.) : It seeffls to 
 me that the call for roll call Is Hot a 
 weapon of defense on the part of the 
 minority, but it is simply a weapon of 
 obstruction. They are robbed of no 
 rights whatsoever by being denied a roll 
 call. If there is any individual here 
 whom they want to put on record, let 
 them ask for him and call him before 
 the convention, if they actually feel that 
 they want to pillory some person — if 
 they themselves want to be on record, 
 I am sure there will be no objection to 
 their making an affidavit as to the man- 
 ner in which they vote and report to 
 their constituencies. When a question 
 is to be decided, one way or the other, 
 that question must be decided by a ma- 
 jority vote, and it can be decided by 
 yeas and nays exactly as well as by a 
 roll call. The roll call in the hands 
 of the minority could be nothing but 
 an obstruction. If you want to vote for 
 an obstruction, vote for the minority to 
 have the roll call. We saw how it 
 worked at the Indianapolis convention, 
 we saw things held back there through 
 the power of the minority to demand 
 a roll call. There was some justice in 
 the proposition at that convention, how- 
 ever, because there it was a question of 
 combining the warring parties and every 
 side had its own rights. This conven- 
 tion is gathered to do business, not sim- 
 ply to get men together in some sort of 
 an alliance, and in order to do business 
 I hope that we will perfect an organiza- 
 tion that will enable us to do business. 
 (Loud applause.) 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY (Cal.) : Comrade 
 Chairman and Comrades: Now it 
 seems to me'that allowing the minority 
 the privilege of putting the convention 
 on record on any important question is 
 no more a rule of the minority than 
 when we allow a minority to initiate 
 anything that the state or nation may 
 have to_ submit to. Now our local here 
 may initiate the measure in local Chi- 
 cago and they may ask for the endorse- 
 
Afiemooh Session, May 
 
 2. 
 
 %l 
 
 ment of five other locals, and they being 
 in the minority, compel the nation even 
 to take a roll call, and it seems to me 
 there is nothing to object to here. If 
 there is any important question, here that 
 anybody is afraid of going "on record 
 on there ought to be some means of 
 making them go on record, and it seems 
 to me that this motion is perfectly in 
 harmony with what we have been doing. 
 We allow the minority to initiate rules 
 in the Socialist party, and the minority 
 in this convention ought to have at least 
 as much privilege as the minority in the 
 states, upon the question of referendum. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) : It seems 
 to me we are frightened over something 
 that need not frighten us at all. Why 
 not allow them three or twenty dele- 
 gates, or any number they choose? It 
 is the majority that finally decides how 
 questions are settled, and the majority 
 will rule on a roll call just as well as 
 any other way. 
 
 DEL. JACOBSEN -(la.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, I move you that we now pro- 
 ceed to take a vote upon the previous 
 question. 
 
 Del. Jacobsen's motion was seconded 
 and adopted. 
 
 The two amendments were then put 
 and were both lost 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The entire mo- 
 tion as amended will now be read by 
 the secretary. 
 
 The Secretary then read the following 
 motion : 
 
 "All votes to be taken by yeas and 
 nays, and when division is asked fof, 
 by a rising vote. Roll call to be had 
 upon the decision of a majority of the 
 delegates voting." 
 
 The motion as amended was adopted. 
 A Committtee on Trades Unions 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Are there any 
 further amendments to the riiles pro- 
 posed by your committee? 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Col.) : I move that 
 a committee of seven be elected from 
 the Trades Union membership on the 
 floor of the convention to consider the 
 relation of the Socialist party to the 
 Trades Unions, and that they report 
 back to the convention with a resolution. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Motion has 
 been made and seconded that a commit- 
 tee of seven be elected from such of the 
 delegates as are members _ of trades 
 unions, to prepare a resolution on the 
 relationship of the Socialist Party to the 
 
 trades unions, and the committee to re- 
 port back to the convention. 
 , DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.) : I rise 
 to a point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is your 
 point of order? 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.): My 
 point of order is that we are consider- 
 ing rules for the convention and- not 
 committees. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is not well taken. We have al- 
 ready in. the rules decided upon various 
 committees. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, I move you to table the mo- 
 tion. 
 
 The question was put and the vive 
 voce vote leaving the chairman in doubt, 
 a division was called for. 
 
 A rising vote being taken, the Secre- 
 tary announced the result to be 71 in 
 favor, 64 opposed, and the Chairman de- 
 clared the motion to table carried. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, I call up the minority report 
 of yesterday, signed by two members of 
 the committee, Seymour Stedmanand W. 
 R. Gaylord, viz. "A Committee on 
 Trades Unions shall be elected to con- 
 sist of nine members," and I move its 
 adoption. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Motion is made 
 to adopt the recommendation of the mi- 
 nority, Jo elect a committee of nine on 
 trades unions. Is the motion seconded? 
 
 Several delegates seconded Comrade 
 Gaylord's motion. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.): The pre- 
 vious motion made to table shows a dis- 
 position to disregard the attitude of the 
 Socialist Party toward the trades union 
 movement, and the argument is frequent- 
 ly made here that we should not have a 
 committee on trades unions. Now the 
 Socialist Party, in my judgment, should 
 have a committee upon the trades union 
 movement, and upon that committee we 
 should have members from both the 
 American Labor Union and the Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor. The Social- 
 ist Party should make no distinction as 
 between these two organizations, but as 
 I say, should have members from both 
 on that committee, and that committee 
 should bring in a resolution which 
 should- be adopted by this body. It 
 should not take the position of trying 
 to capture the trades unions; it should 
 not take the position of trying to bring 
 them into the movement as trades un- 
 
86 
 
 Aftemooii S^sdoHg. Ma^\^. 
 
 ions, but it should bring in a resolu' 
 tion that will state clearly the positipn 
 of the Socialist Party upon this ques- 
 tion, and thus prevent the confusion anfi 
 conflict which we have had in Local- St. - 
 Louis and elsewhere. The Socialist 
 Party in its convention here should 
 state its position and' so prevent any 
 confusion. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I rise 
 to a point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is your 
 point of order? 
 
 DEL. SLOBODINi: My point of ifi- 
 formation, possibly, is that I want to 
 know whether the question, before the 
 convention is not whether we should 
 have a trades union resolution, or what 
 action we should take upon a trades un- 
 ion resolution, but the question, is whethr 
 er we should have a standing commit- 
 tee on trades unions. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Do you make it 
 as a point of order? 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: A point of in- 
 formation. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Well, the mo- 
 tion reads that we appoint or elect a 
 committee of nine on trades unions. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL (O.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, I am a trades unionist, but 
 I want to say that I am a Socialist first 
 and a trades unionist second. I have 
 come to this convention to represent my 
 constituents as a Socialist and not as a 
 trades unionist. (Applause.) I want to 
 say to you, Mr. Chairman, and comrades 
 here assembled, that if this was a trades 
 union convention and the question was 
 up to consider whether that trades un- 
 ion should adopt Socialist principle'Si. I 
 would be in -favor of voting for it, biit 
 here in this convention I am strictly 
 opposed to it. I say we are here and 
 advocate a cause that interests all hu- 
 manity, and I want to say that while we 
 are in this convention, we should be for 
 Socialist principles and those alone. In 
 my opinion and in the opinion of the 
 local to which I belong, the Socialist 
 movement should stand for the work- 
 ers, and should stand above all other 
 organizations, whether they be trades 
 unions, or farmers or anything else. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Before we pro- 
 ceed further, I desire to say that dur- 
 ing the discussion I do not wish to in- 
 terrupt the speakers, but they must con- 
 fine themselves to the subject under 
 discussion. Thfe subject before us is 
 
 not the attitude of the party ; to the 
 trades union movement but the onjy 
 question before us is whether we shall 
 appoii)t a committee to prepare a reso- 
 lution on the trades unions and- repprf 
 back to this convention. Therefore,: the 
 delegates will be required to confine 
 themselves to that subject 
 
 DEL. diLNO (Mb.): Comrade 
 Chairman, I am of the opinion that we 
 do not need any separate committees. I 
 believe the committee on resolutions can 
 attend to this question. (Applause.) 
 There is. a conmiittee on resolutions, 
 and that committee ought to attend to 
 this matter. 
 
 The question was, here called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN,: Comrade Sie- 
 verman will now have the floor. 
 
 DEL. SEIVERHAN: I want to say 
 upon this subject that I ; trust, we are 
 alj here as Socialists. That I trust as 
 Socialists we can hear every question 
 that has any bearing whatsoever upon 
 the labor question, and that we can have 
 a free and full discussion of it here. I 
 trust also that we ^will not try to do 
 away with that phase of the labor ques- 
 tion which deals with the tradps union 
 movement, which embraces itself in the 
 trades union movement, by cowardly ig- 
 noring it. (Applause.) •^ I trust that we 
 will have sufficient courage to face this 
 question in a manly manner, and, if we 
 think that the trades union movement 
 has sunk to such insignificance as not to 
 warrant our consideration, or any con- 
 sideration whatsoeven, let us say so. 
 (Applause.) ^ , 
 
 A delegate then rose to a ., point of or- 
 der, stating that the speakers J should 
 confine therhselves to- the subject. 
 
 THE CHAIIRMAN: The; point of 
 order is not well taken at present., I 
 have requested" the delegates . to confine 
 themselves to the question, and since 
 then they have done so. - , 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN i(N;'.iy.) ; When 
 this, committee is appoitllfed' 'a,hd brings 
 in its report, I trust that I .will have 
 something to say .on the merits of the 
 qjjestibn. Just now we have nothing to 
 say or to: discuss, but sdmfe bSsis can 
 be arrived at if we wiir apjifeifat a com- 
 mittee whose special duty it. shall be to 
 investigate this whole proposition, and to 
 report to the delegates of this convention 
 what, in their collective wisdom, is the 
 best way to meet this proposition. That 
 is- all that is involved in this present 
 motion, nothing more and 'nothing less. 
 
Afternoon Session; Mby s. 
 
 37 
 
 When we adopt this motion we do not 
 commit ourselves to the trades union 
 movement. We do not make -ourselves 
 the champions of the trades unionists; 
 we simply say we are going to discuss 
 this matter h«re, we are goin^ to finally 
 dispose of it, and I want to know why 
 you hesitate to take that course? Is it 
 that you fear a full and free discussion, 
 as some of you did the .proposition on 
 municipal program? I do not. I will 
 discuss this question from ev«ry phase, 
 and I want this committee appointed. I 
 don't care who they favor or what they 
 favor, but I want it discussed here, and 
 I want the first preliminary steps taken 
 so as to do that intelligently and thor- 
 oughly, and hence I want that commit- 
 tee appointed. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. BROWER (III.) : 'Comrade 
 Chairman and Comrades : As. a mem- 
 ber of a trades union, a man who has 
 worked with a class-conscious fearless- 
 ness in that organization of labor and 
 appearing on this floor a member of _ a 
 trades union has asked that this commit- 
 tee be appointed, I want to go on record 
 for a roll call. I want to have a roll 
 call here in order that the matter be 
 brought intelligently before this conven- 
 tion. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Col.) : Comrade 
 Chairman and Comrades : 'Representing 
 3s I do a constituency that is 'interested 
 in the trades union movement, I cannot 
 adequately -represent them on this floor 
 without calling for an authoritative •ex- 
 pression from the Socialist party in con- 
 vention assembled, upon the question of 
 the trades union movement. -It is big 
 enough to demand our attention. We 
 have been too hazy in btir attitude on 
 many of these great vital questions af- 
 fecting the interests of the whole peo- 
 ple. It is riot enough to tell the work- 
 ers theit you are their friend, that you 
 are 6f them and that you are the only 
 party that is fit to live at all. You 
 must show them by the measures which 
 you propose for their relief your ability 
 to guide them, and that you are fit to 
 be trusted. Now the dnly way in which 
 you can arrive at this point is to appoiht 
 this cOffltfiittee. let them deliberate and 
 bring the results of their deliberation be- 
 fore you. Upon the attitude of this 
 committee depends — perhaos more than 
 that of any other committi?e that will 
 be appointed— the attitude of the trades 
 unionists of this coutitry, and though 
 they may not be ctes conscious political- 
 ly, they are class conscious industrially. 
 
 (Applaus?,) And I want to tell you 
 that they have grafted some of the most 
 splendid ideals of Socialism out of the 
 realms of .abstraction into the concrete, 
 where men recognize the truth of their 
 contentions, rgrafted them from the bull 
 pens and jails of this country. (Ap- 
 plause.) They are entitled to be heard, 
 to be recognized afld to have their .posi- 
 tion and their duties pointed out by the 
 Socialist party in this country. It is a 
 duty you owe to them and a duty you 
 owe to yourselves. (Applause.) 
 
 The previous question was called for. 
 that a committee of nine be appointed 
 as a committee on trades unions, and 
 the question being put the motion was 
 carried. 
 
 T>EL. HANT"ORD (N. Y.) : I now 
 move you, Comrade Chairman, the pre- 
 vious question on the adoption of the 
 rules as a whole. 
 
 The question being put on the motion 
 it was carried unanimously. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The only thing 
 before 'the convention now is the motion 
 to adopt the report of the committee as 
 amended as a whole. 
 
 The motion was put and carried unan- 
 imously and 'the report, as amended, de- 
 clared adc5pted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will now 
 proceed to elect a Committee on Plat- 
 form. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON PLATFORM. 
 
 The following nominations were made 
 for the Committee on Platform : 
 
 Herron (N. Y.), by Hanford (N. Y.). 
 
 Berger (Wis.), by Spence (Wis.). 
 
 Richal-dson (Cal.), by Menton 
 (Mich.). 
 
 Sitnons (111.), by Lamb (Mich.). 
 
 Lfttlard (Minn.), 'by Ault (Idaho). 
 
 Debs (Ind.), by Herron (N. Y.). 
 
 Titus (Wash.), by Oneal (Ind.). 
 
 Will (Kan.), by Cogswell (Kan.). 
 
 •Mallly (Neb.), by White (Mass.). 
 
 Lee (N. Y.), by Berger (Wis.). 
 
 M. 'W. Wilkins (Cal.), by Robbins 
 
 ^ (Cal.). 
 
 Ha'nford (N. Y.), by Gerber (N. Y.). 
 
 Behrens (Mo.), by Brandt (Mo.). 
 
 Gibbs (Mass.), by Spargo (N. Y.). 
 
 PHelan (111.), by Taft (Ul.). 
 
 Strobell (N. J.), by Will (Kan.). 
 
 Jonas (N. Y.), by M. W. Wilkins 
 (Cil.). 
 
 Carr (111.), by Hoehn (Mo.). 
 
 Hillquit (N. Y.), by Stedman (111.). 
 
 Del. Turner, of Missouri, moved to 
 proceed to an election. Seconded. 
 
38 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 Motion lost, and nominations proceed- 
 ed as follows: 
 
 Bandlow (Ohio), byZorn (Ohio). 
 
 Mills (Kan.), by South worth (Colo.). 
 
 Stedman (111.), by Miller (Colo.). 
 
 Block (111.), by Meyer (111.). 
 
 Stitt Wilson (Cal.), by Cobb, (Cal.). 
 
 Burrowes (N. J.), by Outram 
 (Mass.). 
 
 Barnes (Pa.), by Gaylord (Wis.). 
 
 Webster (Ohio), by Klein (Minn.). 
 
 Mleyer (111.), by Phelan (111.). 
 
 Lefever (Ark.), by Rose (Miss.).. 
 
 Spargo (N. Y.), by Slobodin (N. Y.). 
 
 Hayes (Ohio), by Waldhorst (Ala.). 
 
 Clark (Neb.), by 
 
 Snyder (Okla.), by Hayes, (Okla.) 
 
 Kraybill (Kan.), by Penrose (Ark.). 
 
 Delegate McKee, of California, moved 
 to proceed to lan election. Seconded 
 and carried. 
 
 The list of names was read by the 
 Secretary, and the following delegates 
 declined : Stedman, Barnes, Jonas, 
 Bandlow, Mills, Clark, Burrowes, Si- 
 mons, Lefever, Lee, Rose, Kraybill. 
 
 The Chairman appointed Delegates 
 Gerber (N. Y.) and Will (Kan.), 
 judges; and Hayman (Mass.), Ufert 
 (N. J.), McKee (Cal.), and Turner 
 (Mo.), tellers, to serve throughout the 
 convention. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will next 
 proceed to the election of a Committee 
 on Constitution. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTION. 
 
 The following nominations were made : 
 Holman (Minn.), by Klein (Minn.). 
 Stedman (111.), by Benessi- (Mich.). 
 Hillquit (N. Y.), by Herron (N. Y.) 
 ijacobsen (Iowa), by Work (Iowa). 
 Clark (Neb.), by M. W. Wilkins 
 
 (Cal.). 
 McFarlan (Mich.), by . Menton 
 
 (Mich.). 
 Oswald (N. J.), by Kronenberg 
 
 (N. J.). 
 DEL. BARNES (Pa.) : I have a 
 suggestion that we call the states alpha- 
 betically and go through them, and thus 
 avoid confusion. 
 
 Seconded and carried. 
 The roll of the States was called and 
 the following nominations made: 
 Alabama — Simons (111.). 
 California— Bandlow (N. Y.), Rich- 
 ardson and Patton (Cal.). 
 Connecticut — Lamb (Mich. ) . 
 Illinois — Berlyn (III), Lucas (Minn.), 
 Slobodin (N. Y.). 
 
 Indiana — Kerrigan (Tex.). 
 
 Kansas — Kerrigan (Tex.). 
 
 Kentucky— Dobbs (N. Y.). 
 
 Massachusetts — Keown and Littlefield 
 (Mass.). 
 
 Missouri — Turner (Mo.), Mills 
 (Kan.). 
 
 Montana — O'Malley (Mont.). 
 
 Nebraska — Barnes (Pa.). 
 
 New Hampshire — Lee (N. Y.). 
 
 New York— Butscher (N. Y.). 
 
 Ohio — Bandlow and Sieverman (N. 
 Y.). 
 
 Oklahoma — Smith (Ore.). 
 
 Oregon — Spargo (N. Y.). 
 
 Washington — Lund (Wash.). 
 
 Wisconsin — Young (Wis.), Kerrigan 
 (Tex.). 
 
 Mississippi — rMcGrady ( Ky. ) . 
 
 Delegates Simons, Patton, Stedman, 
 Lucas, Robbins, Dobbs, Keown, Little- 
 field, Lee, Sieverman and Spargo de- 
 clined the nomination. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : We will now 
 proceed to vote by ballot as on the 
 former occasion. 
 
 DEL. BUTSCHER (N. Y.) : Be- 
 fore we take another vote I want to say 
 that I do. not see how we can proceed 
 to elect a second committee until we get 
 the Tellers' report on the first, for the 
 reason that part of the- delegates nomi- 
 nated on this committee have also been 
 nominated and voted upon on the other 
 committee, and we are liable to elect 
 men on two committees. I think we 
 will have to_ wait with the rest of the 
 business until we get the report of the 
 Tellers on the Committee on Platform. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It will take an 
 hour if you wait In the meanwhile we 
 can elect this Committee and if anyone 
 should appear to have been elected on 
 the other committee, we can take the 
 next man in the order of votes, or such 
 other course as the convention may de- 
 cide. We will now proceed to vote by 
 ballot as on the former occasion. 
 
 The chair called for nominations for 
 Committee on Resolutions, to consist 
 of nine members — nominations to be 
 made by States as before. 
 
 DEL. NAGEL (Ky.) : I move you, 
 Mr. Chairman, that in case any candi- 
 date is elected on two committees, he or 
 she shall resign from one and the can- 
 didate receiving the next highest num- 
 ber of votes on that committee shall be 
 declared elected in his or her place. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is 
 
Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 89 
 
 that if it appears that any one delegate 
 has been elected upon more than one 
 committee he shall resign from such 
 other committees and serve only upon 
 the one he may select ; and that the can- 
 didate receiving the next highest, num- 
 ber of votes shall be declared elected to 
 the vacancy thus created. 
 
 The motion was then put and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We vi^ill now 
 proceed to nominations for members of 
 Committee on Resolutions. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 The following nominations were made 
 for the Committee on Resolutions: 
 California — McHugh (Mont.), Wilson 
 
 (Cal.), Hazlett (Colo.). 
 Connecticut — Reynolds (Ind.). 
 Illinois — Deutzman (Cal.), Simons 
 
 (111.), Heydrick (Pa.). 
 Indiana — Oneal (Ind.). 
 Iowa — Nagel (Ky.). 
 Kansas — South worth (Colo.). 
 Kentucky— Carey (Mass.) and Slo- 
 
 bodin (N. Y.*). 
 Massachusetts — Berlyn (111.) and Lit- 
 
 tlefield (Mass.). 
 Michigan — Stedman (111.). 
 Minnesota — Klein (Minn.) and Lee 
 
 (N. Y.). 
 Missouri — ^Lipscomb (Mo.). 
 Montana — Floaten (Colo.) and Smith 
 
 (Ore.). 
 Nebraska— Hanford (N. Y.). 
 New Harnpshire — Gibbs (Mass.). 
 New Jersey— -Burrowes (N. J.) and 
 Spence (Wis.). 
 New York — Lee (N. Y.), Spargo (N. 
 Y.) and Moore (Pa.). 
 Ohio— Webster (0.). 
 Oklahoma — Loudermilk (Okla.). 
 South Dakota — Knowles (S. D.). 
 Texas — Langworthy (Tex.) and Put- 
 nam (La.). 
 Wisconsin — Hoehn (Mo.) and Goaz- 
 
 iou (Pa.). 
 Delegates Simons, Slobodin, Berlyn, 
 Stedman, Floaten, Hanford, Gibbs, 
 Webster and Hoehn declined the nomi- 
 nation. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The next busi- 
 ness in order is the election of a Com- 
 mittee of nine on State and Municipal 
 Program. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON STATE AND MUNICIPAL 
 
 PROGHAM. 
 
 J 
 
 The following nominations were 
 made: 
 Alabaina — Berger (Wis.). 
 
 California — Patton (Cal.). 
 
 Colorado — KraybiU ( Kan. ) . 
 
 Connecticut— Ufert (N. J.). 
 
 Iljinois — Simons, Stedman, Dalton and 
 Jas. Smith (III.), and Benessi 
 (Mich.). 
 
 Indiana — Hyland (Neb.). 
 
 Iowa — Reynolds (Ind.) and Work 
 (Iowa). 
 
 Kansas — Floaten (Colp.) and Wilson 
 (Cal.). 
 
 Kentucky — Robinson (Ky.) and 
 Woodbey, (Cal.). 
 
 Massachusetts — Kelly and Keown 
 (Mass.). 
 
 Michigan — Dilno ( Mo. ) . 
 
 Minnesota — Bickett (O.). 
 
 Missouri — Rathbun (Mo.). 
 
 Montana — W^alsh (Mont.). 
 
 New Jersey — Raible (Mp.). 
 
 New York — Hoehn (Mo.), Gaylord 
 (Wis.). 
 
 Atkinson (N. Y.) and Stedman (111.). 
 
 Ohio— Farrell (O.). 
 
 Oklahoma— Whitelatch (Ind. Ter.). 
 
 Oregon — Walsh (Mont). 
 
 Pennsylvania — Untermann (111.) and 
 Bacon (Pa.). 
 
 Texas — Latham ( Tex. ) . 
 
 Wisconsin — Thomas (Wis.) and 
 Bandlow (O.). 
 
 Delegates Ufert, Simons, Dalton, Hy- 
 land, Woodbey, Bickett, Hoehn, Farrell, 
 Thomas and Bandlow declined the nom- 
 ination. 
 
 The vote for Committee on Platform 
 was then announced as follows : 
 
 Herron, 137; Debs, 143; Wilkins, 79; 
 Will, 75 ; Hanford, 116; Titus, 112; 
 Mailly, 121 ; Strobell, 75 ; Berger, 92 ; 
 Spargo, Ti; Kraybill, 15; Block, 14; 
 Leonard, 25 ; Behrens, 53 ; Carr, 12 ; 
 Gibbs, 63; Snyder, 46; Webster, 23; 
 Wilson, so; Richardson, 56; Phelan, 34; 
 Meyer, 18 ; Robinson, 21 ; Burrowes, i ; 
 Mills, 2; Stedman, 3; Lee, 3; Simons, 
 3 ; Klein, i ; Hayes, i ; Clark, i. 
 
 The following delegates were declared 
 elected the Committee on Platform: 
 
 Eugene V. Debs, Indiana; George D. 
 Herron, New York; Ben Hanford, New 
 York; William Mailly, Nebraska; Her- 
 mon F. Titus, Washington ; G. H. Stro- 
 bell, New Jersey ; Thomas E. Will, Kan- 
 sas ; Victor L. Berger, Wisconsin ; M. 
 W. Wilkins, California. 
 
 Delegate Stedman (III.) moved that 
 the convention remain in session until the 
 committees had all been elected. Sec- 
 onded. 
 
 Before the motion was put the vote 
 
40 
 
 AfteMQOn -Sessi(m,f(Uay\^, 
 
 for the Committee on Constitution.was 
 announced as follows ; 
 
 Ault, 30; Clark,, 89; Bandlow,-! iJ4j 
 Hillquit, 153; Berlyn, 93; HoImatVi^ifia; 
 Butscher, loi ; Jacobsen, 45 ; Kerrigan, 
 71; Lund, 62; McFarlan, 41 ; Mills, 85; 
 Oswald, 22; Richardson, 82; Slqbodin, 
 98; Smith, 28; Turner, 64; Young, 13; 
 Barnes, 132; Mailly, 25. 
 
 The following delegates w,ere- declared 
 elected the Committee on Constitution: 
 
 Morris Hillquit, New York; J. M&h- 
 lon Barnes, Pennsylvania ; Robert Band- 
 low, Ohio; William Butscher, New 
 York; Henry L. Slobodin, New York; 
 B. Berlyn, Illinois; W, E. Clarky Ne- 
 braska; Walter Thomas Mills, Knpsas; 
 N. A. Richardson, California. 
 
 Delegate Stedman's motion- that the 
 convention remain in session until . the 
 committees had all been elected was then 
 put and adopted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There are two 
 more committees to be appointedi ac- 
 cording to rules. One is the; Committee 
 on Press, and the other is the Auditing 
 Committee, consisting of five members 
 each. The chair will announce, the fol- 
 lowing appointments : 
 
 Committee on Press — A. M; Simons, 
 Illinois; Alexander Jonas, New. York; 
 J. H. Walsh, Montana; G; H. Strobell, 
 New Jersey ; F. L. Robinson, Kentucky. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That giyes 
 Delegate Strobell the choice of onqr qr 
 the other of two committees. 
 
 Auditing Committee — Gustave Dress- 
 ier, New York; Miss Carrie L. Johnson, 
 Iowa; T. E. Palmer, Missouri; A.' B. 
 Outram, Massachusetts; H. M. MbKee, 
 California. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Nominations 
 are next in order for the Committee 
 on Ways and Means, nine membersi to 
 be elected. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON WAYS ANB MEANS. 
 
 The secretary then called the roll of 
 states, and the following were nomi- 
 nated : 
 California — Cobb (Cal.). 
 Illinois— Herron (N. Y.). 
 Indiana— Slobodin (N. Y.). 
 Iowa — Jacobsen .(la.) and Leonard 
 
 (Minn.). 
 Kentucky — Mailly (Neb.) and Stock- 
 ell (Tenn.). 
 Michigan — Lamb (Mich.). 
 Minnesota — John D. Rockefeller 
 (Laughter). 
 
 Missouri— Miller (Colo.) and Goaz- 
 iou (Pa.).- 
 
 Montana^Hirt- (Mont.). 
 
 Nebraska — Duncan M-: Smith (111.)- 
 
 New , Jersey— Gerber (N. Y.) and 
 Rubinow (N- J-)- 
 
 New York — Morgan , (III.) and Hoehn 
 (Mo.). 
 
 Ohior-Lund (Wash.). 
 
 Gregan^-Lund (Wash.,). 
 
 Texas— Kerrigan (Tex.). 
 
 Wisconsin^ Ammann (Wis,) . 
 
 Delegates Herron, Slobodin, Jacob- 
 sen, Leonard, Mailly, Goaziou, Smith, 
 Gerbier-and.^ Morgan declined the nomi- 
 nation. 
 
 This leaving but nine delegates,: mo- 
 tion was mad^. thati the rules; be; sus- 
 pended , andi that ; these nine delegates be 
 decjared ejected as: thei Committee: on 
 Ways and Means. 
 
 Seconded and adopted. 
 
 The following delegates were there- 
 fore deolaredi elected the Committed! on 
 Ji^aySi and .Means: J. L. Cobb, Cali- 
 fornia; C. H. Stockeil, Tennessee; C. 
 J. Lanib, , Michigan ; Guy Miller, Colo- 
 rado; David Rubinow, New Jersey ;, Otto 
 Lund, Washington; John Kerrigan, 
 Texap; H. J. Ammannj Wisconsin; John 
 H. Hirt, Montana. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The last com- 
 mittee to-bpi elected is the .Committee 
 on Trades Unions, to consist of 1 nine 
 membersi 
 
 DEL.: LAMB (Mich.): Mr. Chair- 
 man and Comrades: if I understand 
 the motion aright for. the appointment of 
 a Trades: Union Committee, that com- 
 mittee is to consist of trades unionists. 
 Is that part of th*! motion? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, that was 
 not paiit of . the motion; any nine dele- 
 gates.; The secretary will please call the 
 roil of states on the Trades. Union Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 TRADES UNION COMMITTEE. 
 
 The secretary then, called the roll of 
 states, and' the following nominations 
 were made : 
 
 Alabaina — Robinson (Ky.), 
 Arkansas^Farrell (O.). 
 California— Dobbs (N. Y.). 
 Colorado — Hayes (O.), Miller 
 
 (GolQ.)i 
 Connecticut — White i (Mass.). 
 IlUnois— Meyer (111.), Walsh (Mont.) 
 
 and Deutzman (Cal.). 
 Indiana — ^Hollenhierger (jlnd.). 
 
Afternoon. Sesd(m,.Muy. 2. 
 
 41 
 
 Iowa — ijacobsen (la.) _and Breekon 
 (III.). 
 
 Kansas — Palmer (Mo.). 
 
 Kentucky — Sieverman (N. Y.) and 
 Bandlow (6.). 
 
 Maryland— Toole (Md.). 
 
 Massachusetts — Carey (Mass.) and 
 Gibbs (Mass.). 
 
 Michigan — Menton (Mich.) and Han- 
 ford (N. Y.). 
 
 Minnesota — Bickett (O.), Stedman 
 (111.). 
 
 Missouri — Barnes (Pa.), Stedman 
 (111.), Webster (O.), Langworthy 
 (Tex.) and JHoehn (Mo.). 
 
 Montana— McHugh (Mont). 
 
 Nebraska — Nagel (Ky.). 
 
 New Jersey — Glanz (N. J.). 
 
 New York — Hunger (Wis.), Bandlow 
 (O.) and Moore (Pa.). 
 
 Oklahoma — Hoehn (Mo.) and Zorn 
 (O.). 
 
 Oregon — Maurer (Pa.). 
 
 Wisconsin^ — Turner (Mo.) and Col- 
 lins (III.). 
 
 Delegates Dobbs, Meyer, Breekon, 
 Palmer, Barnes, Bandlow, Moore, Lang- 
 worthy, Stedman and Turner declined 
 the nomination, 
 
 A delegate here suggested that the 
 members nominated define their posi- 
 tions in regard to the trades union ques- 
 tion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It was not the 
 sense of the motion or adopted as part 
 of it that trade unionists only be elected 
 or that representatives of the two labor 
 organizations be on the committee. We 
 simply vote for the delegates and you 
 take into consideration whatever they 
 may know about the matter. It may 
 be of some aid to you, Comrades, if you 
 will hear the results of the election of 
 the Committee on 'Resolutions, which the 
 Secretary will now read. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The votes on 
 that committee are as follows : Carey, 
 is6; Hayes, 150; Lee, 120; Oneal, 94; 
 Burrowes, 84 ; Hazlett, 78 ; Spargo, 72 ; 
 Klein, 69; Heydrick, 65; Deutzman, 23; 
 Knowles, 19; Langworthy, 14; Little- 
 field, 29; Loudermilk, ij; Moore, 55; 
 Nagel, 36; Putnam, 42; Reynolds, 61; 
 Smith,. 52; Southworth, 50;. Spence, 54; 
 Webster, 25; Wilson, 51; Lipscomb, 46; 
 Hoehn, 6; Berlyn, i; Mailly, i; Han- 
 ford, I ; Slobodin, 3 ; Floaten, 2. 
 
 The following delegates were declared 
 elected the Committee on Resolutions: 
 
 James F. Carey, Massachusetts ; Max 
 S. Hayes, Ohio ; Algernon Lee, New 
 
 York;, James Oneal, Indiana; Peter E. 
 Burrpwes, NewMjersey.; Ida. Crouch Haz- 
 lett, Colorado ; John Spargo, New York ; 
 Nicholas Klein,. Minnesota; Charles 
 Heydrick, Pennsylvania. 
 
 DEL.. HAYES (Ohio): WJiile the 
 ballots are being, collected for the elec- 
 tion of this last committee I would like 
 to suggest, in order to get. down to 
 business, that, the one receiving, the high- 
 est number of votes on these various 
 committees elected, call the committees 
 together, this evening. I have had a lit- 
 tle experience in some of these conven- 
 tions, and it is generally the case that 
 the , work drags because the committees 
 are slow, in consideration of the propo- 
 sitions brought before them. A great 
 dealiof time, could be saved if the com- 
 mittees could get together at. once. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will announce 
 that the. National Secretary has- made 
 arrangements for all committees to meet 
 at, the, Sherman Housd, on Clark and 
 Randolph^ for. the reason that there are 
 not sufficient accommodations at the Re- 
 vere House. The members of the Com- 
 mittee on Platform will ask for the room 
 of Geo. D. Herron; those. serving on the 
 Committee on Constitution will ask for 
 my room, and all.; of the other commit- 
 tees will ask for Secretary Maill/s 
 room, who wilL reserve a number of 
 rooms in his name for the use of the 
 Committees. All committees will meet 
 there at 8 :30. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: I would suggest 
 that those who have matters to be con- 
 sidered by the committees woiild do 
 well to hand them in now. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Of course, any- 
 one desiring to submit matters to the 
 committees can either go and appear 
 personally before the committee or can 
 hand them to members of the committee 
 now. 
 
 DEL. STROBELL (N. J.) : I would 
 like to resign from the Press Committee, 
 so. you can put another man in my place. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I will appoint 
 Delegate S. M. Reynolds, of Indiana, to 
 take the vacancy on the Press Commit- 
 tee. 
 
 The vote on the Committee on State 
 and, Municipal Program was announced 
 as follows : 
 
 Atkinson, 54 ; Bacon, 43 ; Benessi, 41 ; 
 Berger, 89; DMno, 36; Floaten, 117; 
 Gaylord, 114;. Kelly, 52; Hoehn, 13; 
 Kraybill, 61 ; Latham^ 24 ; Patton, 37 ; 
 Rathbun, 24; Reilly, 38; Reypolds, 34; 
 
42 
 
 Afternoon Session, May i. 
 
 Robinson, 45; Stedman, 114; Unter- 
 mann, 127; Walsh, 19; Whitelatch, 14; 
 Work, 125. 
 
 The following delegates were declared 
 elected the Committee on State and Mu- 
 nicipal Program.: £ Untermann, Illi- 
 nois; John M. Work, Iowa; A. H. 
 Floaten, Colorado; W. R. Gaylord, Wis- 
 consin; S. M. Reynolds, Indiana; Vic- 
 tor L. Berger, Wisconsin; Seymour 
 Stedman, Illinois; L. R. Kraybill, Kan- 
 sas; Warren Atkinson, New York. 
 
 THE CHAIRMANl: Does Delegate 
 Reynolds prefer to serve on this com- 
 mittee or on the Press Committee? 
 
 A DELEGATE: He is not here. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : There 
 seems to be a misunderstanding as to 
 the position of those delegates who have 
 been elected on more than one commit- 
 tee. Some of the delegates who have 
 been elected on more than one committee 
 have expressed themselves as being un- 
 certain, to say the least, as to whether 
 they cannot serve upon both. I recollect 
 very clearly that we have passed a mo- 
 tion that that is not the case, and that 
 the delegates have to choose which of 
 the two committees they wish to serve 
 on so that the next man upon the com- 
 mittee from which they withdraw may be 
 assigned to the committee. Now, the 
 time has come when it is quite impor- 
 tant that before we adjourn tonight the 
 list of committees should be read, and 
 those delegates who have been elected 
 upon more than one committee, if that 
 be the ruling of the convention, as I 
 believe it is, must choose which com- 
 mittee they will serve upon, and this 
 convention must know that the position 
 has been filled. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Spar- 
 go, it seems to me that the simpliest way 
 to do and to take the least time of the 
 convention, will be to allow each dele- 
 gate to hand his resignation to the chair- 
 man of that committee from which he 
 desires to resign, and the chairman will 
 then select the delegate having the next 
 highest number of votes on the list of 
 candidates to fill the vacancy. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: The point is this: 
 If he is only at the meeting of the com- 
 mittee with the delegation he chooses 
 to serve with, and resigns from the other 
 and his resignation is accepted, what 
 knowledge have we that the other dele- 
 gate entitled to serve on that commit- 
 tee will be reached by the chairman of 
 that committee? He has a right to be 
 
 present during the entire session of that 
 committee. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There is no 
 motion before the house. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: A point of order. 
 I want to know of the chairman whether 
 such a rule has been passed? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Such a rule has 
 been passed, to the best of the knowl- 
 edge, belief and informiation of the 
 Chair. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: I move you that 
 before we adjourn we have the results 
 of all elections of committees read, and 
 that each delegate who may have been 
 elected to two or more committees shall 
 be called upon to state upon which com- 
 mittee he will serve. I want to empha- 
 size the importance of that motion and 
 from another point of view entirely, and 
 it is as follows: That it may govern 
 in the choice of a delegate as to which 
 committee he will serve upon if he 
 knows what delegate will be called upon 
 to fill the vacancy. That makes all the 
 difference in the world. It is an im- 
 portant point that we ought not to let 
 go in this rush of matter. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 Supplementary Report of Creden- 
 tial Committee 
 
 Chairman Lee of the Committee on 
 Credentials ■'made the following supple- 
 mentary report: 
 
 DEL. LEE: The Credentials Com- 
 mittee recommends that the following 
 comrades be received as delegates to 
 this convention: From Montana, J. H. 
 Walsh and W. G. O'Malley; from New 
 York, A. A. Mayell; from Oklahoma, 
 there appeared an alternate and a dele- 
 gate, with one .seat to fill, and it ap- 
 peared that the Territorial Secretary had 
 instructed the alternate to appear here, 
 under the impression, perhaps, that the 
 delegate was not going to appear; and 
 by the consent of both of those, the al- 
 ternate and the delegate, it was recom- 
 mended that Delegates Smith and Ren- 
 shaw be both seated, with each a half 
 vote. 
 
 In regard to delegations in which 
 some contests arise, we present the fol- 
 lowing report: 
 
 The following protest was received 
 against the seating of Comrade Grid- 
 ley, of Indiana: 
 To the Committee on Credentials : 
 
 Cotnrades :• I desire to enter a pro- 
 test against seating Comrade A. T. 
 
Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 43 
 
 Gridley, of Aurora, Ind., in this Con- 
 vention, for the following reasons : 
 
 1. The Socialist party is opposed to 
 compromise, fusion or political trad- 
 ing of any form, and the acceptance 
 of appointment or election from any 
 city government controlled by the par- 
 ties of capitalism, is a violation of this 
 principle of Socialist tactics. 
 
 2. It has recently come to my no- 
 tice that Comrade A. T. Gridley, hold- 
 ing credentials from the State of In- 
 diana,_ holds the position of city engi- 
 neer in the city of Aurora, Ind., to 
 which he was elected by a city coun- 
 cil composed of Democrats, Republic- 
 ans and Independents, and that this 
 position was accepted and is still held 
 by him, while retaining membership in 
 Local Aurora of .the Socialist party. 
 
 3. If the foregoing statement is true, 
 as I believe it is, A. T. Gridley is 
 unworthy of a seat in this convention. 
 
 Will Barrett, 
 Delegate from Indiana. 
 
 Comrade Gridley made the follow- 
 ing reply: 
 
 "May I, 1904. 
 "To the Credentials "Committee of the 
 
 Socialist Party in National Conven- 
 tion Assembled : 
 
 "Gentlemen: I have a copy of the 
 complaint filed by Comrade Barrett, 
 of Indianapolis, Indiana. 
 
 "The complaint states a truth, but it 
 does not state all the truth. I hold 
 that position, which is not a political 
 one, and I hold it as a known Social- 
 ist, and I am now a candidate for the 
 mayoralty of the City of Aurora, nom- 
 inated by the Socialist party of Au- 
 rora, unanimously. 
 
 "Further, I am an ex-soldier 
 of the war of 1861-1865, and am not 
 able to make a living at any other 
 business than that of civil engineering, 
 owing to disabilities incurred in the 
 service. 
 
 "Further, I was elected to the office 
 of city civil engineer of the City of 
 Aurora, Indiana, nineteen years before 
 there was a Socialist party in the 
 State of Indiana, and I have per- 
 formed those duties for that city con- 
 tinuously since. 
 
 "Further, if I had but been elected 
 yesterday, I fail to observe any ob- 
 jection to taking capitalistic money 
 (honestly earned) and spending it for 
 Socialism. 
 
 "Further, if it is a Socialistic sin to 
 
 take pay from capitalists for service 
 rendered, then I prefer the counter- 
 charge against Comrade Barrett, that 
 he is not competent to sit in the So- 
 cialist convention, for he works for a 
 capitalist of the Republican persua- 
 sion, and is likewise guilty with my- 
 self in taking capitalistic money and 
 using it to promote Socialism. 
 
 "Further, if your committee decide 
 adversely to myself, I appeal from 
 that decision to the Convention as a 
 whole, where I will make a more ex- 
 tended reply. Yours truly, 
 
 "Albert T. Gridlev, 
 "Delegate from Indiana." 
 In view of the fact that no suffi- 
 ciently definite party law has existed, 
 we recommend that Comrade Gridley 
 be seated. We also urge that the Con- 
 vention adopt a clear rule to cover 
 cases of this sort. 
 
 Comrade Titus dissents from the 
 recommendations in this case and will 
 present a minority report. 
 
 Credentials were received from H. 
 Anielewski, A. Debski, S. Odalski and 
 J. Liss, representing the Polish So- 
 cialist Alliance, who wish to confer 
 with the Convention relative to affil- 
 iation with the Socialist Party. We 
 recommend that a special committee 
 of five be elected to meet this dele- 
 gation and report to the Convention. 
 The request of the Arkansas dele- 
 gates to seat T. J. Hagerty in place 
 of a delegate not present is reported 
 to the Convention without recommen- 
 dation, as no credentials were pre- 
 sented for your committee to act on. 
 (Signed) 
 
 Algernon Lee, Chairman, 
 H. W. BiSTORius, Secretary. 
 Committee on Credentials. 
 CHAIRMIAN LEE of the Credentials 
 Committee, continued: There remains 
 one case to be taken up — that of the 
 delegate from Utah. The Committee 
 spent considerable time in hearing from 
 Comrade Randall, who came and asked 
 for credentials. After hearing the Na- 
 tional Secretary's statement in the mat- 
 ter and hearing from several members 
 on one side and the other, the Commit- 
 tee finds the case an exceedingly compli- 
 cated one — a case that went back two 
 years ago; but upon all of the evidence 
 presented before the Committee the 
 Committee comes to this recommenda- 
 tion. I wiir state to you what probably 
 all are familiar with, that the state 
 
44 
 
 Afternoon Session,' May 2. 
 
 charter of the State of Utah was re- 
 voked by the National Comrriittee some 
 months ago, because the State of Utah 
 ■had not ifor a period of about a year 
 paid any dues, and had failed to carry 
 out certain arrangements alleged to have 
 been made between it and the National 
 Committee in Jregard to the payment of 
 certain dues. Its charter was revoked, 
 but now it appears this organization — 
 •which is not lat present affiliated with 
 the National Committee, sends its dele- 
 gate here, and makes an offer to pay that 
 back account, dating back a year or two 
 years, according as we count from the 
 time of the suspension or from the time 
 when the' account was incurred — offer- 
 ing to pay that account if their Dele- 
 gate would be seated in this Convention. 
 After hearing and considering the mat- 
 ter, this Committee recommends that 
 Comrade Randall be not recognized as a 
 delegate, but that the courtesy of a 
 seat, without voice or vote, be extended 
 to him. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You have heard 
 the supplementary report of the Commit- 
 tee on Credentials. What is your pleas- 
 ure? 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (Ohio) : I move 
 that the report of the Committee on 
 Credentials be made a special order of 
 business for tomorrow morning. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What will you 
 do with those upon whom the Commit- 
 tee has reported favorably? 
 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 report be adopted. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : I move to 
 amend that motion, that the matter per- 
 taining to the contests be submitted to 
 the Constitutional Committee of this 
 Convention. 
 
 Not seconded. 
 
 The motion to accept the report of 
 the Committee was adopted. 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.) : I , 
 move that Comrade Hagerty be seated 
 as a delegate. 
 
 The motion was duly seconded. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : The report 
 of the Committee is before us and it 
 covers many different points. Wouldn't 
 it be well to take up the different cases 
 one at a time, so as to prevent confu- 
 sion? I, therefore, suggest, or rather 
 ask as a delegate, that we proceed to 
 take up the report of the Committee on 
 Credentials seriatim, so that each case 
 may be acted upon by itself, and that 
 
 we >may not make indiscriminate jabs 
 at it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The first mo- . 
 tion should have included a motion to 
 act upon it seriatim. 
 
 DEL. BARNES (Penn.) : The re- 
 port has three distinct parts, and none 
 of them are intricate. If we defeat any 
 action upon Comrade Hagerty, covered 
 now by the motion ■ 
 
 A delegate here raised the point of or- 
 der that Comrade Barnes was not speak- 
 ing to the motion before the House. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is 
 made by Delegate Carey that we pro- 
 ceed to the consideration of the report 
 seriatim. 
 
 A DELEGATE: Do I not under- 
 stand that a motion has been made to 
 seat Comrade Hagerty? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : That is a ques- 
 tion of rule of procedure, . and we can- 
 not proceed with the substance of the 
 report until this motion is disposed of. 
 Let us take up this motion to proceed 
 with the report seriatim. 
 
 The motion was seconded and adopted. 
 
 THE , CHAIRMAN : The first mat- 
 ter presented by the Committee is ii fa- 
 vorable report on a number of dele- 
 gates. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : I move that 
 all those delegates favorably reported 
 on be seated. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 A DELEGATE: Does that include 
 Comrade Gridley, of Illinois? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. 
 
 THE DELEGATE: If that is the 
 case 
 
 DEL. MILLS : I make an exception 
 of that. That is in the minority report 
 and that would naturally be excepted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Mills 
 amends his motion that all those dele- 
 gates who ha-ve been favorably reported 
 upon, on whom there is no contest or 
 discussion, be seated. That will ex- 
 clude 'Comrade Gridley. 
 
 Delegate Mills' motion was then 
 adopted. 
 
 DEL. LEE (N. Y.) : A delegate 
 from Arkansas asks that the delega- 
 tion from Arkansas not being full — 
 that State being entitled to three dele- 
 gates, and only two being here — that 
 Comrade Hagerty should be seated as a 
 delegate. But as Comrade Hagerty had 
 not been elected as a delegate, but is 
 simply an Arkansas representative here 
 present, the Committee did not see that 
 
Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 46 
 
 t had anything to act upon, and re- 
 erred the request to the Convention 
 vrthout recommendation. 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.) : I 
 enew my motion to seat Comrade Hag- 
 :rty as a delegate from Arkansas. 
 
 The motion was duly seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I desire some 
 nformation from the Committee on 
 Credentials, as to who has requested that 
 Comrade Hagerty be seated, and upon 
 vhat recommendation is he to be seated. 
 
 DEL. LATHIAM (Tex.) : The State 
 Chairman of Arkansas. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is the State 
 Chairman of Arkansas present? 
 
 DEL. LEFEVER (Ark.): Yes, sir. 
 5oth delegates from Arkansas. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I rule that the 
 notion is out of order for the reason 
 hat we recognize only representatives of 
 >tates elected one way or the other. 
 
 A delegate appealed from the decision 
 f the Chair and Delegate Spargo, of 
 •few York, moved that the appeal be 
 ibled. 
 
 Delegate Woodbey, of California, vice 
 hairman of the day, thereupon took the 
 hair and placed the question of appeal 
 rom the decision of the Chair before 
 he convention. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : I rise to a point 
 f information. Is this question of ap- 
 eal from the decision of the Chair de- 
 atable ? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I think not. 
 
 DEL PARKS (Kan.): Roberts' 
 !.ules of Order says that in matters 
 'here it is not debatable that the ques- 
 on is to be put then without debate, 
 nd this is a subterfuge to lay it 
 n the table. We will have to vote on 
 le appeal and not on the question of 
 lying it on the table. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: My opinion of 
 
 is that when the decision of the 
 hair is appealed from that a motion 
 m be made to lay that appeal on the 
 ible. 
 
 DEL. PARKS : I have Roberts' Rules 
 [ Order here. 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Well, what does 
 
 say? 
 
 DELv PARKS: It says a motion to 
 
 y on the table is not debatable' and it 
 
 innot be amended. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 
 oved and seconded, to lay the appeal 
 
 1 the table. All in favor of it will in- 
 
 cate it by saying "aye." 
 
 A DELEGATE: I think the vote is 
 
 infuse^. I 4on't ^hink th? m.enibers 
 
 know what they are voting about. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Do you want 
 to take your vote over again? 
 
 A DELEGATE: Yes. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Let me explain : 
 A decision of the Chair has been appealed 
 from, and a motion has been made to 
 lay that appeal from the decision of the 
 Chair on the table. Now — 
 
 DEL. FLOATfiN : (Colo.) : I am in- 
 clined to think that motion is out of 
 order. I don't think you can lay an ap- 
 peal on the table. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I think it can 
 be done very well. 
 
 The motion to lay the appeal on the 
 table was carried, and the Chair thereby 
 sustained in his decision that Delegate 
 Richardson's motion to seat Comrade 
 Hagerty was out of order. The Chair- 
 man of the day then resumed his posi- 
 tion in the chair. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : A question of 
 ■privilege. I understand that if we ad- 
 journ now it will save the comrades 
 $12 for lights. I, therefore, move we 
 adjourn. 
 
 Delegate Stedman raised the point of 
 order that the convention, having voted 
 to await the announcement of the re- 
 sults of election of committees before 
 adjourning, that the motion to adjourn 
 was not in order unless that action of 
 the convention should be reconsidered. 
 
 The Chairman decided the point of or- 
 ■ der well taken, and upon a delegate stat- 
 ing that a motion to adjourn is always 
 in order, the Chairman stated : "A mo- 
 tion to adjourn is always in order, but 
 we have adopted a motion to adjourn 
 under certain conditions, and we have to 
 reconsider that before doing sometliing 
 else." 
 
 A Committee on Foreign-Speakinj; 
 Organizations 
 
 DEL. LEE (N. Y.) For the Creden- 
 tials Committee : H. Anielewski, A.' 
 Debski, S. Odalski and J. Liss, from the 
 Polish Socialist Alliance, wish to make 
 arrangements if possible for affiliation 
 with the Socialist party. Your commit- 
 tee recommends that a special commit- 
 tee of five ke elected to meet these com- 
 rades and report to the convention. 
 
 A motion was made to concur in the 
 recommendation of the committee. Del- 
 egate Gaylord moved to amend to the 
 effect that a committee be appointed by 
 the Chair. The amendment was accepted 
 by the mover of the motion and the mo- 
 tion was adopted as amended. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : It is so ordered, 
 
46 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 and a committee of five will be appoint- 
 ed. The Chair will have to take par- 
 ticular pains, I suppose^ in selecting men 
 who can speak Polish. The Chair will 
 appoint Comrades Algernon Lee of New 
 York, Gaylord of Wisconsin, Hayman 
 of Massachusetts, Sieverman of New 
 York and Untermann of Illinois. 
 
 The Qildley Case 
 
 DEL. LEE: In the case of the pro- 
 test against the seating of A. T. Grid- 
 ley of Indiana, the committee recom- 
 mends that Comrade Gridley be seated, 
 and urges that this convention take 
 measures to provide a definite and clear 
 rule of the party in regard to the accept- 
 ance of appointment or employment by 
 members of the party in cases of this 
 sort. Comrade Titus has a minority 
 report. 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.) : I should be 
 unfaithful to the state that I represent 
 and to my individual convictions if I 
 did not present this minority report. 
 The state of Washington has on numer- 
 ous occasions taken referendum votes on 
 this subject, and has invariably voted,' as 
 its constitution states also, that no mem- 
 ber of the Socialist party shall receive 
 an appointive or elective office at the 
 hands of a capitalist government, the 
 only exception being that of offices ob- 
 tained under the civil service. Now, it 
 would appear from an examination of 
 Comrade Gridley's appointment that he . 
 was entitled to his position because of 
 merit, and not because his appointment 
 had any political significance. In Wash- 
 ington we rejected the application of 
 Judge Windsor, one of the regents of 
 the State University, who had been ap- 
 pointed by Gov. Rogers for political 
 reasons, although Judge Windsor him- 
 self denied that he was under any ob- 
 ligation to the party that appointed him. 
 We have had this again and again be- 
 fore tis, and the party tactic there has 
 been invariably as I said. I believe it 
 to be good policy, and in harmony with 
 that I present this motion : That Com- 
 rade Gridley be seated ; that is the ma- 
 jority report, that he be seated; but the 
 minority report adds this, that Com- 
 rade Gridley be seated on the explicit 
 understanding, as the facts support, that 
 his appointment was for merit only and 
 had no political significance. I move 
 the adoption of that motion. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) :_ I move to 
 concur in the recommendation of the 
 minority report, that Gridley be seated. 
 
 and to refer the other recommendation 
 of the committee to the Committee on 
 State and Municipal Program. Sec- 
 onded, 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The motion was 
 to concur in the recommendation of the 
 Committee on Credentials. What was 
 the recommendation of the Committee 
 on Credentials? Did that include a ref- 
 erence to the Committee on State and 
 Municipal Program? 
 
 DEL. LEE: That Gridley be seated 
 and that some measures be taken to 
 make a definite party law covering cases 
 of this kind. 
 
 DEL. STEDMANl (111.): Ought it 
 not to go to the Committee on Rules 
 and not to the Committee on State and 
 Municipal Program? 
 
 DEL. TITUS : A point of order, that 
 my motion was seconded and will Have 
 to be put before the house. 
 
 DEL. LEE : In the name of the ma- 
 jority of the committee, I will say I 
 can certainly accept and support Com- 
 rade Titus's motion, because it certainly 
 \^s in the mind of every member of the 
 majority, but we did not have it per- 
 haps as clearly as he has stated. I think 
 I can accept it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Then the recom- 
 mendation of the Committee on Creden- 
 tials will be unanimous to the effect that 
 the delegate be seated, on the explicit 
 understanding that his appointment was 
 for merit only and had no political sig- 
 nificance; also that a rule be provided 
 for the guidance of the party for similar 
 occasions in the future; is that correct? 
 
 DEL. LEE: Yes. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That satisfies 
 both sides. Then the only motion be- 
 fore the house is to concur in that rec- 
 ommendation of the comrnittee. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.): I 
 think in this case that it would be en- 
 tirely too previous to seat a man that 
 has a position under a capitalistic gov- 
 ernment. We have rejected in our state 
 the applications of men, I belieVe, who 
 held positions under a city government 
 and held them for years, but every time 
 the comrades have voted unanimously 
 that no man, no matter who he was or 
 what the position he held, if it was an 
 appointive or elective office given by a 
 capitalistic government, that they did 
 not belong in the Socialist party. (Ap- 
 plause.) It does not matter to me 
 whether Comrade Gridley has a position 
 of merit or anything else; if we accept 
 it this time this qas^ will (jonie l3^<;\q 
 
Afternoon Session, May i. 
 
 47 
 
 to lis, and the same case will come lip 
 md create disturbance and dissatisfac- 
 tion among the rank and file. I do not 
 think this convention has any right to 
 go beyond the ethics of Socialism as 
 they are accepted. In no place has it 
 been that a man in a capitalistic position, 
 elected or appointed, under a capitalistic 
 government has had a seat as delegate 
 pr officer of the Socialist party. I think 
 it would be vrrong to do that, whether 
 the comrade is a good man or a good 
 Socialist or anything else. He is only 
 one man, and it is the whole principle 
 that is at stake, and J think it would 
 t>e entirely wrong and contrary to our 
 principles to accept a man like that as 
 I delegate to a convention. Now, this 
 may appear and may be all right ; I have 
 lo objection to that. But there is only 
 Dne man here in this case, and a princi- 
 ple is at stake. In after years, when the 
 party may grow larger than it is now, 
 politician after politician of the old par- 
 ties will seek admission into the party 
 ind at the same time hold a position 
 with the Democratic or Republican or 
 iny other capitalistic party. There is a 
 precedent to be settled, and that prece- 
 lent should be settled right. If it does 
 burt the comrade I would be sorry to 
 lo it, but at the same time I cannot see 
 my way out. I have talked Socialism 
 IS long as I have known what Socialism 
 vas, and that is a good many years, and 
 [ have always been taught that I am to 
 lave nothing to do with any capitalist 
 >arty in any shape or form, and that 
 i must not endorse any of their actions, 
 lo matter what they are. If I cannot 
 rote a Socialist ticket I will stay away 
 :rom the polls. If I cannot make my liv- 
 ng without accepting a position under 
 tapitalism then I resign as a member 
 >f the Socialist party. (Applause.) If 
 '. must rely on a position like that, then 
 '. have no business in the party.- I must 
 fo to the people to supply me that posi- 
 ion and not to the Socialist party. _ I 
 hink any comrade that is a Socialist 
 vould not do that, for the simple ita- 
 lon that any position, it doesn't make 
 iny difference how gotten, _ from any 
 [ovemment not connected with the So- 
 ialist movement, I certainly would not 
 ccept, even if it was a financial or 
 noney success to me. That is the way" 
 '. look at it. If the party in Alabama 
 mows it, away down in the South, they 
 .re going to hold that up to us. This 
 eport will go all over the United Statss 
 
 and it will be said that the Socialist 
 party of America has seated a man that 
 holds a position under a capitalist gov- 
 ernment. You have got enough things 
 on hand now: what is the use of creat- . 
 ing additional ones? You have been 
 putting chains around our members, ,and 
 they have been chained down and 
 clubbed down and everything else, and 
 I say it is in our power to do away with 
 the evil and not attempt to establish a 
 precedent that will be very hurtful in 
 the future. If you read the report of 
 the party committee of the Socialists of 
 Germany you will find that the party 
 unanimously — I believe' there were only 
 thirteen votes against it — decided that a 
 man cannot hold office or run a capital- 
 istic newspaper and have a po.'sition in 
 the Socialist paity. (Applause.) You 
 know that as well as I do. That is 
 my reason for not admitting men like 
 that. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY (Cal.) : I am very 
 much interested in the discussion of this 
 question, because it is frequently coming 
 up. But I know this, and you know it 
 too, that eyery old soldier that to-day 
 draws a pension from the United States 
 Government does it under a capitalist 
 government, and for merit, au'l at the 
 same time it would exclude every sol- 
 dier from the Socialist movement unless 
 he gives up his pension, because, mark 
 you, he draws his pension because of 
 what he dfd in the army, and he gets 
 it from and under a capitalist govern- 
 ment. Out in California we have got a 
 peculiar case. In the city charter of 
 San Francisco there is this provision: 
 That a ix>ard of election commission- 
 ers.^ consisting of three persons, shall 
 be appointed from the three parties .high- 
 est in power, and the capitalist govern- 
 ment has appointed a Socialist each time 
 down to the present time, aftd they have 
 refused to appoint one, and at present 
 there is a contest in ihe courts as to 
 whether the mayor has the right to do 
 that sort of thing again. Now, refer- 
 ring to the Dresden Conference, it is 
 well known that the German comrades, 
 as I understand it, make no exception, 
 but recommend that members go into 
 the German army. They recommend that 
 sort of thing, and they boast that a 
 large number of (he army of Germany 
 is already Socialistic, understand. , (Ap- 
 plause.) That is true in Germany, and 
 there are other things that might be 
 pointed out in Germany. I would like 
 
48 
 
 Af term-on Session^ May 2. 
 
 to see this thing definitely settled, for 
 it seems to me it is a very important 
 point. Now, here is a man that works 
 for a capitalist government. We all 
 know that we woik for capitalists when 
 w« work at all, and we would be pretty 
 poor if we did not v.'ork for capitalists 
 at all. It is a very nice point. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : I am. very 
 sure that before we vote on this mat- 
 ter it would be wise for us to see hov 
 far we are ourselves responsible for the 
 situation. At the unity convention in 
 Imdiaaapolis this question was discussed 
 qjiite at length, and finally, because the 
 delegates there assembled did not wish 
 to commit themselves, they referred the 
 matter by special resolution to the Na- 
 tional Committee at that time. In the 
 first session of the National Committee 
 the matter was taken up and discussed 
 for a long time, and finally no recom- 
 mendation made. It has been taken up 
 on various occasions. Some of the states 
 have acted with regard to it and others 
 have not I believe there are a number 
 of points involved in this matter with 
 regard to which this convention ought 
 to act. But if this comrade is out of 
 place as a delegate, he is out of place 
 as a. member of a local, and the local 
 is out of place as a member of the state 
 party of Indiana, and Indiana is out of 
 place in this convention. Now, it seems 
 to me that the wise thing for us to do 
 is to do exactly what is suggested by the 
 committee — do not punish Indiana for 
 our own faults. Let us make the rules, 
 and, having made a rule, insist upon its 
 being obeyed. But until we are willing 
 to. take some position assuming respon- 
 sibility ourselves, we ought not to blame 
 men for not obeying rules which we our- 
 selves haive refused to amend. (Ap- 
 plause.); ■ 
 
 del; SPARGO (N. Y.) : It seems 
 to, me that we might as well discuss 
 this matter with some reference at 
 least to the facts, and with some desii!e 
 to discuss the matter at the present time 
 in a way which will lead to the light. 
 1 yield, to no comrade on the floor of this 
 convention in my adherence to the prin- 
 ciples of the -working class movement. 
 But, comrades, I believe that there 
 comes a time when we follow the sound 
 of revolution instead of the spirit of the 
 revolution. I believe, in other words, 
 that the comrades raising this objection 
 and the comrades making this protest 
 forget the real situation. There is no 
 
 gainsaying the facts; in many towns 
 there are workmen, carpenters, painters, 
 workmen of all grades, wJio are not em- 
 ployed under any civil service regulatioa, 
 who. are employed by foremen elected 
 by city councils, and the question of po- 
 litical persuasion never enters into it for 
 a minute. There, are men in the towns 
 -who are working as carpenters for the 
 corporation, for the town authorities, 
 who have not been chosen because of any 
 political view or any political services, 
 rendered or prospective, but because the 
 supply of men for those places is limited 
 in that locality. Are you going to bar 
 those men out of the Socialist party? I 
 say, comrades, that if you are going to 
 bar them from the convention you must 
 close the door on them in the Socialist 
 party itself, and I, for one, am not will- 
 ing to debar any man from the Socialist 
 party until it can be shown that the ques- 
 tion of political service has entered into 
 his appointment. (Applause.) Com- 
 rades, what do we find? Here is a- man 
 who has been working in a certain posi- 
 tion for a number of years. In apt time 
 the message of Socialism reaches him, 
 and he says, "I will throw my lot with 
 this, party," and he is admitted to the 
 Socialist party, and the question then is 
 whether after he has been admitted to 
 the party, after he has served the party, 
 we will admit him to a convention, of the 
 patty. And, comrades, let me tell you 
 this, that the moment the time comes 
 when you say to a man that he is good 
 enough to be in the party, but is not to 
 be allowed to be nominated or to be 
 elected to its conventions, at that time 
 you have sapped the very foundation of 
 the integrity of the Socialist party. (Apr 
 plause.) I am for the working class first 
 last and all the time, but I am not going 
 to vote that the working class shall com- 
 mit suicide in this convention. I shall 
 vote for the admission of this comrade 
 because the party adlnitted that comrade 
 to the party, and therefore I will admit 
 him to the convention and vote for ad- 
 mitting him, because so long as he is a 
 member of the Socialist party we have 
 no right to close the door of the conven- 
 tion upon hjm-. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You seem to 
 forget that we are not now making ruks 
 for our guidance in such cases, but mere- 
 ly, discussing the. question whether the 
 present applicant shall be admitted and 
 the rule subsequently made. 
 
 The previous question was moved by 
 
Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 49 
 
 an Ohio delegate, seconded and carried. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : I want to 
 speak in opposition to admitting the del- 
 egate, for the reason that Local Balti- 
 more has had a case similar to this. We 
 voted'to expel a comrade for a cause ex- 
 actly Uke this. A doctor in our local 
 accepted a position as health warden, 
 and he claimed, too, that it was for 
 merit and all that sort of thing. But 
 the fact of the case was that he was ap- 
 pointed at the advice of a Democratic 
 politician. Npw, then, Local Baltimore 
 acted on this matter, and they decided 
 that ai^ man who holds a position un- 
 der the Democratic or Republican party 
 other than a civil service position shall 
 not be eligible to membership in that 
 locali As a delegate from Maryland 
 and as a delegate from Baltmore, I must 
 stand here and vote against the admis- 
 sion qf that delegate, and that is why I 
 want the floor. Otherwise my comrades 
 iui Baltimore would call me to account. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN (Mass.) I think the 
 statement has been made that we would 
 establish a precedent. I do not think so, 
 because the committee who will later 
 act on this may destroy the precedent. 
 Something more : It seems to me the 
 most heartless cruelty to take away the 
 bread from the mouths of the workers, 
 no matter how they may get it. We must 
 remember that to-day we are in the sit- 
 uation of this delegate from Indiana. 
 He either must give up his party, give 
 up his views and ideals, or else give up 
 his bread. It seems to me that we, as 
 Socialists, who are uplifting and stand- 
 ing for humanity, would be guilty of the 
 basest cruelty to take the bread out of 
 a man's mouth by making him give up 
 his ideals. It seems to me also that it is 
 the height of foolishness for the Social- 
 ist party, which is looking for members 
 to come in, to turn them back simply be- 
 cause they have an opportunity to make 
 their bread under a capitalistic system. 
 It is foolishness. We want all the mem- 
 bers we can get. We want all the money 
 we can get also. It is keeping the- work- 
 ing class down to the lowest level in- 
 stead of letting them rise up to the high- 
 est possible leveL Let me call your atten- 
 tion also to the fact that it will keep them 
 out of all municipal departments in cities 
 such as I come from, the firemen and 
 DQlice department and all others. All 
 S^e memhers are debarred not only 
 from holding offices, but from being mem- 
 bers of the Socialist party. It seems to 
 
 me the thing to do is to seat this dele- 
 gate, and then let us decide on our 
 course of action in the future. 
 
 A Connecticut delegate mentioned an 
 instance where a member accepted a po- 
 sition as city scavenger, but the Social- 
 ist local voted charges against him for 
 taking an appointment from the Demo- 
 cratic party. 
 
 DEL. ATKINSON (N. Y.) There is 
 a little difference of opinion about seat- 
 ing this member, but it is difficult to 
 make a rule. But this offers an illus- 
 tration of just the kind of rule that 
 we should make. This man holds his 
 position, an appointive position, from a 
 capitalist party, for merit. Now, he 
 holds it because he is known as a Social- 
 ist agitator. Why do I know that? Be- 
 cause he was elected by his constituency 
 to represent them in this convention. 
 Now, he affords an illustration of just 
 the line of distinction on which we 
 should decide whether a man can be a 
 member of the Socialist party and holtt a 
 position from a capitalist organization. 
 Here is a man who holds a professional 
 position where he must do a definite 
 work for definite pay, a position which 
 does not involve any political services. 
 Now, let us seat this man, but let us 
 make a rule that a Socialist may hold 
 a position from a capitalist or business 
 organization or a capitalist appointive 
 position if he undoubtedly holds it for 
 merit and for work done. But let us 
 make a rule that no man shall be a mem- 
 ber of the Socialist party or an officer 
 of the same who holds a position from 
 a capitalist organization of any kind 
 which requires that he shall do political 
 service or work having any political in- 
 fluence whatever. 
 
 DEL. HAWKINS (Neb.): If this 
 comrade who wishes to get a seat in this 
 convention can produce papers to the ef- 
 fect that he has passed a civil service 
 examination, I for one, am satisfied to 
 seat him. If these papers can not be 
 produced I stand here as a representa- 
 tive from Nebraska, and while I have a 
 chance to say so I want to go on record 
 as being opposed to the seating of this 
 delegate. I want it strictly understood, 
 I want it to go on record, that I came 
 here not for harmony ; I came here to 
 thresh out issues for the benefit of the 
 working class. I take the stand and say 
 that it would estabhsh a precedent in 
 this convention. I realize, as Comrade 
 Spargo has already said, that it is not 
 
60 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 policy to have any disruption at this 
 time, but I will vote first, last and all 
 the time in the interest of the work- 
 ing class. If we go to work 
 and allow men to come into this 
 convention who have been appointed or 
 placed in capitalist positions from any 
 other than from the point of merit, 
 then I want to go on record as being op- 
 posed to it. If these papers can be pro- 
 duced I am then satisfied; otherwise I 
 want to go on record. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY (Neb.) I speak in 
 favor of seating Delegate Gridley, not 
 because I can find any excuse for him 
 holding this office. I do not I can 
 find absolutely no excuse for him. Only 
 under the constitutional law of the party 
 to-day the states are judges of their rep- 
 resentation in these conventions, and as 
 long as Comrade Gridley is a member of 
 the party in Indiana he can be selected 
 and can come into this convention. The 
 only thing that this_ convention can de- 
 cide is whether he is legally elected or 
 not, but as to the choice of the delegates 
 each organized state has its own will 
 and desire and can follow its own 
 wishes in the matter. But I want to go 
 on record. I speak in favor of seating 
 him because of the constitutional law of 
 the party, and until you have a different 
 law you must observe it. But I find ab- 
 solutely no excuse for seating any man 
 holding an office and elected by the 
 Democratic or Republican party. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is 
 to concur in the recommendation of the 
 Committee on Credentials, as follows : 
 That the candidate be seated, on the ex- 
 plicit understanding that his appoint- 
 ment was for merit only and has no po- 
 litical significance; and provided fur- 
 ther, that this convention adopt a rule 
 to cover the subject in the future. 
 
 Motion put and carried. 
 
 Delegate Waldhorst of Alabama de- 
 manded a roll call by states. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : That ought 
 to be a debatable question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is not de- 
 batable. A majority may call for a roll 
 call, and whether there is a majority or 
 not will be found by the vote. 
 
 The question was put, but the result 
 not announced. 
 
 A division was called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: A division has 
 been called for. All those in favor of 
 having a roll call on this question will 
 
 please rise. All opposed will please rise. 
 The vote is 58 against 28 in favor. The 
 motion is lost. 
 
 A motion to adjourn was here re- 
 newed. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: A motion to 
 Edjourn is not in order under the pre- 
 vious ruling of the Chair. 
 
 A DELEGATE: A motion was car- 
 ried to continue this session for forty- 
 f.ve minutes. That time has elapsed and' 
 we have now reached the end of the ses- 
 sion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of or- 
 der ^-aised by the delegate is not well 
 taken. The motion was to remain in 
 session until all the committees were 
 elected and disposed of. Comrades, I 
 desire to say, if it is proper for the 
 Chair to make a suggestion, that we 
 ought to postpone the evening session 
 to-night. It will be late when we get 
 through here and we are all tired, and 
 I suggest that probably a motion 
 had better be made to adjourn the con- 
 vention at the close of this session until 
 to-morrow morning. That will give the 
 committees time to work this evening 
 and shape up their matters, and so if 
 we postpone the session to-night we will 
 be in much better shape to go on in the 
 morning. 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.) : I see 
 a. little feeling on the part of the dele- 
 gates in regard to this question of ad- 
 journment. Therefore, I move that 
 those who desire to register their oppo- 
 sition on this motion that has just passed 
 be permitted to do so by saying not 
 more than fifty words, and that .their 
 opposition be filed with the Secretary. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will have to 
 decline that for two reasons : First, we 
 have adopted our rules, and, second, we 
 are not discussing the rules, but are on 
 the report of the Credentials Committee. 
 The chairman of the Credentials Com- 
 mittee has the floor, if he is ready to 
 render his additional report. ^ 
 The Utah Case 
 
 DEL. LEE (N. Y.) : In the case of 
 Charles Randall of Utah, who appeared 
 before your committee, your committee 
 recommends that he be not seated as a 
 delegate, but that he be extended the 
 courtesy of a seat, without voice or vote 
 in the convention. 
 
 Mbtion was made to concur in the 
 recommendation of the committee, which 
 motion was seconded. 
 
 A delegate from Ohio moved as an 
 
Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 51 
 
 amendment that the comrade be given 
 a right to speak. 
 
 Amendment seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The amend- 
 ment is that the comrade from Utah be 
 given a seat and voice, but not a vote, 
 in this convention. 
 
 DEL. LEE (N. Y.) : Comrade Chair- 
 man, in the committee we discussed this, 
 and I want to explain to you just how 
 this matter came up, because I want you 
 to understand that th« committee re- 
 garded it as exactly what I have called 
 it, a courtesy, when it recommended 
 that Comrade Randall be admitted to a 
 seat on the floor of the convention. We 
 considered whether we could §o far 
 extend this vote, and we came to the 
 conclusion that upon all the evidence 
 and all the facts before us there could 
 be ro reason why he have this, any more 
 than any other of these visiting comrades 
 who have been elected as alternates from 
 regularly organized and working states, or 
 hard-working comrades who have taken 
 the trouble to corae here to see this 
 convention. We would like to give them 
 all a voice on the floor of this conven- 
 tion, but it is impossible to do business 
 in that way, and we could see no more 
 reason why this comrade, who does not 
 represent a working organization of the 
 Socialist party, who does not represent 
 an organization that this party recog- 
 nizes at all, we could see no more reason 
 why he should be given the right to take 
 part in the discussions of this conven- 
 tion than in the case we have already 
 passed upon of the comrade from Ar- 
 kansas, who personally requested that 
 he should be seated. We asked that he 
 be given the courtesy of a seat in the 
 convention simply as a courtesy, because 
 it seemed that it might have a certain 
 effect in bringing about and showing a 
 desire upon our part to bring these 
 troubles to an end. Beyond that the com- 
 mittee felt that it could not go, and be- 
 yond that I believe the convention 
 should not go. That is, should not seat 
 or give a voice to any ope who is not a 
 delegate to this convention. (Loud ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 A delegate here moved the previous 
 question. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Comrade 
 Chairman, I rise to a question of privi- 
 ledge. I want to ask whether the dele- 
 gate has paid any money. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Credential 
 Committer has reported to th? b?st gf 
 
 my recollection, in regard to what he 
 has paid. 
 
 DEL. LEONARD (Minn.) : I move 
 the previous question. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The previous 
 question has been moved, and the mo- 
 tion seconded. There are three minutes 
 on each side for debate, for and against. 
 
 There was no debate and the motion 
 to concur in the committee's report was 
 adopted. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : I wish to give 
 notice that I shall make a motion in con- 
 nection with the Utah matter before we 
 adjourn. I wish to make that announce- 
 ment in order not to seem to have con- 
 curred in its final disposition. 
 
 A DELEGATE: Comrade Chairman, 
 if I remember aright there was an 
 amendment that the report of the Com- 
 mittee on Credentials be amended so as 
 to add a seat and voice. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That amend- 
 ment was made, but to the best of my 
 recollection it was not seconded, and the 
 only thing that remained was the mo- 
 tion to concur in the recommendation 
 of the Committee on Credentials. I will 
 now announce the vote for members of 
 the Trades Union Committee, as fol- 
 lows : Robinson, 27 ; Farrell, 26 ; Hayes, 
 128; Miller, 92; White, 66; Walsh, 27; 
 Deutzman. 20; Hollenberger, 19; Jacob- 
 sen, I.:;; Sieverman, 85; Toole, 7; Carey, 
 116; Gibbs, 20; Hanford, 104; Bickett, 
 22 ; Hoehn, 97 ; McHugh, 21 : Nagel, 70 ; 
 Glanz, 20 ; Hunger, 79 ; Menton, 21 ; 
 Zorn, 42; Maurer, 20; Webster, 17; 
 Langworthy, 18; Collins, 91; Kraybill, 
 I ; Dobbs, 3 ; Bandlow, S ; Stedman, i ; 
 Turner, 11; Walker, 3; Breckon, 8; 
 Mailly, 8 : Palmer, i ; Barnes,. 8 ; Spar- 
 go. I ; Berlyn,_ i ; Moore, 2. 
 
 The following delegates, therefore, 
 were declared elected the Trades 
 Union Committee: Max S. Hayes, 
 Ohio; James F. Carey, Massachusetts; 
 Guy Miller, Colorado; Ben Hanford, 
 New York ; G. A. Hoehn, Missouri ; 
 John Collins, Illinois ; Frank Sieverman, 
 New York ; Adam Nagel, Kentucky ; Ja- 
 cob Hunger, Wisconsin. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We now have 
 the complete list of committees and we 
 will now, according to our motion, read 
 over all the lists and dispose of those 
 who appear on several committees. 
 
 Delegate _ Hanford retired from the 
 Trades Union Co«mittee and Dan. A. 
 White of Ma,ssJichijs?tts was substituted. 
 
52 
 
 Afternaon Session, May 2. 
 
 Delegate Berger retired from the 
 Committee on State and Miunicipal Pro- 
 gram, and J. J. Kelly of Massachusetts 
 was substituted. 
 
 Delegate Carey retired from the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions and Edward 
 Moor* of Pennsylvania was substituted. 
 
 Delegate Hayes retired from the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions and J. M. A. 
 Spence of Wisconsin was substituted. 
 
 The Chairman appointed Delegate R. 
 A. Southworth of Colorado on the Press 
 Committee as substitute for Delegate 
 Reynolds, who preferred to act on the 
 Committee on State and Municipal Pro- 
 gram. 
 
 The regular order of business was 
 then resumed. 
 
 DEL. BRANDT (Mass.); Mr. 
 Chairman, I rise to a point of informa- 
 tion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : To what do you 
 rise? 
 
 DEL. BRANDT: I rise to say just 
 one word before we adjourn. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: On what? 
 
 DEL. BRANDT: I believe the Chair 
 stated that the committees would meet 
 at 9 o'clock. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I have not said 
 the committees would meet. I said the 
 suggestion was made that we do not 
 hold any convention session to-night, 
 as we are not in shape to do any work, 
 and this convention when it adjourns, 
 adjourn to meet at one thirty to-mor- 
 row afternoon. . 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is your 
 point of order? 
 
 DEL. PARKS: Mr. Chairman, I de- 
 sire to say that you have no authority 
 to make such a statement as you have 
 made here, because we have got it fixed 
 in our rules the way we shall meet and 
 the way we shall adjourn. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Are you through 
 with your point of order? 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I am. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will 
 rule that the point of order is not well 
 taken. 
 
 DEL, PARKS : I appeal from the de- 
 cision of the Chair on that point, that he 
 has no authority to make that statement. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN : I move you, Mr. 
 Chairman, that — 
 
 DEL. BR-ANDT: Comrade Chair- 
 man, I have the floor. 
 
 TH5 CHAIRMAN : Comrade Brandt, 
 
 you have the floor unless you are will- 
 ing to waive it temporarily as a lavof 
 to Comrade Stedman, to allow him to 
 finish his motion. 
 
 DEL. BRANDT: Very well. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: I move you. 
 Comrade Chairman, that the rules be 
 suspended and that when we adjourn 
 we adjourn to meet at one thirty o'clock 
 to-morrow. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. BRANDT: Comrade Chair- 
 man, that was just exactly what I want- 
 ed to say a few words about. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Well, it didn't 
 take him long to say it. (Laughter.) 
 
 DEL. BRANDT: I simply object to 
 adjourning till to-morrow until onethirty 
 for this reason : Your committees will 
 meet at nine o'clock, but what work have 
 they got to do? Nothing. You have 
 got to give them some work. Where are 
 your resolutions coming from? Are 
 you going to meet here, or do yon go 
 up and put in your resolutions? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Bran^, 
 we will announce beforehand where the 
 committees are to meet. Whosoever has 
 resolutions or anything else to offer will 
 go and offer them. As to the other com- 
 mittees, they have very definite matters 
 to discuss. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.): Comrade 
 Chairman. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Ca<rey. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I rise to a point of 
 order. (Laughter.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Carey 
 has the floor. Comrade Parks. 
 
 DEL. CAREY : In order to have no 
 possible conflict with Roberts — 
 
 DEL. PARKS : I rise to a point of 
 order. - 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Be seated; I 
 haven't recognized you, sir. Comrade 
 Parks will kindly be seated. Delegate 
 Carey of Massachusetts has the floor. 
 
 DEL. CAREY : In order to avoid a 
 possible conflict with Roberts (Laugh- 
 ter) I desire to suggest that the motion 
 made by Comrade Stedman is to sus- 
 pend the rules, and his desire is simply 
 to suspend the rules pertaining to the 
 hour we meet. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Yes. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: And that, therefore, 
 it is not necessary to suspend all the 
 rules. 
 
 THE CHAIRMjAN: That was not 
 the ^notion, 
 
Afternoon Session, May 2. 
 
 53 
 
 DEL. CAREY: The motion was that 
 the rules be suspended. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The rules con- 
 cerning the hour of meeting for to- 
 morrow, that is about all. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: Very well, but it 
 was not so stated, and I desire to avoid 
 a conflict with Roberts. (Laughter and 
 applause.) 
 
 The question was here called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : All those in fa- 
 vor of the motion which is in substance 
 that we adjourn now to assemble at one 
 thirty o'clock to-morrow afternoon, and 
 let the committees work in the mean- 
 while, will please say "Aye." 
 
 The motion was carried and the con- 
 vention adjourned until one thirty p. m., 
 Tuesday, May 3. 
 
54 
 
 Afternoon Session, May}, 
 
 ■ THIRD DAY'SgSESSION 
 
 Secretary Mailly called the convention 
 to order at i :30 o'clock. 
 
 Delegate Richardson of California was 
 nominated for Chairman of the day by 
 Delegate McKee of California. There 
 being no other nominations, Delegate 
 Richardson was unanimously elected 
 Chairman. 
 
 For Vice-Chairman Delegate Snyder 
 of Oklahoma and Delegate Stockell of 
 Tennessee were nominated. Delegate 
 Stockell was elected, and in the absence 
 of the Chairman the Vice-Chairman took 
 the chair. 
 
 THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: The first 
 order of business is the report of the 
 Committee on Credentials. 
 
 The Committee on Credentials, 
 through Delegate Lee, presented a re- 
 port recommending the admission of 
 Erederick W, Ott as delegate from 
 Wyoming, and Frederick G. Strickland 
 as alternate from Colorado. 
 
 On motion of Delegate Jacobsen 
 (Iowa) the report was accepted and the 
 delegates seated. 
 
 Cablegram 
 
 Delegate Jonas (N. Y.) read in Ger- 
 man to the conventiqri a cablegram from 
 the Executive Committee of the Social 
 Democratic party of Germany. Secre- 
 tary Dobbs read an English translation 
 of the cablegram, as follows: 
 "National Convention Socialist Party, 
 Chicago, Brand's Hall: • 
 "All hail to the comrades assembled 
 for the important work of selecting 
 presidential candidates. Three cheers 
 for the International Socialist Move- 
 ment 
 
 "The Executive Committee of the So- 
 cial Democratic Party of Germany." 
 The reading of the cablegram was. re- 
 ceived with great enthusiasm. 
 
 Delegate Mailly moved that a return 
 cablegram be sent to the German com- 
 rades. Seconded and carried. 
 
 DEL. LEE (N. Y.): I desire to 
 make a motion, pending the report of 
 the Committee on Credentials. Last 
 night there was elected a committee to 
 meet the delegates of the Polish Social- 
 ist Alliance. Now it has come to the 
 
 knowledge of the members of this com- 
 mittee that somewhat similar questions 
 will come up in the convention concern- 
 ing the Italian and other organizations. 
 I would move, therefore, that the func- 
 tions of this committee be extended so 
 as to include all similar organizations in 
 the United States. Seconded. 
 
 A DELEGATE : I desire to move an 
 amendment that the functions of the 
 committee elected to confer with the del- 
 egates of the "Polish Socialist Alliance 
 be so extended as to cover the whole 
 subject of the organization and affilia- 
 tion of the foreign speaking Socialists in 
 America. 
 
 _ Seconded, and motion as amended car- 
 ried. 
 
 Delegate Lee from the Committee on 
 Credentials presented the following ad- 
 ditional credentials: From Delegates 
 Emil Seidel, F. Brockhausen and Freder- 
 ick Heath, all of Wisconsin; and Frank 
 Kuntz, alternate from Colorado. The 
 committee recommended the seating of 
 the delegates, and the recommendation 
 was concurred in by the convention. 
 
 DEL. LEONARD (Minn.) : At the 
 next meeting I shall move to anjend 
 Rule 17 so that the same may read as 
 follows : "Roberts' Rules of Order shall 
 be used, with the exception that when 
 the previous question shall have been 
 called for on matters involved in or per- 
 taining to reports of committees three 
 delegates on each side of the question 
 shall be allowed three minutes each for 
 closing the debate before such question 
 is put." 
 
 DEL. HANFORD (N. Y.) : I move 
 that we proceed to the regular order. 
 
 Motion seconded and carried. 
 
 THE VICE-CHAIRMAN : The first 
 order of business is the report of the 
 National Secretary. 
 
 National Secretary's Report 
 
 National Secretary Mailly then read 
 his report, as follows : 
 
 Con»rades: In submitting this re- 
 port as National Secretary of the So- 
 cialist party, I shall confine myself to 
 those questions which I have come to 
 
Afternoon Session, May 3. 
 
 55 
 
 consider as essential to the develop- 
 ttient and progress of the party organ- 
 ization, believing that in the settlement 
 of these questions is bound up the fu- 
 ture of the ttiovettieMt in whose inter- 
 ests this convention has been assem- 
 bled. 
 
 _ The industrial and political situa- 
 tion, presenting new phases from day 
 to day, will continue to give birth to 
 problerris which will demand the ear- 
 nest attention of all Socialists, and our 
 ability to meet these problems and 
 successfully dispose of them will de- 
 pend more than all else upon the 
 strength and compactness of the 
 organization representing the Socialist 
 movement of this country. More than 
 ever Socialists must realize that be- 
 fore they can expect to be thought cap- 
 able of administering and directing 
 the affairs of this or any other nation, 
 they must first prove their fitness for 
 the task by displaying the ability to 
 administer and direct the affairs of a 
 political organization representing the 
 interests of the working class, and it 
 is to this task that I believe their best 
 efforts and most conscientious en- 
 deavor should be applied for some 
 time to come. In short, the govern- 
 ment of the Socialist party organiza- 
 tion must be the means of fitting its 
 members for the larger duties and 
 greater responsibilities that the future 
 holds for them. 
 
 1 desire to emphasize, therefore, the 
 necessity of our members giving in- 
 creased attention to the methods of 
 transacting the party business in their 
 respective local, state and national or- 
 ganizations. They must acquaint them- 
 selves thoroughly with all the execu- 
 tive and administrative details, such as 
 conducting business meetings and cor- 
 respondence, keeping accounts, mak- 
 ing reports, and other duties involved 
 in the general government of the party. 
 They should post themselves as far 
 as possible upon the detail of party 
 activity in every field and they should 
 elect as their ofiicials and representa- 
 tives only those comrades whose fit- 
 ness especially qualifies them for these 
 positions." More important still, they 
 must continue . to develop the spirit 
 of self-confidence, of dependence upon 
 themselves, of faith in their ability 
 through their own foresight and wis- 
 dom to settle all the problems and 
 overcome all the diffi-culties which Ue 
 
 between here and the Co-operative 
 Commonwealth. 
 
 Of the writing of books, the making 
 of speeches, and the editing and pub- 
 lishing of papers, there is no end, but 
 there is an appreciable lack of applica- 
 tion to the executive branches of our 
 party work. However important the 
 literary and other educational features 
 of the movement may be, yet these 
 factors will continue to be more or 
 less barren of results so long as the 
 party organization is not properly 
 equipped to take full advantage of 
 them. Heretofore (and this was per- 
 haps unavoidable in the early stages 
 of the movement) the greatest amount 
 of energy has been expended upon the 
 dissemination of literature and the 
 holding of public meetings, regardless 
 of the methods employed or of any 
 direct purpose to which the results 
 accruing therefrom were to be applied. 
 There was competition, instead of co- 
 operation, and a consequent waste of 
 energy, money and enthusiasm. As 
 one result, there is now in this country 
 a tremendous amount of Socialist sen- 
 timent of which we cannot_ take ad- 
 vantage because our organization is 
 not yet in a position to do so. From 
 this time forward we should try to ad- 
 just the mechanism of the party to se- 
 cure the best results with the least ex- 
 penditure of effort and money, so- that 
 the gathering forces of Socialist 
 thought and sentiment can find con- 
 crete expression at the ballot box. 
 
 Perhaps no other task to which a 
 Socialist can apply himself offers less 
 of individual glory or immediate re- 
 ward than that of faithful participation 
 in and unremitting devotion to the de- 
 tails of party organization, but this 
 very fact makes it all the more neces- 
 sary that the task should be under- 
 taken. It is easy and convenient to 
 let things run themselves, but sooner 
 or later the party members pay the 
 penalty for their indifference or care- 
 lessness by becoming involved in dis- 
 agreeable situations which create dis- 
 couragement and disgust, but which 
 could have been well avoided in the 
 first place. The lecturer or writer will 
 always flourish and receive his proper 
 ' meed of public reward and admira- 
 tion. For this reason these positions 
 will naturally be the most coveted, and 
 the persons holding them will continue 
 ■ to have a greater personal influence 
 
56 
 
 Afternoon Session, May g. 
 
 through their association directly and 
 indirectly with the general member- 
 ship. 
 
 For example, during the past year 
 the number of applications for com- 
 missions as national organizers and 
 lecturers has far exceeded the actual 
 number within the ability of the na- 
 tional headquarters to employ at a 
 given time. The comrades filing these 
 applications were in many instances 
 new and inexperienced, but filled with 
 a creditable enthusiasm to be of serv- 
 ice to the movement. Several others 
 were from comrades of more experi- 
 ence, but displaying a singular lack of 
 comprehension of the scope and char- 
 acter of the party work. A majority 
 of the applicants desired to be placed 
 at work at once, and some were so in- 
 sistent that they would brook no de- 
 lay, and appeared aggrieved when 
 their wishes could not be gratified. 
 - It did not- seem to occur to these 
 comrades that, however worthy their 
 motives and ambitions might be, it was 
 quite impossible for the national head- 
 quarters to utilize all the available ma- 
 terial placed at its disposal. Nor did 
 they seem to realize that there were 
 other ways through which th'ey could 
 perform valuable service to the move- 
 ment, ways relatively as important yis 
 those sought for, although offering 
 fewer inducements to the enthusiast, 
 but requiring qualities of the highest 
 possible value to the cause of Social- 
 ism. 
 
 The comrade, however, who assumes 
 the burden of executive and organiz- 
 ing detail must be prepared to accept 
 responsibilities which are compara- 
 tively unknown to the worker in other 
 fields. Such a comrade must be pos- 
 sessed of patience with himself and 
 others. He must exercise caution, 
 fortitude and courage. He must be 
 impersonal and impartial. He must 
 be prepared to accept the will of those 
 for and with whom he works, even 
 at the temporary sacrifice of his own 
 opinions. And, above all, he must ex- 
 pect to be misunderstood and misrep- 
 resented by those to whom his serv- 
 ices are devoted. 
 
 All of this will be difficult and dis- 
 agreeable and other lines of work will 
 offer greater attractions, but none will 
 bring the immediate and permanent 
 benefit to the Socialist movement fast- 
 er than this one will. This fact in 
 
 itself will be the most satisfying and 
 satisfactory reward thalt can come to 
 any Socialist. If the course indicated 
 has not been followed more generally 
 in the past it is not because the will 
 to serve the movement has been 'lack- 
 ing, but because the relative import- 
 ance of this special phase of the party 
 work has not been recognized. It only 
 requires such recognition to ea-ll into 
 action the latent executive ability 
 which now lies dormant in the mem- 
 bership everywhere and upon the 'de- 
 velopment and exercise of which the 
 future success of our movement great- 
 ly depends. 
 
 This subject has also another phase 
 which should not be overlooked. If 
 the Socialist party differs from Other 
 political organizations, it is iii this: 
 that the membership and not a 'few 
 leaders control and direct the tnove- 
 ment. It is this very difference which 
 constitutes its chief strength and itiust 
 make it unconquerable and triumphant 
 in the future. The organization 'must 
 be democratic in the true sense of the 
 word or lose its identity as one 'repre- 
 senting the working class movement 
 to democratize the world. It foliwvs, 
 therefore, that only in the encourage- 
 ment and development of self-govern- 
 ment within the organization can the 
 spirit and practice of democracy be 
 maintained and the movement held to 
 its true course. Embodying as it does 
 the vital principles which make 'for the 
 liberation of mankind from all forms of 
 industrial and political despotism, the 
 Socialist party must announce, through 
 its own actions, democracy as a fact 
 limited only by those restrictions 
 which capitalist conditions impose 
 upon it. 
 
 But we should understand that a 
 democratic movement does not imply 
 unrestricted individualism, as some 
 comrades seem to believe. True de- 
 mocracy involves co-operation, and 
 upon our ability to co-operate success- 
 fully eyeiTfthing depends. And co- 
 operation in turn involves adaptation 
 to one another; the ability to accept 
 the will of the majority wherever and 
 whenever expressed, as our individual 
 will, until such time as our individual 
 will can be expressed by the majority. 
 And this again in turn involves faith 
 in the movement as an organized 
 force, the exercise of charity toward 
 each other and the prevalence of 
 
Afternoon Session, May ^. 
 
 57 
 
 the spirit of comradeship throughout 
 the movement. 
 
 Nowhere, perhaps, in the capitalist 
 world will it be more difficult to or- 
 ganize a Socialist movement upon 
 purely democratic lines than in this 
 country, where the spirit of individ- 
 ualism has been distorted out of its 
 true proportions until the simplest 
 rules of organization are condemned 
 even by some Socialists as "bureau- 
 cratic." These have yet to learn that 
 the purest and highest individualism 
 is that which can subserve itself when 
 occasion requires, to the social will 
 and social good. The real bureaucracy 
 to fear is that which would make a 
 few people the ungovemed and un- 
 governable authorities and dictators 
 of the movement. There need be no 
 fear of any kind of a bureaucracy so 
 long as the party machinery remains 
 in the hands and under the control of 
 an alert and enlightened membership. 
 
 When these self-evident propositions 
 become more generally recognized and 
 accepted by Socialists everywhere there 
 will be 'fewer locals disband after a 
 short and precarious existence, and 
 lapses in membership will become less 
 frequent. It is an encouraging sign 
 that the number of comrades giving 
 their attention to this subject is in- 
 creasing, and with a still greater con- 
 sideration we can confidently expect 
 a stronger and more effective organi- 
 zation with which to conduct the 
 struggle with the rapidly combining 
 forces of the capitalist enemy. 
 
 THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION. 
 
 The present condition of the party 
 organization is generally satisfactory, 
 when the stage of its progress is con- 
 sidered. The form of organization is 
 as yet practically new, and difficulties 
 have been presented as a consequence 
 v/hich, with a revision of the constitu- 
 tion and , the development of the or- 
 ganization, should gradually disappear. 
 The present constitution was a hastily 
 prepared .document, and it was natural 
 that it should be_ faulty in construc- 
 tion, although basically correct. 
 
 My ideas upon the character that the 
 organization should take have been 
 expressed elsewhere as follows : "The 
 Socialist party must be more than a 
 mere .political machine ; it must be so 
 managed and controlled that the high- 
 est degree of democracy consistent 
 
 with efficiency as the directing force 
 of Socialist activity must be attained. 
 More and more we must prcwide for a 
 decentralization of authority, -and the 
 /concentration of the forces of agita- 
 tion and education. The national 
 headquarters should be the nerve cen- 
 ter of Socialist activity, the clearing 
 house through which the different 
 state organizations can be kept in close 
 touch and sympathy with each other, 
 thus ensuring an objective point at 
 which 'the organized Socialist forces 
 can converge and act unitedly. 
 
 The chief problem before us, then, as 
 an organized body, is how to com- 
 bine democracy in management, effi- 
 ciency in action and economy in labor 
 and expense, so that the best and most 
 permanent results can be obtained. 
 
 The existing political system re- 
 quires that state autonomy must neces- 
 sarily continue to be the basis of or- 
 ganization, but its boundaries and 
 limitations must be more definitely 
 prescribed. There has been a tendency 
 toward exclusiveness, to place the in- 
 terests of a single state organization 
 above those of the party at large, a 
 tendency as injurious as the other ex- 
 treme of concentrating authority over 
 the membership in a central commit- 
 tee. One carries state autonomy to 
 the extreme and makes toward an- 
 archy ; the other denies democracy and 
 makes toward absolutism. Both are 
 dangerous and can only result in dry 
 rot. pur national organization must 
 be fluid enough to invite or encourage 
 neither one nor the other. 
 
 Under the present constitution there 
 is danger from both. The national 
 officials may become aware, through 
 the positions they hold, that the offi- 
 cials of a state organization are, un- 
 known to the membership, either neg- 
 lecting their duties or perverting their 
 powers, to the injury of the party in 
 that state or the entire country, and yet 
 the national officers are powerless to 
 act. Provision should be made for 
 tfction in such cases, although such ac- 
 tion should not be arbitrary or au- 
 thoritative, but merely along the lines 
 of suggestion, information or investi- 
 gation, leaving final action to the 
 membership of the state itself." 
 
 On_ the other hand, there is no con- 
 stitutional preventive against repre- 
 sentatives or members of one state or- 
 ganization interfering with or usurp- 
 
58 
 
 Afternoon Session, May j. 
 
 ing the duties or rights of other state 
 organizations and their members, or 
 the duties and rights of the national 
 organization in unorganized states and 
 territories. The activities of state offi- 
 cials should be confined to their own 
 states where their responsibility lies, 
 except when agreement is specifically 
 made either with other state organiza- 
 tions or the national organization, as 
 the case may be. 
 
 There should also be constitutional 
 regulations to protect the national 
 party against the violation of the prin- 
 ciples and platform of the Socialist 
 party in any organized state or terri- 
 tory. 
 
 The qualifications for membership in 
 the party should be made as uniform 
 as possible in all states so that all 
 members may enjoy equal privileges. 
 A system of regulation of transference 
 of membership from one state to an- 
 other should also be adopted! 
 
 In order to avoid the recurrence of 
 having state organizations formed 
 where' geographical or other conditions 
 are unfavorable to their effective or 
 permanent existence, the membership 
 /In any unorganized state or territory 
 should reach a certain number before 
 the movement for a state organization 
 can be initiated. Eagerness to estab- 
 lish state organizations before con- 
 ditions were ripe for them has result- 
 ed disastrously in several places 
 through failure on the part of these 
 organizations to properly maintain 
 themselves when thrown upon their 
 own resources. The national office can 
 usually take better care of locals in 
 unorganized states and territories un- 
 til conditions make a state or territor- 
 ial organization necessary and justi- 
 fiable. 
 
 THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE 
 
 The present form of the national 
 committee elected from the various 
 state organizations is objectionable and 
 should be abolished. The principal 
 objection lies in its fostering of fac- 
 tional divisions in the party. The na- 
 tional committee is supposed to repre- 
 sent the entire party and to act upon 
 matters affecting all the states, while 
 at the same time its individual mem- 
 bers are only responsible for their ac- 
 tions to the respective state organiza- 
 tions which elect them, so that the 
 party has absolutely no jurisdiction 
 
 or control over any or all of them. 
 Experience has also already showti 
 that it is impossible to devise a basis 
 of representation upon the commit- 
 tee which will permit of equal repre- 
 sentation from all the states. The 
 size of the committee makes the meth- 
 od of transacting business cumber- 
 some, exhausting and expensive. 
 
 As a substitute for this I would 
 suggest that there be a National Ex- 
 ecutive Committee, to consist of seven 
 or nine members selected by referen- 
 dum of the party at large, regardless 
 6f section, with each and all members 
 subject to recall. This would give the 
 entire party membership the choice of 
 its administrative body and ensure 
 representation to the locals in unor- 
 ganized states and territories which 
 have now no voice in the councils of 
 the party, although contributing finan- 
 cially to its support. The National 
 Secretary should be under the direct 
 supervision of the National Executive 
 Committee, but elected by referendum 
 of the party membership. The acts 
 of the committee upon all matters re- 
 ferred to it could "be published regu- 
 larly in a bulletin issued for that pur- 
 pose and furnished to every party 
 member. 
 
 THE REFERENDUM. 
 
 The initiative and referendum in- 
 volves a principle too sacred and val- 
 uable to be used lightly. Recently two 
 referendums were taken upon the 
 same subject within thirty days of 
 each other, and as a result there are 
 now two contradictory clauses in the 
 present national constitution. The 
 provisions for initiating referendums 
 should be changed to conform to the 
 growth of the organization and prop- 
 ositions should be limited in length. 
 A law should be in force and effect at 
 least ninety days before another law 
 upon the same subject could be in- 
 itiated and submitted to a referendum. 
 
 ORGANIZATION AND AGITATION 
 
 The work done by the national or- 
 ganizers during the past fifteen 
 months has been productive of much 
 good and seems to have given gen- 
 eral satisfaction. The expense incur- 
 red in placing and keeping these or- 
 ganizers in the field has been greater 
 than will probably be the case in the 
 future, as the ground covered by 
 
Afternoon Session, May 3. 
 
 59 
 
 them was mostly new. The finan- 
 cial support given them has 
 been encouraging and gratify- 
 ing, although in a number of cases 
 the comrades at various places did not 
 appear to realize the great responsibil- 
 ity borne by the national headquarters 
 for these organizers. The idea seemed 
 to prevail that because the organizers 
 traveled for the national organization 
 there was no need of rendering any 
 financial assistance. If the national 
 office had unlimited resources at its 
 command this belief might be war- 
 ranted, but the contrary is true, so 
 that this word upon the matter may 
 not be amiss. 
 
 As the different state organizations 
 develop they will be able to employ 
 their own organizers, and the necessity 
 for national organizers will become 
 lessened. The present method of se- 
 lecting national organizers and lec- 
 turers could be improved upon, how- 
 ever, by the requirement of certain 
 qualifications upon the part of appli- 
 cants, such as length of party serv- 
 ice, special knowledge of Socialism, 
 and the details of organization, etc. 
 
 (I take the liberty of propositig to 
 the convention the creation of the 
 office of General Organizer. The ac- 
 tivities of this official would not be 
 restricted to any section, and his serv- 
 ices would be available at all times 
 for the purpose of representing the na- 
 tional organization whenever occasion 
 would require personal investigation 
 and action. There has been need of 
 such an official several times during 
 the past year, and it is my opinion that 
 sooner or later one will have to be se- 
 lected. The duties of this _ official 
 would cover a wide field and his work 
 could be of great value to the party. 
 
 Propositions will probably be made 
 at this convention for the formation 
 of the foreign-speaking workers into 
 separate federations to be affiliated 
 with the national organization. This 
 is a matter which should receive ypur 
 careful consideration, as it is necessary 
 that the national party secure the ac- 
 :ive co-operation of the workers of all 
 nationalities in the movement against 
 capitalism. Whether it would be bet- 
 ter to have federations as proposed, or 
 to have these workers organized direct 
 into locals and branches of the party 
 is a new question which the conven- 
 tion will , have to pass upon in some 
 
 specific manner so that a definite line 
 of action can be pursued. 
 
 NATIONAL LECTURERS, 
 
 Until recently the condition of the 
 party organization made it impossible 
 to have very much system in the ar- 
 ranging of tours for party lecturers 
 who had formerly usually traveled at 
 high expense to the locals and often- 
 times at great inconvenience and hard- 
 ship to the speakers themselves. To 
 remedy this I have attempted, in ac- 
 cordance with instructions from the 
 National Committee, to formulate a 
 definite system of lecture work which 
 would enable the party locals to en- 
 gage capable lecturers at a normal ex- 
 pense, while guaranteeing these lec- 
 turers sufficient remuneration for the 
 labor and time expended. 
 
 While this work has been fairly suc- 
 cessful, yet it has been attended by dif- 
 ficulties only to be appreciated by 
 those in the national office and into 
 the details of which it is unnecessary 
 to enter here. Some of these difficulties 
 could be obviated by th^ adoption of 
 definite rules to govern the routing of 
 interstate speakers, which rules would 
 preserve the integrity of the state or- 
 ganizations within their respective 
 boundaries, while also facilitating the 
 general arrangement of engagements 
 with the locals. 
 
 This would prevent the confusion and 
 unnecessary expense which have been 
 caused by state organizations assum- 
 ing the work of routing lecturers and 
 org?nizers when they were unable, for 
 various reasons, to perform the work 
 properly. Tlie blame for this state of 
 affairs has been mostly directed at the 
 national office, whfn the facts are that 
 in almost every case the routing done 
 by the latter has been more satisfac- 
 tory in every way. With the facilities 
 now in use, speakers and organizers 
 can be routed from the national head- 
 quarters much more economically than 
 lotherwise. Especially is this true of 
 those states in close proximity to the 
 seat of the national headquarters. 
 
 The effort to establish a lecture sys- 
 tem such as I have outlined caused 
 the circulation of a report that I was 
 attempting to form what was termed 
 a "bureaucracy" at national headquar- 
 ters for the purpose of victimizing cer- 
 tain speakers and driving them from 
 the field. I take this opportunity, the 
 
60 
 
 Aflernoon Session, May 3. 
 
 first presented to me, to state that this 
 report was entirely unwarranted, that 
 I was not actuated by personal mo- 
 tives of any kind, and that I bad no 
 other purpose tlian the co-ordination 
 of the party forces upon a scale which 
 would guarantee economy and better 
 results in the future. Regardless of 
 contrary opinions, a system for han- 
 dling Socialist speakers must be per- 
 fected if we are to keep step with the 
 forces which we recognize and pro- 
 claim to be at work in society. 
 
 During the infancy of the organ- 
 ized movement when pioneer work 
 was the rule and Socialists were wide- 
 ly scattered and isolated from each 
 other, the question of control of speak- 
 ers did not arise, except in well-organ- 
 ized sections of the country. _ But 
 since the party has developed into a 
 national organization the question has 
 arisen and provoked discussion. This 
 is a healthy sign and should be taken 
 as an indication of growth. The ques- 
 tion can only be settled in one way, and 
 that way is the one in harmony with 
 the law of organization and co-ordi- 
 nation. Those who assume to speak 
 for the Socialist Party should be pre-' 
 pared to accept the control of the par- 
 ty. If the Socialist Party is to be" 
 held responsible for them, then they 
 shouM be held responsible to the par- 
 ty ; the local workers to the local or- 
 ganizations, the state workers to the 
 state organizations, and the national 
 workers to the national organization. 
 The question of remuneration is a 
 minor one which will gradually ad- 
 just itself. 
 
 SUPPLIES. 
 
 Changes in the. form and quality of 
 organizing and other supplies have 
 been made from time to time and a 
 normal price charged in order to bring 
 them within easy reach of all state 
 and local organizations. Various cir- 
 cumstances have prevented us from 
 furnishing locals with sets of books 
 for officials, although the forms for 
 these books have been ready for some 
 time. If ordered in large quantities 
 for cash the books can be secured at 
 a nominal cost, but so far the state of 
 our finances would not warrant the 
 incurrence of this expense. A set of 
 books for state secretaries has also 
 been devised, and when put into use 
 
 will go far toward systematizing the 
 work of these officials. 
 
 BULLETINS AND REPORTS. 
 
 The issuance of weekly bulletins 
 and reports chronicling party affairs 
 and activity has proven of such value 
 that steps should be taken to extend 
 the service. It is essential that the 
 membership be fully informed upon 
 the action of the party officials and 
 party affairs in general. The space 
 in the Socialist "press is too limited 
 to publish all of this information, 
 which is of more or less importance. 
 I believe a monthly bulletin should 
 ' be issued in printed form devoid of 
 editorial matter and devoted entirely 
 to financial, national committee, and 
 organizers' reports, and other details 
 of an official character. The bulletin 
 could be printed in quantities suffi- 
 cient to reach every member. This 
 would not prevent the continued issu- 
 ance to the party press of a weekly 
 bulletin reporting current items of 
 immediate importance. 
 
 EXPENSES OF DELEGATES TO NATIONAL CON- 
 VENTION. 
 
 I would also suggest that means be 
 provided for the payment direct 
 through the national organization of 
 the expenses of delegates to the na- 
 tional conventions. A general assess- 
 ment of a nominal sum from each 
 member for this specific purpose and 
 levied before the convention would 
 undoubtedly furnish a sufficient 
 amount to cover these expenses, thus 
 ensuring representation from all the 
 states. The basis of representation 
 could be changed, but a more general 
 attendance would be secured. The 
 adoption of this proposition would 
 place all aspirants for election as dele- 
 gates in the different states upon the 
 same footing and eliminate the ten- 
 dency to select delegates because of 
 their ability to defray their own ex- 
 penses to and from the conventions. 
 
 THE SOCIALIST PRESS. 
 
 The Socialist party press is gaining 
 steadily in numbers and influence and 
 with its further development will be- 
 come a most potent factor in shaping 
 the destinies of the movement. With- 
 out doubt the general literary and 
 spiritual quality of the press is im- 
 
Afternoon Session, May 3. 
 
 61 
 
 proving and Socialists are rapidly 
 realizing the urgent necessity for a 
 press that can fittingly represent the 
 Socialist party. The practice of be- 
 ginning the publication of local pa- 
 pers before the condition of the move- 
 ment warrants their continuance has 
 a tendency to detract from the gen- 
 eral effectiveness and stability of pa- 
 pers with established circulations, be- 
 sides making for the dissipation of the 
 limited resources of the comrades. It 
 is much better to increase the useful- 
 ness of papers already in the field 
 than to embark upon undertakings 
 which have little certainty of pro- 
 longed existence. 
 
 "nie sentiment for an official organ 
 to be published by the national organ- 
 ization may justify me in stating my 
 views in opposition to such a propo- 
 sition. Past experience in this direc- 
 tion should be ample warning against 
 its adoption. I believe also that the 
 existence of an independent press, free 
 of party control, except in localities 
 where published, is one of the strong- 
 est safeguards toward protecting and 
 preserving the party's integrity that 
 we have today. Such a press provides 
 a sure medium for the expression 'of 
 individual opinion, thus guaranteeing 
 free speech and criticism and prevent- 
 ing the creation of the censorship 
 which has hitherto almost invariably 
 grown out of the placing of official 
 organs in the hands of party officials 
 In this field, at least, we can afford 
 to have competition, and the survival 
 of the most fit will depend upon the 
 increased knowledge of Socialism and 
 the intellectual development of the So- 
 cialists themselves. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 I have not considered it necessary 
 to repeat what has already been in- 
 cluded in my last annual report. A 
 summary of the financial condition of 
 the national office is herewith ap- 
 pended. If the showing therein made 
 seems unfavorable, the comrades will 
 bear in mind that the expense recently 
 incurred by assisting the party in Col- 
 orado and in the Milwaukee municipal 
 campaign has been especially heavy. 
 Economy wilt be exercised during the 
 next two months with the expectation 
 that the national campaign will be en- 
 tered upon free of debt 
 
 I take pleasure in again expressing 
 
 my appreciation of the co-operation 
 rendered me in my work as your Na- 
 tional Secretary ,by the assistants in 
 the national office, Comrades W. E. 
 Clark, Chas. R Martin and James 
 Oheal. They have worked capably 
 and faithfully for the party's interests, 
 and this slight recognition, although 
 inadequate to the proportion of their 
 services, is the least that is due them. 
 'I cordially acknowledge also the cour- 
 tesy rendered toward the national of- 
 fice by the national committee and 
 quorum, the party press, the national 
 organizers and lecturers, and the com- 
 rades generally throughout the coun- 
 try. 
 
 To you, the delegates to the most 
 representative Socialist convention 
 that has ever met on this continent, 
 I convey my congratulations upon the 
 progress manifested by your presence 
 here today. The further advancement 
 of the Socialist cause in America is 
 conditional upon the character of your 
 deliberations and the actions arising 
 from them. Beginning a new epoch 
 in the movement's history, with the 
 social forces that make for change 
 working in complete harmony with 
 the Socialist philosophy, with the op- 
 portunities for hastening the oncom- 
 ing Social Revolution presenting them- 
 selves on every side, we should give 
 to the task assigned us the best 
 thought and devotion of which we 
 are capable, deeming nothing less than 
 that worthy of the cause having for 
 its realization the emancipation of the 
 working class of the world and the ul- 
 timate freedom and happiness of all 
 mankind. Fraternally submitted, 
 William Mailly, 
 National Secretary. 
 
 Chicago, 111., May ist, 1904. 
 
 Financial Statement of National 
 Secretary 
 
 From Jan. ist to April 30, 1904, in- 
 clusive : 
 
 RECEIPTS. 
 Balance on hand 
 
 Jan. rst $ 168.44 
 
 January 1,180.93 
 
 February 1,719.76 
 
 March i,S2S.39 
 
 April 1,348.22 
 
 $5,942-74 
 
62 
 
 Afternoon Session, May J. 
 
 BXPENDITURES. 
 
 January $1,264.45 
 
 February 1,689.84 
 
 March 1,564-36 
 
 April 1.242.85 
 
 $5.761.50 
 
 M^y I, 1904, balance on hand.$ 181.24 
 Assets, outstanding accounts ■ 750.05 
 
 Total balance $ 931.29 
 
 Liabilities 807.71 
 
 The liabilities do not include bal- 
 ances due organizers on April ac- 
 count, financial reports having not yet 
 been received. 
 
 The balance of $1,828.23 which was 
 owing on Feb. i, 1903, for old ac- 
 counts assumed at the unity conveii- 
 tion at Indianapolis, 1901, has been 
 entirely paid off. 
 (Signed) William Mailly, 
 
 National Secretary. 
 At the conclusion of the reading of 
 the National Secretary's report and 
 financial statement. Delegate Richardson 
 assumed the chair, and recognized Dele- 
 gate Berger (Wis.), who moved that 
 the report of the National Secretary be 
 received and referred to the proper com- 
 mittees. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried 
 unanimously and the report and finan- 
 cial statement were referred. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.): I desire to 
 ask whether or not any letters have been 
 received by the National Secretary, the 
 contents of which should be submitted 
 to this convention. 
 
 NAT. SECY. MAILLY: All the cor- 
 respondence is filed away and ready to 
 be submitted if the convention wants it. 
 What correspondence do you refer to? 
 We can bring our letter file up here if 
 you want us to. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.): There are 
 letters, as I understand it, that the Na- 
 tional Secretary has received that are 
 of special importance. For instance, let- 
 ters' received from a comrade from Kan- 
 sas. I think that the Secretary will rec- 
 ognize the fact that there are letters and 
 that they are quite important enough to 
 be submitted to this convention tomor- 
 row. 
 
 NAT. SECY. MAILLY: There are 
 letters from Comrade Ricker and a great 
 many other comrades, and I think it 
 should be left to the convention to de- 
 cide whether that correspondence is im- 
 portant enough to be seen. Haven't I 
 got letters from all sections of the 
 country? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrades, it 
 seems to me that this is rather out of 
 order. Our business was to receive the 
 report of the National Secretary. He 
 has made his report and it has been dis- 
 posed of. Now, the next order of busi- 
 ness is the report of the local quorum, 
 but before that report is . presented I 
 will request the Secretary to read the 
 cablegram which is to be sent by this 
 convention. 
 
 Secretary Dobbs then read the follow- 
 ing cablegram, which was sent in ^eply 
 to the message received from Germany: 
 
 "Executive Committee, Social Democ- 
 racy of Germany, Berlin : Socialists of 
 the United States of America return fra- 
 ternal greetings of German comrades, 
 wishing them ever greater victories 
 over the common enemy of the working 
 class," 
 
 The reading of the cablegram evoked 
 loud and prolonged applause. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will now 
 proceed with the regular order of busi- 
 ness, which is the report of the local 
 quorum. Who is to make that report? 
 Is Comrade Work present? Comrade 
 Work is senior member of the local 
 quorum. If the local quorum is not 
 ready to report, we will proceed at once 
 with the other order of business. 
 
 DEL. REYNOLDS (Ind.) : The lo- 
 cal quorum is ready to make its report. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Rey- 
 nolds of Indiana will now present the 
 report of the local quorum. 
 
 report' of the local quorum. 
 
 Delegate Reynolds read the following 
 report : 
 To the National Convention of the 
 
 Socialist Party: 
 
 The local ,quorum of the National 
 Committee of the Socialist Party of 
 America reports that during the term 
 of their service commencing with July, 
 1903, they have met upon the call' of 
 the National Secretary in Omaha in 
 July, 1903, November, 1903, and Jan- 
 uary, 1904; in Chicago in March, 1904, 
 and at National headquarters on April 
 28, 1904. Each meeting was held pub- 
 licly, open to Socialist comrades, and 
 the questions submitted to, considered 
 or passed upon by the quorum were 
 recorded in the ihinut.es of proceed- 
 ings kept by the quorum and upon 
 adjournment a full copy of such niin- 
 utes was transmitted to the National 
 Committee and published in full in 
 
Afternoon Session, Mays- 
 
 63 
 
 the Socialist press of the " country, 
 thus giving full publicity to the busi- 
 ness entrusted to the local quorum of 
 the national committee of the Social- 
 ist party. 
 
 I Fraternally submitted, 
 
 S. M. Reynolds, 
 Victor L. Berger, 
 B. Berlyn. 
 DEL. NAGEL (Ky.) : I move you 
 ;hat the report be accepted and filed. 
 
 Delegate Nagel's motion was seconded 
 ind the question being put, was carried 
 jnanimously. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The next order 
 jf business is the report of the Commit- 
 :ee on Platform. Is the Platform Com- 
 nittee ready to report? 
 
 Delegate M. W. Wilkins stated that 
 he Platform Committee would meet 
 gain in the evening, and reported prog- 
 ess. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Platform 
 Committee reports progress. The next 
 irder of business is the report of the 
 Committee on Municipal Program. Is 
 hat committee ready to report? 
 A DELEGATE : They are in session 
 
 lOW. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : That committee 
 eing in session they are, of course, un- 
 ble to report at present. The next or- 
 ;er of business is the report ,of the 
 Committee on Resolutions. Is that com- 
 littee ready to report? 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : We are 
 eady to make a report, Comrade Chair- 
 lan. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN): We will hear 
 rom Comrade Spargo, and please let us 
 ave order. These resolutions, in fact, 
 U parts of these reports, must be heard, 
 r should be heard, by everybody. 
 
 DEL. CURTIS (N. Y.) : I will sug- 
 est to the comrades that we cannot tell 
 hether these resolutions are acceptable 
 r not until we hear them read. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is suggested 
 lat the resolutions be read and any that 
 lay be in conflict or that are liable to 
 ; in conflict with other things that 
 )me up may be deferred. 
 DEL. CURTIS : It isn't whether they 
 •e acceptable or unacceptable; we don't 
 low but what they may be acceptable 
 id still be in conflict with the consti- 
 ition. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : 1 would suggest 
 lat there is nothing before this conven- 
 jn except these rules. The gentleman 
 
 out of order unless he wants to make 
 
 a motion. At present there is nothing 
 open for discussion. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I move 
 you, Comrade Chairman, that we pro- 
 ceed with the regular order of business. 
 The motion was seconded. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 moved and seconded that the Committee 
 on Resolutions report such work as they 
 have already done. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODINl: And that no ac- 
 tion be taken upon the resolutions until 
 they are printed and furnished to the 
 members of this convention. 
 
 DEL. SMITH (111.) : That is a mo- 
 tion that I think should be voted down 
 almost unanimously. I don't know 
 whether the committee has reported or 
 will report all of the resolutions of ev- 
 ery nature that are submitted to it, but 
 if it makes such a report there will 
 doubtless be resolutions that we do not 
 want to have printed, and the printing 
 of them would involve a great waste of 
 our time and money, so I think we can 
 safely hear them read first. We have no 
 reason to be afraid of ourselves that we 
 will not know what we want when we 
 hear them, and I think that motion 
 should be voted down. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : I wish to 
 stale. Comrade Chairman and Comrades, 
 that we can trust to the common sense 
 of the committee to quash a resolution 
 of that kind. Any resolution you would 
 vote down would have no show in the 
 committee. That is what we have the 
 committee for, to consider before we do, 
 what is worthy of our consideration, so 
 I am in favor of the motion. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.) : I think it 
 is necessary that we should have these 
 resolutions printed. This is too import- 
 ant a matter to consider without know- 
 ing fully what we are considering, and 
 I think these reports should be printed, 
 and I can see no objection to their be- 
 ing printed. 
 
 A delegate from Indiana moved the 
 previous question, which motion was' sec- 
 onded. The question was then put, and 
 the motion carried. ^ 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will now 
 proceed to vote upon the question that 
 these resolutions be read but not acted 
 upon until_ after they are printed and 
 copies furnished to this body. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: That was not the 
 motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What was the 
 motion? 
 
64 
 
 Afternoon Session, May ^. 
 
 DEL. BERGER : Will Comrade Slo- 
 bodin repeat his motion? 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: The motion is 
 that the report of the Committee on 
 Resolutions be not acted upon until a 
 copy can be furnished to each delegate. 
 
 The motion was then put and carried. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (O.) : I rise to a 
 point of information. I desire to know 
 if this committee has power or has been 
 granted the power to quash resolutions 
 that they do not favor, and not to bring 
 them to the surface? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I will say that 
 no such power has been granted to a 
 committee, and if anybody presents a 
 resolution to that committee and they 
 undertake to quash it, he can bring that 
 resolution before this- body in spite of 
 them. (Applause.) We will now hear 
 from Comrade Spargo, Chairman of the 
 Committee on Resolutions. 
 
 Report of Committee on Resolu- 
 tions 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : The Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions has prepared only 
 a partial report. We thought it better 
 to present a partial report rather than 
 to incur the risk of any considerable de- 
 lay this afternoon, and hence the com- 
 mittee will request permission to pre- 
 sent the remainder of its report at a 
 subsequent time. 
 
 Now the question which has been 
 raised upon the floor this afternoon 
 came naturally before the committee it- 
 self as to whether the committee should 
 undertake to suppress resolutions, which, 
 in its judgment, ought not to be con- 
 sidered by any serious-minded body. 
 Such resolutions there might be, but 
 your committee decided that it would 
 not be to the best interests of the So- 
 cialist Party in this convention for any 
 committee whatsoever to undertake to 
 keep from the convention what any dele- 
 gate wanted to bring before the conven- 
 tion. (Applause.) So we, therefore, 
 decided that our business as a Committee 
 on Resolutions, consisted primarily in 
 this : We were to consider each resolu- 
 tion upon its merits. If they were not 
 written in English we were to try and 
 do that part of the work; if we thought 
 that they did not properly come within 
 the sphere or the jurisdiction of our com- 
 mittee, we would refer them to the com- 
 mittee to which they properly belonged, 
 and that upon all such resolutions as 
 
 we decided to consider, we would re- 
 port to the convention whether or not 
 we, as a committee, favor such resolu- 
 tions. In some cases we have had reso- 
 lutions in which the writers have evi- 
 dently said the very thing they wanted 
 not to say, and have forgotten the very 
 things they wanted to say, and by a 
 species of clairvoyance the committee has 
 undertakeri to fill the void and to say for 
 the framers of the resolutions what the 
 framers of the resolutions started out to 
 say and what they forgot to say. 
 (Laughter and applause.) We have had 
 resolutions consisting of "Whereases" 
 and "Therefore be it resolved" without 
 any resolution at the ertd, and we had 
 to supply, of course, the resolution at 
 the end. (Laughter and applause.) 
 
 A number of resolutions have- been re- 
 ferred today to the Committee on Con- 
 stitution. There was for instance a res- 
 ofution from the state of New Jersey 
 and from the state of Connecticut, pro- 
 viding that the cost of the national con- 
 vention, so far as delegates' expenses 
 go, should be made a national charge. 
 We have a similar resolution from New 
 Jersey, but we thought that since it in- 
 volved in itself a change in the constitu- 
 tion, it would be idle for our committee 
 to bother with it, would be idle for us to 
 trouble the convention with the burden 
 of rejecting it, and so we politely sent 
 it over to the Committee on Constitu- 
 tion, and told them that we did not want 
 that and they were very welcome to it. 
 We have two resolutions from the del- 
 egation from the State of New Jersey. 
 We thought that we could not present 
 the resolutions as they were presented to 
 us. If the New Jersey delegation had 
 little regard for the committee the com- 
 mittee had some regard for the conven- 
 tion, so we have taken the trouble and 
 liberty of trying to say what the delega- 
 tion from New Jersey wanted to say, 
 except that we have also suggested an 
 important amendment to their resolution. 
 They moved first : 
 
 "Whereas, It is the practice of some 
 lecturers and organizers to engage 
 with organizations of the Socialist 
 party at an indefinite compensation, 
 dependent upon their success in col- 
 lecting funds or selling literature, or 
 else engaging without understanding 
 as to compensations; and 
 
 "Whereas, Under such conditions 
 the ability of a comrade to remain in 
 the field depends upon, circumstances 
 
Afternoon Session, May ^. 
 
 65 
 
 ther than usefulness in the propaga- 
 on of clean cut Socialism; 
 "Therefore, be it resolved, That this 
 Dnvention declares itself opposed to 
 peculative methods of compensating 
 :cturers and organizers, and in favor 
 f the payment of a definite, pre-de- 
 ;rmined salary or fee." 
 
 'our commitee reports favorably upon 
 t resolution, and recommends it to the 
 vetltion. 
 
 RESOLUTION NO. 2. 
 
 "Whereas, Exorbitant salaries or 
 ees have sometimes been paid to 
 peakers and organizers for their serv- 
 
 ; and 
 
 "Whereas, Such practices are alto- 
 ether unwarranted and unjust in a 
 roletarian movement; therefore, be it 
 
 "Resolved, That this body declares 
 self opposed to paying speakers or 
 ther workers employed by the party 
 xorbitant fees or salaries, placing 
 lem above the standard of the work- 
 ig class which the party represents; 
 nd 
 
 "Wa recommend that as far as possi- 
 le locals of the Socialist party should 
 tigage their speakers and organizers 
 irough the national or state organ- 
 :ations, thus discouraging abuses aris- 
 ig from the unsatisfactory methods at 
 resent pursued." 
 
 ought to say that in presenting the 
 )lution in this form, we do so after 
 ing amended the resolution in the 
 imittee, because in its original form 
 delegation from New Jersey pro- 
 :d that the wages of our lecturers 
 other workers should be based upon 
 average rate of wages of the party' 
 nbership. Now your committee 
 ight that since we had not an option 
 n Mr. Carroll D. Wright, since, per- 
 5, we were not quite willing yet to 
 ose to the world the average rate of 
 :es of the membership of the Socialist 
 y, it was better to amend the reso- 
 3n in that direction. (Laughter and 
 ause.) 
 
 ^e report favorably upon the resolu- 
 in its amended form, 
 ocal San Francisco submitted the 
 )wing resolution to the committee : — 
 EL. BARNES (Pa.): Mr. Chair- 
 i, I rise to a point of information. 
 Ws the report of the committee? 
 HiE CHAIRMAN : This is the re- 
 ef the committee so far as they have 
 
 completed it Wc shall hear the reso- 
 lutions and not pass upon them until 
 they have been printed and copies hand- 
 ed to the delegates. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: There are not 
 many of them; sit down. (Laughter.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Comrade Barnes 
 was a little late to dinner, that is all. 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 DEL. HAYES (O.) : Comrade Chair- 
 man, I do not want to interrupt the pro- 
 ceedings of the convention, but I was 
 not present when the motion was made 
 that the resolutions be read and then 
 printed and then be taken up and acted 
 upon later. Was that the action taken? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, sir, that is 
 the action of the convention. 
 
 DEL. HAYES : It seems to me, how- 
 ever, that that is a clear waste of time. 
 
 THE CHAIRMA.N: The Comrade 
 is out of order. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: I would like to see 
 some one make a motion to reconsider 
 and adopt some method to expedite busi- 
 ness. If we continue in this manner we 
 will never get through. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate is 
 out of order. 
 
 'DEL. BICKETT (O.) : I move you, 
 Comrade Chairman, that we consider 
 the previous question. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD (N. Y.) : We have 
 already decided to hear the resolution. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will have to 
 rule the motion out of order and Com- 
 rade Spargo will proceed with the read- 
 ing of the report of the Committee on 
 Resolutions. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : This is the resolu- 
 tion which came to us from the delega- 
 tion in California, or rather was sent di- 
 rect to the National Secretary from 
 Local San Francisco : 
 
 "Resolved by the Socialist Party of 
 America, in, convention assembled, that 
 the Socialist Party condemns all pro- 
 paganda organizations, not connected 
 with the Socialist Party, doing Social- 
 ist propaganda, and that no member 
 of the Socialist Party be a member of 
 any organization not affiliated with 
 the Socialist Party, if said organiza- 
 tion is doing Socialist propaganda ; 
 and being a member of any organiza- 
 tion as before mentioned is sufficient 
 cause for expulsion from the Socialist 
 Party." 
 
 Your committee reports unfavorably. 
 (Loud applause.) 
 
66 
 
 Afternoon Session, May j. 
 
 Resolution submitted by Delegate 
 Hoehn, of St. Louis, Mo. : 
 
 THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR. 
 
 "Whereas, the conflicting commer- 
 cial interests of the ruling classes in 
 Russia and Japan have induced the 
 governments of those countries to 
 bring about war between the Russian 
 and Japanese nations, and 
 
 "Whereas, the working people of 
 Russia and Japan have no interest in 
 waging this campaign of bloody war- 
 fare; 
 
 "Be it resolved, That this conven- 
 tion of the Socialist Party of America 
 sends greetings of fraternity and so- 
 lidarity to the working people of Rus- 
 sia and Japan, and condemns the Rus- 
 so-Japanese war as a crime against 
 progress and civilization; and be it 
 further 
 
 "Resolved, That we appeal to the 
 wage workers of Russia and Japan to 
 join hands with the International So- 
 cialist movement in its struggle for 
 world peace." 
 
 (Loud applause.) 
 
 Your committee reports favorably. 
 (Loud applause.) 
 
 Here is a resolution adopted by the 
 State Central Committee of the Socialist 
 Party of California. It deals with mat- 
 ters local to San Francisco, and came 
 before us merely as a request that the 
 statement be read before the convention 
 on account of the information which it 
 contained. It is not, in the ordinary 
 sense of the word, a resolution presented 
 to the deliberations of this body. It is 
 a statement containing information whic^h 
 they desire read to the convention. In 
 view of the fact that it has been decided 
 to print these resolutions on behalf of 
 the committee, I spare you the pain of 
 listening to that statement. (Applause 
 and laughter.) I thank you. 
 
 Selecting of Time for Nominations 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I move 
 you now, Comrade Chairman, that we 
 proceed with our regular Order of busi- 
 ness, and that we do so by first recon- 
 sidering the order of business. The 
 committees are not yet ready to make 
 their reports and we are hurrying on to- 
 wards the nomination of President and 
 Vice-President. Now the delegates as- 
 sembled here do not desire to have this 
 important transaction of the convention 
 
 come up unexpectedly, while many of 
 the delegates are absent, and, therefore, 
 I move you that on reconsideration of 
 the order of business, we defer the nomi- 
 nations for candid'ates for President and 
 Vice-President, and that such nomina- 
 tions for candidates for President and 
 Vice-President be set down for Thurs- 
 day afternoon, and that the order of 
 business be so reconsidered. 
 
 DEL. WHITE (Mass.) : I desire to 
 give notice of a motion to change rules 
 7 and 8 to read as follows, that we pro- 
 ceed with the nominating of President 
 and Vice-President on Thursday, May 5, 
 at I p. m. I desire to make the motion 
 for the same reasons which Comrade 
 Slobodin states. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: The motion is 
 to suspend the order of business at that 
 point and take up the nominations of 
 candidates for President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent on Thursday at I -.30 p. m. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Let me suggest 
 that you put the motion this way, that 
 that be not taken up until the previous 
 orders of busiiiess have been entirely dis- 
 posed ot 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: It cannot be 
 done, because we will probably have 
 some resolutions referred to the Commit- 
 tees and they will have to consider them 
 and refer those back, and that will go 
 on to_ the end of the session. In the 
 meantime, we can take up this matter. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: This is out of 
 order. The gentleman has made a mo- 
 tion that the order of business on the 
 nomination of President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent be deferred until — what time, 
 please ? 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: That the order 
 'of business in that respect be suspended 
 and the nominations be taken up TTiurs- 
 day at 1 :30 p. m. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. LEONARD (Minn.) : The mo- 
 tion calls for an amendment of a rule 
 which has been adopted, and we cannot 
 amend rules unless proper notice has 
 been given. A motion of that kind can 
 be made at the next meeting, and con- 
 sequently this motion at this time is out 
 of order. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : A Commit- 
 tee has just reported, and I don't know 
 what action has been taken upon that 
 report. (Cries of "Louder.") I have 
 frequently said when I have started lout 
 reforming the world and speaking on a 
 soap-box, that when Gabriel blows his 
 
Afternoon Session, May ^. 
 
 67 
 
 npet somebody will get up and yell 
 uder," the same as those in the back 
 ; of the room. Now, I say the matter 
 )re_ the house is the report of the 
 imittee on Resolutions, and then let 
 deal with any changes in the rules, 
 us proceed in order. Where is Rob- 
 ' Rules on this subject? 
 HE CHAIRMAN: A point of 
 ;r has been raised that has not been 
 d on yet. Comrade Carey, you just 
 e in, didn't you? 
 
 EL. CAREY: No. Mi-. Chairman, 
 now the convention will agree with 
 
 question of personal privilege. I 
 not just come in. I was in, but as 
 mtleman delegate, not wishing to of- 
 1 the lady delegates, I was outside 
 hall, but in a place where I could 
 ke without violating the rules. But 
 itened. 
 
 HE CHAIRMAN: I will say that 
 Committee on Resolutions, Comrade 
 ey, has made its report and it has 
 1 disposed of. Now the point of 
 !r was raised that this motion could 
 be made without notice having been 
 'iously given that it would be made, 
 
 that this motion must be made at 
 next session. I rule that point of 
 :r well taken. 
 
 EL. OUTRAM (Mass.) : No action 
 been taken on the report of the Com- 
 ee on Credentials, and I move that 
 report be accepted as progressive, 
 he motion was duly seconded. 
 
 EL. MULLS (Kan.): Upon tlfc 
 ter of nominating these candidates, 
 nderstand the rule is now that *e 
 t either proceed under the regular 
 ;r of business, or provide a time 
 n we will do it. 
 
 EL. WHITE: I presented notice 
 desire to change the rules of order, 
 id a motive in doing it, and it was 
 revent precipitate action in this con- 
 ion. I want to say to all the mem- 
 here that I am sufficiently trained 
 Socialist ethics that when this con- 
 ion decides who its nominee shall be 
 all support him, but I want the op- 
 unity to be given to every delegate 
 )e here at that all-important hour, 
 I offered that change in order that 
 )uld not be said when this conven- 
 had adjourned, that this convention 
 made nominations which were not 
 factory to the great majority of the 
 sates m this convention. Therefore, 
 
 I ask that that be changed in conformity 
 to law. I was not present, and you have 
 already dedded upon the point of order 
 as raised by a comrade from a Western 
 state, but I believe that it is important 
 that we should do something at this 
 time to prevent an error that we could 
 not recover from later. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I move 
 that the rule of Roberts' referring to this 
 point on this particular occasion be sus- 
 pended by this convention. 
 
 The motion was seconded, and carried. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.) : I 
 make a motion that the nominations for 
 President and Vice-President take 
 place on Wednesday afternoon at 1 130. 
 
 The motion was seconded, and Dele- 
 gate White (Mass.) moved to amend 
 by making it i :30 p. m. on Thursday, and 
 the amendment was duly seconded. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST: Several dele- 
 gates were speaking about this matter 
 yesterday and several of them signified 
 their intention of leaving for home to- 
 night. Some could not stay any longer, 
 some of them would go tomorrow and 
 a good many more will have to leave 
 tomorrow night, so that if we postpone 
 these nominations until Thursday after- 
 noon, there will be a good many states 
 not represented. What difference will it 
 inake whether we make these nomina- 
 tions tomorrow afternoon or Thursday 
 afternoon? It would gLve a good many 
 more delegates a chance to participate 
 in the nominations who otherwise, from 
 personal or business reasons, would be 
 prevented from doing so. There are a 
 good many of us who have simply a 
 few days' time, maybe three or four 
 days, to stay here, and it is necessary 
 that we go home at the expiration of 
 that time, but we would like to partici- 
 pate in that action of the convention. 
 Now I hope the comrades will take that 
 view of it and let us make these nomi- 
 nations tomorrow afternoon. I think it 
 would be more satisfactory to many 
 comrades than to postpone it another 
 day. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.) : I see noth- 
 ing to be gained by this discussion. The 
 rules of order are that immediately after 
 the adoption of the platform we nomi- 
 nate our candidate for President. To 
 the old capitalistic parties, that is all- 
 important, but with us it is an entirely 
 secondary matter. I believe we can get 
 through with the discussion on the plat- 
 
68 
 
 Afternoon Session, May ^. 
 
 form before tomorrow evening, and then 
 it is simply a matter of who our banner 
 bearers will be to carry that platform be- 
 fore the people. And why postpone it 
 until Thursday? I hope there will be 
 no change made in the rules of order on 
 this subject. 
 
 DEL. PHELAN (111.) : I would like 
 to know if the comrade has any in- 
 formation as to the number of delegates 
 who are going away tomorrow? 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST : I have heard 
 of four from different states, and there 
 will be still more, I suppose. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : A question of 
 information. We are not now working 
 under a suspension of the rules ? 
 
 TH;E CHAIRMAN: We are discuss- 
 ing now the matter of setting a certain 
 hour for a certain kind of business. 
 
 DEL. MEYER: I rise to make a 
 motion then that we now take up the 
 report of the secretary of the Interna- 
 national— ^ 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is 
 entirely out of order. 
 
 DEL. BARNES (Pa.): Comrade 
 Berlyn asks what is the use of discuss- 
 ing this question, and then proceeds to 
 discuss it. We have a motion for 
 Wednesday at i :30 and for Thursday 
 at 1 :30. I say there is no use of us 
 discussing it, but I want to propose an 
 amendment to the amendment and then 
 we can take it up and come to a vote. 
 Mly amendment will be that the matter 
 be set for a special order at the Wednes- 
 day night session. 
 
 The motion to amend the amendment 
 was duly seconded. 
 
 Delegate Bickett (Ohio) moved that 
 the whole matter be laid on the table. 
 Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 moved and seconded that the whole mat- 
 ter be laid on the table. Those in favor 
 will make it known by saying "Aye." 
 Those contrary, "No." The "noes" seem 
 to have it. The "noes" have it. 
 
 A division was called for. 
 
 DEL. CAREY : I desire to make this 
 point. That is, from my standpoint, first 
 of all we recognize as Socialists 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Point of 
 order. A motion to table is not debata- 
 ble. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There is no mo- 
 tion before the house that is not debata- 
 ble. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: There was a call 
 for division. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I did not hear 
 any call for division. 
 
 DEL. SOUTHWORTH (Colo.): It 
 did not come until after the announce- 
 ment by the chair. 
 
 DEL. MEYER: I call the attentifin 
 of the convention to this fact 
 
 At this point there were a dozen dele- 
 gates on their feet claiming recognition 
 on points of order and points of infor- 
 mation. A delegate finally succeeded in 
 gaining the recognition of the Chair, and 
 raised the point of order that Comrade 
 Meyer had no right to speak on this 
 point while the convention was engaged 
 in taking a vote. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is well taken. I did not hear the 
 call for division. Those in favor of 
 
 DEL. CAREY: I rise to a question 
 of personal privilege. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : State the ques- 
 tion. 
 
 DEL. CAREY : My question of per- 
 sonal privilege is this, that any member 
 of this convention who has received and 
 is granted the floor upon a question be- 
 fore this convention, is entitled to ex- 
 press his convictions upon that ques- 
 tion — - 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.): A point of 
 order, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : State your point 
 of order. 
 
 DEL. CAREY : I submit as a ques- 
 tion of personal privilege that no man 
 has a right to raise a point of order on 
 a question of personal privilege. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : State your point 
 of order. 
 
 DEL. MILLS : My point of order is 
 that it is in the presence of a vote and 
 call for a division, testified to by all the 
 people here, and I want that division 
 taken now. (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is well taken. Those in favor of 
 placing the motion on the table will 
 please rise. Those opposed to tabling 
 that motion will stand. The motion to 
 table is lost by a vote of 73 to 56. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: I rise to a question 
 of personal privilege. Before I discuss 
 any question, I rise to this question of 
 personal privilege— that the chair had 
 decided the vote carried. 
 
Afternoon Session, May ^. 
 
 EL. SOUTHWORTH: That is 
 t. 
 
 EL. CAREY: And I rose to the 
 r and the chair recognized me upon 
 question before the house, and then 
 IS interrupted by a delegate who rose 
 he point of order that that question 
 
 the chair had decided had not been 
 
 ed, and the chair declared me out of 
 
 !r — which is absolutely in violation of 
 
 «rts'. (Laughter and applause.") 
 
 t that right, Parks? 
 
 EL. PARKS (Kan.) : I rise to an- 
 
 r the question asked. 
 
 HE CHAIRMAN : Hold on, Com- 
 
 !. The question was not asked 
 
 EL. PARKS: I understand that 
 
 erts' 'is laid on the table. (Laugh- 
 
 I 
 
 HE CHAIRMAN: I want to say 
 
 Comrade Carey and the Convention 
 
 I did not mean to wrong anybody, 
 as of the impression that the an- 
 icement of the vote was made before 
 division was called for, but I am 
 rmed by some of the comrades tliat 
 ras not. However, it is all a mis- 
 , and, Comrade Carey, we are per- 
 y willing to forgive you and all the 
 
 EL. CAREY: But, Mr. Chairman, 
 ant to insist to this convention that 
 le Socialist movement of this world 
 3 assume the parliamentary powers 
 this world, they must defend the 
 ts of the delegates. (Applause.) 
 
 I have the floor. (Laughter and 
 ause.) I had the floor in accord- 
 : with every principle of parliamen- 
 
 law, not only Roberts', but Cush- 
 and everybody else, and I was sum- 
 ily throttled. 
 HE CHAIRMAN: We didn't mean 
 
 EL. CAREY : I know you did not, 
 I refuse to allow my parliamentary 
 ts to be strangled by some gentle- 
 
 who may rise to a point of order 
 be recognized. I refuse it, not for 
 sake, because I can take care of 
 :lf, but for the sake of some of 
 e who may not have as good a voice 
 
 have got. That is why I defend 
 rights of the obscure men as I did 
 he case of Kerrigan. Now, then, 
 
 Chairman, there is my position. 
 HE CHAIRMIAN: Well, you 
 
 the floor. 
 ELEGATE QAREY: ' Yery well. 
 
 Then I will keep it. I submit now, 
 aside from parliamentary discussion 
 
 At this point the speaker was again 
 interrupted by cries of "time" and 
 "point of order," etc. 
 
 DEL. CAREY : The chair recognized 
 me on the question of personal privi- 
 lege. I got through with that and I 
 got the floor again on the question be- 
 fore the house. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (III.): The point of 
 order is that he rose to the question 
 of privilege. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: He is speak- 
 ing now on the question before the 
 house. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: Mr. Chairman, I 
 only want to call the attention of the 
 convention 
 
 A DELEGATE : A question of in- 
 formation. Hasn't that whole matter 
 been tabled? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Nb, sir, it has 
 not. The motion was lost. Comrade 
 Carey is in order and he has the floor. 
 
 DEL. MILLS : I have a question of 
 pergonal privilege in connection with the 
 same matter. Will I be heard now? 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN (N. Y.) : I 
 rise to a point of order. My point of 
 order is that Comrade Mills is clear out 
 of the way in raising a question of per- 
 sonal privilege while another member 
 has the floor. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: I desire to raise the 
 question of personal privilege after he 
 has finished. 
 
 DEL CAREY: On the matter before 
 the house I only desire to state this, I 
 entirely agree with the ' delegate from 
 Illinois that the important function of 
 this convention is not to determine who 
 shall be candidate for President, Vice- 
 President or any other office. The im- 
 portant function of this convention is 
 first to determine its attitude upon ques- 
 tions that we are concerned with, and 
 then, after we have formed our position, 
 to select those who, in our judgment, 
 are best fitted to carry out that program, 
 to carry that standard. And, therefore, 
 I am for any motion that may be made 
 for thf purpose of postponing the nom- 
 ination of President and Vice-President 
 until I ur position on pressing matters 
 has bean formulated, because we do not 
 want to have even the possibility, if it 
 were possible to admit such a possibil- 
 
70 
 
 Afternoon Session, May g. 
 
 ity, that there may be nominated upon 
 our ticket a person not in accord with 
 the expression of this convention. (Ap- 
 plause.) Therefore, I simply ask that 
 the selection of our standard-bearers be 
 postponed . until we know what our 
 standard-bearers stand for. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: A question of per- 
 sonal privilege. Now, I kept quiet while 
 the comrade under personal privilege 
 read us a lecture on the good behavior 
 of men with good voices. I want sim- 
 ply to make this statement, that when 
 the house was all calling for a division, 
 and when the Chair had decided that 
 the question had been settled before the 
 call for a division was made, final an- 
 nouncement still being before the house, 
 that the gentleman attempted to prevent 
 a division by getting the iloor and talk- 
 ing about something else. ' 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: A point of or- 
 der, that the gentleman is not speaking 
 to the question of personal privilege. 
 
 DEL. MILLS : I am speaking in de- 
 fense of my action, which was attacked 
 on this floor. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Comrade Mills, 
 I think this is unnecessary and out of 
 ■ order. I think we had better stop now. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. MILLS : We got a division all 
 right. 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.) : I rise to a 
 question of information. If the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions has not already 
 reported in full, is it in order to submit 
 something to their pleasure? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Certainly, if 
 you have any resolutions hand them to 
 the committee at any time. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : In the name 
 of Flannigan of Texas, "What are we 
 here for?" I call for the previous ques- 
 tion. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now before the house is the question of 
 postponing action on the nomination of 
 President and Vice-President — first to 
 Wednesday afternoon, second to Thurs- 
 day afternoon, third to Wednesday 
 evening. j 
 
 DEL. MORGAN (111.) : A point of ' 
 order. The Chairman's statement is I 
 hardly correct. The motion is to substi-'f 
 tute for the rules providing for the elec- J 
 tion of our President ancj Yice-Pre?!-'* 
 
 dent, to substitute for that another day 
 and another hour. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: A specified 
 hour. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN: Not to postpone, 
 but to substitute. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is 
 in effect to suspend the rules and make 
 the nomination of President and Vice- 
 President a special order of business for 
 Wednesday afternoon at half-past i. 
 The first amendment is to strike out 
 "Wednesday" and insert "Thursday." 
 The second amendment is to strike out 
 "Thursday" and insert "Wednesday 
 evening session." Now, that is the way 
 it stands. The previous question has 
 beeti called and there is nothing else in 
 order. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: A question of infor- 
 mation. When different times are 
 named is it not parliamentary practice 
 to place the longest time first? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Well, I put them 
 in the order in which they were moved. 
 
 There were cries of "question, ques- 
 tion," from various delegates, and Dele- 
 gate White of Massachusetts demanded 
 the floor on a question of information. 
 
 DEL. WHITE: I rise to a point of 
 information. I want to ask if what we 
 are going to vote on now is the ques- 
 tion : Shall the previous question be 
 put? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is it ex- 
 actly. In_ other words, that has already 
 been carried. 
 
 DEL. WHITE: What has been car- 
 ried? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, it hasn't. 
 The question is 
 
 DEL. PHELAN (111.): Didn't we 
 vote here by a Vote of 79 to 56 to lay 
 this whole matter on the table? Wasn't 
 that the question over which we had' the 
 last division? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, that was 
 voted down. 
 
 Delegate Collins of Illinois requested 
 that the present status of the question 
 be stated by the Secretary. 
 
 ASSISTANT SECRETARY CROSS : 
 Moved by Slobodin that the regular or- 
 der of business be suspended and that 
 President and Vice-President be nom- 
 mated on Thursday afternoon at one p. 
 m_. Seconded. Point of order was 
 raised by Leopard pf Minnesota. 5vi§, 
 
Afternoon Session, May j. 
 
 11 
 
 led by the Chair. Slobodin moved 
 t Roberts' Rules of Order be sus- 
 ded on the point of order of busi- 
 s, and that was carried. Moved — I 
 't know by whom — to elect President 
 
 Vice-President on Wednesday after- 
 in at 1 :30. That was the original 
 tion. Moved to amend to change to 
 arsday afternoon at i :30 p. m., which 
 i seconded. Amended further to 
 ninate candidates on Wednesday eve- 
 g, which was likewise seconded. 
 ;n there was a motion made before 
 
 house to table the motion, and that 
 i seconded, but the vote was in doubt 
 ' a squabble ensued, and the vote 
 
 > that the entire motion should not 
 tabled. Consequently we are back 
 
 the original motion with its amend- 
 its, which is to select our President 
 [ Vice-President Wednesday after- 
 n, Thursday afternoon or Wednes- 
 ■ evening. (Cries of "Question, 
 istion.") 
 
 'HE CHAIRMAN: Comrades, the 
 
 vious question has been called 
 
 lEt. PARKS (Kan.) : I rise to a 
 it of order. 
 
 •HE CHAIRMAN: What is your 
 It of order? 
 
 ►EL. PARKS: It is simply this: 
 nderstand that this was made one of 
 
 regular orders of business 
 
 . DELEGATE: A point of order. 
 s is altogether out of order. 
 HE CHAIRMAN: What is your 
 It of order? 
 
 >EL. PARKS : If this house wishes 
 nil state my point of order. This 
 :edure that is going on at the present 
 ; is based upon a motion that Com- 
 e Slobodin has made to suspend 
 lerts' (laughter). Now, gentlemen, 
 point of order is that this does not 
 )end the rules of this convention 
 luse the fixing of the order of busi- 
 
 > is no part of the manual of Rob- 
 ' Rules of Order. It was provided 
 
 in the order of business drawn up 
 :he duly elected committee and rati- 
 by this convention, and that is no 
 of Roberts' Rules of Order. 
 
 HE CHAIRMAN: Please let us 
 i order. The question is, shall the 
 ti question be now put? This is a 
 on the previous question. Those in 
 ir will make it known by saying 
 i." Contrary, "no." The "ayes" 
 ; it. Now, you have three or four 
 
 minutes on a side. (Cries of "Question, 
 Question.") 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.): A question of 
 information: Some of the delegates 
 want to know if we vote down all of 
 these motions before the house if we 
 will not after- all be under the rules of 
 order adopted by this convention before 
 they were suspended. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Yes, sir. 
 
 DEL. CARR: Then we hope that 
 that will be understood. If you vote 
 everything^ down the rules of order as 
 heretofore adopted will prevail. Let us 
 do it. 
 
 DEL. MIAILLY (Neb.) : I want to 
 ask the Chair, what is the next order of 
 business on the rules? The next in reg- 
 ular order is the nomination of Presi- 
 dent, and if you don't suspend this or- 
 der of business you have got to put in 
 the afternoon ncminating your candi- 
 dates. The committees are not ready 
 to report. 
 
 A DELEGATE: No, that is not 
 right. 
 
 iDEL. CARR: If we are to be under 
 the rules— — 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN (N. Y.) : I 
 raise the point of order that when the 
 previous question has been called for ab- 
 solutely nothing is in order but the 
 vote. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Oh, you don't 
 mean the vote. You are out of order. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN: I want a rul- 
 ing on that. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The convention 
 has already determined that three men 
 may speak on each side. (To Delegate 
 Carr.) On which side is this comrade 
 speaking ? 
 
 DEL. CARR: He is asking for in- 
 formation. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : He should speak 
 on one of the two sides. 
 
 DEL. CARR: I am still speaking on 
 the question of information, so we may 
 know where we are at. I am of the 
 opinion that if all this is voted down 
 the order of business will be the nomin- 
 ation of National Officers, after the re- 
 port of the Committee on Platform, the 
 report of the Committee on State and 
 Mjunicipal Program, and the report of 
 the Committee on Resolutions have all 
 been in and acted upon. And that will 
 be about Friday or Saturday afternoon. 
 
72 
 
 Afternoon Session, May ^. 
 
 I am still in favor of voting all these 
 motions down, so we may hear the re- 
 ports of these committees and act upon 
 them before we nominate our candi- 
 dates. (Applause.) Now, if you will 
 clear us up on this point, then we will 
 vote all these things down and nomi- 
 nate our President and Vice-President 
 after all these committees have made 
 their reports and the reports have been 
 acted upon. (Applause and cries of 
 "Question, Question.") 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Now, gentle- 
 men, now, just a moment. Let me ex- 
 plain 
 
 A DELEGATE: I ask the floor to 
 speak to this question. 
 
 Tri'E CHAIRMAN : I will give you 
 the floor in just a moment. 
 
 DEL. WHITE (Mass.): My rights 
 as the mover of the motion 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Hold on. I 
 want the matter settled first. I want 
 to say in answer to this inquiry that is 
 made of me, we take up the first order 
 of business this afternoon, for instance, 
 the report of the National Secretary; 
 then the report of the National 
 Quorum; then comes the report on the 
 platform. They were not ready and we 
 had to pass on to the next order of 
 business. The next order of business 
 was the report of another committee, 
 and they were not ready. We were 
 compelled to pass to the next order of 
 business. We have disposed of that — 
 the resolutions committee. Now, we will 
 have to go on to the next order of busi- 
 ness, and that is the nomination of Pres- 
 ident and Vice-President. Now, that is 
 in answer to the Comrade's question. 
 
 DEL. WHITE : As the mover of the' 
 motion 
 
 DEL. TAFT : A parliamentary ques- 
 tion: My question is whether it will 
 not be possible for this convention to 
 suspend the rules and provide for other 
 business. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Certainly. 
 
 DEL. WHITE: I demand my rights 
 as the mover of the motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: My dear sir, 
 you will have your rights in a minute. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL (Ohio) : I am op- 
 posed to the motion 
 
 A DELEGATE: A point of order: 
 The previous question has been called 
 for and nothing is in order but the 
 vote, and I demand the vote. 
 
 DEL. BLOCK (111.) : I will ask if 
 the Committee on Constitution is not 
 ready to report? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I don't know. 
 
 DEL. BLOCK: Why don't you ask? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: (To Delegate 
 Farrell) : Go on, you have the floor. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL: As I understand 
 the rules of this convention, when a 
 question is up for disposal three dele- 
 gates are entitled to speak on each side 
 of the question before it is voted_ on, 
 and I for one, wish to speak on this in 
 accordance with the rules we have 
 adopted. As a delegate who wishes to 
 see every delegate in this convention 
 thoroughly satisfied in regard to nom- 
 inations for President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent, who shall bear the banner of this 
 party in the next national campaign, J 
 am. in favor of not delaying the nom- 
 inations, at least, not later than to-mor- 
 row night, Wednesday night' — ^which is 
 •the amendment to the amendment be- 
 fore the house, and which will be voted 
 on first. The question has been raised 
 here whether it would be advisable to 
 adopt the platform first. It is my opin- 
 ion that whoever is chosen by this con- 
 vention to act as a candidate for Presi- 
 dent or Vice-President of the Socialist 
 Party of this country will be thoroughly 
 satisfied with the platform that this con- 
 vention may see fit to adopt. I believe 
 that any man that may be elected in that 
 way will have confidence that this con- 
 vention will adopt a platform that will 
 be in accordance with the Socialist prop- 
 aganda and the Socialist Party in gen- 
 eral; and that is the reason I would 
 like to see this amendment carried that 
 the nominations be delayed not later 
 than to-morrow night's session at the 
 latest. 
 
 DEL. LUCAS (Minn.) : I rise for 
 information. I started from Minnesota 
 some time ago expecting to attend a 
 Socialist convention. I want informa- 
 tion as to whether I have landed in 
 Tammany Hall or a Republican con- 
 vention. I want to know whether this 
 is proper Socialist conduct on this floor. 
 It appears to be more a struggle of fac- 
 tions than an effort to do business. We 
 came here not for the purpose of nom- 
 inating a President and Virc -President, 
 as the one object of this conifntion. but 
 we came here for the purpose of un- 
 derstanding what should be the purpose 
 of the Socialist program, and I want to 
 
Afternoon Session, May ^. 
 
 7B 
 
 mow it. (Applause.) And I want to 
 ay right here that you can't drive me 
 xff the floor any more than you can 
 ^arey. I have got as much right as 
 Zaity, if Carey is a prominent man and 
 iloquent. You can expel me if you 
 want to, but I am going to have my 
 •ights as well as the rest. 
 
 DEL. WHITE: I. want to say, Com- 
 ■ade Chairman, that the inquiry of the 
 :omrade from Illinois addressed to the 
 Chairman of the Convention settles the 
 luestion. The Chair has decided that 
 f the committees are not now ready to 
 eport then we must proceed to the nom- 
 nation of our national standard-bearers. 
 That being the case, the proposition 
 which comes immediately before the 
 :onsideration of the comrades here is, 
 ire you ready at this time to nominate 
 he candidates? The Assistant Secre- 
 ary, who made the motion for to-mor- 
 ow night, in order that some delegates 
 night have the opportunity before they 
 eft for their homes of voting for the 
 Presidential and Vice-Presidential nom- 
 nees, declared only yesterday in this con- 
 tention that it was the duty of the con- 
 tention to declare the platform of prin- 
 :iples upon which the candidates were 
 o stand, before they should be nomin- 
 ited. And certainly his position in 
 aaking that amendment to the motion is 
 lot consistent to-day. If what he said 
 festerday was true it is also true to-day, 
 ind I believe that we will be conserving 
 he energies of this organization if we de- 
 er this until Thursday afternoon, rather 
 han to attempt to precipitate action in 
 onsequence of not having anything else 
 o do on the matter of the order of 
 ules. Therefore, I trust that the con- 
 'ention will vote to defer action upon 
 he presidential nominee until Thursday 
 fternoon at i o'clock. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY (Cal.) : I desire to 
 peak against the motion to fix time. I 
 nay be under a wrong impression, but 
 t occurs to me that under this order of 
 lusiness, the one following successively 
 iter the other, that the contemplation 
 nd understanding of everyone in this 
 onvention is that we not only come 
 the report, but we actually get the 
 eport. Now we passed from one of 
 hiese reports to the other and the gen- 
 lemen oh these committees were not 
 eady to report. That does not give 
 s the report. The contemplation of the 
 onvention in adopting this order of 
 usiness, as I understand it here, is 
 
 that these reports should actually be 
 made. That would place the nomina- 
 tions after the reports were actually 
 made — ^not after they were called for 
 and not received. (Applause.) I be- 
 lieve if we wait for these reports to 
 be made we will probably pass ovef 
 Thursday evening, and perhaps Satur- 
 day evening, as far as that is concerned. 
 I don't know how long it will be, and 
 I am not contemplating how long it will 
 be, but it seems to me there is no neces- 
 sity for a change at all, and that these 
 reports ought to all come in and that the 
 last and most important thing — I don't 
 know whether you consider it the most 
 important or not, but I do. I consider 
 it a very important question as to whom 
 we place on our platform to run as our 
 candidate. Some of you consider the 
 other thing of more importance. That 
 is a matter of opinion. But I believe if 
 we wait until we get these reports we 
 will have sufficient time without the 
 necessity of setting any particular time. 
 Another point I want to make while I 
 am on floor, and that is . this : The 
 probability is if we go immediately into 
 the nomination of candidates, after that 
 is done we will lose a great many more 
 delegates than we will if we hold the 
 nominations until they are reached in 
 their regular order. (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrades, we 
 had better come to a vote on this. We 
 are killing a whole lot of time. (To Del- 
 egate Slobodin). On which side do you 
 desire to speak? 
 
 Delegate Slobodin of New York spoke 
 in favor of setting a special time for 
 the nomination of candidates,^ to be fol- 
 lowed by the consideration of the re- 
 ports of the committees as they were 
 tiirned into the convention, stating that 
 he could not see any reasonable ground 
 for opposing such a procedure. 
 
 Among the delegates who attempted 
 to secure recognition, the Chair recog- 
 nized Delegate Ault of Idaho and asked 
 him upon which side he desired to 
 speak. 
 
 DEL. AULT: I don't know whether 
 I am opposing anything, but I am 
 against fixing the time. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Then you have 
 the floor. 
 
 DEL. AULT : Comrade Chairman, the 
 idea strikes me like this, to begin with: 
 Suppose we invited a gentleman here 
 and asked him to sit down and pro- 
 
1i 
 
 Afternoon J^essioni May^^. 
 
 vided no chair for him to sit on? That 
 is just what you are doing here. You 
 propose to nominate a candidate on a 
 platform that does not exist. I behave 
 wJth Gomrade Woodbey here, that the 
 proper procedure is to follow our order 
 of business as provided heretofore. This 
 order of business has not been carried 
 out because our committees have not 
 reported, and you propose to put the 
 cart before the horse when you propose 
 to nominate a candidate before we adopt 
 the platform of the party. While I 
 would be in favor, if it were possible, 
 of nominating the candidates at once so 
 that comrades who are obliged to leave 
 early may have the opportunity of par- 
 ticipating in that action, yet I do not be- 
 lieve it is correct. I do not believe it 
 is legal according to the laws that we 
 have adopted to govern the convention, 
 because by so doing we are nominating 
 our candidates before we hear the re- 
 ports of the committees. 
 
 DEL. SOUTHWORTH (Colo.): I 
 wish to oflfer a substitute motion 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is out of 
 order, the previous question having been 
 called for. 
 
 DEL. ROBINSON (Ky.) : Before 
 putting the vote, please explain the na- 
 ture of the question. . 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN. Yes. We vote 
 first upon the amendment to the amend- 
 ment, which is to the effect that to-mor- 
 row evening, the Wednesday session, 
 be given to the nomination of candidates 
 for President and Vice-President. 
 
 The motion was then put and division 
 being called for, the Chair stated th^t 
 the amendment to the amendment was 
 defeated by a vote of 85 to 80, and 
 thereupon put the vote upon the amend- 
 ment fixing the time at Thursday after- 
 noon at 1 :30 o'clock. A division being 
 called, the Chair stated: 
 
 "All those in favor of that amend- 
 ment fixing the time at Thursday at 
 1 :30 will please stand. Those opposed 
 to Thursday at i :30 — that motion is 
 lost. There is no -question about the 
 vote. It is not necessary to count. By 
 2 to I, the motion is lost. There were 
 only 64 for it, and there was nearly 
 double against it." 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : We de- 
 mand a recount of both votes on that 
 motion, pro and con. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: There were 64 
 
 votes for Thursday afternoon, and as iH 
 the previous (Juestion there . were 85 
 against and 81 for, there could tie no 
 doubt that the motion was lost. (Cries 
 of "Oh, no, oh, no; count them, count 
 them.") 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Now, here, 
 comrades, just be quiet a moment — r— ' . 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.): A point of or- 
 der; we have already taken the affirm- 
 ative vote and it has been counted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It being ques. 
 tioned, we will take it again. Those in 
 favor of Thursday afternoon at 1 :30 
 o'clock will stand until counted. (65 
 votes were counted.) Now those op- 
 posed will stand. (90 votes were count- 
 ed.) The motion is lost by a vote of 
 6s to go. Now, comes the question : 
 Shall the nominations of President ,and 
 Vice-President be made a special order 
 of business for to-morrow, Wednesday, 
 at 1:30 o'clock? Those in favor may 
 stand. Those opposed may stand. The 
 motion is lost. 
 
 DEL. SOUTHWORTH (Col.) : 
 Comrades, our rule that we have adopt- 
 ed provides that the nominations for 
 President and Vice-President shall come 
 after the adoption of the platform. (Ap- 
 plause.) No comrade in this audience 
 is wise enough to designate at thif time 
 at what hour that platform will be 
 adopted. It is our business when we 
 come to the special rule that we are now 
 on to pass it until former rules have 
 been complied with (Applause), and to 
 pass it without date. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Do you make 
 that as a motion? 
 
 DEL. SOUTHWORTH : I do, that 
 we pass this rule without date, without 
 fixing the time. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY (Neb.): I under- 
 stand that there are two committees 
 now ready to report. 
 
 (Cries of "Good," and loud applause.) 
 
 DEL. MAILLY : I move that we pro- 
 ceed with the report of these commit- 
 tees. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I will state that 
 the motion is superfluous. If the com- 
 mittee.i are ready to report I call for the 
 report of the committee on platform. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.):. Comrade 
 Chairman, in behalf of the Committee 
 
Afternoon Session, May j. 
 
 75 
 
 Jn Platform I have to report that we 
 ire not ready to report. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You are not 
 ready to report. Then I will call for 
 :he report of the Committee on Munici- 
 jal Program. Is the Committee on Mu- 
 licipal and State Program ready to re- 
 sort? 
 
 ■ DEL. JONAS (N. Y.) : No, but the 
 Press Committee is readv. 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Col.) : Comrade 
 Chairman 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Please do not in- 
 ;errupt me. I want to ask if the Com- 
 mittee on Municipal and State Program 
 is ready to report? 
 
 DEL. JONAS : The Press Committee 
 is ready to make its report. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Now, I have 
 :alled for the i Platform Committee and 
 the Municipal and State Program., both 
 of which I was informed were ready. 
 There seems to be no response from 
 either. 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Col.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, the Committee on Trades 
 Unions is ready to report through its 
 chairman. Max Hayes. I move you 
 that its report be received. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 moved and seconded that Ihe report of 
 ;he Committee on Trades Unions be 
 low received. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : What 
 does Roberts' Rules say about that? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I am told that 
 Roberts' Rules of Order says that the 
 reading of the report is its reception. 
 The comrade had better read Roberts' 
 Rules of Order. (Laughter.) 
 . The motion is that the report of the 
 Committee on Trades Union be now re- 
 ceived. 
 
 The motion was carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is the commit- 
 tee ready to report through Comrade 
 Hayes of Ohio? 
 
 Delegate Hayes of Ohio then came to 
 the platform. 
 
 THE ( CHAIRMAN : Before that 
 committee renders its report, I have a 
 telegram here which I desire to read, 
 [t is as follows : 
 
 "President of the National Socialists' 
 Convention, Brand's Hall : 
 "Reno, Nevada, Socialist Local, 
 
 sends greetings and favors Debs for 
 
 President. A. A. Hibbard, 
 
 "Secretary." 
 
 (^Lpud applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Comrade Hayes 
 will now report for the Committee on 
 Trades Unions. 
 
 Report of Committee on Trades 
 Unions 
 
 DEL. HAYES: Mr. Chairman and 
 Delegates: Your Committee on Trades 
 Unions bags leave to submit the follow- . 
 ing report: 
 
 The Trade and Labor Union move- 
 ment is the natural result of the capi- 
 talist system of production and neces- 
 sary to resist the encroachments of 
 capitalism. It is an effort to protect 
 the class interests of labor under the 
 capitalist system. However, this in- 
 dustrial struggle can only lessen the 
 exploitation, but does not abolish it. 
 The exploitation of labor will only 
 cease when the working class take 
 possession of the means of production 
 and distribution, and establish their 
 right to the full product of their la- 
 bor. To fully carry out these meas- 
 ures the working dass must con- 
 sciously become the dominant politi- 
 cal power. The organization of the 
 wqrkers will not be complete until 
 they unite on the political as well as 
 the industrial field on the lines of the 
 class struggle. 
 
 The Trades Union struggle re- 
 quires the political activity of the 
 working class. The workers must as- 
 sert and permanently secure by their 
 political power what they have wrung 
 from their exploiters in the economic 
 struggle. 
 
 In accordance with decisions of the 
 International Socialist Congresses in 
 'Brussels, Zurich and London, this 
 convention reaffirms the declarations 
 that the Trade and Labor Unions are 
 a necessity in the struggle to aid in 
 emancipating the working class, and ■ 
 we consider it. the duty of all wage 
 workers to affiliate with this move- 
 ment. 
 
 Political differences of opinion do 
 not and should not justify the divis- 
 ion of the forces of labor in the indus- 
 trial movement. The interests of the 
 working class make it imperative that 
 the labor organizations equip their 
 members for the great work of the 
 abolition of wage slavery by educating 
 th^Hi in Socialistic principles," 
 
76 
 
 Afternoon Session, May j. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: I wish to add that 
 the committee has adopted a supplemen- 
 tary report which reads as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That we declare our un- 
 alterable opposition to the introduc- 
 tion of the vicious 'open shop' system 
 in governmental institutions, national, 
 state or municipal, and in industrial 
 establishments generally. 
 
 Resolved, That this convention warns 
 the organized workers of this country 
 to be on guard against the attacks up- 
 on their funds, individual and collec- 
 tive, for striking, boycotting, picket- 
 ing, etc. 
 
 "Resolved, That we declare in fa- 
 vor of a general eight-hour law, and 
 point to the attitude of the old parties 
 •upon this question, in Congress, in 
 Colorado, and various other states. 
 
 "Resolved, That all the signs of 
 the times indicate that the capitalist 
 class of this country, through the me- 
 diun- of the Democratic and Repub- 
 lican parties, are seeking to destroy 
 the labor movement by means of in- 
 junctions against the movement, and 
 by legislation limiting the rights of or- 
 ganized labor. 
 
 "Resolved, That this vicious work 
 can only be prevented by united polit- 
 ical action of labor on the lines of the 
 class struggle. 
 
 "Resolved, That we call upon the 
 wage workers to join the Socialist 
 party with a view to overthrowing the 
 political condition that makes it pos- 
 sible for the capitalist class to use the 
 political machinery of the country as 
 a weapon against the working class. 
 
 (Signed.) 
 
 Max HIayes, Chairman, 
 Dan a. White, 
 Adam L. Nagel, 
 John Collins, 
 Jacob Hunger, 
 James F. Carey, 
 
 G. A. HOEHN, 
 
 Frank A. Sieverman. 
 Guy E. Miller, 
 
 Secretary." 
 
 DEL. JONAS (N. Y.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, I move you that the report 
 of the Trades Union Committee be sent 
 to the printer before it is finally acted 
 upon by this convention. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 rrHE CHAIRMAN : Gentlemen, you 
 have heard the motion. Is there any dis- 
 cussion? 
 
 DEL. SPENCE (Wis.): I move 
 that the report prpper be so received and 
 printed, and that the supplementary re- 
 port, which consists of these resolutions, 
 be referred to the Committee on Reso- 
 lutions. 
 
 THIE CHAIRMAN : That is, you of- 
 fer that as a substitute to the motion 
 of Comrade Jonas? 
 
 DEL. SPENCE: Yes. 
 
 THE CHAIRMIAN : Does that mo- 
 tion meet with a second? 
 
 /The motion was not seconded. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio) : The sec- 
 ond part of the motion that the supple- 
 mentary report be referred to the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions, in my opinion, is 
 out of order, as this Committee on 
 Trades Unions was appointed especially 
 for the Trades Union resolutions, and 
 they are the ones to pass upon the mat- 
 ter. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I would sug- 
 gest that the motion to refer back that 
 portion of the report has not yet been 
 seconded. i 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Col.): Comrade 
 Chairman, it seems to me that it might 
 be wise to refer the general program 
 of the Trades Union Committee to the 
 printer before we take action upon it, 
 but in these specific cases, m which the 
 committee thought best to make a dec- 
 laration of our position, it seems to me 
 that this convention is amply able to 
 take care of these four specific proposi- 
 tions, and to have them read now, and 
 so save time. There is going to be a 
 great deal of oratory on this ques- 
 tion, and we might just as well dispose 
 of these matters while we have nothing 
 else in particular to do. You certainly 
 all know the position of the Socialist 
 party upon the open shop as represented 
 by President Roosevelt. You know what 
 stand you ought to take on the eight- 
 hour proposition and on the injunctions. 
 We are able to express our opinion right 
 now without any hesitancy whatever, and 
 it seems to me that that is the course 
 which this convention should pursue if 
 it is to economize time. Therefore, I 
 wish to move that the general program 
 be referred to the printer as in the case 
 of the previous committee, and that we 
 now discuss seriatim the four proposi- 
 tions submitted by the committee. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 iDEL. JONAS (N. Y.) : I move, 
 
Afternoon Session, May j. 
 
 77 
 
 Jtnrade Chairman, that we now ad- 
 urn. ' 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: This last mo- 
 
 )n is out of order. There is already a 
 
 otion before the house that must be 
 
 sposed of. 
 
 DEL. JONAS: Then I have an 
 
 nendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Well, it is not 
 
 oper in the shape of an amendment. 
 
 you offer it as a substitute it would 
 ind. ' 
 
 DEL. JONAS: I wish to offer it 
 en. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Very well, but 
 lu are out of order when the Chair is 
 ying to state the present amendment 
 ;fore the bouse. The substitute has 
 en offered that the first part of this 
 port be referred to the printer and the 
 cond part be taken up seriatim and 
 scussed and acted upon by this con- 
 mtion. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I rise to a 
 )int of order, Mr. Chairman. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is it? 
 DEL. SPARGO: My point of order 
 
 that the previous substitute to refer 
 e latter part of the report to the Com- 
 ittee on Resolutions was not seconded, 
 
 the Chair states. One delegate did 
 se and second the motion as a sub- 
 itute. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I certainly rec- 
 :nized no second. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Well, a delegate 
 se and seconded the motion. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I did not rec- 
 ;nize the second and I cannot sustain 
 
 DEL. DALTON (III.): I wish to 
 
 jke the motion that the proposition be 
 
 id on the table. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Which propo- 
 
 ion? 
 
 DEL. DALTON : The motion to re- 
 
 r to the printer. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The whole 
 
 ing? 
 
 DEL. DALTON : Yes, I move to lay 
 
 e whole thing on the table. 
 
 DEL. LEE (N. Y.) : It seems to 
 
 ; that the two parts of the report of 
 
 ; Trades Union Committee should be 
 
 nsidered separately. If I at all un- 
 
 rstood the purpose of the election of 
 
 It Tradles IJnion Qorrimit1;ee it was 
 
 that that committee should take cog- 
 nizance of the particular question of the 
 attitude of this party towards the trades 
 unions, or the relation of this party 
 towards trades unions, and that is a 
 question by itself; a question upon 
 which there is a difference of opinion in 
 this convention, and this convention 
 represents the differences in opinion of 
 the rank and file of the party. That is 
 a question upon which there should be 
 full and free discussion, and it should 
 be discussed as a separate matter. It 
 is a question of debating the outrages 
 that have been committed by the capital- 
 ists upon the trades unionists and or- 
 ganized working people of this country. 
 That is a question upon which we had 
 better introduce resolutions to be fol- 
 lowed. But, it is a separate matter en- 
 tirely and should be so taken up. It was 
 for this reason I should have seconded 
 the motion of Comrade Spence if Dele- 
 gate Benessi had not seconded it, and 
 I might add that to my knowledge the 
 Committee on Resolutions has al- 
 ready in its hands certain resolutions 
 bearing upon this same question, this 
 same matter, upon which we should 
 have certain well worded resolutions to 
 be published for propaganda purposes, 
 of the outrages in Colorado and of 
 many other outrages that have been 
 committed. Now, it seems to me only 
 reasonable that these resolutions, this 
 latter part of the committee's report, 
 should be referred to the Committee on 
 Resolutions in order that the matter 
 may be brought together into a single 
 report, and in order that its style may 
 be made as good as possible, to be used, 
 as I say, for propaganda purposes. Now, 
 since the Chair has ruled that the mo- 
 tion of Comrade Spence, the amendment 
 or substitute, as the case may be, of 
 Comrade Spence, was not seconded, I 
 ask may I renew at this point the mo- 
 tion of Comrade Spence that this latter 
 portion of the report of the Committee 
 on Trades Unions be referred to the 
 Committee on Resolutions : Will it be 
 in order for me to put that motion be- 
 fore the house at this time? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You cannot of- 
 fer it as a motion, but you can as an 
 amendment to the motion. 
 
 DEL. LEE: Then I offer that as an 
 amendment to the motion. 
 
 DEL. CAREY CMIass.) : Let me sug- 
 gest to Comrade Lee that h^ 3,5k ^pr ^ 
 
78 
 
 'Afternoon Session, May ^. 
 
 division of the question. This is a com- 
 mittee of which I am a member, and I 
 suggest that he ask for a division of the 
 question. , 
 
 DEL. LEE: I recognize the wisdom 
 of the suggestion and I ask that the 
 question be divided. 
 
 DEL. HttLLQUIT (N. Y.) : I de- 
 sire to say that while I have no objec- 
 tion to the division of the question, I 
 certainly do object at this point to re- 
 ferring the first resolution reported to 
 us to the printer. As we stand now, 
 I understand we have absolutely no 
 other business before us. If we send 
 this one to the printer we will prob- 
 ably have nothing else to do for the 
 rest of the day, whereas otherwise we 
 might dispose of this resolution and 
 then probably take up the report of the 
 Committee on Constitution which is 
 also not printed yet. Now I fully rec- 
 ognize the wisdom of having important 
 resolutions printed and giving each 
 member of the convention a copy of 
 them before taking a final vote. Never- 
 theless I consider it of more impor- 
 tance to utilize every hour we have be- 
 fore us, after having practically frittered 
 away three days already, and I would 
 therefore oppose the motion to refer 
 the resolution to the printer now, and 
 hope the delegates will vote it down and 
 take up the resolution now. 
 
 DEL. ZORNl (Ohio) : I want to 
 speak in favor of the motion and 1 hope 
 that the resolution will be given to the ' 
 printer. I tell you, comrades, the or- 
 ganization we represent stands for 
 something', it stand for Socialism, and 
 this resolution is an important one and 
 I feel that it should be printed and 
 placed in the hands of each delegate 
 before final action is taken. (Applause.) 
 
 ^DEL.BENESSI (Mich.): I second 
 the motion of Comrade Spence for this 
 reason : As Comrade Lee has stated, 
 I also did not understand that the Com- 
 mittee on Trades Unions would bring 
 in a report of that kind, and when they 
 did I seconded the motion that it be 
 printed for the purpose that it might 
 go into the hands of the comrades, and 
 that they could read it carefully and 
 think it all over and then come to this 
 convention and be able to state their 
 views and positions more clearly on the 
 subjec); than if we wrangled over it here 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.) : Comrade 
 (Jhairrr;an and Delegates : I seconded 
 
 the motion of the comrade over there 
 a while ago. I am a trades unionist 
 and also a Socialist, or rather, first I 
 am a Socialist, and, second, I am a 
 trades unionist. I want to stand for 
 our party as far as it is possible to do 
 it without conflicting with Socialistic 
 principles, and I would like to have a 
 chance to study those resolutions. I 
 don't want to vote against them and I 
 don't want to vote for them until I can 
 understand them, and I believe it is of 
 the utmost importance that every one 
 understands those questions before we 
 act upon them. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : Comrade 
 Chairman, I want to say that the com- 
 mittee has consulted upon the proposi- 
 tions that are before the house relative 
 to referring its report to the printer and 
 in view of the continuous and constant 
 . delay that has taken place here for three 
 days, we have no objection to referring 
 this along with the balance of the busi- 
 ness, so long as we get home some time 
 between this and Labor Day. (Laugh- 
 ter and loud applause.) The committee 
 would very much have preferred to have 
 had action upon this report, to. have 
 transacted some business here this after- 
 noon, but apparently the delegates are 
 not here for the purpose of transacting - 
 businers, but merely for the purpose of 
 raising points of order against each 
 other. (Applause.) Rising to questions 
 of personal privilege, asking for foolish 
 information, running out and coming in 
 and ti-ying to vote upon questions that 
 have already been decided, and a lot of 
 other nonsensical things, including the 
 smoke nonsense. (Applause.) I want 
 to say in closing that if you continue 
 in ihis manner of doing business as you 
 have been doing in the last three days 
 you will not get through much before 
 the Presidential election closes in No- 
 vember. (Prolonged laughter and ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 ITie previous question was called for 
 and seconded, and, the question being 
 put, the motion was carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The substitute 
 motion is this, 'if I have not forgotten 
 it: That the first part of the report be 
 referred to the printer and the second 
 part, made up of those resolutions, be 
 taken up seriatim and discussed. Am ' 
 I right on that? I believe that is the 
 substitute motion. Now all those in 
 favor of that motion will please say 
 "Aye," 
 
Afternoon Session, May ^. 
 
 % 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I want to 
 lend the substitute fo that instead 
 the second part being taken up seria- 
 
 I it be referred to the Committee on 
 solutions. 
 
 \. DELEGATE: That amendment 
 i already been made. 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Oh, yes, amend- 
 nt to the effect that the second part , 
 also referred to the Committee on 
 solutions. . 
 )EL. HOEHN (Mb.): Comrade 
 
 airman 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Now we can- 
 
 t stop to debate at this time. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN: I should like to 
 
 !ak on this. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You are too 
 
 E. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN : I do not like to 
 se points of order, but I will have to 
 se one. My point of order is that 
 ; previous question had been ordered 
 i after the previous question had 
 :n ordered and a portion of the ques- 
 
 II voted upon, you recognized a dele- 
 ;e to muke another amendment. 
 THE CHIAIRMAN: No, no, he call- 
 
 my attention to ,the fact that I was 
 ong and- he was right. I had over- 
 ked the amendment he called my at- 
 tion to 
 DEL. HOEHN: How do we know 
 
 is right? 
 
 THE CHAIRMIAN: Well, the gen- 
 nan is out of order. We are now 
 ing upon the amendment and dis- 
 sion is out of order. 
 i DELEGATE: I rise to a point of 
 ler. It would seem to me that it 
 uld facilitate the work of this con- 
 ition if the secretary would read the 
 tion. 
 
 'HE CHAIRMAN: That is not a 
 nt of order. 
 
 )EL. HIAYES (Ohio.) : Point of 
 er, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 ■HE CHAIRMAN.: What is your 
 it of order? 
 
 >EL HAYES: My point of order 
 ;hat on a question or vote that is to 
 taken, as I understand it, the rules 
 ■e adopted to give each side oppor- 
 ity to debate. 
 
 'HE CHAIRMAN: Now, Comrade 
 fes, you were not in this room when 
 
 question was put. That privilege 
 ; declined .''.nd it is too iate now. 
 
 DEL. HOEHNi: I want to a,sk the 
 Chairman., has anybody exhausted the 
 eighteen minutes ihat is assigned dele- 
 gates upon this question after the vote 
 has been ordered upon the question? 
 _ THE CHAIRMAN: The gentleman 
 is out of order. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN : I asked that ques- 
 tion, has anybody exhausted that eight- 
 een minutes? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I answered it. 
 I offered the privilege and called for the 
 three-minute speeches, and no one re- 
 sponded and we went ahead, and now 
 we art; going ahead. (Applause and 
 cries of "Go on.") 
 
 DEL. HOBHN : I appeal from the 
 decision of the Chair. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The gentleman 
 is out of order. 
 
 DEL. HIOEHN: I appeal from the 
 decision of the chair. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The decision of 
 the Chair is appealed from. Comrade 
 Dobbs will kindly take the chair. 
 
 Secretary Dobbs then took the chair. 
 
 CHAIRMAN DOBBS: Gentlemen, 
 the decision of the chair has been ap- 
 pealed from. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN : My reasons for ap- 
 pealing from the Chair are briefly 
 these 
 
 DEL. MANCE (111.): Point of or- 
 der. The question is not debatable. 
 
 CHAIRMAN DOBBS: The gentle- 
 man is out of order. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN: My reason for ap- 
 pealing from the decision of the Chair 
 is because under our rule there are 
 eighteen minutes assigned to delegates 
 in order to debate the question 
 after the motion has been passed and a 
 vote ordered upon the question. I had 
 forgotten that a few moments ago and 
 a delegate reminded me of it. Now I 
 say that nobody up to date has taken 
 advantage of these eighteen minutes al- 
 lowed under our rules, and until this 
 matter is disposed of it is within the 
 province of any six delegates to avail 
 themselves of that opportunity, and I 
 say it was clearly intended under the 
 rules to let those interested have their 
 say without ditching them. (Applause.) 
 
 iTHiE CHAIRMAN: I will state, as 
 I have already stated, that after the mo- 
 tion for the previous question had been 
 called for I distinctly said, "Is anybody 
 
80 
 
 Afternoon Session, May ^, 
 
 ready for the three-minute speeches? 
 The time is here." I gave time enough 
 for anybody to take the floor. Nobody 
 did so. I then proc<;edcd to take a vote 
 on the last question, the proper one, 
 and while proceeding to do so the gen- 
 tleman claimed the floor and I ruled 
 him out of order, and I still rule that 
 he is out of order. 
 
 'CHAIRMAN DOBBS: Comrades, 
 you have heard the respective state- 
 ments. Those who are in favor of sus^ 
 taining the Chair will manifest it by 
 saying Aye. The Ayes have it, and the 
 Chair is sustained. (Loud Applause.) 
 
 Delegate Richardson here resumed the 
 chair. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : As a mem- 
 ber of the committee let me say that the 
 Committee on Trades LTnions are per- 
 fectly willing to have their report go to 
 the hands of the printer. 
 
 The question was called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMIAN: The amendment 
 is to send the last part of the report, the 
 resolutions, to the Committee on Reso- 
 lutions. 
 
 The question was then put and the 
 vive voce vote leaving the Chairman in 
 doubt, a division was railed for and a 
 rising vot; taken, with the following re- 
 sult : Ayes, 71 ; Noes, 55 ; and the 
 amendment was declared carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Ttie motion as 
 amended, now is that the first part of 
 the report be icferred to the printer, 
 and the second half to the Committee 
 on Resolutions. 
 
 The question was then put to a vive 
 voce vote, and a division called for. 
 
 jV rising vote was then taken and the 
 motion carried as follows : Those in 
 favor, 75 ; opposed, 4S. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN ; The Committee 
 on Trades Unions will present the 
 printer with the first part of their re- 
 port, and the Committee on Resolutions 
 with the second part of their report, in 
 accordance with this motion, or they 
 will be hanged without the benefit of 
 clergy. (Laughter.) 
 
 DEL. JONiAS (N. Y.) : I move we 
 adjourn. 
 
 DEL. NAGEL (Ky.) : I move we 
 adjourn until seven thirty o'clock this 
 evening. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 After several announcements had 
 been made by the Chairman as to the 
 meetings to be held by the various com- 
 mittees, the question was then put on 
 Delegate Nagel's motion, and the con- 
 vention adjourned to reconvene at sev- 
 en thirty p. m. 
 
 EVENING SESSION 
 
 The Chairman called the convention 
 to order at 7 o'clock, but owing to a 
 misunderstanding as to the hour for 
 assembling there were few delegates in 
 the hall when the convention was called 
 to order, and a recess was taken until 
 7:30 o'clock, at which time the conven- 
 tion was again called to order. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (O.) : Since the close 
 of the last meeting, I have estimated 
 that there are probably 300 people here, 
 delegates and people who are watching 
 the convention, who came from outside 
 the city, whose expenses cannot be less 
 than a dollar and a half a day, and the 
 loss of whose wages cannot be less than 
 two dollars and a half a day, making for 
 each four dollars a day. Multiply that 
 by ?oo and you have $1,200 a day, or $2 
 a minute, figuring ten hours a day. Of 
 course to you trade unionists that work 
 
 eight hours it will make it a little more 
 expensive. Now this foolishness that 
 we had this afternoon is costing the 
 delegates here two dollars a minute, 
 and when we go back home and they 
 figure up this expense they may make us 
 feel that we ouglit to have been a little 
 more serious. I therefore move you 
 that the rules by which three men on 
 each side of a question be heard after 
 the previous question had been moved 
 and carried, be changed to two, one on 
 each side, the mover of the motibn being 
 given the floor in favor, and anyone who 
 can get the attention of the Chairman on 
 the negative side. 
 
 Seconded. 
 
 DEL. SAUNDERS (111.) : A point 
 of order. It is that we cannot entertain 
 that motion on account of the fact that 
 we have not suspended the rule on that 
 
Evening Session, May 3. 
 
 81 
 
 3int. Therefore, it is out of order. 
 le would have to suspend the rule be- 
 )re we could pass that motion. 
 
 The point of order was sustained "by 
 le Chair. 
 
 Delegate Robinson (Ky.) moved that 
 le rules be suspended. Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved and 
 ;conded that the rule permitting three 
 [embers to speak on a side three min- 
 tes each after the previous question 
 is been carried, be suspended. 
 
 Delegate Parks moved to lay the mo- 
 on on the table. Seconded, but lost. 
 
 Delegate Slobodin moved the previous 
 uesfion. Seconded and carried. 
 
 The motion to suspend the rule was 
 len put, and tiie Chair declared the re- 
 alt in doubt. A standing vote was 
 iken, resulting in 70 for suspension, 26 
 a^inst, and the rule was declared sus- 
 ended. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN .(N. Y.) : I 
 lOve that in the rule the words "three 
 n a side" be stricken out, and "one on 
 
 side" be iriserted. 
 
 Motion seconded and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The Committee 
 n Constitution is ready to report. What 
 1 your pleasure? 
 
 DEL. FARRELL (Ohio) : I move 
 iiat we proceed to the report of the 
 Dmmittee. 
 
 Motion seconded and carried. 
 
 leport of Committee on Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT, on behalf of the 
 ammittee: Your committee is happy to 
 nnounce that it finished its labors in 
 ne session, and it is further happy to 
 imounce that its report is ready for 
 our consideration. If you wish to take 
 : up we will have no trouble whatever 
 1 disposing of the entire matter in this 
 ession, so that when we adjourn we 
 lay have disposed of one at least of the 
 nportant subjects before this convsn- 
 on. I will not make any speech or ex- 
 lain to you the general scheme of the 
 3nstitution. We will take is up clause 
 y clause, and if required I will give 
 ou such explanation as the committee 
 eems necessary. 
 
 The constitution as submitted by the 
 jmmittee was then read. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard 
 le report of the committee. What is 
 our pleasure ? 
 
 DEL. WEBSTEil (Ohio): t move 
 you that it be taken up Section by sec- 
 tion, and that those parts to which therp 
 IS no objection be considered passea, 
 and the other parts taken up and dis- 
 cussed. 
 
 Seconded. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.) : 1 move as 
 a substitute that the report be printed in 
 the Appeal, and that the rule be sus- 
 pended and the convention adjourn un- 
 til to-morrow at 10 o'clock so that the 
 various committees can complete their 
 work. (Seconded.) There is no use 
 tying up the committees here to-night 
 and then to-morrow lose three or four 
 hours and have the committees unable 
 to report until the day after. By ad- 
 journing now. we can have their re- 
 ports to-morrow instead of the day 
 after. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: The copy is in 
 the 'hands of the printer and will be 
 ready to-morrow morning. I desire to 
 state further that I personally hope we 
 will commence to do some other busi- 
 ness than adjourning. This is not a 
 platform, nor is it even a reso- 
 lution. It is not a question of program. 
 It is not one document merely. It con- 
 sists of several provisions. If any pro- 
 vision is read and is not clear to the 
 delegates it may be repeated over and 
 over until it is clear. In this way it 
 will be as clear as if it was printed, and 
 we might, to better purpose than ad- 
 journing, pass the evening in discussing 
 this constitution, and perchance dispos- 
 ing of it, and do the business we are 
 here for rather than to adjourn for the 
 printing. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): To ad- 
 journ at the right time is a really good 
 thing to do and gains time. This con- 
 stituticn needs to be considered, not 
 section by section, but as a whole, by 
 men who can look at it all together. I 
 would like to consider it that way, and 
 I know others would. I do not want to 
 hear it read indistinctly in this hall and 
 then have to vote yes or no, because for 
 the next four years we are going to be 
 governed by this constitution or else 
 be taking continual referendum votes. 
 If we adjourn now it will save another 
 day of expense and half a dozen refer- 
 endums after awhile. It seems to me 
 we want to give this proper considera- 
 tion and be sure what we are doing. We 
 would do better by doing this thing 
 
§2 
 
 Bvemng Session, May 3. 
 
 properly. It is no disgrace to adjourn, 
 ahd the boys are working hard and need 
 the time to rest. 
 
 DEL. BANDLOW (Ohio): While 
 we could get along for the next four 
 years without any constitution, 1 claim 
 that the reading or adopting of this con- 
 stitution to-night will not interfere with 
 the reports of the other committees. This 
 will have to be read article by article, 
 and adopted article by article, whether 
 it is in print or in writing, and I am in 
 favor of taking up the constitution to- 
 night and doing what wc can with it to- 
 night. (Applause.) I move the pre- 
 vious question. 
 
 Motion ruled out of order. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: I regret the ten- 
 dency on the part of some of the dele- 
 gates to minimize the importance of 
 some of the real work of this coilven- 
 tioB. In my opinion we do not meet 
 here only to nominate candidates. I be- 
 lieve that we have met here to formu- 
 late laws for the party, measures that 
 will enable us so to conduct our busi- 
 ness that we can make a successful 
 campaign, not only this year, but always, 
 in all the years to come. (Applause.; 
 If there are delegates on the floor who 
 think that the only thing this conven- 
 tion was called for was to nominate 
 candidates, they show, in my opinion, 
 a great lack of comprehension of the 
 real work of the convention. (Ap- 
 plause) Now I have not seen the re- 
 port. I have just had handed to me a 
 copy of the report of the Constitution 
 Committee. I have not had time to 
 study it. I have only looked over it a 
 little, and I disagree with a great part of 
 it. Now, I want a chance to study it. 
 When it is read, when it comes before 
 this convention, I want to see what it 
 is, before my eyes, because I know how 
 important it is to the organization. For 
 fifteen months the party, the national 
 office, has been tied up through a de- 
 ficient constitution, a constitution that 
 was not worth the paper it was printed 
 upon. (Applause.) We have been ham- 
 pered by that constitution. We have 
 been unable to carry on the work that 
 wc should have done. If we have made 
 progress it was not because of the con- 
 stitution, it was in spite of the constitu- 
 tion. We have had referendums of 
 the National Committee and the party 
 that would have been avoided if we had 
 had a proper constitution, and I think 
 the best thing this convention can do is 
 
 to adjourn and give the committees time 
 to act. rhe members of some of the 
 most important committtes are compelled 
 to, be absent to act on these committees 
 wliile the convention is in session, while 
 important matters are coming up af- 
 fecting the interests of the party and the 
 work of the party, and it is not fair to 
 the members of the committees. I am 
 on the Platform Committee. We are 
 going to meet soon. When the conven- 
 tion considers the constitution, I want 
 an opportunity to discuss it, I want an 
 opportunity to consider it, and I won't 
 have the opportunity if I look after my 
 work as a member of the committee, and 
 I believe the most sensible thhig for you 
 to do — you will save time by it in the 
 long run — is to give the committees 
 time to shape their work properly. You 
 had a committee that made a report this 
 afternoon, and look at their work; it 
 was imperfect because they had no time 
 to do anything. They should have time 
 to edit it and present a proper report. 
 Instead of that you wasted all the after- 
 noon on it. If you will give your com- 
 mittees time to do their work it will 
 be presented in convenient form, and 
 you will get through with your business 
 much quicker. I believe the thing to do 
 is to adjourn until to-morrow morning 
 so that you can properly hear the re- 
 ports of the committees. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.): That would be 
 all right if we had unlimited time, but 
 it seems that we have got to hurry some 
 of the proceedings. I maintain that 
 while this constitution is of great im- 
 portance, because the main thing is to 
 get the general plan and outline of the 
 constitution, leaving certain portions 
 open to modification or amendment by 
 referendum, while other propositions 
 are not subject to amendment. It is 
 important that we should have ample 
 time for discussion on the question of 
 platform and the question of state and 
 municipal program and the question of 
 the trades unions and other resolutions 
 that are to be brought up here; and I, 
 therefore, believe that we ought to dis- 
 pose of this if possible, to-night, or, at 
 any rate, to make what progress vit can 
 and leave other time to discuss other 
 questions. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN (N. Y.) ,: I am 
 in sympathy with anything that will save 
 time, but we are not responsible for the 
 arrangements by which we have lost 
 time. I do not believe we are doing the 
 
Evening Session, May 3. 
 
 88 
 
 cause we are here to represent justice 
 by ignoring questions mow for no other 
 purpose than to save time. I want to 
 get through with the work of this con- 
 vention, but this is by no means the 
 nost important work ; the program is by 
 no means the most important work. I 
 maintain that there are two fundamen- 
 tals that come before this coovention; 
 one is the drafting of a platform, a dec- 
 laration of principles, the basis upon 
 which we stand; next, the constitution 
 of our party, that is the fundamerital 
 business upon which the organization 
 rests that gives expression to the plat- 
 form and that is pledged to put it in 
 operation. You can think of no two 
 propositions that are going to come be- 
 fore this convention that take prece- 
 dence over those two. You have had 
 minor matters that had to be printed; 
 your committee on resolutions, with 
 more or less nonsensical propositions to 
 leal with, has had to have its matter 
 printed; you have had the committee 
 on trades unions here beseeching you to 
 take this work off their hands and con- 
 sider it, b.ut you have had to have part 
 of its work printed and the other part 
 sent to a wiser committee. Neither of 
 these two propositions was approximate- 
 ly as important as the adoption of a 
 constitution. (Applause.) I cannot sit 
 here and vote intelligently upon a con- 
 stitution without having the constitu- 
 tion before me, and I refuse to be led 
 blindfolded into a vote because we have 
 been so short-sighted as to waste time 
 upon matters that we could easily have 
 dispiosed of at the time they were 
 jroiight before us. I insist that if there 
 s any feason for printing anything, it is, 
 iirst; the report of the committee on 
 platform, and, second, the report of the 
 I^omrhittee on Constitution. 
 
 DEL, SPEARS (111.) : Have we not 
 forgotten, that we have before us _ the 
 supplemental report of the Committee 
 m Trades Unions, and all we can do is . 
 consider that? 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.) : That has been 
 'eferred to the Committee on Resolu- 
 ;ions. . 
 
 del! TOOMEY (Conn.) : There is 
 he matter of the expenses of delegates. 
 A^e have had a Committee on Resolu- 
 ions, and those matters have been re- 
 erred to the 'Committee on Constitu- 
 ioh. I want to know from the Com- 
 mittee on Constitution what has been 
 
 done with those resolutions. I want to 
 serve notice upon this convention that I 
 shall move for an amendment to the 
 constitution providing for the payment 
 of expenses of delegates to this conven- 
 tion, in accordance with the instructions 
 from my state. 
 
 A delegate moved the previous ques- 
 tion. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.): The Press 
 Committee stands ready to report now. 
 
 The previous question on the motion 
 to suspend the rule regarding adjourn- 
 ment was put and lost. 
 
 DEL. BARNES (Pa.) : There is a 
 motion that the rules be suspended, and 
 that is all the motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion 
 was to su^end the rules regarding ad- 
 journment*or compelUng adjournment 
 at 9:30. 
 
 DEL. BARNES: A point of further 
 information. What became of Comrads 
 Stedman's motion? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What motion? 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN : My motion to ad- 
 journ until to-morrow at 10 o'clock. 
 
 DEL. BARNES: That question has 
 not been passed? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : No, the motion 
 is out of order now. 
 
 A delegate moved that the convention 
 hear the report of the Press Committee. 
 
 DEL. BARNES: We have assem- 
 bled here and remained into the even- 
 ing, and if it is possible to continue 
 business I think we should remain in 
 session and do such business as comes 
 to hand. However, I want to say tiiat 
 I am in favor of laying over the report 
 of the Constitution Committee and hav- 
 ing it printed so that it is before all 
 the delegates for intelligent action, and 
 am not in favor of adjourning at this 
 time. If it can be shown that there are 
 other committees prepared to report wf 
 can consider their work and act upon 
 it, and for that reason I am not in favor 
 of adjourning to-night, but I am in fa- 
 vor of that part of Comrade Stedman's 
 motion which provides for printing the 
 constitution in the Appeal, and that ac- 
 tion be deferred until to-morrow morn- 
 ing. That is tha motion as I under- 
 stand it. 
 
 DEL. D. M. SMITH (111.) : The 
 motion is to suspend the rules, and that 
 is under discussion. 
 
84 
 
 Evening Session, May 3. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.): I rise to 
 make a motion 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The motion to 
 suspend the rules has been defeated. 
 
 DEL. BARNES: I submit that the 
 division of a motion does not destroy 
 part of the motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There was no 
 motion for division. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I rise to a point of 
 information. Is there any motion be- 
 fore the house? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Nothing now. 
 
 DEL. PARKS : I move that we defer 
 action on the constitution until the reg- 
 ular session to-mcrrow morning. 
 
 Seconded. 
 
 Delegate Phelan (111.) moved the 
 previous question. Seconded. 
 
 ASSISTANT SECRETARY CROSS 
 (Wis.) : There is a motion before the 
 house on the minutes as follows : Mpved 
 that the report of the Committee on 
 Constitution be taken up seriatim and 
 that those .-.ections not objected to be 
 considered as passed. Then it was 
 moved by Stedman (111.) to amend so 
 that the rules be suspended and the 
 house adjourn to meet at 10 a. m., and 
 that the report of the committee be 
 printed in the Appeal. . That last motion 
 was ruled out of order. We then voted 
 against suspending the rules, which 
 brings you back to the original motion, 
 which is that the constitution be taken 
 up seriatim, discussed and passed. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: A point of in- 
 formation. The vote that was taken 
 was on the previous question and not 
 upon the motion and I think the Chair 
 is wrong. 
 
 ASSISTANT SECRETARY CROSS : 
 I think that is right. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : If the ques- 
 tion to adjourn is voted down. 1 want 
 to make a motion that the report of the 
 Committee on Constitution be sent to 
 the printing ofKce so that we can have- 
 something here in the morning. 
 
 Seconded. 
 
 DEL. BARNES: Will the Chair ac- 
 cept an amendment at this time? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Certainly. 
 
 DEL. BARNES : I move you, there- 
 fore, that action on the constitution be 
 deferred until to-morrow morning for 
 the purpose of having the constitution 
 printed. 
 
 Seconded, 
 
 Motion put and carried, on the pre- 
 vious question, and the main question as 
 to postponement was then carried. 
 
 Delegate Taft (111.) moved to take 
 up the report of the Press Committee. 
 Seconded and carried. 
 
 The Secretary announced that ar- 
 rangements had been made to take a 
 large photograph of the delegates imme- 
 diately upon the adjournment of the 
 Wednesday morning session. 
 
 Delegate Bandlow announced that an 
 invitation had teen extended by the 
 Socialist Saengerbund to such delegates 
 as were able to attend a social gather- 
 ing arranged for Tuesday evening at 
 the Revere House. 
 
 Report of Press Committee 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.): The Press 
 Committee has the following resolutions 
 to report. The first resolution is one 
 which has been presented by a number 
 of locals and, therefore, we submit it 
 to the convention. The particular reso- 
 lution which we read is one which comes 
 from Local San Francisco^ and reads 
 as follows: 
 
 "Resolved, That the members of 
 Local San Francisco consider it would 
 be for the best interests of the Social- 
 ist Movement of America to have a 
 National Socialist Paper, either daily 
 or weekly, or both, owned and con- 
 trolled by the party, and Local San 
 Francisco of the Socialist Party here- 
 by instructs Comrade P. Deutzman 
 and Comrade P. H. Keller, our duly 
 elected delegates to the National con- 
 vention of the ^Socialist Party of 
 America, to be held at Chicago, Illi- 
 nois, May 1st, 1904, to submit to said 
 convention a proposition to have a 
 party paper or papers, as before men- 
 tioned, or if the same or a similar 
 proposition is submitted by any other 
 delegate to said convention we hereby 
 instruct our delegates to said conven- 
 tion to vote for and support a motion 
 declaring for a party-owned paper or 
 papers." 
 
 Practically the some resolution was 
 also received from Local Louisville, Ky., 
 Yonkers, N. Y., Spokane, Wash., and 
 the Woman's Branch of the Socialist 
 party, Seattle, Wash. In spite of this 
 your committee reports unfavorably 
 upon this resolution. 
 
Evening Session, May 3. 
 
 85 
 
 rSe following suggestions are sub- 
 ted: 
 
 We recommend that any paper that 
 issumes to speak for the Socialist 
 )arty should be under the control of 
 )arty members or the party organiza- 
 ion. 
 
 We report further on another point 
 which was suggested by the National 
 secretary: Recognizing the necessity 
 jf informing the party membership 
 ihoroughly of party affairs, we recora- 
 nend in accordance with the sugges- 
 tion of the National Secretary, a 
 monthly bulletin confined exclusively 
 to official matters, excluding all ques- 
 tions of political tactics and editorial 
 ipinions. We believe this bulletin 
 should have a nominal price of 25 cents 
 1 year. If, however, the convention 
 should decide that this bulletin should 
 t)e supplied gratuitously, we recom- 
 mend that such gratuitous circulation 
 t)e confined to party secretaries. 
 
 Your committee further recom- 
 mends for the consideration of the 
 convention the proposition of estab- 
 lishing a bureau or electing a secre- 
 tary of local quorum as the constitu- 
 tion provides, of course^ under the 
 control of the national office of the 
 Socialist Party, for the purpose of fur- 
 nishing plate matter on Socialism, 
 such matter to be of an educational 
 trharacter, treating Socialism from a 
 scientific and propaganda point of 
 view, and not entering into questions 
 af party tactics. Our reasons for this 
 recommendation are that there are at 
 present a large number of papers that 
 are willing to publish Socialist matter, 
 but are unable, because of lack of edi- 
 torial or financial ability, or any plan, 
 to secure the same. In many places So- 
 cialists are already considering the de- 
 sirability of establishing weekly pa- 
 pers, but are handicapped by the same 
 difficulty. This plan will assist in 
 solving this problem in two ways; 
 either the matter can be purchased by 
 the local comrades for existing papers, 
 or when it is decided to establish a pa- 
 per directly under Socialist control 
 it will reduce the expense of publica- 
 tion. 
 
 DELEGATE SIMDNS continued ; 
 Dw I might just as well say a word in 
 planation, although it is not in order 
 re, and, therefore, I shall not take up 
 ne in- discussing it. Such a proposi- 
 in as this is something that is certain- 
 
 ly going to come before us before long, 
 and we feel that control which could be 
 exercised in this way is the least un- 
 desirable of any possible control which 
 should be exercised over the party 
 press, because it contains no mandatory 
 powers; it simply will dominate because 
 we furnish better stuff. It will occupy 
 only a small portion of any party paper 
 and will leave this matter to every pa- 
 per either to be used or not, as at pres- 
 ent, and will help to get diversified 
 
 Delegate D. M. Smith (III.) moved 
 that the convention concur in the sug- 
 gestion of the committee in its report on 
 the first resolution in reference to a 
 party paper. Seconded. 
 
 'Delegate Toole (Md.) moved to sub- 
 stitute the recommendation of Local San 
 Francisco. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. SIMONIS: I want to say, so 
 that the comrades may understand what 
 they are doing, that really one has no 
 connection with the other. The motion 
 which was recommended for adoption 
 was not the one to establish a bureau. 
 The one to adopt was that we recom- 
 mend that any paper which assumes to 
 speak for the Socialist Party should be 
 under the control of the party members 
 or party organization. 
 
 DEL. D. M. SMITH: That is not 
 the one I referred to. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I suggest that 
 you withdraw the motion and take these 
 up seriatim. 
 
 DEL. D. M. SMITH : That is what 
 I move. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Does the sec- 
 ond consent to the withdrawal? 
 
 A DELEGATE: No. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Very well, then. 
 
 DEL. PHELAN (111.): I make a 
 point of order. Before we can consider 
 the resolution or recommendation of the 
 Press Comniittee the substitute should 
 be voted on. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : There is a sub- 
 stitute to be voted on first, and that is 
 the only thing in order. That is that we 
 adopt the resolution of Local San Fran- 
 cisco. That is the effect of the substi- 
 tute. That is open for discussion. 
 
 As to an Official Party Organ 
 
 Chairman Simons re-read the San 
 Francisco resolution. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS : The committee rec- 
 ommends that this be not adopted. 
 
86 
 
 Evening Session, May j- 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.): I hope, Mr. 
 Chairman, that before the delegates to 
 this convention adopt the resolution 
 from San Francisco they will, consider 
 these facts: If we have a party paper 
 owned by the party, the only need of a 
 faction of the paity will be to capture 
 that paper. (Applause.) And if it 
 were possible for the old parties to get 
 men into out party by any means or 
 various means, who could after a while 
 get control of that paper they would 
 wreck our party as the Populist party 
 was wrecked at St. Louis. (Applause.) 
 I haye been out of the Republican party 
 for twenty years. I have seen a party- 
 owned paper, and I have seen it drag 
 the party that owned it down into the 
 wreck from the simple fact that the Re- 
 publican politicians came into our or- 
 ganization, and, fight as we might, we 
 could not keep their influence out of it. 
 They were fighting eternally until they 
 got control of that party-owned press, 
 and finally it went down and our party 
 went down, and that was the finish of 
 the party-owned press. I believe the 
 safety of the Socialist Party today is in 
 standing by the press as we now have it 
 (applause), because if one paper gets 
 out of line it cannot affect the Socialist 
 Party, but if the party-owned press gets 
 out of line that we all trust, we are all 
 gone, and then we will become discour- 
 aged like these Populists that have gone 
 to oieces, and the end of Socialism will 
 be here. (Cries, "No, no.") I am in 
 earnest on this point, and you may have 
 to overlook the mistakes I may make 
 sometimes. I am a newspaper publish- 
 er; I want to admit that I might, how- 
 ever, be selected to publish the national 
 paper; I don't know. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.): Not after 
 that. 
 
 DEL. ROSE: iNot after that, no. But 
 I am in favor of our press as it is at 
 present established. When the Social- 
 ist Party comes into power it will own 
 the press, and all other things as well. 
 At the present time we have to labor 
 under . a capitalist system, and laboring 
 under a capitalist system, we have to 
 make haste slowly. We cannot control 
 the party-owned paper very much bet- 
 ter than we can control those little jour- 
 nals that have beer, established over the 
 country, and you know how well thdy 
 have succeeded. That is all I want to 
 say. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : I want to 
 explain first why I made the motion to 
 substitute the report. I would like to 
 call your attention to a circumstance 
 that one of the comrades from Illinois 
 tried to bring up here this afternoon 
 after the report of Secretary Mailly. 
 He was asking about Breckon's letter 
 to the national secretary, and there was 
 one thing in that letter that struck me. 
 I don't care anything about Breckon's 
 trouble with the editor of the Appeal 
 to Reason, but there was one thing 
 that he said that I must take notice of, 
 and that is this: That the editor of 
 the Appeal to Reason has built up a 
 mighty party machine with which he is 
 moulding the minds of the people of 
 this country who are socialistically in- 
 clined, and I want to know whether we 
 prefer to trust Wayland or some other 
 newspaper publisher in preference to 
 trusting a committee that we elect our- 
 selves. (Applause.) Can we refuse to 
 trust the National Committee that we 
 are about to elect, and then trust Way- 
 land, who may die tomorrow, and then 
 bis son who is anti-Socialistic, /may 
 take that paper, which today is the 
 foremost socialist paper in the 
 country? That is a question, 
 Mr. Chairman, that I want dis- 
 cussed. I want to know whether these 
 individual owners of these papers can 
 be controlled. How can they control a 
 man who it is said has threatened to 
 dismantle, to break down the Socialist 
 movement if it interferes with- his man- 
 ner of publishing a Socialist paper. So- 
 cialist papers are private property, and 
 you cannot touch them. They can do 
 what they please with them. I believe 
 in the Socialist policy of public owner- 
 ship — aye, even public ownership of the 
 newspapers, at least one newspaper 
 which shall dictate the policy of the 
 party. (Applause.) Uiider the system 
 of privately owned Socialist papers ev- 
 ery sort of idea has been preached as 
 Socialism. Any old thing is Socialism. 
 What is Socialism? We must have one 
 paper at least that represents the senti- 
 ments of the National Social- 
 ist Party. If there is opposi-, 
 tion to it, I know there are trou- 
 bles that it will meet, but we will 
 meet troubles in anything, but more in 
 the privately owned papers than in a 
 paper belonging to the national party. 
 But there has been trouble all along 
 about so-called Socialist papers; .papers 
 
Evening Session, May 3. 
 
 87 
 
 hat have called everything Socialism, 
 rom the municipal ownership of street 
 :ars and the municipal ownership of 
 ailroads to any old thing. I have read 
 iccounts in the papers that said they 
 irere Socialist which even told us how 
 ve are going to live twenty or fifty 
 'ears from now. They laid down rules 
 or your grandchildren to live by, and 
 :alled it Socialism. These questions 
 nust be considered. This really is the 
 ssue: Whether we can trust a rnillion- 
 lire owner of a party newspaper in 
 )reference to the National Committee 
 ilected by the membership of the party. 
 
 DEL. WALSH (Mont.): I believe 
 hat if the remarks the gentleman has 
 ust made were true, we newspaper men 
 vould swell up till we would burst. 
 Phe public press is valuable only so far 
 s it is true to Socialist principles. In 
 he State of Montana we have won our 
 trength against a multi-milHonaire 
 iress. We have elected one ticket in 
 ^.naconda County that represents the 
 socialist Party, and in order to give 
 'ou a few more points on results from 
 he Press Committee I suggest that 
 l^omrade Simons read two other _ reso- 
 utions there which show the incon- 
 istencies of the resolutions that have 
 leen submitted. 
 
 DEL. NIAGEL (Ky.) : On the press 
 [uestion those of us who have been 
 nembers of the Socialist' party know 
 he experience in the oast. I want to 
 ind as soon as possible whether it is 
 he sense of this convention that we 
 ave a party-owned paper. I, therefore, 
 love the previous question. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER_ (Ohio) : I believe 
 1 common ownership, and I believe in 
 he common ownership of the tools_ by 
 ihich a paper can be published, just 
 s well as I do in the common owner- 
 hip of the machines whereby clothes 
 an be made. (Applause.) Now it is 
 ot necessary that a party-owned paper 
 e an editorial paper at all, in any seiise 
 ^lat the writers on it have any authority 
 D speak for the party. Let the papers 
 imply be publicly owned by the party, 
 nd let it be a publisher only, and let 
 le different comrades of the party write 
 leir opinions and sign them, and _then 
 re will have Comrade Simons' opinion 
 I one column. Comrade Titus' in an- 
 ther. Comrade Hayes' in another, and 
 3 on. Now the only thing that will be 
 fficial in that paper will be the ac^ 
 
 tions of your different conventions. 
 Those things which the convention says 
 are Socialistic, those things will be au- 
 thoritative in that paper, just the same 
 as they are authoritative in a privately- 
 owned paper. But the advantage of 
 having a common owned paper man- 
 aged in that way is the very fact that you 
 will have capital enough to get a paper 
 immediately with a circulation all over 
 the United States, big enough to furnish 
 a daily at once. I would be in favor of 
 making the dues large enough on the 
 membership in the organization to take 
 that paper, so that when a man belonged 
 to your branch the paper would be sent 
 to him as a oart of his belongings to 
 the party. There is no ma'nner of 
 means by which a paper published in 
 that way and the men who are chosen 
 to publish that paper could dictate to 
 the party membershio. Each individual 
 could write his opinions in that paper 
 on any questinns that are discussed. 
 Some day, if Socialism ever comes in, 
 we have got to have common owned 
 papers. The public has got to own these 
 things, because that is one of the very 
 arguments that the capitalist class brings 
 against Socialism, that when Socialism 
 comes the fellows who oublish your pa- 
 pers will dictate everything and decide 
 just what is to be done, and conse- 
 quently, you will have no progress until 
 you will kick some clique out, and it will 
 be a case of one clique after another. 
 Now, I maintain that it is just as easy 
 to use the machinery owned in common, 
 and published by the party and get the 
 different opinions — just as easy as to 
 have a liftle sheet here and a little sheet 
 there and compel your membership to 
 take six or eight or ten different sheets, 
 with the editors of all of these different 
 sheets on the ragged edge all the time 
 as to whether they are going to have 
 next week's meak or not. and the com- 
 mon jealousy of these editors as to 
 whether the other fellow is growing any 
 faster than he is. Of course, these gen- 
 tlemen who are opposiner this question 
 are editors of papers. They admit it, 
 and, of course, the man who has got 
 some line of business is always opposed 
 to having his business taken over. "Let 
 the other fellows be taken first." 
 (Laughter.) If we can demonstrate 
 that the paper can be carried on without 
 that paper being controlled by cliques, 
 then we have solved the first and pri- 
 mary question of the Socialist ideal. 
 
88 
 
 Evening Session, May 3.- 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: I am surprised at 
 what has been said upon the floor of 
 this convention, and I want just a fe'w 
 words to show you the ridiculousness 
 of any such proposition. Where is this 
 paper going to be located, to begin with ? 
 The comrade thinks this will settle the 
 question of funds, and I know the great 
 responsibility that will fall upon some 
 of the members in the New York 
 delegation when they realize how they 
 are going to raise the money there. I 
 have another proposition here, the prop- 
 osition of management, that shows the 
 fact that it won't work, and that ought 
 to settle this question there. He says 
 they may elect a member from every 
 state in the Union as a managing board, 
 and this managing board shall direct the 
 editors. In the first place, the thing is 
 so ridiculous that it seems almost im- 
 possible that any sane mind should ever 
 have suggested it. A newspaper today, 
 to be in any sense a metropolitan paper, 
 requires not merely five or ten dollars 
 or a thousand or ten thousand ; it re- 
 quires hundreds of thousands of dollars 
 behind it. (Applause.) It requires, in 
 addition, that it should be run in a com- 
 petitive world, and yet we have com- 
 rades rising here and offering, as an 
 argument for doing something in a cap- 
 italist state today, that we believe in 
 public ownership of things, and, there- 
 fore, that we can introduce the co-opera- 
 tive commonwealth by means of party 
 papers. I hope the convention will have 
 the good sense not to discuss this ques- 
 tion at any great length longer. It 
 seems to me that we can spend our 
 time better at something else. You can- 
 not find good men that will do the work 
 for what you will pay them on a party 
 paper. He tells you that we are afraid 
 you will take our jobs away from us. 
 Have you ever been a Socialist editor? 
 I can assure you that there is not a 
 Socialist editor in this country who, if 
 it were a mere question of his personal 
 welfare, would not step out of the So- 
 cialist Party and into a capitalist party. 
 (Applause.) 'Under these conditions I 
 hope you will concur in the report of 
 the committee. 
 
 DEL. LUCAS (Minn.) : There was 
 an old Quaker once who had a son. 
 He told his son : "When you go out 
 into the world you will find a great 
 many men that are rascals, and they 
 will beat you. When they beat you 
 once they are knaves. If they beat you 
 
 twice you are a fool." We have had 
 experience with a party organ already, 
 and I should think we should know 
 what that was. (Applause.) If it had 
 not been for a party organ in New York 
 City we would have been a united party 
 in the United States, with twice and 
 thrice the membership we have got to- 
 day. I believe we can control the party 
 press a great deal better as it is now, 
 because just in proportion — The gen- 
 tleman, I see, wants to say something 
 and I will give way in about a minute, 
 but I have got the floor now and I am 
 going to keep it, for I want it. I want 
 to say right here that Minnesota has 
 kept still here and has not taken up 
 much time, and we don't expect to, but 
 we have got ten minutes now. You can 
 question all you have a mind to but I 
 am a Socialist and I am going to have 
 my rights here. You can try to kick 
 me all you have a mind to, but if you 
 try to shut me off too much I will make 
 somebody trouble. We have had ex- 
 perience in Nlew York with this. We 
 were growing faster than we are today. 
 It was decided that the party must con- 
 trol the press. The party got control 
 of it, and a few delegates got on the 
 executive board. They worked their 
 chances, and they started in on that 
 party organ and wrecked the Socialist 
 movement, or rather split it in two. We 
 struck a rock, but we have got off, and 
 now the ship is sailing along prosper- 
 ously, and we are not going to let the 
 men beat us a second time. (Applause.) 
 The gentleman over there spoke to us 
 about the editors of the Appeal to Rea- 
 son. When the Appeal to Reason 
 ceases to appeal to the common sense of 
 the Socialist party, it will not be an 
 appeal to reason, but it will be wrecked 
 on the rock of perdition. (Applause.) 
 No single paper in the hands of any in- 
 dividual or party of individuals can 
 vvreck us because the class-conscious So- 
 cialists reading this paper can see its 
 tendencies, and it can no longer control 
 them, and when it can no longer control 
 the Socialists it is worthless to the cap- 
 italists. We are not afraid of this. Let 
 our papers be just as they are now. 
 Let each one (jriticize the action of the 
 other, and let them be in a shape so 
 that every class-conscious Socialist can 
 act as he pleases, and that paper will 
 have principles as clear as crystal. 
 Something has been said here about 
 the dangers of a party-owned press. 
 
Evening Session, Moy 2. 
 
 89 
 
 When Socialism comes no press can 
 hurt us, because we will have only one 
 press representing a united mankind. 
 The danger is today, and as long as 
 there are enemies around us let the peo- 
 ple print the papers, and we as Social- 
 ists can decide on their merits. (Ap- 
 plause.) . 
 
 Delegate McKee (Cal.) moved the 
 previous question. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : I was on 
 the floor when the previous question 
 was moved, and I think I have got a 
 right to speak on that question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Mc- 
 Kee was recognized and moved the 
 previous question before the comrade 
 spoke. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: There has been 
 nobody got a chance to talk on that side. 
 
 A DELEGATE: The previous ques- 
 tion has been moved. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I have not 
 heard a second. 
 
 A delegate seconded the motion. 
 
 DEL. DEUfZMAN (Cal.) : It was 
 not the intention that if we had a party- 
 owned paper it would talk party tactics 
 or dictate to the party. It was the inten- 
 tion to furnish to the people of this 
 country Socialist literature and Social- 
 ist articles, but after the suggestion of 
 Comrade Simons that there would be a 
 bureau established to sell to the party 
 press of the country such written arti- 
 cles by the foremost writers on Social- 
 ism, I withdraw that resolution present- 
 ed from Local San Francisco. It was 
 only presented here to this body to get 
 at the opinions of the ct)mrades that 
 sent it here, to see what we could do 
 or what would be the best to do. Local 
 San Francisco offered that measure in 
 the hope that there would be a party 
 press established, and directed us to sup- 
 port such a suggestion from other locals. 
 It was only to bring up a discussion of 
 this matter, because we have a large 
 minority that believes in a party-owned 
 press. We have told them, from what 
 we have heard on this floor, that it 
 would be impossible to own a party 
 press. I told them it would be just as 
 iangerous to have a commonly owned 
 party press as a privately owned press. 
 But I am still in favor of having some- 
 thing done so that we can furnish to 
 the small backwoods towns such arti- 
 cles on Socialism. If you could see the 
 
 papers out in the West that are claim- 
 ing to be Socialist papers, but are the 
 laughing stock of real Socialists, I think 
 you comrades would all see that we 
 need something of the sort that Com- 
 rade Simons proposes. Therefore, I 
 will withdraw this resolution as a rep- 
 resentative of Local San Francisco, but 
 I will support and vote for the sugges- 
 tion of Comrade Simons. (Applause.) 
 DEL. LUND (Wash.): This reso- 
 lution originated in Local Spokane, 
 where I am from, and I was directed 
 when I left home that when the reso- 
 lutions came up here I should work 
 for it and do what I could. I know that 
 there are a good many little newspapers 
 in my region and a good many little edi- 
 tors (laughter), and if we had a party- 
 owned paper, there might be some of 
 the little editors that would have noth- 
 ing to do any more. Probably there are 
 yet some capitalistic ideas in them that 
 they don't like to come out with, but 
 they are coming out with them now 
 and here and showing it plainly. I 
 don't like to see. the action of those edi- 
 tors, because they know as well as I 
 that if we had a party-owned paper that 
 was controlled by some kind of a board 
 of Socialists — not milk and water So- 
 cialists, we have too many today that 
 control the papers, but straight Social- 
 ists — we would have papers with a ring 
 that you could hear it when you would 
 see it, and see it when you hear it. 
 Those are the ones that we should have 
 on the papers, and we could get some- 
 thing to read that would teach the rank 
 and file how to move the Socialist move- 
 ment. I for one am satisfied that these 
 are the views of the people that I am 
 with or where I come from, the Social- 
 ists of Spokane, Washington. We have 
 it back there, and for the last year we 
 have looked at those papers till we got 
 tired of looking at them, because mostly 
 there is nothing but one fighting another 
 because each one is afraid the other 
 paper gets more subscriptions than he 
 does. And when it comes to the finan- 
 cial proposition, where is the editor that 
 can run his pa^er without the rank and 
 file? Not one in America. And, there- 
 fore, if we had a party-owned paper 
 that would be straight and to the point 
 there would not be so many young So- 
 cialists going astray as we find there 
 have been so far, because they get a 
 paper and say, "There is fighting every 
 day and every week, and when I see the 
 
90 
 
 Evening Session, May 3. 
 
 paper there is nothing but a fight.". If 
 we had a party-owned paper this fight- 
 ing would certainly all be done away 
 with and there would be something to 
 read there that would be worth • reading. 
 I, of course, cannot outline like those at- 
 torneys and newspaper editors can in 
 this regard, so, of course, you must ex- 
 cuse me and take for what it is worth 
 what I am saying, but I shall do all I 
 can and ask this convention to consider 
 very thoroughly whether it would not 
 be better to have a party-owned paper 
 than to have a thousand or two thou- 
 sand of those little ones that live today 
 and we don't know whether they will 
 die tomorrow. ,1 am satisfied that even 
 if a board was elected or appointed in 
 some shape to run these that they could 
 make capitalist papers out of these 
 papers on the business side and give the 
 reading to the Socialists. You would 
 get a daily paper big enough or as big 
 as some of those dailies, and you would 
 have advertising enough if the paper 
 was big enough, almost to pay for half 
 of it. But there is no Socialist in the 
 rank and file of the United States that 
 would not put up a dollar any time to 
 have a first-class daily paper started 
 and distributed throughout the country. 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH (Ore.) : Ore- 
 gon has had but very little to say up to 
 the present time, and I would like to 
 speak for a moment or two on this ques- 
 tion. I have found in my work as a 
 lecturer in the Socialist field that one 
 of the great lacks of the movement is 
 a party paper, that can be pointed to as 
 an authority on scientific Socialistic 
 teaching. One of the main things that 
 has been thrown in my face repeatedly 
 by those capitalists that I have held 
 debates with, is this: "You don't agree 
 within yourselves. Even your papers 
 are continually differing with one an- 
 other. Your papers are not united in 
 teaching Socialism. Your speakers dif- 
 fer in teaching Socialism. Whom are 
 we to believe?" (Applause.) I recog- 
 nize, as Comrade Simons says, that it is 
 something of an undertaking to start 
 a Socialist paper, or any other kind of 
 a paper. Although I am not a news- 
 paper woman and do not understand 
 that as well as they do, I can compre- 
 hend that it would be something of a 
 task. Nlow I have this to offer, as a 
 suggestion to the convention : iNow you 
 will probably laugh, for you will say, 
 "Which one can we select?" But, 
 
 ■wouldn't It be well to pick out some one 
 of these papers, for instance, the Inter- 
 national Review, and have that as our 
 standard paper? (Laughter and ap- 
 plause.) lA comrade has handed me one 
 already to recommend, but I am not 
 here to recommend any paper, but am 
 merely giving^ a suggestion as to the 
 need of one. Alt the recent state con- 
 vention held in Oregon in March, this 
 question was brought up and was dis- 
 cussed at length, and the comrades there 
 from different parts of the state recog- 
 nized the lack of a hational paper that 
 would express the true ideals of So- 
 cialism. They have one little sheet in 
 Oregon, a very distorted affair, and that 
 sheet is doing more to teach the wrong 
 kind of Socialism than half the speak- 
 ers can do to unteach it. (Applause.) 
 I tell you, comrades, one of the hardest 
 things to do in this world is to grow 
 a thing wrong after it has been taught 
 to grow right. Now, don't, forget that 
 fact, and if today we had one paper 
 in the United States that we could point 
 to as the Socialist organ, that couldbe 
 depended upon for its straight Social- 
 ism, the other papers would have to live 
 up to its philosophy or else get out of 
 the field. (Applause.) Therefore, _ I 
 stand for the establishment of a Social- 
 ist paper owned and controlled, if possi- 
 ble, by the party; if not possible, then I 
 stand for the choosing of one of the 
 papers that are already in the field and 
 making it the national paper. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : Would you 
 call the editor of that paper the party 
 pope or party oracle? 
 
 SEVERAL DELEGATES: The 
 
 pope. 
 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH: I consider 
 the question as too nonsensical to an- 
 swer.. (Laughter and applause.) 
 
 iDEL. MILLER (Colo.) : Comrades, 
 I do not know that the truth appeals to 
 the human mind any more stroiigly be- 
 cause it has the stamp of authority 
 upon it. I do not know that, error is 
 less erroneous because at the time that 
 that error was inculcated the stamp of 
 authority was placed upon it. ("Hear, 
 hear.") I do not know the means by 
 which we should be absolutely certain 
 that a party-owned paper should always 
 square up to the very highest standard 
 of merit. The privately-owned papers 
 
Kvening Session, May 3. 
 
 ^\ 
 
 lay, if they exercise any influence 
 atever upon the public mind, it is 
 :ause of merit. We shall not make 
 question easier of decision because 
 P'lace upon it the stamp of merit 
 the stamp of authority. It seems to 
 that that fact is clear enough. In 
 ne way when a man gets the Socialist 
 a into his head he has a sort of 
 gic touchstone by which he can de- 
 mine the difference between truth and 
 or, and it is only necessary for him 
 apply that in order to determine 
 ether a paper can or cannot be relied 
 >n. The capital of the privately- 
 ned papers of this country today has 
 ^er appealed to the reason of the So- 
 list people of this country, and that 
 ne gives them their power. The con- 
 ousness of every Socialist in this 
 mtry is awakened, and they bring the 
 itings of every writer up to their 
 als of Socialism and see whether or 
 : they live up to the standard of 
 rit. Shall we substitute for that alert 
 ulty which has guided the Socialist 
 •ty through so many battles in the 
 it — shall we substitute for that an 
 icutive board of the Socialist party 
 this country? I am not ready to so 
 )stitute it. I believe the popular ap- 
 )val, wrong as it often is, is the safest 
 ide, and it is only because I believe 
 the popular intelligence, in their anx- 
 Y to do right, that I have the su- 
 :mest confidence when the intelligence 
 the people shall finally be roused up 
 the philosophy of Socialism. It is 
 ause of that I realize it is inevitable, 
 may be unfortunate that in various 
 tions of the country the little local 
 ;ss is inefficient, but I want to tell 
 1 that when the history of the Social- 
 movement is finally written there 
 1 be a great big place in it for the 
 n of the local press, who, thr'ough 
 rvation and hardship, have upheld the 
 ner and done the work of enlight- 
 ng the people. (Applause.) And I 
 ht to say further that the men who 
 )ugn the motives of the Socialist edi- 
 5 upon this floor, whose experience 
 is them to oppose the idea of a party 
 aed and directed paper, have not fully 
 d up to the principles of comradeship 
 ich our party teaches. (Applause.) 
 ; ought to be fairer and more just 
 I generous than that. And I just 
 it to say to the people here who 
 I't know me, that I am not an edi- 
 I am not speaking for any paper 
 
 from this platform. It is simply my 
 position as a Socialist and my observa- 
 tion of the way things go in this world 
 of ours. If we could have people made 
 over again and always right up to the 
 highest standard of truth and right, we 
 might be able to throw all of our funds 
 into a common treasury and turn the 
 management of the paper over to some 
 one and let it go at that, and be cer- 
 tain that everything was all right. (Here 
 the gavel fell.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I suggest that 
 though the mover of this had offered 
 to withdraw it, the second has not said 
 a word. 
 
 'DEL. TOOLE: I am the mover of 
 that- motion. I offer to withdraw it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMANi: I mean the 
 member that introduced it. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN (Mo.) : I withdraw 
 it. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : Illinois in 
 this convention has been trying to get 
 recognition for an hour, and a half, 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is all 
 right ; you will. 
 
 I rise to move the 
 Motion seconded. 
 I claim three inin- 
 
 T>EL.;HOEHN: 
 previous question. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: 
 utes. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The previous 
 question has been called for. Shall the 
 main question be now put? 
 
 Motion put and carried. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: I claim three min- 
 utes. 
 
 TH(E CHAIRMAIN: We will give 
 the mover of the motion three minutes, 
 and then Delegate Spargo may have 
 the next. 
 
 DEL. D. M. SMITH (111.) : I claim 
 three minutes as the mover of the orig- 
 inal motion. ' ' 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is only the 
 mover 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: A point of order, I 
 am the mover of the substitute, and 
 that is what we are discussing. He has 
 been asleep since the morning session. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will ask the 
 Secretary to inform us who introduced 
 the substitute. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The Secretary 
 is unable to tell who the biggest part 
 of the people here in the convention are, 
 because they have covered their signs 
 
92 
 
 Evening Session, May 3- 
 
 up with other things. Furthermore, 
 when they get up to speak they forget 
 to announce who they are, thinkijig that 
 we all know them. We know one or 
 two, but not all the 185 here. Conse- 
 quently the Secretary has been unable to 
 find out who has been introducing these 
 resolutions tonight. 
 
 DEL. D. Mt SMITH: I moved the 
 question and Comrade Toole moved the 
 substitute. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Then he is the 
 next. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : In conclusion 
 I will say that I think we are running 
 away from a great big bugaboo and that 
 we are afraid of ourselves. When the 
 last comrade was speaking— the comrade 
 from Colorado, I think— 1 thought I saw 
 over there Bishop Matz making an ar- 
 gument against Socialism, that if peo- 
 ple could be moulded over again it 
 would be all right; that we could have 
 Socialism' if people could be moulded all 
 over again. So we could have this news- 
 paper if we were all moulded over again 
 and all good. But we cannot.. I tell 
 you there is back of it all the same 
 capitalistic spirit; we cannot get* away 
 from it; it is the competitive spirit that 
 is in them. 1 am not blaming those 
 comrades. I am not throwing out any 
 insinuations; but I want to say this, 
 that we are simply saying that we must 
 be afraid of ourselves. I say this : We 
 do not want to have anything to do 
 with a privately owned newspaper. We 
 want to have a common newspaper. 
 It would give solidity to the 
 movement. It would teach the 
 principles that are adopted by 
 this convention. We object to the com- 
 petition in the market of the privately- 
 owned papers. Another thing, from the 
 standpoint of capital, the party could 
 get all of the capital to run the news- 
 paper the same as these privately-owned 
 newspapers. They talk about the mil- 
 lionaire newspapers as though there were 
 none. I know that what has been said 
 is true,, that there is a paper that is 
 rapidly becoming a great paper; I mean 
 the Appeal to Reason. Times have 
 changed since two years ago when we 
 had trouble with the Social Democratic 
 Herald. Times have changed, and the 
 movement has changed. Right here we 
 see a paper with a circulation rapidly 
 increasing on every hand. People take 
 it and have it upon their tables and be- 
 
 lieve in it almost as Christian people be- 
 lieve in their Bible. I say this with all 
 due respect to the man that is editing 
 it, but I say that that man has an awful 
 power. He controls the Socialist move- 
 ment of this country and in this conven- 
 tion. That is what I say. 
 
 DELEGATES: Oh, no. 
 
 DEL. TOOLfe: Yes, I say it. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I am very 
 sorry that I did not succeed in getting 
 the floor before the main question was 
 submitted to the house, but in the min- 
 ute or two that remains to me I want to 
 enter a protest against the spirit which 
 dominated the speech of almost every 
 speaker in favor of the establishment 
 of a national party-owned paper. I 
 fling back to those comrades as un- 
 worthy of reply the charge that we who 
 are called upon to edit Socialist papers 
 are looking after our jobs and not the 
 interests of the party. 
 
 A delegate rose to a point of order. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: I refuse to be 
 hounded down by delegates to whom I 
 listened while I myself was filled with 
 indignation and scorn. There is no 
 question of personal privilege while I 
 have got these three minutes. If the 
 delegate wants to rise to a point of order 
 he may, but not to a question of per- 
 sonal privilege in order that he may 
 interrupt me. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio) : Comrade 
 , Chairman, I rise to a point of order. 
 
 DELEGATES: Sit down! 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: It has been said 
 that the Socialist editors are opposed 
 to a party paper because they have 
 some vested interest which is threatened. 
 I reply in the name of the Socialist edi- 
 tors — I reply not as a Socialist editor; 
 I reply in the name of decency of this 
 convention that 'that is unworthy of re- 
 ply. (Applause.) If somebody movedl 
 in this convention that hereafter every 
 woman in the party should have her 
 hair cut short, and the barbers opposed 
 it, is it to be said that the barbers are 
 in line against the proposition because 
 they happen to have a five or ten cent 
 interest jeopardized? Comrades, this 
 convention demands higher motives than 
 the impeachment of other comrades' mo- 
 tives. I am opposed to a national party- 
 owned organ because I am opposed to 
 the heresy hunter all the time. (Ap- 
 plause.) I am opposed' to a national 
 
Evening Session, May 3. 
 
 S3 
 
 pafty-dwned organ because I will not 
 trust the party integrity, I will not trust 
 the party interests, I will not trust flie 
 party faith to the judgment of any one 
 man, no matter how great he may be. 
 (Applause.) If Editor Wayland, of the 
 Appeal to Reason, makes a mistake, the 
 Socialist Party stands firm, but if some- 
 body who is declared to be for the time 
 being the infallible literary pope of the 
 movement makes a mistake, that mistake 
 carries with it the Socialist Party. (Ap- 
 plause.) Comrades, there can be no 
 orthodox Socialism while there is prop- 
 erty in a nationally owned party organ. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER: A question of 
 personal privilege. It is that the ques- 
 tion raised by comrades here who used 
 an argument made by myself that these 
 men were personally interested, was a 
 question of personal insult. I maintain 
 that there is no question of insult in 
 regard to these gentlemen, but the very 
 plain Socialist argument that a man who 
 has a certain line of business cannot see 
 his own relation to it and is warped by 
 his personal interest. (Cries of "No.") 
 
 Several delegates called for recogni- 
 tion. 
 
 DEL. NAGEL (TCy.) : rThere is no 
 question of personal privilege on this 
 question. The time has come to vote. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER: It is a question of 
 personal privilege. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I have no interest 
 n any editors, and I desire it to be 
 cnown that I have not. 
 
 A DELEGATE: A point of order. 
 It is half past nine, the hour for ad- 
 iournment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What do you 
 iay? 
 
 A delegate moved to suspend the rules 
 in regard to adjournment. Seconded 
 md carried. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.): Comrade 
 Chairman and Comrades, it appears to 
 ne that this is a matter over which 
 here is no need of getting excited. In 
 he first place, we are not going to have 
 my nationally-owned organ. 
 
 A DELEGATE: How do you know? 
 
 ;DEL. DALTON: I will tell you 
 rhy. The Socialist movement, like a 
 hild, has had some experience in the 
 ourse of its growth. Its face is not 
 urned backward. It has learned, not 
 lecause we stand for public ownership 
 
 that necessarily we can smuggle in the 
 co-operative commonwealth behind the 
 backs of the present society; we have 
 learned that we cannot do that. More- 
 over, in the special subject under discus- 
 sion we have learned that it is a danger 
 to the growth of the Socialist move- 
 ment to introduce interests of private 
 property into an organization that stands 
 for the overthrow of private property. 
 (Applause.) Some one has said there 
 is danger on account of the private 
 ownership of the press. There is; there 
 is danger; but there is more danger on 
 the other side. ' The Socialist movement 
 will have to face danger day after day. 
 The question to decide is whether we 
 shall become bourgeois or remain So- 
 cialists. You cannot own property with- 
 out having your interests center around 
 it. You cannot have a system, and at the 
 same time carry on the work of over- 
 throwing it. In a country like the United 
 States you cannot carry on the work of 
 revolution with an organization that it- 
 self is a property owner. That lies at 
 the bottom of it, not a question of the 
 private property interests of the editors, 
 who, today, if they get their little twelve 
 or thirteen dollars a week, think they 
 are remarkably lucky. They are afraid 
 they would lose their jobs, somebody 
 said, if there is a nationally-owned or- 
 gan. Mfost of them would be glad to 
 trade their jobs off to the gentlemen 
 who are kicking about them right now. 
 (Applause.) We have today — (Here 
 the gavel fell.) 
 
 DEL. D. M. SMITH (111.) : I hap- 
 pen to be one of those eSitors, and I 
 believe I have made as many sacrifices 
 for the interest and promotion of the 
 principles of Socialism as any man 
 who has been in attendance daily in this 
 convention, and I want to say to you 
 that while we make mistakes and while 
 we know we have made mistakes, yet 
 as great mistakes as I have ever seen 
 emanated from men sent out from the 
 headquarters as Socialist organizers. I 
 want to say that in the state organiza- 
 tions I have seen as bad mistakes, as 
 miserable ones, as any little newspaper 
 man ever made. Now, it is useless for 
 us to contend about these things. The 
 little fellow has his place in the machine 
 that we are running now. He must 
 have it until you change this miserable 
 system, because of the fact that he is 
 one of the cogs, and the machine won't 
 run without him ; you can't dispense with 
 
94 
 
 Evening Session^ May 3. 
 
 him. I want to say to the gentlemen 
 who are favorable to a national or party 
 owned press that I have no objection 
 whatever to the establishment of one if 
 the party in its eminent wisdom deemed 
 fit to establish one. But I want to say 
 to you that when you have done it, until 
 the present system is abolished, you will 
 always regret it. I see in the constitu- 
 tion as you have already had it here, 
 that you have taken from the people 
 the right to elect the secretary and 
 placed it in the hands Of the National 
 Committee, and who have opposed that 
 except the little fellows tfiat you have 
 got around the country running the So- 
 cialist press today ? I want to ask you, 
 if that was conducted in that way, who 
 would tell the common people, who have 
 not the time to look into these matters, 
 the fact that you have introduced into 
 that a proposition to elect the secretary 
 of this great party by committeemen 
 who are selected from the different 
 states? No, that is in your constitu- 
 tion as it is written now, and I want 
 to tell you that every little fellow in 
 all this country who runs a newspaper 
 will get up and fight it. We want to 
 keep this thing distributed among the 
 people and down to the people, and we 
 don't intend you fellows to get away 
 with it. I have seen in this very conven- 
 tion a caucus somewhat as I have seen 
 the old party conventions, and I have 
 seen different committees marked out on 
 paper for you fellows to vote for, and 
 you did it, and every man marked on 
 that paper was elected oh the commit- 
 tee. There is not one of them but what 
 I would have voted for, possibly, under 
 any other circumstances. 
 
 DEL. MAjHONEY (Conn.) : I rise 
 to take exception to the comrade's re- 
 marks over here that Socialists are 
 against the ownership of private prop- 
 erty. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 is, shall the San Francisco resolution 
 be adopted? 
 
 DEL. DEUTZMAN (Cal.) : That is 
 not the San Francisco, but another. 
 
 ■THE CHAIRMIAN: Well, it is 
 about the San Francisco resolution. 
 The resolution is presented by the com- 
 mittee and denominated the resolution 
 from San Francisco. That is the ques- 
 tion before you. Shall that be, adopted ? 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : I move t6 
 lay it on the table. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Those in favor 
 of the adoption of that resolution will 
 stand. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.): Is this 
 simply in reference to establishing a 
 public press, or does it involve more? 
 I suggest that the Secretary read what 
 is before the convention. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : This is the sub- 
 stitute motion to put this in place of 
 the recommendation of the committee. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : The motion 
 was not to adopt the whole thing, all 
 the recommendations of the committee. 
 The resolution is simply for a party 
 newspaper. That was the motion. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.): With your 
 permission I will state the substance: 
 That the members of Local San Fran- 
 cisco consider it would be for the best 
 interests of the Socialist movement in 
 America to have a national Socialist 
 paper either daily or weekly, or both, 
 owned and controlled by the party. .. 
 
 DEL. DEUTZMAN: I rise to a 
 question of order. 
 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH (Ore.): If 
 you adopt this it is .simply a sugges- 
 tion, is it not? 
 
 A DELEGATE: No. 
 
 DELEGATE IRENE SMITH: This 
 would simply be a suggestion that we 
 have a party paper. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It would at 
 least be an indorsement of that idea. 
 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH: A sugges- 
 tion only, not that we are bound to 
 have a paper. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Na 
 
 DELEGATES : Vote ! 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Those favoring 
 the ' adoption of the resolution will 
 stand. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : A point 
 of order. The Chairman . has ruled 
 that this resolution is merely a sug- 
 gestion. I understand this resolution 
 to be mandatory upon the party; if we 
 adopt it then the national conimittee 
 will have to establish that paper. 
 
 THE CHA.IRMAN: I will ask the 
 
Evening Session, May 3. 
 
 95 
 
 secretary to read that resolution and I 
 will refuse to interpret it. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: Instructions to 
 delegates from Local San Francisco to 
 the Socialist Party National Convention 
 to be held in Chicago May i, 1904: 
 
 "Resolved, That the members of Lo- 
 cal San Francisco consider it would be 
 for the best interests of the Socialist 
 movement in America to have a Na- 
 tional Socialist paper, either daily or 
 weekly, or both, owned and controlled 
 by the party." 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.)-: A question of 
 information. The committee moves that 
 that be modified, or it has been moved 
 that the report of the committee be 
 concurred in. Isn't the substitute be- 
 fore us to be voted on first? I want to 
 know where we are at. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is the 
 substitute here. 
 
 DEL. CARR: Then that is the only 
 question. If we, vote to endorse the 
 recommendation of the committee it 
 kills the resolution. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The only ques- 
 tion now is, shall this resolution be 
 adopted? Those favoring it will stand. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: Thete appears to be 
 some misunderstanding. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Those opposed 
 stand. The motion is lost. The ques- 
 tion now is upon the adoption of the 
 recommendation of the committee. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.) : I 
 make an amendment 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No; you can- 
 not make an amendment now. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: Does the conven- 
 tion want the resolution that applies to 
 this particular point read? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Read it over. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: The committee 
 recommends that • any paper that as- 
 sumes to speak for the Socialist party 
 shall be under the control of the party 
 members or party organization. 
 
 A delegate moved the adoption of the 
 recommendation. Seconded. 
 
 A DELEGATE: I desire to ask 
 whether that would include private 
 papers which are defending Socialist 
 principles ? 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: Certainly not. 
 What interpretation is to be placed on 
 papers which presume to speak for the 
 Socialist party? They must be under 
 the control of the party organization or 
 membership. 
 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH : You under- 
 stand this is not mandatory. We are 
 not amending the constitution ; we are 
 simply making a recommendation; it is 
 only something that we look upon with 
 favor. 
 
 A DELEGATE: A question of in- 
 formation. As I understand it, there 
 are a number of papers like the Seattle 
 Socialist or the New York Worker 
 which are owned by labor organizations 
 and are published for the purpose of 
 improving the members by the diffusion 
 of pure and simple rot. I want to ask 
 whether Comrade Simons and his com- 
 mittee would use the literary produc- 
 tions of the editors of such papers, or 
 whether he desires to follow the ex- 
 ample of the Socialists in St. Louis 
 some years ago. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: A point of order. 
 He is not discussing the question. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.): I wish to 
 make a motion that the convention do 
 not concur in the recommendations. 
 (Seconded.) I wish to speak to that 
 motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There is a mo- 
 tion before the house. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: It is the recom- 
 mendation of the committee that is be- 
 fore the house, is it not? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No. It has 
 been moved and seconded that the 
 recommendation of the committee be 
 concurred in. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: Then I move to 
 amend by making it read that it be not 
 concurred in. Now, Mr. Chairman 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: A point of order. 
 There is no second to the motion. 
 
 DEL. MILLS : Yes ; it is seconded. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: You can speak to 
 the motion. 
 
 DEL. MILLS : I speak to the motion 
 as it stands. I understood that there 
 was no motion. I will withdraw my 
 motion and speak then to the motion as 
 it stands. Now, comrades, the question 
 we have is this, in my judgment, is 
 
96 
 
 Evening Session, May 3. 
 
 only another form of the same question 
 which we have just had. (Applause.) 
 I do not care to be placed in a position 
 where in attempting to take the advice 
 of this committee I shall be making in- 
 quiry as to the personal politics of the 
 stockholders in the publishing com- 
 pany which owns the magazine that 
 Comrade Simons edits. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: You are welcome 
 to it. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: I do not wish to do 
 it. It does not seem to me that this is 
 a matter of importance. The editor- 
 ship of the paper we have disposed of is 
 based upon the party ownership. Now 
 the same comrades who are opposed to 
 the party ownership of the paper in' or- 
 der that through that ownership the 
 editorship may be controlled by the 
 party, propose a recommendJition that 
 papers shall be discredited on the 
 ground that somebody owns at least 
 some share in them — some persons who 
 are not themselves members of the So- 
 cialist party. 
 
 A DELEGATE: That is not the 
 argument. 
 
 DEL. MILLS : If not, why then the 
 recommendation? If there is no idea 
 back of this recommendation, then there 
 is no reason for this recommendation. 
 (Applause.) I do not believe it is 
 necessary. I cannot see any interest 
 that can be served. I can only see a 
 club put into the hands of some one who 
 wishes to further a private quarrel. I 
 do not believe that that is the wish of 
 
 this convention. I therefore, shall vote 
 against it on that ground. It can serve 
 no good purpose; it simply furnishes 
 clubs — for what purpose? 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.): I want to 
 ask Comrade Simons to read that again. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: "We recommend 
 that any paper that assumes to speak 
 for the Socialist Party shall be under 
 the control of the party members or 
 party organization." I will say that it 
 was far from our idea to interfere in 
 any way with any of the private papers. 
 
 DEL. DALTON : What in the name 
 of common sense does this recommenda- 
 tion mean? If a paper like the Amer- 
 ican Labor Union Journal comes out 
 and says "Socialism is so and so, we 
 believe in this and that," what are you 
 going to do to them? Throw them into 
 jail if they assume to speak for the 
 Socialist Party? What are you going to 
 do; put them on the carpet? What has 
 this convention got to do with them? 
 We cannot go outside of the party. We 
 cannot go outside of the party press. 
 We might as well come down here and 
 discipline John R. Walsh of the Chi- 
 cago Chronicle. He does not assume to 
 speak for the party ; he speaks for 
 capital. It seems to me this recom- 
 mendation is nonsense. I move you T;hat 
 it be laid on tlje table. Seconded. 
 
 The motion to lay on the table was 
 put and carried. 
 
 On motion the convention then ad- 
 journed until Wednesday morning. May 
 4, 1904. 
 
Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 97 
 
 FOURTH DAY'S SESSION— MORNING 
 
 Chairman Richardson called the con- 
 vention to order at, 9 o'clock, and on 
 motion a recess was taken until 9:20, 
 owing to the small attendance. 
 
 At 9:20 the convention reassembled, 
 and the following nominations were 
 made for Chairman for the day: 
 
 Sieverman (N. Y.), by Hillquit, 
 (N. Y.). 
 
 Mills, (Kan.), by Webster (Ohio). 
 
 Morgan (111.), by Dilno (Mo.). 
 
 Smith (Ore.), by Hayes (Okla.).. 
 
 Barnes (Pa.), by WSlkins (Cal.). 
 
 Heath (Wis.), by Klein (Minn.^ 
 
 Delegates Barnes and Heath declined. 
 
 The result of the vote was announced 
 as follows: Sieverman, 38; Mills, 20; 
 Morgan, 9; Smith, 5. Delegate Siever- 
 man was declared elected. 
 
 Delegate Brandt (Mo.) nominated 
 Delegate Morgan (111.) for Vice-Chair- 
 man. Delegate Mills (Kan.) was also 
 nominated, but declined, and on mo- 
 tion of Delegate Mills the Secretary cast 
 the ballot of the convention for Dele- 
 gate Morgan as Vice-Chairman. 
 
 Delegate Sieverman then assumed the 
 chair. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The first thing 
 in order is the report of the Committee 
 on Credentials. 
 
 Delegate Toole of Maryland rose to 
 his feet. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Do you belong 
 to the Committee on Credentials? 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: No. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: For what pur- 
 pose do you rise? 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: To a question of 
 personal privilege. Perhaps it is a 
 question of information. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I want to say 
 for the information of the delegate from 
 Maryland that the Chair is not a bureau 
 of information at all, and there is noth- 
 ing in order at this time except the re- 
 port of the Committee on Credentials. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I know; but this is 
 very important. I would like to know 
 what position the Appeal to Reason oc- 
 cupies — whether it is an official ex- 
 ponent of this convention. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You are not in 
 order in making the inquiry at this time. 
 Is the Committee on Credentials ready 
 to report? 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I appeal from the 
 decision of the Chair. 
 
 Vice-Chairman Morgan assumed the 
 Chair. 
 
 THE VICE-CHAIRMAN : Are you 
 ready to vote in regard to the appeal ? 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I would like to state 
 why I appeal. It is simply this: I 
 asked a question of information, and 
 the precedent set in this convention has 
 been that all such motions have been 
 considered. I see no reason why it 
 should not be now. That is all. It is a 
 very important matter to bring before 
 this convention. 
 
 CHAIRMAN SIEVERMAN: I de- 
 sire to say that the Chair does not 
 recognize a point of information in an 
 inquiry of that sort. Delegates will 
 have to depend for their information 
 upon the regular proceedings of this 
 convention, and the Chair is not quali- 
 fied to give any information other than 
 that which naturally comes up in the 
 proceedings of this convention, which 
 every member of this convention is 
 aware of. 
 
 The question was then put on the ap- 
 peal, and the Chair was sustained. 
 
 The Chairman resumed the chair. 
 Several committees were called for, 
 but were not ready to report. The 
 Committee on Municipal Program was 
 called for. 
 
 DEL. _FLOATEN (Colo.) : When- 
 ever it is in order I would like to read 
 a memorial from Colorado that should 
 be read under the head of that com- 
 mittee. 
 
98 
 
 Mormng Session, May 4. 
 
 DEL. STROBELL (N. J.) : I move 
 that we take up the report of the Com- 
 mittee on Press. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That will be 
 unfinished busines^. 
 
 DEL, STROBELL: Was not the 
 Press Committee the first business on 
 the program this morning? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, sir; the 
 Committee on Press and any other 
 business unfinished yesterday comes up 
 under unfinished business to-day. The 
 order of business is the order as I have 
 read it. In that order you have adopted 
 it, and it is in that order that you will 
 do business to-day. 
 
 Report of Committee on Constitu- 
 tion -'.] ■•^;'i 
 
 The report of the Committee on Con- 
 stitution was taken up, and at the sug- 
 gestion of Delegate Mills (Kan.) the 
 members of the committee present gath- 
 ered about the table on the platform for 
 the purpose of consultation 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT, of the Commit- 
 tee : I believe the draft of the Con- 
 stitution as a whole has been read, and 
 . what is now before us is the taking up 
 of the report section by section. 
 
 Article i was read as follows : 
 
 "Article I. Name. The name of 
 this organization shall be the Social- 
 ht Party, except in states where a dif- 
 ferent name has by law become a legal 
 requirement." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You have heard 
 the reading of the first paragraph of the 
 report of the Committee on Constitu- 
 tion. What is your pleasure? 
 
 DEL. ROBINSON (Ky.) : I move 
 that this order be followed in the con- 
 sideration and adoption of the Consti- 
 tution : That it be read section by sec- 
 tion, and if no objection .is made, that 
 we proceed with the reading and con- 
 sider that that section is adopted, and 
 then when we get through the whole of 
 it we adopt it as a whole. Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection that motion will be enter- 
 tained at this time in order to facilitate 
 business. Is there any objection to en- 
 tertaining that motion at this time? 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio): I thought 
 I moved that yesterday. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I asked the 
 Secretary if we had passed that and 
 he said no. He ought ta be authority. 
 
 The motion of Delegate Robinson was 
 put and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
 objection to the adoption of Article I ? 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: Yes. 
 
 DEL. WHITE (Mass.) : I move the 
 adoption of the article. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I move to amend 
 
 it so as to read : "The name of this 
 
 organization shall be Th^ Socialist 
 Party of America. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I would sug- 
 gest that an amendment to the Con- 
 stitution should be in writing. It will 
 be impossible for the delegates, the 
 Chair or the Secretary lo intelligently 
 follow amendments unless they are sub- 
 mitted in writing. Will the delegate 
 kindly write his amendment? 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.) : I do 
 not think it will be possible for the So- 
 cialist Party to change that part of the 
 Constitution, for the simple reason that 
 there are several states where the elec- 
 tion law now in force prevents the adop- 
 tion of the name "Socialist Party," and 
 if we would adopt that amendment, 
 that in itself would debar in those states 
 the party from participating in elec- 
 tions. Now in Wisconsin they have to 
 keep the name Social Democratic and 
 in New York the same. They have got 
 about the same rules as the others, and 
 for that reason any change of the sec- 
 tion as read here would prevent the 
 party from participating in election? in 
 those states. It would be very unwise 
 to accept such an amendment as that. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Comrade' Toole 
 of Maryland offers an amendment and 
 is now writing it. As I understand it, 
 it is to amend it so as to make it read 
 "Socialist Party of America." How 
 does it read now? 
 
 THE SECRETARY: "Socialist 
 Party except in states" 
 
 DEL, TOOLE: I will fix that and 
 add "except in states," and so forth. 
 
 Delegate Carr moved, the previous 
 question. Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Will Comrade 
 Toole again state his amendment, so 
 that delegates can vote intelligently? 
 
Morning S^ession, May 4. 
 
 99 
 
 A DELEGATE: 
 second. 
 
 I withdraw my 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
 objection to the delegate withdrawing 
 his second to the amendment? 
 
 DELEGATES : Consent. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Then the vote 
 comes upon the original article. 
 
 The motion to adopt the article was 
 put and carried. 
 
 IQualifications for Membership. 
 
 . Article 2 was then read as follpws : 
 
 "Articles. Membership. Every per- 
 son a resident of the United States, 
 of the age of eighteen years and up- 
 wards, without distinction of sex, 
 race, color, creed or occupation, who 
 subscribes to the platform and declar- 
 ation of principles of the party and is 
 of unobjectionable personal character, 
 shall be eligible to membership in the 
 party." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection? 
 DEL. TOOLE: I object. It will be 
 impossible for us to write out amend- 
 ments and make progress. 
 ; THE CHAIRMAN: Very well, if 
 it is impossible or impracticable the 
 Chair, will entertain any amendment 
 that you make orally. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: The objection I 
 make is that no man should become a 
 rnember of this party unless he is a 
 citizen of the country. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I want to say 
 that the Chair will not entertain any 
 discussion upon anything that is not 
 befpre the house. A motion must be 
 niade, and when a motion is made then 
 I will entertain discussions, and not be- 
 fore. 
 
 DEL. CARR (III.) : I move that the 
 article stand as reported. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. OSWALD CN. J.) : The word 
 "occupation" is there. It seetas to me 
 that' with the wording given we could 
 not make a distinction as to a person 
 holding an ofKce under the Democratic 
 or Republican party. I move that this 
 word "occupation" be stricken out. 
 Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The members 
 of the_ committee desire to be heard, 
 and it is fair to hear them first. 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.) : That 
 
 difficulty can be easily got around by 
 putting a proviso in there, if need be, 
 to the effect that no one holding an of- 
 fice to which he has been elected or ap- 
 pointed by a capitalist party shall be 
 qualified to be a member of the party. 
 It can be easily covered. The word 
 "occupation" is there and should be 
 there. If anybody wants to make that 
 qualification it can be easily done. If 
 you will just pass this for a little while 
 we will have it arranged. 
 
 DEL. MILLS, of the committee: 
 The real question that the committee 
 had before it in regard to this word 
 "occupation" is not on the proposition 
 of the politics of the applicant. The 
 word "occupation" has a distinct mean- 
 ing. It means the method by which a 
 man earns his livelihood. Now the ques- 
 tion has been raised whether a man who 
 is a farmer or merchant or blacksmith 
 or an employer of labor shall be eligible.- 
 That is the question that is involved. 
 But if we are to determine that "oc- 
 cupation" means any line of occupation 
 that a man may be engaged in, in which 
 he must earn his living, then that wants 
 to be stricken out. If, however, mem- 
 bership is not to rest upon the line of 
 the trade in which a man is earning i his 
 living, then it ought to remain. My 
 judgment is that the Socialist Party 
 ought to continue to do what it has- 
 always done so far as I am informed: 
 Refuse to determine the means and 
 method by which a man tnust earn his 
 living before he shall be admitted to 
 membership in the Socialist Party. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.) : I favor strik- 
 ing out the word "occupation." My rea- 
 son is, first, that it is wholly unneces- 
 sary. No political party or no body sees 
 fit, no organized body finds it necessary, 
 to make such a provision. It seems to 
 me that our position is stronger if we 
 do not call attention to the fact that 
 ther» are differences between occupa- 
 tions. Personally, I stand for the 
 proposition that the Socialist Party is 
 a working class party, although there 
 are many members in it and will con- 
 tinue to be who are not working men. 
 But I am of the opinion that retaining 
 this word "occupation" will be con- 
 strued, and properly and naturally con- 
 strued, as a bait not merely to bring in 
 persons' who are not workingmen — 
 which of course is all right — but it is 
 a movement taking us away or having 
 
100 
 
 Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 a tendency to take us away from our 
 
 position as a working class party. I 
 
 think it is totally unnecessary. I, there- 
 fore, favor the amendment. 
 
 DEL. GLANZ (N. J.) : I am op- 
 posed to that word in that section of 
 the constitution. I hold that if that 
 word remains there the entire police 
 department of any city in the United 
 States could join our party. 
 
 DEL. GIBBS (Mass.) : I move that 
 we strike out from this report that part 
 referring to personal character. Sec- 
 onded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion 
 now before us is the amendment that 
 the words "and is of unobjectionable 
 moral character" be stricken out. 
 
 DEL. GOSS (Ohio) : I wish to 
 speak on the amendment. Before I 
 speak I would like to ask a question. I 
 would like to ask the delegates from 
 Nebraska if it is true that a local in 
 that state or a body of people willing 
 to form a local were refused a charter 
 on the ground that the majority of them 
 were not what we call wage-workers? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will state 
 that we are not now answering in- 
 quiries on anything but procedure. We 
 are debating a party constitution, and 
 the con^rade will confine himself to the 
 point. 
 
 DEL. GOSS : If the Chair will just 
 bear with me a little while I will show 
 the point I wish to make. It is that if 
 we strike this word "occupation" out it 
 will give any state the privilege of doing 
 that. Whether that has been done or 
 not is not of much importance now, but 
 it might afterward be important, and if 
 we strike this word out from the con- 
 stitution I believe the states will be per- 
 fectly in order in refusing the applica- 
 tion of a member or of a body for a 
 charfer because of their occupations. 
 Will that not be so ? 
 
 DEL. MAILLY (Neb.): I am not 
 going to discuss the proposition. I 
 think it is generally agreed among the 
 delegates that there should be no dis- 
 tinction of occupation, because after all' 
 it retnains with the individual. If we 
 can get the working class to join the 
 party and organize the party, upon them 
 depends whether the working class shall 
 control or not. Now, then, I tfiink that the 
 proposition presented is not^ concerning, 
 
 as far as I understand, whether one be- 
 longs to the middle class or capitalist 
 class or professional class. I think that 
 the question was raised in order to 
 prevent the recurrence of such an inci- 
 dent as the one affecting Comrade 
 Gridley of Indiana. I think the dele- 
 gates ought to understand that. It is 
 not a question, so far as I am aware, 
 of what class they belong to, but 
 whether we are going to allow men 
 holding office at the hands of the capi- 
 talist parties to be members of the 
 Socialist Party; that is the question. 
 
 DEL. HEYDRICK (Pa.) : I rise to 
 a point of order. It is that the words 
 "without distinction of sex, race, color, 
 creed or occupation" are entirely super- 
 fluous and tautological. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You are en- 
 tirely out of order. That is no point of 
 order. 
 
 DEL. HEYDRICK: The reason I 
 take this opportunity 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Pardon me, 
 Delegate Heydrick, you are not in order. 
 You raised a point of order and are 
 making a speech upon the merits of the 
 question. The delegate from Massa- 
 chusetts has the floor. 
 
 DEL. HEYDRICK: I appeal from, 
 the decision of the Chair. 
 
 THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: The de- 
 cision of the Chair has been appealed 
 fj-om. Delegate Heydrick has the floor. 
 
 DEL. HEYDRICK: My position is 
 that in all parliamentary bodies the 
 Chairman has a right and is in duty 
 bound to make English of such propo- 
 sitions as he may be required to pre- 
 sent to his body; that this is so self 
 evidently tautological, that these words 
 are so transparently superfluous that we 
 are wasting the time of this convention 
 in discussing one or the other of them; 
 that this statement is made, that "every 
 person, resident of the United States, 
 of the age of eighteen years and up- 
 ward," may be eligible to membership 
 in the party. The most comprehensive 
 term possible is employed. There is 
 no way to expand that, and that words 
 simply intended perhaps to make it 
 more pronounced, if such a thing is 
 possible, ought not to be permitted to 
 go into the fundamental declaration of 
 the party. It makes us ridiculous in the 
 
Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 101 
 
 eyes of every one who understands 
 English. I make the point of order for 
 the purpose of cutting off this endless 
 debate. I know Comrade Chairman 
 Sieverman would appreciate that. I 
 think he is wrong in ruling the point 
 not well taken, and that he as Chair- 
 rnan ought to rule on a question of this 
 kiiid not according to the strictest in- 
 terpretation of parliamentary law, but 
 according to the merits of the case, and 
 I think if he can save the time of the 
 convention by a declaration of that sort 
 he ought to do it. 
 
 CHAIRMAN SIEVERMAN: This 
 would prolong the debate all day. It 
 has been a habit of delegates to raise a 
 point of order when they never intend 
 to speak on the merits of the question, 
 and this is one case. You will notice 
 that the delegate from Pennsylvania, un- 
 der the guise of a point of order and 
 in an appeal from the decision of the 
 Chair, made his argument in toto on 
 this question. (Applause) That is a 
 parliamentary trick, and it will not be 
 permitted here to-day. As to the merits 
 of what the delegate says, the Chairman 
 of this day is not going to assume to sit 
 in judgment on the merits or demerits 
 of any proposition before this conven- 
 tion. The Chairman of this day is go- 
 ing to assume that the collective wis- 
 dom of this convention far transcends 
 any humble opinion that he might hold 
 as to the merits or demerits of any 
 proposition before them. 
 
 The question was put on the appeal, 
 and the decision of the Chair was sus- 
 tained. 
 
 DEL. GIBBS (Mass.) : I moved 
 to strike out that part that relates to 
 personal character. I sincerely hope 
 that that part will be stricken out. 
 I think I may say that I have 
 a fairly decent moral character my- 
 self, and I think that that ques- 
 tion ought not to enter into our 
 minds in considering a member's rela- 
 tionship with the party. I do not be- 
 lieve there is any danger whatever that 
 the Socialist party will be commonly 
 called a party of immoral persons, but 
 I believe this leaves the door open for 
 the admission of a whole lot of per- 
 sonal prejudices and personal idiosyn- 
 crasies. That question has already come 
 up before this convention. It is not 
 a danger of the future; it is already 
 li?re. I recall one case, and I sincerely 
 
 hope that that part of the resolution 
 will be stricken out. I believe there is 
 so much that is good in the worst of 
 us and so much that is bad in the best 
 ,of us that it will not do for any of us 
 to talk about the rest of us. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. WHITE (Mass.): I rise to 
 support the amendment offered by Dele- 
 gate Gibbs of Massachusetts, on prac- 
 tically the same grounds as those which 
 he offers. It seems to me that to em- 
 body this within the constitution would 
 establish a dangerous precedent. The 
 question would arise later, "Who is to 
 be the censor of the morals of those 
 who apply for membership?" I know 
 that it has been my experience that 
 there are to-day within the Socialist 
 movement in the State of Massachusetts 
 those who have been cast in such a nar- 
 row mold that they would prevent those 
 who are delegates to this convention 
 from being within the organization if 
 they had it within their power, and I be- 
 lieve that this should be entirely elim- 
 inated, and that we should not attempt 
 to be the julges of the moral character 
 of those who come into the organiza- 
 tion. We as Socialists recognize that 
 character is the result of environment, 
 and if that is the case let the organiza- 
 tion be the judge of its own applicants, 
 without this being in the Constitution, 
 and it not being there, under the old 
 axiom that that which is not prohibited 
 is allowed, if a person of clearly objec- 
 tionable character applied to a local 
 organization for admittance it is within 
 the powers and province of that local 
 organization to reject him if it will. I 
 trust that this amendment may be 
 adopted. 
 
 DEL. UFERT (N. J.) : I move this 
 as a substitute for the whole : "Every 
 person, resident of the United States, 
 of the age of eighteen years and up- 
 wards, without distinction of sex, race, 
 color or creed, who has severed his con- 
 nection with every other political party, 
 and who subscribes to the principles of 
 the Socialist party, shall be eligible to 
 membership." I offer that as a substi- 
 tute for the whole. 
 
 Seconded by Delegate Toole. 
 
 DEL. WILL (Kan.) : I wish to offer 
 an amendment to the amendment that 
 has just been made, including the phrase 
 which we find here, and in addition 
 to the amendment just offered by th? 
 
102 
 
 Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 comrade from New Jersey, namely, 
 "who subscribes to the platform." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Ufert 
 offers as a substitute for the whole that 
 every person, resident of the United 
 States, of the age of eighteen years and 
 upward, without distinction of sex, race, 
 color or creed, who has severed his con- 
 nection with all other political parties, 
 and who has subscribed to the princi- 
 ples of the party, is eligible .to member- 
 ship. I want .-.to suggest that we have 
 had before us a motion, an amendment, 
 an amendment to the amendment, 
 and now we have a substitute. That 
 will end any additions or alterations so 
 far as this subject is concerned. We 
 will now proceed to discuss the substi- 
 tute, and let us be very brief and vote 
 upon the substitute. 
 
 DEL. GIBBS: I did not offer the 
 motion as an amendment to the amend- 
 ment, but as an amendment to the prop- 
 osition of the committee, as a separate 
 and distinct amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It goes as an 
 amendment to the amendment. There 
 was an amendment amending that para- 
 graph of the committee's report, and 
 you add to that amendment by amend- 
 ing the amendment, and what is before 
 us now is the substitute for all that 
 preceded. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.) : Under 
 this new constitution we are in the 
 same fix as we were with the same arti- 
 cle under the old constitution. It does 
 not provide for any man, as we have 
 had occasion to talk about when the 
 Committee on Credentials made their 
 report. There is no provision in it, 
 and as the Chairman just stated, he 
 wanted to cut off any other proposition 
 that is to be made as to that article, 
 and we will be in the same fix under 
 the new constitution as we were under 
 the old. I want to offer this amend- 
 ment: It is that there shall be included 
 in that article, "and who does not hold 
 any position obtained by an election of 
 a capitalist party or by a city council 
 or any governing body of any capitalist 
 administration, except positions obtained 
 by civil service." If you cut out the 
 civil service rule for men that work 
 just like any other laborers who don't 
 hold a position, that is, an office, but are 
 simply day laborers who can be dis- 
 ^liarged any day, then you will do away 
 
 with the objection offered by so many 
 comrades that we would have to include 
 any rsan that works for the government, 
 city, state or national, as not eligible 
 to membership. But a man that holds 
 an office under any capitalistic adminis- 
 tration should be, and must be under 
 the ethics of Socialism, debarred from 
 membership. For that reason we will 
 provide a bar to those petty politicians 
 who would and are now seeking in a 
 good many places in the United States 
 admission into the party, because they 
 know the party is growing and they 
 will have the power under the conditions 
 in the city or State to obtain an 'office; 
 not because they are Socialists, not by 
 any means, but for the simple reason 
 that they can get a good job. It is for 
 the office and not for the principle. If 
 this party will not provide for such 
 characters as that, then you will have 
 them, and no doubt we have got them 
 now in some places. The attempts are 
 being made all over. For instance, "one 
 man, a chief of police, signed an appli- 
 cation for a charter, and the charter 
 was refused. In another case, an alder- 
 man elected on the Democratic ticket 
 applied as a charter member, and he 
 was refused. Why? Because he could 
 not hold an office under a Democratic 
 administration and still be a member of 
 the Socialist Party. There are a good 
 many men now who hold official posi- 
 tions, elected when they had not ac- 
 cepted fully the principles of Socialism, 
 and they are staying out of the party 
 for the simple reason that they know 
 that there might be a certain influence 
 exerted by them over the conduct or 
 policy of the Socialist Party, and we 
 want to prevent_ that. I do not think 
 it is any injustice to any man, if he 
 holds any position like that, that he will 
 not be admitted as a member. He can 
 work for Socialism just the same. It 
 does not bar him ; he can vote the ticket. 
 The only thing we want to provide for 
 — not against a mernber that is honest ; 
 he can do as much, doubtless, outside 
 as in, and he can contribute to the party 
 funds — but we want to provide a cer- 
 tain rneasure by which we can keep out 
 undesirable characters holding an offir 
 cial position under the capitalist parties. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I will try to ex- 
 plain the position of the committee on 
 the two questions under discussion. As 
 far as occu|)ation is concerned, it w?is 
 
Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 103 
 
 to emphasize the stand of the party on 
 certain questions which have been dis- 
 cussed in the past. As far as the other 
 proposition is concerned, that of unob- 
 jectionable personal character, I believe 
 that Delegate Gibbs misunderstands the 
 import of it. It was not the desire of 
 the _ committee to prescribe rules by 
 stating that the party may not accept 
 an objectionable character, but it was 
 the desire to leave that exactly as it 
 was. If you leave that out, a State 
 will have no power to provide against 
 objectionable characters. An objection- 
 able character may be one, for instance, 
 taking the lead in the field of trade 
 unionism, for we have discovered that 
 a number of men apparently active are 
 in the pay of the capitalist employers as 
 spies, and the chances will certainly be 
 that they will try to get admission to . 
 the party. If you strike out this clause 
 and if you leave that part in that persons 
 of a certain age, without regard to sex, 
 color, creed or occupation, shall be eligi- 
 ble, you could not reject them on that 
 score. That was but one instance. There 
 may be ten or twenty others. If we 
 adopt it as proposed it would be left 
 to each body to say what is objection- 
 able to them, and those comrades who 
 say that we are products of our environ- 
 ment and so on will use the same argu- 
 ments in the respective states, and the 
 man who has made a false step will not 
 be objectionable to them under this con- 
 stitution. I desire further to report that 
 your committee has drafted a provision 
 to cover the substitute offered by Dele- 
 gate Waldhorst, which is i as follows : 
 "Provided, that a person holding any 
 office to which he shall have been elected 
 or appointed except on civil service ex- 
 amination, by or through the assistance 
 of any capitalist party, shall not be en- 
 titled to membership in the Socialist 
 Party." That covers the provision and 
 the application for membership, and also 
 a member who has been admitted and 
 has subsequently accepted oifice. 
 
 DEL. WILSON (Cal.): Comrade 
 Chairman, and Comrades : I rise to ob- 
 ject to the phrase in this article which 
 says "is of objectionable personal char- 
 acter." I do not believe that the ex- 
 planation afforded us by the member 
 of the committee is satisfactory. A 
 man's character differs from a man's re- 
 lationship to the Socialist movement. I 
 do not think that I am in very great 
 danger just to-day of being cut off by 
 
 this particular phrase, but one of the 
 most undesirable types of character that 
 we have in America is supposed by con- 
 ventional society to be those of our 
 fellow-citizens who have been in jail, 
 and we have a number of men that are 
 in this convention to-day and that are 
 the most notable members of this body, 
 who have already been in jail. (Ap- 
 plause.) Character is a question. The 
 point I wish to make is this, that if 
 this point is left in this condition as to 
 membership it does afford to people who 
 wish to supervise the character of other 
 people a handle by which they can club 
 them. I have seen inen in state organ- 
 izations reeling drunk in our meetings 
 and taking the platform under those con- 
 ditions, and while they may necessarily 
 have to be called down, I would refuse 
 under any circumstances to expel them 
 from the party. (Applause.) Now, I 
 hope that this proposition will be en- 
 tirely stricken out from this paragraph 
 of the constitution. It is entirely un- 
 necessary. It does not cover the pro- 
 vision that was suggested by Comrade 
 Hillquit, a member of the committee. 
 Some other provision distinct and un- 
 equivocal ought to be made to cover the 
 question. I hope this phrase will be 
 entirely stricken out. 
 
 DEL. COGSWELL (Kan.) : As a 
 woman I would like to say that I am not 
 in favor of the "unobjectionable moral 
 character." If there is any place in the 
 world where we ought to take the im- 
 moral character, it is into this advance 
 movement. (Applause.) I am not afraid 
 to stand beside any woman or man try- 
 ing to do their part in making the 
 world better. I am not afraid, and I do 
 not know that any member ought to be, 
 to go into any building or into any 
 organization with a person that has 
 made mistakes, if he is trying to un- 
 make them. I see in this one clause an 
 opportunity for every gossip or scandal 
 spreader in the party to make trouble 
 for every one seeking admission. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 Delegate Floaten (Colo.) moved the 
 previous question. 
 
 Seconded and carried. 
 
 DEL. ZORN (Ohio) : I am particu- 
 larly opposed to the phrase referring to 
 unobjectionable personal character. What 
 holds good in the trade unions also 
 holds good in our organization. I am a 
 
104 
 
 Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 member of a labor organization, at the 
 head of it, with 31,000 members. We 
 have the same phrase in our constitu- 
 tion, and it puts us to more trouble than 
 anything else we have in the constitu- 
 tion. Now, we have found that some 
 of the best people are barred from the 
 organization through personality and 
 otherwise, and I hope that this phrase 
 will be stricken out of this article. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio) : I rise to 
 a point of order. It is that the Chair- 
 man is not following, the rule adopted 
 yesterday that there would be just two 
 to speak on the previous question, and 
 that the affirmative should be given to 
 the mover of this motion. The gentle- 
 man here did not move the motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: 
 such rule as that? 
 
 Have we any 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER: Yes. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I beg your par- 
 don, I did not know of any such rule, 
 and until you point it out to me I shall 
 be bound by the regular rule. 
 
 DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.): I am op- 
 posed to the position of the committee. 
 I do not believe there ought to be any 
 restriction as to membership, the same 
 as in the trade unions. I am a trades 
 unionist, and I believe we ought to- ad- 
 mit into our organization any man who 
 agrees to the platform and principles of 
 our organization, no matter what his 
 occupation, so long as he understands 
 the principles of the party and the needs 
 of the working class. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will now read the substitute for the 
 whole, and when that is read there will 
 be absolutely nothing in order but a 
 vote on this substitute immediately after 
 the Secretary has read it, inasmuch as 
 the previous question has been ordered. 
 
 DEL. YOUNG (Wis.): I appeal 
 from the decision of the Chair. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Kindly sit down 
 and let the Secretary read. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: Substitute for 
 Article II offered by Ufert as follows: 
 "Every person, resident of the United 
 States, of the age of eighteen years and 
 upwards, without distinction of race, 
 color, sex or creed, who has severed con- 
 nection with all other political parties, 
 . and who subscribes to the principles of 
 
 the party, shall be eligible to member- 
 ship." 
 
 The motion was put and the substitute 
 adopted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 of the committee will proceed with the 
 next paragraph. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST : What has be- 
 come of the part the committee submit- 
 ted in addition to that? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The committee 
 was out of order in submitting a recom- 
 mendation of that kind and it was not 
 entertained. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT, of the Committee : 
 At this time the Committee will pro- 
 pose this addition as Section 2: "Any 
 person holding any office to which he 
 shall have been elected or appointed ex- 
 cept on civil service examination, by or 
 through the assistance of any capitalistic 
 party, shall not be entitled to member- 
 ship in the Socialist Party." 
 
 The adoption of the section was 
 moved and seconded. 
 
 DEL. ■ WILL (Kan.) : I approve of 
 the spirit and purpose of the clause, but 
 it appears to me that it is entirely too 
 sweeping. It seems to me that it might, 
 for instance, exclude the school teachers, 
 or it might exclude from the party one 
 who was working in a publicly owned 
 industry, as gas works or water works. 
 I would like to be enlightened on that 
 point. If the language is not so sweep- 
 ing as to exclude people of this charac- 
 ter, I have no objection to offer; other- 
 wise, I have. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The Committee 
 will go into conference and will dis- 
 cuss the question you ask, and will 
 give the information, no doubt. 
 
 DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I move to 
 strike out that part submitted by the 
 committee and insert "no person hold- 
 ing a position, honorary or remuner- 
 ative—" 
 
 DEL. YOUNG (Wis.) : I rise to a 
 question of personal privilege. A while 
 ago I desired to appeal from the decision: 
 of the Chair and the Chairman made me 
 sit down. I want to know if we are tO' 
 be governed by rules such as were- 
 formed by Reed when he was in control 
 of Congress. 
 
Morning Session, May 4- 
 
 lOS 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is that your 
 question of personal privilege? 
 
 DEL. YOUNG: I want to offer a 
 reason for this question of personal priv- 
 ilege. I want to appeal from the de- 
 cision of the Chair when he stated that 
 the mover was not to be given the first 
 three minutes. It was passed yesterday. 
 He decided the other way, and I want to 
 appeal from the decision of the Chair. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I want to state 
 for the information of the delegate and 
 all the delegates that I am no encyclo- 
 pedia and do not profess to be. I do 
 not profess to have digested all the rules 
 and resolutions and amendments to the 
 resolutions that have been adopted, but 
 when there are delegates who profess to 
 know more about the rules than the 
 Chair they will have to point out the 
 rule; not make general statements, but 
 be specific. Show us the rule and we 
 will be guided by the rule. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: I have a question 
 of personal privilege. I do not appeal 
 from the decision of the Chair. The 
 printing that is being circulated around 
 the hall does not bear the union label, 
 and I want to state that it was the fault 
 of the printer, and not our fault. We 
 gave him explicit instructions that all 
 our printing had to bear the union label. 
 I make this statement to the delegates 
 present so they will know that it has 
 been printed by a union shop, and it is 
 not our fault that the label is not on the 
 printing. (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : If the Commit- 
 tee on Constitution has its revision 
 ready we will be glad to hear from it. 
 
 Admission of Office Holders 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I have it now 
 as coming from the Committee. The 
 only change made was the insertion of 
 the word "political" before "office," so 
 that the proposition will now read, "Any 
 person holding any political office to 
 which he shall have been elected or 
 appointed, except on civil service exain- 
 ination, by or through the assistance of 
 any capitalist party, shall not be entitled 
 to membership in the Socialist Party." 
 
 A delegate moved to adopt the sec- 
 tion as read. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. KOLACHNEY (Okla.) : I 
 move as an amendment that the last 
 clause, "through and by the assistance 
 of capitalist parties," be stricken out. 
 
 The amendment was seconded by Del- 
 egate Toole (Md.). 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : It will read now, 
 "A person holding any political office 
 to which he shall have been elected or 
 appointed except on civil service exam- 
 ination shall not be entitled to mem- 
 bership in the party." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Where is our 
 alderman from Milwavjjcee ? What would 
 he say to that? 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio) : It seems 
 to me that that clause is unnecessary 
 and it will lead to trouble in the future. 
 Suppose that a man should be chosen 
 .for senator in a state in which the So- 
 cialists have practically four-tenths of 
 the votes, and that the Democrats and 
 Republicans between them have the 
 others, and that there was in one of 
 the old parties a real Socialist who was 
 elected as a Republican; well, should 
 we increase from 40 per cent to 51 per 
 cent and elect a Socialist in the Unitefl 
 State Senate, then he would have to 
 get out of the Socialist Party. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : A point of 
 information. Read it again. We can- 
 not understand it. We want to know 
 what we are voting on. 
 
 Delegate Hillquit re-read the section. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN (Mass.): Comrade 
 Chairman, I would like to ask Com- 
 rade Hillquit through you if 'that is 
 retroactive, and would it expel members 
 already in the party? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Perhaps Com- 
 rade Hillquit can give an answer. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: Not at all. I do 
 not see what information I . can give 
 you which would be authoritative. The 
 committee is here to draft the proposi- 
 tions as desired. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN: I ask it as a legal 
 point. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : I should not want 
 to answer because it would do no good, 
 as the party would certainly in the 
 future have the right to do as it pleases. 
 All that we are occupied with is the 
 drafting of rules for our future guid- 
 ance. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN : I merely asked him 
 his opinion on that from a legal stand- 
 point. It has nothing to do with the 
 question of referendum. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Hill- 
 quit says that his address in New York 
 is 320 Broadway. (Laughter.) 
 
 DEL. KEOWN: I still have the 
 
106 
 
 Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 floor. I want to say in regard to that 
 matter that I am opposed to it. It seems 
 to me that the number of men who 
 might be admitted holding office under 
 those conditions would be so small that 
 it would not make practically any differ- 
 ence in the Socialist movement. And 
 again, it seems to me 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I rise to 
 a point of order. I protest against tha 
 waste of time by tfie delegate. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : That is no point 
 of order. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Let me make my 
 point of order. This comrade 'rose to a 
 question of personal privilege. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You are mis- 
 taken; he did no such thing. He rose 
 under his right to speak on the subject, 
 and asked a question of Delegate Hill- 
 quit, and now bases his argumf".nt upon 
 that answer. Go on. Delegate Keown. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN: It seems to me we 
 have already stated here, in one of the 
 propositions, that we are in favor of the 
 most unlimited membership possible. It 
 seems to me the Socialist movement 
 would gain considerable in that line by 
 having men who are already holding of- 
 fice under that clause. I do not mean 
 holding 'office because of political service, 
 but holding appointive offices for merit. 
 I believe the whole thing is impracticable. 
 I do not think it is a wise thing for 
 the Socialist movement to be so dicta- 
 torial in those matters. I think the 
 widest possible latitude should be given 
 the membership in this movement. I am 
 not in favor, and no Socialist can be jp. 
 favor, of any member of this party hold- 
 ing office under a capitalistic govern- 
 ment for services to that government, 
 but I am in favor, just as far as possible, 
 of providing that members of this party 
 shall be eligible who are holding ap- 
 pointive offices under capitalistic govern- 
 ments where they have been appointed 
 for merit. As to this case of Comrade 
 Gridley — here is a man absolutely de- 
 pendent for his livelihood on that very 
 office. He was appointed, without doubt, 
 for merit. What would you do with 
 the comrade? Either we must say that 
 they must give up their membership in 
 the party — which they hold dearer, per- 
 haps, than life itself — or else they must 
 give up their jobs. If they give up 
 their jobs we are taking the bread out 
 the mouths of those comrades. I think 
 we should make the Socialist movement 
 
 broad, and I do not believe the small 
 number of those men can do the move- 
 ment any harm. I have heard Socialists 
 again and again, when talking to some 
 one whom they were trying to convert, 
 refer to another man and say, "So-and- 
 So is a Socialist." The fact that per- 
 sonally he 'is not class-conscious yet 
 makes no difference. We win his at- 
 tention, and then we can drive home 
 the truth of scientific Socialism. I am 
 opposed to it for this reason — and this 
 suras up the whole thing — that it is a 
 dictatorial plan; not with Socialists, but 
 with those men whom we are trying to 
 convert and make into Socialists. There- 
 fore, I am opposed to that. If the com- 
 mittee would amend it and simply say, 
 "Unless appointed for merit only," it 
 would not hurt. This Comrade Gridley 
 was a veteran in the Civil War. He is 
 an old comrade, and in most of the 
 states 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: T rise to a point of 
 order. We are not discussing Comrade 
 Gridley. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is not well taken. I want to re- 
 mind the delegate that you have one 
 more minute. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN: Well, that is enough 
 — plenty. Under the law in Massachu- 
 setts men who are ex-soldiers are given 
 the preference in civil service, and in 
 some cases they do not have to take 
 examinations at all. Therefore, even 
 though it would be a civil service posi- 
 tion, they would be barred out because 
 they were relieved of the need of taking 
 a civil service examination. I hope the 
 committee will include a provision simi- 
 lar to the one that was proposed by 
 the minority report offered by Comrade 
 Titus. ■ . 
 
 DEL. JONAS (N. Y.) : As it stands 
 now the article says that if anybody 
 gets a civil service position directly or 
 indirectly by the aid of a capitalist party, 
 then he may become a member of the 
 party. That is, as it stands now. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Pardon me; I 
 do not understand. 
 
 DEL. JONAS : I say, as it stands 
 now, if the article should be adopted, 
 then it says that if anybody has a polit- 
 ical office — civil service office — and has 
 obtained that by the aid, directly or in- 
 directly, of a capitalistic party, then he 
 may become a member of the party. 
 Read it and you will find it. 
 
Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 107 
 
 Delegates Simons and Mills arose. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Mills 
 
 DEL. SIMONS : I rise to a point of 
 information. I want to know whether 
 it is the policy of this chairman to give 
 the floor to the first one that is on the 
 floor. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We asked the 
 committee to report on this platform 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: Are they to have 
 the preference? 
 
 _ THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Mills 
 is one of the committee, and i| was 
 decided, or at least the Chair has ruled, 
 that when there is any doubt as to the 
 interpretation of what they submit they 
 should have .the preference, and after 
 hearing what they say you will be recog- 
 nized in due order. 
 
 del: SIMONS: I will not appeal, 
 but I think I am entitled to the floor. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : I am not 
 asking the floor on behalf of the com- 
 mittee; I am asking to speak on the 
 main question as an individual delegate. 
 If I am in order I have the floor? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You have ten 
 minutes. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: Thank you. I am 
 very sure there are no delegates here 
 that are not in favor of the rule we 
 have just adopted, that in order to be- 
 come a member of the Socialist Party 
 the applicant must withdraw from all 
 connection with any other political party. 
 That was adopted practically by a unani- 
 mous vote. Now, this new clause was 
 first considered in an effort to secure 
 agreement on the clause which we have 
 already adopted, and comes before us 
 now. not as a part of the clause on which 
 we have voted, but as a separate propo- 
 sition. I can see no good reason why 
 the clause now before the convention 
 should be adopted. All that we can 
 reasonably ask has already been pro- 
 vided for. All that this clause will pro- 
 vide will be a means of making trouble, 
 and further, of bringing us into posi- 
 tions where, at the very hour when we 
 may need most to act, we will have 
 tied our hands. Think for a moment of 
 a few of the conditions vvhich are not 
 at all improbable. We are a legislative 
 body; there are a dozen Socialist mem- 
 bers ; they constitute the representatives 
 of the Socialist Party. In the midst of 
 
 discussion a man who has been elected 
 as a Democrat renounces his allegiance 
 to the Democratic party, denies that he 
 shall any longer in any way whatsoever 
 have any connection whatsover with the 
 party that elected him. Must he first 
 resign and go home to be elected over 
 again? Or shall we, while we are act- 
 ing under the capitalist state, take such 
 advantage of the capitalist organization 
 under which we are acting as will en- 
 able us to the greatest effect to fight 
 the battles of the working class? (Ap- 
 plause.) Again: A judge is on the 
 bench; a case directly involving the 
 rights of the Socialist Party under the 
 legal requirements which we have al- 
 ready established, comes up. The judge 
 on the bench hearing the case becomes 
 interested and convinced, and joins the 
 Socialist Party, or offers to join. Must 
 he resign the vantage ground which jpe 
 already holds for service to the Socialist 
 Party and place himself where he cannot 
 serve, before he can become a member 
 with us? (Voices, "No.") Let me ask 
 you a question: May a man be a good 
 and regular member of the Socialist 
 Party who wears an old party badge on 
 his coat? No. Very well. Fifty thousand 
 Democrats in Chicago wore McKinley 
 badges in the campaign of i8g6, with a 
 McKinley badge on the outside of their 
 coats and another kind of a badge on 
 the inside of the lapel of their coats. 
 Shall we say to a man that he must 
 fight single-handed with his own boss 
 in his own shop before he shall be per- 
 mitted to join with his comrades in the 
 ■ class-conscious movement — man for man, 
 outside of the shop and among the com- 
 rades everywhere? (Applause.) Again: 
 As to positions held by political ap- 
 pointment: The comrades in Chicago 
 know — I presume it is equally true in 
 New York, although I do not know — 
 that rarely is there a man who is a 
 motorman or a conductor on a city 
 street car who does not hold his place 
 on the recommendation of a ward boss 
 or an alderman or a mayor. Shall we 
 tie our hands so that no man can help 
 us until he shall first sacrifice his abil- 
 ity to stay alive, and then serve us 
 while he starves? (Applause.) We have 
 already covered every essential point 
 when we have demanded that a man 
 shall cease to be a Democrat or Repub- 
 lican or belong to any other organiza- 
 tion in order to join ours. If we will 
 stE^nd tp the end, and. a unit J^ll ^he 
 
108 
 
 Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 time, and having made that provision, 
 we are safe. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. MAILLY (Neb.) : I hope the 
 delegates to this convention will not al- 
 low themselves to be swayed or carried 
 off their feet by a flood of reactionary 
 sentiment. (Applause and hisses.) You 
 can hiss, but that is the strongest argu- 
 ment you can make against our plea. 
 The time has come when we have got 
 to take a stand on this question. The 
 time has come when we must differenti- 
 ate between capitalist office-holders and 
 Socialist office-holders. It is no argu- 
 ment to say that because a man is a mo- 
 torman or is forced by compulsion to 
 appeal to a ward boss to get his job — 
 it is no argument to say that we should 
 not keep him out of the Socialist Party. 
 We have had experience in this matter 
 in the East. We had it in the Socialist 
 Labor Party, and every time we yielded 
 we suffered. Go to Syracuse, New 
 York. The Socialist Party had a vote 
 of 2,500, I believe, in Syracuse. The 
 candidate for mayor on the Socialist 
 Labor ticket got 2,500 votes, and after 
 the election he was appointed fire com- 
 missioner, and what happened to the 
 movement? We cannot poll 300 votes 
 in Syracuse to-day. He was expelled 
 from the party, as he should have been, 
 and the party has never recovered from 
 the shock. Now, this is meant to be a 
 general rule; you cannot cite instances. 
 Every general rule must affect some in- 
 dividuals, and you cannot cite individual 
 cases as an excuse for not establishing 
 a general rule. We have got to take 
 our stand one way or the other. We 
 have got to announce to the world that 
 we have no affiliation, direct or Indirect, 
 with any capitalist party or any one 
 holding a position by virtue of a capi- 
 talist party anywhere. (Applause.) I 
 have heard enough of this. This is the 
 sort of talk that is causing trouble in 
 the movement. Leave that substitute out, 
 and you will have more trouble than 
 you ever had before. It is because there 
 is no specific law of the party affecting 
 such cases that we have trouble every- 
 where. Take Comrade Gridley of In- 
 diana, against whom I could not vote for 
 a seat in this convention, not for any 
 personal reason, but because I hate to 
 sit in a Socialist convention with any 
 one holding a position, whether with 
 large or small remuneration, at the hands 
 of a capitalist party. We do not need — 
 I say, the Socialist Party, representing 
 
 the working class of the world, does not 
 need to yield one jot of its position. 
 We are gaining strength everywhere. 
 Look at Milwaukee, look at Massachu- 
 setts, look at Montana, look everywhere, 
 and we are making advances, and along 
 a straight line. We do not need to 
 yield, we do not need to divert ourselves 
 one inch or one jot from our position. 
 We can succeed without yielding any- 
 thing. The movement is ours, if we 
 hold to it, but let us turn aside and 
 allow ourselves to be swayed by any 
 other consideration but that of devo- 
 tion to the principles of the Socialist 
 movement, and that moment we encoun- 
 ter confusion and invite disintegration, 
 and that is what we must avoid. We 
 must take our position and we must hold" 
 to it, no matter what individual may be 
 hurt by it. We must hold it against all 
 comers, and, holding that position, we 
 can go on from Milwaukee to Qiicago, 
 from Chicago to 'New York, from New 
 York to San Francisco, and capture the 
 powers of government in this country 
 without regard to the Democratic or 
 Republican or Independent or Citizen§' 
 Party, and by virtue alone of the class- 
 conscious ballots of the Socialist work- 
 ing class. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: Well, Comrade 
 Mailly has said a good deal of what 
 I was going to say. I want to ask the 
 committee, in order to get a little in- 
 formation on this, as to whether this 
 proviso will exclude judges of election ; 
 whether they will be permitted, although 
 they are appointive officers, as they are 
 in most of the cities of the United 
 States, in Chicago, Denver and several 
 others; whether there is any proviso by 
 which we can accept those officers. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Will you re- 
 peat the question? I did not hear. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: Can the Socialist 
 Party, if this becomes a part of the 
 Constitution, accept the offices of judges 
 of election where those are appointed 
 by the political powers that be, while 
 we are still a minority party? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : That is for the 
 committee. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: My construction 
 is that I think they would not be barred 
 from accepting them. We have here 
 "political offices to which they shall 
 have been elected or appointed by or 
 through the assistance of any capitalist 
 party." Wherever judges of ^leq^ion are 
 
Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 109 
 
 to be appointed giving representation to 
 the Socialist party, it is by a statute 
 adopted by the people, and not by any 
 party, and it is not by grace or by the 
 assistance of a political party, but by 
 virtue of our rights secured by statute. 
 (Applause.) I suppose that covers it, 
 and yet it does not state it very clearly. 
 Then under those conditions I am in 
 favor of this. It seems to me that 
 while we may recognize at once that in- 
 dividuals will be struck by the action; 
 that while here and there are men who 
 have taken official places as motormen, 
 or are employed on sewer works and 
 in the various fields of municipal labor, 
 and who are absolutely unaffected by 
 the fact that they are appointed under 
 political influence, yet there will be here 
 and there individuals to whom this ap- 
 plies. Yet we cannot finally make rules 
 for individuals. As Comrade Mailly 
 has said, we must make a rule to fit the 
 case, and we do not want any man 
 within the Socialist Party whose alleg- 
 iance is divided, who owes a double 
 allegiance, and that is true whether we 
 recognize it when he is elected or not; 
 so I am for it. 
 
 DEL. BARNES (Pa.) : I desire to 
 submit the following as a substitute for 
 that under consideration at the present 
 time, and then desire to speak upon it : 
 "Any person occupying a position, hon- 
 orary or remunerative, by the gift of 
 any other party (civil service positions 
 excepted) shall not be eligible to mem- 
 bership in the Socialist Party." 
 
 The amendment was seconded, and 
 the Chair having stated the motion. 
 Delegate Barnes continued : 
 
 DEL. BARNES: It is not the time 
 for us to waver, in my opinion, but to 
 emphasize our declaration of separation 
 entire and complete from all other po- 
 litical parties. (Applause.) I will read 
 again this proposition I have submitted. 
 Out of the experience of the past in 
 Pennsylvania we present this proposi- 
 tion. We want to say that during the 
 anthracite coal strike, when thousands 
 of miners turned their eyes toward this 
 Socialistic propaganda and found com- 
 fort in Socialistic philosophy, they sent 
 shivers down the spinal columns of the 
 Democratic and Republican parties, and 
 the minute that they feared the rise of 
 the proletariat, they began to offer spe- 
 cious arguments to the working class, 
 a,n4 to put them on schooj board.?, and 
 
 make them petty oflicers. What for? 
 Because they loved them more, or be- 
 cause they feared us greater? They 
 tried in this insidious manner to under- 
 mine our party, to create confusion and 
 enervate our movement. What was it 
 for? It was done simply to confuse and 
 defeat the objects of the Socialist move- 
 ment, and it has to a considerable ex- 
 tent served the purpose that they have 
 in view. And the State Committee of 
 Pennsylvania, in substance, adopted this 
 very proposition as a safeguard against 
 that in the future. They adopted it, and 
 persons who became members of the 
 Socialist Party, when they saw the tide 
 setting in our way and we had some 
 show to strike them, they immediately 
 said, "Don't you want this or that posi- 
 tion?" A number of our comrades said, 
 "No, we won't accept a position." But 
 they said, "Accept it. We know you 
 are a Socialist; but accept it anyhow. 
 We recognize only the ability of the 
 man." And immediately a discussion 
 arose saying that it was an honorary 
 position; it was not a remunerative po- 
 sition, and they should accept it! And 
 around that point an argument ensued 
 detracting from the harmony and unity 
 that should have existed. Therefore, I 
 submit that this is the strongest declara- 
 tion, the most clean-cut and compre- 
 hensive, and the least possible to mis- 
 understand, and I want to read it again, 
 so that you may become acquainted 
 with the phraseology (reading the 
 amendment). We don't want any cabi- 
 net positions by grace of the appoint- 
 ment of the President. We want no 
 members of our party to occupy posi- 
 tions honorary or remunerative, because 
 they don't want Socialists because they 
 are of the working class, but they want 
 Socialists to gain votes. We will find 
 enough of the working class of America 
 outside of places of political preferment 
 to carry our grand movement to tri- 
 umphant success. (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Chairman 
 of the Committee informs the Chair 
 .that the committee is ready to accept 
 Comrade Barnes' substitute in lieu of 
 their recommendation. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I am in 
 favor of the substitute of Comrade 
 Barnes. We must have a rule of that 
 kind to keep our movement clear in 
 Wisconsin. Since our victory last 
 month almost every politician (n J^H- 
 
110 
 
 Morning Sfession, May 4. 
 
 ■' "1 
 
 waukee has made the sudden discovery 
 that he was a Socialist all his life 
 (laughter) and a great deal better So- 
 cialist than Victor Berger ever dared 
 to be. We have a rule in our Constitu- 
 tion in Wisconsin that in the first place 
 no man holding office in any of the old 
 parties can become a member of the 
 Socialist Party — unless it be that his 
 position is held under the civil service. 
 Second, no one can run for office in the 
 Socialist Party unless he has been a 
 member in good standing for two years. 
 (Applause.) And it is those two rules 
 that have kept our movement in Wiscon- 
 sin clean, progressive and socialistic, 
 and a rule of this kind is absolutely 
 necessary in order to keep up the 
 identity of our party in Wisconsin. A 
 year ago last winter I was going up to 
 Madison — Madison is the capital of our 
 state, where they make the laws — and I 
 had occasion to be in the same car with 
 a dozen members- of the Jefferson Club 
 of Milwaukee. That is the Tammany 
 Club of Milwaukee. They knew very 
 well that our party was making grand 
 headway, because we are keeping at it 
 all the time — ^not with oratory, not with 
 speeches, but we are keeping at it with 
 literature all the time, and they knew 
 where the literary wind was blowing at 
 that time. The Secretary of that club 
 declared he was going to join the So- 
 cial Democratic Party, because that is 
 the only party that stands for liberty, 
 etc. We couldn't accept him, but about 
 a dozen men in that car declared they 
 were going to join our party, and asked 
 me what I thought about it. I told them 
 it was a good thing; I joined it a long 
 time ago ; but I told them there was one 
 little condition in our party which they 
 must expect to comply with. No man 
 could come in our party from the old 
 parties, I told them, if he has the office 
 bee in his bonnet. I told them we had 
 a little ice plant connected with our 
 party, and he is put on the ice block 
 for ten years. After ten years we take 
 out the man and look at him and if he 
 is still red, then we take him up — he is 
 a good man. But if he turns white or 
 is blonde or blue or yellow, he is no 
 good; he is rotten. (Laughter.) Not 
 one of those people said a word. We 
 never heard of them again. They were 
 not willing to be in the ice box. Now, 
 you see, Comrades, a rule of this kind 
 is absolutely necessary in order to keep 
 th? identity of our movement in Wis- 
 
 consin. We have between 19,000 and 
 20,000 votes. We have 2,000 more than 
 the republicans and come within 2,000 
 of the democrats. Under these condi- 
 tions, unless we have a rule like this 
 we could not retain our identity. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN (Mo.) : I am not 
 taking exception to the remarks of our 
 friend Comrade Mills. I remember 
 about a year ago when a certain com- 
 rade. Rev. Hagerty of Arkansas, sent a 
 note to all the Socialist papers of this 
 country announcing to the Socialist 
 movement of America that a great revo- 
 lution had taken place in Arkansas. 
 And that revolution was to the effect 
 that two Democratic members of the 
 legislature of Arkansas had become So- 
 cialists and would be from now on 
 known as the representatives of the So- 
 cialist movement. The Appeal to Rea- 
 son and a dozen other Socialist papers 
 published that rotten information with- 
 out a line of comment. Not one of 
 those Socialist papers had the courage 
 to come out and criticise that conten- 
 tion. St. Louis Labor took the trouble 
 to criticise the gentleman from Arkansas 
 and inform the Socialists of this country 
 that whenever the Democratic legisla- 
 tors of Arkansas were ready to join the 
 Socialist movement they would have to 
 resign from the Democratic party, get 
 out of the legislature and take a posi- 
 tion in the rank and file of the Socialist 
 movement. Now, I hope that the sub- 
 stitute motion of Comrade Barnes will 
 be adopted, and I hope that the Appeal 
 to Reason, nor any other Socialist paper, 
 nor Father Hagerty, will ever send out 
 such rotten Democratic notes as was 
 done a year ago. 
 
 At this point there were numerous 
 calls of "Question," and upon motion of 
 Delegate Nagel (Ky.) the previous 
 question was ordered. 
 
 DEL. IRENE M. SMITH (Ore.) : I 
 wish to speak in favor of the adoption 
 of the amendment. I believe, just as 
 Comrade Mailly said, the time has come 
 when the Socialist Party has got to take 
 a stand on this question. What we want 
 to-day is not quantity, but quality. That 
 is what we want, and if I had my wa) 
 I should make it harder to get into this 
 party instead of easier. The idea of 
 opening the doors of this party wide 
 and allowing all sorts of people to come 
 into it would mean to become swamped 
 with the opposition of parties that woulij 
 
Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 hi 
 
 come in for that set purpose. Then I 
 speak in favor of thiF amendment as 
 one of the safeguards of the future. 
 And that is what we are here for, — to 
 lay down a constitution that will in 
 some way protect us against the en- 
 croachment of the enemy within our 
 ranks. I want to say that there has got 
 to be sacrifices made, and great sacri- 
 fices, if this party wins. And I want to 
 say that the man or woman who wants 
 to come into this party to-day and 
 thinks more of a capitalist job than they 
 do of the Co-operative Commonwealth, 
 we don't want them in it. (Applause.) 
 I stand in favor of the amendment, and 
 I hope that every delegate here who 
 understands the principles of Socialism 
 will put himself on record by voting this 
 into our constitution as a safeguard for 
 the future. 
 
 Delegate Titus of Washington re- 
 quested the floor to speak in favor of 
 the amendment, but the Chair stated 
 that the floor would be given only one 
 more speaker on this subject, and that 
 he or she must be against the amend- 
 ment. 
 
 DEL. WILL (Kas.) : It seems to me 
 that those in favor of this proposition 
 are taking an entirely inconsistent posi- 
 tion. They -speak of Socialists holding 
 a political job in this way being influ- 
 enced against the Socialist Party. I 
 submit there are different kinds of jobs. 
 There are political jobs; there are edu- 
 cational jobs; there are religious; there 
 are industrial jobs. I submit that a man 
 who is influenced by bread and butter 
 considerations if he holds a political po- 
 sition will be influenced by bread and but- 
 ter considerations if he holds any of these 
 other positions. And I submit in all 
 consistency that if we are to exclude 
 from membership in the Socialist Party 
 those who hold political positions, then 
 we must also exclude from membership 
 in the Socialist Party those who hold 
 educational positions; we must exclude 
 those who hold religious positions; we 
 must also exclude those who hold indus- 
 trial positions. What is the difference 
 whether a man holds his place by mere 
 appointment from the Mayor of the City 
 of Chicago, or whether he holds his po- 
 sition in the great department store of 
 Marshall Field, or whether he holds 
 a job in the oil works of John D. 
 Rockefeller, or whether he holds any 
 other great trust position? In all con- 
 
 sistency, my friends, I maintain if we 
 cut out one class of workers we must 
 cut out all the other classes. Another 
 consideration, it seems to me if there is 
 anything we need in the Socialist Party 
 it is economic power. One of the diffi- 
 culties under which we labor at the 
 present time is lack of means to push 
 our movement. We want people who 
 are able to pay their dues and carry on 
 the propaganda of this movement, and 
 in order to do that we must have some 
 means. Now I inquire, is it better that 
 a member of this party shall be in a 
 starving position, or whether he shall 
 have a little income that will enable him 
 to help him in carrying on this move- 
 ment ? 
 
 There were further cries of "Ques- 
 tion !" at this point. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair 
 wishes to make the announcement that 
 under the amended rules after the pre- 
 vious question has been ordered, two 
 delegates may speak, one on one side 
 of the question and one on the other. 
 That time has been exhausted now, and 
 there is nothing before the House what- 
 soever except to vote on Delegate 
 Barnes' substitute, and I call on the 
 Secretary to again read that substitute. 
 The Secretary has the floor. 
 
 A DELEGATE: Can I rise for in- 
 formation ? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The time for 
 information has passed. The Secretary 
 will give you all the information needed 
 at this time by reading the substitute. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The substitute 
 as offered by Delegate Barnes of Penn- 
 sylvania, and accepted by the Committee 
 on Constitution in place of the one 
 which they have advocated, is as fol- 
 lows: "Any person occupying a posi- 
 tion, honorary or remunerative, by the 
 gift of any other party (civil service 
 positions excepted) shall not be eligible 
 to membership in the Socialist Party." 
 
 The question then being put upon the 
 adoption of the substitute motion of 
 Delegate Barnes, the substitute was 
 adopted amid the cheers and applause of 
 the delegates. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Mills 
 asks the floor on a question of personal 
 privilege, and it is hereby granted if 
 there is no objection. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kas.) : I wish to call 
 your attention to the fact that I made a 
 
112 
 
 Morning S^ession, May 4. 
 
 speech on on6 side and voted on the 
 other side 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kas.) : I object. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You objected 
 too late. I asked if there was no objec- 
 tion, and heard none. Comrade Mills 
 may proceed. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: I am very sure I shall. 
 do no one any harm, unless it is myself. 
 I am very anxious to state to these 
 Comrades that in the address which I 
 gave I spoke with the distinct under- 
 standing, as I stated, that the first 
 clause was sufficient to cover the case 
 which was before us. The judgment of 
 the convention as indicated in the dis- 
 cussion after I had spoken changed my 
 view in regard to that matter. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I object to this 
 speech now taking our time. I was ab- 
 sent from the hall 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I want to say 
 for your information that the delegate 
 asked the privilege of explaining his 
 vote after speaking upon one side and 
 voting on the other, and I asked dis- 
 tinctly if there was any objection, and 
 there was none offered. 
 
 DEL. PARKS : I raise the point of 
 order, Mr. Chairman 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Please be in 
 order. The Chair is not responsible 
 for your absence from this convention. 
 Delegate Mills has the floor. 
 
 DEL. MILLS : One sentence finishes 
 all I have to say. Once before, before 
 this convention, I plead for the adop- 
 tion of a rule by this convention that 
 once and for all time we might have 
 an end to this discussion. I believe the 
 end has arrived. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Chairman 
 of the Committee on Constitution has 
 the floor. 
 
 Thereupon, Article 3 of the report 
 was read as follows : 
 
 "The affairs of the Socialist Party 
 
 shall be administered by a National 
 
 Committee, its officers and Executive 
 , Committee, the party conventions, and 
 
 the general votes of the party." 
 
 Delegate Simons of Illinois moved 
 that the paragraph as read be tempo- 
 rarily laid on the table, which motion 
 was duly seconded and carried. 
 
 Representation on National 
 Committee. 
 
 The Chairman of the Committee then 
 read Section 1, Article IV, as reported 
 by the Committee, as follows : 
 
 "ARTICLE 4. Section I. Each 6t^ 
 ganized state or territory shall be rep- 
 resented on the National Committee 
 by one member and by an additional 
 member for every one thousand mem- 
 bers or major fraction thereof, in 
 good standing in the party. For the 
 purpose of determining the repre- 
 sentation to which each state or ter- 
 ritory is entitled, the National Secre- 
 tary shall compute at the beginning 
 of each year the average dues-paying 
 membership of such state or territory 
 for the preceding year." 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: The only propo- 
 sition introduced by the committee was 
 that each state having a membership 
 exceeding 500 have an additional repre- 
 sentation on the National Committee 
 for each 500, which would be one for 
 the state organization and one for each 
 major fraction of 1,000, which would 
 mean 501 ; and then again one for every 
 1,000. The reason for our doing this is, 
 on the last two referendums the party 
 has first expressed itself as opposed to 
 the present method in vogue giving 
 representation to each state regardless 
 of the number of its members ; and on 
 the second vote it has expressed its dis- 
 approval of one man on the committee 
 casting more votes than another. Thus, 
 both methods were expressly disap- 
 proved by the party membership. The 
 only way out of it was to give to each 
 state a number proportionate to its 
 membership. It has been suggested that 
 we give to each state one National 
 Committeeman for every 100 members, 
 but that would have made the National 
 an unwieldy body. It would practically 
 be something like this convention in 
 permanent session. In order to avoid 
 that, and in order to do justice to those 
 states that do have the larger member- 
 ship, your committee suggests this, which 
 is by far not ideal, but the ideal is not 
 of this world. It is, however, as near 
 doing justice to all sides of the ques- 
 tion as possible. As it is, the older and 
 stronger organizations will have the 
 majority of the committee, and it is 
 proper that they should have because 
 they represent the vast majority oi the 
 party membership. They will at the 
 same time not have such an overwhelm- 
 ing majority as to practically nullify 
 the representation of the smaller states. 
 The Executive Committee will be small 
 in number. Its_ office or its functions 
 have also been limited somewhat, and it 
 
Morning S^ession, May 4. 
 
 ii3 
 
 Will be easy to transact business with it 
 by means of correspondence. I may 
 here mention that the National Com- 
 mittee meetings, as we will find subse- 
 quently, have also been curtailed, and 
 when they will take place, if this method 
 of representation is adopted, they will 
 really amount to conventions between 
 conventions, that is, every two years 
 after a regular convention has been he)d, 
 but representing a smaller body of 
 delegates. So those were the reasons 
 which actuated your committee in sub- 
 mitting this proposition. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You have heard 
 the reading of the committee's report. 
 Any objections to its adoption? 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.) : I rise to move 
 its adoption. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection the paragraph will be adopted. 
 
 DEL. LEFEVER (Ark.) : I wish to 
 amend Section i of Article IV of the 
 Constitution by striking out the words 
 "average dues-paying membership," and 
 inserting "membership in good stand- 
 mg." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will please note before taking a vote 
 on the amendment that the delegate 
 from Mississippi moves the adoption of 
 the report. The delegate from Missis- 
 sippi moves the adoption, and the dele- 
 gate from Arkansas moves an amend- 
 ment. Get the amendment and read it. 
 
 DEL. CURTIS (N. Y.) : It occurs 
 to me that this amendment the dele- 
 gate from Arkansas offers is superficial. 
 I do not see how anybody can be a 
 member of the party unless he is a 
 member in good standing, and he has to 
 show his card with the stamp up to the 
 date of the meeting in order to do busi- 
 ness or take part in the discussions. It 
 seems to me that we waste a good deal 
 of valuable time in discussing these 
 amendments. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL (Ohio) : The mat- 
 ter that has taken up our time for the 
 last few minutes is already in this 
 Article. 
 
 Delegate Carr of Illinois here moved 
 the previous question, and it was so 
 ordered. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 is getting the amendment in correct 
 shape. Sometimes we have lots of time, 
 and again " we are driven pretty fast. 
 The Secretary will please read. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The amend- 
 ment is as follows : to strike out of Sec- 
 tion I, -of Article IV, the words "the 
 average dues-paying membership," and 
 insert the words "members in good 
 standing." 
 
 Thereupon the question being put upon 
 the amendment oflFered by Delegate Rose, 
 the amendment was lost. Whereupon 
 by vote, Section i, of Article IV, was 
 adopted as reported by the committee. 
 
 Method of Electing National 
 Committeemen. 
 
 Delegate Hillquit of the committee 
 thereupon read Section 2 of Article IV, 
 as follows : 
 "The members of this committee shall 
 
 be elected by referendum vote of the 
 
 membership of the states or territories 
 
 which they respectively represent. 
 
 Their term of office shall be not more 
 
 than two years." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection 
 to the section? 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Texas) : I move 
 to amend by adding thereto that the 
 members of the committee elected by 
 referendum shall be bona fide residents 
 of the state they represent. That is the 
 substance, and I would thank the Sec- 
 retary if he would put it in proper form. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: The committee 
 has covered that by stating "the mem- 
 bers of this committee shall be elected 
 of and from the membership of the 
 state which they represent." And if he 
 is from the membership of that state, 
 he must be a member of that state. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: With that un- 
 derstanding, you withdraw your objec- 
 tion ? 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN : Yes. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.) : I move to 
 strike out the word "two" and insert the 
 word "one." 
 
 This motion not receiving a second, 
 the amendment was withdrawn. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio) : I move 
 that the section shall also include "that 
 he be a bona fide citizen of that state." 
 
 Delegate Nagel of Kentucky called for 
 the previous question, and upon vote it 
 was so ordered. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate 
 will please take notice that there are but 
 two more delegates to be heard and 
 Delegate Spargo has the floor — upon 
 which side? 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : Against. 
 
114 
 
 Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 I desire to speak against the resolution 
 in its present form for the same reason 
 as that which was raised by JDelegate 
 Kerrigan, which by misunderstanding 
 between Delegate Kerrigan and the 
 committee has not been met. The 
 terms of the resolution are that the 
 members of the committee shall be 
 elected by referendum vote of the mem- 
 bership of the states which they repre- 
 sent, but it does not provide that the 
 member of the National Committee 
 must be a resident of the state which he 
 represents. (Applause.) I make that 
 point in particular, Comrade Chairman, 
 because in this convention now I under- 
 stand we have delegates representing 
 states of which they are not residents, 
 and I think the point is important be- 
 cause we want to specifically provide 
 that_ no man can be a member of the 
 National Committee except he be a 
 resident of the state which he repre- 
 sents. (Applause.) 
 
 A DELEGATE: A point of informa- 
 tion: Comrade Hillquit appears to have 
 it different in his reading than it is in 
 print. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I want to say 
 for the information of the delegates 
 that the committee has accepted the sug- 
 gestion offered by Comrade Kerrigan 
 and embodied it in its original proposi- 
 tion, and I would suggest to the Secre- 
 tary that it be specifically pointed out 
 wherein that change lies. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: As we had it 
 originally it reads : "Members of this 
 committee shall be elected by referen- 
 dum vote of the membership of the 
 states," and so on. As we have it 
 amended, it is "The members of this 
 committee shall be elected by referen- 
 dum vote of and from members of the 
 states and territories which they re- 
 spectively represent," implying that the 
 National Committeeman must be a 
 member of the state which he represents. 
 It is pointed out, however, and the com- 
 mittee sees it, that this point does not 
 meet the objection raised by Delegate 
 Kerrigan. That objection is that the 
 members of this committee shall be bona 
 fide residents and citizens of the states 
 which they respectively represent, and 
 shall be elected by such states by refer- 
 endum. The committee accepts this 
 recommendation of Delegate Kerrigan 
 and is ready to embody it 
 
 A DELEGATE: I object to that. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The committee 
 report is before us in the manner in 
 which it was read. If it is objectionable 
 you have to vote it down. 
 
 Thereupon a vote was taken upon the 
 adoption of the section of the report as 
 read by the committee and the same was 
 adopted. The Chairman of tue commit- 
 tee read Section 3 of Article IV of the 
 report as follows: 
 
 MEETINGS OF NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 "The National Committee shall meet in 
 regular session once a year in all even 
 numbered years, when no national 
 convention of the party shall take 
 place. Special meetings shall be 
 called at the request of a inajority of 
 the members of the committee. The 
 dates and places of such meetings 
 shall be determined by the National 
 Committee." 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I again call the 
 attention of the delegates to _ the fact 
 that these words "once a year" are the 
 printer's mistake and do not belong in 
 there. The intention was to have the 
 National Committee meet once in four 
 years. On presidential years we have 
 national conventions and no national 
 committee meetings. Two years there- 
 after, in the even numbered years, there 
 are congressional elections, and the Na- 
 tional Committee is to meet on such 
 years only. So that we will have alter- 
 nate meetings,— in 1904 is the national 
 convention, in 1906 will be the National 
 Committee meeting, 1908 again a na- 
 tional convention, and so on. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : If the delegates 
 will take their printed reports of Sec- 
 tion 3, Article IV, and erase the words 
 "once a year," then they will have the 
 committee's report before them just as 
 it is made. 
 
 Upon motion the section was adopted 
 as read, striking out the words "once a 
 year." Delegate Hillquit of the com- 
 mittee then read Section 4 of Article 
 IV, as follows : 
 
 "Expenses of the National Committee- 
 men in attending meetings snail be 
 paid from the Rational treasury." 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 section be adopted as read. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (Ohio): I think 
 there is a great deal of injustice done_ to 
 the membership of the party by paying 
 the expenses of this National Commit- 
 tee, which I have noticed, even from 
 Louisville, Ky., amounted to $65 for 
 
Morning Session, May 4. 
 
 115 
 
 three or four days' session; and when 
 we_ come to the national convention, 
 which is nothing more or less than a 
 little larger representation of the party, 
 the locals pay the expenses, and when 
 they come from a great deal further dis- 
 tance than some of these people who 
 have spent $60 or $65 for their ex- 
 penses they are allowed the munificent 
 sum of $is to cover a week's session. 
 Now then, I do not believe we should 
 pay the entire expenses of the National 
 Committee. I believe we should pay 
 mileage and reasonable hotel expenses. 
 A majority of the delegates donate their 
 services to the party when they are at- 
 tending the convention, and I think the 
 expenses of the National Committee can 
 be curtailed. If we allow mileage and 
 reasonable hotel expenses, even if they 
 come from California or Maine, the ex- 
 penses will be enormouSj and I think 
 that is as much as the national organiza- 
 tion will stand for. If the committee- 
 man has additional expenses he can 
 turn in his bill to the state organization 
 and let the state pay for it, in my 
 opinion. I am opposed to paying the 
 smaller representation of this body all 
 their expenses, and not the larger rep- 
 resentation. 
 
 DEL. IIILLQUIT : I desire to state 
 that the committee took that into con- 
 sideration. These meetings you will 
 notice take place once in four years, and 
 the delegate from Ohio agrees that the 
 fares and hotel bills should be paid. I 
 really don't think it is worth while dis- 
 cussing for ten minutes whether the 
 shines and shaves of the delegates shall 
 be included or not. At the general con- 
 vention once in four years is where they 
 spend the most time. 
 
 The question being called for upon the 
 adoption of the section, same was 
 adopted as read, and the chairman of 
 the committee proceeded to read Section 
 S of Article IV of the report, as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 "Between the sessions of the . National 
 Committee all its business shall be 
 transacted by correspondence." 
 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 section be adopted as read, and the same 
 was carried. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.): Was there 
 not a rule passed here at the openingof 
 this discussion that when no objection 
 was made these articles should be con- 
 sidered adopted? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Such a rule was 
 adopted, but we find this method is 
 more expeditious than waiting for ob- 
 jections. The Secretary will read the 
 next section. 
 
 Delegate Hillquit of the committee 
 thereupon read Section 6 of Article IV 
 of the report, as follows: 
 
 "The National Committee shall adopt 
 its own rules of procedure, not incon- 
 sistent with the provisions of this 
 constitution." 
 
 Upon motion duly seconded the sec- 
 tion was adopted as read. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (Ohio) : I move to 
 add the following to Article IV: "The 
 National Committee shall arrange the 
 rules and order of business for all con- 
 ventions, subject to adoption by the 
 convention." 
 
 A DELEGATE (111.) : I desire to 
 offer an amendment to Article IV. I 
 ask that the delegate accept an amend- 
 nient to his amendment, that it be sub- 
 ject to "adoption or amendment" by the 
 convention. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You wish to 
 add the words, subject to adoption "or 
 amendment" by convention. Subject to 
 "approval" would be better, perhaps. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: The committee 
 is quite agreeable to accept it, but it 
 does not belong in Article IV. When 
 you take up Article V, covering the du- 
 ties and powers of the National Com- 
 mittee, you will see that that is where 
 it properly belongs. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There will be 
 no objections to the committee having 
 the realignment of this and putting it in 
 its proper order. The question before 
 us is on the adoption of the amendment 
 offered by Delegate Bickett. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT: I will withdraw it 
 if it is the desire of the convention. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, it is the 
 property of the convention, simply to be 
 voted for or against. 
 
 The question being then put on the 
 amendment offered by Delegate Bickett, 
 the same was adopted. 
 
 DEL. O'MALLEV (Mont.) : I desire 
 to amend Article i, by adding, "The 
 members of the National Committee 
 shall be subject to removal by referen- 
 dum vote of their respective state or- 
 ganizations," 
 
116 
 
 Morning Session, May 4.. 
 
 The motion to amend was seconded, 
 and stated by the Chairman. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY : As a matter of in- 
 formation to the delegates, I wish to 
 state that that is properly a part of the 
 state constitutions. While I believe the 
 national constitution can specify in what 
 manner the members of the committee 
 shall be elected, yet I believe the state 
 constitutions have the right to legislate 
 as to how any of its officials can be re- 
 moved; and I submit to Comrade 
 O'Malley if it would not be better not 
 to insert that clause in the constitution, 
 but leave that to the state constitutions. 
 A state may wish to delegate its power 
 to the State Committee, and I think it 
 would be much better to leave that to 
 the state constitutions. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to call 
 the attention of the delegates to the 
 fact that this provision is covered by 
 Article XII, Section 7, reading as fol- 
 lows: "All state organizations shall 
 provide in their constitutions for the 
 initiative, referendum and imperative 
 mandate." 
 
 DEL. O'MALLEY : Then I desire to 
 withdraw the amendment. 
 
 Objection being raised to the with- 
 drawing of the amendment offered by 
 Delegate O'Malley, the Chair ruled that 
 the amendment was the property of the 
 Convention and the question was put on 
 the adoption of the amendment offered 
 by Delegate O'Malley and the same was 
 duly adopted. 
 
 Delegate McKee of California offered 
 the following amendment to Article IV, 
 and moved its adoption : "The State 
 Secretaries shall be members ex-officio 
 of the National Committee." 
 
 DEL. PATTON (Cal.) : I wish to 
 make a few remarks on this. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 of the Committee on Constitution has 
 the floor. Before you can make any 
 remarks on the amendment you wil! 
 have to second the motion for its adop- 
 tion. 
 
 DEL. PATTON: I second the mo- 
 tion. As a member of the State Com- 
 mittee of California it has been my ex- 
 perience that one of the hardest things 
 we have to contend with is that the 
 members of the committee are not in 
 sufficiently close touch with the Socialist 
 movement to do the best work for the 
 party and I think that, in so far as 
 possible, the members of our party who 
 
 are supposed to look after the best in- 
 terests of our party should be put in as 
 close touch as possible with the Social- 
 ist movement of America. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Texas) : It is a 
 rule in our state that one man shall not 
 hold two offices, and while that word 
 "ex-officio" necessarily makes him a 
 committeeman while he is holding the 
 office of State Secretary, under our 
 State Constitution one man could- not 
 hold the office of Secretary and at the 
 same time hold the office of National 
 Committeeman. 
 
 Delegate Nagel of Kentucky moved 
 that the amendment be tabled, and the 
 motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Any further 
 amendment to Article IV? If not, the 
 committee will proceed to the next ar- 
 ticle. 
 
 DEL. McKEE: The section I have 
 just read— the amendment is laid on the 
 table. Now, does not the original ques- 
 tion recur? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, these are 
 original amendments to Article IV, to 
 come in as separate or distinct sections. 
 The last amendment offered has been 
 laid on the table. The delegate will 
 please observe what is going on on the 
 floor of this convention and then it will 
 not be necessary to ask the Chair for 
 any information upon it. 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.) : It is very 
 difficult to hear back here, and I want 
 to find out where we are. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : That is for the 
 delegates to know. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I give notice that at 
 the proper time I want to discuss this 
 section. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What section? 
 
 DEL. TITUS: The section on the 
 question of the duties of the Executive 
 Committee, Article V. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We have not 
 Article V before us yet; neither can we 
 have it before us until the committee re- 
 ports. The delegate will please be in 
 order until the committee reports. 
 
 lUTIES AND POWERS OF NATIONAL COM- 
 MITTEE. 
 
 Chairman Hillquit then read Article 
 V of the constitution, as follows: 
 "Article V. Duties and Powers of 
 National Committee. Section i. The 
 duties of this committee shall be to 
 represent the party in all national and 
 international affairs; to call nationa] 
 
Morning Session, May 4. , 
 
 m 
 
 nominating conventions and special 
 conventions decided upon by referen- 
 dum of tlie party; to make reports to 
 National conventions ; to receive and 
 pass upon all reports and actions of 
 the Executive Committee. Section 2. 
 The National Committee shall neither 
 publish nor designate any official or- 
 gan." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You have 
 heard the report of the committee. Are 
 there any objections to its adoption? 
 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 article be adopted as read. 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.): I want to 
 say that I have a general objection 
 which I desire to make to this article as 
 well as to Article VI, and more forcibly, 
 possibly, to Article VI, but it applies also 
 to Article V. My general objection is 
 that the powers of the National Com- 
 mittee are made less and those of the 
 Executive Committee are made greater. 
 There is a tendency to centralization of 
 power in the hands of the Executive 
 Committee. The Executive Committee 
 of seven, as far as I can see by a hasty 
 reading of Article VI, is not subject to 
 the National Committee at all except 
 when it is elected. Then it has all the 
 power in its own hands. Now if there 
 is any provision by which the action of 
 the Executive Committee of seven can 
 be suggested by referendum to the Na- 
 tional Committee, I fail to see it. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY (Neb.): Section 4 
 states: "The Executive Committee 
 shall transmit copies of the minutes of 
 its meetings to all members of the Na- 
 tional Committee, and all its acts and 
 resolutions shall be subject to the re- 
 vision of the National Committee." If 
 the comrade will look at Section 4 of 
 Article VI he will see that all the acts 
 and resolutions of the Executive Com- 
 mittee snail be subject to the revision 
 of the National Committee. 
 
 DEL. TITUS : I perceive that, Mr. 
 Chairman, but that does not say or 
 specify in what way it shall be subject 
 to the National Committee. At least 
 there should be a provision in Article 
 VI,— because Article V refers to the 
 same subject— there should be a pro- 
 vision under Section 4 of Article Vi 
 whereby a certain number of that com- 
 mittee could call for a referendum and 
 compel the suspension of activity until 
 the National Committee had acted. 1 
 
 object entirely to the removal of power 
 
 lodged in the membership. The Na- 
 tional Committee represents the mem- 
 bership. This Executive Committee as 
 it stands here has too much power and 
 should be made subject to the National 
 Committee, which represents the mem- 
 bership. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: I want to call 
 Comrade Titus' attention to the fact 
 that the Executive Committee, being 
 subject to the revision of the National 
 Committee, is, therefore, subject to the 
 rules of the National Committee, and 
 the National Committee can adopt any 
 rules it sees fit, so long as they are not 
 inconsistent with this constitution, to 
 subject the Executive Committee to its 
 control. (Applause.) The National 
 Committee can adopt rules governing a 
 referendum of the committee at any 
 time, just as it did recently when it 
 adopted the rule at the suggestion of 
 the National Committeman from Colo- 
 rado that upon application of six mem- 
 bers of the National Committee, a refer- 
 endum can be taken upon any act of the 
 National Secretary or Quorum. The Na- 
 tional Committee has the power to 
 adopt such rules, and I submit that any 
 clause specifying what rules the Na- 
 tional Committee shall adopt will not be 
 flexible enough for the work of the com- 
 mittee. The National Committee should 
 be left free to adopt its own rules, and 
 I think it will adopt sensible rules once 
 it gets together and the members come 
 to understand each other. Now another 
 point: Comrade Titus is opposed to the 
 centralization of power. I am, too. 
 Those who think that by my report I 
 favored a centralization of power are 
 mistaken. The fact is that during the 
 past year, since the selection of the 
 quorum whose term expires at this con- 
 vention, the actual work of the national 
 office has been supervised and controlled 
 by the quorum. It is absolutely true 
 that the acts of the quorum have been so 
 satisfactory in a general way — there 
 were one or two things that were re- 
 versed by the National Committee — but 
 the very fact that behind the quorum 
 was a committee that was liable to 
 change the rules or acts which it 
 adopted, that very fact unconsciously 
 made the quorum more particular about 
 its actions. Therefore, the fact that 
 you have a National Committee behind 
 the Executive Committee for the pur- 
 pose of supervision and direction or 
 alteration of any of its acts, will make 
 
llB 
 
 Morning ^ssion. May 4. 
 
 the Executive Committee careful of 
 what it does, and so I do not believe 
 that it does centralize power. It does 
 this : it facilitates business. It en- 
 ables us to go along and transact the 
 ordinary detail and routine of the party 
 organization without having to wait 
 three or four weeks for the National 
 Committee to act upon it. During the 
 past year at different times the mem- 
 bers of the quorum will testify that the 
 work of the national organization and 
 the acts of the quorum were held up for 
 three weeks at a time, simply because 
 some member of the National Commit- 
 tee did not like it and he objected to it. 
 Vow we want to provide against that. 
 We don't want to invite any more of 
 that kind of business. This has been 
 suggested in my report, and while I am 
 not altogether satisfied with the report 
 of the copimittee, I accept it at pres- 
 ent, but we must provide for the organ- 
 ization of our party machinery and its 
 adjustment in such a way as to ensure 
 democracy and- efficiency at the same 
 
 time. I am willing to accept the report 
 of the committee, because I am certain 
 that the National Committee being be- 
 hind the Executive Committee, the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee will not exceed its 
 powers, which are becoming more apd 
 more limited with the development of 
 the organization. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The hour of ad- 
 journment has now arrived, and if there 
 is no objection the further discussion of 
 the question before us will be taken up 
 at the beginning of the afternoon ses- 
 sion. Before we adjourn. Secretary 
 Dobbs desires to make an announcement, 
 and he has the floor for that purpose. 
 
 Secretary Dobbs then announced that 
 immediately after the adjournment, if 
 the delegates would go to the north sidp 
 of the building they would find seats 
 arranged there and a photographer who 
 would take a group photograph of the 
 delegates. 
 
 On motion, a recess was then taken 
 until 1 130 o'clock p. m. 
 
 FOURTH DAY'S SESSION— AFTERNOON 
 
 Chairman Sieverman called the con- 
 vention to order at 1 :30 o'clock sharp. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will please read for the information of 
 the delegates what is before us. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: Comrades, the 
 matter before us was Article V of the 
 Constitution, and it has been amended 
 by Comrade Bickett of Ohio, as fol- 
 lows: "The National Committee shall 
 also arrange the rules and order of busi- 
 ness for all such conventions subject to 
 approval by the convention." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The subject be- 
 fore the house is as read by the Secre- 
 tary, and it is now open for discussion. 
 
 The question was called for ajtd at 
 the request of the Chairman, the Secre- 
 tary then re-read Section i of Article V 
 as amended, of the report of the Com- 
 mittee on Constitution. 
 
 The question was then put to a vfve 
 voce vote and carried and the section as 
 amended was declared adopted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Will the Secre- 
 tary of the Committee on Constitution 
 take the place of the chairman of that 
 
 committee in his absence ? We will call 
 upon our Reading Secretary to read 
 Section 2 of Article V. 
 
 AN OFFICIAL PARTY ORGAN. 
 
 Section 2 of Article V was then read 
 by the Reading Secretary, as follows: 
 "The National Committee shall neither 
 publish nor designate any official organ." 
 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 section as read be adopted. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : I move that it 
 be stricken out. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Toole 
 of Maryland moves that the section be 
 stricken out. Are there any remarks on 
 the motion? 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (O.) : I move that 
 the amendment be tabled. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 The motion to table was put to a 
 vote, but the Chairman being in doubt 
 as to the result, a rising vote was then 
 taken, and the amendment declared 
 tabled, the result of the vote being 54 in 
 favor and 13 opposed. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 before the house is the recommendation 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. . 
 
 119 
 
 of the committee, which is Section 2, of 
 Article V. The motion before us is 
 upon its adoption. Are there any re- 
 marks ? 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, this brings up the question in an- 
 other form of what was before us last 
 night. The question here is not, shall 
 we publish an official organ, but the 
 question is, shall we be bound for four 
 years not to publish an official organ. 
 (Applause.) That is the question. Who 
 knows what circumstances may arise be- 
 fore the next national convention? We 
 may want an official organ, and if we 
 pass this section we will bind ourselves 
 for four years, comrades, that we sl^all 
 not publish an official organ. I want to 
 say this — I want to repeat what I said 
 last night: I say- we should have the 
 authority to publish an official organ to 
 hold over the heads of the powerful 
 papers in this country. I want to call 
 your attention to the fact that the Ap- 
 peal to Reason has failed to publish the 
 report of the Press Committee which 
 was brought in last night and all the 
 arguments and discussions which we had 
 here last night, and which was against 
 that paper. There is nothing in its re- 
 port to-day of what occurred last night, 
 and that is one reason why we should 
 have something to hold over a paper like 
 this. (Applause.) I contend, Mr. Chair- 
 man, that the power of our organiza- 
 tion to publish a paper will give us a 
 power to place in opposition to those 
 papers like the Appeal, will give us a 
 paper and a power to compete with 
 them. It will give us something to fight 
 down their influence if it should go 
 wrong. I don't want the national organ- 
 ization to have anything to do with 
 Wayland's paper or anybody else's paper, 
 but I do want the organization to have 
 the power, if it sees fit to do so, to 
 Dublish a paper of its own, and I say 
 here that this does not mean that we 
 shall publish an official organ, but it 
 reserves to us the power within the next 
 four years to do so if circumstances 
 should arise renderinir that action neces- 
 sary. Therefore, Mr. Chairman, and 
 comrades, I hope that the convention- 
 will vote down this section so that in 
 the future if any trouble arises, if the 
 occasion arises without any trouble, the 
 organization can publish an official or- 
 gan if it sees fit. (Loud applause.) 
 
 DEL. PHELAN (lU-) ^ The com- 
 
 rade seems to overlook the language of 
 this clause. It does not prevent the or- 
 ganization from publishing anything it 
 sees fit, at any time, but simply specifies 
 that the National Committee shall not 
 publish it. Now, he must not think, 
 as he seems to think, that the Socialist 
 Party would be bound for the next four 
 years by this document that we debate 
 here to-day. I think that we should 
 adopt this as reported back by the com- 
 mittee. 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, I wish to say that there is a great 
 deal being said in denunciation and con- 
 demnation against newspaper men here 
 by men who know nothing about news- 
 papers. Now, I know nothing about the 
 Appeal to Reason; I have not been in 
 its office since I came to this city to 
 this convention, but I am a newspaper 
 publisher, and I know that at the time 
 we closed this meeting last night it was 
 too late for the Appeal to Reason to get 
 the matter in shape for the printer so 
 that it could be published this morn- 
 ing. And, in regard to the matters that 
 we discussed last night, if we can get 
 some of these men who know nothing 
 about the newspapers, that could get 
 newspapers out in five minutes after a 
 meeting closes, we are in favor of hav- 
 ing them publish the papers for the 
 party, and we are ready to resign those 
 positions. But, I submit to you, Com- 
 rade Chairman, that these things that 
 we are debating upon, about the press, 
 are not right, and we should take these 
 matters into consideration before con- 
 demning a paper or a set of papers. If 
 the Appeal to Reason does not come out 
 to-morrow morning and give the pro- 
 ceedings of the convention, then it is 
 time to condemn it. 
 
 DEL. WHITE (Mass.): It does not 
 seem to me that the question for dis- 
 cussion here is the Appeal to Reason 
 or any other paper. It seems to me 
 that the question which should be dis- 
 cussed is whether the National Com- 
 mittee should have the right to publish 
 a "paper if they so desire. The gentle- 
 man on the other side, in my opinion, 
 has amply stated it. It is another dan- 
 ger that we should avoid, unless we 
 want a repetition of De Leonism. Do 
 we want a repetition of De Leonism 
 again? I believe that if there is any 
 one thing that has perpetuated this man 
 De Leon in the Socialist movement in 
 
120 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. . 
 
 ' this country it is the publication of that 
 paper called The People, and it is with- 
 in the possibilities that if you give that 
 right to a committee, that we would 
 have a repetition of that again. I be- 
 lieve that this is a wise provision and 
 ought to be adopted. 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Col.) : I move the 
 previous question. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN (111.) : I second the 
 motion. 
 
 The question was put on the motion 
 to call up the previous question, and 
 it was carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Three-minute 
 speeches, one on each side, are now in 
 order. Comrade Wessling has the floor. 
 
 DEL. WESSLING " (N. Y.) : Mr. 
 Chairman and Comrades : I think this 
 is only a repetition of what we said 
 last night when discussing this matter, 
 and I believe that the overwhelming 
 sentiment then was that we cannot 
 financially afford an official organ, and 
 if we cannot afford it, that we do not 
 want it. And I think it is only proper 
 that I should emphasize this fact. Now, 
 what our opponents point out, that we 
 may have to have an official organ, if 
 that is, true, and if we cannot have it 
 in the next four years if this provision 
 is adopted, then I am the last man to 
 come in here and vote for it. But 1 
 think when the gentleman considers his 
 position he will find that he is trying 
 to defeat the very ends for which we 
 are working. He is so afraid of the 
 Appeal to Reason and of the fact that 
 the Appeal to Reason has influence on 
 the membership that he seems to be 
 afraid that the majority of the members 
 of the party will have it in their power 
 in the next four years to designate the 
 Appeal to Reason, which he seems to 
 fear so much, as the official organ of 
 the Socialist Party (applause), and for 
 this reason it ought to be voted down. 
 I think that you gentlemen all under- 
 stand that in the future if you want 
 ^ an official organ, it will only take you 
 ' three months to have a referendum, 
 and, therefore, I move you that the 
 provision be adopted. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.) : I rise for in- 
 formation. I would like to know wheth- 
 er if this is passed it will be under- 
 stood as being impossible to have a 
 press bureau and plate matter. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: This is not the 
 
 time to take up that matter. The floor 
 is open to one mpre speaker upon the 
 subject, and you must speak in favor 
 or against the committee's recommenda- 
 tion. 
 
 DEL. HOLLENBERGER (Ind.) : I 
 rise to a point of information. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There are no 
 points of information permissible here 
 
 to-day. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : Against. I 
 just want to repeat again what T stated, 
 Mr. Chairman, that I do not see why 
 the National Committee should be 
 bound in this matter. It shows we 
 are afraid of the committee we are about 
 to elect. Now, why should we be afraid ' 
 of the committee we are about to elect? 
 It shows we are afraid of ourselves. 
 We have talked democracy here, but we 
 are afraid of democracy. If we cannot 
 trust the National Committee that we 
 may elect, how can we trust the inan- 
 agement of newspapers ? How can we 
 trust the people we elect to national 
 congress or to our state legislatures, to 
 represent the interests of the working 
 class there? The same kind of men 
 that we elect to the legislature or to 
 national congress is the kind of men 
 we elect as our National Committee. 
 And are we to say here to-day that the 
 members of the National Committee will 
 use their power wrongfully? No, no, 
 Comrades and Mr. Chairman, I believe 
 that the National Committeemen who 
 are elected will do as they think best, 
 and they will have the interests of the 
 party at heart as they act. So, I say, 
 we ought to have the power reserved 
 to them to publish a paper if the occa- 
 sion arises for it, aiid why? I say here 
 that the paper — and I want to say right 
 here it is nothing personal I have against 
 liie Appeal to Reason, I only cite the 
 Appeal to Reason because there is no 
 organization, the National Committee 
 excepted, that has the power that this 
 paper has. I know in my own town that 
 this paper has more influence than any 
 other organization in the Socialist 
 Party, and I believe that it needs a com- 
 petitor. 
 
 The question wa& then put on the 
 adoption of Section 2 of Article V, as 
 reported by the Committee, and car- 
 ried, and the article was declared 
 adopted by an almost unanimous vote. 
 
 Chairman Hillquit then read Section 
 I of Article VI, as follows : "Section i. 
 
'Afternoon Session, May 4.. 
 
 121 
 
 The Executive Committee of the Na- 
 tional Committee shall be composed of 
 seven members to be elected by the Na- 
 tional Committee, from the membership 
 of the party." 
 
 THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 
 
 CHAIRMAN HILLQUIT: I am 
 just informed by my colleagues of the 
 committee that they have agreed upon 
 an addition to be made to this section. 
 We desire to add the following: "The 
 majority of the said committee shall not 
 reside within the city in which the 
 headquarters are located." Now I de- 
 sire to state here before we take up 
 that question, the reasons that actuated 
 your committee in making this recom- 
 mendation. We believe in the first 
 place that the National Committee as 
 such cannot transact the business of the 
 party. It is a very useful instrument 
 for the correction of any abuses and a 
 very useful and important instrument 
 to have here at all times, watching the 
 administration of business by the Na- 
 tional Secretary and the Executive 
 Committee, but when it comes to prac- 
 tical work thirty-six men or thereabouts 
 scattered all over the country cannot 
 transact any business properly and expe- 
 ditiously. A much smaller committee 
 is required for that purpose, the com- 
 mittee of seven, which we suggested. 
 The work to be performed by the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee will practically be 
 the same that has heretofore been per- 
 formed by the so-called local quorum, 
 which really did all the business or di- 
 rected all the business that was hereto- 
 fore done. We did not deem it proper, 
 however, to continue the local quorum 
 for this reason: First, it is a misnomer, 
 because the business of the local quorum 
 is mostly transacted by correspondence, 
 and there seems to be no warrant to 
 single out those seven out of that Na- 
 tional Committee, if they are only a 
 quorum of the National Committee at 
 large. Furthermore, it makes it an un- 
 certain number. If it is a local quorum 
 of seven, any additional number of the 
 committee may at any time join and you 
 would never know how many men you 
 are to deal with, or what men you are 
 to deal with. For this reason we recom- 
 mend that an Executive Committee be 
 elected instead of a quorum. We recom- 
 mend that it be elected by the National 
 Committee and not by the membership 
 at large, for the reason that we will need 
 seven men of recognized business ability 
 
 (applause) regardless of the question 
 of whether they are good speakers or 
 good writers. The party membership at 
 large _ is not likely to know any but 
 prominent speakers or writers, and 
 would not know of any men who may 
 be unobtrusive, retiring, unassuming, 
 but of excellent business abilities. (Ap- 
 plause.) We further provide that they 
 be elected from the party membership 
 at large for this reason: We want the 
 seven best men we can get. We did not 
 and do not want a chance to determine 
 it. We do not want to say, as we have 
 said heretofore, that national committee- 
 men from certain states should compose 
 that committee, for it may be and might 
 well happen that the National Commit- 
 teeman from one of those states might 
 not be fitted for that particular work; 
 or if he were fitted his successor might 
 not be. Now we want to give the Na- 
 tional Committee the widest scope pos- 
 sible, we want to allow them to select 
 any men they choose provided they are 
 party members, but we also desire to 
 add a clause now to the effect that not 
 more than three out of seven should be 
 selected from one city, for the reason 
 that it might be objectionable to give one 
 local or one city control of an important 
 committee lik« this. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrades, you 
 have heard the reading of the commit- 
 tee's report, together with its own 
 amendment. What is your pleasure? 
 
 DEL. FLOATEN (Col.) : I move to 
 strike out the word "city" and insert the 
 word "state." 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. OTT (Wyo.) : I move you to 
 strike out the words "to be elected by 
 the National Committee" and insert the 
 words "by referendum of the party." 
 (Applause.) 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. THAMS (N. D.) : I have an 
 amendment to offer to this first section 
 of Article VI. I move that the article 
 be amended to read : "Their- term of 
 office shall be two years, but the first 
 time three members of the committee 
 shall be elected for one year only." 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : There are now 
 three amendments before us. The sec- 
 ond amendment, I understand, has not 
 been seconded. The delegate from Illi- 
 nois has the floor. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : Comrade Chair- 
 man, I wish to move, if the second 
 
122 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 amendment has not been seconded, that 
 this be substituted for the whole. I 
 wish to move that this section read as 
 follows : "Section i. The Executive 
 Committee of the National Committee 
 shall be composed of seven members, to 
 be elected by the National Committee 
 from its own members." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Do you offer 
 that as a substitute for the whole? 
 
 DEL. CARR: I do. 
 
 The Secretary then read the substitute 
 of Delegate Carr, and it received a sec- 
 ond. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The substitute 
 for the whole has been seconded, and I 
 recognize the delegate from Illinois to 
 speak upon it. 
 
 DEL. CARR: I feel that the ques- 
 tion under discussion this morning in 
 regard to speakers has been disposed of 
 by Article V, by the adoption of that 
 article, and now the question is whether 
 this Executive Committee shall be a 
 sub-committee of the National Com- 
 mittee. It ought to be a committee se- 
 lected by the National Committee from 
 among its own members. On the plan 
 proposed in the report of the committee, 
 these members will not Ijp approved by 
 the National Committee. Now, it does 
 seem to me that out of all the mem- 
 bers of the National Committee which 
 shall be formed, there ought to be seven 
 men with business ability enough to 
 transact the business of this Executive 
 Committee. If the members of this 
 Executive Committee are chosen from 
 the National Committee itself, each one 
 of them will have been approved by the 
 vote of his own state. They will be men 
 who have already been approved by the 
 party at large or by the state from which 
 they come. The National Committee is 
 certainly large enough so that seven 
 able men, fitted for this particular work, 
 can be chosen from among the members 
 of the National Committee, and I am 
 opposed to raising a separate committee, 
 separate from the National Committee, 
 to be selected by the National Commit- 
 tee from men who have not necessarily 
 been approved by the party or by any 
 state, and, therefore, having in effect 
 two committees in a measure separate 
 from each other. On the plan pro- 
 posed by this substitute, this Executive 
 Committee will become, as it ought to 
 be, the Executive Committee of the Na- 
 tional Committee, composed of mem- 
 
 bers of the National Committee who 
 have each already been approved by the 
 respective states. Some of these states 
 will have two or three members on the 
 National Committee. It will be com- 
 paratively easy to select men well cal- 
 culated to hold national office from this 
 committee, men well fitted for such po- 
 sitions, and so it does not seem to me 
 there can be any reason (with apologies 
 to the committee) for selecting these 
 members outside of the National Com- 
 mittee which shall have been elected. 
 
 DEL. SMITH (111.) : I am opposed 
 to that amendment. I am opposed to it 
 because it will make the work of that 
 committee almost impracticable. We 
 ought to have a sub-committee or a 
 representative body in that sense, inas- 
 much as the National Committee is to 
 meet only once every four years, and I 
 submit it would be better and far safer 
 for the largest body to elect that 
 Executive Committee in national con- 
 vention. Since the national convention 
 and the National Committee are to meet 
 but once in four years, it means that the 
 business that will come before the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee will be of such im- 
 portance that it would be safer to leave 
 it to seven men selected by the rank 
 and file of the membership of our party. 
 I submit that should we decide in favor 
 of this amendment it would be the 
 easiest thing possible for political- dis- 
 sensions to creep in, and every time that 
 these seven men would not want to toe 
 the mark as laid down by the National 
 Committee, they would immediately 
 start a war, and it would result in di- 
 viding the party into factions. I do 
 believe that since this committee will 
 have all of the important work to su- 
 pervise it should be chosen from the 
 membership of the party. I am, there- 
 fore, opposed to the amendment and 
 in favor of the original question. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.): I believe 
 that some amendments should be made 
 so that upon the request of three mem- 
 bers of the committee they would have 
 a right to bring their action by refer- 
 endum to the National Committee and 
 there have their actions reviewed. It 
 is useless to conceive for one moment, 
 however, of an Executive Committee 
 elected by the party at large, for 
 they could then say to the National Com- 
 mittee, "You can go your way and we 
 will run this organization as we please." 
 You can easily adjust the situation by 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. . 
 
 m 
 
 . permitting thisl committee to be elected 
 by the National Committee and giving 
 the National Committee the power, upon 
 the request of three, to review the con- 
 duct of the Executive Committee. Fur- 
 thermore, there is another reason : Very 
 frequently a man who has vast informa- 
 tion as a reader and a writer, who is an 
 eloquent speaker, will get the largest 
 number of votes from the membership, 
 and yet very often the men who are the 
 least known are the most capable of fill- 
 ing these positions. We gain our knowl- 
 edge of their abilities by working with 
 them, by knowing their particular capa- 
 bilities, and for that reason their worth 
 can only be known to those who actually 
 worked with them, and would not be 
 known to the membership at large. For 
 that reason, also, I believe that the Na- 
 tional Committee should elect the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee as they will be in 
 a better position to pick out men best 
 fitted for these situations, and then by 
 having an amendment so that upon the 
 request of three or more the National 
 Committee shall have a right to review 
 the actions of the Executive Committee 
 through referendum; we can control the 
 situation. 
 
 DEL. BERTHA WILKINS (Cal.) : 
 I can readily conceive that if the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee is elected by the Na- 
 tional Committee it would make no dif- 
 ference as far as the electing of capable 
 men is concerned, for the simple reason 
 that our National Committeemen are 
 mostly not here. There may be a few of 
 them here but the majority of the Na- 
 tional Committeemen don't know any- 
 thing more about the members of the 
 party most capable to fill positions on 
 the Executive Committee than the 
 membership does. For that reason I 
 think that all these amendments trying 
 to fix a way of electing an Executive 
 Committee are futile. I submit we must 
 have, however, an Executive Committee 
 for the conduct of the work in the na- 
 tional oflSce, and I think that they should 
 be elected from three states right close 
 together, or four states or five states, 
 so as to make the meeting of the Na- 
 tional Executive Committee not too ex- 
 pensive to the party. Three could be 
 elected from the city of Chicago or from 
 the state of Illinois, and three of them 
 or two of them from Wisconsin and 
 one or two from Michigan, or you 
 could divide ' it up as you please 
 and let the membership either elect 
 
 them or the convention submit the 
 names of the executive members to the 
 National Committee to be elected. In 
 that way I think we would get the most 
 capable men on the Executive Commit- 
 tee. The National Committee doesn't 
 know any more about men capable of 
 filling these positions than does the 
 membership at large, and in this way I 
 thmk it would give practically the same 
 result. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.) : Looking at the 
 .selection of this committee as provided, 
 it seems to me that it is a misnomer to 
 call it a committee in any sense of the 
 word. The committee is to be chosen 
 from among the persons who vote on 
 the committee. This Executive Com- 
 mittee is not chosen from the members 
 of the National Committee, it has no 
 particular relation to them. It may 'be 
 composed of members of whom the 
 party membership knows really nothing. 
 Now I hold that it is our business to 
 know and to decide on whom we are en- 
 trusting this matter to. The party itself 
 is responsible for the National Commit- 
 tee and we must hold the National Com- 
 mittee responsible for the conduct of the 
 affairs given to them, and we cannot al- 
 low them to entrust it to other parties 
 of whom we do not know anything. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready 
 for the question? 
 
 DEL. OTT (Wyo.): I have not 
 spoken as yet on my amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Did you move 
 an amendment? 
 
 DEL. OTT: Yes; and I would like 
 to speak on my amendment. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.): What is the 
 matter now before the house, Mr. Secre- 
 tary? 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The tpatter 
 before the house is the substitute which 
 has been offered for all these various 
 amendments by Delegate Carr of Illinois. 
 It reads as follows : "Article VI. Execu- 
 tive Committee. Section i. The Ex- 
 ecutive Committee of the National Com- 
 mittee shall be composed of seven mem- 
 bers, to be selected by the National Com- 
 mittee from its own members." 
 
 DEL. OTT: I ask to speak on the 
 substitute motion. ' 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will read the amendment and proceed 
 with the substitute. 
 
124 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: An addition 
 was offered first by the committee as 
 follows: "The majority of the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee shall not be resi- 
 dents of a city where national head- 
 quarters are located." It was moved 
 then to amend by striking out the word 
 "city" ^ and by inserting the word 
 "state." This motion was also ac- 
 cepted by the Committee on Constitu- 
 tion. It was moved by Comrade Ott of 
 Wyoming that the members of the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee be elected by refer- 
 endum; which was also seconded." A 
 further amendment was offered by 
 Thams of North Dakota, which was as 
 follows: "That the term of office shall 
 be for two years, but that the first time 
 three members of the committee shall be 
 elected for one year only." Then the 
 substitute for the whole was offered 
 by Delegate Carr from Illinois. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate 
 from Wyoming has the floor. 
 
 DEL. OTT: Mr. Chairman and 
 Comrades, I believe that the selection of 
 any important committee in this or- 
 ganization by anybody outside of the 
 masses of the people should be voted 
 down by the convention. We have seen 
 how things worked when men have been 
 selected by individual representatives in 
 a body like the United States Senate. 
 We have created there, or the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States has created 
 there, a body of men who are almost 
 invincible. It is called a Millionaires' 
 Club. Now while we may not create a 
 millionaires' club, we will create a form 
 of organization which tends to individ- 
 ualism. I am strictly opposed to the 
 selection of any man without he has the 
 vote of the party behind him, and I be- 
 lieve that we should never sanction a 
 move of the kind that is now proposed. 
 1 believe that we should positively and 
 definitely decide this question, so that 
 we will not only have the referendum 
 for the people at large, but so that the 
 membership at large can vote upon im- 
 portant questions. 
 
 DEL. JACOBSEN (la.) : I wish to 
 call the delegates' attention to the fact 
 that the members of the National Com- 
 mittee have already been elected by 
 referendum vote by the different states, 
 and that that National Committee should 
 not be given the privilege of selecting 
 any one but the members that have al- 
 ready been selected. I am in favor of 
 
 the substitute offered! Vy tfie delegate 
 from Illinois. I believe it is the only 
 practical solution of the question under 
 discussion. 
 
 DEL. THAMS (N. D.) : In Article 
 V, Section i, you have already defined 
 the duties of the National Committee 
 and you have said that it is their duty to 
 represent the party in national and in- 
 ternational affairs. Now, you propose 
 to take away the right of the National 
 Committee to elect their Executive 
 Committee, which will represent them in 
 national affairs to a very great exteiit. 
 You do not give the National Commit- 
 tee any right to annul the election of 
 the members of the Executive Commit- 
 tee. In other words, you create an Ex- 
 ecutive Committee that will be inde- 
 pendent to a very large extent of the 
 National Committee, but still you make 
 the National Committee responsible for 
 that Executive Committee. Now as a 
 member of the National Committee, I 
 protest against that business. It is not 
 fair. If we are responsible, then give 
 us the right to elect them and give us 
 the right to compel them to quit if they 
 don't do as we want them to and as they 
 should. (Loud applause.) 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kas.) : I wish to 
 speak for the position of the committee, 
 and I think that the only words that 
 need to be spoken are to be sure that the 
 position of the committee is under- 
 stood. The effort that is in hand here 
 in this matter of the organization of the 
 Executive Committee is simply to pro- 
 vide an effective machine for doing the 
 work of the administration of the affairs 
 of the Socialist Party. Now I want. to 
 review the three alternatives we could 
 pass. First, that this Executive Com- 
 mittee shall be elected by this conven- 
 tion. Then immediately the committee 
 elected by the convention is turned over 
 to the National Committee, whose mem- 
 bers are elected by the states. There 
 is a further provision that members of 
 this National Executive Committee shall 
 be subject to removal by the members 
 of the National Committee. Does this 
 convention want to place the members 
 of the National Committee in a posi- 
 tion where, acting under the constitu- 
 tion, they may be called very soon: to 
 put out of office a man or a company 
 of men elected by this convention? Do 
 you wish to place them where they vyill 
 be responsible for the actions of the 
 Executive Comrhittee, over whom they 
 
Afterndon Session, May 4» 
 
 1^5 
 
 have no control? The provisions of the 
 report hold the National Committee i;e- 
 sponsible for the Executive Committee; 
 give them the power to remove the 
 Executive Committee, and also give 
 them the power to create it in the first 
 place, which seems to me just. Next, 
 that this Executive Committee shall be 
 elected by referendum of the whole 
 party. Now listen ! A referendum of 
 the membership of the party will give 
 the fixing of this committee to those 
 states with a large membership, be- 
 cause there is where the strong vote 
 comes on a referendum to the total 
 membership. This proposes that they 
 shall be elected by the representatives 
 of the various states as members of the 
 National Committee, and gives the con- 
 trol of this central body to the National 
 Committeemen as representing the sev- 
 eral states, and again the same objec- 
 tion lies to the election by referendum. 
 If the Executive Committee is to be 
 elected by a referendum it ought to be 
 subject to removal only by a referen- 
 dum. How can you make the members 
 of the National Committee responsible 
 for the action of an executive body and 
 then make that executive body only an- 
 swerable in its tenure of control, to 
 an entirely different group? The elec- 
 tion by states is simply a renewal of 
 the old local quorum proposition, only 
 it has this one advantage, that the local 
 quorum did not have: It makes it an 
 executive committee instead of a 
 quorum only for a larger committee. In 
 that particular it would be an improve- 
 ment, but again it creates an executive 
 body, and then gives the control of that 
 executive body in its power to remove 
 from office or in its power to elect a 
 successor when an undesirable member 
 has been removed, not to the member- 
 ship of the country, not to the repre- 
 sentatives as coming in the National 
 Committee, but to the group of the 
 members within the immediate neigh- 
 borhood of the headquarters of the 
 party. Now in contradistinction to all 
 this, this is what the committee has 
 done : First. If you will read through 
 
 'the report of the committee, you will 
 discover that in the administration of 
 tlie affairs of the office the National 
 
 ..Secretary alone is made responsible for 
 the employment of his office help. He 
 alone will discipline his force; he alone 
 
 .will employ; he alone will discharge; 
 and he alone will be responsibly to the 
 
 Executive Committee. No member of 
 the Executive Committee will have any 
 voice in the national headquarters 
 through any subordinate. The only way 
 the members of the Executive Commit- 
 tee can reach the central office is 
 through the recognized administrative 
 chief, of that office, but this chief is 
 made responsible not only for his own 
 acts but for those of the employes who 
 are responsible to him, to this executive, 
 and the Executive Committee in its 
 management of affairs is in turn an- 
 swerable to the whole National Com- 
 mittee of the country. You thus have 
 the most complete machine for an ef- 
 fective administration of the central 
 office, with no possible complications of 
 authority in the administration of af- 
 fairs. (Loud applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready 
 for the question? 
 
 The question was called for. 
 
 DEL. CARR: I claim the right to 
 speak on this subject. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I beg your par- 
 don, but you had the floor upon this 
 once. 
 
 DEL. CARR: Well, under the rules 
 I have a right to close on this subject. 
 
 A DELEGATE: What are we vot- 
 ing on? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The substitute 
 for the whole. The Secretary will read 
 it and then we will have a vote. 
 
 The Secretary then read the amend- 
 ment offered by Delegate Carr of Illi- 
 nois as a substitute for the whole of 
 Section i. Article VI. 
 
 The question was put to a rising vote 
 and the substitute declared lost, the re- 
 sult being 70 opposed, 47 in favor. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegates 
 will now vote" on the last amendment 
 that has been made, which the Secre- 
 tary will read. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The third 
 amendment to the recommendation of 
 the committee was offered by Delegate 
 Thams and is as follows : "The term of 
 office shall be for two years, but the 
 first time three members of the commit- 
 tee shall be elected for one year only." 
 
 The question was then put and the 
 amendment declared lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will please read the next amendment. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The secon(/ 
 amendment was by Comrade Ott oi 
 
126 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 Wyoming, who moved to amend, that 
 the members of the Executive Commit- 
 tee shall be elected by referendum vote. 
 The question being put, the amend- 
 ment was lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Now comes the 
 report with the suggestion that has been 
 offered by a delegate and accepted by 
 the committee and the Secretary will 
 please read the report. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: "The Executive 
 Committee of the National Committee 
 shall be elected from the membership 
 of the party, but not more than three 
 members of the said committee shall 
 be elected from one state. The term 
 of office of the Executive Committee 
 shall be one year." 
 
 The question was then put upon the 
 adoption of the committee's report, to- 
 gether with the additions accepted by 
 the committee, and the motion was car- 
 ried and the section declared adopted. 
 
 DEL. ZORN (O.) : I rise to a ques- 
 tion of personal privilege. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: To what do 
 you rise? 
 
 DEL. ZORN : The reason I rise is 
 that I must state here to the convention 
 that I have received a telegram calling 
 me away. Our people are on a strike at 
 Davenport, Iowa, and it is important 
 that I be present. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection. Delegate Zorn from Ohio 
 will be excused. There is no objection, 
 and it will be so ordered. 
 
 DEL. ZORN : In leaving the conven- 
 tion, I want to say that I hope the 
 convention will do some lasting work 
 to the everlasting benefit of the party, 
 and when the delegates come home and 
 we are ready to go on and work for 
 the ticket and the movement, I promise 
 them my most hearty support, and I 
 know the rest of the workers down in 
 my section will stand loyally by the 
 party. I had the honor to introduce one 
 resolution at a meeting of our organiza- 
 tion relative to organizing, and that was 
 that those who are appointed as organiz- 
 ers must be Socialists. I thank you. 
 (Loud applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will now 
 proceed with the regular order. 
 
 Section 2 of Article VI was then 
 read, as follows: 
 
 "Section 2. The Executive Com- 
 mittee shall meet at least once in 
 three months. It shall supervise and 
 direct the work of the National Sec- 
 retary, organize unorganized states 
 and territories, receive semi-annual re- 
 ports from the state committees, re- 
 ceive and pass upon the reports of the 
 National Secretary, and transact all 
 current business of the national office, 
 except such as are by this constitu- 
 tion or by the rules of the National 
 Committee expressly reserved for the 
 National Committee or the general 
 vote of the party." 
 
 The adoption of the section as read 
 was moved and seconded. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (III.): Comrade 
 Chairman, I move to amend by add- 
 ing, "All expenses of such meeting to 
 be met from the national treasury." 
 
 The motion was not seconded, and 
 the question being put on the adoption 
 of the section as read, was carried and 
 the section declared adopted. 
 
 Section 3 of Article VI was then read, 
 as follows : 
 
 "Section 3. The Executive Committee 
 shall adopt its own rules of procedure 
 not inconsistent with this constitU:^ 
 tion or with the rules of the National 
 Committee." 
 
 DEL. PHELAN (III.): I want to 
 strike out the words, "or with the rules 
 of the National Committee." This ex- 
 ecutive board meets every three months 
 and the National Committee meets once 
 in four years. The Executive Com- 
 ■ mittee should not be hampered in that 
 way. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is the amend- 
 ment seconded? 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : I will sec- 
 ond the amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate 
 from Kansas has seconded the amend- 
 ment. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I wish to speak on 
 that amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 has the amendment. The Secretary will 
 please read it. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The amend- 
 ment, as I understand it, oflfered by the 
 delegate from Illinois, is as follows: 
 To strike out the last clause of Sec- 
 tion 3 of Article VI, viz : "Or with the 
 
 rules of the National Committee." 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. . 
 
 127 
 
 DEL. PARKS: Now I understood 
 when I seconded this motion that this 
 was the rule of procedure adopted by 
 the National Committee for the govern- 
 ment of itself, and not for the govern- 
 ment of the Executive Committee. Of 
 course, if this means that the National 
 Committee shall have power to direct 
 the administration of affairs by the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee I do not wish to 
 maintain this motion before the house. 
 I ask the chairman of the committee if 
 that was the intention of the committee, 
 that these rules which are referred to 
 in this last section which we are trying 
 to strike out now are the uules for the 
 gotrernment of the National Committee's 
 procedure, or whether these rules are 
 adopted by the National Committee to 
 govern the administration of affairs by 
 the Executive Committee. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: If you refer to 
 the rules of the National Committee, I 
 will say that they may have provisions 
 also for the government of the affairs 
 of the Executive Committee. We con- 
 sidered the Executive Committee as the 
 creature of the National Committee, to 
 work under its direction. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: With that under- 
 standing I wish to withdraw my sec- 
 ond to the motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
 objection to its withdrawal? There are 
 no objections. 
 
 The question was then put on the 
 amendment of Delegate Phelan and it 
 was lost. 
 
 The original section was then put to 
 a vive voce vote and declared adopted. 
 
 REPORTS OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 
 
 Section'4 of Article VI was then read, 
 as follows: 
 
 "Section 4. The Executive Committee 
 shall transmit copies of the minutes 
 of its meetings to all members of the 
 National Committee, and all its acts 
 and resolutions shall be subject to the 
 • revision of the National Committee." 
 It was moved and seconde3 that the 
 section be adopted as read. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (0.>: This section 
 says, "Its acts and resolutions shall be 
 subject to the revision of the National 
 Committee." Does that mean the en- 
 tire National Committee, or a majority 
 of the National Committee, or what? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The National 
 Committee. 
 DEL. BICKETT: It seems to me 
 
 that that does not cover the ground very 
 well ; there is room for considerable dis- 
 sension there. We ought to know what 
 part of the National Committee it refers 
 to, whether any or all. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I move 
 we amend the report by striking out 
 "revision" and inserting "referendum" 
 in the last line, so the article would 
 read, "and all its acts and resolutions 
 shall be subject to referendum" instead 
 of "revision." 
 
 DEL. FLOATEN (Col.): I second 
 the amendment. 
 
 DEL. SEIDEL (Wis.): I move to 
 amend so that we will have another 
 section, section 5, to read "at the re- 
 quest of three or more members of the 
 National Committee, any question that 
 may come up for action before the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee shall be put to a ref- 
 erendum of the National Committee." 
 Now this would provide that only such 
 questions on which there might be a 
 division or a difference before the dis- 
 cussion arose should be taken up, and 
 I think that would avoid the referendum 
 in almost every instance. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.): I 
 think the amendment that Comrade 
 Kerrigan submitted will_ cover the 
 ground, even better than the amend- 
 ment offered by the Wisconsin comrade 
 for this reason : The Executive Com- 
 mittee only meets once every three 
 months and its action will have to be 
 subject to the National Committee, and 
 if any of them are not satisfied with 
 the results or proceedings of that com- 
 mittee they will certainly say so, and 
 three of them can call a referendum, so 
 it will get to a vote anyhow. We won't 
 need anything else. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : I desire that 
 these words be added to Section 4 of 
 Article VI, "and published by the Sec- 
 retary." 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY (Neb.): Ihat mat- 
 ter is covered by Section 3 of Article 
 VII. 
 
 DEL. MEYER: Not specifically, 
 Comrade Mailly. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: Yes, it is. Section 
 3 of Article VII reads, "The National 
 Secretary shall issue to all party or- 
 ganizations in such way as the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee may direct, monthly 
 bulletins, a report on the financial af- 
 
128 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4., 
 
 fairs of the party, a summary of the 
 condition and the membership of the 
 several state and territorial organiza- 
 tions of the principal business transacted 
 by his office, and such other matters 
 pertaining to the organization and ac- 
 tivity of the party as may be of general 
 interest to the membership. Such bul- 
 letins shall not contain editorial com- 
 ment." 
 
 DEL. MEYER: I withdraw that 
 amendment. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I would 
 recommend that you let the original mo- 
 tion stand at it is here, and at the same 
 time accept the amendment of Comrade 
 Seidel. The more restrictions you put 
 around them, the better it is. The less 
 concentration of power, the better for 
 the party. 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Col.) : The only 
 objection to Comrade Seidel's amend- 
 ment is that it is not flexible enough for 
 the committee. Now the committee, ac- 
 cording to the new representation that 
 has already been decided upon, will be 
 larger than previously. Now, then, the 
 committee itself I believe should' be 
 left to decide the rules governing its 
 order of procedure. You should re- 
 tain the original section as submitted by 
 the committee and then let the commit- 
 tee itself decide upon what manner it 
 shall specifically pass on any action of 
 the Executive Committee. If it is an 
 administrative body it has the right to 
 make its own rules, and you cannot gov- 
 ern its action, and so I believe the com- 
 mittee iself may wish to change from 
 time to time and I believe it will be 
 necessary to have this more flexible; it 
 is not flexible enough. 
 
 DEL. BROWER (111.) : I am in fa- 
 vor of a referendum, but I am sick and 
 tired of this horse play. It has been 
 worked to death. You might just as 
 well force the National Secretary to 
 allow a referendum on the office boy as 
 to attempt to take all the authority away 
 from your National Committee in this 
 manner. What are you going to have 
 them for? This Executive Committee 
 is necessary for the government of this 
 party, because of the fact that we can- 
 not ^afford to have our National Com- 
 mittee meet every two or three months, 
 and so I am opposed to every amend- 
 ment or proposition that is offered upon 
 i' is question to defeat the recommenda- 
 tions of ihe committee. 
 
 The question was called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary 
 will please read the last amendment. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The last 
 amendment offered before this conven- 
 tion was offered by Delegate Meyer of 
 Illinois. Did he withdraw that? 
 
 DEL. MEYER: No. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: It is as fol- 
 lows : To amend Section 4 of Article 
 VI by adding, "and published by the 
 National Secretary." 
 
 The previous question was then called 
 for and carried. The question was then 
 put on the amendment of Delegate 
 Meyer and it was lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will read the next amendment. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The next 
 amendment is one by Comrade Seidel 
 of Wisconsin, which was to add an- 
 other section to be known as Section 5 
 of Article VI and to read as follows: 
 "At the request of three or more mem- 
 bers of the National Committee, any 
 question that may come up for action 
 before the Executive Committee shall be 
 put to a referendum vote of the Na- 
 tional Committee." 
 
 A vive voce vote was then taken and 
 the result leaving the Chairman in 
 doubt, the amendment was put to a 
 rising vote and it was defeated ; the re- 
 sult of the vote being as follows : 65 op- 
 posed; 51 in favor. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will read the next amendment. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The next 
 amendment was to strike out the word 
 "revision" and to substitute the word 
 "refex'endum." 
 
 The question was then put and the 
 amendment was declared lost. 
 
 The question then recurring to the 
 original motion as reported by the com- 
 mittee, it was put to a vive voce vote 
 and declared adopted. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: The committee 
 asks me to present you one section 
 omitted by oversight. It is as follows : 
 "Between sessions of the Executive 
 Committee all its business shall be 
 transacted by correspondence." 
 
 The adoption of the section was moved 
 and seconded, and the question being 
 put, it was declared adopted. 
 
 Delegate Ufert (N. J.) then called 
 up Article 3, which had been passed at 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 129 
 
 the morning session, and upon motion 
 It was taken from the table. 
 
 Article 3 was then read by Chairman 
 Hillquit as follows: "The affairs of 
 the Socialist Party shall be administered 
 by a National Committee, its officers and 
 Executive Committee, the party con- 
 ventions, and the general votes of the 
 party. 
 
 The motion was made and seconded 
 to adopt the article as read, and the 
 question being put, it was carried and 
 the Chair declared it adopted. 
 
 SALARY OF NATIONAL SECRETARY. 
 
 Delegate Hillquit of the committee 
 then read Section i of Article VII, as 
 follows : 
 
 "The National Secretary shall be 
 elected by the National Committee; 
 his term of office shall be one year. 
 The National Secretary shall re- 
 ceive as compensation the sum of 
 fifteen hundred dollars annually." 
 Delegate Young of Maryland moved 
 to amend the section by striking out the 
 words "fifteen hundred" and substitut- 
 ing the words "twelve hundred," which 
 motion was duly seconded. 
 
 DEL. YOUNG: In a resolution 
 which has been presented to this body, 
 and which I believe will be adopted, it 
 is resolved that this body declares itself 
 opposed to paying speakers or other 
 workers employed by the party exorbi- 
 tant fees or salaries, placing them above 
 the standard of the working class the 
 party represents. The National Secre- 
 tary may have duties added from time 
 to time, but at such times he has the 
 privilege of employing more assistants. 
 Comrades of Maryland during the hot 
 summer as well as during the chilly 
 winter blasts receive for their pay $1 to 
 $1.50. The teachers of Maryland dur- 
 ing their monotonous routine of duties 
 receive $50 to $75 per month, with 
 nothing to vary the monotony of their 
 duties, no rest for their weary brains, 
 and receive therefor the sum of three 
 or four hundred dollars a year. From 
 the comrades among this class the 
 money is derived which pays the salar- 
 ies of our officers, and I think $1,200 is 
 certainly sufficient to recompense the 
 National Secretary for the work that he 
 does, inasmuch as the salary received by 
 the members of the party is so much 
 below that. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.): According 
 to the reasoning of the last speaker, if 
 the wages wtr^ to fall to $113 a y^ar, 
 
 we should also reduce the compensation 
 of our officers in accordance therewith. 
 If this convention had the settling of 
 the wages received by the workers he 
 speaks of the chances are we would 
 raise it above $1,200. Fifteen hundred 
 dollars a year. Comrade Chairman and 
 Delegates, is not too much to pay to 
 the National Secretary of the party. 
 The work he has to perform, the work 
 for which he has to be fitted, is certainly 
 worth $1,500 a year. When they tell us 
 about the sacrifices that have to be made 
 by the men who work for wages, it is 
 all very true. The man who works for 
 wages and gives something to the So- 
 cialist movement, gives of his surplus. 
 The other man gives his time. He gives 
 his life. I am certainly not in favor 
 of this association establishing a lower 
 rate of pay. Fifteen hundred dollars 
 appears to me to be a reasonable me- 
 dium between the exorbitant salaries of 
 some of the labor fakirs and the starva- 
 tion wages that some of the Socialists 
 would like to give to the men who work 
 for them. (Applause.) Let us not for- 
 get we have state secretaries; we have 
 men who devote their overtime to doing 
 the work of the party, and they do it 
 for nothing ; we have men who speak 
 for the party, and they do it for noth- 
 ing. There is a tendency on the part of 
 some people, when they see a man get 
 up and put in two hours on the soap- 
 box, or sit down and do two or three 
 hours work with a pen, to say, "Well, 
 I know a man who does that for noth- 
 ing and pays his own street-car fare, 
 and this fellow has got a graft because 
 he is getting pay for it." That is a fool- 
 ish way of looking at it. There is an- 
 other extreme, but we haven't got any- 
 where near it, — the extreme, of pay- 
 ing a man $8,000, $10,000 or $15,000 a 
 year. We haven't got to that yet, and cer- 
 tainly $1,500 is not approaching it. Let 
 us keep ourselves down to that maxi- 
 mum of common sense. Let us say we 
 know well enough a man cannot be- 
 come a plutocrat on $1,500 a year, but 
 it may be that if you cut him down to 
 where he would have to beg you will 
 impair the efficiency of the organization. 
 DEL. MENTON (Mich.) : I would 
 like to say a few words on that matter. 
 I believe that the comrade who made 
 the motion to make it read $1,200 is 
 right. I believe ,that is sufficient for 
 our present National Secretary. If we 
 were to increa.se it to $1,500 or $1,800 I 
 
130 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 don't think there would be any prole- 
 tarian business whatever about it. I 
 want to say that in some of our States 
 we are struggling mighty hard to build 
 up our National organization to a strong 
 and powerful body, and we are going 
 along those lines at the present time 
 through all kinds of hardship on the 
 part of the comrades in the various 
 states and territories. And if we go 
 back to our various states and territories 
 now and say that we have raised the 
 salary of our present Secretary to $1,500, 
 in view of this struggle in building up 
 the organization, I believe it will hurt 
 the organization. I am, for one, in favor 
 of giving the National Secretary — he 
 has a duty to perform, and, as the com- 
 rade who made the motion says, if he 
 needs more assistance he will have 
 power to engage help. So I am heartily 
 in favor of- the motion to give our Na- 
 tional Secretary $1,200 annually instead 
 of $1,500. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I move 
 that the report of the committee be 
 amended to read as follows : 
 
 "Article VII, Section i. The Na- 
 tional Secretary shall be elected by . 
 referendum of the entire party. His 
 term of ofiSce shall be one year. His 
 compensation, beginning June I, 1904, 
 shall be $125 per calendar month. He 
 shall be required to give bond in the 
 sum of $S,ooo, payable to the Na- 
 tional Committee in case of delin- 
 quency. 
 
 "That a first assistant National Sec- 
 retary be elected by the National Com- 
 mittee to hold office for one year at a 
 compensation of $75 per calendar 
 month and be required to give bond 
 in the sum of $2,500, payable to the 
 National Committee, in case of de- 
 linquency. And his duty shall be to 
 assist and supplement the work of the 
 National Secretary, and be under 
 the direction and take his instructions 
 for his work from the National Secre- 
 tary. In case of death or disability 
 of the National Secretary, he shall 
 fill the office until there is an elec- 
 tion of a National Secretary by the 
 National Committee." 
 The motion was duly seconded. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Ker- 
 rigan of Texas moves to amend by 
 striking out the report of the Constitu- 
 tion Committee and inserting what he 
 has just read. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I have 
 never been under salary from the party 
 in my life, but I tell you this, that a 
 salary of $1,200 in the city of Chicago 
 is not sufficient for our present Secre- 
 tary. We ought not to set a bad ex- 
 ample, like the capitalist class, by ex- 
 ploiting the men that work for us. (Ap- 
 plause.) We are constantly complain- 
 ing about exploitation, and then we are 
 trying to make a man work for us on a 
 dollar a day. Comrades, the pioneers of 
 this movement, the men who are sent 
 out organizing and working for us, 
 ought to get the full value of their 
 work, and that is surely a great deal 
 more than they are getting now. We 
 cannot pay them in the different states 
 all they are worth, but this National 
 party is now in a position so that it can 
 pay $1,500. It could have paid that 
 a year ago, and it ought to pay it now. 
 The position of the National Secretary 
 requires a peculiar ability — an ability 
 which the average writer or orator does 
 not possess. For my part, I would not 
 want the job if you paid me double what 
 he gets — and I could not fill it. And I 
 do not believe there are many delegates 
 on the floor of this convention who 
 could fillthe position. (Applause.) And 
 I say this, although I, as a member of 
 the Quorum have had several squabbles 
 with William Mailly. I again ask your 
 vote for the recommendation of the 
 committee. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio) : I do not 
 agree with the last speaker that the 
 proletariat bf this country should 
 necessarily pay the men that they em- 
 ploy the full product of his time, be- 
 cause they don't get the full product of 
 their toil. If they did they would be in 
 shape to pay him. But they ought to 
 be able to pay him in about the same 
 proportion that they get "for thejr toil, 
 and no more. Now it seems to me that 
 if you make this $1,500 you are as bad 
 as the capitalists, when you propose to 
 pay his secretary $75 a month. The dif- 
 ference between $75 and $125 per month 
 is a good big difference, when the work 
 of the two men is almost the same. 
 In fact, I would just as soon do the 
 work of the Secretary as that of the 
 clerk. If anything, I should prefer the 
 secretaryship to the clerkship, especially 
 with the difference in the salary. And I 
 know that I would prefer the secretary- 
 ship to the position of organizer, travel- 
 ing all over the country, through the 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 night and any old time, hunting for 
 your trains, at the regular salary of $3 
 a day — and if you worked all the day 
 and all the night you can make $1,095 
 at it. Now if you propose to raise the 
 salary of these organizers to $1,500 for 
 300 days' work (that is $5 a day) ; if 
 you propose to pay your secretary's as- 
 sistant $100 a month, then you can af- 
 ford to jaise the Secretary's salary to 
 $125. But I do not believe in making such 
 a wide distinction. The class of work of 
 the secretary is as difficult — all Socialist 
 work is more or less difficult, but in the 
 present movement all over our country, 
 there is a difficulty all the time to get 
 money to carry on the propaganda work. 
 Now I believe that there are any amount , 
 of competent men who will be willing 
 to take this position for $1,200 a year — 
 
 DEL. LAMB (Mich.) : Lots of them. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER: if the present 
 
 incumbent does not want it at that. It 
 seems to me that he accepted last year 
 $1,000, and a $200 raise is pretty good. 
 (Applause.) If you vote $1,500 it won't 
 be longer than you get home until there 
 will be a referendum started to cut 
 him down. 
 
 DEL. KNOWLES (S. D.) : I rise to 
 oppose this motion upon two different 
 . grounds. In the first place, I am abso- 
 lutely appalled by the wonderful munifi- 
 cence of this convention in offering a 
 man 'capable of filling this office, for in- 
 stance like the present incumbent, the 
 enormous sum of $25 a week. In the 
 next place, I am opposed to this amend- 
 ment from the fact that by a referen- 
 dum of this convention we have elected 
 committees, which are the scouts of this 
 convention. They have been deliberating 
 upon the various questions of vital im- 
 portance, not only to this convention, 
 but to humanity. They have labored a 
 number of days, and they have brought 
 in their report. We have been here for 
 four days, and what have we accom- 
 plished? If this practice is continued 
 we will be here next week at this time. 
 The insignificance of this movement to 
 cut down this salary from $1,500 to 
 $1,200! It seems to me we ought to 
 be ashamed to offer a man capable of 
 filling this position the sum of $25 a 
 week. I believe that our people are able 
 to pay for what they get, and pay a 
 reasonable salary. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : A point of or- 
 der. We are not here to reduce the 
 
 salary, but to increase it from $1,200 to 
 $1,500. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is not well taken. The gentle- 
 man is addressing himself to the subject. 
 Proceed. 
 
 DEL. KNOWLES: Just one word 
 more and I am done. Let us not make 
 ourselves a laughing stock before the 
 world. Let us go on about our busi- 
 ness. Let us accept this recommenda- 
 tion of the men that we have selected 
 to look into these matters, and then 
 go home about our business. 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Colo.) : Comrades, 
 it is not a question of what we should 
 like to pay, not a question of what a 
 man ought to receive or the value of his 
 service, but it is what we are able to 
 pay. It is what contributions we may 
 ask from the members of the Socialist 
 Party to make up the amount we shall 
 pay the man selected for this position, 
 without any particular hardship upon the 
 contributors. The ordinary worker in 
 the coal mines of this country does not 
 receive more than about one-fourth of 
 the proposed sum. The worker in the 
 metal mines of the west, when you con- 
 sider the reduction for idle time, does 
 not receive more than about half of 
 that sum and I want to say to you that 
 his work is more arduous and more 
 dangerous than that of the secretary of 
 this body (applause), though it may not 
 call for that particular ability. But I 
 believe that there is something in the 
 Socialist philosophy about the .fellow to 
 whom nature has been unkind, that it 
 pays him just as much as the man who 
 is endowed with the highest gifts of 
 nature. I do not believe we can well 
 afford to pay more than the $1,200. 
 Therefore, I am in favor of that amend- 
 ment. 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.): Comrade 
 Chairman and comrades, I hope that I 
 shall be able to go back and report to 
 the proletariat of the state of Washing- 
 ton that this convention has done every- 
 thing in their interest, but I shall not 
 be able to do that if you pass this reso- 
 lution. We pay our state secretary $40 
 a month, and other men are working for 
 $5 a week for the organization in the 
 state of Washington. The best men 
 are not the highest-priced men, in the 
 Socialist movement, but the best men 
 are those that are willing to work for 
 no price. (Applause.) I know there is 
 
132 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 a strong sentiment throughout the state 
 of Washington — and, remember, com- 
 rades, that we have in the State of 
 Washington had no assistance from the 
 National organization, of the party to 
 this day, and we have the largest dues- 
 paying membership with respect to the 
 population of any State in the Union. 
 We should have eleven delegates on this 
 floor to-day, if we could have afforded 
 to send them here. Only one could 
 that organization pay for. Now, then, 
 if I have to go back and tell the work- 
 ing men, as their representative on the 
 floor of this convention, that you have 
 advanced the salary, just as the labor 
 unions are doing for their fakirs con- 
 stantly when they get the chance, — if I 
 have to go back and say that we have 
 advanced the salary $500 at a lump when 
 we are still trying to better the working 
 class, I shall discredit the National or- 
 ganization, or it will be discredited, in 
 the eyes of the working class of the 
 Socialist Party of the State of Wash- 
 ington. I ask you to be true to the 
 proletarian instincts of this convention 
 up to this minute, and to give the $1,200 
 instead of the $1,500 salary. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY (Cal.) : A great 
 deal has been said about placing the 
 office of National Secretary on a par 
 with the wages of the working class. 
 I believe that one particular mistake has 
 been made in the argument, and I don't 
 care to occupy much time. I believe 
 that among the working classes that are 
 working for organizations that exploit 
 theyn for their wages there are very few 
 instances in which the position required 
 of our National Secretary where they 
 do not get as much pay or more pay 
 for filling the same sort of position. 
 That is the point I make. I know very 
 well that the average wages in the 
 country, according to the reports of the 
 capitalists' parties themselves, ,amount 
 to about $480 a year. That is all it 
 artiounts to, according to the Census 
 Bvilletin. But I do not believe there are 
 many positions requiring the executive 
 ability and skill to fill that our position 
 of National Secretary requires that un- 
 der capitalists are not getting much more 
 than $1,500. You have passed a referen- 
 dum fixing the National headquarters in 
 Chicago, and you know that living in 
 Chicago is entirely different from living 
 in some of our little villages. The ex- 
 penses of car fare and living expenses 
 generally are higher than they would 
 
 be in some of our little places where 
 we might have the Natiofial Committee. 
 I know very well if the National Secre- 
 tary was placed on a par with some of 
 our soap-box orators he would not even 
 get that; I understand that, but I want 
 to say that for whoever fills the posi- 
 tion of secretary $1,500 is not a dollar 
 too much. It would be a discredit to us 
 to pay any less than that amount, in 
 my judgment. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS (111.) : I am in favor 
 of $1,500 because I want to see a man 
 get a reasonably fair salary for the 
 place in which he lives; $1,500 is none 
 too much for the National Secretary, 
 living in the city of Chicago. No matter 
 whether I could do it or not, I wouldn't 
 attempt it, and there is mighty few of 
 my colleagues along this table would 
 do the work at that price. Further, one 
 of the comrades spoke of what we can 
 pay. It is not that. The point seems 
 to me to be, how much can we exploit 
 the man? We paid $1,000 when we 
 only had 1,000 members. Now we have 
 23,000 members, and they don't want to 
 raise the salary. 
 
 The previous question was here called 
 for, but Delegate Mailly secured the 
 recognition from the chair. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection we will violate the rules. If 
 there is no objection we will hear from 
 Delegate Mailly. Is there any objec- 
 tion? 
 
 Several Delegates objected from dif- 
 ferent parts of the hall and the chair 
 continued : 
 
 YHE chairman : The - previous 
 question has been ordered. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: I know it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You will take 
 your seat, please. Shall the previous 
 question be now put? All in favor of 
 the previous question being put at this 
 time will manifest the same by saying 
 "Aye"; contrary, "No". The "noes" 
 seem to have it, and they have it. Dele- 
 gate Mailly has the floor. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: Mr. Chairman, 
 I want to say, first of all, to the 
 convention, that everybody seems a 
 great deal more interested in this ques- 
 tion than I am. I am very sorry to see 
 a tendency on the part of the delegates 
 to degrade the position of National Sec- 
 retary to a material basis, to a question 
 of how much it is worth in so much 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 133 
 
 money. Now, the position "of National 
 Secretary is worth nothing to me in 
 terms of money. (Applause.) I did not 
 accept it because the salary was $1,000. 
 I was getting more than that when I 
 was elected. I am perfectly satisfied 
 with the decision of this convention in 
 any way. I do not hold the position 
 because I get $1,000 a year, and I would 
 not decline it because you reduced the 
 salary, nor would I seek it because you 
 increased the salary. That is the way 
 I stand upon the question. You can 
 do what you please, but don't degrade 
 the position to the point of talking about 
 a man getting so much money for serv- 
 ing you. That is what I object to. 
 While I am on the floor I want to say 
 this to the comrades who have talked 
 here about the hard work for the move- 
 ment: Those who have known me in 
 the movement know that I never stopped 
 at material considerations. I would not 
 say this if -I did not believe that there 
 might be an attempt to put a material 
 construction upon my retaining my po- 
 sition, but those who have been ac- 
 quainted in the Socialist ■ movement 
 everywhere I have been know that I 
 never took any material point into con- 
 sideration when performing my duty for 
 the party. That course I shall continue 
 to pursue until the end. That is all I 
 have to say. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The chairman 
 of the Committee will be heard now. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to ex- 
 plain briefly the reasons why the com- 
 mittee fixed that amount. I am sorry 
 that the matter has taken a personal 
 trend at, all. The Committee did not 
 have the present incumbent in view. I 
 was at fault. If it had been a question 
 of the present incumbent, if we had 
 security that the present incumbent 
 would remain in office until the next 
 National convention, we probably would 
 not have broached the subject. But the 
 point of the matter is, we are by no 
 means certain that the present National 
 Secretary would retain his office for the 
 next four years. I say, on the contrary, 
 we have good reason to believe that he 
 is kept there now against his will. Then 
 the question arises, if we have got to 
 go outside and get a comrade and bring 
 him to the city of Chicago to live and 
 intrust him with the mdst delicate posi- 
 tion the party has to offer — the manage- 
 ment of the party affairs, of the affairs 
 
 of a party now numbering 23,000 mem- 
 bers, which perhaps within a year or 
 two will number 30,000 or 40,000; a 
 party management that has branched out 
 into ten different details now and is . 
 being branched more and more,— if we 
 place that man in a position, not only 
 of the superintending of great works or 
 something like it, but require of him 
 tact, skill and knowledge; if we require 
 of him qualifications that are hardly re- 
 quired in one out of ten salaried posi- 
 tions, where will you get the man for 
 it, if you want to pay only a starvation 
 wage? Now, we are told here, "Why, 
 a hod-carrier works harder, the miner 
 works harder, and they get only $3.00 
 a day." Now, delegates, I will say right 
 now, I am opposed to cheap, democratic 
 buncombe. We are not going to hire a 
 hod-carrier now, nor are we going to 
 hire a miner. I regret that the miner 
 has not as much honor as a National 
 Secretary, or as any secretary, perhaps, 
 in the cabinet of the United States, but 
 the fact is that we can get plenty of 
 hod-carriers and plenty of miners. But 
 if we can get a man to answer all the 
 requirements we have put upon our Na- 
 tional Secretary, a man who will as- 
 sume the duties of the National Secre- 
 tary and discharge them faithfully and 
 skillfully, and for $25 or $30 a week, that 
 is barely enough to live on more or 
 less decently; more or less, and more 
 less than otherwise. I say he will then 
 be sacrificing for the benefit of the 
 cause. I am opposed to extravagant sal- 
 aries. I am opposed to high salaries 
 with all my soul, because they may have 
 a tendency to attract to our movement 
 people who are out for salaries. But 
 will any of you maintain that a salary 
 of $30 per week will attract that high 
 class of talent required by you in that 
 position in the National office? I say 
 as long as we have our present incum- 
 bent in office it does not matter. You 
 may decrease his present salary, and as 
 long as he can remain in the office he 
 will, but the moment you have to look 
 for another man, and the class of men 
 you have to look for, it is merely a 
 question of to what extent he is ready 
 to sacrifice. And you won't find anyone 
 who will be ready to sacrifice that much. 
 You will cut off the. possibility of going 
 to a number of qualified comrades and 
 asking them to take the position, for 
 it will be too much of a sacrifice de- 
 manded of them, and most likely you 
 
134 
 
 Afternoon Session^ May 4. 
 
 will cut out most of those who are 
 capable of serving in the position. The 
 party can now easily afford to pay a 
 man $1,500 a year. It is not a matter 
 of violation of principle, for we do not 
 stand on the principle of exploitation. 
 If Comrade Titus says they pay only 
 $10 a week over in Washington, I have 
 to say that only abject poverty in Wasji- 
 ington excuses such an outrage. Do 
 you think a man with a family to de- 
 pend on him can subsist on that? When 
 you give him arduous work and pay 
 him $10 a week you are doing just ex- 
 actly what the capitalist is doing, against 
 whom we are protesting. The State of 
 Washington may have an excuse in its 
 poverty. Our party has no such excuse. 
 And again, in conclusion, I desire to 
 emphasize that there is absolutely no 
 personal element in the case, but just 
 because we know that we may sooner 
 or later have to look for another man 
 for the position we want to provide 
 so that we may be able to get the proper 
 man for the proper place. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. LAMB (Mich.) : , Comrades, 
 the question before this convention is 
 an important one. The proposition made 
 by the report of the Committee on Con- 
 stitution amounts to this: That I shall 
 go out among people who do not on the 
 average receive for their entire year's 
 living and the support of their family 
 one-fourth of the salary proposed, and 
 that I shall collect from them their little 
 driblets from that small income to make 
 up what I, a 'farmer, consider a very 
 big salary. For I assure you that using 
 the farm as I do, with the labor of two 
 women and three men, I cannot get oflf 
 of that farm $1,500 a year gross. It is 
 too much. I cannot ask those men to 
 pay that sort of salary. Now, then, we 
 are told that it requires ability of a high 
 order. I agree with that proposition, 
 but I am pleased also to believe that 
 there are dozens of members creditably 
 and well able to keep everything up-to- 
 date and in good order, who are work- 
 ing to-day for $40 and $50 a month. I 
 believe that, and, believing it, I favor 
 the amendment and am opposed to the 
 report. 
 
 Delegate Brandt of Missouri secured 
 the floor, but before recognizing him 
 the Chair said: 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I was just go- 
 ing to remind the Delegates that we 
 have put in fifty-five minutes 0^ this 
 
 subject of how much we shall pay the 
 Secretary. I trust the Delegates will 
 bear in mind that there is some limit 
 to the amount of time we can devote 
 to a subject of this kind. 
 
 DEL. BRANDT (Mo.): I am not 
 going to take up much of your time. I 
 am only going to say this : I am really 
 sorry to have heard in this convention 
 the bitter personalities, you might call 
 them, that have been injected into the 
 debate upon this question. The matter 
 of whether the salary should be raised 
 to $1,500, or whether it should be $1,200, 
 will be settled in a few minutes, but 
 before it is settled, or even after, I 
 would certainly like to have Comrade 
 Titus answer a question, and that ques- 
 tion is this: What did he mean when 
 he said, "Don't do like the labor unions 
 are doing about their fakirs"? 
 
 DEL. TITUS: May I answer that 
 now? 
 
 DEL. BRANDT: Never mind; you 
 can answer it any time. What are the 
 people in the trades union movement of 
 this whole country — and I see a number 
 of them who have been leading spirits 
 in their trades-union movement for 
 years and years, and I don't see any 
 of them, nor never have seen any of 
 them, living on fat salaries. Perhaps 
 some of them have a smaller and cheap- 
 er salary than the gentleman himself. 
 And in conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I 
 want to say an expression of that kind 
 is born out of hatred, or from lack of 
 conception of the labor movement or the 
 Socialist movement. 
 
 At this point the previous question 
 'was moved and seconded, and Delegate 
 Titus asked the floor for a question of 
 privilege. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : . The previous 
 question has been moved and it rests 
 with this body whether you gentlemen 
 shall be heard or whether this question 
 shall be put. All in favor of the pre- 
 vious question will say "Aye"; contrary, 
 "No". The previous question is carried. 
 The subject is now open for discussion 
 by two delegates, one for and one 
 against. _ I recognize Delegate Spargo. 
 Which side? 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.): I desire 
 to speak in favor of the motion that 
 the salary be $i,S00 a year. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You have three 
 ni^inutes to speak upon that subject. 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 135 
 
 A DELEGATE: I want to speak 
 against the motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: When you get 
 the floor you can tell me what you 
 want— not now. Delegate Spargo has 
 the floor, and none other. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : I am as much op- 
 posed to extravagant salaries as any 
 member here, and I am as much opposed 
 to "sweating" by the Socialist Party as 
 by the capitalistic employer. I do not 
 believe that $1,500 a year for the support 
 of a man with a wife and family is 
 more than enough to obtain a decent 
 standard of living in Chicago, New 
 York, or any other city in the United 
 States of America. I hear objections 
 raised on the ground that $40 is the 
 standard paid by the State of Wash- 
 ington. That is not sufficient for a 
 man to maintain himself and family as 
 he ought to, and if you pay that stand- 
 ard or anything like it to your National 
 Secretary, unless the National Secre- 
 tary's wife will take in washing to sup- 
 plement the income we will very soon 
 have to go out of business altogether. 
 We have no right to protest against the 
 exploitation of workers by others and 
 then exploit ourselves, when we can 'af- 
 ford to maintain them in comfort. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.) : I wish to 
 speak in favor of the amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The main ques- 
 tion before us is the Committee's re- 
 port and the various amendments there- 
 to. The last gentleman who spoke has 
 spoken in favor of the original report 
 and against the amendment. 
 
 DEL. GOAZIOU : I am speaking in 
 favor of the amendment. 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.): I have a 
 question of personal privilege 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: When this mat- 
 ter is disposed of we will recognize you 
 to the question of personal privilege. 
 
 DEL.- TOOLE (Md.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Delegate 
 will please take his seat. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I rise to a point of 
 order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegates 
 will be recognized in due form. You 
 will please take your seat. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE : I will not. I rise to 
 a point of order 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I want to say 
 
 to Delegate Titus 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I appeal from the 
 decision of the Chair. You shall not 
 shut me down. I appeal from the de- 
 cision of the Chair. Until I state my 
 point of order, I won't sit down. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I want to say 
 to Delegate Titus that his question of 
 personal privilege will be in order at 
 any time, without any respect whatso- 
 ever to this question that is now before 
 us. But I will not permit, under the 
 guise of a question of personal privilege, 
 any further remarks on this question 
 by him as loflg as others who have not 
 spoken desire to speak in accordance 
 with the rules. So no question of per- 
 sonal' privilege will be heard, and at 
 this time nothing will be heard but the 
 other delegate, and that delegate must 
 take the opposite side from that of the 
 speaker who preceded him. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I rise to a point of 
 order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is the 
 point of order? 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: According to the 
 rulings of the previous Chairman, the 
 one who makes the motion has the clos- 
 ing remarks, and according to that my 
 colleague from Maryland has a right 
 to the floor. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Your point of 
 order is not well taken. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: The Chair decided 
 so yesterday, and I ask the Secretary 
 to look it up. 
 
 " THE CHAIRMAN : The point of or- 
 der is not well taken. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I appeal from the 
 decision of the Chair. All day yester- 
 day the Chair decided on questions like 
 this, that when two came to speak at the 
 end of a resolution like this, where the 
 previous question was asked, that the 
 one who made the motion had the right 
 to do so,- and so all through this con- 
 vention since we changed the rule that 
 has been the custom, and I believe that 
 the Secretary will so find it in his 
 record. According to that, my colleague 
 from Maryland has the right to the 
 floor. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I am not de- 
 termined in my rulings by what the 
 Chairman did yesterday. The Chair- 
 man did a great many things yesterday 
 
136 
 
 Aftenioon Session, Ma^ 4. 
 
 that I would not be guilty of doing, 
 and I dare say I do many things he 
 would not be guilty of doing. But I am 
 interpreting the law as I understand 
 the law, and he interpreted the law as 
 he understood it. Every delegate, in so 
 far as it is possible, shall be heard. The 
 defegate from Maryland has been heard 
 — and is frequently heard. (Laughter.) 
 The delegate from Pennsylvania has 
 not been heard. 
 
 At this point Vice-Chairman Morgan 
 assumed the Chair and put the vote to 
 the convention on the question of the 
 appeal by Delegate Toole from the de- 
 cision of the Chair. The Chair was 
 sustained in its decision by an almost 
 unanimous vote. 
 
 Delegate Sieverman thereupon re- 
 sumed the Chair as presiding officer. 
 
 DEL. GOAZIOU : I am not in favor 
 of exploiting any man in this party, 
 and that is the reason why I am in 
 favor of the amendment. Under the 
 present system we have never taken into 
 consideration what is needed to bring 
 up or maintain a family. We say that a 
 man who is digging a ditch is not worth 
 the same as a man doing some other 
 kind of work. The man receiving $1.50 
 does not have "to live the same as a 
 man who receives $5.00 or $10.00. The 
 reason I object to $l,S0O is because we 
 are not in a position to pay the Assistant 
 Secretary the same amount. I claim 
 that if it takes $1,500 to support Com- 
 rade Mailly's family in Chicago it will 
 cost Comrade Oneal or Comrade 
 Barnes or any other Comrade $1,500 to 
 live in the city of Chicago. (Applause.) 
 I claim that 1 have just as much right 
 to bring up my family as any other man, 
 and to bring it up in the same way as 
 another man I must receive the same 
 compensation. I remember the time 
 when the same arguments were brought 
 forth on the floor of our labor con- 
 vention, asking for a raise of wages to 
 the President of our labor union, on the 
 plea that we did not want to do what 
 the capitalist class was doing; and after 
 we raised the salary of our treasurer 
 and leader the very men whose salary 
 had been raised were objecting to rais- 
 ing other salaries. I am not in favor of 
 raising salaries on any plea of that kind. 
 I am in favor of paying any man whom 
 this party employs the same rate of 
 wages, no matter who he is. 
 
 At this point Delegate Mailly arose 
 and the Chair stated : 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: VoU cannot be 
 heard, Comrade Mailly. Nothing is in 
 order but the question of the substitute 
 motion. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: On a question of 
 personal information. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There is no 
 question of personal information. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: A point of infor- 
 mation. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The only point 
 of information — the only information 
 you can get is from the Secretary. Dele- 
 gate Mailly will please take his seat, and 
 the Secretary will read the substitute. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: Comrades, the 
 matter that you have before you is not 
 the motion to adopt the report of the 
 Committee, but the substitute motion 
 offered by Delegate Kerrigan of Texas, 
 to amend Section i of Article VI. The 
 Secretary then read Delegate Kerrigan's 
 substitute. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : All in favor of 
 the adoption of the substitute will mani- 
 fest it by saying "Aye". 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: Before that action 
 is taken, I must request from this con- 
 vention 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You are out of 
 order. We will have order, please. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: A question of in- 
 formation from the Chair. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I wish to say 
 this. Comrade Mailly, and to all who 
 rise, that the Chair is not disposed to 
 arbitrarily deny anyone his rights, b"*^ 
 we have uniformly enforced this rule 
 day, and unless it is the unanimous l 
 sire of the convention to grant the ex- 
 press privilege of the floor to Delegate 
 Mailly he will not be recognized. Is 
 there any objection to Delegate Mailly 
 being heard? 
 
 A DELEGATE: I object. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Mailly 
 cannot be heard. All in favor of the 
 substitute being adopted will manifest 
 the same by saying "Aye"; contrary, 
 "No". It is defeated. The Secretary 
 will read the amendment to the original 
 motion. 
 
 THE SECRETARY : The amendment 
 to the original motion, as .offered by 
 Delegate Young of Maryland, is as fol- 
 lows: "I move to amend by striking 
 out the words '1500' and inserting the 
 words '1200'." 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 IS'? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : All in favor of 
 adopting the amendment will manifest 
 the same by saying "Aye" ; contrary, 
 "No". The Chair is in doubt. 
 
 A division being called for, a stand- 
 ing vote was taken upon the amend- 
 ment offered by Delegate Young, and 
 the same was lost by a vote of 74 
 against to 65 in favor of the amend- 
 ment. 
 
 Thereupon, the question recurring 
 upon the original motion, Section i of 
 Article VH was adopted as reported by 
 the Committee. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY (Neb.): I hoped 
 that when I asked the privilege 
 of the floor that it would be granted 
 without objection, but there is a dele- 
 gate in front of me who has steadily 
 opposed every attempt of mine to make 
 an explanation to the Chairman 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Mailly 
 has the floor, and he will not be inter- 
 rupted. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: This is my 
 question of personal privilege, and this 
 is what I wanted to say before the vote 
 was taken, Mr. Chairman : For some 
 time I have had under consideration a 
 proposition which would take me out 
 of the national office, and would not 
 require me to retain the position of Na- 
 tional Secretary. I have consulted with 
 my most intimate friends upon the prop- 
 osition. It is a position which offers in 
 every way a more agreeable work than 
 the position of National Secretary. My 
 friends have counseled me in the inter- 
 ests of the party to remain in this posi- 
 tion, but after the debate here this after- 
 noon I should feel that I would be lack- 
 ing in self-respect, after the remarks 
 that have been made on this floor, if I 
 accepted your increased salary and re- 
 tained the position. I want to say that 
 at the conclusion of this convention I 
 shall accept the proposition made to me 
 for other work in the movement. I 
 have consulted with my wife, and she is 
 perfectly in accord with the program, 
 and I shall before the close of the con- 
 vention ofifer my resignation as National 
 Secretary. I want to say here, and I 
 wanted to state this before, I believe in 
 the fifteen hundred dollar salary. I be- 
 lieve that you cannot aflford to keep 
 your national officers, whether assist- 
 ants or general officers, in the position 
 that you have. If you employ men and 
 expect them to give their time and their 
 
 ability to your service, you must expect 
 to remunerate them in a way that will 
 enable them to live decently. (Ap- 
 plause.) That is my position. As one 
 who will go out of office, I am speaking 
 for my successor, whoever he may be. 
 I want my successor to be able to live 
 better than I have, or than my assistant 
 secretaries have in this office. I intended 
 to say this before the vote was taken, 
 and that was why I asked for the ques- 
 tion of personal privilege — so that the 
 vote could be taken on the question of 
 the fifteen hundred salary and the dele- 
 gates . could vote without having my 
 personal self in mind, and could vote 
 according to the principle which is at 
 stake — which was at stake in the vote 
 that was taken. It is a question of prin- 
 ciple — not of me; not of John Smith, 
 who may succeed me, nor of John 
 Brown. It is a question of whether 
 you are going to have men who can do 
 your work, and whether you are going 
 to pay them so they can keep in physical 
 and mental condition to do the work. 
 You want to put your officials in a po- 
 sition where they will be able to give 
 themselves to the movement ; where they 
 will be free from economic worry and 
 economic care ; where they won't be 
 wondering whether they can pay the 
 butcher's bill, or the house rent, or the 
 insurance, or anything of the kind. That 
 is what you have got to protect your- 
 selves against. You have got to enable 
 your officials to live decently. That is 
 all I have to say. I did not vote on the 
 proposition, because it would be taken 
 personally. If I had been allowed to 
 make this statement before the vote was 
 taken I would have voted for the $l,soo 
 a year, although I have had absolutely 
 nothing to do with that proposition be- 
 ing in the Constitution. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Titus 
 will be permitted to make an explana- 
 tion here. The question has been asked 
 of me, and I want to say that personal 
 privileges are going to be laid on the 
 table for a little while. 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.): I wish to 
 say, as a matter of personal privilege, 
 first I protest against the insinuation of 
 the Chair that I wished to take advan- 
 tage of personal privilege to make a 
 speech which I had no right to make. 
 The Chair had no right to make that 
 insinuation against a delegate on the 
 floor. In the second place, I wish to 
 
138 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 answer two questions asked by the com- 
 rade from St. Louis, with respect to the 
 high salaries paid to labor fakirs. I 
 did not suppose there was a labor fakir 
 on this floor. (Applause.) In the third 
 place, I wish to say, as a matter of per- 
 sonal privilege, that any suggestion that 
 I was talking against William Mailly is 
 furthest possible from the truth. There 
 is no man on the floor who regards Wil- 
 liam Mailly with higher friendship, re- 
 spect and loyalty, than the delegate from 
 Washington. (Applause.) William 
 Mailly knows that, and I regret that we 
 were not allowed by the Chair in a par- 
 liamentary way to make these answers 
 of personal privilege before the vote 
 was taken. We might, except for that 
 ruling, have changed the decision of 
 Comrade MJailly in reference to his resig- 
 nation, which has just been presented. 
 It is a misfortune .to the party if Wil- 
 liam Mailly should resign. (Applause.) 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Before this in- 
 cident is closed I want to say for the 
 information of the delegates that so 
 long as I am Chairman I shall enforce 
 parliamentary procedure in conformance 
 to the rules of order that we have 
 adopted^ — and that method .will be pur- 
 sued without the slightest regard to 
 whom it strikes and whom it does not. 
 I do not need to say to you that I have 
 listened to the speeches in which the 
 personality of our National Secretary 
 has been discussed with a great deal 
 more disfavor and disgust than perhaps 
 any other delegate on the floor. There 
 is not a sincerer friend, a better well- 
 wisher, of our self-sacrificing Secretary . 
 than your humble servant who sits in 
 the Chair. But he does not sit in the 
 Chair as a friend and well-wisher of 
 Secretary Mailly. He sits to enforce 
 rules of order, and he will recognize no 
 friend for any reason while he occupies 
 this seat. I recognize that it would be 
 a calamity for Secretary Mailly to be 
 permitted to carry out his intention, and 
 there are men sitting on this floor that 
 owe him and this convention an apology 
 for daring to insinuate that he is on the 
 low level of a salary-seeking labor fakir. 
 (Cheers.) Secretary Mailly is not called 
 upon to resign because of anything the 
 Chair did. Secretary Mailly was called 
 upon to do what he has done or in- 
 tends doing because his self-respect 
 makes it necessary. What is the next 
 subject before the house? 
 
 Chairman Hillquit read Article VII, 
 
 Section 2, as follows : 
 
 "The National Secretary shall have 
 charge of all the affairs of the Na- 
 tional office, subject to the direction 
 of the Executive Committee and Na- 
 tional Committee. . He shall receive 
 the reports of the state organizations 
 and of local organizations in unor- 
 ganized states and territories. He 
 shall supervise the accounts of the 
 national office, and the work of the 
 Lecture Bureau, the Literature Bu- 
 reau, and such other departments as 
 may hereafter be established in con- 
 nection with the national office." 
 
 Delegate Robinson (Ky.) moved the 
 adoption of the section. Seconded and 
 carried. 
 
 The third section was read by Chair- 
 man Hillquit, as follows: 
 
 "The National Secretary shall issue 
 and deliver a monthly bulletin con- 
 taining a report of the financial af- 
 fairs of the party, a summary of the 
 condition and the membership of the 
 several state and territorial organiza- 
 tions, and of the principal business 
 transacted by his office, and such 
 other matters pertaining to the or- 
 ganization and interests of the party 
 as may be of general interest to the 
 membership. Such bulletin shall not 
 contain any editorial matter." 
 
 On motion duly seconded the section 
 was adopted. • 
 
 Section 4 was read as follows : 
 
 "The National Secretary shall be 
 empowered to secure such help as may 
 be necessary for the proper conduct 
 of the business of his office." 
 
 Delegate Benessi (Mich.) moved that 
 the section be adopted. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio) I move 
 to amend by adding "whose salaries 
 shall not be less than $120 a month." 
 Seconded. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: The committee 
 desires to know whether this would in- 
 clude the office boy, stenographer, sten- 
 ographer's assistant and everybody else. 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I an- 
 swer,, yes, if they have equal intelli- 
 gence and ability and do equal work 
 for the party. The delegate does not 
 intend it seriously, but in jest. He com- 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 139 
 
 pares the office of assistant secretary 
 and the salary with the salary of the 
 Secretary himself. I can inform the 
 delegates that the Secretary has inci- 
 dental expenses which an assistant does 
 not have. I can speak from personsi 
 experience, because I myself was a year 
 National Secretary of the Socialist La- 
 bor Party, so-called, once. They paid 
 the Secretary $1,000 a year when we 
 had five or six thousand members only. 
 The Secretary has incidental expenses 
 that he cannot present bills for to the 
 party. You know a secretary that lives 
 in a city like Chicago or in a smaller 
 one finds it necessary to meet visiting 
 comrades from other cities, and must 
 necessarily incur expenses which may 
 aggregate hundreds of dollars a year, 
 which an assistant secretary does not 
 have to incur. This is in answer to 
 the argument of Comrade Webster, made 
 in good faith, "Why shouldn't the assist- 
 ant secretary have the same salary?" 
 That is my answer. Delegate Webster's 
 position that the office boys and stenog- - 
 raphers and perhaps the woman that 
 cleans the office should have the same 
 salary as the National Secretary, shows 
 that it is not a bona fide position that 
 he has taken. 
 
 Delegate Robinson (Ky.) moved to 
 lay the amendment on the table. Sec- 
 onded and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The amend- 
 ment is upon the table, and the motion 
 now before us is the recommendation of 
 the committee. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER: I want to amend 
 that motion so that the first assistant 
 shall be paid $120, the second assistant 
 shall be paid $120, the third assistant 
 shall be paid $100, the stenographer shall 
 be paid $75 a month. If an office boy 
 is hired and he is over sixteen years 
 old he shall be paid $75 a month, and if 
 he is under sixteen he shall be paid 
 $40 a month." 
 
 Delegate Hazlett (Colo.) moved to 
 lay the amendment on the table. Sec- 
 onded and carried. The recommenda- 
 tion of the committee was then carried 
 and the section adopted. 
 
 The sth section was read, as follows : 
 
 "The National Secretary and the 
 members of the Executive Committee 
 may be removed from office at any 
 time by majority vote of the mem- 
 bers of the National Committee," 
 Adopted, 
 
 A NATIONAl. LECTURE BUREAU. 
 
 Chairman Hillquit read Article VIII, 
 as follows: 
 
 "Lecture Bureau. Section i. There 
 
 shall be maintained in connection with 
 
 the national office a lecture bureau for 
 
 the purpose of arranging tours for 
 
 lecturers on theoretical Socialism." 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : A question 
 of information. We have just done 
 something that I don't understand, and 
 I don't think anybody else does. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : If we have just 
 done it it is beyond the point where you 
 can get any information upon it. You 
 have had the committee's report before 
 you all afternoon, and could have asked 
 before putting the motion. It is now 
 too late to make any suggestion upon 
 it. There is nothing in order but the 
 adoption or rejection of the last clause. 
 
 DEL. PHELAN (111.) : I move the 
 adoption of the clause as read. Sec- 
 onded. 
 
 DEL. WqODBEY (Cal.) : I want to 
 know what is meant by the words "theo- 
 retical Socialism." I do not understand 
 it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Delegate Wood- 
 bey inquires of the committee what they 
 mean or what construction is to be 
 placed upon the terra "theoretical So- 
 cialism." 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: You heard that 
 section. I will illustrate the idea a little 
 more. The idea is that lecturers en- 
 gaged under the auspices of the Lecture 
 Bureau shall not discuss party affairs in 
 the various locals or states where they 
 lecture, but they shall confine themselves 
 to an exposition of Socialism, without 
 regard to party affairs. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: The term "theo- 
 retical" is what I mean. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.): In distinc- 
 tion from tactical Socialism. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Ber- 
 lyn suggests "in distinction from tac- 
 tical Socialism." 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.) : I find that it 
 is impossible for any lecturer to go out 
 on the road and preach theoretical So- 
 cialism only. You cannot confine a com- 
 rade to theoretical Socialism. When he 
 gets up in a local meeting or public 
 meeting and addresses an audience 
 questions will be asked and questions 
 will be raised, and you cannot stand 
 th?r? a? ^ lecturer of the Socialist Party 
 
liO 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 and say, "I have no right to speak on 
 practical Socialism ; I am only a lecturer 
 on theoretical Socialism." I believe it is 
 childish to put anything of this kind 
 into our constitution. (Applause.) I, 
 therefore, move that this portion be 
 stricken out. Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Which part do 
 you mean to be stricken out? 
 
 DEL. ROSE: I move that the words 
 "theoretical" and "only" be stricken 
 out. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : Will the 
 chairman inform us what the committee 
 means by "theoretical only"? 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: The committee 
 would have preferred to do away with 
 "theoretical only." It was anxious to 
 emphasize the fact that it was not pro- 
 ' posed to carry on organization matters 
 or discussions by means of lecturers from 
 national headquarters, and that is why 
 we inserted those words, to emphasize 
 the idea, but we thought ourselves it 
 would be better without the words. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: I move as an 
 amendment to the amendment to put the 
 words "educational" or "education." I 
 want it understood that lecturers are not 
 to go out and talk about this, that or 
 the other party affair. We do not want 
 a repetition of the old DeLeon affair. 
 We will have it if you give lecturers 
 the power to go into the states and use 
 the power they have before the branches 
 for the purpose of disrupting the party. 
 Such a thing is possible; it has been 
 done in the past. So I want a word of 
 this kind in there. Besides, if we do 
 not put it in, we are in conflict with 
 another passage of this constitution 
 which states that the state has the ex- 
 clusive power and exclusive control over 
 propaganda work in every organized 
 state. I would like to have it read 
 in there "lecturers for propaganda only," 
 or something of that kind ; or "educa- 
 tional Socialism," or "for the purpose of 
 education only," or "propaganda lec- 
 tures" — anything of that kind. I will 
 make it "propaganda lectures," if that 
 is the best. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Do I under- 
 stand Delegate Berger to make an 
 amendment to the amendment? 
 
 DEL. BERGER. Yes. 
 
 DEL. DILNO (Mo.): May I have 
 the privilege of asking Comrade Berger 
 
 to accept a little different wording of 
 that provision? 
 DEL. BERGER: Yes. 
 
 DEL. DILNO: Couldn't that diffi- 
 culty be obviated by simplfying this in 
 this way: Say "a. lecture bureau for 
 the purpose of arranging propaganda 
 tours for lecturers on Socialism." 
 
 DEL. BERGER : I am satisfied with 
 that. 
 
 DEL. DILNO: Insert "propaganda" 
 there instead of "educational." 
 
 DEL. SPEARS (111.) : I move that 
 this clause be amended to read that 
 "there shall be maintained in connection 
 with the national office a lecture bureau 
 for the purpose of arranging tours for 
 lecturers for the propaganda of Social- 
 ism." (Applause.) Seconded. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.) : If you will 
 refer to Article VII, you will note in 
 Section 4, "States and territories in 
 which there shall be one central organ- 
 ization affiliated with the party, the 
 state or territorial organization shall 
 have the sole control of members resid- 
 ing within their respective territories, 
 and the sole control of all matters per- 
 taining to the propaganda or organiza- 
 tion or financial affairs within the state 
 or territory." Now, then, if you adopt 
 Comrade Spears' amendment you im- 
 mediately have this proposition pre- 
 sented: you deprive the state of its au- 
 tonomy in regard to organization and 
 propaganda. In other words, that au- 
 tonomy is surrendered to the National 
 Quorum or national organization, and 
 the state loses its power to govern itself. 
 For that reason I am opposed to a sub- 
 stitute that uses the word "propaganda," 
 which in substance would leave the 
 question divided as to whether you have 
 state autonomy or not on the question 
 of propaganda. 
 
 DEL. BARNES (Pa.): Will you 
 permit an explanation, Comrade Sted- 
 man? If you will just read that same 
 section you will find in the last three 
 lines, "The National Committee or the 
 officers thereof shall have no right to 
 interfere with state autonomy," we will 
 say in such matters, "without the con- 
 sent of the respective state or territorial 
 organizations." 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN : The amendment 
 as originally drawn and submitted by 
 the Qommittee is perfectly consistent, but 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 141 
 
 the moment you take the substitute you 
 have a different proposition. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.) : Section 2, 
 Article VIII, provides that this can only 
 be done under its auspices with all state 
 or local organiza(:ions of the party, and 
 arrangements must be made with them 
 for lecturers. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Th» Secretary 
 will read the substitute. 
 
 The Secretary read : "There shall be 
 rnaintained in connection with the na- 
 tional office a lecture bureau for the 
 purpose of arranging tours for lectur- 
 ers for the propaganda of Socialism." 
 
 The Chairman put the question on 
 the substitute as just read by the sec- 
 retary, and declared the result in doubt. 
 
 Delegate Phelan asked that the sub- 
 stitute be read again, which was done, 
 and the question being put on a rising 
 vote, the substitute was adopted by a 
 vote of 88 to 21. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : Representing 
 three members of the committee, I wish 
 to move as a substitute for all that is 
 before the house that the clause shall 
 stand as it is, with the words "Social- 
 ism only" stricken out and the follow- 
 ing added 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Just a moment. 
 In order to have that matter straight 
 and adopted you will have to move to 
 reconsider. We have just adopted the 
 substitute for the whole offered by Dele- 
 gate Spears. The Secretary will pro- 
 ceed. . 
 
 JtmiSDICTION OF LECTURE BtTREAU. 
 
 Chairman Hillquit read as follows : 
 
 "The lecture bureau shall have no 
 connection with the work of organ- 
 ization. It shall have the right to 
 make arrangements for lecturers un- 
 der its auspices with all state or local 
 organizations of the party." 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 section be adopted as read. 
 
 Delegate Berger moved to amend by 
 striking out the words "or local" before 
 "organizations." 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : I would 
 like to have some interpretation of the 
 language, "The lecture bureau shall 
 have no connection with the work of or- 
 ganization." Am I to understand that 
 if this is adopted that hereafter we shall 
 not be allowed to organize ? Is that the 
 meaning of it? 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: No, the substi- 
 tute as carried was that for lecturers 
 
 delivering lectures on Socialism or the 
 propaganda of Socialism under the 
 auspices of this bureau arrangements 
 may be made primarily with local or- 
 ganizations. That has been followed, 
 that was the rule adopted by the first 
 National Committee meeting, and rati- 
 fied by the referendum of the party and 
 now in force. But when you come to 
 organize you don't come under the 
 auspices of this bureau. You come un- 
 der the auspices of the national office 
 generally, and it then requires the con- 
 sent of the state organization to allow 
 you to go into a state to organize 'it. 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.) : I would like 
 to ask the comrade who moved the 
 striking out of the word "local" in case 
 that word is stricken out, what will be- 
 come of such states as Mississippi that 
 have no state organization? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is Delegate 
 Berger capable of answering that ques- 
 tion? 
 
 DEL. BERGER: I will state that 
 there are organized states like New 
 York and Massachusetts and there are 
 states that are not organized, but those 
 states ought to get in line and perfect 
 their organization. We want to hold on 
 to the committee; it is our only salva- 
 tion. We want the states to be organ- 
 ized and as long as our organization 
 rests upon 31 different pillars instead of 
 resting on one, we are all right. Now 
 in answer to the comrade's question, 
 this will not in any way interfere with 
 making arrangements with local organ- 
 izations in such states as are not organl- 
 ized. There is a provision for it in 
 Article XII. 
 
 DEL. WEAVER (Cal.) : I think it 
 is unnecessary. I think later on in the 
 constitution it provides for this, and if 
 this amendment were carried it would 
 prevent the national organization from 
 making any arrangements with the lo- 
 cals, even if the state allows it, and it 
 would also prevent them from making 
 arrangements in unorganized states. 
 Therefore, I think it is entirely unneces- 
 sary. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY (Cal.) : I want 
 to know whether it will prevent a local 
 organization from making arrangements 
 at any time with any speaker to speak 
 before a local. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Is any one 
 qualified to answer that question? 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY : Or will the local 
 
142 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 organization employ only such persons 
 to address them at any time as are 
 recommended by the bureau? Our lo- 
 cal organization, for instance, in San 
 Diego, where I live, has a speaker who 
 is in good standing in the party and 
 who maintains his standing in the party. 
 Now I want to know if we can invite 
 that speaker to address us without the 
 consent of the state or national organ- 
 ization ? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I would advise 
 you to see the chairman of the com- 
 mittee on Constitution. That is all the 
 information I can give you. I want to 
 say further that the sources of informa- 
 tion open to the Chair are open to every 
 delegate here and that you will have 
 to depend for your information upon 
 your own resources. 
 
 DEL. MEYER; I ask for a question 
 of personal privilege. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There is no 
 question of personal privilege in order. 
 Nothing is in order but a point of order. 
 
 DEL. MEYER: Then I rise to a 
 point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : What is it? 
 
 DEL. MEYER: I desire to call at- 
 tention to the fact that various dis- 
 cussions are going on in the rear of the 
 hall and it is impossible to hear the 
 delegate who has the floor. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That poipt of 
 order is well taken. The sergeant-at- 
 arms will please keep order in the rear 
 of the hall. Now, Delegate Woodbey, 
 proceed. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: I want to say 
 that if the effect of this measure now 
 proposed to be put into the constitu- 
 tion is to take away the liberty of the 
 local organization, without the consent 
 of the state organization or national or- 
 ganization, to invite a speaker that 
 may be reputable in the party to come 
 before them and address them, then I 
 think it is a very dangerous precedent 
 to establish, and I undertake to say that 
 if that thing is carried through you can 
 never enforce that with the local organ- 
 izations. Why, the local organizations 
 in our state could not employ their own 
 speakers under an arrangement of that 
 kind without first asking the state sec- 
 retary as to whether they could do it, 
 and I tell you that you may pass that if 
 you please, but the locals of this country 
 will pay no attention to it whatsoever. 
 
 They will employ such speakers as they 
 usually employ, and I think that is 
 proper. Now mark you, remember this, 
 when this constitution goes to the locals 
 and the several state organizations, they 
 will put' their own construction on it, 
 notwithstanding what construction the 
 committee that drew it put upon it and 
 notwithstanding what construction we 
 may put upon it. If I understand the 
 wording of this section, a local could 
 not employ a man to speak before them 
 unless they have tjie consent of the state 
 organization, and I do not think that we 
 could enforce such a rule. 
 
 DEL. HOLLENBERGER (Ind.) : I 
 will say that we have no right to dictate 
 as to whom the various locals shall em- 
 ploy to address them. Therefore, I am 
 heartily in favor, if a local wants a lec- 
 turer, of allowing them to have whbm 
 they choose. Why, suppose a loc^l or 
 a state organization is opposed to a cer- 
 tain speaker and, therefore, the local 
 did not want that speaker. Why, the 
 national lecture bureau could send them 
 that fellow and they would have to take 
 him. Now I do not think that that is 
 right and, therefore, I am opposed to it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I want to re- 
 mind you now before we go any further 
 that when we have disposed of this 
 recommendation of the committee we 
 will have done just one-half, we will 
 have passed upon just one-half of the 
 Committee on Constitution's work. Now, 
 if we are goiijg to get through we will 
 have to have fewer speeches and more 
 work. We will have to do something. 
 (Loud applause.) 
 
 The previous question was moved and 
 carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now before you. Comrades, is the mo- 
 tion to strike out the word "local" 
 from Sections 2 of Article VIII. 
 
 The question was then put on the 
 amendment and is was declared lost by 
 the Chairman. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will read the next amendment. 
 
 A division' was called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Division has 
 been called for. All in favor of striking 
 out the word "local" will rise and be 
 counted by the Secretary. The amend- 
 ment is defeated. The Secretary yiiW 
 please read the next. Before having him 
 read it, however, the question comes up 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 143 
 
 on the adoption of the committee's re- 
 port as it stands. 
 
 The adoption of Section 2 of Article 
 8 was then put to a vive voce vote and 
 carried. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : A question of 
 personal privilege, Comrade Chairman: 
 I wasn't ready for the question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I am sorry. 
 
 DEL. MEYER: I called your at- 
 tention to the fact. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Proceed. 
 Section 3 of Article 8 was then read, 
 as follows : 
 
 "Section 3,. The National Commit- 
 tee shall establish a uniform rate of 
 compensation for all lecturers and or- 
 ganizers working under its auspices." 
 The adoption of the section as read 
 was moved and seconded. 
 
 DEL. JACOBSEN (Iowa) : I move 
 you the word "uniform" be stricken out 
 and the words "maximum and mini- 
 mum" rate be inserted. 
 The motion was seconded. 
 DEL. FLOATEN (Colo.) : I move 
 to amend by striking out the words 
 "maximum and minimum." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Such an amend- 
 ment is not admissible, because it nulli- 
 fies Comrade Jacobsen's amendment. 
 
 The question was called for and Dele- 
 gate Jacobsen's amendment being put 
 to a vive voce vote, was declared lost. 
 
 The question then recurring upon the 
 adoption of the section as reported by 
 the committee it was declared adopted. 
 
 A NATIONAL LITERATITBE BUREAU. 
 
 Section i of Article 9 was then read, 
 as follows : 
 
 "Section i. The National Commit- 
 tee shall also maintain in the head- 
 quarters of the party a department for 
 the dissemination of Socialist litera- 
 ture." 
 . It was moved and seconded that the 
 section be adopted as read. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : I desire to 
 amend that section by adding the fol- 
 lowing: "Pamphlets and special propa- 
 ganda literature, other than books, shall 
 be printed in all the languages it] use 
 in the United States." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Allow me to 
 infoi'm the delegate before proceeding 
 any further that that matter is more ■ 
 fully covered in section 2, and I would, 
 therefore, suggest that your amendment 
 
 would be more appropriate under that 
 section. 
 
 DEL. MEYER : All right. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The amend- 
 ment will stay on the Secretary's table 
 until we come to section 2. 
 
 A vive voce vote was then taken on 
 the motion to adopt Section i of Article 
 9 as read, and the motion was carried. 
 
 Section 2 of Article g was then read, 
 as follows : 
 
 "Section 2. The literature bureau 
 shall keep for sale to the local organ- 
 izations of the party and others, a 
 stock of Socialist books, pamphlets 
 and other literature, and shall have 
 the right with the approval of the 
 committee, to publish works on the- 
 oretical Socialism or for the progress 
 of Socialist propaganda, but this 
 clause shall not be construed as au- 
 thorizing the bureau to publish any 
 periodicals." 
 
 THte CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 regularly moved and seconded to adopt 
 the section as read, and I will ask 
 Comrade Meyer if he presses his amend- 
 ment to this section? 
 
 DEL. MEYER : I do. 
 
 DEL. IRENE M. SMITH (Ore.) : 
 Mr. Chairman, I move that we strike 
 out the 'word "theoretical." 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. MEYER : I desire to state 
 that I introduced this amendment be- 
 cause I have had some considerable ex- 
 perience as a secretary of counties and 
 find that it is desirous to have this lit- 
 erature in different languages, and, 
 therefore, I think it is necessary that 
 the national party in printing national 
 literature in the form of pamphlets and 
 so forth, furnish literature in the var- 
 ious languages, in as many languages as 
 are used by the comrades supporting the 
 Socialist Party in the United States, 
 and that is the reason I introduced the 
 amendment here. 
 
 The question was called for. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.) : I wish to amend 
 by striking out the authority to publish 
 works on theoretical Socialism and 
 have it read simply that authority be 
 given simply to publish propaganda 
 pamphlets. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Are you ready 
 for the question? 
 
144 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS (111.) : The amend- 
 ment to the amendment, I think, cov- 
 ers all grounds. Possibly Comrade 
 Meyer will accept it. 
 
 DEL. MEYER: I accept that. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : It is accepted. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire merely 
 to save the convention some work in the 
 future. Section 2 as it is drawn now 
 is broad enough to embrace the publi- 
 cation of literature in any or all lan- 
 guages, and if literature is required in 
 any language but English the party and 
 the literature bureau has the right, I 
 think, to publish the same under this 
 section without any special provision by 
 way of its being amended. 
 
 The question was, again called for. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS : The reason we want 
 that in is because we want it mandatory 
 so they will have to do it. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : I say we do 
 not want this thing here so they will 
 have to publish it in every language in 
 which we have got comrades. We do 
 not want this to read so that by a 
 strict interpretation of the section we 
 may be forced to publish these pam- 
 phlets in all languages. I say .we do 
 not want that. j 
 
 (Cries of "Question !") 
 DEL. TRAMS (N. D.) : I want to 
 say to the mover of the amendment that 
 the United States language is good 
 enough for me. I do not see any neces- 
 sity for publishing these pamphlets in 
 all the different languages we have here 
 in the United States. 
 
 DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.) : I hope the 
 amendment will be accepted and I hope 
 the literature will be published in all 
 foreign languages. As a matter of fact, 
 there is a great deal of literature printed 
 on the other side of the water, but it is 
 not fitted for propaganda purposes in 
 this country because it does not bear 
 on the situation in this country, and we 
 ought to have printed in the various 
 languages something that would^bear on 
 conditions here, and distribute that 
 among our comrades from the other 
 side. 
 
 DEL. WILSON (Cal.) : Is the lit- 
 erature bureau a set of persons, or is 
 it an activity of the National Executive 
 Committee? The second section reads 
 that the literature bureau shall have 
 the right with the approval of the com- 
 mittee. Who is it that has the right, 
 
 and to whom shall the committee give 
 its approval? 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : The point of the 
 matter is that we have provided for the 
 National Committee maintaining in con- 
 nection with the headquarters a litera- 
 ture bureau, and further provided that 
 it may publish with the approval of the 
 committee works on Socialism for prop- 
 aganda. In other words, it will be one 
 of the departments of the national office, 
 in charge, no doubt, of some assistant 
 secretary who is to run it, but no 
 publication shall be undertaken without 
 the consent of the Executive Committee. 
 
 DEL. WILSON: I wish to say that 
 there is no provision in this section for 
 the nomination of such a person, or for 
 the appointment of such a person. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) : The sec- 
 tion provides for the keeping of a stock 
 of all kinds of literature. I trust that the 
 delegates will trust to the common sense 
 of the Executive Committee, or National 
 Secretary or assistant secretary. The 
 National Committee will supervise this 
 matter. They know about what is hap- 
 pening, and so I say, let us have a little 
 confidence in the national office and get 
 down to business. (Applause.) 
 
 The previous question was moved. 
 
 -DEL. SAUNDERS: I move to lay 
 the amendment on the table. 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 regularly moved and seconded that the 
 amendment moved by Comrade Meyers 
 and seconded by Comrade Spears be 
 laid upon the table. 
 
 The question was put and the amend- 
 ment tabled. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will now read the amendment offered by 
 Delegate Smith from Oregon. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The amend- 
 ment as offered by Delegate Smith of 
 Oregon is as follows : To strike out the 
 word "theoretical" in Section 2 of Ar- 
 ticle IX. 
 
 The question was then put on the 
 amendment and it was declared carried. 
 
 The question then returning to the 
 adoption of the section as amended, a 
 vive voce vote was taken, and it was 
 ' declared adopted. 
 
 Section 3 of Article IX was then read, 
 as follows : 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 145 
 
 Section 3. The profits of the lit- 
 erature bureau shall go into the gen- 
 eral fund of the party treasury." 
 The adoption of the section as read 
 
 was moved and seconded. 
 DEL. HOLLENBERGER (Ind.) : I 
 
 move to amend that that section be 
 
 tabled. 
 The motion was seconded and the 
 
 question being put, the motion was lost. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 
 before us now is the adoption of the 
 
 committee's report. 
 
 Section 3 of Article IX as read was 
 
 then put to a vive voce vote and de- 
 clared adopted. 
 
 NATIONAL CONVENTIONS. 
 
 Section i of Article X was read, as 
 follows : 
 
 "Section i. The regular national 
 conventions of the party shall be held 
 in all years in which elections for 
 President and Vice-President of the 
 United States are to be held." 
 Upon motion, duly seconded, the sec- 
 tion was adopted as read. 
 
 Section 2 of Article X was then read, 
 as follows : 
 
 "Section 2. Special conventions of 
 the party may be held at any time if 
 decided upon by a general vote of the 
 party membership." 
 Upon motion, duly seconded and car- 
 ried, the section was declared adopted 
 as read. 
 
 Section 3 of Article X was read, as 
 follows : 
 
 "Section 3. The dates and places 
 of holding such regular or special 
 conventions shall be fixed by the Na- 
 tional Committee." 
 
 Upon motion, duly seconded and car- 
 ried, the section was declared adopted. 
 Section 4, Article X, was read as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 "Section 4. The basis of repre- 
 sentation in any national convention 
 shall be by states, each state and ter- 
 ritory being entitled to one delegate 
 at large, and one additional delegate 
 for every two hundred members in 
 good standing." 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : I move to 
 amend by striking out the words "two 
 hundred" and inserting the words "one 
 thousand." 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Gentlemen, you 
 have heard the motion and it has been 
 seconded. Are you ready for the ques- 
 tion? 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : I have an- 
 other amendment I wish to offer. I 
 wish to amend by adding to- Section 4 
 at the end of the section, the following : 
 "But in every case the delegate shall 
 be a resident of the state which he or 
 she represents." We have delegates 
 right on the floor of this convention 
 who are not delegates of the state which 
 they represent. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I would like to 
 state for the benefit of Comrade Berger 
 that the committee has decideded it ad- 
 visable to add the following to this sec- 
 tion: 
 
 "Provided, however, that no can- 
 didate shall be considered eligible un- 
 less he or she is a resident of the state 
 from which the credential is pre- 
 sented." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection, the provision recommended 
 by the committee will be embodied in 
 the report. There being no objection, 
 it is so ordered. 
 
 DEL. GIBBS (Mass.) : I wish to 
 offer an amendment, not to any par- 
 ticular section, but to the article as a 
 whole. This amendment is somewhat 
 material to all of section 4, therefore, I 
 would ask permission to present it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : If it is germane 
 to the question under consideration we 
 will listen to it. 
 
 DEL. GIBBS : I move as an amend- 
 ment to the whole article, a new section, 
 which shall read as follows : "The Na- 
 tional Committee shall provide a special 
 fund for payment of expenses of the 
 delegates in attending the National Con- 
 vention." I move that as an amend- 
 ment for Article X. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : It seems to me 
 that we perhaps had best dispose of the 
 matters before us first, and then take up 
 your proposition as a separate section 
 or an addition to this matter. 
 
 DEL GIBBS: I will accept the 
 Chair's suggestion if the comrades un- 
 derstand that it comes up later on. 
 
 DEL. LANGWORTHY (Tex.): I 
 move to amend the amendment by 
 striking out the words "two hundred" 
 and inserting the words "one hundred." 
 
U6 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 We are represented here on the basis of 
 one hundred, and if we should have 
 been represented on the basis of two 
 hundred, we would have had consid- 
 erably less present. If it had been upon 
 the basis of one thousand, some of the 
 states would not have had any dele- 
 gates in this convention. I. think the 
 effect of this amendment would be to 
 shut out a good many states. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I want to say 
 for the information of the delegate, 
 that I have not heard his motion sec- 
 onded. Until it has been seconded it 
 is not open for discussion. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY (Neb.) : There is 
 one objection to the amendment offered 
 by Comrade Gibbs and that is if you 
 have the representation on too low a 
 basis you will have a great convention 
 and the national organization will never 
 receive a fund sufficient to defray the 
 expenses. Now, I believe that the 
 original section is all right. That would 
 leave us just about the same member- 
 ship as we have here now, which would 
 make the convention about the right 
 ■size to make it really a deliberative 
 body. I favor the retention of the ac- 
 tion as reported by the committee, un- 
 derstanding, of course, that another sec- 
 tion will be added to cover the expenses 
 of the delegates. 
 
 DEL. NAGEL (Ky.) : I move you 
 the previous question. 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 DEL. SMITH (Ore.) : I ask for spe- 
 cial information before this vote is put. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I think Com- 
 rade Smith asked me for the floor, and 
 I promised the floor. Comrade Smith 
 has the floor. 
 
 DEL. SMITH (Ore.) : In the face 
 of the amendment of the comrade from 
 New York, or wherever it was, to the 
 effect that committeemen must be resi- 
 dents of the state before they can repre- 
 sent the party here, I want to know how 
 long we are going to stay here. Our 
 body is a moving body, and if it is 
 aimed at me, as I think two or three 
 times it has been, I would like to have 
 the opportunity of telling to these dele- 
 gates the conditions under which I am 
 here at this convention. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : At this time we 
 have nothing before us but the previous 
 question. 
 
 The question was then put on the 
 previous question, and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will please read the first amendment. 
 
 DEL. SAUNDERS: I rise to a 
 point of information. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You will get 
 all the information coming to you from 
 the Secretary's reading. (Laughter and 
 applause.) 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The first 
 amendment is a motion to amend by 
 striking out the words "two hundred" 
 and making it "one hundred." 
 
 The question was put on the amend- 
 ment and it was declared lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will read the next amendment. 
 
 DEL. SAUNDERS: 1 rise to a 
 point of information. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Get your infor- 
 mation, delegate from Illinois, as we go 
 along. The Secretary will now read 
 the next amendment. Get your infor- 
 mation from that. (Laughter and ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 THE SECRETARY: Moved by 
 Delegate Dalton of Illinois to amend by 
 striking out the words "two hundred" 
 and inserting the words "one thousand." 
 
 The amendment was nut to a vive 
 voce vote and lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now recurs to the original report of the 
 committee. The chairman of the com- 
 mittee will read this again, because there 
 have been certain additions. Kindly give 
 him your attention. Immediately upon 
 the close of the reading of this we will 
 vote upon it. 
 
 Section 4 of Article X was then read, 
 as follows : 
 
 "Section 4. The basis of repre- 
 sentation in any national convention 
 shall be by states, each state and ter- 
 ritory being entitled to one delegate 
 ■at large, and one additional delegate 
 for every two hundred members in 
 good standing. Provided, however, 
 that no delegate shall be considered 
 eligible unless he is a resident of the 
 state from which the credential, is 
 presented." 
 
 The question was then put on the 
 adoption of the section as read, and it 
 carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I want to say 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 147 
 
 right here that we have got about fifty 
 minutes to complete this report. You 
 can see that we still have about one- 
 fourth of it to pass upon. We will have 
 to move rapidly if we hope to get 
 through. Is there any other matter be- 
 fore us in connection with this article' 
 THE SECRETARY : There is Com- 
 rade Gibbs' amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secre- 
 tary will read it. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The amend- 
 ment is to add one more section to 
 Article X, to be known as Section 5, 
 and to read as follows: "The National 
 Committee shall provide a special fund 
 for the payment! of the expenses of the 
 delegates in attending the national con- 
 vention." 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. GIBBS: Mr. Chairman, I do 
 not know whether- it is necessary for 
 me to speak a moment upon this ques- 
 tion. I simply want to say in justice, 
 however, to the states that are at a dis- 
 tance from the convention that there 
 is a tendency to-day when we elect only 
 men who will attend the convention and 
 pay their own expenses, there is a ten- 
 dency to have men come here for a 
 week's outing, a week's vacation, and 
 that may explain to some extent the va- 
 cant seats found in this convention to- 
 day. Now, I say that is a dangerous 
 thing, and I hope for this reason that 
 the convention will adopt the amend- 
 ment to the article. 
 
 Upon the request of Delegate Mailly 
 (Neb.), the Secretary then read the 
 amendment offered by Delegate Gibbs 
 again. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY : I want to offer this 
 as a substitute for that section ; to be 
 known as Section 5, Article X : "The 
 railroad fare of the delegates going to 
 and coming from the convention shall 
 be paid from the national treasury, and 
 such expenses shall be raised by a per 
 capita assessment on the entire member- 
 ship." 
 
 The amendment was seconded. 
 
 DEL. GIBBS: I accept that amend- 
 ment. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : This is a se- 
 rious question, and I think we ought to 
 leave it to the states to make provision 
 for the payment of their own delegates 
 to the national convention, rather than 
 putting it on the national organization. 
 If the states want to be represented in 
 
 the national convention, let the states 
 pay for their delegates and make provis- 
 ion in their state constitution and let the 
 states take up a collection for their dele- 
 gates to the national convention. It 
 seems to me as though there were dan- 
 ger in this and that some of the small 
 states and states from afar off might 
 not get their full representation. I be- 
 lieve there is danger in this and I hope 
 that the section will not be adopted 
 without some discussion. 
 
 Delegate Saunders then moved the 
 previous question, and the motion be- 
 ing duly seconded, it was carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will read the matter before us. 
 
 The Secretary then read the substi- 
 tute as offered by Delegate Mailly. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Gentlemen, you 
 have heard the reading of the substi- 
 tute. The matter is now open for dis- 
 cussion. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (O.) : I am op- 
 posed to this as a whole, and I am in 
 favor of it as a. part, to be raised by 
 a per capita assessment, but I think it 
 should come under Section 6 of Article 
 XII, which provides for the revenue of 
 the organization. I think we ought to 
 carry this along and take up the ques- 
 tion when it is before us when we are 
 considering that section in regard to the 
 revenues of the national organization. 
 
 DEL. TOOMEY" (Conn.) : I want 
 to call your attention to this fact, to the 
 absence of many of our working class 
 representatives who are compelled to 
 •Stay at home because they could not 
 raise the money to come here. (Ap- 
 plause.) If this convention is to be 
 representative of the working men, you 
 must give the working men a chance 
 to be here and not put the party above 
 the man. (Applause.) It has been 
 stated before in this convention that 
 rrien have been chosen because of their 
 ability to pay. If that is the way we 
 get together in a Socialist convention, 
 I am here to state that it is time that 
 such a condition was changed. The 
 gentleman from Kansas speaks of the 
 danger which confronts us. We in our 
 state have been fighting for Socialism 
 for years, and. the movement there is in 
 no danger from any opponents. Gentle- 
 men, in the name of God, give the plain 
 working man a chance; I ask you, give 
 us a chance to be represented upon the 
 
148 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 floor of this convention. (Loud ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 The question was then put upon the 
 adoption of Section 5 as an addition to 
 Article X, and the motion carried, and 
 was declared adopted. 
 
 NATIONAL PASTY REFERENDtJM. 
 
 Section i of Article XI was then read, 
 as follows : 
 
 "Section i. Motions to amend any 
 part of this constitution, as well as 
 any other motions or resolutions to 
 be voted upon by the entire member- 
 ship of the party, shall be submitted 
 by the national secretary to a referen- 
 dum of the party membership upon 
 the request of five state or territorial 
 organizations, or any smaller number 
 of such organizations having a mem- 
 bership of at least two thousand in 
 the aggregate." 
 
 The adoption of the section as read 
 was moved and seconded. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : I want to 
 amend this, because it_ does not provide 
 for a local organization. The local or7 
 ganizations have absolutely no say in 
 this matter and I would amend it then 
 in this manner : "Upon the request of 
 five state or territorial organizations, or 
 of ten local organizations," and eliminate 
 all of the remaining portion of the sec- 
 tion reading as follows : "Or any 
 smaller number of such organizations 
 having a membership of at least two 
 thousand in the aggregate." Two thou- 
 sand men are too many to be compelled 
 to ask for a referendum. That prac- 
 tically destroys the effect of the refer- 
 endum. Therefore, I move that amend- 
 ment. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY : I want to offer an 
 amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I did not hear 
 your amendment seconded. Comrade 
 Toole. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: The amendment was 
 seconded by a comrade over here. You 
 seconded it, did you not? 
 A DELEGATE: I did. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Very well, we 
 will entertain a second now. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: I want to offer an 
 amendment for this reason : If you 
 leave this as organizations, it would 
 take too long for you to bring about a 
 new referendum. It would mean the 
 state organizations and that would mean 
 a referendum of the party in the state. 
 
 and that would take too long and would 
 hamper matters instead of facilitating 
 them. So I move that the word "com- 
 mittees" be substituted in place of the 
 word "organizations." 
 
 DEL. SPEARS (111.) : Then does 
 that' last phrase remain, "or any smaller 
 number," etc? 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: My amendment 
 does not affect that. My amendment 
 only affects Section i, and I have only 
 substituted the word "committees" for 
 "organizations" in the phrase "upon the 
 request of five state or territorial or- 
 ganizations." 
 
 DEL. STROBELL (ff. J.) : I should 
 read that by saying five organizations 
 that it does not mean directly the state 
 organizations. If I read it right it 
 means an organization in each state, 
 whether it is a local or a branch or a 
 state organization. That is what we 
 had in our last platform, you knowc, an 
 organization or a branch in each of five 
 states. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Chairman 
 of the committee may perhaps be able 
 to enlighten us in regard to that. 
 
 DEL. HTLLQUIT: I will state that 
 in using the expression "state organiza- 
 tion" or "territorial organization" we 
 did not have in view any referendum. 
 As I understand it, the state organiza- 
 tion is the state committee. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : We cer- 
 tainly intended to change it so as to 
 have a referendum by states and not 
 locals. We proceeded on the assump- 
 tion that if a local desires anything to 
 be submitted to a referendum of the en- 
 tire membership of the party, it must 
 first procure the consent of its own 
 state to that motidn, and if it does not 
 there is no use bothering the nation 
 with it, if it cannot get its own state to 
 act upon it. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (O.) : It seems to 
 me that if you read this so that if you 
 have to have five state organizations, 
 that you will make it impossible to get 
 a referendum almost. Now, if you 
 would make it more locals, I would 
 much rather make it twenty locals, and 
 I, therefore, move you that it be made 
 twenty locals instead of five states. 
 Twenty locals in five or more states. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY (Cal.) : I sim- 
 ply rise to ask this question : I want to 
 know whether if this is adopted, whether 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 149 
 
 a local desiring a referendum on any 
 question, or a number of locals, whether 
 they will first be compelled to get a 
 referendum of the state before they can 
 reach the nation. Is that it? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: How would we 
 > reach the national referendum if we had 
 to get our request from the state? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Your state 
 party will provide a method whereby 
 you may have a referendum. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: I understand 
 that, but I am opposed to it because I 
 cannot see any way that we could pos- 
 sibly reach the state even when we at- 
 tempt to do so. I cannot see how we 
 could reach the state committee so as to 
 compel the state committee to request 
 the national committee to make a refer- 
 endum in any other way than doing just 
 what I have said now. There would be 
 no other door open, and I hope the dele- 
 gates will uiiderstand that now, that 
 there will be no other door open. There 
 cannot possibly be any other way open 
 to the states or the locals in a state to 
 get a referendum on a national amend- 
 ment except by first taking a referen- 
 dum in their own state. It will be irn- 
 possible for us to do otherwise, and if 
 we vote to accept what has been rec- 
 ommended here, that is the situation we 
 will be in. When we go home and a 
 number of locals in the state of Cali- 
 fornia or in Illinois or in New York 
 state wish a referendum or an amend- 
 ment to the national constitution, there 
 will be no possible way of reaching the 
 state committee except by referendum. 
 
 On motion of Delegate Southworth 
 of Colorado, the previous question was 
 then moved and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will please read the first amendment. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The motion 
 before the house is the amendment by 
 Comrade Webster of Ohio, which is that 
 twenty locals in five or more states or 
 territories shall be necessary for a ref- 
 erendum. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Read the next 
 amendment, please. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The next 
 amendment is one which was offered by 
 Comrade Mailly. It is as follows : The 
 word "committees" shall be substituted 
 for the word "organizations" after the 
 words "five state or territorial." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is that all? 
 
 THE SECRETARY: That is all. 
 Then there is on* more amendment by 
 Comrade Toole of Maryland, which was 
 to amend so as to cut out the last clause 
 of section beginning "Or any smaller 
 number," and so forth, and to substitute 
 therefor the phrase, "or of ten local or- 
 ganizations." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The question is 
 now open for debate on two sides for 
 three minutes, and Delegate Berlyn is 
 recognized to spead on one side. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.): I speak in 
 favor of the committee report. The 
 question entirely depends upon the na- 
 ture of our organization. We recognize 
 fully that the party as a whole is con- 
 stituted in our national organization by 
 states. Now a local in a state under 
 the state constitution, when they make 
 a demand for a national referendum, 
 can compel the state committee to for- 
 ward such demand to the national com- 
 mittee. When five organizations in va- 
 rious states have done that and the ag- 
 gregate membership of such states is 
 two thousand or more, then the referen- 
 dum is before the party. Now, I do 
 not see how we can make it any differ- 
 ent from that or improve upon that. We 
 cannot have our national office in direct 
 communication with all the various lo- 
 cals. That renders impossible the prop- 
 osition of twenty locals, or ten locals, 
 or one local, calling for a referendum. 
 Suppose you take the proposition of the 
 highest number, twenty locals. We can 
 have twenty locals throughout the 
 United States, and their aggregate mem- 
 bership might not be two hundred. 
 There is considerably less than one per 
 cent of the membership of the party, 
 and they can put us to the expense of 
 a referendum by making a provision that 
 the states in which these locals are 
 which make the demand for the referen- 
 dum, constitute at least a membership 
 of two thousand or in the neighborhood 
 of five or ten per cent of the member- 
 ship of the party. Therefore, I think 
 that the section should be adopted as 
 returned by the committee. 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, I wish to speak upon the subject. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : In favor of the 
 amendment and against the committee 
 report ? 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I wish to call first 
 for the reading of the amendment. 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will kindly read the amendment. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: Will Delegate 
 Titus kindly state which one he refers 
 to? 
 
 DEL. TITUS : That referring to lo- 
 cals. 
 
 THE SECRETARY : The motion of 
 Comrade Webster of Ohio was to amend 
 the section so as to read, "Upon the re- 
 quest of twenty locals in five or more 
 states or territories." 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I withdraw my 
 amendment. 
 
 DEL. TITUS : I am in favor of that 
 amendment because it puts the referen- 
 dum in the hands of the party member- 
 ship and because it makes a referendum 
 immediately effective. If you will no- 
 tice section 2, you will see that it pro- 
 vides that forty-five days shall elapse 
 for amendments to the referendum, and 
 then forty-five days shall elapse before 
 the referendum is submitted to vote. 
 That is three months. Now, if you want 
 to start a referendum on this plan, you 
 have got to begin a referendum in five 
 different states, which vyill take a month 
 or two, and that is four months, before 
 getting the referendum voted upon. Now, 
 twenty locals in five different states does 
 not violate state autonomy any more 
 than our present plan. If state auton- 
 omy stands in the way of our party, then 
 let state autonomy go, '(Applause.) It is 
 proposed that twenty locals in five dif- 
 ferent states may call for a referendum, 
 and I think that should be accepted as 
 a substitute, and if the matter of ex- 
 pense stands in the way, I say again 
 that democracy is of more importance 
 than expense. The expense of taking 
 these referendums is small, but as you 
 have it now, a referendum, which is 
 the most important thing we have got, 
 is at 'least three or four months away. 
 (Applause.) Therefore, I am heartily 
 in favor of this substitute. 
 
 The question was then put upon the 
 amendment of Delegate Webster and it 
 was carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Real the next 
 amendment. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The next 
 amendment is by Comrade Mailly, and 
 it is as follows : To substitute the word 
 "committees" in place of the word "or- 
 ganizations" after the phrase "five state 
 or territorial", and consequently the 
 clause will thus read : "Upon the re- 
 
 quest of five state or territorial com 
 mittees." 
 
 The question being put upon the 
 amendment, it was lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : As I understand 
 it, the amendment of Comrade Toole 
 has been withdrawn. Am I correct? 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: Yes, I have with- 
 drawn my amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will now 
 vote upon the original section as 
 amended. 
 
 The original section as amended was 
 then put to a vive voce vote and declared 
 adopted. 
 
 Section 2 of Article XI was then read 
 by Chairman Hillquit, as follows: 
 
 "Section 2. Whenever a request for 
 a referendum shall have been made 
 as above provided, the National Sec- 
 retary shall forthwith cause the same 
 to be published in the party press, and 
 shall allow such question to stand 
 open for forty-five days, within which 
 time the amendments may be offered 
 thereto in the same manner in which 
 an original request for a referendum 
 is to be made, and at the close of 
 the said period of forty-five days, the 
 original motion submitted to referen- 
 dum, together with all and any amend- 
 ments which might have been offered, 
 shall be submitted to the vote of the 
 party members, and such vote shall 
 close forty-five days thereafter." 
 The adoption of the section as read 
 was moved and seconded. 
 
 DEL. STROBELL: I move that the 
 time be made twenty days instead of 
 forty-five. 
 
 DEL. CLARK (Neb.) : I move that 
 the amendment be laid on the table. 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 The question was put upon- the mo- 
 tion to lay on the table and it carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The regular mo- 
 tion on the floor now is the committee's 
 recornmendation, and Comrade Titus 
 has the floor. 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.) : I move that 
 thirty be substituted instead of forty- 
 five. 
 
 The motion was seconded by Delegate 
 Smith of Oregon and carried. 
 
 The question was then put on the mo- 
 tion to adopt the original report of the 
 committee as amended, and the motion 
 carried. 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 151 
 
 ■DEL. BICKETT (O.) : Comrade 
 Chairman 
 
 .THE CHAIRMAN: What do you 
 rise for? 
 
 DEL. BICKETT: I would like to 
 express my opinion upon that. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: We have something 
 to say on this also. Here is Kansas, 
 too. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Kindly take 
 your seat. The committee has the 'floor. 
 We will proceed with the regular order 
 of business. 
 
 Section 3 of Article XI was next read 
 by Chairman Hillquit, as -follows: 
 
 "Section 3. All propositions or 
 other matters submitted for the refer- 
 eridum of the party shall be presented 
 without preamble or comment." 
 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 section be adopted. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : I am op- 
 posed to it because there ought to be 
 reasons for the referendum, otherwise 
 the membership won't understand. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Have you an 
 amendment to offer? 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: No. 
 
 DEL. ONEAL (Ind.) : I move to 
 amend by adding after "preamble or 
 comment" the words "by the National 
 Secretary or the National or Executive 
 Committee." Seconded. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: that question 
 was discussed in the committee. We 
 objected to the wording now proposed 
 by Comrade Oneal, for this reason : that 
 it would debar the Secretary or National 
 Committee from appending any com- 
 ments, but not the mover of the mo- 
 tion, with the result that you will get 
 instead of the question an ordinary prop- 
 osition and a string of whereases which 
 will contain a long argument and will 
 go to each and every voter in that shape, 
 whereas the other side of the argument 
 will not be presented to the voters. 
 What we intended was to strike out all 
 preambles, whereases and explanations, 
 but allow sixty days for the proposi- 
 tion to be discussed in the locals and 
 press, so as to have the members after- 
 wards vote intelligently upon it. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 The question was put on the amend- 
 ment and the amendment was lost. The 
 original section as submitted by the 
 committee was then adopted, 
 
 STATE ORGANIZATIONS. 
 
 Delegate Hillquit continued the read- 
 ing of the report, as follows : 
 
 "Article XII. State organizations. 
 Section i. The formation of all state 
 or territorial organizations or the re- 
 organization of state or territory or- 
 ganizations which may have lapsed 
 shall be under the direction of the 
 Executive Committee and in conform- 
 ity with the rules of the National Com- 
 mittee." 
 
 On motion, duly seconded, the sec- 
 tion was adopted. 
 
 Section 2 was read, as follows: 
 
 "No state or territory shall be or- 
 ganized unless it has at least ten lo- 
 cals with an aggregate membership 
 of not less than 100, bbt this provision 
 shall not affect the rights of states or 
 territories organized prior to the 
 adoption of this constitution." 
 The adoption of the section was 
 moved and seconded. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE: I move to amend, 
 because in some of the smaller states it 
 is impossible to form ten locals. I mpve 
 to substitute the word "five" for the 
 word "ten". Seconded. 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.) : I wish to ask 
 the chairman of the committee if that 
 would put us in Mississippi in the posi- 
 tion of beiiig opposed to the National 
 Committee in case we organize without 
 ten locals. We are doing the organ- 
 izing, and I do not know whether we 
 will have ten locals with 100 members, 
 but if we can organize with less than 
 that, without being considered in oppo- 
 sition, to the ^National Committee, though 
 not Ijeing recognized by the National 
 Committee, we wish to do that so as 
 to get into line for hard work. 
 
 DEL. NAGEL (Ky.) : I favor the 
 report of the committee, for this rea- 
 son : In a great many cases in the past 
 there have been states organized with 
 five so-called, alleged locals, and this 
 makes it impossible to a great extent 
 to carry on the same kind of work. 
 Therefore, I favor putting the highest 
 limit in the report of the committee be- 
 cause I believe it is wise and to the best 
 interests of the Socialist movement of 
 the United States. 
 
 DEL. HAZLETT (Colo.) : I favor 
 concurring in the report with regard to 
 organized states, for the reason that I 
 believe that those who have had ajj" 
 
152 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 experience in the organization work of 
 the party will realize that a great many 
 mistakes have been made on account of 
 organizing too soon, not only in states, 
 but in local places. It seems to me 
 that we should wait until we have ten 
 locals. We should at least. have a very 
 strong membership with which to start, 
 and there would not be so much danger 
 of the troubles that come up after- 
 wards that we have known in new states 
 organized without a sufficient member- 
 ship. For this reason I am in favor of 
 the report of the committee. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I am in 
 favor of the report of the committee. 
 There are very few states to be organized. 
 It is not a question of how quickly we 
 organize or how strongly or whether 
 only five organizations can carry on the 
 work of the state under state auton- 
 omy. I believe in state autonomy, but 
 I do, not believe in organizing a state 
 until it is ready to attend to its own 
 affairs. 
 
 DEL. GERBER (N. Y.) : Although 
 I agree with the report of the committee, 
 I would like to know what you will do 
 with the states where it is impossible to 
 organize ten locals, like the states of 
 Rhode Island or Delaware, where we 
 cannot organize ten locals. 
 
 DEL.' HILLQUIT : I will say in an- 
 swer to the question of the delegate 
 from Mississippi that there is abso- 
 lutely no proposition preventing two or 
 three or four locals uniting for common 
 action in any one state, or different state 
 organizations, as they please, whether 
 it be a state or territorial committee or 
 otherwise. But for the purpose of the 
 national administration of our affairs 
 they are not considered an organized 
 state and are not entitled to representa- 
 tion on the National Committee until 
 they have at least ten locals represent- 
 ing 100 members. 
 
 DEL. GERBER : I offer as an amend- 
 ment that there be inserted right after 
 that the words "except in states where 
 ten locals can be organized." In the 
 State of Rhode Island we can organize 
 five locals at the best. We have every 
 town organized in that State, and still 
 we do not consider it organized at all, 
 because we cannot get ten locals. 
 
 Delegate Woodbey (Cal.) moved the 
 previous question. Seconded and car- 
 ried. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary 
 
 will please read the amendments that 
 are before us. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The only 
 amendment which is before the house 
 is that offered by Toole, which is to 
 strike out the word "ten" and substitute 
 the word "five". 
 
 DEL. WESLING (N. Y.) : It is very 
 important that we get all the States into 
 our organization that can possibly be 
 represented. Ten puts the number very 
 high. There is the State of Rhode 
 Island, that has been referred to. It 
 had a very large Socialist organization 
 five or six years ago. They have cast 
 as high as 3,000 votes, aggregating 9 
 per cent, and that State has been en- 
 tirely demoralized. It would be an easy 
 matter to gather 300 dues-paying mem- 
 bers in that State, but it will be very 
 difficult to get ten locals, because the 
 movement will be naturally confined to 
 a few industrial towns, and, therefore, 
 it would deprive this state of member- 
 ship in the National Party. If you make 
 the rnembership in locals 100 and do not 
 restrict the locals to ten you give every 
 one a fair opportunity, because in the 
 smaller States where small locals are 
 easily organized they can carry on the 
 agitation if they do not have to have 
 a membership like the plan presented. 
 Therefore, I think that the spirit of this 
 clause of the comrnittee report will be 
 preserved if you make it five locals and 
 leave the membership the same, because 
 Rhode Island may otherwise be de- 
 prived of representation in the National 
 Comrnittee. I think you ought to take 
 that into consideration. 
 
 The question on the amendment was 
 put and the amendment declared lost. 
 A division was called for, and on a 
 rising vote the amendment was de- 
 feated. 
 
 The question on the original question 
 as submitted by the committee was put 
 and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The hour of 
 adjournment has arrived. What is your 
 pleasure? 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.): I 
 move that the rules be suspended requir- 
 ing adjournment at half-past five, and 
 that we adjourn when we have com^ 
 pleted the report of the Committee on 
 Constitution. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 Section 3 was next read, as follows : 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 153 
 
 "The platform of the Socialist Par- 
 ty shall be^the supreme declaration of ■ 
 the party, and all state and municipal 
 platforms shall conform thereto." 
 The adoption of this section was 
 moved and seconded. 
 
 DEL. ONEAL (Ind.) : I move to 
 amend by adding the words, "and no 
 state or local organization shall under 
 any circumstances, fuse, combine or 
 compromise with any other political 
 party or organization, or refrain from 
 making nominations in order to favor 
 candidates of such other organizations, 
 nor shall any candidate of the Socialist 
 Party accept any nomination or en- 
 dorsement from any other party or po- 
 litical organization." Seconded. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : The committee 
 accepts that. 
 The section was then adopted. 
 
 STATB COMMITTEE REPORTS. 
 
 Section 4 was read, as follows : 
 
 "In states and territories in which 
 there is one central organization affil- 
 iated with the party, the state or ter- 
 ritorial organization shall have the 
 sole jurisdiction of the members re- 
 siding within their respective terri- 
 tories and the sole control of all mat- 
 ters pertaining to the propaganda, 
 organization and financial affairs 
 within such state or territory. Their 
 activity shall be confined to their re- 
 spective organizations, and the na- 
 tional committee shall have no right 
 to interfere in such matters without 
 the consent of the respective state or 
 territorial organizations." 
 On motion duly seconded, the sec- 
 tion was adopted. 
 Section 5 was read. 
 
 "The State Committee shall make 
 monthly reports to the national secre- 
 tary concerning the membership, 
 financial condition and general stand- 
 ing of the party." 
 
 The adoption of the section was 
 moved and seconded. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I move 
 to amend by striking out "monthly" and 
 inserting "quarterly." It puts too much 
 work on the secretaries, who serve with- 
 out pay. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : We pay dues 
 monthly. This was a matter that was 
 discussed for a long time before the 
 committee. It is an effort to provide 
 the National Secretary with the material 
 
 from which he will make up the totals 
 and make the reports which we have 
 already voted that he shall make. It 
 simply means that the state secretaries 
 shall report monthly, and that that re- 
 port which they are making anyway in 
 the payment of dues, shall not be sim- 
 ply the forwarding of a certain sum of 
 money for stamps, but shall carry with 
 it a detailed statement of the member- 
 ship of the state. If that is done then 
 the monthly report of the National Sec- 
 retary will show for all the states the 
 membership by months, the increase or 
 decrease and the growth of the party. 
 That is the intention. The amount of 
 labor will hardly be noticeable, because 
 it is provided further that the secreta- 
 ries shall report on blanks provided, and 
 it will simply be a matter of changing 
 the totals once a month ; that will be all 
 that will be necessary. There is very 
 little additional labor. It provides the 
 materials from which we have required 
 the National Secretary to tftake his 
 monthly totals for the whole number of 
 states, and gives the growth of the 
 party membership monthly. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : It 
 seems that there are blanks furnished 
 now, at this time, and while Comrade 
 Mills seems to think this will not cause 
 much additional work, if any, it in- 
 volves more ; it involves going over the 
 books and records and getting the in- 
 formation that is mentioned in that ar- 
 ticle. Unless he can show that there 
 is an improvement in the method pro- 
 posed over the method now in vogue, 
 I say the work is entirely too much, to 
 require a monthly report of the mem- 
 bership. I do not think it is necessary 
 to require the reports to be made 
 monthly. 
 
 The previous question was moved 
 and seconded. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.) : I 
 speak for the amendment. I want to 
 say about the same that Comrade Ker- 
 rigan has, and that most of the locals 
 do not send their money monthly, but 
 I get the money from time to time, 
 and I guess the other secretaries are in 
 the same fix that I am. How am I 
 going to report when I don't have any- 
 thing to report on? I think it is a 
 pretty hard matter to keep up any 
 way, and if I report once every three 
 months I think I am doing pretty well. 
 and I can't do it well even then every 
 
154 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 time. I know the state secretaries tliat 
 are here and that have the job of deal- 
 ing with the locals do not get any pay, 
 but have to do their work and corre- 
 spondence at night after they work 
 like slaves all day, and they are satis- 
 fied, I think, with the proposition, to 
 make reports every three months. I 
 think they are doing pretty well if they 
 go every week or two weeks and do 
 their other work and make reports tpo, 
 and then work till twelve or one o'clock, 
 and I think they are satisfied to make 
 it every three' months. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (Ohio) : I think 
 the delegate from Alabama will find the 
 matter to be very simple. The only 
 thing that will be done will be the 
 writing of the membership. Take your 
 local reports and you will get it once 
 a month. I think monthly reports 
 should be had, and I am in favor of 
 the original proposition. The question 
 was put on the amendment to strike 
 out "monthly" and insert "quarterly" 
 and the amendment was lost. The sec- 
 tion as reported by the committee was 
 then adopted. 
 
 DUES TO THE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION. 
 
 Section 6 was read, as follows : 
 
 "Sec. 6. The State Committees 
 shall pay to the National Committee 
 every month a sum equal to five cents 
 for every member in good standing 
 within their respective territories." 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 section be adopted. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.): I move 
 to amend by striking out the word 
 "five" and inserting the word "three," 
 for this reason : To the extent that 
 the 'membership increases, the greater 
 part of the agitation and organization 
 will be taken care of by the states re- 
 spectively. It is true that when you 
 have a great number of unorganized 
 states the funds required by the na- 
 tional organization for organizing un- 
 organized districts are greater than they 
 are as the organization proceeds with a 
 larger development and greater number 
 of members. Just to the extent that we 
 increase in members the funds of the 
 national organization increa'se, and at 
 the same time the ijiembers in the 
 respective states are better able to take 
 care of their states and organize their 
 respective localities and districts. When 
 we commenced assume that we had a 
 membership of 3,000— now we have 33,- 
 
 000; but while the funds in the hands 
 of the national organization have in- 
 creased, limiting its organization to the 
 unorganized territories to a large ex- 
 tent, you would by reducing the amount 
 from five to three cents have an in- 
 crease of members which in the next 
 few years will give substantially the 
 same sum that you are now receiving, 
 and you virould have it by reason of the 
 fact not only of the increase due to 
 the efforts of the national organ- 
 ization, but through the efforts of 
 the state organizations, which very 
 often can use their funds to 
 greater advantage in organized states 
 than a national organization can, because 
 to a large extent you are unfamiliar 
 with the localities and the work that 
 has to be done in the respective states. 
 I think, though, as the membership in- 
 creases, the funds going to the states 
 should increase and not to the national 
 headquarters. For that reason I think 
 three cents will be better for the mem- 
 bers and better for organization pur- 
 poses and for the party. 
 
 DEL. NAGEL (Ky.) : I am in fa- 
 vor of the report, for this reason : The 
 comrade that spoke last upon the prop- 
 osition is anticipating a large increase 
 in the membership, but at the same time 
 we cannot figure on that. We have be- 
 fore us at the present time a national 
 campaign. This convention has also 
 increased the expenses of the national 
 headquarters, and you cannot run the 
 national committee with two-fifths of 
 that which they are at present receiv- 
 ing from the party. If you do that you 
 vyill cripple the work that you have out- 
 lined for this national committee, and 
 it would be an unw^is'e rhove on the 
 part of this convention. (Applause.) 
 I want to call attention to the fact that 
 in the last two years, with the efficient 
 work of our national officers we have 
 wiped out a debt that has been hanging 
 over the party for four or five years, 
 and we have arrived at that point now 
 where we have put upon the national 
 organization work that is within their 
 province and which we hope they will 
 carry out. They havd been having a 
 balance of $115, or $120, or $125, left 
 at the end of each month, and you want 
 to take away from them two-fifths of 
 their present revenue, which is $600, 
 based upon the average income. I be- 
 lieve if this convention adopts the 
 amendment it will do a thing that is 
 
Afternoon Session, May .4. 
 
 155 
 
 not wise nor in the interest of the or- 
 ganization. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. HAZLETT (Colo.) : I would 
 like to speak against the adoption of the 
 amendment, not in regard to the 
 grounds that the comrade spoke of pre- 
 viously, or simply in regard to the 
 work of the national organization, but 
 from the other end of the proposition. 
 I believe it is a detriment to this party 
 to encourage a lessening of the dues or 
 average membership expenses. So far 
 as I am concerned myself, I would favor 
 having the dues doubled or increased 
 in the interest of the membership rather 
 than lessening the dues to such a small 
 sum as three cents. There is a ten- 
 dency on the part of the membership 
 not to realize the financial responsibility 
 of the organization. I have noticed that 
 over and over again in our propaganda 
 work. As I have often had occasion to 
 tell the comrades in Colorado, there are 
 persons who are well-to-do, earning 
 good salaries, getting higher pay than 
 wage earners who receive good pay for 
 their work, and nevertheless never think 
 of paying a dollar into the propaganda 
 work or the organization. I believe it 
 is the duty of the American Socialist 
 party to train its membership in regard 
 to its financial responsibility. We read 
 about the German national party hav- 
 ing an enormous campaign fund, the 
 largest fund of any party in the Ger- 
 man Empire, and that in instances there 
 are persons who pay $S,ooo into their 
 campaign fund. Such a thing is un- 
 heard of, I suppose, here in the. Amer- 
 ican organization. I believe it is the 
 duty of the party to so educate the 
 membership to its financial responsi- 
 bility in regard to supporting the party 
 that we can build up a party of which 
 we will be proud and that we can point 
 to with pride, and maintain our finan- 
 cial responsibility instead of lessening 
 and crippling the means that that mem- 
 bership has to maintain a militant So- 
 cialist Party in America. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (Ohio) : I oflfer an 
 amendment to strike out the word 
 "three" and insert the word "ten." 
 (Applause.) And add after the words 
 "territory' the words "five cents of this 
 sum to be set aside and accumulated 
 to pay the expenses of the members of 
 the National Committee and the dele- 
 gates to the National Convention when 
 in regular session.'' Now, Mr. Chair- 
 man, if you will figure up the expense 
 
 this convention has put on our organ- 
 ization you will find that the expenses 
 of the national organization will be 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. Has this amendment 
 been seconded? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It has not. 
 DEL. DALTON: Then he has no 
 right to discuss it. 
 The amendment was seconded. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT: You will bear in 
 mind that the expenses of the organ- 
 ization even at the lowest will be about 
 $2,000. It will take s>ooo members to 
 pay the expense, on the basis of five 
 cents, to pay the salary of the National 
 Secretary. You will incur many other 
 expenses that you should take account 
 of. Ten cents to the national organiza- 
 tion per capita is not too much. Fifty 
 cents even for the organization is not 
 too much. I maintain what I do for 
 this reason: To limit the membership 
 to those who understand what the or- 
 ganization is for. It is evident to any 
 one who has been active in this move 
 ment- for the last five or six years that 
 we have a great many in our organ- 
 ization who do not realize the respon- 
 sibilities of the organization or of So- 
 cialism; who do not understand the first 
 principles. They are attracted to the 
 movement by the hypnotic word So- 
 cialism, and they come in in a hurry, 
 and to maintain our existence our offi- 
 cers have got to be expert hypnotists, 
 you might say. They have to draft 
 their letters and communications to the 
 locals and to the membership in a hyp- 
 notic form to draw them on, and I am 
 opposed to that. I would sooner see a 
 membership pf 10,000 Socialists paying 
 fifty cents a month dues and have a 
 good, strong militant organization, than 
 have an organization of 50,000 members 
 with about one hundred spellbinders to 
 keep them in line. If you build it on 
 small dues you will need the spell- 
 binders, and that will destroy the com- 
 pactness of your organization. You will 
 have members following leaders and 
 have factional fights. But when you 
 build up an organization with every 
 man realizing that when he joins it 
 he is joining something, then you have 
 got an organization. If he don't want , 
 to pay fifty cents a month, then he can 
 go to work for Socialism and vote for 
 it and hurrah, but we want memberi 
 
156 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 who will work for Socialism in this 
 organization, in my opinion. It has 
 been my experience that the member- 
 ship of Cincinnati has grown within 
 the last year from 65 members to over 
 500, and we have got to send special 
 committees around to collect dues and 
 keep them in line, and spend all the 
 money in getting thenj to the meetings 
 and in advertising and propaganda 
 v/ithin our own membership, for many 
 a time from the floor of the Local Cin- 
 cinnati have I seen the fundamental 
 principles of Socialism dragged in the 
 dust. Now, that is simply because of 
 our loose form of organization. It is 
 entirely too loose, and the thing that 
 will prevent that is high dues. These 
 sentimentalists are not going to run 
 into our organization when they have 
 to pay for it, but when you have low 
 dues where they can come and spit their 
 fire out and go away and come back 
 in three months afterward, then the 
 party will sooner or later cease to be 
 a Socialist Party based on the true 
 principles of Socialism. 
 
 DEL. CLARK (Neb.): I consider 
 the proposition to reduce the dues of 
 the national organization to three cents 
 little less than a crime (applause), for 
 this reason: Since last February there 
 never has been a month closed in which 
 there was sufficient funds to pay all the 
 debts of the national organization. We 
 are going into a campaign and if we 
 reduce the dues at the present time to 
 three cents we will simply destroy the 
 work that has been done within the last 
 year. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. GLANZ (N. J.): I am in 
 favor of the report for the simple rea- 
 son you have decided here this after- 
 noon to provide ways and means to 
 defray the expenses of your delegates 
 to the National Convention. You have 
 also decided to increase the salary of 
 your National Secretary, and for that 
 reason I desire to support the recom- 
 mendation of the committee. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): From 
 the remarks the proposition would seem 
 to indicate that some one was trying 
 to disrupt the organization. It would 
 seem that there are men on the floor 
 to advocate this thing. That is not the 
 proposition. The question is merely as 
 to the method of expending the money. 
 Shall it be expended through the na- 
 tional dilice at long range, in organized 
 
 states or shall it be extended through 
 the state organizations in their immediate 
 vicinity and in a field that they under- 
 stand, by methods which they have 
 worked out in their own organization 
 for their own locality? That is the 
 question. It is not any question of 
 crime or anything else. Please get that 
 out of your minds. Second, with re- 
 gard to the National Committee. You 
 will go further back than February to 
 find a time when there was a national 
 debt over the organization, very much 
 further back. Now, then, please turn 
 that argument the other way, for that 
 is where it belongs. The national debt 
 has practically been paid off. The ne- 
 cessity for heavy dues from the national 
 membership has practically ceased. The 
 memberhip is growing. The comrade 
 questions it. There is no question about 
 the growth of the membership in the 
 coming four years, and that is what we 
 are working upon. Another point: We 
 have just made arrangements to-day for 
 adding to the power of the National 
 Committee two more sources of income. 
 These ought to be and will be sources 
 of income. First, the lecture bureau. 
 The uniform rate of pay for these men 
 is at a rate which will probably make it 
 possible in view of the increase in mem- 
 bership, shorter railroad jumps, larger 
 number of appointments made, and so 
 on, to secure something for the national 
 organization on the regular routes of 
 these men. Am I right? 
 
 A DELEGATE: No. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD: Well, I think I 
 am, for I have been looking over the 
 ground. We, representing the party in 
 Wisconsin^ in the national organization, 
 have helped out the national organiza- 
 tion. Now, as to the literary bureau, 
 there is a proposition made that liter- 
 ature shall be published and sold. This 
 will not mean at an exorbitant profit, 
 but a little profit on a great many sales 
 is an ordinary proposition to make 
 money. What we want is an opportun- 
 ity to distribute literature, to print liter- 
 ature and . distribute it. I would rather 
 have a national bureau do that so long 
 as it is a regular bureau and not for 
 profit. Somebody suggested something 
 about the sentimentalists. Who are 
 they? There is not much danger of 
 sentimentalists joining the party. There 
 are not many in Wisconsin, at any rate, 
 joining the party out of sentiment. 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 157 
 
 There is something required when they 
 join the Socialist Party that requires 
 more than mere sentiment. The senti- 
 mentalists are the people that stand 
 around with their hands in their pock- 
 ets wishing they could find something 
 to do for Socialism. I say, "Why 
 don't you join the party?" 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN : It costs $60 per 
 local, 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD: It costs the na- 
 tional organization $6o per local to or- 
 ganize, which is simply to the interest, 
 you see, of the members. The states 
 are rapidly becoming organized. There 
 is less and less use for the expensive 
 work which has been absolutely neces- 
 sary. I am not kicking about the ex- 
 pense ; I am simply showing less and less 
 will be absolutely necessary, and more 
 and more results will follow with the 
 more economic and effective method and 
 unanimous do-operation of the state or- 
 ganizations, with their close fellowship; 
 don't forget that. You cannot spoil fel- 
 lowship by reducing dues, and you will 
 do more effective work than by this 
 other long-range method which has 
 been in favor up to this time. It seems 
 to me it is for us to consider which is 
 the best method of expending money. 
 We are expending this money. Don't 
 think we are striking a blow at the 
 head of the National Secretary or at 
 the national office. I am sorry the 
 comrades feel so strongly about it. I 
 am simply trying to provide an argu- 
 ment from this side. I am sure some 
 others should provide it also because I 
 am sure they have it in their minds. 
 All the arguments except that of Com- 
 rade Stedman have been on the other 
 side. Now, then, don't make the mis- 
 take of robbing the local organizations. 
 Rather reduce the amount of local dues 
 to be paid by the branch to the national 
 organization, because the difference can 
 be used to better advantage at home. 
 Do you get the point? That is the 
 point; stick to it. Use the money in 
 the most effective way, that is at short 
 range. (Applause.) I am asked a 
 question. The question is. What do we 
 hope to accomplish by reducing the 
 dues ? I. do not propose, nor does Corn- 
 rade Stedman, to reduce the dues paid 
 into the whole organization. We pro- 
 pose to reduce the percentage of the 
 total dues paid to the national organ- 
 ization. „ 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT, of the Constitu- 
 
 tion Committee: I will just give you 
 briefly the process of reasoning which 
 actuated us in adopting that recom- 
 mendation. When the question of fix- 
 ing the dues came up before the com- 
 mittee it was discussed, and we pro- 
 ceeded on this assumption: We can- 
 not have any large bank account now 
 pertaining to the national office, but we 
 know that the work done by the na- 
 tional office has been necessary. Per- 
 haps a little more could haye been done, 
 but no superfluous work has been done. 
 As a result there is absolutely no money 
 in the treasury at the office, and some 
 debts are to come on top of this and 
 at a time when we have to make pro- 
 vision for a national campaign of the 
 largest dimensions so far as Socialist 
 campaigns are concerned. We are mak- 
 ing arrangements to increase the facil- 
 ities of the national office and add de- 
 partments to it, adding a literature de- 
 partment which involves, like any in- 
 vestment of money, a need of income. 
 To come at that time, and speak of cur- 
 tailing the dues to the national office, 
 seems to us absolutely out of place and 
 out of common sense. (Applause.) 
 Now, I suggest to you, comrades, and 
 to Comrades Stedman and Gaylord, 
 they seem to be afraid that our national 
 office will get rich. Let us say this: we 
 are getting reports from the national 
 committee every month or so. We see 
 not only how much money came into 
 the office, but we also see how much 
 was expended and what it was expended 
 for. Whenever we discover that the 
 national office is getting more money 
 than it can properly and profitably em- 
 ploy for the cause of Socialism we will 
 get our twenty locals in five states to 
 move that it be reduced. (Applause.) 
 So far, there is no necessity for it. 
 
 Delegate Robbins (Cal.) moved the 
 previous question. Seconded and car- 
 ried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Discussion is 
 now in order, and Delegate Mills has 
 the floor. Upon which side do you 
 speak. Comrade ? 
 
 DEL MILLS : In favor of the three- 
 cent dues. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is in fa- 
 vor of the amendment. No one is in 
 order but Delegate Mills. 
 
 A DELEGATE: I wish to speak 
 next. 
 
158 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: 'Then you will 
 have to get the floor. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.): I wish to 
 speak in favor of the three-cent dues 
 because the motion was not made for 
 two cents. The comrades who have 
 served on the National Committee are 
 aware that I have been in favor of 
 two-cent national dues for a long time 
 and that we have, or I have agreed, not 
 to raise the question solely under the 
 consideration that there were other and 
 more important matters first to be pro- 
 vided for. I do not agree with the sen- 
 timent making the dues three cents a 
 month as a basis for the revenues of 
 the national organization. I will give 
 only one illustration. In the State of 
 Kansas we .have never had a secretary 
 who has been able to give attention to 
 the work, or at least who has done so, 
 until the first of last January. We have 
 only been paying ten dollars a week, 
 but yet Kansas has accomplished more 
 since the first day of January than dur- 
 ing the two years previous that it has 
 been an organized state. Now, Com- 
 rades, if more states, if a dozen states 
 are to have the benefit of this increase, 
 not a reduction of dues, but a different 
 method of expending the dues, it would 
 strengthen our organization and we 
 would have a better local organization 
 to carry on the campaign on the ground 
 where the real battles must be fought 
 anyway. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: I desire to speak 
 in favor of the committee's report. I 
 want to say that I regard it as 
 little less than a crime to reduce the 
 dues to be paid to the national office; 
 I don't regard it as less than a crime. 
 I regard it as a crime against the So- 
 cialist _ Party. (Applause.) I have -no 
 doubt whatever that Comrade Mills is 
 in favor of three cents as against five 
 cents. I have no doubt whatever that 
 Comrade Mills is in^ favor of nothing 
 at all as against three' cents. I have no 
 doubt, however, but that Comrade Mills 
 is in favor of a national organization 
 at this time, whatever the cost may be, 
 and I believe there can be nothing more 
 fatal to the interests of the Socialist 
 Party of America than to jeopardize 
 its national organization by cutting 
 short its funds. In the cities and in 
 the states we may raise funds for city 
 and state purposes more readily than 
 we can do it for the national organiza- 
 tion, and we cannot afford to say that 
 
 the national office must depend upon a 
 begging policy in order that it may 
 carry on its work. (Applause.) What 
 are we talking about? What are we 
 discussing? We have now organizers 
 of the Socialist Party, with a five-cent 
 due, who are waiting for their wages; 
 wages which were too little to begin 
 with and which they ought to have had 
 long ago. We have now $700, I under- 
 stand, standing out, owing to the na- 
 tional organizers, workmen like our- 
 selves, whom we haven't got the money 
 to pay, even when the national fee is 
 five cents instead of three. Comrades, 
 from state and «ity and hamlet there 
 come to the national office, as every 
 one here knows, calls for Socialistic 
 lecturers, calls for the propaganda of 
 this movement, and the national office 
 sits there equipped to send men in ev- 
 erything except the money to send 
 them. (Loud applause.) Comrades, I 
 am opposed to any motion to reduce 
 dues. Should it be carried on the floor 
 of this convention, should this conven- 
 tion betray the interest of the party to 
 that extent, I for one will agitate that 
 the matter be referred to the referen- 
 dum of the party. (Prolonged ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will now read the first amendment upon 
 which there will be a vote without any 
 further debate. 
 
 A DELEGATE: I rise for infor- 
 mation. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There can be 
 no information granted, Comrade, at 
 this time, except such as you gain from 
 the reading of the Secretary. 
 
 THE DELEGATE: Are you aware 
 that the Committee on Constitution has 
 in its hands a report which has not 
 yet been brought before this conven- 
 tion? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We don't know, 
 anything except that the convention is 
 prepared now to vote upon this ques- 
 tion and the delegate will be seated. 
 The Secretary will proceed with the 
 reading of the amendments. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: Delegate Bick- 
 ett, of Ohio, moved to amend section 
 6 of Article XII by striking out the 
 words "five cents" and inserting "ten 
 cents," and adding after the word "ter- 
 ritories" the following: "Five cents of 
 this amount shall be set aside to ac- 
 cumulate to pay the expenses of the 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 159 
 
 members of the National Committee 
 and the delegates to the National Con- 
 vention when in regular session." 
 
 The question was then put on the 
 amendment of Delegate Bickett as read 
 by the Secretary, and it was defeated. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will read the next amendment. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The next 
 amendment is one by Comrade Sted- 
 man, of Illinois, to amend by striking 
 out the word "five" and to substitute 
 the word "three." 
 
 The amendment was put to a vive 
 voce vote, and the result being in doubt, 
 a division was called for. A rising 
 vote was then had with the result that 
 the Chairman declared the motion lost. 
 The announcement of the Chairman was 
 received with loud applause. 
 
 The question then recurring upon the 
 original section as reported by the Com- 
 mittee, it was put to a vive voce vote 
 and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Commit- 
 tee will proceed. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : I rise to 
 amend 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : There is noth- 
 ing before us to amend.. There is no 
 section before us until the Chairman of 
 the Committee reads it. The comrade 
 will please be in order. Proceed. 
 
 THE INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM. 
 
 Section 7 of Article XII was then 
 read by Chairman Hillquit as follows : 
 '"Section 7. All state organizations 
 shall provide in their constitutions for 
 the initiatfve, referendum and impera- 
 tive mandate." 
 
 The adoption of the section as read 
 was moved and seconded. Motion car- 
 ried. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : I rise to 
 make a motion to insert another clause. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: To add a new 
 clause. Let us have it. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: To add another 
 clause to be known as section 8, to 
 read as follows : "No member of the 
 Socialist Party having been nominated 
 for any political office, shall sign any 
 pledge of any capitalistic political par- 
 ties or organizations. Any member of 
 the Socialist Party elected to any po- 
 litical office shall be considered a rep- 
 resentative of the Socialist Party, arid 
 a member in the political division in 
 which be is elected, and subject at all 
 
 times to the management of the same." 
 The amendment was seconded. 
 DEL. SAUNDERS: I wish to speak 
 in favor of the amendment. I believe 
 we have in Eastern Illinois one of the 
 best reasons for the adoption of this 
 new section. We have elected individ- 
 ual members to office there who have 
 on divers occasions refused to carry 
 out their instructions. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: State your 
 point. 
 
 DEL, SIMONS: The delegate is 
 bringing a subject matter into this con- 
 vention that is still undecided in the 
 local party here, and as the other side 
 cannot be heard, I do not believe it is 
 in order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I cannot agree 
 that the question is out or order, but I 
 can agree that it is unwise to take up 
 the time of the convention at this time 
 with a local dispute that belongs be- 
 fore the State Committee. 
 
 DEL. SAUNDERS: I will modify 
 that then, Mr. Chairman and Comrades. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: Leave out the 
 state or the district, the specific place, 
 and the'n it is all right. We all know 
 that it is possible for any individual 
 elected to office to say to his constitu- 
 ents, or rather the membership of the 
 Socialist organization that elected him, 
 to say, "I am not going to vote with 
 you people," and you have a vote where 
 it probably should be three thousand, 
 and you can only account for one thou- 
 sand of the Socialist Party member- 
 ship. He can very well say to us, "I 
 owe my allegiance to the electorate," 
 instead of owing his allegiance to the 
 political party by which he was elected. 
 I believe that will be sufficient, and not 
 wishing to take up time any longer, I 
 submit that that is a sufficient reason 
 for passing it. 
 
 Motion was made and seconded to lay 
 the amendment on the table. 
 
 A vive voce vote was then taken and 
 the result being doubtful, a division 
 was called for. The motion was then 
 put to a rising vote, and declared car- 
 ried, and accordingly the amendment 
 was tabled. 
 
 Article XII was then read by Chair- 
 man Hillquit, as follows: 
 
160 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 "The location of the headquarters 
 of the party shall be determined by 
 the National Committee." 
 
 The adoption of the article as read 
 was moved and seconded. 
 
 DEL. CARR (III.) : I move to 
 amend so as to have the article read as 
 follows : "The National headquarters 
 to be in Chicago, Illinois." 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 A motion was then made and sec- 
 onded to table the amendment, and the 
 question being put, it was carried and 
 the amendment tabled. 
 
 The question then recurring on the 
 adoption of the article as reported by 
 the Committee it was put to a vive voce 
 vote and declared adopted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Commit- 
 tee will proceed. 
 
 Article XIV was then read, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 "This constitution may be amend- 
 ed by a national convention or by a 
 referendum of the party in the man- 
 ner above provided." 
 
 On motion duly seconded and carried, 
 the article was declared adopted as read. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Commit- 
 tee is now through. We have adopted 
 a motion here to stay in session until 
 the Committee gets through, and I un- 
 derstand they are through. The Com- 
 mittee has the floor. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.) : There 
 are a few provisions here which I no- 
 tice are marked "not considered by all 
 of the Committee." I am frank to say 
 they were not considered by me. The 
 first is withdrawn, I am informed by 
 the Commitfee. The section withdrawn 
 reads as follows : 
 
 "Section 2, Article II. No member 
 of the party in one state or territory 
 shall, under any pretext, interfere 
 with the regular organized movement 
 in any other state." 
 
 The Committee recommends the 
 adoption of the last two sections. The 
 first one reads as follows : 
 
 "Section 3, Article II. A member 
 who desires to transfer his member- 
 ship from a local in one state to a 
 local in another state, may do so upon 
 the presentation of his card showing 
 him to be in good standing at the 
 time of asking for such transfer," 
 
 Motion was made and seconded to 
 adopt the section as read. 
 
 REMOVAL OF NATIONAL COMMITTEEMAN. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (III.) : I move to 
 amend that section as follows : "Any 
 national committeeman found guilty by 
 the National Committee of violating the 
 principles or constitution of the party 
 shall have his seat declared vacant by 
 the National Committee and the elec- 
 tion of his successor referred to the 
 state or territorial organization." 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 DEL. GOSS (O.) : I do not quite 
 understand the sense of that motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will kindly read the amendment of 
 Comrade Stedman. 
 
 The Secretary then read the amend- 
 ment as requested by the Chairman. 
 
 DEL. GOSS: I would be willing to 
 vote for that if there was a provision 
 added to it. I don't believe that any 
 organization, and particularly the So- 
 cialist Party, should have the right to 
 expel any representative that may be 
 chosen by any of the states to repre- 
 sent them on the National Committee, 
 unless the member of the National 
 Committee is given a fair trial. He 
 should .be givfen a chance to defend 
 himself. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That follows 
 as a matter of course. Delegate Sted- 
 man will kindly enlighten the comrade 
 in that regard. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: If the National 
 Committee at any time sends a man to 
 a state and the state sends him back 
 they will have to receive him. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.): Then 
 I move to add to Comrade Stedman's 
 amendment the following: "And the 
 cause of such action to be submitted 
 to the members of said state, where he 
 is a committeeman." 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: I will accept it. 
 
 DEL. HbEHN (Mb.) : I don't be- 
 lieve the Committee has the right to 
 expel any member. I believe that right 
 should be preserved to the state. , I 
 move this amendment be tabled. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried 
 and the amendment declared tabled. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The Committee 
 will proceed. 
 
 CHAIRMAN HILLQUIT : • I am 
 just informed by my colleagues, on the 
 Committee that a majority of the mem-. 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 161 
 
 bers on the Committee recommends the 
 last clause, which reads as follows : 
 "Section 6, Article IV. On the 
 complaint of any national committee- 
 man or of three locals in any state 
 of any act on the part of such state 
 organization, or of any local subject 
 to its jurisdiction, in violation of the 
 platform or constitution of this organ- 
 ization, an investigation shall be un- 
 dertaken acting under the rules of the 
 National Committee, to the end that 
 such organization shall be brought 
 into conformity." 
 
 It was moved and seconded to adopt 
 the article as read. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) : It seems 
 to me that the word "local," the third 
 word in the third line, should be strick- 
 en out. It seems to me this has noth- 
 ing to do with locals. The investiga- 
 tion of a state that has violated the prin- 
 ciples or platform of the national or- 
 ganization would not be a matter for 
 any local to take up. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: The Committee 
 informs me that it will accept the sug- 
 gestion and strike out the word "local." 
 DEL. GAYLORD: Then it will 
 read, "On the complaint of any national 
 committeeman or of three locals in any 
 state of any act on the part of such 
 state organization." 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: Yes. 
 DEL. GAYLORD: "Subject to the 
 national j urisdiction ?" 
 DEL. H'lLLQUIT: Yes. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will now read the section as it has 
 been amended: 
 
 The Secretary then read the section 
 as amended and upon motion duly sec- 
 onded and carried the section was de- 
 clared adopted as amended. 
 
 PROTECTION OF STATE ORGANIZATIONS. 
 
 A delegate then moved to adjourn. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: I move you that 
 section 2 of Article II, which reads as 
 follows, be called up : "No member of 
 the party in one state or territory shall, 
 under any pretext, interfere with the 
 regular organized movement in any 
 other state." I move the adoption of 
 that section as read. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 . THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 regularly moved and seconded by Dele- 
 gate Stedman that the first paragraph 
 under the caption, "Not considered by 
 
 all of the Committee," be adopted as it 
 appears in the printed slip. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: Some three 
 years ago you will remember we had a 
 contest over the question of state au- 
 tonomy. It was hoped at that time that 
 it was settled for once and for all. The 
 constitution that we have adopted here 
 this afternoon gives the national organ- 
 ization the right to send lectufers into 
 any state it may choose, and it gives the 
 National Committee the right to go into 
 the state and decide controversies, and I 
 think we should have something in the 
 constitution so that the state may tell 
 the nation to keep its hands off and may 
 tell the other states to keep their hands 
 off. It has been a Godsend to the 
 states outside that you have not been 
 called upon to judge the differences that 
 have occurred in the State of Illinois, 
 and there is no reason under heaven 
 why any single man who is a represen- 
 tative of the state should ask the Na- 
 tional Committee to come and sit in 
 judgment upon purely a local squabble. 
 I think that amendment should be car- 
 ried for this reason : The growth of 
 the parties within the states gives them 
 a local standing which our national or- 
 ganization should not take away from 
 them. I believe that should be placed 
 in the constitution, so that every sin- 
 gle state can keep meddlers out of the 
 state when it desires and keep persons 
 away from it who are coming in to 
 settle grievances and who always end 
 up by creating a disturbance. 
 
 Motion was made and seconded to 
 table the motion of Delegate Stedman, 
 but it was defeated on being put to a 
 vive voce vote. 
 
 The question was then put on the 
 adoption of the section as read and it 
 was carried and declared adopted 
 amidst enthusiastic applause. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: This completes 
 the work of the Committee, as I un- 
 derstand it. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: There is one 
 more provision : 
 
 "This constitution shall take effect 
 and be in force from and after the 
 time of its approval by national refer- 
 endum of the party membership. In 
 voting upon this constitution mem- 
 bers must vote it as a whole." 
 It was moved and seconded to adopt 
 the recommendation of the Committee 
 as read. 
 
162 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : I desire to 
 make a motion to take from the table 
 the amendment to section 2 of Article 
 IX, offered by myself and seconded by 
 Delegate Spears, of Illinois, and that 
 it be sent back to the Committee on 
 Constitution in order that it may re- 
 ceive the consideration which it de- 
 serves. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There is an- 
 other matter before the house, and, 
 therefore, your motion cannot be en- 
 tertained. In its proper order, when 
 there is nothing else before the house, 
 we will entertain a motion such as you 
 make, but we cannot entertain such a 
 motion at this time, because if the mo- 
 tion is carried there will be two sep- 
 arate and distinct matters before the 
 house. This matter that is reported by 
 the Committee is the only legitimate 
 matter before us. We will discuss that 
 and nothing else at this time. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (O.) : Are we 
 now ready to adopt the entire report of 
 the Committee on Constitution? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Not quite. We 
 will first pass upon this section that is 
 now before us, and then, if necessary, 
 we will_ pass a motion to adopt the 
 constitution as a whole. 
 
 DEL. SAUNDERS: I move as an 
 arnendment that we accept the report 
 with the exception of the part of it 
 that states that the membership shall be 
 compelled to vote upon it as a whole, 
 and I wish to substitute for that that 
 they may have an opportunity of vot- 
 ing on it seriatim. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 The question was put on the motion 
 and it was defeated. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now comes upon the original recom- 
 mendation of the Committee. 
 
 A vive voce vote ' was then taken 
 upon the adoption of the recommenda- 
 tion as returned by the Committee and 
 the result being doubtful, a division 
 was called for. 
 
 A rising vote was then taken and the 
 section declared adopted, the vote stand- 
 ing as follows : 59 in favor, 30 opposed. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Now does the 
 delegate from Illinois wish to renew 
 his motion to take from the table? 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : I do. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is 
 that we take from the table the amend- 
 
 ment to section 2 of Article IX, offered 
 by Comrade Meyer, the section be- 
 ing the one providing for the printing 
 of pamphlets in different languages. 
 
 The question was then put and the 
 motion lost. 
 
 DEL. BUTSCHER (N. Y.) : I move 
 that we now adopt the constitution as 
 a whole. 
 
 The motion w^s seconded. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): The 
 Committee on Municipal Progratn de- 
 cides to be heard upon the question of 
 adopting the constitution as a whole. 
 The Committee at their meeting yester- 
 day had a typewritten resolution rec- 
 ommending an amendment to the con- 
 stitution of sections which I shall not 
 take the time to discuss here. By some 
 accident this did not reach the Commit- 
 tee in time, and only reached them this 
 afternoon ; I do not know the reason 
 why. I, therefore, desire to ask that 
 you will defer final action on the con- 
 stitution as a whole until that Commit- 
 tee has given proper consideration to 
 the recommendation of the Municipal 
 Program Committee. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : I move we ad- 
 journ. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : We have • 
 adopted a motion that we shall not ad- 
 . journ until the Committee has com- 
 pleted its report. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN (111.): I move 
 that we delay the vote on the constitu- 
 tion as a whole until we receive fur- 
 ther information from the Committee 
 on Municipal Program. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 moved and seconded that the motion to 
 adopt the constitution as a whole lie 
 on the table until we hear from the 
 Committee on Platform and Municipal 
 Program. It is only amendable as to 
 time. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: As to that, I 
 move, Mr. Chairman, that we now pro- 
 ceed to the adoption of the constitu- 
 tion as a whole, except that we may 
 reopen it for the purpose of hearing the 
 report of the Committee on Municipal 
 Program. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN: I accept that 
 amendment. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: Suppose the 
 Committee^ on Resolutions should bring 
 in something. 
 
Afternoon Session, May 4. 
 
 163 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, and be- 
 sides that, the motion is out of order. 
 The motion before us is that the motion 
 to approve the constitution as a whole 
 lie on the table subject to some recom- 
 mendation or report from the Commit- 
 tee on Municipal Program. 
 
 The motion was carried and it was 
 so ordered. 
 
 THOE CHAIRMAN: The next thing 
 in order is to fix the time for adjourn- 
 ment, and I want to say before you fix 
 this time for adjournment, that when 
 this time is fixed it does not mean that 
 
 we will then adjourn. You will decide 
 by vote whether you will meet to-night 
 or not and when you have fixed that 
 time, I have some announcements that 
 I will make. 
 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 convention adjourn, to meet again at 
 eight o'clock in the evening of the 
 same day. 
 
 The Chairman then announced the 
 meeting places of the various commit- 
 tees and the question was then put upon 
 the motion to adjourn, which was car- 
 ried. 
 
 EVENING SESSION 
 
 The convention came to order 
 promptly at eight o'clock. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: In the lan- 
 guage of the celebrated southern states- 
 man we had better learn at this point 
 just about where we are at befofe we 
 proceed any further. In accordance 
 with the Chair's understanding of the 
 situation, the report of the Committee 
 on Constitution being the last order 
 of business under the rules of order, 
 and that report being disposed of, it 
 would appear that we are face to face 
 now with unfinished business. That un- 
 finished business, in accordance with the 
 understanding of the Chair, being the 
 report of the Press Committee, which 
 was under discussion at the last pre- 
 vious session of this convention. If 
 the delegates or the Chairman of the 
 Press Committee are in the hall, and 
 the Chairman is prepared to continue 
 his report, we will hear from him. Is 
 Delegate Simons here? Is any one else 
 on the Press Committee prepared to 
 take up his report where he left off? 
 Is it in the hands of the Secretary? 
 
 ASSIST. SECY CROSS: The Sec- 
 retary might say that the report is in 
 the hands of the Secretary, or rather in 
 the hands of the Assistant Secretary. 
 But the Assistant Secretary does not 
 feel himself capable of the task of pre- 
 senting the report of this Committee to 
 this convention because he knows not 
 what they recommend, he knows not 
 how to explain the resolutions to the 
 convention, and, consequently, it ap- 
 pears to him that it might be the best 
 
 thing for us to do to lay this report 
 over until some member of this Press 
 Committee appears before the conven- 
 tion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It may be a 
 very good suggestion for the conven- 
 ience of the Secretary and also to over- 
 come the neglect on the part of the 
 Press Committee to be here and at the 
 disposal of the convention when they 
 are called, but it seems to me if we 
 are going to take up business in regular 
 order it ought to be taken up in that 
 way. Here is Delegate Simons now. 
 Delegate Simons will please take the 
 platform and report for the Committee 
 on Press, where he left off at the last 
 previous session of this convention. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: The next recom- 
 mendation of the Press Committee has 
 already been covered by the Committee 
 on Constitution and was to the effect 
 that the National Secretary be empow- 
 ered to issue a printed monthly report 
 of official affairs. The matter being 
 disposed of, no motion is necessary. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection, that matter having been cov- 
 ered in the constitution, it will be 
 passed. There is no objection and it 
 is so ordered. 
 
 SOCIALIST PLATE MATTER. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: The next recom- 
 mendation of the Committee reads as 
 follows : 
 
 "We would recommend for the 
 consideration of the convention the 
 proposition of establishing a bureau 
 under the control of the national of- 
 fice of the Socialist Party for the pur- 
 
164 
 
 Evening Session, May f. 
 
 pose of furnishing plate matter on 
 Socialism, such matter to be of an 
 educational character, treating Social- 
 ism from a scientific and propaganda 
 point of view, and not entering into 
 questions of party tactics. 
 
 There ^are, at the present time, a 
 large number of papers that are will- 
 ing to publish Socialist matter, but 
 either because of lack of editorial or 
 financial ability, are not able to secure 
 the same. In many places, also. So- 
 cialists are already considering the 
 desirability of establishing weekly 
 papers, but are handicapped by the 
 same difficulties. This plan will as- 
 sist in solving this problem in two 
 ways : either the matter can be pur- 
 chased for an existing paper, or if it 
 is decided to establish a paper direct- 
 ly under Socialist control, it will re- 
 duce the expense of publication." 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: Comrade Chair- 
 man, I want to move you in accord- 
 ance with this recommendation, that 
 the convention recomrnends to the 
 National Committee the organization of 
 such a bureau. 
 
 The motion of Delegate Simons re- 
 ceived several seconds. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN: What would be 
 the cost of such an undertaking? 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: We have investi- 
 gated the matter, and believe that the 
 expense will be very small and that in 
 a short time the undertaking will be 
 self-supporting. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN: It would be 
 some little work to carry this thing 
 through, would it not? , 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: I do not think it 
 would. I think it could be made to 
 more than pay its own way at the 
 start. One hundred papers would more 
 than do that, and we have promises of 
 practically that many papers, and then 
 there are a good many other papers 
 which once we get started would be 
 willing to take our matter, so that in 
 my opinion there will be only a short 
 time indeed before the undertaking 
 would be on a paying basis. 
 
 DEL. JOHNSON! (la.): I would 
 like to state for the benefit of those 
 comrades who are not interested es- 
 pecially in the publication of Socialist 
 papers, that this suggestion of the 
 chairman of the Press Committee would 
 be a very good thing from the stand- 
 
 point of the patrons and the papers 
 constituting the present Socialist press. 
 It would help out in a great many 
 ways in their work, and I believe that 
 there would be a sufficient demand in 
 a very short time for a sufficient num- 
 ber of those plates to make it a source 
 of at least a small income to the na- 
 tional organization, and for one I am 
 heartily desirous that that work shall be 
 taken up by the organization accord- 
 ing to the suggestion of the chairman 
 of the Press Committee. 
 
 The question was then put and the 
 motion carried unanimously. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: That is practical- 
 ly all of our report. It is the main 
 thing that we wished to accomplish. I 
 do not think of anything more. (Loud 
 applause.) There is just one word I 
 want to say for the information of those 
 here. The charge which the Press As- 
 sociation makes to us, and probably the 
 same thing will be made to the party, is 
 one dollar per page, which is six col- 
 umns every three weeks. It can be 
 spread out over three weeks. At the 
 present time with one hundred papers 
 it would only be furnished every three 
 weeks, and that would give two col- 
 umns a week for three weeks. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I would like 
 to ask Comrade Simons before retir- 
 ing if he can give us the name of the 
 delegate who can inform the delegates 
 here, who are anxious for information 
 in regard to this matter, and particular- 
 ly in regard to this plate bureau. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS: On the technical 
 side of it, Comrade Strobell has gath- 
 ered more material than anybody else. 
 On some sides of it I have gathered 
 all the material I could get hold of, 
 and I would be glad to answer any 
 questions that you may put to me. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegates 
 will please notice, those that are in- 
 terested in this matter, that they may 
 consult with Comrade Strobell, of New 
 Jersey, and Comrade Simons, of lUir 
 nois, in regard to such information as 
 they desire. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.): I shall be 
 more than pleased to give all the in- 
 formation in my power as also will 
 Comrade Strobell. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
 other unfinished business that the Sec- 
 retary knows of? 
 
Evening Session, May 4. 
 
 165 
 
 A DELEGATE: The Resolutions 
 Committee has not reported. 
 
 THE CHIAIRMAN: What dispo- 
 sition was made of the Trades Union 
 Committee ? 
 
 DEL. NAGEL (Ky.) : It has not 
 been acted upon yet. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there are 
 no objections, we will start to call the 
 committees in their regular order and 
 hear from them as they are read, if 
 they are ready. The first is the Com- 
 mittee on Platform, are they ready? 
 
 The Committee on Platform not be- 
 ing ready to report, it was passed. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is the Com- 
 mittee on Municipal Program ready? 
 
 DEL. UNTERMAN (111.) : The 
 Committee on Municipal Program will 
 be ready to report to-morrow morn- 
 ing; it prefers to wait until to-mor- 
 row morning. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Commit- 
 tee on Municipal Program reports 
 progress and promises to have its mat- 
 ter in such shape as to intelligently act 
 upon it to-morrow. Is the Committee 
 on Resolutions ready to report? 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : We are 
 ready. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Spar- 
 go, the Chairman of that Committee, 
 will please take the platform. 
 
 Resolution on Colorado Outrages 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : Comrade 
 Chairman and Comrades :, Your Com- 
 mittee in completing its report desires 
 to move the following resolution upon 
 the outrages in Colorado and other 
 phases of the class struggle : 
 
 "Whereas, The Socialist Party is 
 the political organization of the work- 
 ing class, pledged to all its struggles 
 and working ceaselessly for its eman- 
 cipation, it declares this convention 
 against the brutality of capitalistic 
 rule and the suppression of popular 
 rights and liberties which attends it; 
 and calls upon all the workers of the 
 country to unite with it in the strug- 
 gle for the overthrow of capitalist 
 domination and the establishment of 
 economic equality and freedom. 
 
 "Time after time workers have been 
 imprisoned, beaten and murdered for 
 no other reason than that they were 
 struggling for some measure of that 
 
 comfort and decency of existence to 
 which as the producers of wealth they 
 are entitled. The master class has, in 
 various states and cities, organized 
 citizens' alliances, manufacturers' as- 
 sociations, anti-boycott associations 
 and the like, which, in order to dis- 
 rupt and crush out the economic or- 
 ganization of the workers, have in- 
 stituted a reign of lawlessness and 
 tyranny, and assailed all the funda- 
 mental principles and most cherished 
 institutions of personal and collective 
 freedom. By suborning the executive 
 and judicial powers in various states 
 they have infringed upon the liberties 
 of the American people, 
 
 "Under their baleful influences, in 
 direct contravention of the letter and 
 the spirit of the Constitution, civil au- 
 thority has been made subordinate to 
 the military in Pennsylvania, Colo- 
 rado and elsewhere. 'Freedom of the 
 press and the right of public assem- 
 bly have been denied in many states ; 
 and by the Dick militia bill liability 
 to compulsory military service has 
 been imposed upon every male citizen, 
 and that merely at the caprice of the 
 President. 
 
 "At the present time there exists in 
 Colorado a state of violent capitalist 
 anarchy and lawlessness with the con- 
 sent and under the armed protection 
 of the state government. Peaceable 
 citizens have been forcibly deported 
 by armed bodies of lawbreakers, aid- 
 ed and abetted by military usurpers 
 of the civil powers; involuntary servi- 
 tude has been imposed by injunctions 
 - compelling citizens to work under 
 conditions distasteful to them. Inno- 
 cent and law-abiding citizens have 
 been arrested without warrant, im- 
 prisoned without trial, and when ac- 
 quitted by decision of the civil courts, 
 held by the military in defiance of 
 every principle of civil authority and 
 'government; and the right of habeas 
 corpus, for centuries cherished as a 
 safeguard for personal liberty, has 
 been unlawfully suspended with the 
 result that in a so-called 'free state' 
 of our so-called 'free republic' there 
 exists a despotism greater and more 
 infamous than that which has ever 
 characterized Russian autocracy. 
 
 "Now, we declare these conditions 
 in Colorado are the natural and logi- 
 cal results of the prevailing economic 
 system which permits the private 
 
166 
 
 Evening Session, May 4.. 
 
 ownership of the means of the com- 
 mon life and renders the wage-work- 
 ing class dependent for life itself 
 upon the owners of .the means of pro- 
 duction and distribution. Between 
 these two classes, the workers and 
 the masters of their bread, there ex- 
 ists a state of constant warfare, a 
 bitter and irrepressible class conflict. 
 Labor, organized for self-protection 
 and to secure better conditions of life, 
 is met by powerful organizations of 
 the master class, whose supreme pow- 
 er lies in the fact that all the func- 
 tions of government, legislative, judi- 
 cial and executive, have been unwit- 
 tingly placed in their hands by their 
 victims. Controlling all the forces of 
 government, they are entrenched in a 
 position from which they can only be 
 dislodged by political methods. 
 
 "Therefore, this convention of the 
 Socialist Party reaffirms this princi- 
 ple of .the International Socialist 
 Movement, that the supreme issue is 
 the conquest by the working class of 
 all the powers of government and the 
 use of those powers for the -over- 
 throw of class rule, and the estab- 
 lishment of that common ownership 
 of the means of the common life, 
 which alone can free individual and 
 collective man." 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Your Committee 
 desires to explain, if explanation be 
 necessary, why such a lengthy resolu- 
 tion has been drafted. We understand 
 perfectly well that for the purposes of 
 this convention it might not be neces- 
 sary to have any such resolution, but ' 
 in the present condition of affairs there 
 is one thing quite certain, that the great 
 bulk of the people and the workers of 
 this country know nothing, or little, if 
 anything at all, of the condition of af- 
 fairs in Colorado and other parts of 
 the country to which we refer. (Loud 
 applause.) Now it seemed to your 
 committee that this resolution, if adopt- 
 ed, might find its way even into the 
 capitalist press. That if it did not it 
 ought to be published in the Socialist 
 press, so that we, at least, could say : 
 "Here the Socialist Party has declared 
 and shown the real meaning of these 
 outrages against which you are com- 
 plaining." 
 
 Now, then, there were several reso- 
 lutions which came before your commit- 
 tee which were referred to other com- 
 
 mittees in whose province they came. 
 A resolution also came before the com- 
 mittee which in its way established 
 something of a precedent. Delegate 
 Littlefield handed it in on behalf of 
 some one who is understood not to be 
 a member of the Socialist Party. It 
 was a resolution for our consideration 
 advocating co-operative exchanges. It 
 is only fair to Delegate Littlefield to 
 say also that he declined responsibility 
 for the resolution. Your committee 
 decided that we take action on these 
 resolutions as they are presented, in- 
 stead of reading them over here. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The Chair is 
 . of the opinion that at some previous 
 meeting it was decided to print the re- 
 ports of the committees, If that has 
 no particular bearing on the matter be- 
 fore us we may, of course, act on the 
 matter as it comes before us. I should 
 say that in accordance with former 
 rnethods of procedure, we had better 
 listen to the report of the Committee 
 on Resolutions and then take them up 
 in their turn, perhaps. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN (Mass.) : These reso- 
 lutions are not to be printed. Therefore, 
 I rnake a motion that we consider them 
 seriatim as they are read. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (O.) : I don't 
 think there is going to be so much be- 
 fore this session to-night but what we 
 can let the committee read the reso- 
 lutions over and then take them up. 
 
 The question was then put on Dele- 
 gate Keown'g motion, and it was car- 
 ried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The first ac- 
 tion then before the convention is on 
 the resolution just read by the Commit- 
 tee on Resolutions. 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.) : I 
 move the adoption of the Colorado res- 
 olution as read. 
 
 The motion was seconded and the 
 question called for. 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN (111.): I wish 
 to offer an amendment to this resolu- 
 tion that the passage which now reads 
 "Liability to compulsory military service 
 has been imposed upon every male citi- 
 zen," be amended so as to read: "Lia- 
 bility to compulsory military service has 
 been imposed upon all males between 
 the ages of eighteen and forty-five." 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Your committee 
 
Evening Session, May 4.. 
 
 167 
 
 accepts the amendment. Your commit- 
 tee had these things under advisement, 
 but there were so many other things 
 which might have been mentioned which 
 could not be mentioned, that we de- 
 cided for that reason that we could not 
 take up matters any more in detail 
 than they were brought to us. We 
 would not have had the time to go into 
 all these matters if we had tried to 
 do so. 
 
 DEL. McEACHERN (111.) : I would 
 like to have that portion of the reso- 
 lution which refers to the fact that the 
 Dick military bill was instituted at the 
 caprice of the President, if that is the 
 sense of the resolution, I would wish 
 to have that stricken out. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : That is not in any 
 way the sense of the resolution. I will 
 read the text and then I think you will 
 get the sense: "And by the Dick mili- 
 tia bill liability to compulsory military 
 service has been imposed upon every 
 male citizen between the ages of eighteen 
 and forty-five years, and that merely at 
 the caprices of the President." Not 
 that the bill was instituted at the ca- 
 price of the President, but that, as a 
 matter of fact, the enforcement of the 
 provisions of that statute are entirely 
 dependent upon the caprice of the Pres- 
 ident. 
 
 The question was called for. 
 
 DEL. GARVER (Mo.) : I wish to of- 
 fer the following amendment, to insert 
 the word "only" in the clause, "the So- 
 cialist Party is the party of the work- 
 ing class." The reason why I desire 
 to insert this word is because it has been 
 intimated to me on the floor of this 
 house to-day that the trades union 
 party is a capitalist party. I wish to em- 
 phasize the fact that the Socialist Party 
 is the only party of the working class. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Chairman 
 of the Committee will please read it. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: The Committee 
 will accept the amendment if the con- 
 vention will accept the responsibility 
 for the tautological expression of the 
 resolution in that form. When you say, 
 "It is the party of the working class," 
 it is entirely superfluous to say "the 
 only party." That is. singular and not 
 plural, and it is as specific as it can 
 possibly be. If, however, the conven- 
 tion insists upon having "only," super- 
 
 fluous as it is, added to the resolution, 
 we have no objection. (Loud applause.) 
 
 DEL. GARVER : I am satisfied with 
 the explanation. The only object of the 
 amendment -was to draw the attention 
 of the convention to that very point 
 and make clear our contention in that 
 matter. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The conven- 
 tion is hardly in need of any such ex- 
 planation. The motion upon the adop- 
 tion of the resolution as amended is now 
 in order. 
 
 The question was then put and the 
 resolution adopted by a unanimous vote. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Commit- 
 tee will proceed. 
 
 DEL. WESSLING'(N. Y.) : Com- 
 rade Chairman 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: For what pur- 
 pose do you rise? 
 
 DEL. WESSLING: Couldn't it be 
 made unanimous? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is unani- 
 mous. 
 
 DEL. WESSLING: Well, have it so 
 ststcd 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Well, the Sec- 
 retary can so state if he thinks it neces- 
 sary. The Committee will proceed. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : Among the resolu- 
 tions submitted to the Committee was 
 a statement rather than a resolution by 
 Comrade Holman of Minnesota, on be- 
 half of the State of Minnesota. I 
 only mention it here because in printed 
 form it has been handed around the 
 convention. Now the comrades of Min- 
 nesota have come to the committee and 
 said that upon reconsideration they are 
 in favor of withdrawing it and letting 
 the matter take its usual course in their 
 own state committee. Therefore, your 
 committee desires to withdraw that reso- 
 lution which has been before the con- 
 vention in printed form. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Are there any 
 objections to the withdrawal of the 
 resolution that has been printed and 
 handed around to the delegates under 
 the caption "The Minnesota Case?" 
 There is no objection, and the position 
 of the committee will stand as the posi- 
 tion of the convention. It will be so 
 ordered. The Committee will proceed. 
 
 AS TO SECRET CAUCUSES. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : A resolution from a 
 delegate from Connecticut was pre- 
 sented to the committee, as follows: 
 
168 
 
 Evening Session, May 4.. 
 
 "Resolved that it is the sense of 
 this convention that we should at this 
 period of our development as a class 
 conscious party, cut loose from every 
 capitalist device and method, and that 
 we hereby condemn the holding of 
 secret caucuses by the members of. this 
 convention, and if any such there be 
 who have been guilty of such action, 
 they are hereby condemned. -That "we 
 do not believe in and will not here- 
 after uphold any capitalist cut and 
 dried methods of selecting committees 
 or candidates." (Applause.) 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.): I move its 
 adoption. 
 
 del: SPARGO: Your committee re- 
 ports unfavorably, upon the motion. It 
 reports unfavorably because of the im- 
 possibility of ever enforcing such a 
 motion. (Applause.) There is no method 
 known to your committee whereby any 
 two or more delegates can be prevented 
 from agreeing upon a certain course of 
 action in the convention. (Applause.) 
 DEL. LUCAS (Minn.) : I think we 
 might give our expression of condem- 
 nation of such proceedings. The Social- 
 ists don't need to go into any of these 
 side shows, and yet these things do 
 creep into our convention. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The report is be- 
 fore you, Gentlemen, what is your pleas- 
 ure? 
 
 DEL. TOOMEY (Conn.) : I move 
 that the report of the committee be laid 
 on the table. 
 
 Seconded. 
 
 The question was put on the motion 
 and it was lost. 
 
 SECRETARY DOBBS : I move that 
 the report of the committee be con- 
 curred in. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : I move that 
 the delegate presenting the resolution 
 be given leave to withdraw. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The delegate has 
 had ample opportunity to do so if he 
 desires it. 
 
 The question was then put to concur 
 in the recommendation of the committee 
 and the motion was carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The committee 
 will proceed. 
 
 THE NEW YORK DAILY CALL. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Next is a resolu- 
 tion by Delegate Dobbs of New York, 
 as follows : 
 
 "Whereas, daily newspapers which 
 shall stand as the uncompromising 
 champions of the working class and 
 the exponents of the principles of the 
 Socialist Party constitute one of the 
 most urgent •needs of the Socialist 
 movement of the United States, and 
 Whereas, the Socialists of New 
 York announce that they will begin 
 the publication September ist of the 
 New York Daily Call, a newspaper 
 devoted -to the interests of the So- 
 cialist Party and the working class. 
 
 Resolved that we, the delegates of 
 the National Socialist Convention as- 
 sembled at Chicago, May ist, 1904, do 
 hereby cordially endorse the project 
 to establish the New York Daily Call, 
 and we call upon the Socialists of the 
 United States to render every assist- 
 ance in their power to the New York 
 Comrades having the enterprise" in 
 charge." 
 
 Your committee reports favorably 
 upon the motion. 
 
 The adoption of the resolution was 
 moved and seconded. 
 
 DEL. WILKINS (Cal.) : I should 
 like to know if this private enterprise 
 is to be the property of the local. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: No. Unfortunately 
 there can be no such thing as property 
 of the local, because the local is not a 
 body recognized by law; therefore, the 
 corporation has been formed of all of 
 the members of the Social Democratic 
 Party in the city who care to avail 
 themselves of it, and none can ever be- 
 long to it but members of the Socialist 
 party, and then it is provided that no 
 interest shall ever at any time be paid 
 upon the proiits accruing from the enter- 
 prise. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (O.) : The accept- 
 ance of that resolution, isn't that almost 
 the same as the official endorsement of a 
 partisan press? Isn't that resolution out 
 of order? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : It is not out of 
 order. As to whether this convention is 
 overstepping its authority when it rec- 
 ommends the establishment of such a 
 paper, is a question of which the con- 
 vention itself is the best judge. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : Comrade 
 Spargo, in this corporation when stock 
 is held by members of the Socialist 
 party, will one maft have more influence 
 and more votes than another? 
 DEL. SPARGO: No, sir. 
 
Evening Session, May 4.. 
 
 169 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.) : I would 
 consider that that is perfectly in order, 
 but nevertheless I would like to call 
 your attention to one point, the growing 
 need of a national organ, and we find it 
 expressed right here, and sooner or 
 later it will have to come. (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Any further re- 
 marks upon the motion before us? The 
 motion is that the report of the com- 
 mittee be concurred in. 
 
 DEL. BROWER (111.) : I am heartily 
 in favor of the motion, but I would 
 suggest to the convention that we give 
 like encouragement to any city in the 
 country that can afford a daily along 
 with this recommendation to help the 
 comrades in New York. There are 
 other cities in this Union to-day that 
 need a daily paper for the propagation 
 of the principles of Socialism, such as 
 the city of Chicago and others. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: I desire to say, 
 Comrades, first that the committee will 
 accept the suggestion that we do give 
 encouragement to any such effort in any 
 part of the country, no matter where it 
 may be; and in the second place your 
 committee does not consider such a 
 motion as an endorsement of a paper, 
 but as an encouragement of an effort 
 to establish a Socialist paper. There 
 can be no such thing as the endorsement 
 of a paper which does not exist. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. SLOBODINi (N. Y.) : If the 
 convention wanted to control the paper, 
 why New York- would be the first to 
 vote against it ; it would refuse to sur- 
 render the control of that paper because 
 we want the control of it. But, in order 
 to encourage the comrades, we ought to 
 pass this resolution, and we certainly 
 ought not to hesitate to give them this 
 encouragement. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY (Cal.) : I simply 
 want to say that there seems to be a 
 disposition on the part of the com- 
 rades to think that our endorsement of 
 this enterprise in New York is the same 
 proposition we had last night of owning 
 and operating a paper. I would be 
 willing to give endorsement to any 
 creditable Socialist paper, it does not 
 make any difference what paper it is, 
 and I hope the resolution will pass for 
 that reason. It is an altogether different 
 proposition from that of owning and 
 
 operating a paper by the National Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.): I move the 
 previous question. 
 
 Motion seconded and carried. 
 
 The question was then put on the 
 adoption of the resolution as read, and 
 the motion carried with only one dis- 
 senting vote. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The committee 
 has the floor. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : In reporting yester- 
 day, I said that the committee would 
 publish a statement sent by Local San 
 Francisco. Unfortunately I have left it 
 at the hotel and haven't it here at the 
 convention in time to be printed. I 
 have the statement here and will read 
 it if desired, but your committee con- 
 siders that since it has gone the rounds 
 of the Socialist Papers and is not a 
 matter which this convention can act 
 upon in any manner, shape or form, 
 that that particular statement with re- 
 gard to Mayor Schmitz refusing to ap- 
 point a member of the Socialist Party 
 on the Board of Election Commissioners 
 had best be laid on the table unless the 
 convention desires it read, which is all 
 that Local San Francisco asks. 
 
 DEL. COLLINS (111.) : I move that 
 it be laid on the table. 
 
 Motion seconded. A vive voce vote 
 was then taken and the result leaving 
 the chair in doubt the motion was put 
 to a rising vote and carried. 
 
 THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Your committee 
 asks for final action upon the resolu- 
 tions presented yesterday which are be- 
 fore you in print. I presume I need not 
 trouble to read the resolutions because 
 you have them, but I desire on behalf 
 of the committee to move the adoption 
 of the resolution on the Russo-Japanese 
 War. 
 The motion was seconded. 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Perhaps you had 
 better read it. 
 
 DEL SPARGO: All right. The 
 Chairman says on account of the au- 
 dience and visitors that I had better 
 read them. The resolution on the Russo- 
 Japanese War is as follows : 
 
 "Whereas, The conflicting com- 
 mercial interests of the ruling classes 
 in Russia and Japan have induced the 
 governments of those countries to 
 bring about war between the Russian 
 and Japanese nations; and 
 
170 
 
 Evening Session, May /(.. 
 
 Whereas, the working people of 
 Russia and Japan have no interest in 
 waging this campaign of bloody war- 
 fare, be it 
 
 Resolved, That this convention of 
 the Socialist Party of America sends 
 greetings of Fraternity and Solidarity 
 to the working people of Russia and 
 Japan, and condemns the Russo-Japr 
 anese War as a crime against progress 
 and civilization. And be it further, ' 
 
 Resolved, That we appeal to the 
 wage workers of Russia and Japan to 
 join hands with the International 
 Socialist movement in its struggle for 
 world peace." 
 
 DEL. DEUTZMAN (Cal.) : I move 
 you. Comrade Chairman, that the reso- 
 lution be adopted and that we send 
 copies to the Socialist press of Japan 
 and Russia. 
 
 The motion was seconded, and car- 
 ried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The committee 
 will proceed. 
 
 COMPENSATION OF SPEAKERS. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : We have a resolu- 
 tion from the New Jersey delegation re- 
 garding the compensation of speakers 
 and the engagement of speakers. It is 
 as follows: 
 
 "Whereas, It is the practice of some 
 lecturers and organizers to engage 
 with organizations of the Socialist 
 Party, at an indefinite compensation, 
 dependent upon their success in col- 
 lecting funds or selling literature, or 
 else engaging without understanding 
 as to compensation ; and 
 
 Whereas, Under such conditions the 
 ability of a comrade to remain in the 
 field depends upon circumstances 
 other than usefulness in the propaga- 
 tion of clean-clut Socialism ; there- 
 fore be it 
 
 Resolved, That this convention de- 
 clares itself opposed to , speculative 
 methods of compensating lecturers 
 and organizers, and in favor of the 
 payment of a definite pre-determined 
 salary or fee." 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Yonr committee 
 moves the adoption of that resolution as 
 the expression of the opinion of this 
 body. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is regularly 
 moved and seconded that the report 
 just read be the expression of the opin- 
 ion of this body. Are you ready for 
 the question? 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (0.) : 1 move you 
 that it be laid on the table. 
 
 The motion was seconded, but on be- 
 ing put to a vive voce vote was lost. 
 
 A division was called for and a rising 
 vote was taken, resulting in the motion 
 being declared lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion be- 
 fore us now is upon the adoption of the 
 committee's recommendation. 
 
 The question was then put on the 
 adoption of the New Jersey resolution 
 as read and the motion carrying, it was 
 declared adopted. 
 
 The announcement of the adoption of 
 the resolution met with hearty applause 
 on the part of the convention. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The committee 
 will proceed. 
 
 REGULATION OF SPEAKERS. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: The next resolu- 
 tion is in regard to the following sala- 
 ries and fees to be paid speakers. It 
 is as follows : 
 
 "Whereas, exorbitant salaries or 
 fees have sometimes been paid to 
 speakers and organizers for their 
 services ; and. 
 
 Whereas, Such practices are alto- 
 gether, unwarranted and" unjust in a 
 proletarian movement; therefore, be it 
 Resolved that this body declares it- 
 self opposed to paying speakers or 
 other workers employed by the party 
 exorbitant fees or salaries, placing 
 them above the standard of the work- 
 ing class the party represents; and 
 we 
 
 Recommend : That,- as far as pos- 
 sible locals of the Socialist Party 
 should engage their speakers and or- 
 ganizers through the national or state 
 organizations, thus discouraging the 
 abuses arising from the unsatisfactory 
 methods at present pursued." 
 DEL, SPARGO : Your committee re- 
 ports favorably and moves the adoption 
 of this resolution. 
 The motion was seconded. 
 DEL. FARRELL (O.) : I want to' 
 say, Mr. Chairman and comrades, in 
 reference to . this resolution that there 
 are some of our states in this country 
 which are peculiarly situated with ref- 
 erence to carrying on propaganda meet- 
 ings, and I want to say that in my own 
 state, down there in Ohio, that we are 
 one of those states. We have found 
 out that the most successful meetings 
 we can hold are on Sunday afternoon, 
 
Evening Session, May 4.. 
 
 171 
 
 and it is a hard matter to get a suit- 
 able hall for Sunday afternoon in the 
 smaller cities down there, as they are 
 poorly supplied with suitable halls for 
 propaganda meetings. It is not like the 
 city of Chicago or some of the larger 
 cities, and for that reason we are com- 
 pelled to take what we can get for our 
 meetings, and we cannot always get 
 speakers when we want them, from the 
 Niational Committee, and there may be 
 times when in order to hold a good 
 meeting we will have to pay what is 
 termed here exorbitant prices, but if 
 our local in that city sees fit to bear 
 the expense of bringing the comrade 
 there on the special occasion, I don't 
 think they ought to be hampered with 
 this resolution. 
 
 THE CHiAIRMAN: The Chairman 
 of the committee will kindly explain the 
 effect of that resolution. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: The resolution is 
 not mandatory upon any local or state 
 in the country. It is purely the expres- 
 sion of the opinion of this convention. It 
 doesn't say that this must be done upon 
 all occasions, but that as far as possible 
 in order to discourage these methods, 
 speakers should be engaged through the 
 national or state organizations. To meet 
 the case mentioned by the delegate from 
 Ohio, suppose that the locals to which 
 he referred find that they could not get 
 a speaker through the national com- 
 mittee, there would be no insuperable 
 obstacle in getting him through the state 
 committee, and after all it is not man- 
 datory upon them; it is simply an ex- 
 pression of the opinion of the conven- 
 tion. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN (Mass.) : In the 
 statement made by the chairman of that 
 committee I desire to ask the meaning 
 of "exorbitant." Suppose Karl Marx 
 were to be brought back here again. 
 Would you conjider one hundred dol- 
 lars for a lecture from him exorbitant? 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : Yes, sir. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN: Or would you con- 
 sider two dollars altogether too small? 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN : That is too much. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN: Now I have seen 
 some speakers to whom I would gladly 
 have given two hundred dollars not to 
 hear. The comrades must admit that 
 some Socialist party speakers do the move- 
 ment more harm than we can imagine. 
 Another thing, I do not believe that we 
 
 can estimate the ability of a speaker 
 either in a convention like this or in a 
 local body. It is simply a matter which 
 must be arranged between the local and 
 the speaker. I am not in favor of put- 
 ting any stipulation whatsoever on the 
 amount that we are going to pay our 
 speakers. Another thing, if we give 
 our approval to any such thing as that, 
 I claim it is just the same as a law. 
 If you wish your servant to do some- 
 thing or your boss wishes his working- 
 man to do anything, that is practically 
 equivalent to a command to do it. If 
 we write down our opposition to any 
 such thing as that, I claim that is just 
 the same as law. In using this word 
 /'opposed," I interpret it as a command 
 from the convention. I am opposed ab- 
 solutely to fixing the compensation of 
 speakers. I believe that should be left 
 to circumstances entirely, and to the 
 local who calls for the speaker or to 
 the state organization. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will ask for 
 a further interpretation of this resolu- 
 tion by the chairman of the committee : 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Your committee 
 does not desire to argue the question 
 raised by the last speaker except only 
 to answer the question as to what we 
 would consider an exorbitant salary or 
 fee. It may be that in the case of some 
 speakers it would be worth while to 
 pay them two hundred dollars not to 
 speak. (Laughter.) It may be quite 
 true that five dollars would be exorbi- 
 tant for some men. It is equally true 
 that two hundred and fifty dollars a 
 lecture is exorbitant for any man. (Ap- 
 plause.) It would be exorbitant even 
 for Marx or for LaSalle if we could 
 bring them back to talk to us. The 
 delegate wishes to know what we would 
 consider exorbitant for Comrade Marx. 
 I tell the delegate that Karl Marx ans- 
 wered it himself when he said : "I will 
 live and my family, upon the five dol- 
 lars a week I can get while I am writ- 
 ing 'Capital' for the working class." 
 (Loud applause.) 
 
 DEL. LUCAS (MSnn.) : I want to 
 say just a word on this matter. My ex- 
 perience has been that where we have 
 paid these exorbitant salaries it has ex- 
 ceeded the resources of the community. 
 There are too many members who, 
 when they try to get a speaker, select 
 him not for the good he will do, but 
 because they would like to see him and 
 
172 
 
 Evening Session, May^. 
 
 get a chance to listen to his eloquent 
 remarks, his flow of eloquence. When 
 you have a man to come and make but 
 one lecture, I care not how far his 
 reputation may extend, he only for the 
 moment makes a little excitement there 
 and it becomes absolutely worthless un- 
 Iss it can be followed up, and many 
 times when you have spent a hundred 
 dollars or two hundred dollars for one 
 of those speakers the whole of their 
 lecture has had to be preserved by the 
 common soap box orators that get noth- 
 ing whatever for their labor. (Ap- 
 plause.) We have been told time and 
 again that it is the constant dropping 
 of water that wears away the stone, 
 and so it is with any of these great 
 movements. It is not the frequent flashes 
 of lightning that affect the cause, but 
 it is the persistent and constant effort 
 of tfie whole party, and we have many 
 of our strongest workers amongst us 
 that are never recognized. (Applause.) 
 I hope that this will be adopted, for I 
 think that it is necessary that there 
 shall be some rebuke come from this 
 body against the lavish expenditure of 
 money that is absolutely eating away 
 the vitality of the movement. 
 
 DEL. JOHNSON (la.) : That is an- 
 other one of those questions that might 
 lead us into an eternal discussion like the 
 one pertaining to the salary of the secre- 
 tary, and I move the previous question. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I rise to 
 a point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is it? 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN t Is this matter not 
 all stated in the constitution that we 
 passed this afternoon? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair does 
 not so understand it. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: Where we left 
 this in the hands of the Executive Com- 
 mittee to give us a rate that shall gov- 
 ern the price of speakers. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: This has to do 
 with employing the speakers and rec- 
 ommends that the locals should ei^age 
 their speakers and organizers as far as 
 possible, through the state and national 
 organizations. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: From the nature 
 of this question we are not going to 
 hear from speakers who have no pros- 
 pect of receiving pay from our con- 
 stituency. You won't hear from Com- 
 rade Carey or from Comrade Hayes, 
 
 you won't hear from any of the power- 
 ful orators of the convention. Now I 
 am in that position, but I do most 
 positively object to this resolution which 
 means nothing more nor less than a 
 resolution of condemnation upon our 
 speakers. There may be an exceptional 
 case to which it does not apply, but as 
 a matter of fact generally the speakers 
 are a much abused lot. 
 
 The previous question was moved, 
 and the motion being seconded, it car- 
 ried. 
 
 The adoption of the resolution as 
 read was then put to a vive voce vote 
 and the result being doubtful, a division 
 was called for. A rising vote was then 
 taken with the result that the resolu- 
 tion was declared .adopted, the vote be- 
 ing as follows : Ayes, 65 ; Nays, 51. 
 
 REPORT UPON TRADE UNION 
 RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : As the final part of 
 our report, I have to report upon the 
 four trades union resolutions which 
 were referred back to our committee 
 from the Trades Union Committee, 
 through the convention yesterday. The 
 committee debated at great length upon 
 each of the four resolutions. We finally 
 decided to report back to this conven- 
 tion as follows : 
 
 That in view of the fact that no mat- 
 ter how improperly the resolutions had 
 been through the hands of another com- 
 mittee, had been reported favorably to 
 this committe by that committee, as a 
 committee we declined to make any 
 counter or other recommendation after 
 recommendations had been made by one 
 committee by whom they were referred. 
 That leaves the committee in this posi- 
 tion : We did not desire to shrink from 
 any responsibility that iwas 'properly 
 ours, but we do say that in view of the 
 circumstances under which the resolu- 
 tions came to us, that as a committee 
 we will make no reconjmendation what- 
 soever, and as individual members of the 
 convention, that will leave us free to 
 take whatever action we may see fit. 
 That leaves the matter now in the hands 
 of the convention. They can either take 
 the resolutions under consideration or 
 they can lay them upon the table as they 
 may see fit. Your committee has noth- 
 ing else to report. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN :• That completes 
 the report of the Committee on Resolu- 
 tions. It is now in order for this con- 
 vention to act upon the report of the 
 
Evening Session, May 4. 
 
 173 
 
 Committee on Resolutions as a whole, 
 and to take such other action as you see 
 fit with regard to this committee. Dele- 
 gate Carey has the floor. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, I desire to have the Chairman 
 make clear the exact status of the mat- 
 ters reported by the Committee on Reso- 
 lutions, including its final statement 
 through its chairman on the Trades 
 Union proposition. I desire to know 
 the exact status of the matters that he 
 had said they declined to act upon; the 
 exact status that they occupy in this 
 convention if the report of the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions is accepted and 
 adopted as a whole. Not particularly 
 so much because the Committee on 
 Trades Unions needs the instruction, but 
 because I wish to avoid unnecessary 
 conflict. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The Chair would 
 say that the status of those resolutions 
 is that they are precisely where they 
 were before they went to the Committee 
 on Resolutions. The Trades Union 
 resolution is what you are asking about, 
 isn't it? And the Chair would rule that 
 the resolutions are precisely in the 
 same position where they were before 
 they were sent to the Committee on 
 Resolutions, and all other matters upon 
 which the Committee on Resolutions 
 has acted are before this convention to 
 act upon as a whole. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (O.) : As I under- 
 stand it, Mr. Chairman and fellow dele- 
 gates, the supplementary resolutions 
 reported by the Trades Union Com- 
 mittee were, by a vote of this con- 
 vention, referred to the Committee on 
 Resolutions. Now this committee comes 
 in here this evening and makes a re- 
 port that is no report, and if I under- 
 stand the Chair aright he rules that the 
 resolutions are then still in the hands 
 of the Trades Union committee. Am I 
 correct? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Yes, where they 
 were before they were sent to the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: That the supplemen- 
 tary resolutions are now in our hands. 
 r can take my oath that we haven't got 
 them. (Laughter.) The resolutions, 
 with all due respect to the Chair and 
 the Committee of Resolutions, are in 
 the hands of the Resolutions Committee, 
 and if the Resolutions Committee de- 
 sires to make its report it should do so 
 without attempting to beat the devil 
 
 around the stump, and if it is unable 
 to handle the resolutions it should state 
 so plainly and above board to this con- 
 vention in order that this body may take 
 the proper action to refer .them back to 
 the Trades Union Cbmmittee where 
 they belong. (Loud applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I would say for 
 the information of Delegate Hayes that 
 the Chair was asked the question as to 
 the status of this resolution, and the 
 Chair would again reiterate that the 
 resolutions are precisely in the positron 
 they were before they were referred to 
 the Committee on Resolutions. The 
 Committee on Resolutions asks to be 
 absolved from responsibility in the mat- 
 ter, owing to the peculiar circumstances 
 under which they received them, and 
 that is the status of these resolutions 
 at this time under the Chair's ruling. 
 The Chairman of Resolutions Commit- 
 tee asks to be heard and he has the 
 floor. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Comrades, your 
 committee did not in the first place ac- 
 cept the resolutions. The resolutions 
 came to us and we did discuss them. 
 We discussed them at great length and 
 we did find things that we could do. We 
 found that at least we could write them 
 in the English language, which they 
 were not written in. (Laughter and 
 applause.) 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I rise to 
 a point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is the 
 point of order? 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: That we have a 
 resolution that is now before us. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The Chair will 
 rule that the point of order is not well 
 taken. The Chairman of the committee 
 is at liberty to make such remarks and 
 cast such reflections upon this commit- 
 tee as the convention is willing to lis- 
 ten to. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I ask for 
 information, 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Kerri- 
 gan will take his seat. The chairman of 
 the committee has the floor. 
 
 DEL, KERRIGAN: I ask for in- 
 formation, 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You will get 
 your information by the proceedings of 
 this convention. Do you raise a point 
 of order? 
 
174 
 
 Evening Sessmij May 4. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN: No, sir. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Then you have 
 no reason to rise at all. The Commit- 
 tee on Resolutions will proceed. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: The resolutions are 
 now in the hands of the Secretary of 
 the convention, and if we are to be 
 taunted that we are unable to do any- 
 thing or that we were afraid to do any- 
 thing, it is only right and proper to say 
 in reply to that taunt that there was at 
 least one thing we might have done. 
 We did not do it, out of consideration 
 for the feelings of Delegate Hayes and 
 his associates. (Laughter and ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. KEOWN (Mass.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: For what pur- 
 pose do you rise? 
 
 DEL. KEOWN: I wish to make a 
 motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There is no 
 motion in order while the delegate has 
 the floor. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Now then. Com- 
 rades, why did the committee decline 
 to make any more specific report? I 
 will tell you. Because the committee 
 tried time and again, knowing well that 
 a struggle lies before this convention, 
 upon each of the four motions in that 
 supplementary report, we tried time and 
 again by conference with the members 
 of the Trades Union Committee, to do 
 something in the way of having pre- 
 pared a decent substitute for the whole, 
 and mark you well, the delegate that 
 taunts us with being unable or unwil- 
 ling to do anything, was unwilling to 
 extend to the members of your com- 
 mittee even the ordinary courtesy of 
 one man to another. Now, Comrades, 
 we decline to shoulder all the responsi- 
 bility of throwing this convention into 
 a fight upon these matters. We say that 
 you have no right to place that respon- 
 sibility upon any one or more men in 
 this committee. You have drawn up 
 resolutions which are bound to be the 
 source and center of a fight that is 
 going to shake this convention to its 
 very basis. It has come to the knowl- 
 edge of the members of the Resolution 
 
 Committee 
 
 • DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : Point of 
 order ; what is before the convention ? Is 
 there a motion before the convention? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I want to say to 
 Comrade Spargo that he will bring to 
 a speedy close his report as Chairman 
 of the Resolutions Committee, and 
 leave out of consideration the methods 
 or alleged methods of any members of 
 any other committee. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: I have finished. I 
 simply say that when the committee 
 was besieged from one side and from 
 the other, and when they were brought 
 face to face with all the prospective 
 consequences of this matter, which 
 ought to have come before us in the 
 first place, but which went into the 
 hands of another committee and which 
 was then reported upon in a certain 
 form by them and then referred to us 
 and we are to be held responsible for the 
 mistakes and the misdeeds of another 
 committee, and we are not willing to 
 accept that responsibility. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. KEOWN: I move to submit 
 now the resolution which I previously 
 offered. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL (O.) : I move you 
 that the report of the Resolutions 
 Committee be adopted as a whole, and 
 that the Trades Union resolutions then 
 come before the house. 
 
 The motion was seconded and car- 
 ried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary 
 will now please read the first trades 
 union resolution. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : I desire to 
 ask permission of this house in order 
 to save time, if they will grant me just 
 two minutes. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: For what pur- 
 pose do you rise? 
 
 DEL. CAREY: For the purpose of 
 proceeding in order on this Trades 
 Union proposition. The Trades Union 
 Committee has made its report and it 
 is in print, the part that they referred 
 to us. Now I would suggest that we 
 act on the general propositipn before 
 we take up the specific resolutions. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Carey 
 is entirely right. We have disposed of 
 the Committee on Resolutions' work. 
 The next unfinished business is the re- 
 port of the Committee on Trades 
 Unions, and if you desire now to take 
 up the Committee on Trades Unions' 
 report, if that is the next order of 
 business, we will take it up from the be- 
 ginning and the secretary will read first 
 
Evening Session, May 4. 
 
 175 
 
 of all the report made by the Commit- 
 tee on Resolutions. 
 
 DEL. BERTHA WILKINS (Cal.) : 
 I rise to a point of information. I 
 should like to know as a matter of in- 
 formation whether this Committee on 
 Resolutions has ceased to receive reso- 
 lutions? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, and they 
 will not until they have been discharged. 
 They are still in existence, and if there 
 is any resolution any delegate desires to 
 introduce it will be referred to , the 
 Committee on Resolutions and they will 
 report upon it in due course. 
 
 DEL. DEUTZMAN (Cal.): I want 
 to make a protest. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Your protest is 
 not in order; there is nothing in order 
 but the secretary's reading. Please be 
 in order. Take your seat. The secre- 
 tary will now proceed with the reading 
 of the Trades Union Committee's re- 
 port. 
 
 DEL DEUTZMAN: I have a reso- 
 lution that I want to offer. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If you have an 
 amendment to make upon the Trades 
 Union resolutions it will not be in order 
 until the original trades union reso- 
 lutions are before this convention. Now 
 please subside until we get the original 
 resolutions before the convention. Then 
 we will entertain your amendment. 
 
 DEL. DEUTZMAN: I have more 
 than an amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Have you an 
 amendment that you want to make? 
 
 DEL. DEUTZMAN: I desire, Mr. 
 Chairman, to explaih this. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary 
 will please read. You will please keep 
 your seat now unless you want to raise 
 a point of order. 
 
 DEL. DEUTZMAN : I rise to a point 
 of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is it? 
 
 DEL. DEUTZMAN: The point of 
 order is this, that the Committee on 
 Resolutions has not done its work be- 
 cause they referred one resolution which 
 is printed; they did not report on it. 
 Therefore, before proceeding further 
 that resolution is before us and not the 
 trades union resolution. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will say that 
 the point of order is not well taken. 
 
 If at any future meeting of this con- 
 vention when we reach the order of 
 business of the Committee on Resolu- 
 tions, if the Committee on Resolutions 
 fails to report your resolution, you may 
 call upon them to report your resolu- 
 tion or give reasons why they do not do 
 so. For this evening's session we have 
 passed the Committee on Resolutions 
 by formal vote, and have decided to 
 take up the Committee on Trades 
 Union report, and that is the next thin'g 
 in order. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: I rise to a question 
 of personal privilege. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: State it briefly. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Briefly it is this: 
 That in rendering the report of the 
 committee, I overlooked that resolution, 
 as I explained to the delegates, but I 
 told them it would come before the con- 
 vention in due course. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary 
 will read the report of the Trades Union 
 Committee. 
 
 THE TRADES UNION RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 THE SECRETARY (Reading): 
 
 "The trades and labor union move- 
 ment is a natural result of the capi- 
 talist system of production and neces- 
 sary to resist the encroachments of 
 capitalism. It is an effort to protect 
 the class interests of labor under the 
 capitalistic system. However, this in- 
 dustrial struggle can only lessen the 
 exploitation, but does not abolish it. 
 The exploitation of labor will only 
 cease when the working class takes 
 possession of the means of produc- 
 tions and distribution and estab- 
 lishes, their right to the full 
 product of their labor. To fully 
 carry out these measures the working 
 class must consciously become the 
 dominant political power. The or- 
 ganization of the workers will not be 
 complete until they unite on the polit- 
 ical as well as the industrial field on 
 the lines of the class struggle. 
 
 The trades union struggle requires 
 the political activity of the working 
 class. The workers must assist and 
 permanently secure by their political 
 power what they have wrung from 
 their exploiters in the economic strug- 
 gle. In accordance with the decisions 
 of the International Socialist Con- 
 gresses in Brussels, Zurich and Lon- 
 don, this convention reaffirms the 
 declarations that the trades and labor 
 
176 
 
 Evening Session, May 4. 
 
 unions are a necessity in tfie struggle 
 to aid in emancipating the working 
 class, and we consider it the duty of 
 all wage workers to affiliate with this 
 movement. 
 
 Political differences of opinion do 
 not and should not justify the divi- 
 sion of the forces of labor in the in- 
 dustrial movement. The interests of 
 the working class make it imperative 
 that the labor organizations equip 
 their members for the great work of 
 abolition of wage slavery by educat- 
 ing them in Socialist principles." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN': Gentlemen, you 
 have heard the report of the Commit- 
 tee on Trades Unions. What is your 
 pleasure? 
 
 DEL. CARR (III.) : I rise to a point 
 of order. The hour of adjournment has 
 arrived, and a motion to adjourn is the 
 next thing in order unless we suspend 
 the rules and continue the meeting. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Carr 
 makes the point of order that the hour 
 of adjournment has arrived. The Chair 
 rules that the point of order is well 
 taken. The hour of adjournment is 
 here. What is your pleasure, gentle- 
 men? 
 
 DEL. HOEHN (Mo.) : I move that 
 we suspend the rules and that the con- 
 vention continue in session for one hour 
 longer. 
 
 The motion was seconded and car- 
 ried. I 
 
 DEL. DALTON (III.): I rise to 
 move the striking out from this Trades 
 Union resolution all of those words be- 
 ginning with "Political differences of 
 opinion," and ending with "industrial 
 movement." "Political differences of 
 opinion do not and should not justify 
 the division of the forces of labor in 
 the industrial movement." I move that 
 that be stricken out. 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.) : I wish to 
 offer another amendment : instead of 
 striking out that part, I wish to add to 
 it, after the word "movement," the fol- 
 lowing: "any more than differences of 
 opinion as to the best form of indus- 
 trial organization should divide the 
 working class in the political move- 
 ment." 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 At the request of a delegate, the secre- 
 
 tary then read the clause as it would 
 stand as last amended, as follows: 
 
 "Political differences of opinion do 
 not and should not justify the division 
 of the forces of labor in the industrial 
 movement, any more than differences of 
 opinion as to the best form of industrial 
 organization should divide the working 
 class in the political movement. 
 
 DEL. SMITH (Ore.) : I rise to make 
 an amendment that we lay this report 
 on the table, and I wish to speak in 
 suppbrt of the amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I have to in- 
 form the delegate from Oregon that a 
 motion to lay on the table is not debat- 
 able. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN (Mo.): Comrade 
 Chairman and Delegates: The very fact 
 that delegates on the floor of the So- 
 cialist convention can take the floor 
 and move to lay such an important reso- 
 lution on the table, shows the necessity 
 of bringing this matter before the con- 
 vention. It shows that it has become 
 necessary for the trades unions to get 
 into the Socialist Party and teach the 
 Socialist party a little unionism. (Loud 
 applause.) We have always claimed 
 that we have a monopoly on the social 
 science, on the wisdom in the labor 
 movement. -We have always looked 
 down upon the poor trades unionist. 
 We went to a Socialist meeting. We 
 secured a five cent Socialist pamphlet. 
 We read half of that pamphlet and we 
 did not understand the half which we 
 read, and then we went out and in- 
 formed the rank and file of the trades 
 unionists what they must do and what 
 they must not do; we informed them 
 how wise we were and how foolish 
 they were. I believe the time has come 
 when the Socialist Party can no longer 
 hide itself behind empty phrases, when 
 the Socialist Party must come out 
 clearly and positively and state its posi- 
 tion towards the trades union move- 
 • ment. I want to inform you that we 
 cannot be a success without the labor 
 movement. There cannot be a success- ' 
 ful Socialist movement without a suc- 
 cessful trades union movement. (Cries 
 of "Hear, hear" and loud applause.) 
 The trades union movement must be the 
 back bone of the Socialist Party. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS (111.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Order please, 
 
Evening Session^ May 4. 
 
 177 
 
 until we learn the delegate's point of 
 order. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS: My point of order 
 is that the comrade is not speaking to 
 the motion to strike out, but upon the 
 merits. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate is 
 perfectly in order if he speaks upon the 
 general merits of the question before 
 the house. 
 
 DEL. HlOEHN: I should like to in- 
 form our friends from Illinois and 
 especially from Chicago, that this trades 
 union question cannot be settled by 
 points of order. (Loud cheering and 
 applause.) This trades union question 
 is up before the Socialist convention, 
 and it must be settled and must be set- 
 tled right. I have said that the trades 
 union movement must be the backbone 
 of the Socialist Party, and I may add 
 that the Socialist Party must be the 
 backbone of the trades union movement. 
 (Loud applause.) Herr Kautsky, one 
 of the leading authorities on interna- 
 tional Socialism, said in one of his 
 books, "The labor movement is the 
 foundation of Social Democracy," and 
 if the Socialists do not realize this fact, 
 if they fail to recognize and understand 
 this fact, Socialist Democracy will go 
 to pieces because it will not fulfil its 
 mission. It is our duty as Socialists, 
 as representatives of the Socialist Party, 
 to organize the proletariat. It is our 
 duty to organize the working class, not 
 only politically but economically as well. 
 (Cries of "Right," and loud applause.) 
 I wish now to ask you whether the 
 trades unionists of Colorado, the mem- 
 bers of the Western Federation of 
 Miners and the members of the United 
 Mine Workers in Colorado, whether 
 those brave boys are not fighting an 
 heroic battle for the cause of liberty? 
 They are fighting the greatest struggle 
 of the American proletariat to-day, and 
 it will not do for us to stand here and 
 tell those boys, "Stop your struggle ; 
 stop your fight; your trades unions 
 won't help you any." 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I want 
 to call the attention of the chairman to 
 the fact that the comrade is overstep- 
 ping his time. 
 
 . THE CHAIRMAN: You are mis- 
 taken. The delegate has two minutes 
 left. Do not eat up his time. Delegate 
 Hoehn will proceed. 
 
 DEL, HOEHN : If I were to under- 
 
 take such a position as that, I would be 
 ashamed of myself. I say no : as So- 
 cialists it is our duty to get right into 
 this fight and help those boys in their 
 economic struggle and do all we can to 
 help win that battle for the eight hour 
 law in Colorado, and the battle for free 
 speech. (Applause.) 
 
 Several delegates endeavored to ob- 
 tain the floor. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Ott of 
 Wyoming has the floor. 
 
 DEL. OTT (Wyo.) : I ask to call .up 
 my resolution that has been submitted 
 to the secretary. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is it an amend- 
 ment to the proposition before the 
 house? 
 
 DEL. OTT : Yes, sir, it is a substi- 
 tute for the proposition before the 
 house. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary 
 will kindly read it. 
 
 ' SUBSTITUTE FOR TRADES UNION RESOLU- 
 TIONS. 
 
 The substitute ofifered by Delegate Ott 
 was then read by the secretary as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 "In view of the fact that the Trades 
 Union resolution as adopted by the 
 Unity Convention of Indianapolis, In- 
 diana, is wholly inade.quate to meet 
 the conditions representing themselves 
 in results of recent occurrences in the 
 trades union movement; and 
 
 Whereas, the Socialist Party as the 
 party of the working class, recognizes 
 the class struggle within Society as 
 the'' active force in lining up the work- 
 ers of the world in the militant or- 
 ganizations for the struggle of eman- 
 cipation from wage slavery, political- 
 ly in the Socialist Party, and econom- 
 ically in such organizations as are 
 used as instruments of the class strug- 
 gle to the end of overthrowing the 
 capitalistic system of society, and 
 
 Whereas, several economic organi- 
 zations of labor have combined with 
 capital in harmony-of-interest com- 
 binations, with the object of obscur- 
 ing the issue and leading the work- 
 ing class astray to perform yeoman 
 duties for capitalization and the pre- 
 vailing order of things ; 
 
 Therefore, be it Resolved by this 
 Convention, that the Socialist Party, 
 recognizing the necessity of organiza- 
 tion in economic fields as a weapon 
 ^or the defense of the workers against 
 the capitalists' encroachments, it also 
 
178 
 
 Evening Session, Min^ 4. 
 
 recognizes the fact that in line with 
 the declarations of all Socialist par- 
 ties throughout the world, the eco- 
 nomic organizations of the workers 
 must be a constructing force for the 
 conduct of .industries in a Socialist 
 commonwealth ; 
 
 The Socialist Party, therefore, urges 
 and appeals to the members of the 
 working class that they join such in- 
 dustrial unions on economic lines as 
 will band together the workers in a 
 common and tight bond of solidarity, 
 in which they will not be divided and 
 split asunder by the conflicting in- 
 terests of craft and guild divisions, 
 and which also aim at the establish- 
 ment of the co-operative common- 
 wealth by combined political and eco- 
 nomic action upon the lines of the 
 class struggle, both the political and 
 economic organizations to be used as 
 instruments and means to that end. 
 
 The Socialist Party also wishes to 
 denounce before the workers of this 
 land the treacherous, deceitful work 
 of the conglomeration between several 
 labor leaders so-called, and the capi- 
 tains of industry such as the National 
 Civic Federation and other like in- 
 stitutions, and brand these federations 
 as instruments of the capitalist class 
 to perpetuate the system of to-day, 
 and to use organized labor as tools 
 for that purpose.") 
 
 DEL. OTT: Mr. Chairman and Rep- 
 resentatives and Brothers and Sisters : I 
 would state that the pages read by the 
 secretary are about in the same order 
 as the German declaration in regard 
 to trades unionism. The solidarity of 
 trades unionism and Socialism must be 
 defined; the co-operation of the two is 
 essential. We must help to organize the 
 economic field in order to become strong 
 ourselves and so aid the workers of the 
 country in their struggle for advance- 
 ment. We must assist in every way 
 possible to organize the laboring class 
 of the country against the onslaught of 
 capitalism, which is our aim, because if 
 we accomplish that in a thorough man- 
 ner, such as is indicated by this resolu- 
 tion, there is no doubt that Socialism 
 will at once have attained the greatest 
 step in the history of the Socialist Party. 
 I will ask the adoption of this resolu- 
 tion because of its impartiality to any 
 one. It covers the field thoroughly 
 from our standpoint, it cannot be im- 
 
 peached, and we have the right, and 
 claim that right, that each of us shall 
 assist the laboring men of the country 
 to organize themselves, to band them- 
 selves together for their own personal 
 improvement and advancement; for the 
 doing away of these chains bound about 
 them by the capitalists ; for breaking the 
 fetters with which they hold in bondage 
 these men and women, millions of 
 workers in the country, and now for 
 that purpose I offer this resolution, 
 which is certainly explicit and to the 
 point, and which I hope will be read 
 again so everybody will understand it, 
 and I hope it will pass in order that we 
 may be able to be ready at any time to 
 fight the battle. 
 
 DEL. SMITH (Ore.) : Comrade 
 Chairman and Comrades : I would not 
 consider myself a Socialist if I kept my 
 seat to-night and did not at least pro- 
 test against this body taking up this 
 matter. I want it distinctly understood 
 that I speak for my own self, that I 
 personally consider it completely out of 
 order to bring such a proposition before 
 a Socialist convention. (Applause.) As 
 class conscious revolutionary Socialists 
 — yes, I use the combined term — we have 
 no business with those temporary move- 
 ments. (Applause.) If Socialism stands 
 for anything it stands for -what it pro- 
 fesses to stand for, and that is the com- 
 plete breaking down of the present sys- 
 tem. (Loud applause and cheering.) 
 The trades unions of this country repre- 
 sent nothing more than a slight reform 
 over present conditions (applause), and 
 as a reform movement it has no place 
 in the propaganda of Socialism. (Cries 
 of "Good" and prolonged applause.) 
 We have long enough dallied with those 
 reform movements of different kinds 
 and our constitution last year was the 
 laughing stock of the intelligent Social- 
 ists of the country. We got that plat- 
 form so mixed and tangled up that we 
 hardly knew what we did stand for our- 
 selves. (Laughter and applause.) The 
 trades unionists have never helped the 
 Socialist Party, and you know that that 
 is true. (Loud cheering and applause.) 
 The Trades Unionist is leaning upon his 
 little crutch and until that crutch is 
 broken entirely under him, he will have 
 to lean upon it, whether we preach 
 Socialism or not. (Cries of "Good" 
 and prolonged applause.) I saw this 
 beautifully illustrated. Comrade Chair- 
 man, in British Columbia last fall. I 
 
Evening Session, May 4. 
 
 179 
 
 went through as the speaker in the cam- 
 paign — that five weeks' campaign last 
 fall in British Columbia. The campaign 
 followed on the heels of a strike that 
 had been universal throughout British 
 Columbia, the gold mines and every- 
 where else. They lost in all parts of the 
 province until we as Socialists came in- 
 to that campaign and we pointed out to 
 them what we stood for, which was the 
 annihilation of the wage system, and 
 pointed the way clearly to the chang- 
 ing of the system as the only remedy 
 for their suffering — they had already 
 had the example of the inefficiency of 
 the strike, it failing them, and the re- 
 sult was after the crutch of the strike 
 had been broken unUer them, they 
 rushed to our banner and gladly es- 
 poused the Socialist Cause. (Loud 
 and long continued applause.) Now, 
 Comrade Chairman, in conclusion let me 
 say that the moment that the Socialist 
 Party of the United States steps out 
 upon a clear class-conscious platform of 
 its own, and frees its skirts from all 
 these petty movements (Cries of "Hear, 
 hear !") then we will begin to move for- 
 ward and to grow. (Tumultous cheer- 
 ing and applause.) 
 
 Several delegates here endeavored to 
 obtain the floor and the Chairman recog- 
 nized Delegate Brandt of Missouri. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN': Delegate Brandt 
 of St. Louis has the floor. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN (Mass.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is your 
 point of order? 
 
 DEL. KEOWN: I object to this man- 
 ner of conducting business here; there 
 is so much noise in the hall that not one 
 delegate in ten can hear. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegates 
 will come to order. 
 
 DEL. KEOWN : I submit that this 
 is a regularly elected convention, and I 
 object to these people in the gallery 
 making noises and trying to sway the 
 feelings of the delegates to this conven- 
 tion. (Loud hissing and cat calls.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The -delegate 
 from Massachusetts is clearly within 
 his rights when he makes the statement 
 that he has made. It may not have been 
 true, but he was certainly justified if he 
 thought it was true. So long as a dele- 
 gate thinks that the audience of men in 
 the gallery are endeavoring to create a 
 
 demonstration here, he is clearly within 
 his rights to make a protest. It comes 
 with ill grace from the delegates to 
 this convention to abuse the delegate 
 from Massachusetts for making that 
 perfectly legitimate protest. (Applause.) 
 I shall insist that the most thorough 
 principles of democracy be observed in 
 this convention and that the doors of 
 this convention be thrown wide open to 
 any visitor that cares to come in, but 
 we will not permit that privilege to be 
 abused, and the audience will kindly 
 take notice that they will be required 
 to look at this particular circus and not 
 to participate in it. (Laughter and ap- 
 plause.) Delegate Brandt has the floor. 
 
 DEL. BRANDT (Mo.) : Comrade 
 Chairman and Comrades : I am not go- 
 ing to appeal to your prejudices nor to 
 your party principles here to-night, but 
 I am going to speak to you as one who 
 has been a member of a trades union 
 for nearly seventeen years, and one who 
 has been a member of the Socialist 
 Party movement ever since it was pos- 
 sible for a trades unionist to honestly 
 come into a Socialist Party movement, 
 in 1897. A speaker before has stated 
 that the minute this Socialist Party 
 breaks clear of this trades union non- 
 sense and breaks clear of this immediate 
 demand proposition we will amount to 
 something. (Applause.) There was a 
 Socialist Party prior to ours in this 
 country, and the minute that they broke 
 loose from the actual interests of the 
 working man as he is on the streets 
 and in the mines and in the factory and 
 in the mill to-day, the minute that party 
 broke loose from those interests, that 
 party sunk into oblivion. (Loud ap- 
 plause.) That party is dead, and I am 
 no pessimist and I claim to be as good 
 a Socialist as any man in this hall, but 
 I say this without the thought of want- 
 ing to be an evil prophet or a pessimist, 
 follow that course and ignore the teach- 
 ings of the Socialist movement inter- 
 nationally, and I say that you will fall 
 into the same depths of degradation and 
 to the same place which they sunk to. 
 You don't want to take up this trades 
 union movement, do you? (Cries of 
 "No, no.") Then I will tell you some- 
 thing: You believe in International So- 
 ■ cialism, do you? You are followers of 
 it? Well, then, eat a little crow; listen 
 while I read. I have here an article 
 that was written in the International 
 
180 
 
 Evening Session, May 4. 
 
 Socialist Review, published here in Chi- 
 cago, that I want to read you. 
 
 DEL. HAWKINS (Neb.): A point 
 of order, Mr. Chairman. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is your 
 point of order? 
 
 DEL. HAWKINS: Are we here to 
 discuss the merits of Trades Unionism 
 or Socialism ? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Your point of 
 order is entirely out of order. You are 
 out of order. Take your seat. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: I rise to a point 
 of order. I ask that the Chair prevent 
 any delegate from speaking to a dele- 
 gate who has the floor, without first 
 having gained permission of the Chair. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate is 
 wholly right and he in the first place 
 can assist us by carrying out that rule. 
 Comrade Brandt has the floor and he 
 will proceed. 
 
 DEL. BRANDT: Comrade Chair- 
 man, I hope you will not take that in- 
 terruption from my time. I want to 
 read you an article from the April num- 
 ber of the International Socialist Re- 
 mew, a resolution that was adopted by 
 the London Congress of Socialists. The 
 resolution reads as follows: "The trade 
 union struggle of the wage workers is 
 indispensable, in order to resist the en- 
 croachments of Capitalism and to im- 
 prove the conditions of Labor under 
 the present system. Without trade 
 unions no fair wages and no shorter 
 hours of labor." 
 
 DEL. McEACHERN (111.): Com- 
 rade Chairman, I desire to ask the dele- 
 gate a question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If the delegate 
 agrees to yield you the floor you may 
 do so. 
 
 DEL. BRANDT: I will stop at any 
 time to answer any question if it is not 
 taken off of my ten minutes' time. 
 
 DEL. McEACHERN: I would like 
 to ask the delegate if that is from 
 the Fabian Society or from the Social- 
 ist movement. 
 
 DEL. BRANDT : You will draw your 
 own conclusions if you will allow me 
 to read it, and I believe I can pro- 
 nounce all the words in this resolution 
 correctly. "However, this economic 
 struggle only lessens the exploitation, 
 but does not abolish it. The exploita- 
 tion of labor will cease when society 
 
 takes possession of the means of pro- 
 duction. This is conditioned on the 
 creation of a system of legislative 
 measures. To- fully carry out these 
 measures the working class must be- 
 come the deciding political power. 
 However, the working class will only 
 become such a political power in the 
 same ratio as its organization, the trade 
 union, grows. By the very organiza- 
 tion into trade unions the working class 
 becomes a political factor. 
 
 "The organization of the working 
 class is incomplete and insufficient so 
 long as it is only political. 
 
 "But the economic (trade union) 
 struggle also requires the political ac- 
 tivity of the working class. Very often 
 the working men have to assert and 
 permanently secure by their political 
 power what they have wrung from their 
 exploiters in the free economic struggle. 
 In other cases the legislative gains make 
 economic conflicts by trade union ac- 
 tion superfluous. The international co- 
 operation of the working class on the 
 trade union lines, especially in regard 
 to labor legislation, becomes more nec- 
 essary in the same degree as the eco- 
 nomic relations of the capitalistic world's 
 market and the conflicts of the national 
 industries developc 
 
 "In accordance with the decision of 
 the International Socialist Congresses 
 in Brussels and Zurich, this congress de- 
 clares that the organization of trades 
 unions is an absolute necessity in the 
 struggle of emancipation of the work- 
 ing class, and we consider it as the duty 
 of all wage workers who aim at the 
 emancipation of labor from' capitalist 
 wage slavery to join the union of their 
 respective trade. 
 
 "The trade unions, in order to do 
 effective work, shall be nationally or- 
 ganized and the splitting up of the ele- 
 ments in separate organizations is to 
 be condemned. Political differences of 
 opinion shall not be a cause for divid- 
 ing or splitting up the forces in the 
 economic struggle, but the proletarian 
 class struggle makes it the duty for the 
 labor organizations to educate their 
 members in Socialist principles." (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Comrades, I be- 
 lieve in Socialism; I believe in .the In- 
 ternational Socialist movement; I be- 
 lieve in the Socialist Party of America, 
 but I will tell you one thing, that I also 
 believe in, and that is I believe there is 
 
Evening Session, May 4.. 
 
 181 
 
 a labor movement throughout the whole 
 world, and when I say that I am speak- 
 ing conservatively. I want to say to 
 you delegates in this convention that 
 you may laugh and you did laugh a 
 while ago at some of the " expressions 
 that were made here, and I know the 
 reflections of some of you who have 
 heard the arguments here upon this 
 floor and the utterances upon this floor, 
 but I want to bring one thing home to 
 you. I want some of you people who 
 take the opposite stand to this to con- 
 tradict it on this floor to-night and I 
 am going to tell you what that is, I am 
 going to say this to you: You have 
 got a Socialist Party movement in Mil- 
 waukee and it is a working class move- 
 ment. You haven't any reform or un^ 
 ion labor party movement there. (AJ)- 
 plause.) You have a Socialist party 
 movement in Massachusetts. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (O.) : The gentle- 
 man is exceeding his time. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: He has a half 
 minute to close. Don't take a minute 
 of his time. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT: Point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There is no 
 point of order. Please be in order and 
 allow the delegate to finish his half 
 minute. 
 
 DEL. BRANDT: You hava got a 
 Socialist Party in Massachusetts that 
 has accomplished results, and in this 
 closing half minute which I have got I 
 want to bring this home to you, that 
 you cannot show me a single instance 
 in the American Socialist movement 
 where the Socialist Party has got right 
 down to the field of action and defined 
 the interests of the working man to-day 
 as well as in the future, where any 
 reform movement has sprung up, as 
 there has been where you people have 
 ignored this class struggle _ which _ is 
 going on to-day in every vicinity, in- 
 cluding the city we are in. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Mor- 
 gan will please take the Chair. 
 
 Delegate Morgan here assumed the 
 Chair. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: Delegate 
 Sieverman has the floor. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN: This has been 
 a most strenuous day, and now I am 
 addressing you not as Chairman but as 
 a delegate. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT: Point of order. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL (O.) : Sit down. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT; I don't have to 
 sit down. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN: I have been 
 approached by a number of delegates — 
 
 DEL. BICKETT: Comrade Chair- 
 man. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN: Will the Del- 
 egate from Ohio please keep quiet? 
 
 DEL. BICKETT: Are you Chair- 
 man or Speaker? 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN: I say, I have 
 been approached by a number of dele- 
 gates to-day and I have been told that 
 I have saved this convention quite a 
 few hours, and while I am not so sure 
 that I have done so, I am going to 
 ask you to give me just a few minutes, 
 that is, you decent delegates who are 
 here. (Applause.) There are some del- 
 egates here that don't know and would 
 not understand the laws of decency. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, I protest against such language 
 being used here. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: I would 
 suggest that the delegate be in order 
 and then I would suggest that the 
 speaker restrain himself. 
 
 "del. SIEVERMAN: The speaker 
 stands corrected, but he would remind 
 you, however, that he would not have 
 used the language unless he had known 
 of the truth of his statement. I rise 
 to speak in defense of the committee's 
 report. I think I will have .to fight 
 my way through. I want to say as a 
 preliminary proposition that it is the 
 easiest thing on earth for a member 
 of a trades union . who is a Socialist to 
 attend his trades union meetings and 
 find himself in conflict with the con- 
 trolling elements on the floor of that 
 trades union, and finding himself 
 worsted by reason of the superior num- 
 ber of the enemy, he then becomes dis- 
 gusted and quits activity in the trades 
 union movement, dividing his future 
 course with reference to the trades un- 
 ion movement upon a purely local in- 
 cident; and being completely disgusted 
 with his experience, he comes into a 
 National Socialist convention to ask 
 that convention to adopt or refuse to 
 adopt resolutions that have to do with 
 a great economic movement, without 
 having any greater support behind him. 
 
182 
 
 Evening Session, May 4. 
 
 so far as he is concerned, than his in- 
 dividual experience in his own local 
 movement, which is more often than 
 not the result of a degree of lethargy 
 and want of enterprise. (Loud ap- 
 plause.) There is no lack of material 
 to prove that in the trades union move- 
 ment there are corruptionists galore, 
 nor is there any lack of material to 
 prove that if the Socialist trades un- 
 ionists were to take a keener, more 
 active and a more thorough interest in 
 their trades unions, that these corrupt 
 elements would be sooner or later 
 driven out of the trades union field. 
 (Applause.) And, I want to remind 
 you comrades, that coming into this 
 convention thus prompted by local ex- 
 perience hardly does credit to us. We 
 have asked ourselves the question, 
 "What is the trades union movement?" 
 How comfortable the reflection of the 
 delegate from Oregon that it is a 
 crutch; a crutch upon which labor 
 leans, and the quicker it breaks the 
 better for the -invalid, as illustrated in 
 British Columbia. "What a shallow and 
 what a superficial knowledge of the 
 trades union movement that statement 
 betrays. (Applause.) And the charge 
 fits every delegate here who so en- 
 thusiastically approved and gave dem- 
 onstration of approval of that state- 
 ment. What is the trades union move- 
 ment? It is the coijjcrete effort of the 
 workihg class to wrest concessions, to 
 wrest material advantages from the 
 capitalist class that they do not now 
 possess. How do they develop? Is 
 that sign of the American flag still 
 here? Is that flag here that has been 
 desecrated by the enumeration of the 
 ills and the tyrannies that have been 
 practiced upon the organized working 
 men? That tells the tale in the graphic 
 language of the conflict between capi- 
 tal and labor. (Applause.) Here is 
 labor leaning on a crutch in the east, 
 in the west, in the north, everywhere ; 
 where they get the opportunity they 
 contest the field with capital. They 
 declare that insofar as by their numeri- 
 cal strength they may make it possi- 
 ble, they will wrest better conditions 
 from the capitalist class. Not so in the 
 south. The crutch is not in evidence 
 south of Mason and Dixon's line. (Ap- 
 plause.) South of Mason and Dixon's 
 line the modern wage slave, like the 
 chattel slave before the war, has no 
 protest to make. Like the chattel slave 
 
 before the war, willingly he bares his 
 back to the lash of capitalist oppres- 
 sion. (Loud applause.) In the south 
 this crutch is not in evidence, and what 
 is the status of the labor question in 
 the south as viewed through the eye- 
 glasses of the Socialist? Is there any- 
 where in this country a portion, is there 
 anywhere in this country a spectacle 
 that may so fill us with discouragement, 
 that may so send the chills of pessim- 
 ism up and down our back as the con- 
 ditions that prevail in the labor field 
 in the south? (Loud applause.) Oh, 
 delegates, this trades union movement 
 is the economic expression of the work- 
 ing class in the economic field; (Ap- 
 plause.) You cannot ignore this fact 
 out of existence. This conflict is here. 
 You, as the chosen, the self-appointed 
 champions, if you please, of the in- 
 terests of the working class, you can- 
 not escape going on record for or 
 against the working class in their strug- 
 gle with capital. (Prolonged applause.) 
 You may hide behind whatever subter- 
 fuge you elect, but the trades union- 
 ists upon this field will drag you forth 
 and will ma_ke you take a stand for or 
 against labor in this economic field. 
 (Loud cheering and applause.) This is 
 not altogether, at least not yet, a party 
 of academics. (Cries of "Good," and 
 applause.) We, who compose the 
 Trades* Union Committee, may not be 
 able to write resolutions in choice Eng-, 
 lish, we don't wear any college-granted 
 initials before or after our names, (ap- 
 plause), but we know something (ap- 
 plause) about eating dust; we know 
 something about standing to the ma- 
 chine when the shriek of the factory 
 whistles summons us froin our bed- 
 side; we know something about the 
 evils that visit the working class, not 
 as the result of theoretical speculation, 
 or of philosophic academic treatises 
 upon the subject. (Loud applause) Nol 
 We learned in the school of bitter ex- 
 periences, and we better than anyone 
 else appreciate the motives, the ideals, 
 and the aspirations that govern and 
 prompt the working class. Come to us, 
 you college-bred Socialists. (Laughter 
 and applause.) Go to school to us and 
 we will tell you something about what 
 the working class wants and that is a 
 working class platform all the year 
 round. (Prolonged cheering and ap- 
 plause). 
 DEL. LAMB (Mich.): Comrade 
 
Evening Session, May 4.. 
 
 183 
 
 Chairman: Underneath this great ques- 
 tion there is a philosophy. There ex- 
 ists in the United States to-day a 
 great economic force. It is the domin- 
 ating force, it is the controlling force 
 in society; that force is capitalism. 
 Now let me tell you, comrades, there 
 is a force which you cannot meet with 
 a mere theory. You have got to meet 
 that upon the actual, practical field of 
 the battle of life. (Applause.) Before 
 you can supplant capitalism as the dom- 
 inating economic force in the United 
 States, you must fit the laboring class 
 to supersede it in its mission. It is 
 not a matter of sentiment; it is a mat- 
 ter of cold, hard fact. The working 
 man to be fit to survive in the economy 
 of society must build himself up, and 
 he must build himself up from the very 
 bottom. Comrades, we propose an in- 
 dustrial state, do we not? We propose 
 an industrial state. What does that 
 mean? It means that every working 
 man in the United States shall be or- 
 ganized first in his craft and then in 
 his class as a working'man, through 
 many graduations, through much labor, 
 through much study. I can imagine, 
 Mr. Chairman and Comrades, an indus- 
 trial state, but I Cannot imagine possi- 
 ble an industrial state controlled by . 
 politicians, not even by Socialist poli- 
 ticians. (Applause.) There is some- 
 thing the trades union association is 
 creating. It is growing and fitting it- 
 self for what? The individual cannot 
 step into the Socialist state except 
 through the organization of his craft 
 and the Socialist state can never come, 
 never in God's world, without going 
 through the collective training and the 
 association of interests which the 
 trades union gives. They cannot, ex- 
 cept through that, reach to the Socialist 
 state. Now we are building an indus- 
 trial state. In that state the working 
 man, the producer of the wealth of all 
 classes, will be the dominant influence, 
 and it will come through the trades 
 unions. Let me say to you, friends, 
 the co-operative commonwealth never 
 can come through a political organiza- 
 tion. It must come through the organ- 
 ization of the trades, and it is coming 
 that way. Now I do not know that I 
 make myself clear upon this. I have 
 little use for politics or politicians. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The conven- 
 tion will be in order so you can re- 
 ceive attention. 
 
 DEL. LAMB : Is my time up, Com- 
 rade Chairman? 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: No, Com- 
 rade, I will call upon you when your 
 time is up. 
 
 DEL. LAMB: I have little use for 
 politicians of any kind, except as they 
 may educate, but the real educator in 
 the Socialist ranks will understand that 
 the unit of the co-operative common- 
 wealth after the individual, is the or- 
 ganized industry, and only those who 
 operate the machines can organize that 
 industry. I presume I may be followed 
 by those who can treat of this subject 
 better than I do. 
 
 Several delegates here endeavored to 
 obtain the floor. The Chairman recog- 
 nized Delegate Hayes. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (O.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, I suggest that a member 
 on one side be given the floor and then 
 a member on the other side. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: Delegate 
 Hayes has the floor. 
 
 DEL. COLLINS (111.) : Point of 
 order. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: What is 
 
 it? 
 
 DEL. COLLINS: I make the same 
 suggestion as that made by the com- 
 rade from Ohio, that one delegate on 
 each side be given the floor. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: Well, as 
 there has been no rule established and 
 it is near quitting time, we won't stop 
 to make new rules. Delegate Hayes 
 has the floor. 
 
 DEL, HAYES (O.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, I don't know but what I will 
 probably need less than ten minutes. I 
 was in hopes that the author of the 
 amendment to cut out the sentence that 
 "political differences of opinion do not 
 and should not justify the division of 
 the forces of labor in the industrial 
 movement," would have taken the floor 
 and defended his position upon that 
 proposition. Now having made his de- 
 fense, I will take the aggressive in the 
 brief time that is allotted to me and 
 make the statement as emphatically as 
 I can, that despite the fact that the his- 
 tory of our movement, national and in- 
 ternational, has been, from the day of 
 Marx and La Salle down to date, that 
 the writers have called upon the work- 
 ers of all countries to unite and throw 
 off the chains of bondage, I say despite 
 
184 
 
 Evening Session, May 4. 
 
 that fact a grand philosopher comes be- 
 fore • us here to-night and attempts to 
 cut out that part with reference to other 
 political parties except our own with 
 which the working class may be briefly 
 identified under our present system. 
 ^The working class of the United States 
 "{is composed, it is true, of Republicans, 
 of Democrats, of Socialists, Single- 
 taxers and perhaps many other political 
 parties and factions, but even though 
 the men of the old parties, our breth- 
 ren in the shops and the factories and 
 the mines may be identified with these 
 parties, unconsciously they are strug- 
 gling against the capitalist class which 
 is turning their muscle and their blood 
 into profits and rolling them up in 
 hundreds of millions of dollars a year. 
 (Applause.) And, the only place that 
 they have through which to give ex- 
 pression of this almost, apparently hope- 
 less struggle, is in the trades union 
 movement as organized at present. Men 
 may rail at and denounce the trades 
 union movement,' and while I am not 
 of the opinion That any great number 
 of Socialists do so, still I say there 
 may be an individual here and there 
 who will come into a convention of this 
 kind for the purpose of causing internal 
 dissension, but I say to kou whatever 
 dissentions may be raised, Jl say to you 
 that the trades union movement will 
 survive all of the criticisms and de- 
 nunciations that may be heaped upon 
 it by the capitalists on one side or the 
 traitors in labor's ranks upon the other 
 side. (toud applause.) We of the 
 trades union movement, those of us 
 who belong to organized labor, are con- 
 stantly in the forefront of the great 
 battle that is waging in this country. 
 Our battle does not last one day, or one 
 week, or one month, or one year, but 
 it goes on and on until one side or the 
 other wins. (Applause.) If vye sur- 
 rendered our trades unions and placed 
 our dependence solely upon the casting 
 of a ballot once or twice a year, the 
 working class of this country would be 
 in deeper misery than it is to-day (ap- 
 plause) and it is only because of the 
 resisting power (applause), it is only 
 because of the resisting power of the 
 workers in the industrial field that we 
 have secured some concessions, slight 
 as they may be. All in fact that the 
 workers have secured has not been 
 gained by political movements, has not 
 been gained through the old parties, 
 
 but has been won despite the op- 
 position of the old parties, and, con- 
 sequently, it is our duty to bring the 
 trades unionists in line with the Social- 
 ist Party and attempt to accomplish 
 politically what we are aiming to do 
 now industriously.} (Loud applause.) 
 There is one more point I wish to re- 
 fer to. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You have one 
 minute left. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: The statement of 
 the lady delegate, of the comrade from 
 Oregon, who said that she was in Brit- 
 ish Columbia where a battle had been 
 waged flnsuccessfully upon the indus- 
 trial field, and after they had gone 
 down into defeat they rallied to the 
 standard of the Socialist party and won. 
 Yes, I grant that that is true. But if 
 the men had not been organized, if the 
 men would not have made a fight, you 
 would not have won. (Prolonged ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: The time 
 for adjournment has now arrived. 
 
 Motion was made to suspend the 
 rules and continue in session for an 
 hour, but the motion failed for want 
 of a second. 
 
 DEL, BRANDT (Mass.) : I make a 
 . motion that we continue in session un- 
 til this matter is settled. 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The motion is 
 made and regularly seconded that we 
 continue in session until this subject 
 matter is settled. Are you prepared to 
 receive amendments to that motion? 
 
 A DELEGATE : I move that the 
 time be extended one hour. 
 
 A DELEGATE: I move to lay on 
 the table. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: Motion 
 is made that it be laid on the table. 
 Are there any seconds to that motion. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL (O.) : I move 
 that we extend the time of adjournment- 
 one hour. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, I want to submit to the delegates 
 a suggestion that I have and if the 
 delegates will listen I am quite sure 
 that they will agree ■Cvith me. 
 
 A DELEGATE: Mr. Chairman, 
 some of us are getting tired and I 
 think that the question of continuing 
 
Evening Session, May 4. 
 
 185 
 
 later this evening should be discussed 
 a little before a vote is taken. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate 
 is not in order. Comrade Carey has 
 the floor. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: What I desire to 
 state is this : That it is clearly appar- 
 ent that a good many of these mem- 
 bers have not attended their trades un- 
 ion meetings, else they would have bet- 
 ter knowledge of parliamentary proced- 
 ure and would keep quieter. (Laugh- 
 ter.) But, Comrades, I desire to state 
 this, that there are some of us who 
 consider this matter to be of more im- 
 portance than others would consider it, 
 and I believe that in the mood which 
 this convention is in to-night, that we 
 are in no condition to give serious atten- 
 tion to the subject before the house. 
 (Applause.) I believe. Comrades, that 
 if we adjourn now and sleep over it, 
 that we will come in to-morrow and 
 have a better time and be better fitted 
 to take proper action on this matter. 
 (Applause.) Mr. Chairman, would 
 you accept a motion to adjourn? 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: There is 
 a motion already before the house to 
 extend the time until half past eleven, 
 one hour. You will either have to 
 amend that or vote it down. 
 
 DEL. SEIVERMAN : Lay it on the 
 table. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: Comrade Delegate, 
 whatever may be our particular opin- 
 ions on this subject, I want to appeal 
 to you as one of those unhappy agita- 
 tors for the Socialist Party, I want 
 to appeal to you that this question is 
 of too much importance to be settled 
 to-night or hurried through to-night in 
 the mood we are in. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : I move to 
 adjourn at this time, or to give ten 
 minutes' discussion to this subject on 
 each side and then adjourn; or if that 
 is not agreeable, I am willing to ad- 
 journ, but I insist that I be heard upon 
 this proposition. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: The jno- 
 tion before us is. Comrade Delegates, 
 that we continue this session until half 
 past eleven. That has not been amend- 
 ed. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I rise to 
 amend. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: Comrade 
 Spargo has the floor. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: I beg to move as 
 an amendment that • we c&ntinue the 
 discussion for ten minutes only and 
 then we do adjourn until nine o'clock 
 to-morrow morning. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL (O.) : I want to 
 speak on the amendment. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN: I' want to speak 
 on that amendment and I hope that I 
 will be granted the courtesy of this 
 conventfon to be given the floor at 
 least once in a while. I have not had 
 the floor but two minutes this whole 
 day. (Laughter.) 
 
 DEL. LUCAS (Minn.) : I rise to 
 ■ a question of personal privilege. 
 
 Several lother delegates endeavored 
 to obtain the floor. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: Now your 
 Chairman is about as stubborn as any- 
 body in this hall and I will not recog- 
 nize anybody until we have order. 
 
 DEL. LUCAS: Question of privi- 
 lege. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: There is 
 no question of privilege proper at this 
 time. 
 
 DEL. LUCAS: Yes there is. I just 
 want to make a suggestion. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: The dele- 
 gate will be seated. Delegate Farrell 
 has the floor. 
 
 DEL. LUCAS: I have a right to 
 make a suggestion. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: Be seat- 
 ed ; you are out of order. Delegate 
 Farrell has the floor. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL: As a member of 
 this convention 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: You must 
 speak to the amendment. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL: I am going to 
 speak to the amendment and to the 
 business before the house. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: No, you 
 are to speak to the amendment. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL: To the amend- 
 ment, yes, that is before the house. I 
 want to say, Comrades, that as a trades 
 unionist and as a Socialist and as one 
 that is not possessed with any more 
 than the usual physical power, I feel 
 that I am in a position to stay here to- 
 night to settle this all important ques- 
 tion. I feel that this convention needs 
 the settling of this question to-night. 
 
186 
 
 Evening Session, May 
 
 I want to say that I have, since this 
 matter was brought out, had a resolu- 
 tion in my hands as an amendment and 
 I wanted to place it before the house, 
 as I believe it vi\\\ settle this whole 
 proposition; not as a condemnation of 
 the trades union movement 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN : The dele- 
 gate will be in order. He will speak 
 to the amendment to adjourn in ten 
 minutes. 
 
 DEL. FARRELL: All right. I hold 
 that it is to the interest of this con- 
 vention, and to the interest of the So- 
 cialist Party, that this convention be 
 continued at least for one hour more to- 
 night, in an endeavor to settle this 
 question, and for that reason I will 
 vote in favor of extending the time one 
 hour. • 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Mills 
 has the floor. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.): Now, Com- 
 rades, I want this motion to adjourn 
 in ten minutes to carry, and for a num- 
 ber of reasons. I want to speak on this 
 question myself. I know twenty oth- 
 er men who want to speak on this ques- 
 tion to-night, and they want to speak 
 very badly, and a good number of us 
 are getting a little bit excited. For my 
 part, I do not want to speak to-night. 
 I want the comrades who are in this 
 hall now to adjourn and to go home 
 and go to bed and come back in the 
 morning with the determination that 
 we will speak on this matter without 
 excitement, deliberately ' and carefully, 
 and decide it as a deliberative body 
 ought to decide a great question such 
 as this is. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. DUCAS (Minn.) : All I want 
 to say is this, that in order to settle 
 this we should have equal time to dis- 
 cuss this, and I ask that the time be 
 divided on each side equally. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN: The del- 
 eagte is out of order. 
 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 debate be closed. Motion carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now comes on the motion that this 
 session be extended ten minutes and 
 'that we then adjourn until nine o'clock 
 to-morrow jnorning. 
 
 The question was put and the motion 
 carried. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, I desire to move that an 
 equal number of speakers, if they so 
 desire, on the opposite side to those who 
 have already spoken, be heard to-mor- 
 row morning. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 CHAIRMAN MORGAN : Will 
 Comrade Spargo please state the mo- 
 tion again? 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Comrade Chair- 
 man, I say that although I myself de- 
 sire to speak on the motion, yet in view 
 of the fact that a considerable num- 
 ber of delegates desire to speak on the 
 other side, that upon the opening of the 
 convention to-morrow, if they so de- 
 sire, an equal number against the mo- 
 tion ought to be heard before any 
 speakers in favor of it be heard, and 
 that, thereafter, they be heard one on 
 each side. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 On motion, the convention then ad- 
 journed until nine o'clock, Thursday, 
 May s, 1904. 
 
Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 187 
 
 FIFTH DAY'S SESSION 
 
 Secretary Dobbs called the conven- 
 tion to order at 9 o'clock, and called for 
 nominations for chairman for the day. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : I move the 
 nomination of the chairman of yester- 
 day. We have had a chairman who 
 has ruled so completely that I renomi- 
 nate Chairman Sieverman. 
 
 The following other nominations 
 were made : 
 
 Stedman (111.), by Gaylord (Wis.). 
 
 W. W. Wilkins, (Cal.) by Irene 
 Smith (Ore.). 
 
 Barnes (Pa.), by Collins (111.). 
 
 Bandlow (Ohio), by Berger (Wis.). 
 
 Mailly (Neb.), by Hiillquit (N. Y.). 
 
 DEL. WHITE (Mass.): I .desire 
 to state for Comrade Sieverman that he 
 cannot be here this morning. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: Are there any 
 further nominations ? 
 
 DEL. PATTON (Cal): I move 
 that we proceed to elect. Miction sec- 
 onded and carried. 
 
 Wilkins and Barnes declined. 
 
 The Secretary called for a rising vote 
 on the three remaining candidates, and 
 it resulted as follows : Stedman, 48 ; 
 Mailly, 55; Bandlow, 7. Delegate 
 Mailly was declared elected and took 
 the chair. 
 
 The following were nominated for 
 Vice-Chairman : 
 
 Rose (Miss.), by Berger (Wis.). 
 
 Stedman (111:), by White (Mass.). 
 
 Barnes (Pa.), by Hillquit (N. Y.). 
 
 Southworth (Colo.), by Cogswell 
 (Ran.). 
 
 Bandlow (Ohio), by 
 
 Behrens (Mb.), by 
 
 On motion the nominations were 
 closed. 
 
 Rose, Stedman, Barnes, Southworth 
 and Bandlow declined, and Delegate 
 Behrens being the only candidate, was 
 unanimously elected. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary 
 will read the order of business. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: We ad- 
 journed upon the Trades Union resolu- 
 tions. Four have spoken favorable to 
 the resolutions, and it was understood 
 that four on the other side would be 
 given time to speak, and then after that 
 there would be an equal division ■ of 
 time. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I am informed 
 by the Secretary that the debate upon 
 the Trades Union resolutions was not 
 closed last night. I was not present, 
 so I did not know the status of affairs. 
 I am informed that it was agreed that 
 four speakers in the affirmative having 
 spoken in favor of the resolutions, four 
 should have the floor against. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I move 
 that we proceed to take a vote on this 
 resolution at 11 o'clock. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD (N. Y.) : To my 
 mind, the only business which we have 
 is to arrive at a conclusion in regard 
 to which side will win. 
 
 DEL. WILKINS (Cal.) : Is the sub- 
 stitute resolution that we have before 
 us the trades union resolution? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. 
 
 DEL. WILKINS: I was not here 
 last night, and I want the substitute 
 read. ■ 
 
 DEL. HANFORD: There is a mo 
 tion before the house now, and the gen- 
 tleman cannot rise to a point of infor- 
 mation. There is a question before the 
 house now, which is that we proceed 
 to vote at II o'clock. It is to that 
 motion I am now talking, and I do not 
 know why the delegates here should 
 not be aware of it or be in a position 
 to ask information upon it. I merely 
 want to talk briefly to the proposition 
 that we proceed to vote at 11 o'clock. 
 Regardless of what the result of this 
 vote may be, notwithstanding the fact 
 that I am prepared to vote and I know 
 many others here are, to my mind it is 
 important to this body that on any 
 
188 
 
 Morning Slession, May 5. 
 
 practical question which arises we 
 should get the opinions of comrades 
 on both sides of that question at least, 
 and we should not move the previous 
 question until each side has been heard 
 to the limit. I want to see this con- 
 vention accomplish the remainder of 
 its work in the shortest possible 
 manner, but, Mr. Chairman, I have 
 a volume here which tells me what 
 it is to cut off debate, and which 
 tells me what it is, regardless of the 
 fact that you, may have a majority on 
 your side, to get away from the prop- 
 osition simply because you can. This 
 is a proposition on which we want, not 
 tp discuss the . personality of various 
 people on different sides of the question, 
 but to discuss the merits of the ques- 
 tion and we will not be satisfied with 
 the discussion of the merits of the ques- 
 tion utitil every delegate here who has 
 something to say has been heard. The 
 point I wish to make is this : If we do 
 discuss the question fully, and if in- 
 stead, of discussing each other, we con- 
 fine ourselves to the merits of the ques- 
 tion, then whatever decision is made, 
 we can expect unanimity in the sup- 
 port of it. But if, instead of that, we 
 go. into, a consideration of this man's 
 past and, that man's future, it will lead 
 us away from an effort to reach the 
 intelligence of the comrades not by a 
 mere majority conclusion, whatever it 
 may be, but a practically unanimous 
 conclusion, by the enlightenment of the 
 comrades on this question,, something 
 which we ,all need, every one of us. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : Reason- 
 ing from the premises of Comrade Han- 
 ford, we should neygr adopt the pre- 
 vious question until every delegate who 
 wants to be heard on the particular 
 question has been heard. We want to 
 transact some business. We have been 
 learning something about the proposi- 
 tion before us. It was discussed for 
 two hours at least yesterday, and we 
 have two hours before us to discuss it 
 yet, and I think we should proceed to 
 vote upon this proposition. I move to 
 amend that we vote not later than 11 
 o'clock, if you will permit, and there is 
 no objection. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection the motion will be amended to 
 read. "Not later than 11 o'clock." 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.) : I have 
 not occupied much time, but I want to 
 
 suggest a question on this motion. There 
 are two propositions before this conven- 
 tion. The first thing we should decide 
 is this : Shall this convention formu- 
 late an expression of the relations, or 
 attitude, rather, of the Socialist Party 
 towards trade unions? That is the 
 first question, and that is the one that 
 has been debated so far entirely. Now, 
 let us grant, for the sake of argument, 
 that that is carried in the affirmative. 
 Then the next question is, what shall 
 be the formulated expression? What 
 shall constitute the resolution? Gentle- 
 men, tell. us here, and perhaps they are 
 right — I am not here to deny ij— that 
 people say that if we fail to formulate 
 an expression, this movement goes to 
 pieces. Then this is a very important 
 matter, and hence, the formulation of 
 that expression is a very vital thing. 
 This debate is going' on simply on the 
 answer to the first question. Shall we 
 formulate an expression at all? There-' 
 fore, Mr. Chairman, I move as a sub- 
 stitute for the motion that is now be- 
 fore the house that the first vote taken 
 in disposing of the report of the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions shall be an answer 
 to the question, "Shall this convention 
 formulate an expression of the attitude 
 of the Socialist Party toward trade 
 unions?" And settle that question only. 
 Then we will get down out of the 
 clouds to the resolution itself as a sec- 
 ondary matter. That would naturally 
 follow. 
 
 Substitute seconded by Delegate 
 Parks. 
 
 ,DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, I want to say this : There was a 
 very wise man who tried to save time 
 by making all sorts of motions, and we 
 spent valuable time that ought to be 
 devoted to the real subject of disposing 
 of such propositions as this. If you 
 want to close the debate at 11 o'clock, 
 vote for it; if you don't, vote it down. 
 Let us stop chewing the rag about non- 
 essentials and get at the question. 
 
 Delegate Kerrigan moved to lay the 
 motion on the table. (Seconded.) 
 
 Delegate Sieverman moved the pre- 
 vious question. Seconded and car- 
 ried. 
 
 The motion to close the debate not 
 later than 11 o'clock was put and lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN,:, The secretary 
 will now read the substitute arid amend- 
 ment of the matter before the house. 
 
Morning Skssiouj May 5. 
 
 189 
 
 THE SECRETARY : There is quite 
 a number. There is the original as of- 
 fered by the committee, and there are 
 a couple of amendments to change the 
 phraseology, and there is an entirely 
 new substitute. I ^think it would con- 
 sume valuable time unless they want 
 them all read. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Everybody has 
 the original motion. Let us hear the 
 substitute. You already have the orig- 
 inal resolution before you on the tables. 
 . DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : I would like 
 to say that I believe every delegate in 
 this hall understands the substitute 
 fully. Let us get down to debating the 
 question and not consume more time. 
 This was read once last night. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Then we will 
 proceed to debate upon the substitute. 
 
 The Secretary then read the substitute 
 resolution offered by Delegate Ott of 
 Wyorning at Wednesday's session. 
 
 The question was called for. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: I rise to discuss a 
 question that I have been tryiiig to get 
 at since yesterday, the trade union ques- 
 tion. Have I the floor to discuss the 
 trade union question? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Carey. 
 
 DEL. BROWER (111.): A point of 
 order. At the close of last night's ses- 
 sion a motion was carried and the 
 chairman stated specifically that when 
 this matter was taken up this morning 
 the sides should be divided until the 
 speakers against the side of the trade 
 union resolution should have as many 
 speeches as the other side, prior to any 
 one else speaking in defense of the 
 proposition, and then other speakers 
 might take the floor. I submit to you 
 that this is out of order. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: When I arose on this 
 side no man rose to oppose it, and I 
 took the floor to defend it. 
 
 DEL COLLINS (111.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. I do not think that 
 motion was passed last night. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The motion 
 was passed as stated by the gentleman 
 from Illinois, and it was understood 
 that as many speakers in opposition to 
 the trade union motion should be heard 
 as were heard in advocacy of the trade 
 union motion. 
 
 DEL. COLLINS: I would like to 
 make a suggestion, to save time; that 
 
 the comrades that are against the reso- 
 lution on trade unionism pick out six 
 on their side, or as many as you want, 
 or nine; then let us pick out six or nine 
 on the other side. I think that will 
 satisfy the trade union side. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : There is no mo- 
 tion on the subject. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN (Mo.): I trust we 
 will start the debate, and I hope that 
 those who are opposed to the resolu- 
 tion will make their presence known 
 now. They have not been heard yet, 
 and it is about time that we heard from 
 them. We want to hear from them as 
 quick as possible. 
 
 DEL. CAREY : If there is any under- 
 standing that those opposed to the reso- 
 lutions are entitled to this time I am 
 perfectly willing to yield. It will be 
 II o'clock soon. I am perfectly willing 
 to yield. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I am going to 
 call on Comrade Cross, assistant secre- 
 tary, to read the exact status of affairs, 
 as I was not present last night. I have 
 relied upon the statement of Comrade 
 Cross and want to get it before the dele- 
 gates so as to facilitate matters. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.) : I rise to a ques- 
 tion of personal privilege. I wish to 
 protest against the statement that those 
 opposed to this resolution are opposed 
 to trade unionism. (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is no ques- 
 tion of personal privilege. 
 
 ASST. SECRETARY CROSS : The 
 matter before the house is as follows: 
 You are at present debating the sub- 
 stitute offered by Comrade Ott bf 
 Wyoming. You are not debating trade 
 unionism or anything else, but you must 
 debate upon the substitute as offered by 
 ptt of Wyoming. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.):,! move 
 to table the substitute. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (III): That is the 
 most outrageous idea I ever heard of. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN (111.) : The dele- 
 gates will remember that I was in the 
 chair when we adjourned last night. 
 The chairman was not present. There 
 was a motion passed which the secre- 
 tary has not read, and I would like to 
 state it for the information of the dele- 
 gates. The motion was that we should 
 continue in session for ten minutes; 
 that then we should adjourn, and that 
 
190 
 
 Morning Session, May ^. 
 
 to-morrow (this) morning as many 
 speakers who were opposed to the 
 adoption of the resolution should have 
 the floor as there had been in favor of 
 the resolution. The debate commenced 
 with a lady from one of the western 
 states here. She opposed the resolu- 
 tions in toto. That was followed by a 
 member from Missouri, and then our 
 friend here (Delegate Lamb, of Michi- 
 gan), and Max Hayes. All three of 
 those spoke in favor of the trade union 
 proposition, and it is in order, unless 
 -we consider the motion passed last 
 night, now to give to the opponents of 
 the resolution three speakers. 
 A DELEGATE: Four. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN : No, three speakers. 
 Now, you ought to be satisfied. I am 
 in favor of the resolutions, and I am 
 making this plea for you, and I say 
 there were three, and that is in ac- 
 cordance with the resolution. 
 ^ THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Mor- 
 gan, who was vice-chairman yesterday, 
 and in the chair when yesterday's ses- 
 sion adjourned, states that in accord- 
 ance with the resolution adopted there 
 are three speakers opposed to the adop- 
 tion of the trade union resolution en- 
 titled to the floor. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN: That is right. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I rise to 
 a point of order. So far from there 
 being three, there were five, the names 
 of the delegates speaking being Hayes 
 of Ohio, Lamb of Michigan, Sieverman 
 of New York, Hoehn of Missouri and 
 Brandt of Missouri. (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: And there was 
 one opposed, Smith of Oregon. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.) : A point of 
 information. The secretary stated that 
 the only thing that was in order now 
 to be discussed was the substitute reso- 
 lution offered by the comrade from 
 Wyoming. I claim, intending to partici- 
 pate in this discussion, that under the 
 motion to strike out from some dele- 
 gate in Illinois the entire subject mat- 
 ter arising from the report of the Com- 
 mittee on Trades Unions is before the 
 house. That is my conception of it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is to say, 
 that the original resolution and the sub- 
 stitute are both before the house. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN: And the motion to 
 strike out, all are before the house. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: And the motion 
 to strike out what? 
 
 DEL. BERLYNi: This clause. There 
 was a motion made by a comrade that 
 that should be stricken out, "Political 
 differences of opinion do not and should 
 not justify the division of the forces 
 of labor in the industrial movement." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The assistant 
 secretary has suggested that he do what 
 I wanted him to do at first, read the 
 minutes of last night's session relating 
 to this matter, and I must insist on 
 order until the secretary is through 
 reading the minutes of that part of the 
 session. 
 
 ASST. SECRETARY CROSS: Re- 
 port of committee on trade unions taken 
 up. Moved to suspend rules one hour; 
 seconded and carried. Moved by Dal- 
 ton. 111., to strike out clause beginning 
 with "political conditions" and ending 
 with "Industrial movement." That was 
 also seconded. Goaziou of Pennsyl- 
 vania moved to add "to the last paragraph 
 the words, "any more than difference 
 of opinion has to the best form of in- 
 dustrial organization should divide the 
 working class in the political move- 
 ment." Mbved to lay on table, which 
 was ruled out of order as not debat- 
 able. Discussed by Hoehn of Missouri. 
 Moved by Ott of Wyoming and sec- 
 onded that the resolution be amended, 
 and then he offered his substitute which 
 has been read to you this morning by 
 the secretary a few moments ago. It 
 was then moved to continue in session 
 until the matter is settled; seconded. 
 Moved to lay on table; carried. Moved 
 to continue for one hour; seconded. 
 Spargo amends to Continue for ten 
 minutes, and then adjourn until 9 
 o'clock Thursday; this was seconded. 
 Moved previous question; carried. Mb- 
 tion to extend ten minutes and adjourn 
 until 9 Thursday morning; that was 
 carried. Ott, amend to extend for one 
 hour, was not put before the house. 
 Moved by Spargo that an equal num- 
 ber of speakers talk on each side of the 
 question arid that those against speak 
 first. Carried, and the convention ad- 
 journed amidst uproar. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I move to table 
 the substitute. Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved to 
 table the substitute offered by Comrade 
 Ott. 
 
 Question called for. 
 
Morning Skssion, May 5. 
 
 191 
 
 The motion was put on the question 
 of tabling the substitute, and was de- 
 clared carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now, as I understand, reverts upon 
 the 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.): According to 
 the rule that was adopted last night we 
 ought not to dispose of any of these 
 resolutions before we have a chance to 
 talk upon these subjects. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now reverts upon Delegate Goaziou's 
 amendment. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : Last night 
 we voted that a certain number of 
 those opposed to the trade union propo- 
 sition should be given the floor equal 
 to the number of those that had already 
 talked for it. What I want to know is, 
 are they going to talk or not? 
 
 SEVERAL DELEGATES : Talk, 
 talk. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I want to talk, Mr. 
 Chairman. I want to talk. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will recognize 
 no one for the proposition. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.): A point of 
 order. My point is that when a com- 
 rade asks the floor it is not right for 
 the Chair to question what side he is 
 on. Hfe can develop his argument as he 
 pleases. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now reverts upon Delegate Goaziou's 
 amendment. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. We adopted a rule last 
 night for the order of business this 
 rhorning as to the discussion of this 
 trade union resolution. I want to know 
 if we. are going to have a right to talk 
 about it. That is my point of order. I 
 will hold the floor until it is decided. 
 
 DEL. CROSS: I would suggest that 
 you talk on the resolution. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: That is what I want 
 to do. I ask for the floor for that pur- 
 pose. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Parks 
 certainly has the privilege of the floor, 
 but I want him to talk to the question. 
 
 SEVERAL DELEGATES : Talk, 
 talk. 
 
 DEL. GIBBS : I suggest that he take 
 the club. 
 
 DEL, PARKS (holding up his club) : 
 
 I will state that that club is more 
 powerful than the policeman's club, and 
 more authority than Roberts' Rules of 
 Order, because I use it as a symbol for 
 truth and not for truth itself. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Talk to the 
 question. 
 
 DEL. PARKS : My friends, there are 
 some objections urged against talking 
 upon this side of this question, some 
 saying that the people who are opposed 
 to some of the resolutions brought up 
 here are simply educated people who 
 don't want the proposition discussed 
 and are throwing a slur at the people 
 who are studying the philosophy of 
 Socialism and social problems. My 
 friends, Karl Marx was one of the best 
 educated men that the world ever pro- 
 duced, and carried Ph. D. at the end of 
 his name. If it had not been for Karl 
 Marx we would not have had "Capi- 
 tal" written, and we would not perhaps 
 have had the Communist Manifesto. Mly 
 friends, it would be a good idea if some 
 of these labor union men that are so 
 active in this discussion would spend 
 five cents and buy a copy of the Com- 
 munist Manifesto, which I propose to 
 quote this morning, upon this side of 
 the question (Applause.) The thing 
 we want to look out for is not to divide 
 the workers. Karl Marx said, "Work- 
 ers of the World, unite; you have noth- 
 ing but your chains to lose, you have a 
 world to gain." We propose to unite 
 all the workers, and not make a state- 
 ment to appeal to one class of workers. 
 (Applause.) If we take a special side 
 and make Socialism a union movement 
 we will divide the workers, and we will 
 be doing the identical things that the 
 capitalists succeed in doing, having the 
 scab and the union man fighting one 
 another. What we want to do is to go 
 before the working men of the United 
 States and a'ppeal to all classes, and 
 not to any one particular class. Capi- 
 tal and capitalism favor unionism so 
 long as they can use unionism for their 
 weapon. (Applause.) Roosevelt him- 
 self is a union man, and you will hear ' 
 union men tell you that Roosevelt is 
 the greatest American and that he has 
 done a great deal down in the American 
 anthracite fields to protect the rights of 
 laboring men. We are not a union 
 party. We are a working men's party, 
 and we want that distinctly understood. 
 (Applause.) What is unionism? Union- 
 ism simply begs for more wages, higher 
 
192 
 
 Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 wages. What is Socialism? We pro- 
 pose to abolish the wage system. (Ap- 
 plause.) What is the interest of the 
 working man when he goes into a 
 union? Is it because of the spirit of 
 solidarity or is it because of the selfish 
 advantage he gets out of it? Most of 
 them go into it because they are going 
 to help out their pocketbooks. Now, 
 my friends, we know that in 1848 Karl 
 Marx wrote the Communist Manifesto. 
 We know that at that time, according 
 to the preface written by Frederick 
 Engels, there was a great union move- 
 ment all over Europe. Karl Marx was 
 called upon to write a manifesto that 
 would appeal to all the workers of the 
 world, and he wrote a manifesto which 
 became the platform oi the workers of 
 the world when these trade union move- 
 ments on the continent and in England 
 went to pieces. Unionism rises and 
 falls, but Socialism, my friends, is a 
 science as true as the science of math- 
 ematics, and it will last as long as the 
 universe lasts. My friends, the unions 
 went to pieces after the insurrection in 
 Paris in 1848, and they tell us in the 
 preface : 
 
 "When the European working class 
 had recovered sufficient strength for 
 another attack on the ruling classes, 
 the International Working Men's As- 
 sociation sprang up. But this asso- 
 ciation, formed with the express aim 
 of welding into one body the whole 
 militant proletariat of Europe and 
 America, could not at once proclaim 
 the principles laid down in the Mani- 
 festo. The International was bound 
 to have a program broad enough to 
 be acceptable to the English Trades 
 Unions, to the followers of Proudhon 
 in France, Belgium, Italy and Spain, 
 and to the Lassalleans in Germany. 
 Mlarx, who drew up this program to 
 the satisfaction of all parties, entirely 
 trusted to the intellectual develop- 
 ment of the working class, which 
 was sure to result from combined ac- 
 tion and mutual discussion. The very 
 events and vicissitudes of the strug- 
 gle against capital, the defeats even 
 more than the victories, could not 
 help bringing home to men's minds 
 the insufficiency of their various fa- 
 vorite nostrums, and preparing the way 
 for a more complete insight into the 
 true conditions of working-class 
 emancipation. And Marx .was right. 
 The International, on its breaking up 
 
 in 1874, left the workers quite differ- 
 ent men from what it had found them 
 in 1864." 
 I will read the whole of it: 
 
 "Proudhonism in France, Las- 
 salleanism in Germany, were dying 
 out, and even the conservative Eng- 
 lish trades unions, though most of 
 them had long since severed their 
 connection with the International, 
 were gradually advancing towards • 
 that point at which last year at Swan- 
 sea, their president could say in their 
 ftame, 'continental Socialism had lost 
 its terrors for us' ". 
 (Here the gavel fell.) 
 DEL. GIBBS (Mass.) : Comrade 
 Chairman , 
 
 THiE CHAIRMAN: On which side 
 are you? 
 
 DEL. GIBBS : In opposition to the 
 committee's report as presented. I wish 
 to speak in opposition to the commit- 
 tee's report as presented to this conven- 
 tion, but first I wish to resent the in- 
 sinuation that those who are opposed to 
 this report are also opposed to the 
 trades union movement. (Applause.) 
 I would not do one single thing to 
 lessen or to weaken the bonds of frater- 
 nal union which exists between trade 
 unionism, and the Socialist movement I 
 speak in opposition to this motion be- 
 cause I believe the time is coming 
 rapidly, if that time is not already here, 
 when the Socialist movement must 
 cease making any special appeals to any 
 particular part of the working class 
 (applause), and must recognize the fact 
 that our sole mission is to the whole 
 of the working class. Now, Mr. Chair- 
 man, it is unfortunate, perhaps, that I 
 am obliged to speak from the stand- 
 point of the despised professional. I 
 say that may be somewhat unfortunate. 
 It is true, friends, that I am obliged to 
 wear a longitudinal crease in my pants, 
 but I do it for exactly the same reason 
 that some of you fellows are obliged 
 to wear a horizontal crease in your 
 overalls. It is true that I am obliged 
 to wear a clean shirt, for exactly the 
 same reason that some of you fellows 
 are obliged to wear dirty shirts. It is 
 true that I am obliged to carry around 
 a professional title in front of my 
 name, for exactly the same reason that 
 some of you fellows don't wear a title. 
 But I want to say that I have found out 
 this, that my grocer, when he sends his 
 
Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 193 
 
 bill, sometimes makes a mistake and 
 puts the "Dr." after my name instead 
 of in front. I am not proud of these 
 things. These are simply the badges of 
 my servitude. I recognize the fact, in 
 other words, that my profession has 
 been reduced to the level of the wage 
 working class. I am speaking from the 
 floor of this convention to-day, not as 
 a friend of the working class, for I 
 despise that term, but I am speaking 
 as a working man myself. (Applause.) 
 I want to remind you, friends, that I 
 have not learned the philosophy of So- 
 cialism out of a book. I have learned 
 it by the hard and bitter experiences 
 of my own life. (Applause.) I learned 
 the A B C's of Socialism standing in 
 the rag room of a paper mill at eleven 
 years of age, when I was obliged to 
 stand upon a salt box to reach the top 
 of the table that I was working at, and 
 I have been perfectly at home upon a 
 salt box, a soap box, a shoe box or any 
 other old kind of a box ever since. In 
 other words, my capitalist friends build- 
 ed better than they knew, and that is the 
 way they made a Socialist orator out of 
 me. While I speak from the standpoint of 
 the orator, I deplore any taunts or any 
 sneers or bitterness that may be raised 
 between these two sections or elements 
 in our party. I want to say that I 
 fling back to our friends of the trade 
 union movement these taunts that they 
 have flung at us. I simply decline to 
 accept those taunts ; that is all. They 
 cannot hurt me with that brickbat be- 
 cause I wear the armor of intense loy- 
 alty to the working class movement 
 which cannot be penetrated by any such 
 mere taunts as those. I want to say 
 that when the work of this convention 
 shall have been completed we will both 
 stand together; we will clasp hands to- 
 gether,, and we will stand shoulder to 
 shoulder, fellow-comrades in the work- 
 ing class movement of the world. (Ap- 
 plause.) Now, I want to tell you, 
 friends, what kind of a Socialist I am. 
 I hold that it is the supreme or the 
 first duty of the Socialist movement to 
 proclaim to the whole of the working 
 class that it is a slave class. I say, to 
 the whole working class, and not to any 
 particular part of it. 
 
 Delegate Webster (Ohio) arose. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN (to Delegate 
 Gibbs) : You have three minutes. 
 
 DEL. GIBBS: Under the rule, we 
 are_ entitled to ten minutes. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Go ahead, Com- 
 rade Gibbs. 
 
 DEL. GIBBS: I want to tell you 
 what kind of a Socialist I am. I hold 
 that it is the first duty of the Social- 
 ist movement to proclaim to the whole 
 of the working class that it is a slave 
 class ; in other words, to draw the class 
 line so clear and distinct that the work- 
 ing man, though a trade union man, 
 cannot err therein. It is our first duty, 
 I say, to proclaim the fact that the whole 
 working class is a slave class. We 
 must proclaim the fact to the farm 
 slave and to the factory slave, to the 
 educated and to the ignorant slave, to 
 the scab slave and to the union slave; 
 to the black slave and to the white 
 slave alike. (Applause.) As our sec- 
 ond duty we must unite these parts of 
 the working class in a solid political 
 organization which will grasp the 
 powers of government for the sole pur- 
 pose that it may emancipate the work- 
 ing class. And our third duty, as I 
 conceive it — perhaps the highest and 
 holiest duty which the Socialist move- 
 ment has to-day — is to proclaim to all 
 classes and to the whole world that 
 we proclaim the class struggle for 
 the sole and supreme purpose that 
 we may forever abolish the class 
 struggle. (Applause.) Now, friends, 
 that, I say, is my conception of 
 Socialism and the Socialist move- 
 ment. If that is academical Socialism, 
 I am an academic Socialist. Now, I 
 ask the question. What relation does the 
 trade union movement bear to this 
 program? And I want to suggest right 
 here, friends, that it is not for us 
 to show our position towards the 
 trade unions, but it is for the 
 trade unions to show their posi- 
 tion towards us. (Applause.) I want 
 to thank my comrade. Lamb, of Michi- 
 gan, for making one point clear. He 
 declared that we must endorse the trade 
 unions in order that they might recog- 
 nize the fact that we must have the or- 
 ganized workers of the world in the 
 future to carry forward the organized 
 work of the world. I recognize the 
 force of that argument, but I want to 
 say in reply that it is equally true that 
 we must have the organized wage- 
 workers of the world, and we must also 
 have and endorse the organized workers 
 
194 
 
 Morning S-ession, May 5. 
 
 in every other department of life. Fol- 
 lowing the logic of his argument, we 
 should endorse, for instance, organiza- 
 tions of the farmers, because in the fu- 
 ture co-operative commonwealth we 
 must have organized farmers. We 
 ought to endorse the organizations of 
 the doctors, for in the future co-opera- 
 tive commonwealth we must have doc- 
 tors ; and I suspect, friends, that if 
 some of us don't stop wasting our nerv- 
 ous and physical strength here we will 
 need some of the doctors before we get 
 through with this convention. (Laugh- 
 ter.) I want to say, also, that follow- 
 ing that same line of logic, we ought 
 to endorse the ministers' organizations 
 and associations, for I suspect we are 
 going to require a few ministers to as- 
 sist at the funeral of capitalism and 
 take care of the moral wrecks that we 
 leave behind. In other words, I hold 
 that our mission is to the whole of the 
 working class. I am opposed to this 
 motion not because I am opposed to 
 the trade union, but because I am op- 
 posed to any special endorsement of any 
 fractional part of the working class, 
 for that special endorsement obscures 
 the clear line of the class struggle. It 
 keeps the workers divided. In other 
 words, it does the old, old world-wide, 
 ages-long capitalist trick, keeps the 
 workers divided against each other, and 
 just so long as we are willing to do 
 that or in any way to aid them, just so 
 long the capitalist system and the capi- 
 talists will remain in power. There- 
 fore, I am opposed to this motion in its 
 present form. I believe we should 
 maintain our freedom and sympathetic 
 attitude towards the trade unions, but 
 we should simply from this time on 
 "gang our own gait," hew straight to 
 the line of the class struggle, and let 
 the chips fall where they may. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. KRAYBILL (Kan.): Com- 
 rades, I want to ask, should not those 
 who have not yet spoken upon this 
 proposition have an even opportunity 
 upon the floor? Is it not capitalistic to 
 monopolize the time? Let us hear 
 from those who have not been heard 
 before. 
 
 Delegate Berlyn (111.) arose. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Do I understand 
 that Delegate Berlyn speaks in opposi- 
 tion to the trade union resolution? 
 
 DEL. BERLYN : I am going to speak 
 
 in opposition to the motion to strike 
 out that clause. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Berlyn 
 has not the floor. Comrade Toole. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : Comrades, I 
 am opposed to the trade union resolu- 
 tion as reported, but on different 
 grounds from those of the last speaker. 
 I am opposed to this resolution not be- 
 cause I am opposed to trade unionism, 
 but because this resolution ties the So- 
 cialist Party to one particular brand 
 of trade unionism., (Applause.) I sub- 
 mit this to this convention; that or- 
 ganized labor continually shifts to meet 
 the attacks of organized capital. It is 
 only a short while ago that the old 
 Knights of Labor went to pieces be- 
 cause it did not meet the industrial cori- 
 ditions that obtained. I also submit 
 that present conditions are such that 
 the trade union pure and simple, the 
 blind policies laid down by the Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor, are not such 
 as to meet the present industrial con- 
 ditions. (Applause.) And I submit 
 this : that if the trade union movement 
 is carried on on the present lines laid 
 down by Gompers it will be wrecked 
 in its opposition to capitalism; that is 
 at the mercy of organized capital. For 
 between the courts and the injunctions 
 on the one side, and the militia and the 
 Employs' Associations on the other, the 
 near future sees the smash of organized 
 labor, and if this convention ties the 
 Socialist Party to that peculiar brand 
 of trade unionism, we go down in the 
 wreck of trade unionism pure and sim- 
 -ple. (Applause.) Mr. Chairman and 
 members of the convention, I am in 
 favor of trade unionism, but I am in 
 favor of a form of trade unionism that 
 ■meets modern industrial conditions, 
 (applause), and I say this, that a form 
 of trade unionism that does not' declare 
 for the ballot is pi'erile, childish and 
 not worthy the support of a body of 
 Socialists. (Applause.) Because I sub- 
 mit this : that the modern form of trade 
 unionism has its beginnings and its 
 bounds within the present system, and 
 that the very minute it reaches a point 
 where it can be effective, that very 
 minute it becomes the weakest, because 
 the very minute it becomes so strong 
 that it ties up capitalistic organizations, 
 that very minute capitalism is bound to 
 destroy it because it can no longer ex- 
 ist. I mean by that that the logical 
 
Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 19i 
 
 policy of trade unionism is to raise 
 wages ; that it is to reduce production ; 
 that it is to put the conduct of the 
 business in the hands of the trade 
 unions ; and I say that when that point 
 arrives at which the trade unions are 
 striving and at which they must strive 
 as trade unions, that that very point 
 proves the destruction of trade union- 
 ism, because capitalism is bound to de- 
 stroy it or die. But the weak point is 
 this : that they have left the powers of 
 government in the hands of the capi- 
 talists. They are powerless and there 
 is where we are drifting to. The capi- 
 talists are of necessity forced to smash 
 the trade union movement, and the 
 trade union men have put all the 
 powers of government in the hands of 
 the capitalists. If we understand the 
 industrial conditions, what must we do 
 as Socialists? Must we bind ourselves 
 to this puerile form of trade union or- 
 ganization? I repeat, I am not opposed 
 to trade union organizations, but at this 
 critical moment we must do one of two 
 things : we must either leave the men 
 in the industrial movement to fight it 
 out as those in control of the industrial 
 movement see fit, or else we must do 
 this : we must rise to the occasion, we 
 must get out of the mire of opportun- 
 ism and rise to the heights of revolu- 
 tionary action. (Applause.) We must 
 do one of two things : we must either 
 leave the trade union movement to take 
 its own course, and take no action in it 
 whatsoever, or else declare that the 
 Socialist Party, the organized revolu- 
 tionary proletariat itself, will take 
 charge not only of the political move- 
 ment, but of the trade union move- 
 ment as well. In the language of pan- 
 ton, we must dare, and dare, and dare 
 ; again. And it is up to us, comrades, 
 whether we will rise to this occasion: 
 whether we will go forth from this con- 
 vention determined and inspired by all 
 the martyrs of the past. Let me tell 
 you, comrades, let me refer you to the 
 conditions in Colorado, to-day, and I 
 want to say that until that condition 
 arose in Colorado I would have been 
 in favor of a resolution like this. But 
 I was more impressed by what a dele- 
 gate from Colorado told me to-day, that 
 when he was brought up to the bull- 
 pen, they told him that if he were a 
 Gompers Socialist, that if he were a 
 "pure and simple" Socialist, he was all 
 right. Comrades, let me repeat in con- 
 
 clusion, we must do either one thing 01 
 the otiier: we must decide to let thi 
 trade unions take their own course 
 leaving the trade unions to follow ou 
 the lines of industrial development an( 
 we will frame our action, or we mus 
 make up our minds to take the revolu 
 tionary policy and conduct the trad' 
 union movement ourselves. Otherwise 
 if we tie ourselves to a moribund or 
 ganization, if we tie ourselves to ai 
 organization that is already dead ii 
 purpose and principle, we will miss thi 
 opportunity and we will let the goldet 
 moment slide by, and perhaps die witl 
 the movement that we tie ourselves to 
 (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Wil 
 kins of California. This is the las 
 speaker in opposition, making the fiftl 
 speaker. 
 
 DEL. BERTHA WILKINS (Cal.) 
 There are different kinds of unioi 
 movements in this country. Som- 
 unions are class conscious and somi 
 unions are merely craft conscious. Th 
 craft conscious union man is alway 
 talking about the scab. The class con 
 scious man is a Socialist The West 
 ern Federation of Labor has declare( 
 for Socialism. The union men in thi 
 unions that have not declared for So 
 cialism are like people who build 1 
 levee of sand bags to hold back the ris 
 ing river. The true Socialist is build 
 ing a levee that shall stand for al 
 time. The unionist who is also a So 
 cialist is a class conscious union man 
 I take a middle ground on this lim 
 practically; theoretically, I do not. 
 !was asked the other day, for instance 
 I am a typesetter — "If you were mak 
 ing your living at typesetting would yoi 
 join a union?" I said I would join ; 
 union; I could not do anjrthing else, 
 asked the lady who spoke yesterda; 
 against this substitute, "Would you joii 
 the union ?" She said, "I would no 
 join the union." That is the difference 
 In practice, therefore, I would take th( 
 middle ground; in theory, I take ni 
 middle ground. It seems to me tha 
 even if I were in the union, I could no 
 give my heart and my energy to sim 
 pie and pure unionism. They wouh 
 get my dollar and a half a month fo 
 dues. It would be a perfunctory pro 
 ceeding, this belonging to the union 
 it would not be the work that I shouh 
 want to do. My real work would b 
 
196 
 
 Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 given t6 Socialism, to class conscious 
 Socialism. I believe that between 1904 
 and 1908 the path of unionism is not 
 going to be a path strewn with roses. 
 I believe that in the west at least the 
 powers of capitalism are uniting so that 
 they will have a very serious time as 
 they are having in Colorado. In all 
 cities of the west the merchants and 
 manufactures' associations and the 
 citizens' alliances are organizing. They 
 are doing it quietly, but they are doing 
 it well and I believe that between 1904 
 and 1908 we will have existing in other 
 places the conditions now existing in 
 Colorado, and perhaps in many other 
 places. (Applause.) Even now, 10,000 
 men are out of work in Southern Cali- 
 fornia, and many of those men are 
 Union men, hitting the pipe while many 
 non-union men are at work side by side 
 with union men. The union then is to 
 a. certain extent doomed. With the 
 pqwer of capitalism absolutely united 
 against unionism, the union is doomed 
 because the union is fighting with a 
 little rock against .the gattling gun. 
 And so, to-day, I believe that the West- 
 ern Federation of Miners, which has 
 taken a stand for Socialism, which has 
 also taken the stand of not resisting 
 the powers that be, the powers of capi- 
 talism — has taken the wise stand, and 
 it seems to me that this convention 
 should command that stand, 
 
 DEL. JONAS (N. Y.) : And vote the 
 Democratic ticket. 
 
 DEL. WILKINS: When Comrade 
 Flpaten vvas taken from his house at 
 night and was walked barefoot over the 
 ground, the blood that stained that snow 
 was as honorable as any blood ever 
 shed upon the battle field ; and when 
 Coirirade Floaten says that the next 
 titnie a man breaks into his house he 
 will die rigiit there. Comrade Floaten 
 makeis a mistake. Right theTe it seems 
 to me we should make a stand. Are we 
 to resist the authorities or are we not 
 tp resist the authorities? — and I have 
 passed a resolution in to the Committee 
 to that eflfect. I believe we should ttiake 
 a definite stand on that proposition. Is 
 the theory, the policy of non-resistance 
 to the officials in authority the right 
 policy? I say, that it is the right policy, 
 and that Comrade Floaten when he did 
 not resist did the right thing.- Bebel 
 says, "If you resist the authorities that 
 be you make of your bodies cannon 
 
 feed, simply cannon feed." That is 
 what they want us to do so they may 
 have a chance to kill us. But let us 
 have it so established that every time 
 something happens in the course of a 
 strike, every time an accident happens 
 in the mines where the men are strik- 
 ing, every time a building burns down 
 in the strike country, in the strike field, 
 let us have it known everywhere that 
 the capitalists themselves paid for those 
 things, that they hired men to ■ burn 
 down those buildings, that they hired 
 somebody to cause the explosion in the 
 mine. That is the case to a great ex- 
 tent in Germany. In Germany, how- 
 ever, the conditions are very different 
 from the conditions in this country. The 
 unions are like the Western Federation 
 of Miners, almost without exception 
 Socialist organizations. (Applause.) 
 The conditions, therefore, are not paral- 
 ■ lei to the conditions in this country. 
 When the Comrade from St. Louis yes- 
 terday said that the Socialists mus,t be 
 the backbone of the labor unions and 
 the labor unions must be the backbone 
 of the Socialist movement, I say that 
 that might be true in Germany, but the 
 conditions are different in this trust 
 ridden country, very different. I want 
 to say again, my sympathies go out to 
 the unions that are class conscious and 
 have declared for Socialism. But the 
 craft conscious Socialists who have just , 
 a little 2 by 4 pen around their organiza- •' 
 tion, cannot help us on this question. 
 If we pass a resolution it seems to me it 
 should be commendatory of ' those 
 unions which have declared for Social- 
 ism. You should draw a clear cut line 
 between the Socialist unions and the 
 non-Socialist unions. 
 A DELEGATE: Mr. Chairman 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will 
 recognize no one until he makes a 
 statement. When the Chair told Com- 
 rade Parks that his time was up it waB 
 because the Chair was under the im- 
 pression that the three minute rule 
 prevailed. He was not aware that ten 
 minutes were allowed, that the regular 
 ten minutes for each speaker was in 
 order, and Comrade Parks was, there- 
 fore, allowed only three minutes out of 
 his regular ten. I am, therefore, going 
 to call on Comrade Parks for the re- 
 maining seven minutes so that he can 
 conclude his argument. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. PARKS: My friends, I say 
 
Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 197 
 
 the Socialist agitators will handle this 
 union problem all right if you will put 
 us in such a position that the capitalists 
 cannot go before the unorganized work- 
 ers and tell them that I am opposed 
 to the scabs and am taking sides with 
 the union man. My friends, the So- 
 cialist agitator should be able to teach 
 the doctrine of the class struggle, eco- 
 nomic determinism and surplus value. 
 The class struggle is only one of the 
 doctrines, and trade unionism is only 
 one of the forms of the class struggle. 
 Now, my friends, as I said a Httle 
 while ago I use this as an emblem of 
 truth (exhibiting his painted club). Car- 
 roll D. Wright says that organized labor 
 on the average produces something like 
 ten dollars' worth of goods a day when 
 it is employed, and that the average 
 wages are ■ something less than two 
 dollars a day. Now, my friends, what 
 is the laboring man doing in order to 
 get more of the product of his labor? 
 I use this stick to represent the ten 
 dollars, and I use this part of the stick 
 (indicating the short end of the stick) 
 to represent what labor gets, or two 
 dollars. This (exhibiting the long end) 
 represents what goes to capital in the 
 shape of rent, interest and profit. The 
 politician tells the laboring man that 
 the interests of capital and the inter- 
 ests of labor are identical. The So- 
 cialist agitator should go forth and 
 show that the interests of labor and 
 the interests of capital are absolutely 
 antagonistic, .and that there is a class 
 struggle, and politics is the science of 
 the governmental control of men. So- 
 cialism is the science of the administra- 
 tion of things. (Applause.) We do not 
 want to put anything into our platform 
 or pass any resolutions here to catch 
 votes. We want to put in a statement 
 of principles here that will appear to 
 the reason of the world. My friends, 
 this, as I say (the long end), accord- 
 ing to the statement of Carroll D. 
 Wright, represents the proportion which 
 goes to capital, and this (the short 
 end), represents the /proportion that 
 goes to labor. Now, the laboring man, 
 in order to get more of what he creates, 
 forms a union. What for? To force 
 up wages. When wages go up, rent, 
 interest and profit diminish. The capi- 
 talist sees that the higher wages go the 
 less rent, interest and profit he has. 
 This is only true in the gold mining in- 
 dustries of Colorado and the rest of the 
 
 world, because the capitalist cannot put 
 the increased wages upon the price of 
 gold. The price of gold is fixed in the 
 markets of the world. The capital of 
 the west, in order to break down the 
 union, is shipping in scab labor to force 
 down wages, for when wages go down, 
 rent, interest and profit go up. There 
 is the class struggle, my friends, and 
 what the Socialist should do is to go to 
 the laboring man and point out that 
 there is a class struggle, and that the 
 interests of labor and the interests of 
 capital are absolutely opposed. Now, the 
 laboring man, in- order to get more of 
 when you take the other industries, ex- 
 cept in the gold mines in the west, you 
 see there is no class struggle going on 
 between the capitalists and the laboring 
 men because when the laboring men 
 force up wages what the capitalist 
 loses in the shape of wages he puts 
 upon the prices of the goods that the 
 laboring man has got to buy back. (Ap- 
 plause.) Now, my friends, we should 
 go forth and teach the laboring man 
 that in order to stop this exploitation 
 the laboring man must own the machine 
 that he produces the goods with; and 
 that is Socialism. Now, my friends, T 
 am not opposed to unionism. I was 
 once a member of the American Labor 
 Union myself. There has been a kiiid 
 of a slur thrown out here that perhaps 
 I have gotten all my training in Social- 
 ism from schools and from books. My 
 friends, when I came out of the univer- 
 sity, the best work I could do was 
 teaching school at $30 to $35 a month. 
 I went out and joined the proletarians 
 of Colorado, and I have traveled' all 
 over the west and mixed with all kinds 
 of people and worked in all sorts and 
 conditions of trades^ I have worked 
 in the sewer and on ranches and in the 
 mining camps and lumber camps and 
 different places, and I was able to make 
 more money at common labor than at 
 practicing law or teaching school. And, 
 my friends, I wish it distinctly under- 
 stood that I am not simply a theo- 
 retical, school-book Socialist. Now, as 
 to unionism, there is some good coming 
 out of the unions ; there is great good 
 coming of, the unions. The union is 
 developitug class consciousness. The 
 union does good because it gives the 
 union man a drill in parliamentafy 
 practice and tactics, and it is a good 
 thing. It is unfortunate that most of 
 the workers of the world are not 
 
198 
 
 Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 united in any sort of shape. As I 
 said before, my friends, if we divide 
 the workers we will be doing just the 
 thing that the capitalists have always 
 succeeded heretofore in doing. We 
 want to appeal to all the workers of the 
 world to unite, and not make any spe- 
 cial appeal to anybody. We can point 
 out to the labor union man and show 
 him where his position is, and that it 
 is only a means to an end; that we 
 have the organization, and that our 
 aim is industrial freedom, and with in- 
 dustrial freedom will come the free- 
 dom of all the workers of the world. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The debate will 
 now continue an hour, with one speaker 
 on either side until the time is up. 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, I want to call the attention of the 
 convention to this fact, that the argu- 
 ment against trades unions has been 
 reduced to that (holding up Delegate 
 Park's stick). Take it (handing the 
 stick to Delegate Parks). This argu- 
 ment against trade unionism has been 
 reduced to a piece of wqod, like those 
 persons who are lookin^g around and 
 calling on the workers to unite, and 
 then when they come to a Socialist body 
 they argue for the men that refuse to 
 unite. (Applause.) But, aside from 
 that — remember the stick ! In the name 
 of the workers of this country, I thank 
 those excellent lawyers and doctors 
 who constitute themselves an advisory 
 board to wean the trade union move- 
 ment. I thank them for their advice. 
 We do not understand English, but we 
 do understand this fact, that the eco- 
 nomic movement of the working class, 
 whatever its mistakes, whatever its lim- 
 itations, whatever the errors of leaders 
 or the form of organization, the eco- 
 nomic movement of the working class, 
 in the shape of the trade union move- 
 ment, is the expression of a protest 
 from me and my brother at the machine. 
 (Applause.) Call the union what you 
 will, be its form of organization what it 
 may, but when my brother and I work- 
 ing in the factory say to our master 
 that we want more, we are giving the 
 first expression of the awakening con- 
 sciousness of the working class. (Ap- 
 plause.) It is well for you, who do not 
 know the daily struggle of the working 
 class in the shop, — it is well for you 
 to rap us over the knuckles for our 
 
 mistakes, and we thank you for it. But 
 remember this : That whatever you say 
 or whatever you may not say about us, 
 we of the workinig class are con- 
 fronted not with a vote next year, but 
 we are confronting our master in the 
 factory every day, and not only once a 
 year. (Applause.) And we have the 
 courage, not to go out on a street cor- 
 ner and deliver lectures on a stick, but 
 we have the courage, we of the trade 
 movement who are Socialists, to fight 
 our bosses in the factory every day, 
 and then at the ballot box. The trade 
 union movement exists not because I 
 want it or you do not want it. The 
 trade union exists because of the eco- 
 nomic division of society. The labor 
 union is a form of protest on the part 
 of the workers of the world against 
 conditions under which the labor power 
 of the workers shall be sold at such 
 prices as to reduce the workers to a 
 level ' where they will be incapable of 
 reaching the heights of the Socialist 
 philosophy. (Applause.) We of the 
 trade union movement who are Social- 
 ists seek to protect our class from be- 
 ing forced down into the lower levels 
 of animal degradation. We meet the 
 conditions, we compete, we of the trades 
 union movement that are Socialists, 
 while you people are writirjig books and 
 giving us philosophical dissertations on 
 a stick. (Laughter and applause.) We 
 are defending our class, preserving its 
 manhood, guarding it against such 
 degradation as would make it impos- 
 sible even to understand the gentleman 
 from Kansas. (Laughter.) That is 
 our position. And I tell you. Comrades, 
 that it does not matter to us of the 
 trades union movement what you do, 
 but it will be a sorry spectacle, and it 
 IS a sorry spectacle, that that portion 
 of the working class who rise to Marx's 
 appeal and unite in defense of them- 
 selves, must needs plead with you for 
 recognition of them. (Applause.) And 
 it is to the everlastinig discredit of 
 every man who, while he may argue 
 Socialism from a stick, as the opposi- 
 tion to the trades union movement was 
 finally reduced to 
 
 A DELEGATE: I rise to a point of 
 order. The delegate is not defending 
 trades unionism. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The point is not 
 well taken. 
 
 THE DELEGATE: I appeal. 
 
Morning Session, May 5- 
 
 199 
 
 DEL. CAREY: All right; go ahead, 
 raise your points. We will stay with 
 you if you want us. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate 
 will proceed. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: I beg your pardon. 
 I_ just want to call attention to the 
 simple fact that the trades union move- 
 ment, despite what you may do or what 
 you may not do, the trades union will 
 exist whether you wish it to exist or 
 not. Just at present I am one of the 
 agitators for Socialism, and I am going 
 home; but when I go home and go 
 into the shop and confront the condi- 
 tions there, and beside me is some poor 
 ignorant working man who has risen to 
 the point where he appreciates the 
 forces pressing him downward, and he 
 says to me, "Jim, let us make a stand 
 for better conditions in this factory," 
 I will hand him over Karl Marx. 
 (Laughter and applause.) Yes, I will 
 talk Socialism, too. But at the same 
 time I will stand beside him as he 
 fights for the preservation of his man- 
 hood and to keep my class from thp 
 lower levels, in order, you intelligent 
 persons — in order that he may be cap- 
 able of understanding Karl Marx. 
 These gentlemen, every one, who have 
 slapped the trades unions and then 
 stood there and you agreed with them, 
 they are good fellows, and we are good 
 fellows, and yet they give us a whack 
 in the jaw. They remind me of the 
 fellow who asked a boy to watch his 
 team for a few minutes. He said to 
 the boy, "Is your father a Christian?" 
 The boy said, "Yes, but he don't work 
 at it." (Laughter.) And these lovers 
 of the trades union movement, they 
 are in itj but they are not working at 
 it just now. (Applause.) But what- 
 ever your position, I repeat again, what 
 would you do, you men that have spoken 
 against us, and you women? What 
 would you do in case of a street car 
 strike here in Chicago? What would 
 you do? Would you ride or would 
 you walk ? 
 
 A DELEGATE: Walk. 
 
 DEL. CAREY: Exactly, you would 
 walk. Yes, and yet you don't want to 
 divide the working class. Don't you 
 know that you are turning down that 
 non-union man who is running the car? 
 You take your position with whom? 
 With us? That is what you do. And 
 
 you cannot avoid it. You intelligent 
 Socialists, during a street _ car strike 
 presenting an unhappy division between 
 the non-union and the union man, what 
 will you do? You will go on making 
 Socialist speeches, but will you ride on 
 the scab cars and stand for the scab? 
 No, you will refuse to ride, and you will 
 stand with the trade unionists that are 
 making that contest. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. FARRELL (Ohio): I spoke 
 last night in favor of continuing the 
 meeting last night for one hour, but did 
 not have the pleasure of talking on the 
 resolution before the house. Comrade . 
 Chairman and Comrades, I thank you 
 for giving me the opportunity to speak 
 on this question. I want to say that 
 I do not consider myself more capable 
 than anybody else to talk intelligently 
 on this question, but I perhaps may 
 have had more experience in the trades 
 union movement than some here, be- 
 cause I have been an active trade union- 
 ist for the past fifteen or eighteen years. 
 I want to say that I stand before this 
 convention to-day as a trade unionist, 
 and one who carries a paid-up card in 
 one of the biggest organizations in this 
 country. (Applause.) But I want to 
 say also. Comrade Chairman and Com- 
 rades, that I stand here first of all as 
 a member of the Socialist Party of 
 America, and then as a member of the 
 Socialist Party of the world. (Ap- 
 plause.) I want to say to you that at 
 the last meeting of Local Dayton, that 
 matter was brought up there and was 
 thoroughly discussed, and the members 
 that attended that meeting were prac- 
 tically every one a man who carried a 
 trade union card, and that they took 
 action there instructing me as their rep- 
 resentative to advocate the wiping out 
 of all trade union propositions or reso- 
 lutions or any other resolution that ap- 
 pealed to any particular part or branch 
 of the working class to-day (applause), 
 and I want to say that it is my candid 
 opinion and my belief that the Social- 
 ist movement can further its interests 
 best by ignoring all resolutions that 
 come before this convention which have 
 a tendency to recognize the trade union 
 movement or any other particular part 
 of the working class. (Applause.) I 
 want to say, Mr. Chairman and Com- 
 rades, that there may have been a time 
 in former ages when there was a greater 
 necessity for the trade union movement 
 to awaken the intellectual ability of the 
 
200 
 
 Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 working class of this country to the 
 fact that they should organize for their 
 own protection. I want to say that 25 
 or 30 years ago — or, yes, IS years ago — 
 we did not have the Socialist movement 
 in this country to awaken the people to 
 their real interests as we have to-day. 
 I want to say. Comrade Chairman and 
 Comrades, that the trade union move- 
 ment in this country to-day, is too 
 much, if I may so term it, of a spider 
 web for the Socialist movement to take 
 any part in it. I want to say that the 
 Employers' Association to-day is or- 
 ganized as it has never been before. I 
 want to say that it is my opinion that 
 the trades union movement is going to 
 have a harder row to hoe than it ever 
 has in its history, and I believe that the 
 opportunity is here for the Socialist 
 movement to go forward as it has never 
 done before. Remarks have been made 
 by some of the Comrades who have 
 spoken that the trade union movement 
 will advance the immediate and mate- 
 rial interests of the working class. I 
 want to say that this convention is not 
 here to deny to the workers of this 
 country or the workers of the world 
 the right to organize as trade unions. 
 I believe that trade unionism will 
 live, one way or the other, and I hope 
 it will. As I say, I will remain a mem- ■ 
 ber of the organization of my craft so 
 ' long as I am eligible to membership, but 
 I want to say that my work in the 
 Socialist movement has been hampered 
 because of my activity in the trade 
 union movement, and my efforts ifl the 
 future shall be in the interest of So- 
 cialism because the trade union move- 
 ment can never solve this problem defi- 
 nitely. It can never obtain a perma- 
 nent settlement of the struggle that is 
 now on. (Applause.) I want to say 
 that the Socialist movement advocates 
 a definite and permanent settlement, 
 and for that I believe we ought t6 work 
 first, last and always, and assist the 
 other so far as we can, but that is all. 
 I want to say to you that the labor 
 union movement for the past few years 
 has maintained a lobbying committee 
 at Washington in the houses of congress 
 to advocate that laws be passed in the 
 interest of the working class, and then 
 at election they will turn around and 
 vote their enemies into office, and I say 
 that that is wrong. I say that our duty 
 is to awaken the workers to the fact 
 that they can accomplish far more by 
 
 using the ballot than they can by the 
 strike, the boycott or the union label. 
 In relating a little past history of the 
 trades union movement I might call 
 your attention to the fate of the K. of 
 L., an organization that once advocated 
 noble principles and had power once 
 numerically. That organization has 
 practically sunk into oblivion, to the 
 extent that there is practically nothing 
 of it left but a history which it made in 
 the great American labor movement. 
 I would call your attention to the great 
 strike at Homestead in 1892, when the 
 iron workers were shot down in cold 
 blood because they saw fit to march in 
 a body on the public highways, and all 
 the struggle and all the blood that was 
 spilled in that great struggle, did not 
 settle the trouble between capital and 
 labor so far as the iron workers of the 
 country were concerned. I want to say 
 that the great strike of the A. R. U. 
 which took place in 1894, when many 
 men were forced to lay down their 
 tools and quit their work in defense of 
 their rights as trades unionists, — that 
 with all the sacrifices that were made in 
 that struggle, when one — as good a man 
 as ever carried a union card — was forced 
 to spend six months behind prison bars, 
 that all that did not^ settle the trouble 
 between capitalism and labor in the 
 trade unions in the railroad industry. 
 I want to say, when we come down a 
 little further to the disaster in Idaho 
 in 1898, when men were thrown by the 
 hundreds into the bull-pen and treated 
 with such contempt — which is in my 
 opinion the blackest blot on American 
 history — that all that sacrifice did not 
 succeed ip settling definitely the trouble 
 between the miners of Idaho and the 
 employers. I want to say that in 1900, 
 in one of the manufacturing institutions 
 of this country, perhaps one of the 
 greatest in the world, the National Cash 
 Register Works at Dayton, Ohio, a 
 strike was declared by the metal pol- 
 ishers in that factory, and they suc- 
 ceeded in shutting down the entire plant 
 for seven weeks. That fight was con- 
 tinued for six or seven months with as 
 good prospects of success as any strike 
 that was ever declared in the history 
 of organized labor. I want to say that 
 that strike was fought with vim and 
 vigor when the members of that or- 
 ganization were discharged, and it was 
 fought successfully to a final conclu- 
 sion and the institution was whipped to 
 
Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 201 
 
 a standstill, but when the settlement 
 came it was arranged in such a way that 
 nothing was conceded to the men, not 
 even provision being made for the re- 
 turn of one of the trade unions who 
 had gone on strike six or seven months 
 previous ; not one returned into that 
 factory. I want to say that all these 
 things will perhaps call your attention 
 to the inability of the trade union move- 
 ment to solve the problem that con- 
 fronts the workers to-day. I believe 
 that the proper thing for this conven- 
 tion here to do to-day, taking every- 
 thing into consideration — I want to say 
 that I do not want to see this conven- 
 tion divided; I want to see all factions 
 leave this hall when this convention ad- 
 journs, united, and united in the cause 
 of Socialism. (Applause.) 
 
 DELEGATE TOOLE (Md.) : A 
 point of order. It is now 11 o'clock. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That motion 
 was not carried. 
 
 Delegate Gaylord of Wisconsin raised 
 the point of order that it being 11 
 o'clock, under the former motion no 
 further discussion could be had, but 
 the Chair ruled that the motion to that 
 effect was not carried, and the discus- 
 sion was continued. 
 
 Thereupon Delegate Gaylord offered 
 the following resolution and moved its 
 adoption as a substitute for the resolu- 
 tion as presented by the Committee : 
 
 "The Socialist Party of America 
 recognizes that the trades union or- 
 ganizations are an essential part of 
 the labor movement, and are abso- 
 lutely necessary for the purpose of 
 upholding the standard of living and 
 resisting the encroachments of capi- 
 talism under the present economic 
 system. 
 
 "We heartily commend them in 
 their efforts to organize the working 
 class for that purpose and declare 
 that it is the duty of every Socialist 
 who can do so to join his respective 
 trades union." 
 
 A motion to table the above resolu- 
 tion was declared out of order as. Dele- 
 gate Gaylord had the floor. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD: Now, we have 
 heard various Comrades plead for 
 peculiar things. One has asked that 
 the intellectual should be ignored, 
 or implied such a plea. Another 
 
 has asked that the trade unions should 
 be ignored, a plea directly made by 
 the speaker who just preceded me. 
 Others, both on the floor and in groups 
 on the outside, have advocated that the 
 farmers be ignored. Others will say 
 that unorganized labor also should be 
 ignored, and possibly some other eco- 
 nomic group should be ignored, and 
 thus we secure the ignoring of the 
 whole working class. Now, what do 
 you want to do that for? Let us rise 
 for a little while to a higher level, if 
 we can, and get a view of the whole 
 field. This substitute motion puts it 
 before this convention as represented 
 in various ways. We do not represent 
 the whole of the working class in our 
 proper persons here to-day, and that is 
 the reason we do not expect to elect 
 our candidates. There is a labor move- 
 ment which for the present as an ac- 
 tual fact is bigger than the Socialist 
 Party of America or the International 
 Socialist Party. As a matter of fact, 
 physically and materially on the prin- 
 ciple of economic determinism we are 
 not so big yet as the entire labor move- 
 ment. Let us recognize that fact. If 
 we do not, it will down us, and others 
 will take our place. (Applause.) I 
 mean ourselves — not the Socialist philo- 
 sophy nor the Socialist movement. We 
 are responsible in a sense for the great 
 ideal which we are here to represent. 
 We are responsible in a sense also to 
 the ideal and fact of the labor move- 
 ment as a whole. Let us get that 
 clearly in our minds. What does this 
 labor movement include? Who should 
 be consciously represented in it or in 
 a gathering trying to represent it? Ele- 
 ments every one of which are really 
 represented ' here to-day, economic 
 groups everyone of which has its rep- 
 resentative on this floor— the intellec- 
 tuals, the organized trade union move- 
 ment, the farmers, the unorganized 
 labor and, if you please, I daresay there 
 may be one or two specimens of genus 
 hobo, if some of us like myself were 
 to be frank and admit it. I don't know 
 where my home is. Now, then, let 
 us look for a moment at the facts as 
 we get the whole field in view. First, 
 there is the Socialist Party. We will 
 not be too modest and put ourselves 
 first. We claim to be class conscious, 
 we claim to be intelligent. That is 
 what consciousness means. First of 
 all, we know that we know ourselves. 
 
202 
 
 MontMg Session, May 5. 
 
 and from that we get to know other 
 things and get to know the sense of the 
 whole situation. We, therefore, have a 
 right, I think, to put ourselves first and 
 most representative, as this body in 
 the persons present proves. Now then, 
 there are other elements intermingled. 
 Next I put, in my opinion, the organ- 
 ized labor movement. At once we see 
 sections in this — the great eastern 
 movement, as I think we may well call 
 it to-day, the A. F. of L., and the great 
 western movement, the A. L. U., and 
 the other great local and state trade 
 unions, some unaffiliated, some affiliated, 
 locally but not nationally, some affiliated 
 nationally and not internationally. 
 Shall we here to-day, representing the 
 most intelligent group of the working 
 class, refuse to recognize the fact of 
 this great l^bor movement? What do 
 we gain by that? I do not plead for 
 the recognition of any local union, I do 
 not plead for the A. L. U. nor for the 
 A. F. of L., although I carry a card 
 in one of those. I plead for the recog- 
 nition of the fact that economic groups 
 exist within the labor movement next 
 in intelligence, I believe as proved by 
 their organization, to the Socialist 
 Party. (Applause.) Do you want to 
 lose what will be lost, — whatever it is, 
 I am not discussing what it is — by ig- 
 noring that fact? What for? I say rec- 
 ognize it. Don't ignore it. Open your 
 eyes. It is there, whether you like it 
 or not it is there, and most of us really 
 like it. (Applause.) I say recognize 
 it, and point to it — you will not misun- 
 derstand me — with pride. I have been 
 speaking of the organized labor. Now, 
 there is the unorganized, and in this we 
 may include at once, the intellectual 
 groups of various sorts ; they are not 
 organized as such. They will be prob- 
 ably before a great while and that will 
 then bring them into the organized 
 field. Then there is the great mass of 
 unskilled factory workers ; next to that 
 there is the great mass of common la- 
 bor drifting here and there, the drift- 
 wood on our modern economic sea. 
 ■ After them — ^perhaps ahead of them, I 
 should say — come the farmers. In the 
 city I am closer to the other group 
 than to the farmers, and I put them 
 first, but perhaps the farmers should 
 come next to the organized labor, 
 though as an economic group they are 
 not yet organized. If they were or- 
 ganized as an economic group I should 
 
 say, recognize them next to organized 
 labor. But you need to recognize 
 them. They are there and must be 
 recognized in your working program. 
 This is a survey of the whole field I 
 am trying to give you for the purpose 
 of getting down to business on this 
 particular point. 
 
 Delegate Miller (Colo.) secured the 
 eye of the Chair, and the Chairman 
 asked : 
 
 "On what side do you speak?" 
 
 DEL. MULLER: I jspeak for the 
 resolution submitted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I must hear 
 from someone in opposition. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : A ques- 
 tion of personal privilege. I want to 
 introduce an amendment so it may be 
 read before the delegate speaks. 
 
 DEL. MILLER: And read the sub- 
 stitute just offered along with it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The substitute 
 offered by Comrade Gaylord and the 
 amendment offered by Comrade Slobo- 
 din will be read. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: This is the 
 amendment to the substitute, and 
 should take " its place : 
 
 "Socialist political action first, and 
 the trade movement next, are the 
 main weapons to be used' by the 
 working class for the better life and 
 of the capitalist class for greater 
 profits. We consider it the duty of 
 the Socialists to join the unions of 
 their trades and to promote there the 
 spirit of solidarity and identity of the 
 interests of the entire working class. 
 We recognize, however, that the 
 main activity of the trade unions is 
 confined within the narrow limits of 
 the daily interests of their trades and 
 industries. 
 
 "We call on the members of the 
 trade unions who realize the fact 
 of the class struggle which the work- 
 ing class is fiercely waging against 
 the capitalist class for a larger share 
 in the product of labor. While the 
 trade unions are of great advantage 
 to the working class in the struggle 
 against the exploitation of labor, they 
 cannot alone abolish this exploitation. 
 The exploitation of labor will come 
 to an end when the instruments of 
 production will be owned by the en- 
 tire people for the equal benefit of 
 
Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 203 
 
 all. Every trade unionist who real- 
 izes this should join the Socialist 
 Party and assist in arousing the 
 working class to political action, so 
 that it may secure the powers of 
 government, and, by abolishing wage 
 slavery and establishing the co-opera- 
 tive cominon wealth, achieve its own 
 emancipation." 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : A point "of 
 order. My point of order is that you 
 cannot introduce a substitute of a sub- 
 stitute. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: This is not a 
 substitute of a substitute, but an 
 amendment. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: A point of or- 
 der. You cannot introduce an amend- 
 ment of a substitute. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is not well taken. The Secre- 
 tary will read the substitute and thfe 
 amendment to the substitute. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: The point of 
 order is this, that you cannot amend a 
 substitute. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will state to 
 Comrade Stedman that under the pres- 
 ent condition of aflfairs, with a num- 
 ber of substitutes and amendments be- 
 fore the house, that I would entertain 
 this amendment in order to attempt to 
 secure the close of the debate. We will 
 vote upon the question. Comrade 
 Spears has the floor. 
 
 Delegate Phelan, of Illinois, moved 
 that the amendment be laid on the ta- 
 ble, but the motion was lost. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS (111.) : Comrade 
 Chairman and Comrades : The state- 
 ment has been made here that those op- 
 posing trade unions were naturally in- 
 tellectual and non-unionists. I stand 
 before you as a trade unionist, and 
 not as an intellectual. I also stand 
 before you as a representative of 
 both the two great trades unions, both 
 the A. F. of L. and the A. L. U., and 
 I stand opposed to all trades union 
 resolutions in the Socialist movement, 
 because I recognize this fact: That 
 the trades union movement is the out- 
 come of a development, just the same 
 as. the trust is the outcome of a devel- 
 opment to-day. The economic develop- 
 ment produced the trust on behalf of 
 the capitalist; it also produced the 
 trades union movement on behalf of 
 the workmen. Trades unionism can 
 
 only be a reform, and we must recog- 
 nize it as a reform in every sense of 
 the word. Some reference has been 
 made to the London resolution. In that 
 resolution the conditions that may have 
 rnet with approval by those who de- 
 cided on those resolutions, coming from 
 countries where conditions are differ- 
 ent than here in America, may have 
 had some force. But why should we 
 take the conditions here and try to 
 measure them with the half-bushel of 
 the man from Germany or England? 
 Some one referred to his experiences in 
 trade unions. I have had experience in 
 trades unions. I know what it is to 
 be up against a labor fakir in the 
 Chair, backed up by all those who want 
 to throttle any Socialist agitation in the 
 trades union. Resolutions in trade 
 unions, what are they worth? Not the 
 paper they are written on, my friends. 
 (Applause.) Concessions? What Con 
 cessions have you got? You have got 
 no concessions except what the capi- 
 talist may give out of fear, nothing 
 else. One of the delegates has appealed 
 to you with all the sentiment he could, 
 and he referred to the South, and said 
 that we had no movement in the South. 
 My Comrade from the South tells me 
 we should look to the South for a year 
 or two. The reason they have no So- 
 cialist movement is they have not had 
 any agitators there. Further, some one 
 said our only hope was in the trades 
 union movement. My friends, if that is 
 our only hope we have got a dismal 
 outlook for Socialism. (Applause.) I 
 am a trades unionist for one purpose 
 only : It is to my material interest. 
 My material interest compels me to be 
 a trades unionist if I want to eat. I 
 belong to the typographical union, and 
 my scale of wages has been increased 
 $12 a month. For 50 cents a week I 
 get $12 a month. It is a pretty good 
 speculation. I grant you it is a good 
 place, if you could do something there. 
 I say to the men, "Join the union," 
 every time I am "on the box," because 
 it brings men together. When they 
 are organized they are discontented. 
 That- is all I can see in it. They say 
 it is one phase of the class struggle, 
 and the next thing we know we will 
 have other phases of the class struggle 
 Then my Comrade from Massachusetts 
 called us non-uniters. He said we were 
 non-uniters. He spoke of fellows who 
 united in the trades union movement. 
 
204 
 
 Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 had seemed to think that the men who 
 could not get into a trades union be- 
 cause the fee to get in was so high, 
 that he never expected to see it accom- 
 plished. When you make it a $250 fee, 
 and the poor devil hasn't got a dollar 
 in his pocket, how can he become a 
 trades unionist? Then he spoke of the 
 courage of the trades union Socialists. 
 I have the courage to be a Socialist be- 
 cause I couldn't be anything else. He 
 spoke of handing Carl Marx to him. I 
 don't hand them Karl Marx because I 
 don't know enough about it to do it. All 
 I know is that I am a wage slave, and 
 that is all I can preach. All I know is 
 capitalism puts me in a shop and com- 
 pels me to work there day after day. 
 I do not want to waste my energies in 
 the trades unions when I can do far 
 more by showing that we stand for the 
 whole working class first and the un- 
 ion next. 
 
 At this point there were cries of 
 "Time," and the Chairman said : 
 
 "The speaker's time is not yet up, 
 and he retains the floor for one minute 
 more." 
 
 DEL. SPEARS: I venture to say 
 that some of my Comrades from the 
 smaller towns may think it is unusual 
 for one from the city to be opposed to 
 the unions. I have had some Comrades 
 tell me what wonderful things you 
 have done in the union. Mayhap you 
 have while you have some little control, 
 but you little know what the fight is in 
 the city. You little know what trade 
 unions are doing in this city. Nb doubt 
 they have honest men in the trade union 
 in some places, and you may by a sort 
 of a so-called honesty do something in 
 that line, but as a whole it is futile to 
 tie ourselves up to the trade union 
 movement. Let them fight their battles. 
 And who are they? After we have as- 
 sisted them in fighting the battle, who 
 will get them? Mr. Hearst will come 
 out and say he stands for the labor 
 union movement, and he is quite anxious 
 to have 
 
 At this point, the gavel fell and Dele- 
 gate Hanford secured recognition, stat- 
 ing that he desired to speak to the main 
 question and in favor of the adoption 
 of the trade union resolution. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD (N. Y.) : Now, 
 Mr. Chairman, and Comrades, with the 
 single exception of possibly Comrade 
 Gaylord of Wisconsin, I do not think 
 
 that the speakers have dealt at all ade- 
 quately with this question. We seem to 
 go on the basis tha:t the so-called So- 
 cialist Labor Party of the past went on 
 that the' trade union is only for us to 
 take or leave, or do what we please with 
 it. We know perfectly well that the 
 Socialist movement is not that kind of 
 a movement. We go out and tell men 
 and women that you have got to come 
 to Socialism for your salvation, but why 
 can't we understand that in the time 
 intervening until the day when Social- 
 ism shall come to pass a man has got 
 to live in order to establish Socialism, 
 and that the race has got to survive or 
 there will be no. race to enjoy Socialism. 
 (Applause.) The trades union move- 
 ment deals with this question here and 
 now. True, not for all, but for as many 
 as it can and it is going to continue. 
 You can read the history of the last 
 hundred years, and I can tell you that 
 had it not been for the force brought 
 to bear by the trades union movement 
 in resisting the encroachments of or- 
 ganized capitalism there would have 
 been no working class to go into So- 
 cialism. (Applause.) Now, this did 
 not come out of any great desire of the 
 trade unionist to do a wonderful and 
 wise thing. It came out of necessity. 
 That is where the trade unions were 
 born and so long as there is a necessity 
 for them they will remain. Now, let us 
 recognize that as a fundamental fact, 
 and I doubt if anyone here can dispute 
 it, and I know that it cannot be dis- 
 proved. Now, let us see what the So- 
 cialist Party in this country did. Only 
 a few years ago, they adopted and put 
 into the resolutions which were unani- 
 mously adopted, substantially the re- 
 marks which were made by the eloquent 
 Comrade of Illinois (Spears) and by 
 several other Comrades here. They 
 unanimously adopted a proposition like 
 this: 'This bogus trade unionism lies 
 impotent, petrified, motionless, holding 
 the proletariat at the mercy of the capi- 
 talist class,' and so on. There is a page 
 of that resolution, and then at the bot- 
 tom they said, 'Let the Socialist watch- 
 words everywhere be, "Down with trade 
 unionism pure and" simple," "Away with 
 the labor fakirs," "Onward with the 
 S. T. & L. A. and the S. L. P." ' And 
 what became of the men that passed that 
 resolution? (Cheers and Applause.) 
 All there is left of the organization that 
 passed that resolution is this little old 
 
Morning Session, May g. 
 
 205 
 
 red book. (Applause.) Now, it is a splen- 
 did thing for Comrades to get up here 
 and talk about being a Socialist, first, a 
 trade unionist next, and something else 
 after that. I can tell you, Comrades, 
 that wherever you work if it comes right 
 down to the question — if it comes to that 
 issue to-night or to-morrow morning — 
 to go on strikes to maintain a living 
 wage, you can bet one of two things — 
 you would go on a strike and fight for 
 it, or you would be a "dead one." This 
 question of trades union is not at all a 
 question of whether you like it or dis- 
 like it. It is here, and don't you think 
 for a minute that because of the Latti- 
 mers or the Hazletons that you will even 
 put a brake on the wheel of progress of 
 the trades union movement. Their very 
 defeats will make them stronger. Their 
 defeats in the last analysis will be found 
 victories. Are you going out on the 
 stump and tell these trade unions that 
 because some particular organization is 
 officered by a labor fakir that its body 
 is composed of labor fakirs? If you do 
 that will you be allowed to talk to that 
 organization on the line of educating 
 them in Socialism? Not on your life. 
 What you have got to do is to say this : 
 "You kijow the truth perfectly well, and 
 that is, that in the trade union, men may 
 be corrupt, officers may go wrong, but 
 you do know that the rank and file will 
 not consciously go wrong except for one 
 reason, and that is lack of light to see 
 the right." When you have said that 
 then you can put the light before them. 
 This question is probably more import- 
 ant than any other question that we can 
 settle here to-day. I want myself to be 
 able, not only in the trades union but 
 everywhere else, to take a position where 
 any man who opposes me from the 
 standpoint of the working class, I can 
 throw a rock at him and knock his damn 
 block oflf. (Applause.) That is where 
 I want to be. And this trade union 
 resolution, putting us upon that line, 
 standing for the working class in the 
 trade union and out of it, wherever 
 that trade union is, I say again and I 
 will repeat : The working class, right or 
 wrong — I don't care whether they are 
 right or wrong. (Applause.) You go 
 on and talk about wage slavery and you 
 are going on to show why they are 
 slaves. Can you expect this man who 
 has been under slavery for centuries, 
 this man who has been constantly mis- 
 guided ever since he was taught to read. 
 
 can you expect him suddenly to get a 
 bolt of light from heaven and proceed 
 and never make a mistake? They have 
 got to go up against these mistakes, and 
 I will still concede that and still -say, 
 the organization that survives tO;day, 
 even though wrong, will be right to- 
 morrow and still survive. (Applause.) 
 Go all down the line in the history of 
 this trade union movement and what do 
 you find? They talk here, for instance, 
 about trades unions passing resolutions 
 of endorsement. I don't care a single 
 cent for all the resolutions, so far as 
 their passage is concerned, but I do 
 care an immense amount about the dis- 
 cussion of those resolutions in these 
 bodies. I am not trying to convert labor 
 leaders. I am not trying to convert 
 capitalism. I am trying to convert this 
 common man at the bottom who has to 
 pay the cost of everything, and out of 
 w'hose heart-blood and sweat comes the 
 penalty of all his errors. (Applause.) 
 Do you me^n to say that that man has 
 no interest in going wrong? His very 
 life depends upon his going right, and 
 all you need to get him to go right is 
 two things : First, that he shall hear 
 you with an open mind; and, second, 
 that you know enough about the subject 
 so that you can present to him in a 
 way that he can understand. (Applause.) 
 He will know the reason why the trades 
 union movement in this country to-day 
 is not where it should be, other than 
 from natural and economic causes. The 
 next great reason is in our deficiency. 
 Our deficiency. We should have been 
 school-masters talking to the five year 
 old child,- and learning him his letters ; 
 and simply because we have gone to this 
 child in the economic primer and, in- 
 stead of teaching him his letters, we 
 have tried to give him a volume of 
 Karl Marx, and he didn't understand it. 
 We say "You are a damn fool, and 
 there is no use trying to do anything 
 with you." New, you people that have 
 not had success with the trade union 
 movement, let me tell you to do this 
 thing, which I intend to do. I intend 
 to look for the fool not so much in him 
 as in myself — to teach him his letters, 
 then words of one syllable and then I 
 know he will learn to read, and when 
 he does understand the subject, he will 
 be with us because, as I said, his very 
 life depends upon his coming with us. 
 (Applause.) 
 A DELEGATE: I have got up a 
 
206 
 
 Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 dozen times on this question, and I ap- 
 peal to you I am entitled to be heard. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate 
 will take his seat. Delegate Hayes, the 
 Chairman of the Committee, asks to 
 submit his supplementary report, and 
 he has the floor. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, and Delegates : This question has 
 been discussed the greater part of yes- 
 terday afternoon and this forenoon, and 
 the hour of noon is practically here. It 
 is my opinion that practically every 
 Delegate in this Hall has made up his 
 mind how he is going to vote 
 
 A DELEGATE : I thought you had a 
 supplementary report? 
 
 DEL. HAYES: I intend to make it, 
 but I want to explain it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Chairman 
 of the Committee has a perfect right to 
 make a statement why he is making a 
 supplementary report, and order must%e 
 preserved. 
 
 DEL. HAYES : I say it is the desire 
 of the Committee that this matter be 
 brought to a vote as soon as possible; 
 and for that reason we have again gone 
 over the original proposition submitted 
 and made some alterations which the 
 Committee believes will meet with the 
 views of the delegates here assembled, 
 and I will read the resolution. Those 
 of you who have copies of the original 
 report may follow it and you will note 
 that some things have been stricken out 
 and others worded somewhat differently. 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY REPORT OF TRADES UNION 
 COMMITTEE. 
 
 "The trade and labor union move- 
 ment is a natural result of the capi- 
 talist system of production and is 
 necessary to resist the encroachments 
 of capitalism. It is a weapon to pro- 
 tect the class interests of labor under 
 the capitalistic system. However, this 
 industrial struggle can only lessen the 
 exploitation, but cannot abolish it. The 
 exploitation of labor will only cease 
 when the working class shall own all 
 the means of production and distribu- 
 tion. To achieve this end the working 
 class must consciously become the 
 dominant political power. The or- 
 ganization of the workers will not be 
 complete until they unite on the polit- 
 ical as well as the industrial field on 
 the lines of the class struggle. 
 
 The trade union struggle cannot at- 
 tain lasting success without the po- 
 litical activity of the Socialist Party : 
 
 The workers must fortify and per- 
 manently secure by their political 
 power what they have wrung from 
 their exploiters in the economic strug- 
 gle. In accordance with the decisions 
 of the International Socialist Con- 
 gresses in Brussels, Zurich and Lon- 
 don, this Convention reaffirms ^ the 
 declarations that the trade and labor 
 unions are a necessity in the struggle 
 to aid in emancipating the working 
 class, and we consider it the duty of 
 all wage workers to join with this 
 movement. 
 
 Neither political nor other differ- 
 ences of opinion justify the divisions 
 of the forces of labor in the industrial 
 movement. The interests of the work- 
 ing class make it imperative that the 
 labor organizations equip their mem- 
 bers for the great work of the aboli- 
 tion of wage slavery by educating 
 them in Socialist Principles." 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I offer this as a sub- 
 stitute or a correction for the original 
 report of the Committee on trades 
 unions. 
 
 The motion was seconded by Delegate 
 Dilno of Missouri. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved and 
 seconded — I will not speak until every 
 delegate takes his seat. It is moved 
 and seconded that the supplementary 
 report of the Committee be adopted. 
 One moment, before you proceed any 
 further, I want to call attention to the 
 fact that according to the agreement 
 there were to be an equal number of 
 speakers on each side. Now, since the 
 five speakers on each side have spoken 
 there have been three speakers for the 
 trades union resolution and only two 
 against, and I would consider it justice 
 that another in opposition — (Cries of 
 Delegates for recognition here inter- 
 rupted the Chairman, who continued as 
 follows) : One moment. I will not 
 proceed until the Delegates take their 
 seats. And I would consider it just 
 that another speaker in opposition be 
 givep the privilege of expressing his 
 opinion. (Cries: "That is right, that is 
 right!"). And in view of that, I will 
 recognize the comrade from Montana, 
 I believe. Aren't you opposed? 
 
 A DELEGATE (Mont.) : I am in 
 favor of the resolution. 
 
 Delegate Maurer of Pennsylvania was 
 recognized by the Chair and stated that 
 
Morning ^ssion, May $. 
 
 207 
 
 he desired to speak in opposition to the 
 resolution. 
 
 THiE CHAIRMIAN: The question is 
 on the motion to adopt the supplement- 
 ary report. 
 
 A delegate here asked if a roll call 
 on the resolution would be permitted 
 and the Chairman replied: "You will 
 have time for that when the vote is 
 reached." 
 
 DEL. MAURER (Penn.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, this is the first opportunity 
 I have had to address this Convention. 
 When I came here I made up my mind 
 I was in the presence of what are com- 
 monly termed "spell-binders" and I was 
 willing to give way here and let the 
 "spell-binders"- 
 
 The speaker was here interrupted by 
 the point of order that he was not speak- 
 ing to the question, and he replied, "I 
 wish to introduce my question." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Let the speaker 
 proceed, and he will come to the ques- 
 tion if you give him a chance. 
 
 DEL. MAURER: I have come to the 
 conclusion that it is necessary to take 
 a diflferent position than the smart ele- 
 ment have taken. After listening to 
 Comrade Carey and Comrade Hanford 
 trying to bamboozle us, trying to make 
 us believe that things are different from 
 what they are, I find it impossible to 
 remain sitting in my seat any longer. 
 They forget they are talking to Social- 
 ists now. I want you to understand 
 that I am a neighbor of George Baer of 
 anthracite fame. I came from Penn- 
 sylvania. I am a union man, at that, in 
 good standing and have been in the 
 union for the last twenty-four years. I 
 want you to know that I have not been 
 connected with the union in a paid 
 capacity, but as a volunteer. After 
 listening to some of the talk that I 
 have heard upon this floor it arose in 
 my mind that perhaps this was a busi- 
 ness delegates' convention instead of a 
 socialist convention. (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I must ask the 
 speaker not to make reflecting remarks 
 upon the convention. 
 
 DEL. MAURER: I do not intend to. 
 I beg pardon if I do. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : He must confine 
 himself to the question. 
 
 DEL. MAURER: Now .then, the 
 question has been raised here by 
 some of those who favor union- 
 
 ism, they have claimed last night 
 upon this platform, and this morn- 
 ing again, what the unions have done 
 for the working class. They have 
 pointed to the west, to the east and to 
 the north. I want to tell you this: In 
 the strike in Pennsylvania in the coal 
 fields it was not the trades union move- 
 ment that fought that fight alone. The 
 Pennsylvania delegation that sits here 
 to-day was represented in that fight, and 
 won that victory, which the poor and 
 simple considered a victory, but which 
 Socialists know was not — it was not 
 brought to that point by the trade union- 
 ists, but by the Socialists of the United 
 States. (Applause.) You talk about 
 the Socialists being against the trade 
 unionists? Far from it. You try to 
 convey the idea here that we are trying 
 to fight the unions. I spoke to the 
 plumbers in the City of Chicago the 
 other night, and I am going to speak 
 to another union to-night, and I want 
 to have the honor of going back to my 
 people, to my comrades, to my union 
 men in Pennsylvania, and I want to be 
 put on record as being against putting 
 the Socialist Party in any light at all as 
 a compromise with any other organiza- 
 tion. (Applause.) It has been said that 
 we are doing what the Socialist Labor 
 Party did on this floor. Those insinua- 
 tions have been cast out. I want you to 
 distinctly understand the Socialist Labor 
 Party antagonized trade unionists. We 
 do not antagonize trade unionists. (Ap- 
 plause.) I came from a union where 70 
 per cent of our members are Socialists, 
 and when I joined them there were only 
 two Socialists in the union that I now 
 affiliate with, and we didn't have to be 
 the tail-end of organized labor to ac- 
 complish that. Fellow comrades, it is 
 said among our union men, and espe- 
 cially in the American Federation of 
 Labor, that you dare not bring Social- 
 ism into the union. Keep Socialism out 
 of the union, they tell us, it is bad for 
 the union ; and in Boston they boasted 
 about how they took the sting out of 
 the union movement. Now, it neces- 
 sarily follows in my opinion that if So- 
 cialism is bad in the union it is bad to 
 bring unionism into the Socialist move- 
 ment. (Applause.) Why, I am sur- 
 prised at the tactics assumed by the op- 
 position. That resolution as it stands 
 there, I do not question that it is ac- 
 ceptable to most of us. I do not ques- 
 tion that if it had stopped at that— but 
 
208 
 
 Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 what have you got back of that ? If that 
 is all you ask for I do not question but 
 what that could be carried unanimously, 
 but we suspect from the remarks here 
 that that is not all you ask from this 
 convention. You say we should fight 
 for the union man. Where is there a 
 Socialist in this convention who has not 
 been doing that? You talk as if we 
 were a lot of strike-breakers. I am sur- 
 prised. These tactics, comrades, may 
 go, as I said before, among unionists 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Your time is 
 up. 
 
 DEL. MAURER: A half minute I 
 have. In conclusion, let me say this : 
 I do not stand here representing the 
 unions. I stand here to represent the 
 good cause of education in order to 
 emancipate the proletariat of the whole 
 civilized world, and not alone of the 
 trade union. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.) : I am in fa- 
 vor of the resolution as reported by the 
 committee. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I want to state 
 that I shall recognize no more speakers 
 until a motion to put the question is 
 made. 
 
 A delegate here moved the previous 
 question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Ber- 
 lyn has the floor. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN : Comrades, I am in 
 favor of the resolution in its entirety. 
 I am opposed to the proposition as 
 made by one of the delegates from my 
 state to strike out, and call attention to 
 the fact that in the trades union organ- 
 izations a diversity of political opinion 
 exists, and must of necessity exist. If 
 you go on a strike, you haven't got 
 time to ask a man whether he is a demo- 
 crat or republican. Wte need the trades 
 unions in our business, and right here 
 is the point. This resolution in its en- 
 tirety protects us against slobbering 
 over the trades unions. We recognize 
 that all shadeg of political opinions go 
 into the trades unions and when we 
 recognize that we cannot subordinate 
 ourselves to them. That is the value of 
 this resolution in its entirety. To strike_ 
 this out would open the door again for" 
 some more Daniel DeLeon. (Applause.) 
 The trades union cannot be organized 
 on political lines. -That is impossible, 
 and I take pride that I never have and 
 never will allow myself to be dragged 
 
 into any other kind of schisms in the 
 trade union. The trades union people 
 condemn it. Why, to deny this reso- 
 lution would be simply to say that you 
 are an ostrich— you put your head in the 
 sand and you cannot see. Trades 
 unions exist, and it is from compulsion 
 arising from conditions that they do 
 exist. If th§^ comrades in this party 
 cannot keep their trails clear and know 
 what the true trade union policy is, 
 they had better learn. In Milwaukee 
 they have shown results. And the com- 
 rades from St. Louis — Hoehn and 
 Brandt — they have been applying Jhe 
 trick of truckling to the trades unions, 
 and what do they show? Nothing. In 
 Milwaukee they never antagonize the 
 trade union, and they don't allow the 
 trade union to sit on their trail. They 
 were with the boys in the fight every 
 time, but they kept their own Socialist 
 movement free. (Ajjplause.) I remem- 
 ber two years ago when we went with 
 the National Committee to St. Louis. 
 We had a show. We made a dime 
 museum show of the National Com- 
 mittee, and we were told that the entire 
 central body of St. Louis were Social- 
 ists. We had a big meeting and we had 
 some rag chewing there, and they 
 cheered us to the door; and when the 
 election results came in they did worse 
 than at Chicago, by a long shot. Now, 
 that is the thing that we want to avoid, 
 and the resolution in its entirety says 
 that they are not Socialists, that all 
 kinds of political opinions are present, 
 and dictates the policy all over the coun- 
 try that we must not allow ourselves to 
 be subjected to them. This amended 
 resolution is a cipher if you pass it. 
 I say that the injury done to the So- 
 cialist movement in the United States 
 from the earliest day that I was in it 
 has been the everlasting attempt to cap- 
 ture the leaders of the trades unions, 
 and forgetting all about the rank and 
 file. (Applause.) Then, on the other 
 side, we have got a disgusting scene in 
 our union when the question comes up 
 of helping some other fellow, some of 
 our soap-box fellows make a speech 
 which I cannot understand in any other 
 way than putting the Socialists in dis- 
 credit. There is no room for the soap- 
 box speech in the union. The only 
 thing to preach is to show the efficiency 
 of the economic struggle and tell them 
 in the union we stand for Socialism pure 
 and simple. I say, keep politics out of 
 
Morning Session, May 5. 
 
 209 
 
 the union and if you don't you will have 
 a trades union that will swamp you 
 
 DEL. PHELAN (111.) : May I ask 
 a question? Is there a political organ- 
 ization to-day in the trades union? 
 
 DEL. BERLYN: No. There is in 
 some trades unions. I will explain : I am 
 a member of a trades union as long as 
 most of you. I have held all kinds of 
 positions and I am active to-day, and in 
 those unions I have preached the class 
 struggle until they begin to know where 
 I stand. Anybody who has followed the 
 union in this city has known that I have 
 been active. We are making sound So- 
 ciaHsts of the leaders. Let us stand by 
 our philosophy. The moment a Social- 
 ist becomes a business agent or is ma- 
 terially interested and identified with a 
 union, to that degree he becomes cor- 
 rupted to the idea of capturing the lead- 
 ers, and has been a detriment to the 
 movement. Let the unions do their own 
 business and let us not intrude upon 
 their work. 
 
 Delegate Walsh of Montana secured 
 the recognition of the Chair, and the 
 Chair asked upon which side he wished 
 to speak. 
 
 DEL. WALSH (Mont.) : I desire to 
 yield part- of my time to Comrade Smith 
 of Oregon. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Comrade Smith 
 of Oregon has already spoken on the 
 question. 
 
 DEL. WALSH: I desire to yield 
 part of my time to anyone else. 
 (Cries of "No, No, No.") 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If Comrade 
 Walsh wishes to speak on the question 
 he must speak now. There are only 
 eight minutes and a half until adjourn- 
 ment. 
 
 DEL. WALSH (Mont.) : It appears 
 to me that we have got into a trades 
 union proposition. We have a resolu- 
 tion here that has been introduced by 
 the committee and I would feel like act- 
 ing upon that resolution had it come 
 from an organized body of labor, but I 
 am opposed to that resolution or the 
 Socialist Party taking any stand upon 
 that proposition whatever. (Applause.) 
 We were told last night by one of the 
 speakers from the stage that we have 
 been eating dust. We know we have, 
 and if we continue the proposition, we 
 will eat dust for five years longer. And 
 
 so we have got to organize upon So- 
 cialistic principles. There is no mis- 
 understanding of our point that we are 
 opposed to trades unions. We are not 
 opposed to trades union, but we are op- 
 posed to bringing the trades union into 
 this Socialist convention. The com- 
 rade who just left the floor upon that 
 proposition says that he does not be- 
 lieve in bringing politics into the unions. 
 I do believe in it, and all our western 
 people believe in bringing Socialism into 
 the unions. What good is an opinion 
 if we cannot teach our comrades the 
 right way out of the wilderness? We 
 have failed to do it in the Trades Coun- 
 cil; we have failed to do it in the 
 trades union. Then there must be some 
 other way of providing for it, and that 
 only way is the Socialist movement. It 
 is a class movement. We have to-day 
 scabs who are class conscious Socialists. 
 I ask you what we are going to do with 
 them ? Are we going to stand up for 
 the union man and say, "Down with the 
 scab?" I ask you what we are going to 
 do with Mitchell coming into the west- 
 ern country to raise trouble? I will 
 tell you what we are going to do. We 
 are going to drive him out of the coun- 
 try. That is what we are going' to do. 
 Now, we have got to organize upon the 
 lines of Socialism and go along that 
 line. Supposing that we had followed 
 the Lynches, the Gomperses and 
 Mitchells ; suppose we followed the 
 preaching of the doctrine of Hanna, 
 who said the union is a good thing. 
 Suppose we followed that. What do 
 we find we are fighting? They say 
 themselves capitalism and this, that, and 
 the other are fighting, not organized 
 labor in Colorado, but anarchistic So- 
 cialism. That is what we are fighting. 
 Then after capital has disrupted or- 
 ganized labor, as they attempted to dis- 
 rupt the typographical union in the 
 Miller case, I ask you, if the majority 
 is on the other side, who is the Social- 
 ist Party going to preach class struggle 
 to? 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : A point 
 of information : The information I de- 
 sire to get from the Chair is whether 
 before the question is closed, or at what 
 time, I may submit an amendment to the 
 main resolution? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Not this morn- 
 ing. Comrade Spargo. We have 
 enough resolutions, substitutes, amend- 
 
210 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 ments and supplementary reports to 
 cover the question in every form. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: No, Comrade 
 Chairman, there is one point which has 
 been raised which in my opinion is the 
 most important point of all, and that 
 has not been touched by any motion 
 that I have heard read in this conven- 
 tion. 
 
 At this point Delegate Berger se- 
 cured recognition and the Chair stated 
 that there were left four minutes be- 
 fore the hour for adjournment. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : Comrade 
 Chairman and Comrades: I came from 
 a city where we have a labor move- 
 ment with two arms — a Socialist arm 
 and a trade union arm. (Applause.) 
 And this is the only kind of a labor 
 movement that will succeed in this 
 country or any other modern country. 
 In Milwaukee, the Socialist Party — the 
 Social Democrat Party it is called in 
 our state — has received in it about 15,- 
 
 000 or 16,000 trade union men. It was 
 a regular class vote. The capitalist 
 papers before election claimed that if 
 Victor Berger was elected the trades 
 unions would run amuck in Milwaukee 
 and that the poor manufacturers would 
 have to close out their factories and 
 move away — probably to Chicago, 111. — 
 
 1 don't know where. 
 
 A DELEGATE (111.): We'll take 
 care of them. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Don't interrupt 
 the speaker. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: Comrades, I will 
 say this, that the trade union movement 
 is fully as important as the Socialist 
 movement at the present time. (Cries 
 of "No" and hisses.) I will just point 
 to the difference: Look at the labor 
 movement and the Socialist movement 
 in England and look at the Socialist 
 movement in Germany. In England, 
 they have a one-arm movement and 
 there it is similar to the conditions here, 
 it is crippled. In Germany and in 
 
 France you have the two-arm move- 
 ment, right and left. And look at our 
 labor movement in America. Outside 
 of Milwaukee, in America, the labor 
 movement is also one-armed because 
 the Socialist Party does not count much 
 outside of a few places. Now, our idea 
 is to have the two-arm movement, and 
 this can only be done in the . following 
 way: not in carrying resolutions here 
 and there, but in getting the member- 
 ship. It can only be done by a per- 
 sonal union of the Socialist Party and 
 the trades union. By a personal union 
 I mean that the same people who are 
 active in the trades union are also active 
 in the Socialist Party, and that is the 
 case in my home town. If you go to 
 the Central Committee of the Social 
 Democrat Party with a few exceptions 
 you see about the same faces as you see 
 in the Trades Council. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: One minute 
 more, comrade. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: Then I will get 
 the rest of the time afterwards? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: I have only one 
 minute more, and I will take my time 
 afterwards. I , say it .would be simply 
 criminal for the Socialist Party not to 
 recognize — not only criminal, but sui- 
 cidal — if you do not recognize the peo- 
 ple who are fighting the class struggle 
 every day of the year. We claim to be 
 the political party of the class conscious. 
 Now the trades union man is fighting 
 the class struggle every day of the year 
 — every time the labor union tries to 
 make a contract or a wage scale with 
 the employer. How can we afford to 
 turn the trades union down without 
 committing suicide? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The hour «br 
 adjournment has arrived, and the con- 
 vention will stand adjourned for the 
 noon recess, and Comrade Berger will 
 have the remainder of his time when we 
 re-assemble. 
 
 AFTERNOON SESSION 
 
 Chairman Mailly called the meeting 
 to order at one forty-five p. m., and im- 
 mediately recognized Delegate Berger, 
 who had still six minutes left from the 
 ten minutes allotted him in which to 
 speak upon the trades union resolution. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man and Comrades : I said before 
 lunch that the economic movement of 
 the labor class is co-ordinate to the po- 
 litical movement of the labor class, and 
 that you cannot neglect one without 
 
Afternoon Sesstoitj May 5. 
 
 211 
 
 crippling the movement, the 
 movement. I will say, further, that 
 owing to the attitude towards the trades 
 union movement of the Socialist Party, 
 owing to our attitude there are Social- 
 ists and delegates on the floor here to- 
 day who would never have become So- 
 cialists if it had not been for the atti- 
 tude we have taken. It has been agi- 
 tated here that the trades unions have 
 no right to speak for the men who are 
 not organized. Now one of the com- 
 rades gave me a very good point on that. 
 He said, "If two million or a million 
 and a half men organized in the trades 
 unions have no right to speak for the 
 unorganized men, what right do we 
 twenty-three thousand organized men 
 have to speak for the entire laboring 
 class ?" I want to ask you that. I think 
 that is a very good point, a very good 
 point, indeed. If one million a half 
 organized men have no right to- speak 
 for those that are not organized, what 
 right do we twenty-three thousand have 
 to speak for the entire laboring class ? 
 We have the _ right and they have the 
 right. Now, comrades, I have prom- 
 ised to give part of my time to Comrade 
 Titus of Washington, just to please 
 some of my Chicago friends, and I 
 would like the Chairman to be kind 
 enough to give him part of my time. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Has Delegate 
 Titus had the floor before on this ques- 
 tion? 
 DEL. BERGER: No, he has not. 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Well, Delegate 
 Titus has three minutes then. Come, 
 forward. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.) : I belong to 
 one of the professions, I suppose, so 
 most of them being on the other side, 
 why I can take the opposite with good 
 grace. I only want to make two or 
 three points, and I will be through in 
 three minutes. 
 
 I have been listening here to this dis- 
 cussion and the people who are opposed 
 to this trades union resolution strike me 
 as being utterly impractical in their 
 arguments. (Applause.) I want to ask 
 you what would happen to the laboring 
 class if there were no trades unions, and 
 one of the speakers from Chicago an- 
 swered it this morning. He said, "If 
 I wasn't in a trades union I would be 
 getting six dollars and a quarter less a 
 week than I get now, and I think it a 
 good investment to pay twenty-five cents 
 
 entire a week to get six dollars and a quarter 
 back." (Laughter.) Now it is a fact 
 that the motto under present conditions, 
 under capitalism, must be, "Get all you 
 can." (Applause.) This impracticable 
 suggestion that you don't want any 
 trades unions to get what you can is 
 wholly in line with these people who 
 are opposed to any program. (Ap- 
 plause.) They would strike down trades 
 unions, strike down everything that 
 gets us anything and reduce the whole 
 class to the level of the coolies in the 
 far East. We do not want that; we 
 want the best we can get under these 
 conditions. They say, however, the 
 worse off you make the working class 
 the better it is for them. Now, I want 
 to disassociate myself entirely and abso- 
 lutely from the impossibilists. (Ap- 
 plause.) Not that I disassociate my- 
 self thereby from those who stand for 
 the strictest Marxian program (Ap- 
 plause), but I believe in getting what 
 you can under present conditions before 
 seeking to abolish the whole thing. 
 One other point and I have done. The 
 main reason for our going in with the 
 labor unions is not to make them po- 
 litical bodies, we don't want any poli- 
 tics in labor unions, not at all (ap- 
 plause) — ^but the main reason for going 
 into the labor unions is to educate them 
 for Socialism. (Applause.) Right now 
 when Samuel Gompers is in league with 
 the Civic Federation to capture some 
 two million or three million wage-work- 
 ers who are organized for capitalistic 
 alliance, to work for capitalism, in al- 
 liance with it to defeat the rest of the 
 working class by means of organized 
 labor — when capital is trying to capture 
 organized labor, let us bring a counter 
 stroke. The most strategic move for 
 us to take is to go into unions as indi- 
 viduals and educate them so they can- 
 not be captured by capital. (Applause.) 
 Nothing but the education of the work- 
 ing class will accomplish that. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. ROBINSON (Ky.) : I move 
 the previous question. 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I rise to 
 a point of information. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is your 
 point? 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Whether the 
 amendment which I have already handed 
 in will be read now or whether it will 
 
212 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 be in order after the previous question 
 has been moved? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I shall have to 
 put the previous question. 
 
 The previous question was then put 
 to a vive voce vote, and the result of 
 the vote being doubtful, a rising vote 
 was taken and the motion declared car- 
 ried. 
 
 . THE CHAIRMAN : The question 
 now recurs upon the adoption of the 
 supplementary report of the committee. 
 There will now be one speech on each 
 side, three minutes apiece. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.) : I rise to 
 speak in favor of the supplementary re- 
 port of the committee. You will notice 
 that it is not only a declaration in fa- 
 vor of trades unionists, but it is also a 
 distinct and specific declaration that the 
 labor unions should be educated in So- 
 cialistic principles, and it is a specific 
 declaration on the issues that are fac- 
 ing us to-day. it seems to me, Mr. 
 Chairman and delegates, that we have 
 had any number of resolutions passed 
 in times past, but whenever we have 
 come to the practical issue, we will find 
 that there has been no expression of 
 the party's will on one side or the other 
 side of the question. If we are to \>e for 
 trades unionism, vote for this report, 
 but if we are to be against them, vote 
 down the supplementary report. 
 
 DEL. O'MALLEY (Mont.): If I 
 am on the opposition side it is not be- 
 cause I am opposed to a declaration in 
 favor or against trades unionism, but 
 because I am opposed to that which has 
 been sedulously kept in the background 
 this morning and last night. I am op- 
 posed to the kind of declaration we have 
 here, which a portion of the party, 
 backed by long training, long parlia- 
 mentary training, is endeavoring to ram 
 down the throats of this convention. _ I 
 had hoped that those of the Socialist 
 Party who are following the delectable 
 occupation of attempting to force this 
 thing through would at least have had 
 the manhood to have arisen upon this 
 matter and stated their position, and not 
 attempted to hide behind the trades 
 union movement as a general proposi- 
 tion, in endeavoring to force through 
 this organization a specious endorse- 
 ment of one kind of unionism. I want 
 to say to this convention that if, by 
 the adoptipn of this resolution, they say 
 to the workingmen of the west that they 
 
 should abandon their industrial organ- 
 ization to go into a combination which 
 at best is nothing more than playing 
 into the hands of the capitalists, I 
 strongly urge the western men to use 
 a little bit of profanity and to tell this 
 convention to go to hell. (Loud ap- 
 plause.) I want to say, Mr. Chaiirman 
 and comrades, that conditions in the in- 
 dustrial world to-day are not as they 
 were twenty-five years ago. The 
 growth of capitalism has put an entirely 
 different phase on the matter. One of 
 the delegates made the remark here to- 
 day or yesterday that there were sixty- 
 four divisions of the shoe trade, and I 
 want to say that if trades unionism was 
 carried to its logical conclusion in the 
 industrial plant in my city, we would 
 have sixty-four separate and distinct or- 
 ganizations in the shoe industry there, 
 every one of them fighting their battle 
 separately and going on strike one at 
 a time, and being crushed one at a time. 
 But, standing together as we do, the in- 
 jury of one is the concern of all land 
 through that union we hold our strength 
 and gain our battles. (Loud applause.) 
 Comrades, the point involved in the 
 resolution before this body is this : Will 
 you by your vote to-day say that we de- 
 sire to turn the working class, bound 
 hand and foot, over to those who have 
 been unable to accomplish anything, and 
 to defend our action because the bond 
 by which they tie them bears the label 
 of the trade union? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The time has 
 expired and the question now reverts 
 to the adoption of the supplementary 
 report of the committee. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (O.) : Point of or- 
 der. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I have recog- 
 nized Comrade Gaylord. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) : I want 
 to say that the substitute submitted by 
 me is withdrawn. It was withdrawn 
 before, as I understand it. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It was with- 
 drawn. For what purpose do you rise? 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.): I rise for 
 the purpose of asking the convention if 
 they will' permit me to make a sugges- 
 tion that will hasten the solution of this 
 matter. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Is it the pleas- 
 ure of the convention? (Cries of 
 "No." ) There is objection, and the 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 213 
 
 question reverts to the supplementary 
 report. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : Point 
 of information. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: State your 
 point 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: Does the sup- 
 plernentary report take the place of the 
 original ? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The supple- 
 mentary report is withdrawn. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.): The supple- 
 mentary report is not withdrawn. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Oh, no, I should 
 have said the substitute of Comrade 
 Gaylord is withdrawn. The supple- 
 mentary report takes the place of the 
 original report. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: My substitute 
 comes first. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : No. The ques- 
 tion comes upon the supplementary re- 
 port. All those in favor will manifest 
 so by saying aye. 
 
 A great many delegates endeavored 
 to obtain recognition, many of them 
 rising to points of order. 
 
 DEL. SMITH (Ore.) : I ask for a 
 point of information. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I rise to a point of 
 order. 
 
 At this point there were loud cries for 
 roll call. 
 
 DEL. LUCAS (Minn.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I will recognize 
 no one until order is restored. . Com- 
 rade Lucas will take his seat. Now, 
 then, I will recognize the delegates one 
 at a time. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN <I11.) : Comrade 
 Chairman. 
 
 THT CIJAIRMAN: For what pur- 
 pose do you rise? 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN: I rise to make 
 a motion that we have a roll call on 
 this. 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : It is -moved and 
 seconded that there be a roll call upon 
 the adoption of the supplementary re- 
 port. Are you ready for the question? 
 
 The question was called for, and the 
 motion being put, it was carried unani- 
 mously. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is 
 adopted. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: Point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Comrade Parks 
 will take his seat. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I rise to a point of 
 order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Parks 
 will take his seat. I shall not recognize 
 any one on any question but the secre- 
 tary on the roll call. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : Point of 
 order. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I have risen to ? 
 point of order; that is always in order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Let me state 
 that I will not recognize any one on any 
 question except the secretary on the roll 
 call. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: You will have to 
 recognize a point of order. 
 
 A DELEGATE: What I want to 
 know is, what we are going to vote on. 
 
 DEL. PARKS : We don't know what 
 we are voting on. I rise to a point of 
 order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Comrade Parks 
 of Kansas will take his seat. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: Let me state my 
 point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Comrade Parks 
 will take his seat. The secretary will 
 read — and if you had been calm I would 
 have done this before — ^the secretary will 
 read the supplementary report and we 
 will then proceed with the roll call, 
 and nobody need get excited. The 
 previous question has been called for. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : I rise to a point 
 of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Delegate Spargo 
 will take his seat. (Loud applause.) 
 The secretary will proceed with the 
 reading of the supplementary report. 
 
 The secretary then read the Trades 
 Union resolution as finally returned by 
 the committee. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Now one mo- 
 ment: before the roll is called I want 
 to call attention to the fact that there 
 may be omissions on the roll call. The 
 roll call was printed, I believe, before 
 one or two of the delegates — the last 
 delegates — took their seats, so that if 
 there are any omissions you will un- 
 derstand that it is not our fault. Also, 
 I think it would be much better and the 
 secretaries will be able to follow much 
 better if each delegate will rise when he 
 votes so that the delegates can both see 
 and, hear him. 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Col.): I rise to 
 make a motion in regard to procedure. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No motion is 
 in order at this time. 
 
214 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5- 
 
 ROLL CALL ON TRADES UNION RESOLUTION, 
 
 The roll call was then had, the dele- 
 gates answering as follows : 
 
 Yes:— ALA., Waldhorst; CAL., Cobb, 
 Deutzman, Wilkins, M. W., McKee, 
 Richardson, Wilson, Woodbey; COL., 
 Floaten, Hazlett, Miller, Southworth'; 
 CONN., Mahoney, Toomey; IDAHO, 
 Ault ; ILL., ■ Beryln, Breckon, Brewer, 
 Carr, Collins, Morgan, Smith, Simons, 
 Stedman; IND., Hollenberger, Oneal, 
 Reynolds; IOWA, Johnson; KAN., 
 Cogswell, Will ; KY., Nagel, Robinson, 
 Markert ; MASS., Carey, Brandt, Kelley, 
 Keown, Hayman, Outram, White; 
 MICH., Lamb, Menton; MISS., Rase; 
 MINN., Brattland, Gilbertson, Holman, 
 Lucas; MO., Beh'rens, Brandt, Dilno, 
 Hoehn, Lipscomb, Raible, Rathbun ; 
 NEB., Clark, Mailly; N. H., Mur- 
 ray; N. J., Burrowes, Kronenberg, Os- 
 wald, tjfert, Reilly, Rubinow, Strobell; 
 N. Y., Atkinson, Butscher, Dobbs, 
 Ehert, Flanagan, Gerber, Hanford, Her- 
 ron, Hillquit, Jonas, Lee, Dressier, 
 Sieverman, Slobodin, Spargo, Wegener, 
 Wessling; OHIO, Bandlow, Bickett, 
 Goss, Hayes, Stanton; OKLA., Hayes, 
 Snyder'; PA., Barnes, Goaziou ; S. D., 
 Knowles; WASH., Titus; WIS., Ber- 
 ger. Born, Young, Gaylord, Hunger, 
 Spence, Cross, Thomas. 
 
 No: — ARK., Lefever, Penrose; CAL., 
 Robbins, Keller, Patton, Weaver, Wil- 
 kins, Bertha; IND. TER., Whitelatch; 
 ILL., Phelan, Smith, Unterman; IND., 
 Barrett, Debs; IOWA, Bennett, Jacob- 
 son, Work; KAN., Parks, Kraybill; 
 LA., Putnam; MD., Toole, Young; 
 MASS., Gibbs; MICH., Benessi; 
 MINN,. Bosky, Ford; MONT., Mc- 
 Hugh, O'Malley, Walsh, Hirt; NEB., 
 Hyland, Hawkins ; N. J., Glanz ; OHIO, 
 Farfell, Webster; OKLA., Kolachney, 
 Loudermilk, Reshaw; ORE., Smith; 
 PA., Ayres, Bacon, Heydrick, Gagli- 
 ardi, Maurer, Ringler, Moore; S. D., 
 Potter; TENN., Stockell; TEXAS, 
 Kerrigan, Langworthy, Latham ; 
 WASH., Lund. 
 
 Not voting :— Mills, Kan.; McGrady, 
 Ky. ; Littlefield, Mass. ; Leonard, Minn. ; 
 Turner and Garver, Mo. ; Zorn and Wil- 
 ley, Ohio; Forbes, Pa. 
 
 DEL. CURTIS (N. Y.) : I record 
 my vote in the affirmative. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS (111.) : The Illinois 
 alternates have to be added yet. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Who are they? 
 
 DEL. SPEARS: Newman in place 
 of Block. 
 
 A DELEGATE : No, in place of Mc- 
 Eachern. 
 
 DEL. MORGAN (111.) : The Chair- 
 man of the Committee on Credentials, 
 I think, will be able to inform you that 
 the substitute of Comrade McEachern 
 was Comrade Newman. 
 DELEGATES: No. 
 DEL. MORGAN: It was arranged 
 with the Committee on Credentials, and 
 there are no more substitutes. The 
 convention elected no substitutes. 
 
 A DELEGATE: That makes it com- 
 plicated. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No; there are 
 only two, and there will be no one else. 
 DEL. MORGAN: I protest against 
 recording the vote of a substitute that 
 has not been recognized by the Com- 
 mittee on Credentials. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Is it not true 
 
 that Spears and Newman are alternates? 
 
 DEL. MORGAN : It is not true. . 
 
 DEL. SPEARS: The chairman of 
 
 the Committee on Credentials informed 
 
 me that I was a member. 
 
 DEL. LEE: Comrade Newman was 
 the first alternate. As far as the Com- 
 mittee on Credentials were concerned, 
 there were more, but I cannot at this 
 moment say how many alternates' cre- 
 dentials were received. There were 
 either three or four, to the best of my 
 memory, Comrade Newman's name 
 coming first. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection, we will proceed. Newman 
 voted in the affirmative and Spears in 
 the negative. 
 
 DEL. PALMER (Mo.) : I have not 
 I vote yes. 
 
 DEL OTT (Wyo.) : Mjt name has 
 not been called. I vote yes. 
 DEL. TOOLE: No; he votes no. 
 DEL. SEIDEL (Wis.) : I vote yes, 
 for the regular delegate. 
 DEL. HEATH (Wis.) : I vote yes. 
 DEL. OTT : I voted yes for the pur- 
 pose of moving you that we reconsider 
 this vote. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I shall not con- 
 sider that motion now. 
 
 DEL. OTT: Let me explain my po- 
 sition, that is all. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I cannot con- 
 sider your motion. 
 
 DEL. OTT: I am not making it at 
 this time. 
 . THE CHAIRMAN: What are you 
 doing? 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 215 
 
 DEL. OTT : I wish to explain my 
 position. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Pending the re- 
 sult of the vote being announced, I shall 
 proceed. 
 
 DEL. PATTON (Cal.) : I move that 
 the secretary read over the names of 
 those that have voted, before we finish 
 the count. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I do not think 
 that is necessary. 
 
 DEL. PATTON : Will we now have 
 a chance to record our votes upon the 
 Slobodin substitute? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : It depends 
 upon the result of the vote upon the 
 supplementary report. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I protest against 
 having to vote on this supplementary 
 report first. We should have voted on 
 the substitute first. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Take your seat. 
 I think everybody is satisfied with the 
 way the vote has been put and taken. 
 If you will wait a few minutes you will 
 have the result, while I attend to a lit- 
 tle official business. Comrade Ford, 
 how do you vote? 
 
 DEL. FORD (Minn.) : No. 
 
 SECRETARY DOBBS: The secre- 
 tary is ready to announce the \\te.. 
 The vote resulted: Yes, 107; no, 52. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now comes on the regular order of busi- 
 ness. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : What becomes 
 of my motion ? ' ' _ 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I asked you to 
 write it out and leave it at the desk. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I move to sus- 
 pend the regular order of business and 
 receive the report of the Platform Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 Seconded. 
 
 The motion to suspend and receive 
 the committee's report was put and car- 
 ried. „ , 
 
 Before receiving the report, Delegate 
 Spargo, of the Resolutions Committee, 
 made the following statement: 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: I desire to call at- 
 tention to a change in the resolutioji, 
 for the sake of accuracy. The fact is, 
 there is no such body as the Interna- 
 tional Socialist Congress, and we have 
 to bear that in mind. The Internationa 
 Socialist Congress is an International 
 Socialist and Trade Union Congress, 
 and it makes the resolution incorrect in 
 
 so far as it indicates that the Socialists 
 and Trade Unionists act together. I 
 move that correction be made. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will request 
 that that correction be deferred until it 
 comes to the order of election of dele- 
 gates. That is the report of the Com- 
 mittee on Platform.- 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : I mean that in that 
 motion as already adopted, the words 
 "and trade union" ought to be inserted 
 before "congress" for the sake of ac- 
 curacy. 
 
 Motion seconded and carried. 
 
 Report of the Committee on Plat- 
 form 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Her- 
 ron, chairman of the Committee on 
 Platform, will submit the report from 
 that committee. This is an important 
 matter — the adoption of the platform — 
 and delegates will please preserve order 
 and keep their seats. 
 
 DEL. HERRON: I wish to state 
 that on account of the lateness of the 
 hour at which we finished this docu- 
 ment last night, in order to have it in 
 the hands of the printer, there was no 
 time to read proof. There will be one 
 or two incidental typographical errors 
 in the way of punctuation and so on, 
 and one line which I will call attention 
 to which should be left out. I would 
 like to say that this platform which we 
 present to you is the unanimous report 
 of the committee, even, I think, unto 
 the least particular. Our effort has 
 been to present a platform that shall be 
 in one sense the appeal of this conven- 
 tion to the American people. We have 
 embodied in this substantially every- 
 thing there is in the historic Socialist 
 platforms, and yet have attempted to 
 make a platform that would be in the 
 terms of American political life and dis- 
 cussion. 
 
 Chairman Herron of the committee 
 then read the report as follows, the 
 reading beginning at 2:33 p. m. and 
 ending at 2:48 p. m: 
 
 I. 
 
 The Socialist Party, in convention 
 assembled, makes its appeal to 'the 
 American people as the defender and 
 preserver of the idea of liberty and 
 self-government, in which the nation 
 was born; as the only political move- 
 ment standing for the program and 
 
216 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 principles by which the liberty of the 
 individual may become a fact; as the 
 only political organization that is 
 democratic, and that has for its pur- 
 pose the democratizing of the whole 
 of society. 
 
 To this idea of liberty the Repub- 
 lican and Democratic parties are 
 equally false. They alike struggle for 
 power to maintain and profit by an 
 industrial system which can be pre- 
 served only by the complete over- 
 throw of such liberties as we already 
 have, and by the still further enslave- 
 ment and degradation of labor. 
 
 Our American institutions came 
 into the world in the name of free- 
 dom. They have been seized upon by 
 the capitalist class as the means of 
 rooting out the idea of freedom from 
 among the people. Our state and na- 
 tional legislatures have become the 
 mere agencies of great propertied in- 
 terests. These interests control the 
 appointments and decisions of the 
 judges of our courts'. They have 
 come into what is practically a private 
 ownership of all the functions and 
 forces of government. They are using 
 these to betray and conquer foreign 
 and weaker peoples, in order to es- 
 tablish new markets for the surplus 
 goods which the people make, but are 
 too poor to buy. They are gradually 
 so invading and restricting the right 
 of suffrage as to take away unawares 
 the right of the worker to a vote or 
 voice in public affairs. By enacting 
 new and misinterpreting old laws, 
 they are preparing to attack the lib- 
 erty of the individual even to speak 
 or think for himself, or for the com- 
 mon good. 
 
 By controlling all the sources of 
 social revenue, the possessing class is 
 able to silence what might be the voice 
 of protest against the passing of lib- 
 erty and the coming of tyranny. It 
 completely controls the university and 
 pubHc school, the pulpit and the press, 
 and the arts and literatures. By mak- 
 ing these economically dependent 
 upon itself, it has brought all the 
 forms of public teaching into servile 
 submission to its own interests. 
 
 Our political institutions are also be- 
 ing used as the destroyers of that in- 
 dividual property upon which all lib- 
 erty and opportunity depend. The 
 promise of economic independence 
 to each man was one of the faiths 
 
 upon which our institutions were 
 founded. But, under the guise of 
 defending private property, capitalism 
 is using our political institutions to 
 make it impossible for the vast ma- 
 jority of human beings ever to become 
 possessors of private property in the 
 means of life. 
 
 Capitalism is the enemy and de- 
 stroyer of essential private property 
 Its development is through the legal- 
 ized confiscation of all that the labor 
 of the working class produces, above 
 its subsistence-wage. The private 
 ownership of the means of employ- 
 ment grounds society in an economic 
 slavery which renders intellectual and 
 political tyranny inevitable. 
 
 Socialism comes so to organize in- 
 dustry and society that every indi- 
 vidual shall be secure in that private 
 property in the means of life upon 
 which his liberty of being, thought 
 arid action depend. It comes to rescue 
 the people from the fast increasing 
 and successful assault of capitalism 
 upon the liberty of the individual. 
 
 II. 
 
 As an American socialist party, we 
 pledge our fidelity to the principles 
 of international socialism, as em- 
 bodied in the united thought and ac- 
 tion of the socialists of all nations. " 
 In the industrial development already 
 accomplished, the interests of the 
 world's workers are separated by no 
 national boundaries. The condition 
 of the most exploited and oppressed 
 workers, in the most remote places 
 of the earth, inevitably tends to drag 
 down a:ll the workers of the world 
 to the same level. The tendency of 
 the competitive wage systern is to 
 make labor's lowest condition the 
 measure or rule of its universal con- 
 dition. Industry and finance_ are no 
 longer national but international, in 
 both organization and results. The 
 chief significance of national boun- 
 daries, and of the so-called patriot- 
 isms which the ruling class of each 
 nation is seeking to revive, is the 
 power which these give to capitalism 
 to keep the workers of the world 
 from uniting, and to throw them 
 against each other in the struggles of 
 contending capitalist interests for the 
 control of the yet unexploited mar- 
 kets of the world, or the remaining 
 sources of profit. 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 217 
 
 The socialist movement, therefore, 
 is a world-movement. It knows of no 
 conflicts of interests between the 
 workers of one nation and the work- 
 ers of another. It stands for the free- 
 dom of the workers of all nations; 
 and, in so standing, it makes for the 
 full freedom of all humanity. 
 
 III. 
 
 The socialist movement owes its 
 birth and growth to that economic 
 development or world-process which 
 is rapidly separating a working or 
 producing class from a possessing or 
 capitalist class. The class that pro- 
 duces nothing possesses labor's fruits, 
 and the opportunities and enjoyments 
 these fruits afford, while the class 
 that does the world's real work has 
 increasing economic uncertainty, and 
 physical and intellectual misery, for 
 its portion. 
 
 The fact that these two classes have 
 not yet become fully conscious of 
 their distinction from each other, the 
 fact that the lines of division and in- 
 terest may not yet be clearly drawn, 
 does not change the fact of the class 
 conflict. 
 
 This class struggle is due to the 
 private ownership of the means of 
 employment, or the tools of produc- 
 tion. Wherever and whenever man 
 owned his own land and tools, and by 
 them produced only the things which 
 he used, economic independence was 
 possible. But production, or the 
 making of goods, has long ceased to 
 ,be individual. The labor of scores, 
 or even thousands, enters into almost 
 every article produced. Prodbction 
 is now social or collective. Prac- 
 tically everything is made or done 
 by many men — sometimes separated 
 by seas or continents — working to- 
 gether for the same end. But this 
 co-operation in production is not for 
 the direct use of the thing? made by 
 the workers who make them, but for 
 the profit of the owners of the tools 
 and means of production ; and to this 
 is due the present division of society 
 into two classes; and from it have 
 sprung all the miseries, inharmonies 
 and contradictions of our civilization. 
 
 Between these two classes there can 
 be no possible compromise or identity 
 of interests, any more than there can 
 be peace in the midst of war, or light 
 in the midst of darkness, A society 
 
 based upon this class division carries 
 in itself the seeds of its own destruc- 
 tion. Such a society is founded in 
 fundamental injustice. There can be 
 no possible basis for social peace, for 
 individual freedom, for mental and 
 moral harmony, except in the con- 
 scious and complete triumph of the 
 working class as the only class that 
 has the right or power to be. 
 
 IV. 
 
 The socialist program is not a 
 theory imposed upon society for its 
 acceptance or rejection. It is but 
 the interpretation of what is, sooner 
 or later, inevitable. CapitaHsm is al- 
 ready struggling to its destruction. It 
 is no longer competent to organize 
 or administer the work of the world, 
 or even to preserve itself. The cap- 
 tains of industry are appalled at 
 their own inability to control or di- 
 rect the rapidly socializing forces of 
 industry.. The so-called trust is but 
 a sign and form of the developing 
 socialization of the world's work. 
 The universal increase of the uncer- 
 tainty of employment, the universal 
 capitalist determination to break 
 down the unity of labor in the trades 
 unions, the widespread apprehensions 
 of impending change, reveal that the 
 institutions of capitalist society are 
 passing under the power of inhering 
 forces that will soon destroy them. 
 
 Into the midst of the strain and 
 crisis of civilization, the socialist 
 movement comes as the only con- 
 servative force. If the world is to be 
 saved from chaos, from universal dis- 
 order and misery, it must be by the 
 union of the workers of all nations 
 in the socialist movement. The so- 
 cialist party comes with the only 
 proposition or program for intelli- 
 gently and deliberately organizing the 
 nation for the common good of all 
 its citizens. It is the first time that 
 the mind of man has ever been di- 
 rected toward the conscious organ- 
 ization of society. 
 
 Socialism means that all those 
 things upon which the people in com- 
 mon depend shall by the people in 
 common be owned and administered. 
 It means that the tools of employ- 
 ment shall belong to their creators 
 and users ; that all production shall 
 be for the direct use of the producers; 
 that the making of goods for profit 
 
218 
 
 Afternoon Session^ May 5. 
 
 shall come to an end; that we shall 
 all be workers together; and that all 
 opportunities shall be open and equal 
 to all men. 
 
 V. 
 
 To the end that the workers may- 
 seize every possible advantage tha't 
 may strengthen them to gain complete 
 control of the powers of government, 
 and thereby the sooner establish the 
 co-operative commonwealth, the So- 
 cialist Party pledges itself to watch 
 and work, in both the economic and 
 the political struggle, for each suc- 
 cessive immediate interest of the 
 working class; for shortened days of 
 labor and increases of wages ; for the 
 insurance of the workers against ac- 
 cident, sickness and lack of employ- 
 ment; for pensions for aged and ex- 
 hausted workers ; for the public 
 ownership of the means of transpor- 
 tation, communication and exchange; 
 for the graduated taxation of in- 
 comes, inheritances, franchises and 
 land values, the proceeds to be ap- 
 plied to the public employment and 
 improvement of the conditions of the 
 workers ; for the complete education 
 of children, and their freedom fram 
 the workshop ; for the prevention of 
 the use of the military against labor 
 in the settlement of strikes; for the 
 free administration of justice; for 
 popular government, including initia- 
 tive, referendum, proportional repre- 
 sentation, equal suffrage of men and 
 women, municipal home rule, and the 
 recall of officers by their constituents; 
 and for eyery gain or advantage for 
 the workers that may be wrested 
 from the capitalist system, and that 
 may relieve the suffering and 
 strengthen the hands of labor. We 
 lay upon every man elected to any 
 executive or legislative office the first 
 duty of striving to procure whatever 
 is for the workers' most immediate 
 interest, and for whatever will lessen 
 the economic and political powers of 
 the capitalist, and increase the like 
 powers of the worker. 
 
 But, in so doing, we are using these 
 remedial measures as means to the 
 one great end of the co-operative 
 commonwealth. Such measures of 
 relief as we may be able to force from 
 capitalism are but a preparation of the 
 workers to seize the whole powers of 
 government, in order that they may 
 
 thereby lay hold of the whole system 
 of industry, and thus come into their 
 rightful inheritance. 
 
 To this end we pledge ourselves, 
 as the party of the working class, to 
 use all political power, as fast as it 
 shall be entrusted to us by our fel- 
 low-workers, both for their immediate 
 interests and for their ultimate and 
 complete emancipation. To this end 
 we appeal to all the workers of 
 America, and to all who will lend 
 their lives to the service of the work- 
 ers in their struggle to gain their 
 own, and to all who will nobly and 
 disinterestedly give their idays and 
 energies unto the workers' cause, to 
 cast in their lot and faith with the 
 socialist party. Our appeal for the 
 trust and suffrages of our fellow- 
 workers is at once an appeal for their 
 common good and freedom, and for 
 the freedom and blossoming of our 
 common humanity. In pledging our- 
 selves, and those we represent, to be 
 faithful to the appeal which we make, 
 we believe that we are but preparing 
 the soil of that economic freedom 
 from which will spring the freedom 
 of the whole man. 
 
 At the conclusion of the reading of 
 the platform, there was long-continued 
 applause. 
 
 Delegate Herron called attention to 
 certain words which should have been 
 omitted from the printed copies of the 
 platform which were in the hands of the 
 delegates while the report was being 
 read. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN :' You have hear'd 
 the rejwrt of the Committee on Flat- 
 form. What is your pleasure? 
 
 DEL. NAGEL (Ky.) : I move its 
 adoption. 
 
 DEL. JONAS (N._ Y.) : I move to 
 accept it as read, without any further 
 discussion. Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved 
 and seconded that the report be accepted 
 as read. 
 
 Question called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The Chair will 
 not presume not to give the privilege 
 of the floor to any delegate. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.): I have a mo- 
 tion ; you may vote it down, and prob- 
 ably will. But, nevertheless, there are 
 certain sentences in this platform which 
 I do not believe ought to be put in a 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 219 
 
 Socialist platform. One in particular 
 IS this appeal in the last paragraph, 
 "To this end we appeal to all the work- 
 ers of America": it is to what follows 
 that I object: "and to all who will lend 
 their lives to the service of the work- 
 ers in their struggle to gain their own, 
 and to all who will nobly and disin- 
 terestedly give their days and energies 
 unto the worker's cause, to cast in their 
 lot and faith with the Socialist Party." 
 I maintain that if there are persons out- 
 side of the working class who are will- 
 ing to come in and work with the 
 working class and to stand absolutely 
 on the working class platform, they are 
 welcome' and we want them as work- 
 ers, but I do object to making any ap- 
 peal on any ethical or other considera- 
 tion to any person not belonging to the 
 working class, in a Socialist platform. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 There was no second to Delegate 
 Taft's motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved 
 and seconded that the report of the 
 Committee on Platform be accepted and 
 the platform adopted. 
 
 Question called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: All those in 
 favor of that motion will signify it by 
 saying aye. Contrary, no. The report 
 of the Committee on Platform is adopt- 
 ed. (Applause.) 
 
 Nominations 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The next 
 thing in order is 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.) : Nominations 
 for President. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : One moment. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.) : The Com- 
 mittee on Program is ready. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Referring to 
 the regular order of business, the next 
 thing in order is the report of the 
 Committee on Municipal Program. 
 
 DEL. HILQUIT: Inasmuch as 
 we passed the nominations for Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President until the plat- 
 form was adopted, nominations are now 
 in order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The chair was 
 in error. We took up the report of the 
 Committee on Platform under a sus- 
 pension of the rules. The next thing in 
 order, therefore, reverting to the origi- 
 nal order of business, now that the re- 
 port of the Committee on Platform has 
 been received and adopted, will be to 
 proceed to the nomination of a. candi- 
 
 date for President. (Applause.) Nom- 
 inations are in order. Delegate Herron of 
 New York. 
 
 HERRON NOMINATES EUGENE V. DEBS FOE 
 PRESIDENT. 
 
 DEL. HERRON: Mr. Chairman 
 and Comrades of the Convention: In 
 rising to make what I believe will be 
 the unanimous nomination of this 
 convention, I would like to preface 
 that nomination with a statement of 
 what has come to me in watching the 
 proceedings of this convention, and in 
 watching the general development of 
 the Socialist movement for the two 
 years since our Indianapolis conven- 
 tion. I think I shall go away from 
 this convention very much of an optim- 
 ist concerning the future of the work- 
 ing class of America. There are greater 
 struggles before us, or before espe- 
 cially those of you who are in the ranks 
 of labor, than perhaps we know. Here 
 in America, the conditions of labor on 
 the one side, and of capital on the 
 other side, are intensifying with a rji- 
 pidity and sharpness that no Socialist 
 economist would have prophesied twen- 
 ty or thirty years ago. More than in any 
 other nation of the world the lines of 
 economic conflict, the lines of defini- 
 tion between the working class and the 
 capitalist or possessing class, are being , 
 clearly drawn, and drawn by the ex- 
 perience of the working class itself; 
 and I have no doubt, although this is 
 not the place for prophecy, but what 
 the great international or world catas- 
 trophe—if it is to be a catastrophe — 
 of the capitalist system will be precipi- 
 tated here in America. (Applause.) I 
 have no doubt but what, in the spread 
 of the commonwealth of labor around 
 the world, that the sun of that Co-op- 
 erative Commonwealth will rise here 
 on the American continent, and in this 
 republic. (Applause.) And, therefore, 
 it has seemed to me more urgent than . 
 anything else that the working class of 
 America should become conscious not 
 only of its struggle, not only of itself, 
 of its class, but of its opportunity. 
 There is a sense in which we might say 
 what Marx once said to the workers in 
 the International at Brussels, and say 
 it with more truth, that the destinies 
 of the workers of the world, for per- 
 haps the next two or three centuries to 
 come, are pivoted upon the solidarity 
 and the intelligence and the character 
 
220 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 of the organization of labor here in 
 America. (Applause.) And it has 
 seemed to me, therefore, important that 
 here, above almost every other country, 
 the working class, with the pressure of 
 the struggle upon it, and with the pre- 
 ceding advantages of the public school, 
 such as they were, — that the working 
 class here in America is better pre- 
 pared than perhaps in any other nation 
 to work out its own salvation and its 
 own destiny. For, in the end, the work- 
 ers of the world will never be free un- 
 til they free themselves by their own 
 united action. (Applause.) No matter 
 what others who may gladly give 
 themselves to the workers' struggle may 
 do, in the end, all freedom and all good 
 that is handed down by one class unto 
 another class historically has proven de- 
 lusive. In the struggle of the Paris 
 Commune, in the struggle of the Lol- 
 lards in early England, with their ideals 
 of a certain sort of Social Democracy, 
 and in all history, the subject peoples 
 have maintained a positive gain or a 
 positive freedom wherever they have 
 gained that freedom for themselves ; and 
 whenever they have lost, and whenever 
 they have been betrayed, it has been be- 
 cause their cause was committed to 
 other hands than their own. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 Now, I say that the proceedings of ' 
 this convention and the development of 
 the Socialist movement within the last 
 two or three years, have given me a 
 feeling of infinite relief, especially since 
 I have been here. I feel that the heart 
 and the brain of the working class are 
 sound. I feel that the working class 
 can be trusted in Atnerica to work out 
 its own destiny. (Applause.) I feel 
 that it will keep faith with its opportu- 
 nity and its responsibility for the eman- 
 cipation of the workers of the world. I 
 am sure that in the intensifying struggle 
 that will bring upon us, in the next four 
 or five years, things of which we do not 
 now dream, that may try men's souls 
 and bodies and faith, try the whole man- 
 hood of men as possibly men were 
 never tried in human history — I feel that 
 when that crisis or that day of judg- 
 ment comes, the working class Socialist 
 movement of America will be as great 
 as its cause, and that it will rise up to 
 match its opportunity. (Applause.) 
 
 Now, there is no man in American 
 who more surely and faithfully incar- 
 
 nates the heart-ache and the protest and 
 the struggle of labor for its emancipa- 
 tion, or more surely voices that struggle, 
 than Eugene V. Debs. (Great applause.) 
 And, Mr. Chairman and Comrades of 
 the convention, I coiint it as among the - 
 great joys of my life — I do not say hon- 
 ors, because I have done with them 
 long ago (applause) — I count it among 
 the great joys and opportunities of my 
 life to stand before you to-day and nom- 
 inate Eugene V. Debs as the candidate 
 of the Socialist Party of the United 
 States for President in our coming na- 
 tional campaign. (Prolonged ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Carey 
 of Massachusetts. 
 
 CAREY SECONDS THE NOMINATION OF DEBS. 
 
 DEL. CAREY : Mr. Chairman : I 
 am a representative of the working 
 class — a class that has aroused them- 
 selves to the point where they make 
 expression of protest against their 
 masters, and during that protest be- 
 tween ourselves and between those of 
 us that are in immediate conflict with 
 our masters day after day, there come 
 divisions between us, and sometimes, one 
 of us who is making protests against 
 our masters in a certain unscientific 
 fashion may differ with a certain other 
 one. But this is the issue. The issue is 
 that every time we protest against otir 
 masters, we stand with those who in the 
 last analysis stand for pur class. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 And whatever may be the diflference 
 between myself and anybody else in cer- 
 tain immediate struggles, whatever may 
 be the differences, the ultimate means 
 by which we of the trades union move- 
 ment judge a man is not because he tells 
 us he loves us, but because he has 
 proven, that he has stood with us in 
 thd hour when we needed him. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 I am here to second the nomination 
 of my Comrade, Herron, and I am here 
 to warn the convention against" criti- 
 cisms that may be born out of the un- 
 happy discussion on the trades union 
 movement that we have just passed 
 through, but to tell you — and I think 
 I can speak for any trades unionist 
 here (is there any who would object to 
 that?) — that my Comrade, Debs, repre- 
 sents us in the trades union movement 
 of this country (applause) ; that he- has 
 gone down to death because he dared 
 in the struggle of my class, in the ait' 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 221 
 
 tempt of my class to protect themselves 
 against a degradation that would rob 
 them of the power to express them- 
 selves, and dares to defend us. (Ap- 
 plause.) And whatever may be urged 
 against him by the capitalist press or 
 their satellites, I remember that my 
 Comrade Debs, in the hour when my 
 class were at the point of absolute ex- 
 tinction, that he , stood with us and 
 chose the silence of the jail rather than 
 prostitute himself against us. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 I tell this convention again that 
 through all of the unhappy efforts of the 
 Socialists, and of that particular portion 
 of the Socialists who have had unhappy 
 experiences, as I have had them, in that 
 struggle, there is this name that the 
 working class conjure by. Not that this 
 man is an angel — not that he 'can read 
 the palm of your hand and tell you 
 whether you are going to be president or 
 not. No. Not that he understands the 
 transformation of value into active cap- 
 ital — although he does ; but because my 
 Comrade, Debs, in the issue between 
 the working class and the capitalist class 
 stood in the breach when it cost some- 
 thing to stand there. (Applause.) And 
 I care not what else you may do, I care 
 not what else you may say, I care not 
 for the "scientific analysis of the unity 
 of the multiplicities" (laughter), but I 
 can tell you this, that to a working 
 class who peer through the grim win- 
 dows of a factory, or in the darkness of 
 the mine, or upon the thundering rail- 
 roads that carry them to death too often, 
 there is one name that brings a thrill of 
 hope to the working class, wherever 
 they may be, whatever may be the trade 
 union they belong to, and that name is 
 the name of Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana. 
 (Cheers and continued applause.) 
 
 DEL. M. W. WILKINS (Cal.) : I 
 know that I voice the sentiment of the 
 Socialist Party of the Pacific Coast 
 when I say I count it a joy and an 
 honor to second the nomination of Eu- 
 gene V. Debs for President of the 
 United States. (Applause.) 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You have heard 
 the nomination of Comrade Eugene V. 
 Debs for President of the United 
 States. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : I move that • 
 the nominations be closed, and that Eu- 
 gene V. Debs be declared the nominee 
 of the Socialist Party for President of 
 the United States. 
 
 EUGENE V. DEBS NOMINATED UNANI- 
 MOUSLY FOE PRESIDENT. 
 
 The motion was seconded from all 
 parts of the hall, and amid the cheers 
 of the delegates the vote was taken de- 
 claring Eugene V. Debs the candidate 
 of the Socialist Party of America as 
 President of the United States. The 
 Chair appointed Delegates Hillquit (N. 
 Y.), Hayes (Ohio), Berger (Mo.), 
 Stedman (111.), Will (Kan.), Floaten 
 (Colo.), and Titus (Wash.), as a com- 
 mittee to escort Comrade Debs, to the 
 platform. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Pending the 
 arrival of Comrade Debs we will pro- 
 ceed, as our time is limited. We will 
 proceed with the next order of busi- 
 ness, which is the nomination of a can- 
 didate for Vice President. Comrade 
 Titus of Washington has the floor. 
 
 TITUS NOMINATES HANFORD FOR VICE- 
 PRESIDENT. 
 
 DEL.. TITUS (Wash.): Comrades, 
 I think every member of this conven- 
 tion feels it the highest honor of his 
 life as he finds himself a part of the 
 Socialist movement that speaks its first 
 word in this campaign in this hall to- 
 day. We have all heard the words of 
 Comrade Herron nominating Comrade 
 Debs, and we have felt the thrill when 
 he spoke concerning the class struggle 
 and all that it means for the great class 
 that we represent to-day, and we are 
 proud of our candidate for President. 
 There is one thing on which I believe 
 this convention of the Socialist Party of 
 America should be fully agreed, and it 
 is something that has been felt through- 
 out this convention since Sunday morn- 
 ing. Some of us have thought we were 
 slow. Some of our capitalistic critics 
 have thought we were incapable, but 
 there is one thing that we have done 
 representing the working class — we have 
 worked freely together, we have ex- 
 pressed our minds, and we have come 
 to a common mind. This is the only 
 place where such freedom is possible on 
 the American contiiient in a political 
 convention. (Applause.) 
 
 Now, Comrades, we have made no 
 mistake thus far. I have felt and I 
 think every member here feels the in- 
 creasing consciousness of membership in 
 a great movement of the world. I 
 think we begin to thrill with a common 
 consciousness of a common destiny and 
 with the highest mission that has ever 
 been committed to any class in the 
 
222 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 world — its own emancipation and that of 
 the rest of humanity with it. (Applause.) 
 
 There is a sort of inevitableness about 
 the movement with which we are con- 
 nected. It is not merely the equanim- 
 ity of minds; that can be had in any 
 common organization. It is not merely 
 a unanimity of interests ; that can be had 
 in many. But there is the unanimity of 
 consciousness of a common destiny im- 
 pelled by powers that move evolution 
 onward that has been expressed in our 
 platform. The more you read it the 
 more you will discover that it has in it 
 all that preceding platforms of this par- 
 ty has had, and more, and all that the 
 German, French or English Socialist plat- 
 forms have contained, and more, con- 
 cerning the growth and progress of the 
 human race toward a higher destiny. 
 
 We are taking part in self-conscious 
 action toward the guidance of the pow- 
 ers of evolution. We may go to de- 
 struction ; this party may go to destruc- 
 tion if you fail in wisdom, if you fail 
 in discernment of the economic causes 
 that underlie this evolutionary move- 
 ment. As we become instructed, as we 
 are true to the knowledge that is con- 
 veyed to us by the great masters of the 
 science of sociology, the science of So- 
 cialism, as we are true to those we shall 
 succeed and not fail. 
 
 Now, Comrades, these remarks are 
 preliminary to the nomination of a can- 
 didate for Vice President. I have heard 
 it mentioned on the floor of this con- 
 vention, and before, that some man or 
 men, some choice among men who were 
 not members of the working class, should 
 be placed upon our ticket. 1 enter a most 
 emphatic protest against nominating 
 upon our ticket any man who is not a 
 true representative of that class that 
 holds the destiny of the world in its 
 hands. (Applause.) We are in the 
 formative period. Our party, I had al- 
 most said, was not yet fully integrated. 
 I believe it would be a mistake to say 
 that. Perhaps one week ago we might 
 have said it truly, but no man could have 
 attended this convention without becom- 
 ing convinced that this is a party truly 
 integrated, truly unified. It cannot be 
 destroyed unless it makes some stupen- 
 dous blunder. (Applause.) We have 
 a working man's convention. Every is- 
 sue that has been presented here has 
 been decided in the interests of the 
 working class. We have a working- 
 man's platform, and we have a work- 
 ingman at the head of our ticket (ap- 
 plause), and I propose another repre- 
 
 sentative workingman to be associated 
 with Eugene V. Debs. I propose the 
 name of a man who is known from one 
 end of the Socialist world to. the other; 
 who has long been associated with the 
 triumphs of Socialism and the struggles 
 of Socialism; who has suffered for So- 
 cialism, suffered for what he believes 
 to be the interests of his own class; a 
 man not of the west,- to which I belong, 
 but a man of the Atlantic coast, and 1 
 hope this nomination will be made as 
 spontaneous as that of the head of the 
 ticket. I present the name of Ben Han- 
 ford, of New York. (Cheers and con- 
 tinued applause.) 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : In behalf . 
 of the State of Wisconsin, or in behalf 
 of the party of Wisconsin, which is al- 
 most entirely made up of the proletariat 
 — we have very few preachers, very few 
 lawyers, and still fewer judges and 
 other prominent people in our ranks — 
 in behalf of the working men associated 
 in the Socialist Party, I rise to second 
 the nomination of Comrade Ben Han- 
 ford, of New York. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.) : In be- 
 half of the State of New York, of 
 which the nominee, Benjamin Hanford, 
 is a member, I desire to second the nom- 
 ination. We in New York have in our 
 movement men of all conditions. We 
 have lawyers, Comrade Berger (laugh- 
 ter), and we have doctors and we have 
 preachers. We also have the working 
 class, and the movement is as sound as 
 any state can boast of — and the pride 
 of. this movement in our state is Ben- 
 jamin Hanford. (Applause.) We ; of 
 New York who have worked with Ben, 
 we of New York who have struggled 
 with Ben for the common cause, for 
 our great cause of Socialism, we of New 
 York appreciate Ben , Hanford as no 
 other set of men possibly can. 
 
 I say to this convention and to the 
 delegates here assembled that under no 
 circiunstances could any better choice, 
 any worthier choice, have been made for 
 associate to the presidential candidate 
 than you have made by the selection of 
 Benjamin Hanford. If we now go be- 
 fore the working class of the nation, if 
 we now go before the voters at large 
 of this nation, and present to them the 
 ticket of "Debs and Hanford," no ticket 
 of any party can beat that (Applause.) 
 
 The strength and brains of the work- 
 ing class of this country will be well 
 represented on our ticket. It is being 
 said once in a while by the opponents 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 223 
 
 of our cause that the working class is 
 trying to take the reins of government, 
 the administration of the affairs of this 
 country, into their own hands. I chal- 
 lenge any old party politician or any 
 set of politicians to rival our ticket, with 
 a combination of men as fully capable, 
 as intelligent, as earnest, as-fuUy repre- 
 sentative of the interests of the great 
 struggling class as will be the candidates 
 of the Socialist Party, after our nomina- 
 tion of Eugene V. Debs for President 
 and Benjamin Hanford for Vice Presi- 
 dent. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.):. Mr. 
 Chairman and Comrades : In behalf of 
 the delegation of California, we want to 
 reach the hand of fellowship, of com- 
 radeship, clear across the plains and 
 over the mountains to our brothers in 
 New York and second the nomination 
 of Ben Hanford. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. HAZLETT (Colo.) : Comrade 
 "Chairman and Comrades: In behalf of 
 the woman proletarians of the United 
 States, in behalf of those who are 
 joined with their brother comrades in 
 their great struggle for existence, in be- 
 half of the women who have been 
 pushed out of homes and into factories, 
 there to fight with their brothers for 
 the means of life, I desire in the name 
 of Colorado to second the nomination of 
 Comrade Hanford for the position of 
 Vice President. 
 
 And I do this also in the name of 
 the comrades who are fighting the class 
 struggle in the far west. I do it because 
 we want a proletarian workingman on 
 the ticket in the place of Vice President 
 to represent us in Colorado, where the 
 proletarians have been forced from their 
 homes, where they have been thrown 
 into jail without process of law, where 
 they are aliens from the homes to which 
 they belong, wh^re they are enduring all 
 the hardships of the class struggle. In 
 behalf of the women of America, in 
 behalf of our comrades in Colorado, I 
 desire to second the nomination of Com- 
 rade Hanford. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL, DILNO (Mo.) : Comrade 
 Chairman and Fellow Comrades : In 
 behalf 'of the delegation from Missouri, 
 I desire to be recorded in the minutes of 
 the proceedings of this convention as 
 endorsing the candidacy of our Comrade 
 of New York. (Applause.) Although 
 Missouri is located in the middle west, 
 still she is familiar with the work of 
 Comrade Hanford, knows him person- 
 ally and has been with him in many of 
 
 the great campaigns. We know the in- 
 terest he has in the movement, and the 
 sacrifices which he has made for the 
 cause. We know also fairly well that 
 he is typical of the class which this 
 party represents, and, therefore, in behalf 
 of the delegation, again I wish to be re- 
 corded as seconding the nomination of 
 Comrade Hanford, of New York. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. BANDLOW (Ohio) : In behalf 
 of the comrades of the State of Ohio, 
 I desire to move that Comrade Ben 
 Hanford be made the unanimous choice 
 of this convention as our candidate for 
 Vice President. 
 
 The motion was seconded and unan- 
 imously adopted amid the long and con- 
 tinued cheers and applause of the dele- 
 gates. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN ; The Chair will 
 take the liberty of appointing Delegates 
 Carey (Mass.), Sieverman (N. Y.), 
 Barnes (Pa.), Berlyn (111.), Oneal 
 (Ind.), Hazlett (Colo.) and Richard- 
 son (Cal.), to escort Comrade Hanford 
 to the platform. (Applause.) 
 hanford's speech of acceptance. 
 The committee appointed by the Chair 
 then escorted Comrade Hanford to the 
 platform, and, after the enthusiastic ap- 
 plause which greeted him had subsided, 
 he said : 
 
 "Mr. Chairman and Comrades : You 
 notice we went a long way around to get 
 here. (Laughter.) I have noticed that 
 Socialists sometimes do go a long way 
 around to get a very short distance, but 
 just so we get there, that is the main 
 thing. (Laughter and applause.) I 
 very much regret that Comrade Debs is 
 not here. I should not only much 
 rather that he had spoken first but really 
 I am in doubt as to whether I am do- 
 ing exactly the conventional thing. 
 However, Socialists do not always do 
 the conventional thing, anyhow. (Laugh- 
 ter and applause.) 
 
 I want to say briefly a word in rela- 
 tion to Comrade Debs, that, for a long 
 time past, myself and many other com- 
 rades have considered with each other, 
 in an entirely informal way, as to who 
 would in all probability be the best pos- 
 sible choice as a candidate for President, 
 and while none of these comrades that 
 I have mentioned were considering it 
 from any other standpoint than the 
 good of the party, every one of Ihem 
 was unanimous in the opinion that Com- 
 rade Debs would be the best possible 
 man to nominate for President at this 
 time. (Loud applause.) 
 
224 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 In relation to myself I do not know 
 that there is much that I can say, more 
 than this : That I have never allowed 
 myself to seek anything in the Socialist 
 movement from a personal standpoint, or 
 for that matter in any other movement, 
 but at the same time I have always been 
 in the position that, whenever the party 
 told me to do something, I always did it, 
 no matter whether I liked it or not. 
 (Loud and prolonged applause.) Com- 
 rade Titus made one mistake in a re- 
 mark about me in placing my name be- 
 fore the convention. He spoke of my 
 having made sacrifices for the Socialist 
 movement. It depends on the way you 
 look at it. In one sense it might perhaps 
 be truly said that I had, done a little 
 of this or a little of the other, where 
 possibly in a certain way I might have 
 done better for myself by not doing 
 given things, but I want to say this : 
 that the Socialist movement has done 
 more for me than I can ever do for it. 
 (Applause.) I don't know that I ex- 
 actly agree with the philosophy which 
 says that whom the Lord loveth he 
 chasteneth, but I do believe that there 
 is no thing that a man can do in the 
 world, that there is no blessing that can 
 be conferred upon a man by any power 
 on earth, which will be of the immense 
 benefit to him throughout his whole life, 
 so much as that of following the con- 
 scientious convictions of his own mind 
 in matters of right and wrong. (Loud 
 applause.) 
 
 I can say here truthfully that I very 
 much doubt that, so far from my having 
 sacrificed anything for the Socialist 
 movement, I very much doubt if I would 
 have been alive to-day had it not been 
 for the Socialist movement, and I will 
 tell you why. As you know, in my 
 trade about ten or fifteen years ago 
 there came in what we call the linotype, 
 or typesetting machine; that machine 
 came along. They put one of them in 
 the printing office, one man got a job 
 ooerating it, and this one man with the 
 aid of the machine did the work that it 
 formerly took three or four or five or 
 as high as six men to do. Because of 
 that machine, every time that one of 
 them was put in an office they told 
 <^nme of the old hand printers to get out, 
 to walk the plank, take to the street, be 
 a tramp. Now. strange as it may seem, 
 iust about the time that typesetting ma- 
 chine was entering the printing offices 
 was about the time that I got tangled up 
 
 in the Socialist movement. (Laughter.) 
 Of course some people may imagine 
 there is some connection between the 
 two (laughter), but what I want to 
 point out is this : I saw friends of mine, 
 men that I had known for years, men 
 better, abler than I was in every re- 
 spect, rnen whom to-day, judged from 
 the best standard of manhood could not 
 be improved upon, I saw men like that 
 driven out into the street, placed there 
 without an occupation, idle; idleness, 
 not leisure, but enforced idleness, and I 
 saw those men go to the gin mill to-day 
 and take a few glasses and to-morrow 
 and take a few more. I saw them be- 
 come despondent, I saw them look for 
 work week in and week out, and not 
 get it, and I saw men of the charactef 
 that I have mentioned who went on 
 down the line and eventually filled a 
 drunkard's grave for no other primary 
 reason than the lack of employment 
 forced upon them through the entrance 
 of that machine into my business. 
 
 Now, I did not follow that course, 
 and do you know why? As I say, these 
 men, many of them, were abler and bet- 
 ter than I can ever be, but I_got tangled 
 up in this Socialist movement, and every 
 day when I was out of work, when I was 
 a victim of enforced idleness, instead 
 of going to the gin mill and wasting my 
 time, or becoming despondent, I used 
 that time reading a book or a paper, or 
 making a Socialist speech on a soap box, 
 or something of that kind. In other 
 words, idleness for others was work for 
 me, and what was despair to other peo- 
 ple was the star of hope to me. (Loud 
 applause.) That is one of the reasons 
 why _ I say that I certainly cannot in 
 any just sense be said to have ever made 
 any sacrifices for the Socialist move- 
 ment. It is to the Socialist movement 
 that I attribute the fact that I am alive 
 to-day. To use a slang expression, I 
 consider that for the last seven or eight 
 years, and all the more years I have got 
 to come, I am what you would call 
 "living on velvet," that is, I am already 
 winner if I should drop dead right now ; 
 I have got more than is coming to me. 
 ^ (Laughter "and applause.) 
 
 Now I do want to say a word about 
 one of the acts of this convention any- 
 how : the trade union resolution to-day 
 upon which we had the roll call. That 
 to me was a very vital and important 
 matter. _ Not in itself, but from this 
 standpoint, and I want to illustrate again 
 by calling to your mind the old Socialist- 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 225 
 
 Labor party of which we still have left 
 practically the record only. (Laughter.) 
 Two years ago I went down in the coal 
 region in Pennsylvania while the strike 
 was going on there. I spoke once or 
 twice or three or fotfr times a day, I 
 think. ■ Wherever I went all it needed 
 was to put up a little placard and leave 
 a notice on a telegraph pole for two 
 hours, and there, as though they had 
 sprung but of the ground, were a thou- 
 sand men or five thousand men or ten 
 thousand men, and I can say that they 
 heard me gladly, and not only that, but 
 they heard Comrade Barnes and other 
 comrades who were with me, and they 
 heard any number of speakers. In fact, 
 they heard gladly all the speakers that 
 the Socialist party sent there. And, do 
 you know why? Not for one moment 
 was it the question of the few dollars 
 and cents that we collected for them, 
 but simply because those men knew 
 just this much about the Socialist Party, 
 that it was in hearty sympathy with the 
 trades unionists as against the capitalists 
 in their scraps with the capitalists. 
 
 Now there was another party that 
 would have liked to have gone and sent 
 speakers down into that field, but it did 
 not send one, and had it sent a speaker 
 there, that man would not have been 
 able to have spoken one hundred words 
 in any town in the whole strike field. 
 The Socialist Labor party was not able 
 to send speakers there just because of 
 its attitude against the trades unions. 
 (Applause.) Now what I want you to 
 understand is this, and after you hear 
 the proposition I want you to go around 
 and consider it, you comrades who dis- 
 agree with me, but I do tell you 
 this: that we have got to become more 
 and more practical all the time. We 
 don't expect to have another convention 
 for four years, and yet we need to have 
 a convention every six months. Do you 
 know why? Why, for the experience 
 that we get in it, working as an organ- 
 ized body. (Applause.) 
 
 Now this body so far has to my mind 
 done its work well, but it has taken twice 
 the time necessary to do that work. 
 Why ? Not for lack of intelligence ; not 
 for lack of integrity, but for lack of ex- 
 perience. (Applause.) There are some 
 things in this world that you cannot 
 learn out of a book whether it is Roberts' 
 Rules of Order, or be the book what it 
 may. (Laughter and applause.) I want 
 to be in a position where the trades 
 
 unionists will listen to me, and our 
 party, by taking the position that it has, 
 can go out before the trades unionists, 
 taking no part, no share in their scraps 
 with each other — because they have their 
 troubles the same as we do. You think 
 it is an awful thing for two of these 
 trade unions to have troubles with each 
 other, but Lord, look at us and the 
 troubles we have had. (Laughter.) 
 You think it is terrible when they make 
 mistakes, but, good heavens, I would 
 like to know, down to this hour almost, 
 when we have ever had a chance to make 
 a mistake that we didn't make it. 
 (Laughter and loud applause.) But, 
 they are like us again in this further 
 respect : they have no interest in per; 
 petuating their mistakes, any more than 
 we have in perpetuating ours, and if 
 they are vvrong to-day they have got to 
 be put into the crucible of experience so 
 that they may come out right. (Cries of 
 "Good" and loud applause.) 
 
 As a concluding word I want to 
 impress upon your minds just one 
 thing: This has been a splendid con- 
 , vention. There is one thing about it, 
 that, with all of our, what we might 
 call bungling methods merely, of doing 
 business, simply to the fact that be- 
 cause of our not being accustomed to 
 the tools, we do not know how to use 
 them rightly; with all that, there is this 
 thing that I have observed clearly in 
 this convention. It is this: that ab- 
 solute openness, frankness and good 
 faith with which every comrade met ev- 
 ery other comrade, both in debate and 
 otherwise, no matter in what measure 
 he disagreed with him. We must culti- 
 vate, we must at all times do everything 
 that we can, to keep up that spirit of 
 having everybody speak out in meeting, 
 no matter who it is, no matter what his 
 opinion may be. Don't, whatever you 
 do, try to keep it quiet, don't try to carry 
 it out by conspiracy, by plotting or by 
 scheming. Out with it, and let it stand 
 upon its merits. If it is a good plan or 
 a good scheme you have got in your 
 head, bring it out and we will take it. 
 If it is not good, we will show where it 
 is wrong, and so let no man imagine that 
 if he speaks for some scheme that is not 
 good that it will hurt him. It will di? 
 him good to find out what is the matter 
 with it. (Loud applause.) 
 
 And, comrades, when you go back 
 home, remember that we all agree 
 that this convention has been the great- 
 
226 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 est Socialist convention ever held in the 
 United States, much greater than any 
 other. (Applause.) Not only greater 
 in numbers, but in the general character 
 and quality and ability of the assembled 
 delegates. But do not forget this, that 
 your work does not stop with this con- 
 vention. Do not forget, whatever you 
 do, that not only from the time that 
 you get home, but when you start for 
 home, the campaign for International 
 Socialism has begun. (Prolonged ap- 
 plause.) It_ won't run itself, and we 
 haven't got any capitalist to' run it for us. 
 It is going to be run by you people and 
 the people that send you, and what I 
 say to you is, do all that you can,' not 
 only to arouse yourselves and your 
 comrades, but to inspire them with the 
 hope and the promise of success. Prog- 
 ress! What movement on the face of 
 this earth that stood for one hundredth 
 part as much has ever made such rapid 
 progress as this Socialist movement has, 
 the world over? (Loud cheering and 
 applause.) 
 
 Do you know. Comrades, that twenty 
 years ago I had never read the word 
 "Socialism" to have the remotest idea 
 of what it meant, other than in a dic- 
 tionary or something of that kind? Do 
 you know that fifteen or sixteen years 
 ago that if a man had been located, say 
 in Davenport, la., or in any other town 
 of two or three hundred thousand in the 
 United States, and wanted to find out 
 what Socialism meant (I mean an 
 American born), he would have had to 
 hire a detective to find somebody that 
 could tell him. (Laughter and ap- 
 plause.) You talk about progress; I tell 
 you, my friends, that while in certain 
 states from time to time you may be 
 discouraged, the burden may seem to you 
 too heavy; while in certain states from 
 time to time there may be the darkest 
 outlooks, don't forget that this old 
 movement is going marching on, and 
 nothing on this earth can stop it. 
 
 You have the greatest privilege, as 
 Comrade Titus pointed out, that any 
 people on the face' of the earth have ever 
 had before. In all previous revolutions, 
 none of them, not one of them, ever had 
 it in its power to do anything more than 
 liberate a certain group of people, or a 
 little nation of people. Take the war of 
 the Rebellion ; all it could do was to lib- 
 erate the black slaves from chattel slav- 
 ery and make wage slaves of them. Go 
 back to the Revolutionary war and all 
 
 they could do was to take our political 
 liberties for ourselves and get our por- 
 litical independence from King George. 
 But this movement does not propose to 
 free me and leave another man a slave ; 
 this movement does not propose to free 
 the people of Cook county and leave all 
 the rest of the people up against, it. 
 This movement proposes to free every 
 man and every woman and every child 
 on the earth, wherever they be, whatever 
 color they may be, for all time. This 
 movement is not only- worth living for 
 (loud applause), but it is better worth 
 dying for than any other movement in 
 the world. (Prolonged cheering and ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 To bring about the furtherance of 
 this thing, I say to you, let your hearts 
 be as true as steel, be steel to the very 
 back; put your soul and body both into 
 action, and we will have Socialism in 
 our time and in our country. 
 
 Delegate Hanford was greeted with 
 the most enthusiastic cheering and ap- 
 plause at the conclusion of his speech, 
 and when quiet had been restored, the 
 regular order of business was proceeded 
 with, as follows : 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The next thing 
 in order is the report of the Secretary 
 of the International Socialist Bureau, 
 Comrade George D. Herron, Interna- 
 tional Secretary for the United States : 
 
 DEL. ITERRON ; If I were sure that 
 the Chairman would not call me to or- 
 der, I would say that things are coming 
 so fast this afternoon that I can hardly 
 keep up with them, especially when I 
 find my good friend, Benjamin Hanford, 
 nominated as the Socialist candidate for 
 Vice President. (Laughter and ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 Report of the International Social- 
 ist Bureau by the Secretary 
 for the United States. 
 
 Comrades of the National Conven- 
 tion : The International Socialist 
 Bureau wag formed as a result of 
 the Paris convention of 1900, and of 
 previous conferences between the na- 
 tional representatives of the Socialist 
 movement of Europe. 
 
 The purpose of its formation was to 
 constitute an International Bureau, 
 through which the Socialist movement 
 of the various nations of the world 
 might communicate with each other, 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 227 
 
 and co-operate with each other in 
 mutually understood programs, and, 
 so far as practicable, in united action. 
 Brussels was selected as the seat 
 of the International Bureau, and 
 semi-annual meetings have been held 
 since the Bureau's formation. 
 
 But it cannot be said that the Bu- 
 reau has as yet accomplished much 
 beyond keeping itself on record, or 
 beyond the rather unimportant discus- 
 sions of details that have occurred at 
 its semi-annual sessions. Perhaps its 
 most significant action has been the se- 
 curing of concurrent action on the part 
 of the Socialist members of the differ- 
 ent European parliaments concerning 
 the war between Great Britain and 
 the Boers. Resolutions were intro- 
 duced by Socialist members into the 
 national legislative bodies at Berlin, 
 Rome and Brussels, that created no lit- 
 tle discussion, and considerable Brit- 
 ish indignation and protest. As a re- 
 sult, many public meetings of protest 
 were held throughout the continent. 
 
 While, of course, the resolutions had , 
 no effect upon the war or its outcome, 
 the pedagogic or propaganda result 
 was very valuable. Some discussion 
 has also been occasioned by the reso- 
 lution passed by the Bureau concern- 
 ing the lynching of negroes in the 
 United States. I feel obliged, how- 
 ever, to decline personal responsibil- 
 ity for the resolution as it was worded. 
 It is very different in statement and 
 substance and is much more extreme 
 than the report which I sent to the 
 Bureau upon this subject. 
 
 But on the whole, it does not seem 
 to me that the International Socialist 
 Bureau has as yet been at all equal 
 to its opportunity. It is not worth 
 while for Socialist men — all of them 
 overworked in their own national 
 movement — to gather together from 
 the ends of the earth twice a year to 
 hear statistical reports and minor dis- 
 cussions. But it is immeasureably 
 worth while that the great Interna- 
 tional Socialist movement shall be 
 fused in one great dynamic world 
 body; that the Socialist movement of 
 all nations shall act together as one 
 voice and one power in every great 
 question, in every great nation ; that 
 it shall hold and be the balance of 
 power which every nation must reckon 
 with. 
 
 If the Socialist movement had the 
 
 balance of power, if it even had only 
 one-third, we will say, of the suffrag- 
 ists of Russia and Japan, if it only 
 had one-third enough to hold the bal- 
 ance of power, it could prevent a war 
 between Russia and Japan, and not 
 only that, but it could practically com- ^ 
 pel the disarmament of the whole ' 
 world. That, acting through its rep- 
 resentatives, if the Socialist move- 
 ment held the balance of power po- 
 litically in the different nations, that 
 acting through its representatives in 
 this bureau, or through them carry- 
 ing out its instructions, the Interna- 
 tional Socialist movement might make 
 it impossible for one nation to go to 
 war with another simply because of 
 the centralizing of the influence or of 
 the forces of the Socialist movement in 
 
 the nation, when it were needed. 
 
 So, the poet's dream of the federa- 
 ation of the world, and the parliament 
 of man, is germinal in the Internation- 
 al Socialist Bureau, and it is only by 
 recognition of this, and by a larger 
 sense of the Bureau's opportunities 
 and significance, that it can justify 
 and develop its being. 
 
 I am afraid it ill becomes the mem- 
 ber from the United States to speak 
 with such emphasis concerning the 
 possible need and importance of the 
 Bureau, as the Socialist movement of 
 this country has taken practically no 
 interest in the Bureau's existence, and 
 has paid nothing towards its mainten- 
 ance. There seems to be some confu- 
 sion even of the International Social- 
 ist' Bureau, which is, in theory, in 
 perpetual session, with the Interna- 
 tional Socialist Congress, which meets 
 upon the call of the Bureau, and is a 
 convention, not a Bureau, and which 
 meets this coming August in Amster- 
 dam, and ±0 which this convention 
 should elect delegates. 
 
 We should also at this convention 
 adopt, or recommend, some method of 
 making a regular annual contribution 
 for the maintenance of the Bureau. 
 All that has been paid is the sura of 
 251^ francs in 1901, and that was 
 by a private individual, and for the 
 Social Democratic party, before the 
 present unity of the Socialist forces 
 had been accomplished. 
 
 The Socialist movement of the 
 United States, as a movement, has paid 
 nothing at all in the four yfears since 
 the Bureau's formation. 
 
228 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 I would recommend that the sum of 
 1,000 francs, or $200.00, be settled upon 
 as our present annual contribution. 
 Fraternally submitted, 
 
 George D. Herkon. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Gentlemen, you 
 
 ^ave heard the report of the National 
 
 « < * Secretary of the United States for the 
 
 International Socialist Bureau. What 
 
 is your pleasure? 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.) : I move that 
 the report be received and the recom- 
 mendation be concurred in. 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 FINANCIAL SUPPORT TO INTERNATIONAL 
 BUREAU. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I move 
 to amend the report by striking out that 
 portion of the report relating to the 
 $200, and that that portion be referred to 
 the National Committee, and I do so 
 for this reason: That $200 will not be 
 sufficient at this time to meet the in- 
 creased expense that the convention has 
 provided for, and it would be well for us 
 to see our way clear before we commit 
 ourselves to any further expense. Now 
 that, I think, would be the wiser plan to 
 follow. 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Her- 
 ron has the floor. He desires to speak 
 on this matter. 
 
 DEL. HERRON: I would like to 
 state in reference to this recommenda- 
 tion, that in a certain sense we are un- 
 der what might be called a moral obliga- 
 tion to add our part towards the support 
 of the Bureau, for this reason : That we 
 did at the time of its formation accept 
 a membership in the Bureau and were 
 elected to that Bureau, and it does not 
 look well to receive the quarterly report 
 and find that Germany has paid so 
 much, and France so much, and Italy so 
 much, and England so much, and the 
 United States nothing. Now this, un- 
 derstand, is not to pay the expenses of 
 any American member, whoever he 
 might be; no provision is made for that. 
 This is simply \o pay our part towards 
 the msvntenance of the headquarters of 
 the Bureau at Brussels, in which the So- 
 cialist movements of all the nations 
 have paid their part. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : Comrade 
 Chairman, I rise to support the recom- 
 mendation of the International Secretary 
 as against the amendment proposed by 
 Delegate Kerrigan. I do so partly be- 
 cause I am one of the original framers 
 
 of the motion which resulted in the 
 formation of the International Bureau. 
 Before that was presented to the Inter- 
 national Congress at Paris which gave 
 it birth, it was the pleasure of my good 
 Comrade Herron and myself to frame 
 the motion and the plan upon which the 
 Bureau was established. Now, I con- 
 fess. Comrades, that I am so far disap- 
 pointed in the results of the effort to es- 
 tablish a Bureau. The idea of the for- 
 mation of the International Socialist 
 Bureau was briefly this: that just so 
 surely as the old International was a 
 power for the expression of the Inter- 
 national working class sentiment, and 
 just so surely as it was a power before 
 the shaking thrones of Europe at that 
 time, I say now when we have a far 
 greater movement, when we have a far 
 more important movement, when we are 
 confronted with far more important and 
 far more menacing conditions, the work- 
 ing class movement of the world 
 ought at all times to be able to act in 
 concert upon any contingency which 
 might arise, and I desire to emphasize 
 the point which has already been made 
 by Comrade Herron at the speech deliv- 
 ered after the famous banquet on Sun- 
 day flight, and that point briefly is this : 
 that the working class movement of the 
 world has now arrived at a point where 
 it is powerful enough whenever it so 
 desires, if it can act in harmony, it can 
 prevent the international capitalist class 
 doing many things which they desire to • 
 do and which they may do it we do not 
 prevent them. (Applause.) Now, Com- 
 rades, the International Bureau has 
 done little, and why has this been? 
 Why, because iii the main the work- 
 ing class movement has been in- 
 different to its opportunities and indif- 
 ferent to its responsibilities. If we, or 
 any men, want to belong to the Inter- 
 national movement, we must accept our 
 share of the responsibilities of the In- 
 ternational movement, and we cannot ac- 
 cept that responsibility merely by pious 
 resolutions. We have got an office in 
 Brussels of the International Bureau, 
 we have a United States secretary and 
 we have an International machinery, but 
 we refuse, or have refused up to now, 
 to make any contribution to that power 
 which alone can make that machinery 
 efficient and which alone can set it in 
 motion. Therefore, I am in favor of 
 the committee's recommendation that we 
 contribnte 1,000 francs now. I believe 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 229 
 
 it is not too much to pay for our contri- 
 bution to the Bureau. I believe it is 
 rather too little, and I hope that by the 
 time ^e have another convention of the 
 American Socialist Party, we shall have 
 helped to make the Bureau the power 
 which it ought to be, and that we shall 
 be prepared to contribute much more 
 than $200 to its support. (Loud ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.) : I desire 
 to offer the following: "Resolved, that 
 the National Committee be instructed 
 to formulate rules for the election by 
 referendum of as many representatives 
 to the International Socialist Bureau as 
 the party may be entitled to, and for the 
 payment of the dues of this party to the 
 said Bureau." If that is seconded I 
 will state my reasons. 
 
 The resolution was seconded. 
 
 D-EL. HILLQUIT: We have al- 
 ready provided by constitution that the 
 Secretary has charge of national and 
 the international affairs of his party. 
 We have so far nowhere no rule abso- 
 lutely, whatsoever, for the election of 
 our delegates to the International Bu- 
 reau. We may only have to elect one 
 or we may have to elect more than that. 
 The only other Socialist party in this 
 country, the Socialist Labor party, has 
 elected none, so we are really entitled 
 to two. There has been no provision, 
 however, whatsoever, as to the election 
 of these representatives. We have pro- 
 vided for no reports to the National 
 Committee at stated intervals to be pub- 
 lished in the party press, which I pre- 
 sume will be very desirable and keep 
 the members posted on what we are do- 
 ing in the International movement. 
 Finally, we have not paid a cent to the 
 support of the Bureau. Now I do not 
 know whether the payment of this $200 
 is now required. I notice, however, that 
 while the International Bureau has done 
 less work possibly than it was expected 
 to do, it has incurred less expense, and 
 for this reason, and in order that we 
 may have definite action on this matter, 
 I move the passage of that resolution. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.) : I want to 
 speak in favor of my amendment. In 
 the first place, the last thing to be done 
 in any convention is the adoption of the 
 constitution. I called the attention of 
 the convention last evening to just what 
 has now occurred. Until after a report 
 of all committees you never should take 
 
 up the constitution. That is the most 
 important thing for the regulation of the 
 organization for the next four years, and 
 we find it occurring now and it will 
 occur again, that unless you wait until 
 at least a partial report of the commit- 
 tees, before taking up the constitution, 
 these difficulties will arise. I move, 
 therefore, that that portion of the re- 
 port be retired in relation to the pay- 
 ment of money, and that it be referred 
 to the Committee on Constitution, and 
 that other matters which come up dur- 
 ing the evening be sent to them. Then 
 they can come in and make a final report 
 and before we adjourn we can conclude 
 the final approval or disapproval of the 
 report in the vote on the adoption of the 
 report of the Committee on Constitution 
 as a whole. That is what should be 
 done. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved 
 and seconded that that part of the In- 
 ternational Secretary's report which rec- 
 ommends the payment of a certain sum 
 to the International Bureau, shall be re- 
 ferred to the Committee on Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 The question was then put on the mo- 
 tion and it was lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question re- 
 verts upon the report. The motion be- 
 fore us now is upon the acceptance of 
 the report of the Secretary as read. 
 
 The motion was carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The next thing 
 in order under the rules of order is the 
 election of delegates to the International 
 Socialist Congress. 
 
 International Delegates. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to offer 
 a resolution under this head : 
 
 Resolved, first: That this conven- 
 tion now proceed to the election of 
 delegates to the International Social- 
 ist Congress, to be held in Amster- 
 dam in August, 1904. Second: That 
 the election of such delegates be by 
 ballot, and that the three candidates 
 receiving the largest number of votes 
 upon such ballot serve as such dele- 
 gates. Third: That this convention 
 and the National Committee of the 
 party shall be authorized to issue cre- 
 dentials for the attendance at the In- 
 ternational Congress as delegates of 
 the party, to such and as many addi-' 
 tional members in good standing in 
 
230 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 the party, not exceeding twenty in all, 
 as may apply for such credentials, in- 
 tending to attend said Congress at 
 their own expense. Fourth: That no 
 state or local organization of the party 
 shall issue credentials to delegates to 
 the said International Congress. 
 The resolution was seconded. 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : I desire to state 
 the reasons for this resolution. In the 
 first place, I advocate the election of 
 three delegates to the International Con- 
 gress. I believe the time has come when 
 our party ought to assert itself in the 
 international movement. Up to the 
 present, in fact, we have had no Social- 
 ist movement in the United States worth 
 speaking of. When the last convention 
 was held in 1900, especially, the Social- 
 ist movement in this country was so 
 much torn, it was divided into so many 
 different factions, that it was absolutely 
 impossible to speak of an organized So- 
 cialist movement in this country. For 
 the first time in the history of the 
 movement in this country we have now 
 a solid, strong, promising and growing 
 organization of national scope. For the 
 first time in the history of our move- 
 ment we have almost all of the states 
 and territories in the Union represented 
 in national convention, and I say the 
 time has arrived when we ought to take 
 a place among the nations of the world 
 in the movement of Socialism. (Ap- 
 plause.) Three delegates is not any too 
 large a number. And I wish to state 
 also that this is not only on mere sen- 
 timental grounds. The international 
 movement reacts on each and every na- 
 tional movement represented in it. A 
 good showing at the International Con- 
 gress strengthens the national organiza- 
 tions of the different countries, because 
 it strengthens the entire tiiternational 
 movement. Just in the same as when 
 we have strengthened the organization of 
 Our respective states by this splendid 
 convention, just in the way as we will 
 have inspired new enthusiasm and cour- 
 age in the hearts of our different local 
 organizations and state organizations by 
 this national convention, so the interna- 
 tional convention will inspire new hope 
 and enthusiasm and visions of success 
 in the hearts of the various national 
 movements. And I say it is our duty 
 to contribute our share to make that 
 success a fact by having at least three 
 official representatives of the party in 
 the International Congress. In the next 
 
 place, also provide that the National 
 Committee or this convention should 
 have the right to issue additional creden- 
 tials to such as expect to attend the con- 
 gress at their own expense. I know per- 
 sonally of a number of comrades who 
 expect to go abroad in the summer and 
 who would gladly embrace the opportun- 
 ity to be present at the International 
 Congress. At the same time we ought 
 to restrict this power to issue creden- 
 tials to the national organization, for 
 this reason : Up till now it has been 
 customary for every local, for every 
 state, for every organization, to issue 
 credentials. At the International Con- 
 gress it will be recognized, no matter 
 by whom issued, since the organization 
 issuing it stands on the principles and 
 the platform of the class struggle and 
 political action. Now, I want to say 
 that occasionally we may place our 
 movement in a very unenviable light 
 through these loose methods. For in- 
 stance, at the first of the series of the 
 last international conventions in Paris, 
 America was represented by a delegate 
 from an association of coach owners 
 and cab owners. That was the kind of 
 labor organization represented there. 
 There was another delegate supposed to 
 represent the United German trades who 
 unfortunately did not find his way to 
 the Congress and came back and reported 
 that he could not find it. Paris was a 
 big city, and little conventions were lost; 
 If you go through the history of all 
 those conventions and look at the re- 
 ports of our party at those conventions, 
 you will find that they were anything 
 but a credit to it. And I say that no 
 matter who the various persons may 
 be, whether they be from the local or 
 the state, when they go to the congress, 
 they will be regarded as the representa- 
 tives of our party, and we should at 
 least be able to know who goes and 
 who sends them. I know of one com- 
 rade who has already obtained creden- 
 tials from the state convention of New 
 Jersey. I happen to know that com- 
 rade, and I happen to know that he is 
 a very excellent comrade and will make 
 a good representative. That comrade 
 should receive credentials from the Na- 
 tional Committee. There may be oth- 
 ers who may be good comrades, but who 
 will not do as representatives of this 
 nation, as far as the Socialist movement 
 is concerned, in the International Con- 
 gress of Socialists. They cannot prop- 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5- 
 
 231 
 
 erly represent us, and I say we ought 
 to have control over this, and it is for 
 this reason that I provide that state or 
 local organizations shall not issue cre- 
 dentials to delegates at the International 
 Convention. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : I under- 
 stand from Comrade Hillquit's resolu- 
 tion that the delegates to be elected shall 
 defray their own expenses. Am I cor- 
 rect? 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : No, I do not say 
 that. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: Then I misunder- 
 stood the resolution. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: You certainly 
 did. 
 
 DEL. HAYES : I beg your pardon. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : I said three dele- 
 gates to be elected by this convention, 
 and I further said this convention and 
 the National Committee to have the 
 power to issue additional credentials to 
 such comrades as might happen to go 
 abroad and intend to be there and want 
 credentials. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: Then the party is 
 to pay the expenses of the delegates, of 
 course. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : Certainly. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: All right; that is 
 satisfactory. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.) : I would 
 like to say a word. I dislike to be eter- 
 nally bringing up anything that relates 
 to the conduct of party affairs, but facts 
 are stubborn things, and 'they are apt 
 to disturb us at the critical moment. 
 Sending three delegates will be a nice 
 thing for the party, and an international 
 gathering over there will also be a good 
 thing for the world Socialist movement, 
 but the question is the material side of 
 this thing, and Socialists are obliged to 
 admit that it is the material, after all, 
 that determines a man's and a party's 
 course. Now, we know that the Na- 
 tional Committee had to surrender the 
 right of meeting and passing upon party 
 affairs last January, because it was 
 thought that it was to the best interest 
 of the party to wipe out a debt and save 
 the amount that this committee meeting 
 would cost. Here we are proposing to 
 create additional expense without any 
 possible means for increasing the rev- 
 enues, and the national office will proba- 
 bly find itself at the conclusion of this 
 convention with a deficit. I would like 
 
 to know where all these funds are going 
 to come from. I like always to have 
 any additional expense if there is also 
 provided means for raising those funds. 
 That is the practical way to look at 
 these things. I think we should not send 
 delegates unless the party does pay the 
 expense. I think furthermore that we 
 can well afford to wait until such time 
 as there are funds. I would like to sen 
 a balance once in a while in the report 
 of the National Secretary. It would ' 
 make us feel that we could go on with 
 our work in the nation. We have a 
 national campaign on hand, and this 
 summer will be a very good time to 
 use all the funds we can possible raise 
 at home. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.) : I move that 
 we proceed to nominate. 
 
 The Secretary being called on, read 
 the Hillquit resolution to the convention. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN : Does that mean 
 that they shall pay their own expenses? 
 The language of that resolution seems to 
 be that . they shall pay their own ex- 
 penses. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, the third 
 paragraph provides that those who re- 
 ceive credentials direct from the Na- 
 tional Committee shall pay their own 
 expenses, but the second paragraph, pro- 
 viding for the election of three dele- 
 gates, says nothing at all as to whether 
 they shall pay their own expenses or not. 
 
 DEL. OSWALD (N. J.) : I think 
 with Delegate Kerrigan, that we are go- 
 ing a little too far with the expenditure 
 of money. We have already voted td 
 increase the salary of the National Sec- 
 retary. We have a recommendation 
 from the Committee on State and M'u- 
 nicipal Platform which calls for the 
 election of a secretary for the special 
 work of attending to the preliminary 
 work on municipal and state platform, at 
 a salary of $i,ooo a year, and I think 
 we would feel rather ashamed to go 
 back to our -constituencies and say that 
 we have added this additional burden 
 to the national finances. Therefore, I 
 move you that for the word "three" in 
 the report offered, the word "one," mak- 
 ing it read 'one delegate." Seconded. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) : I rise for 
 information. I never made the trip 
 across, and I do not know how much it 
 costs. Can we get some idea' how much 
 the expense of three delegates will be. 
 
232 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 or one delegate, so that we can act in- 
 telligently? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I will ask Com- 
 rade Max Hayes, who attended the Brit- 
 ish Trade Union Congress as a dele- 
 gate from the American Federation of 
 Labor last year, as to what he would 
 estimate the cost to be. Is Comrade 
 Hayes in the hall? 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : I want to 
 say that the Federation of Labor allows 
 its fraternal delegates to Great Brit- 
 ain $300 each, but a delegate travel- 
 ing alone, of course, can go there and pay 
 his expenses on the $300 and remain, as 
 they usually do, and visit the various in- 
 dustrial centers for several weeks. I 
 believe that the trip could be made to 
 Amsterdam direct and return for about 
 $200. 
 
 A DELEGATE: $200 for expenses? 
 
 DEI>. HAYES: Yes, expenses. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Is that all, Com- ■ 
 rade Hayes? 
 
 DEL. HAYES : That is all I know. 
 
 Question called for on the amendment. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I just 
 as much dislike arguing for what 
 seems to be extravagance as other dele- 
 gates dislike arguing on the other side, 
 but I want to say that there comes a, 
 time when it is seemingly unwise to bal- 
 ance a hundred dollars, more or less, 
 against certain well-defined interests in 
 the party. (Applause.) As to the proba- 
 ble expense, I have no doubt at all that 
 three men elected from, let us say one 
 from the east, one from the middle west 
 and one from the west, if you like, — 
 that the whole business could be done, 
 well, safely say, and a comfortable mar- 
 gin left, if you devote five or six hun- 
 dred dollars for the expense. A dele- 
 gate says no. All right. I have done 
 the work, and I know something about 
 it, and I say that it can be done for 
 about $150 to $200 per delegate, and that 
 without inflicting any sort of hardship 
 upon the men elected as delegates. (Ap- 
 plause.) Now, then, comrades, I say 
 this : that at this convention in partic- 
 ular there is an especial reason why the 
 Socialist party of America should be well 
 represented. In the first place, the fac- 
 tion of a party that once was and now is 
 only a memory, is sending all its party 
 membership as its delegation in the per- 
 son of Damiel De Leon. (Laughter.) 
 And that Daniel De Leon, the Socialist 
 
 Labor party of America, will, I have no 
 doubt, do all that lies in its power to 
 vilify, to calumniate, . to misrepresent 
 alike the personnel and the character of 
 the Socialist party of this country. Now, 
 comrades, whatever you say, the opin- 
 ion and the good will and the good 
 faith of your European comrades means 
 something to the Socialist party of 
 America, and if for no other reason 
 than that we should go there to vindi- 
 cate our position and party integrity, it 
 would be money well spent and we 
 ought not to consider the saving of that 
 money. But there is another reason, and 
 this reason goes deeper, and is of im- 
 portance on both sides of the Atlantic. 
 It is this : that during the past year or 
 two the movement at home has been de- 
 voting itself largely to the study of what 
 we in this country call the trust ques- 
 tion, and upon the discussion of that 
 trust question as they have it in Eu- 
 rope there has been in large part a fac- 
 tional fight which has done something, 
 at any rate, to disrupt the European 
 movement. Now, the views of the 
 American delegation to that conference 
 upon this particular question would be 
 of immense advantage to the European 
 movement, and I say that we owe it to 
 the International Socialist movement 
 that we send a delegation from America 
 that will present this question of the 
 concentration of capital and capitalist 
 power from the point of view of the 
 country that has it in larger measure 
 than any other. (Applause.) And for 
 this reason I am in favor of the motion 
 to send three delegates at the expense 
 of the party. I am in favor of the 
 recommendation that if there be twenty 
 good men and true, or good women and 
 true, who desire to represent the party, 
 they should be given credentials to it, 
 and I hope that when our International 
 Congress meets in Amsterdam we shall 
 have a delegation from the Socialist 
 party of America worthy of the present 
 strength of the party, worthy of its in- 
 tellectual character, worthy of its pros- 
 pects, and second to no delegation in that 
 congress. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio): I wish 
 to endorse the remarks of Comrade 
 Spargo on the matter of sending three 
 delegates to the Amsterdam Congress. 
 I believe that the expense — say it will 
 average $200 per delegate — can very eas- 
 ily be proportioned among the various 
 states, the amount raised and sent to the 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 233 
 
 national headquarters. I believe that it 
 is necessary to send three delegates, by 
 reason of the experience that I had while 
 across the water last fall. I want to say 
 to you. delegates here this afternoon that 
 our European brothers and comrades 
 have practically no conception of the 
 tremendous labor movement of the 
 United States and of the various social 
 upheavals that have taken place in this 
 country during the past dozen years. The 
 question of trusts, to the average Euro- 
 pean, is a closed book, although they 
 are at the present time beginning to 
 feel the same pressure from the capital- 
 ist class above that we have felt in this 
 land during the past six or eight years. 
 But it is true that practically no news 
 sifts through the cables between the 
 American and the European industrial 
 centers. You can take your leading 
 London daily newspapers, and all of the 
 American reports, whether they be of a 
 general news nature, of a political nature 
 or otherwise, are condensed into about 
 half a column. There is never any men- 
 tion made of any industrial struggle 
 here. There is never the semblance of a 
 word regarding the growth, expansion 
 and victories, local though they may be, 
 of the Socialist movement of this coun- 
 try, and for that reason it becomes nec- 
 essary that we send our delegates there 
 to inform our comrades on the other 
 side of the water as to the exact condi-' 
 tions that exist in the United States, 
 whether they be intellectual, political, 
 social or otherwise. I am heartily in 
 favor of the proposition to send three 
 delegates, and am satisfied that we can 
 very easily raise the funds. (Applause.) 
 DEL. GAYLORd" (Wis.) : I was 
 among those advocating the reduc- 
 ing of the monthly dues to three cents. 
 I have been doing a little arithmetic 
 here, and if my practice is not wrong 
 two cents for one month from each 
 member of the present organization would 
 pay these expenses as estimated. And 
 I count it well worth much more than 
 two cents that each member be repre- 
 sented as he would be by three men 
 who could be selected. I sympathize 
 with Comrade Kerrigan in immediate 
 difficulties. It is not what we have done, 
 it is not what we have on hand; it is 
 what we can do that will be the inspira- 
 tion of this party, and that will make 
 possibilities all the while. I am in favor 
 of three delegates, and of paying their 
 expenses. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN (Mo.) : I am op- 
 posed to sending three delegates to 
 Europe. I am opposed to this motion or 
 to this resolution for two reasons: In 
 the first place, we are in a national cam- 
 paign. I believe we need all the funds 
 we can get to carry on a successful 
 campaign. When you elect three dele- 
 gates to the congress, you will certainlx 
 try to elect the best ones, the best ele- 
 ment you can get, and I believe, as we 
 are now in a national campaign, we 
 ought to keep the best element at home 
 to do some good work at home. (Ap- 
 plause.) I do not believe that three of 
 our best men should be sent over to 
 Europe while we need them at home to 
 make the battle. We need every good 
 man at home, and when th^ time comes 
 that the Socialist party of America 
 grows to cast a million votes, then our 
 European comrades will soon enough 
 learn about the growth of the Socialist 
 movement. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. BENESSI (Mich.)): I rise to 
 a point of information. I would like to 
 be informed in what language the delib- 
 erations of the congress are carried on. 
 
 DEL. HOEHN: In three languages. 
 
 DEL. BENESSI: Which languages? 
 
 DEL. HERRON : They will be in 
 three languages ; French, English and 
 German. 
 
 DEL. BENESSI: Then I think 
 there should be three delegates or 
 two delegates, because I am not in favor 
 of twenty delegates. I would be in favor 
 of a very small number of delegates, and 
 those delegates to be chosen, if we pos- 
 sibly can, from among the proletarians, 
 and at the same time from among the 
 comrades that can speak at least two or 
 three languages. I would be in favor of 
 that. 
 
 DEL. REILLY (N. Y.) : I wish to 
 speak in support of Comrade Oswald's 
 amendment providing for one delegate 
 instead of three. While I recognize 
 the importance of the Socialist Party of 
 America being adequately represented at 
 the International Socialist and Trade 
 Union Congress, and while I recognize 
 the advisability of not quibbing at the 
 expense of sending a delegate or two 
 more, there is one question that must 
 be met, and that is, where are the funds 
 to come from? During the past year, 
 from my personal experience from hav- 
 ing some dealings with the national of- 
 fice, I know that the National Secre- 
 
234 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 tary has been at his wits' ends as to 
 how funds could be secured to pay the 
 expenses incident to the necessary work 
 of the party here in this country at the 
 present time. No doubt the National 
 Secretary can testify that much ,has 
 been left undone because the amount 
 necessary for it could not be obtained. 
 As to the desirability of having three 
 delegates present, especially with the 
 National Committee as authority to is- 
 sue credentials to twenty men, if they 
 so desired to go and pay their own ex- 
 penses, because the Socialist Labor par- 
 ty will be there, I want to say that the 
 American Socialist movement is not so 
 weak as to require three of its best^men 
 to match De Leon in replying to his mis- 
 representations. (Applause.) We 
 have any number of men singly who are 
 more than a match for him in ability 
 to defend the Socialist Party against . 
 any calumination he may bring against 
 it. 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.) : I want to 
 repeat the sentiment just uttered by 
 the delegate from New Jersey. It 
 seems to me absurd to go on spending 
 money to send three delegates across the 
 water to be an antidote to De Leon. 
 We are providing for a lot of expenses. 
 We have advanced the salary of the 
 Secretary. We have had to advance 
 the expense of all those associated with 
 him in the office, and we will have a 
 big office force. We have a proposi- 
 tion here before us for a $1,000 salaried 
 officer to take care of the State and 
 Municipal Program business. We seem 
 to think that we have got a big treasury. 
 I hope we will have. We have just 
 barely paid a big debt of our old organ- 
 ization. I want to ask in conclusion, 
 what good can three do over one? Let 
 us save our money and keep our men 
 at home. There will be plenty of men 
 over there. Comrade Hillquit has said 
 there are others that want to go and will 
 go anyhow, and we will be well repre- 
 sented, and I do not see' any reason 
 especially for three, especially one from 
 the Pacific coast, which would cost 
 $150 for expenses in this country alone 
 to come from the Pacific to the Atlantic 
 as to cross the ditch. Let us stay at 
 home, do our work and save our money. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.) : I am 
 like Delegate Titus. I am opposed to 
 three, or even one. •! think we have a 
 job on hand that will take all the energy 
 of every man in the movement, and 
 
 there is no one that we can possibly 
 spare to do the work at the present 
 time in the Presidential campaign. I 
 can assure the comrades that there is 
 a great deal of hard work to be done. 
 It is even a hard matter to raise the 
 necessary funds required to do the work 
 in the states at home, and the result is 
 that v/herever we need a lot of men to 
 work they are hard to get, and if we 
 have more funds in the state the state 
 would have a larger membership and we 
 should have a larger vote at each elec- 
 tion. It may be all right for the com- 
 rades to go that fortunately can spare 
 every once in a while a five or ten-dol- 
 lar bill or m.ore for the advancement 
 of the cause, but the majority of the 
 members are not in a position to do that, 
 and especially right now, because there 
 are states where in some of the locals a 
 majority of the members are not at 
 work and are not even able to keep up 
 their dues. We increased the salary 
 of the Secretary. We have provided for 
 another $i,ooo expense. We want to 
 provide the means to have a lot of books 
 and pamphlets and tracts to furnish the 
 memlDers with. In all that we are pro- 
 viding for- expense, and in no way are 
 we providing for additional revenue to 
 do the additional work; I agree with 
 the comrades s6 far as representation 
 at the International Congress is con- 
 cerned, but at the same time I think we 
 can stand it for a few months until we 
 are better financially able to do the work. 
 This year is a most important year in 
 the history of Socialism in America, 
 and I think we have about all we can 
 do in this year from now until next 
 November. I read the reports of the 
 International Bureau, and I can say that 
 I was as much disappointed as any man 
 could be. I know the international 
 movement as well, I suppose, as a good 
 many do, because I have been in the 
 movement long enough, and I say that 
 there were some questions discussed that 
 to me, with the industrial development 
 of to-day, are absolutely puerile, that are 
 not fit to be talked of. That is the way 
 I look at it. It is far more important 
 to me to see every working man in the 
 United States in the ranks of the So- 
 cialist Party. That is the most im- 
 portant task that we have had for years, 
 and the only one that I think is worth 
 considering and spending money on. I 
 want to make more Socialists, and I want 
 to make them right where I live, and I 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 285 
 
 guess every other comrade is in the 
 same condition. Talk is very cheap, but 
 it takes money to buy food. I have wit- 
 nessed the progress of the party in New 
 York and some states where they have 
 been organized twenty years. I was in 
 the movement sixteen years ago in New 
 York, and I have been in the move- 
 ment fifteen years in the South, and we 
 have made more progress in the last 
 three or five years than has been made 
 in any other section, considering the 
 time that Socialism has been known. 
 And right here we want to saddle six or 
 eight hundred dollars on the shoulders 
 of the comrades, and when I go home 
 what will they say? They will say, 
 "You must be a millionaires' club by 
 the way you have been throwing money 
 around." I think it is about time we 
 put a stop to it. I have taken no part 
 in the debate on many questions, for the 
 simple reason that I thought it was not 
 necessary, but now that a question 
 comes up that I do not think is neces- 
 sary, I am going to kick, and there are 
 others of the same kind. Comrade 
 Spargo illustrates it very well, and Com- 
 rade Herron too. I agree with them, 
 but this is not the most important mat- 
 ter to us. Let us build up the party and 
 get more members; then we can attend 
 the congress and send not only three, 
 but three hundred, and I will be glad 
 when the time comes 
 
 DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.) : I am in 
 favor of the amendment that has been 
 made to send one. I feel that we can 
 find one member that is able to represent 
 this party at the Amsterdam Congress, 
 and I would be sorry if we would send 
 three delegates because one party in 
 this country has decided to send De 
 Leon. A few years ago the papers, at 
 least so far as the French papers were 
 concerned, did not take into much con- 
 sideration the Socialist party here. I 
 do not believe it is necessary to send 
 one man, so far as that part of the pro- 
 gram is concerned. To-day the papers of 
 the revolutionary party of France know 
 exactly what De Leonism means, at least 
 so far as I have been able to read them, 
 and I hope that if we send one or three, 
 we send them not with the notion that 
 they are needed there because De Leon 
 is going. I think that is the worst mis- 
 take we have made, in so far as talking 
 about De Leon. The French newspapers, 
 the revolutionary French papers to-day — 
 and although I don't read the German 
 
 papers, because I cannot read German, 
 I suppose it will be the same with the 
 German papers — exactly understand De 
 Leon to-day, and he can go to Amster- 
 dam and tell all the stories that he 
 thinks necessary, and they won't believe 
 him. 
 
 The previous question was moved, 
 seconded and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question now 
 recurs upon the resolution. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I move as a further 
 amendment to the^ resolution that we 
 elect an alternate. Seconded. 
 
 The amendment of Delegate Titus was 
 then put and carried, and the resolu- 
 tion as amended was adopted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Nominations are 
 now in order. 
 
 ELECTION OF INTERNATIONAL 
 DELEGATE. 
 
 The following nominotions were made: 
 May Wood Simons (111.), by Hazlett 
 (Colo.) 
 
 J. S. Smith (111.), by 
 
 A. M. Simons (111.), by J. S. Smith 
 (III.). 
 
 Spargo (N. Y.), by 
 
 Hillquit (N. Y.), by Reynolds (Ind.). 
 Herron (N. Y.), by Menton (Mach.). 
 Wilson (Cal.), by Cogswell (Kan.). 
 
 Hayes (Ohio), by 
 
 Berger (Wis.), by Robinson (Ky.). 
 
 Carey (Mass.), by 
 
 Unterman (111.), by 
 
 Hillquit, seconded by Titus (Wash.). 
 
 Mailly (Neb.), by — 
 
 Lamb (Mich.), by Berger (Wis.). 
 Delegate Miller (Colo.), moved that 
 the nominations close. Seconded and 
 carried. 
 
 While the names were being placed 
 on the blackboard. Delegate Phelan 
 (111.) extended an invitation to thje 
 delegates, on behalf of the Third Ward 
 Branch of Cook County Local to attend 
 an entertainment at their headquarters, 
 334S State street, this (Thursday) 
 evening. Also an invitation from the 
 German Women's Socialist Club to at- 
 tend an entertainment Friday evening 
 after the adjournment of the national 
 convention, at Trade Union Hall, SS 
 North Clark street. 
 
 DEL. WORK (Iowa) : I move that 
 the candidate receiving the second high- 
 est vote be the alternate. Seconded and 
 carried. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : I move that it 
 require a majority of the whole vote, 
 not simply a plurality. Seconded. 
 
236 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 DEL. BRANDT (Mo.) : I move that 
 that motion be laid on the table. Sec- 
 onded. 
 
 The motion to lay on the table was 
 adopted. 
 
 The list of nominees was called off by 
 the Chairman, and Herron, Wilson, 
 Hayes, Berger, Carey, Mailly and Lamb 
 declined. Mrs. Simons was not pres- 
 ent. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Did the delegate 
 who nominated Mrs. Simons have her 
 authority. 
 
 DEL. HAZLETT: No, I did not have 
 authority. 
 
 Delegate Smith (111.) assumed au- 
 thority to withdraw the name of Miay 
 Wood Simons. 
 
 DEL. HAZLETT : I don't know that 
 Comrade Smith has any more authority 
 to withdraw Mrs. Simons' name than 
 I to nominate her. If Mr. Simons hap- 
 pens to be the delegate she might be the 
 alternate and might go. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.): As a delegate 
 from Illinois, I think it would be very 
 unfair to run Mr. Simons as against 
 Mrs. Simons for this election. Of 
 course, if she consents, I have nothing 
 more to say. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I think, under 
 the circumstances, as Comrade Smith 
 has no authority to use or withdraw 
 Mrs. Simons' name, her name should 
 be retained on the blackboard. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 Delegate Kerrigan moved that if no 
 election was had on the first ballot the 
 two lowest in the list should be dropped. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is understood 
 that if no one is elected on the first 
 ballot the lowest will be dropped. 
 
 The vote was then directed to be col- 
 lected by the secretaries of the state 
 delegations and handed to the secretary 
 of the convention. 
 
 DEL. BARNES (Pa.) : Before we 
 proceed to vote, and while the tellers are 
 preparing, I desire to ask the Chairman 
 if it is necessary to suspend the rules 
 in order to abolish the night session 
 this evening. I ask for information. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I should so rule. 
 
 DEL. BARNES : Then before I make 
 a motion I would state, if it is in order, 
 that there has been a call issued for a 
 meeting of state secretaries and organ- 
 izers of the party. They have not as yet 
 
 come together. There are at least two 
 committees who have minor matters to 
 bring up to date and consider in order 
 to be able to report intelligently and 
 conclude their report upon the matters 
 in hand. The delegates have been very 
 faithful in their attendance on the day 
 sessions and night sessions. My idea is 
 to abandon the meeting to-night in order 
 to permit the work of the convention in 
 the hands of committee to get in shape 
 to be dispatched readily on to-morrow. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN :- A motion will be 
 in order. 
 
 DEL. BARNES : I am prefacing the 
 motion very briefly. I believe that it is 
 impossible for us to conclude our work 
 to-night. There will of necessity be to- 
 morrow's session, but if we do not have 
 a night session we can easily* conclude 
 our work to-morrow, and a little better 
 by reason of not having a night session. 
 For these reasons I move that the rules 
 be suspended and that we do not have 
 a night session this evening. 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 DEL. ROBINSON (Ky.) : I hope the 
 motion will not prevail. We have been 
 here the greatest part of a week, and 
 many of us must soon leave for home. 
 We want to remain until the close of the 
 convention if possible. If we hold a 
 session to-night it will expedite matters 
 so that perhaps we can finish up in 
 time to get away on the evening trains 
 to-morrow. I want to see this motion 
 voted down. 
 
 ■ DEL. HOEHN (Mo.) : We are in the 
 same position. Three of our delegates 
 left last night, and five of us will have 
 to leave to-night on the midnight train. 
 There are only about two leftj the 
 others having important business to 
 transact at home, and we cannot help it, 
 but must leave to-night. I would like 
 to attend a night session. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN (Delegate Mail- 
 ly) : I wish to make a statement on be- 
 half of the National Secretary and the 
 state secretaries. We have been try- 
 ing all week to get a conference of the 
 state secretaries and of the national 
 organizers. Various things have hap- 
 pened to prevent us from holding that 
 conference. We believe that such a 
 conference is of great value to the party, 
 and I believe we can very well adjourn 
 to-night and let us come together and 
 consider and give us an opportunity to 
 come to an understanding that will result 
 
Afternoon Session, May 5. 
 
 237 
 
 in" systematizing our work. If this con- 
 ference is held we can talk and go over 
 different things about which we ought 
 to confer, and I hope we will be given 
 the opportunity. 
 
 DEL. TOOLE (Md.) : I want to go 
 hoine to-morrow, but I want to protest 
 against doing away with this evening's 
 session. ' My local sent me here to do 
 work. I have to leave to-morrow on 
 the three o'clock train, and I want to 
 see the business of this convention done 
 before that time, and if we adjourn to- 
 night we will waste time. The same way 
 with other comrades. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN : I think the trouble 
 with the time at these conventions is al- 
 ways on the first day. You had a ban- 
 quet that night, when as a matter of 
 fact you should have been adopting rules 
 for the convention. If you had worked 
 the first day like you have since we 
 would be nearer final adjournment. 
 You should have given your committees 
 time to work at night, instead of requir- 
 ing the members to be in attendance at 
 the convention. If you had followed this 
 plan we would have been through to-day. 
 I think we should now adjourn. I 
 think the first order of business to-mor- 
 row should be the report of the Com- 
 mittee on State and Municipal Program, 
 which will enable us to finish early to- 
 morrow. 
 
 The motion to suspend the rules re- 
 quiring a night session was put and 
 carried. 
 
 Delegate Stedman moved that the first 
 order of business to-morrow (Friday) 
 morning be the report of the Committee 
 on State and Municipal Program. Sec- 
 onded and carried. 
 
 Delegate Cross (Wis.) moved to sus- 
 pend the rules until the convention had 
 voted upon the matter before the house. 
 Seconded and carried. 
 
 ASS'T SECY. CROSS (Wis,): I 
 would like to make one announcement, 
 that will take perhaps but two or three 
 minutes. The assistant secretary finds 
 it necessary for him to return to Madi- 
 son, Wis., in order that he may resume 
 his studies in the university to-morrow 
 morning. I have already spent over a 
 week from home, and find it necessary 
 to return by the three o'clock train to- 
 morrow morning. Therefore it is with 
 the greatest regret that I say adieu 
 to the delegates of this convention. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 On motion of Delegate Irene Smith 
 (Ore.) a vote of thanks was unani- 
 mously tendered to Assistant Secretary 
 Cross for the work he performed as as- 
 sistant secretary of the convention. 
 
 The vote on International Delegate 
 was then announced, as follows : Hill- 
 quit, 46; Untermann, 37; A. M. Simons, 
 3S; Spargo, 15; May Wood Simons, 14. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : If agreeable to 
 the house, according to customary rule, 
 the last two lowest ones will be dropped. 
 
 Delegate Berger (Wis.) moved to ad- 
 journ till to-morrow morning. Sec- 
 onded, and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : That leaves the 
 matter of final election of a delegate for 
 to-morrow morning. That will be the 
 first order of business, after which will 
 come the report of the Committee on 
 State and Municipal Program. 
 
 The convention then adjourned until 
 Friday morning. 
 
238 
 
 Morning Session, May 6 
 
 SIXTH DAY'S SESSION— MORNING 
 
 National Secretary Mailly called the 
 convention to order at 9 o'clock. 
 
 The following nominations were made 
 for Chairman for the day: 
 
 Stedman (III.), by Gaylord (Wis.). 
 
 Barnes (Pa.), by Collins (III.). 
 
 Barnes declined. 
 
 On motion the nominations were 
 closed and Delegate Stedman, being the 
 only nominee, was unanimously elected. 
 
 Nominations for vice-chairman were 
 made as follows : 
 
 W. W. Wilkins (Cal.), by Titus 
 (Wash.). 
 
 Kolachney (Okla.), by Hayes (Okla.). 
 
 On motion of Delegate Nagel (Ky.) 
 the nominations were closed. 
 
 A rising vote being taken, Delegate 
 Wilkins was elected vice-chairman. 
 
 DEL. HERRON : At the close of the 
 session last evening we were engaged 
 in the election of International Dele- 
 gate. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is -in 
 order. 
 
 ■DEL. HERRON: I make a motion 
 that' the candidate receiving the highest 
 number of votes be considered the dele- 
 gate, and the candidate receiving the 
 next highest the alternate. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Unless there is 
 objection that will be the' order. 
 
 No objection was heard. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : There seem 
 to be many delegates absent this morn- 
 ing, and owing to the lateness of their 
 arrival I will make a motion that the 
 vote be held open till 10 o'clock in order 
 to give those now absent an opportunity 
 to vote ; that the vote close at 10 o'clock, 
 until which time votes can be handed in 
 at any time. And I move to suspend 
 the rules for that purpose. 
 
 Motion seconded and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The first order 
 of business is the report of the Commit- 
 tee on State and Municipal Program. 
 
 DEL. FLOATEN (Colo.): Mr. 
 
 Chairman, I desire to present a commu- 
 nication from Local Denver. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there isno 
 objection we will read the communica- 
 tion from Denver before the report. 
 
 Secretary Dobbs read the communica- 
 tion referred to, as follows : 
 
 "To the National Convention o.f the 
 
 Socialist party: 
 
 "Comrades : The following resolu- 
 tion was adopted by Local Denver at 
 its regular business meeting held April 
 27, 1904: 
 
 "Whereas, there is among Socialists 
 in the United States a difference of 
 opinion upon the question of what is 
 known as the immediate demands; and 
 
 "Whereas, we as Socialists have no 
 clearly defined program to guide us 
 in the transition from the capitalistic 
 system to the co-operative or collect- 
 ive system; and 
 
 "Whereas, from this time forward 
 we may expect to elect an increasing 
 number of Socialists to membership 
 in municipal councils and state legis- 
 latures, who will be compelled to act 
 upon public questions in their official 
 capacity; and 
 
 "Whereas, there being no municipal 
 or legislative program endorsed offi- 
 cially by the Socialist party, such rep- 
 resentatives must be guided each by 
 his own personal judgment or by pe- 
 culiar local conditions, and hence be 
 liable to err, and thus hinder the work 
 of the party and subject himself and 
 the party to adverse criticism ; and 
 
 "Whereas, the party should not 
 place such responsibility upon its rep- 
 resentatives, but should prepare a defi- 
 nite, specific program and then hold 
 its representatives to a strict respon- 
 sibility in their official acts in accord- 
 ance therewith ; therefore, be it 
 
 "Resolved, That we, the members 
 of Local Denver in regular session 
 assembled, do hereby memorialize 
 
Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 239 
 
 and petition the National Convention 
 of the Socialist party to appoint or 
 elect a committee of three of its most 
 able and judicious members to prepare 
 a municipal and legislative program, 
 said program to be submitted to a 
 referendum vote of the entire party 
 membership for adoption, and if rati- 
 fied by a majority of all members 
 voting thereon said program shall be- 
 come a part of the official platform of 
 the Socialist party." 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection the communication will be re- 
 ceived and placed on file. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.): I move that 
 it be referred to the Committee on State 
 and Municipal Program. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection it will be referred to the proper 
 committee. Comrade Untermann has a 
 report from the Committee on State and 
 Municipal Program. 
 
 Report of Committee on State and 
 Municipal Program. 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN, on behalf of 
 the Committee : Pursuant to instruc- 
 tions from this convention, your Com- 
 mittee on State and Municipal Program 
 received the report of the permanent 
 Municipal Committee elected by the In- 
 dianapolis Convention. That permanent 
 Committee had taken great care in elab- 
 orating a municipal program, and your 
 committee feels that the dispatch with 
 which we have been able to do this work 
 was due in great measure to the careful 
 working which the permanent committee 
 had chosen for the making of this mu- 
 nicipal report, and we feel that the 
 thanks of your committee are due to 
 the permanent committee elected by the 
 Indianapolis convention, and especially 
 to its secretary. Comrade A. M. Simons. 
 The greater part of the report of the 
 permanent committee is embodied in the 
 report of your committee here. The 
 State Program is the main work which 
 your present committee has done. I 
 now proceed to read the report which 
 your committee submits . to you. You 
 will notice from the reading that certain 
 slight changes have been made from the 
 printed copy, and I would suggest that 
 you make notes of it when I come to 
 the passages, so that we may all be able 
 to discuss the question when it comes 
 up for discussion. 
 
 Delegate Untermann then read the re- 
 
 port, which will be found in the Appen- 
 dix. 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN (at the con- 
 clusion of the reading) : I move that 
 the report be adopted. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. FORD (Minn.) : I move that 
 this whole thing be laid on the table. 
 
 DEL. WILL (Kan.) : I rise to sec- 
 ond the motion to adopt the report as 
 a whole. 
 
 THiE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 moved and seconded that the commit- 
 tee's report be accepted and adopted. 
 Comrade Untermann has the floor. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio): Hasn't 
 lo o'clock arrived, the hour for voting 
 on International Delegates? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It has. You 
 will please prepare your ballots. The 
 candidates are Hillquit, Untermann and 
 Simons. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : A point of 
 information. Has it not been decided 
 by this convention that we shall elect 
 one man and then submit the vote to a 
 referendum ? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I cannot tell 
 you. I will inquire of the Secretary. 
 ^There was no such provision made. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: I desire at this 
 point to make a motion that the three 
 names be submitted as the nominees of 
 this convention, recommended to the 
 Socialist party as candidates for Dele- 
 gates to the International Congress. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Then your mo- 
 tion is to suspend the rules and substi- 
 tute. The rules provide for election by 
 the convention. You must make a mcc- 
 tion, if you wish to do that, to suspend 
 the rules. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: That was the point 
 of information that I asked. Then 1 
 make a motion to suspend the rules for 
 purpose of thiis motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: And you mean 
 to refer these to a referendum? 
 
 DEL. DALTON : Yes. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
 second to the motion? 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 moved and seconded that the rules be 
 suspended and that the three names on 
 the blackboard be referred to a refer- 
 endvim of the party for a vote, the one 
 receiving the highest vote to be the dele- 
 gate, and the next one the alternate. 
 
 DEL. HERRON: The majority of 
 the members of the various branches 
 will not understand the question as to 
 
240 
 
 Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 the International Delegate nearly as well 
 as the members of this convention. The 
 matter was here debated, and such infor- 
 mation or instructions as will be given 
 upon the question was given here, and 
 the intention is here to get a representa- 
 tion that is consistent on just such ques- 
 tions as these. If the matter is referred 
 to a referendum, it will, between now 
 and the middle of July when the dele- 
 gate must leave, or perhaps the first of 
 July even, be practically impossible to 
 get any adequate result, or to get any 
 result that will be nearly as representa- 
 tive of an expression of the party's mind 
 as in this convention here assembled.. 
 
 DEL. DALTON : It appears to me 
 that the names on the blackboard and 
 the activity of those delegates in the 
 party are sufficiently well known out- 
 side of this convention to the member- 
 ship) of the party that they can vote in- 
 telligently on this question. It appears 
 further to me that this thing of sub- 
 mitting one man's name to the member- 
 ship of the party for a referendum vote 
 is a farce. If you are going to elect a 
 man to the International Congress, elect 
 him, and then don't go to a referendum 
 with his name. There is no reason for 
 all this haste. Before the middle of 
 July you can get an expression of the 
 party's opinion. The Socialist press 
 will be in the hands of the membership 
 before the end of next week in all parts 
 of the country, telling them who these 
 candidates are. It does not take very . 
 long for them to decide. They will de- 
 cide according to the activity of these 
 men, according to their active service 
 in the party, according to their quali- 
 fications, and I claim that the member- 
 ship is a good and sufficient judge of 
 these matters. If we are going to have 
 referendums, if we are going to preserve 
 the principles of democracy, let us set 
 the example ourselves. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN (N. Y.): I 
 want to reiterate what I said on the 
 subject of the referendum at an earlier 
 staee in the proceedings of this conven- 
 tion. On all questions on which the 
 referendum principle can be practically 
 effective I shall vote in favor of the 
 referendum principle, but I submit that 
 in the selection of men to do given work 
 none are better qualified to cast intelli- 
 gent votes than those who have rnet 
 these men in person and who are familiar 
 with all the qualifications they may pos- 
 sess. It is not sufficient to know a man 
 
 by the accounts of him. It is not suf- 
 ficient to know of a man that his name 
 frequently appears in the Socialist press. 
 It is a fact that if this motion carries 
 and we go to our respective constitu- 
 encies, our respective locals will depend 
 upon us who have been to this conven- 
 tion to tell them what we think of the 
 respective merits of these candidates for 
 this office, and that simply means that 
 the delegates here will cast the vote of 
 the membership just the same as they 
 will do, only in more concrete and morg 
 intelligent and practical form, if this 
 motion is voted dowti and we select our 
 people here. We are fully competent to 
 elect our candidates for President and 
 Vice-President of the United States. We 
 are equally as competent to elect our 
 delegates to the International Socialist 
 Conference, and we are violating no 
 fundamental principle of their referen- 
 dum when we decide upon doing that, 
 and for that reason I submit that we 
 ought to vote down this proposition 
 and proceed with the election. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Texas) : I de- 
 sire to endorse what Comrade Herron 
 has said, and add that I cannot under- 
 stand why we should incur arl additional 
 expense and waste of time in this man- 
 ner. As Comrade Sieverman properly 
 says, it will devolve upon the delegates 
 here anyway, and the various locals will 
 ask our opinion of the men, and it is 
 a waste of time. We ought not to place 
 ourselves in the attitude of delaying 
 when we have a chance to act on things 
 coming up here. Let us decide on all 
 the things we can, and save time and 
 labor. 
 
 DEL. FORD (Minn.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. It is that we voted to 
 proceed to vote on the candidates at lO 
 o'clock, and that the man receiving the 
 highest number of votes should be de- 
 clared elected. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is true, 
 but you can always vote to suspend the 
 rules. 
 
 DEL. FORD : But we have not done 
 that. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I beg your par- 
 don, that was the motion of the com- 
 rade from Illinois. 
 
 DEL. TAFT (111.): I wish to ask 
 for information. By the statement of 
 the Comrade on my left that one name 
 would be sent out to a referendum of 
 the party. 
 
Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 241 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is that the 
 three on the board be sent to a refer- 
 endum. Now, you made an argument, 
 vyhile you rose to a point of informa- 
 tion, to ask a question. 
 
 DEL. TAFT: My question is this: 
 Will the name of the person, the one of 
 the three who is elected here this morn- 
 ing, be sent out to a referendum? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : There has been 
 no motion to do that, up to the present 
 time. 
 
 DEL. PARKS : I move the previous 
 question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You cannot rise 
 for that purpose. Comrade Gaylord has 
 the floor. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD: I was satisfied 
 with what Comrade Sieverman said on 
 the subject of the referendum. It should 
 be employed only at the proper time 
 and in the right place. 
 
 DEL. MAURER (Pa.) : I agree with 
 the amendment. I wish these Com- 
 rades to distinctly understand that this 
 body does not constitute the brains of 
 tlie Socialist party by any means. My 
 opinion on this matter is that the Com- 
 rades at large know just as well who 
 to select as this body does, and I ap- 
 prove of that amendment. 
 
 Delegate Parks moved the previous 
 question. Seconded and carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : We now revert 
 to the main question on the substitute 
 calling for the suspension of the rules 
 and the submission of the three names 
 on the blackboard to a referendum vote, 
 the highest to be the delegate and the 
 next to be the alternate. 
 
 The substitute was defeated. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will now 
 proceed to ballot. 
 
 Here Vice-Chairman Wilkins took the 
 Chair, and the vote on International 
 Delegate was taken up. Pending the 
 announcement of the vote, Delegate Un- 
 termann, on behalf of the State and 
 Municipal' Program Committee, ad- 
 dressed the convention. 
 
 DEBATE ON PROPOSED STATE AND MUNICIPAL 
 PROGRAM. 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN: To antici- 
 pate possible criticism and to dispatch 
 the work of this convention, I beg leave 
 to make a few remarks in introducing 
 the subject and justifying the report of 
 your committee. In the first place, it 
 seems to me there can hardly be any 
 discussion of the question that such a 
 program is necessary at the present crit- 
 
 ical moment. Most probably we shall 
 elect some comrades to state legislatures 
 this fall. We already have elected quite 
 a number to local administrations, and 
 in various localities difficulties have 
 arisen from the very fact that the com- 
 rades so elected did not have a pro- 
 gram and did not know how to proceed 
 along proletarian lines. If there is anj 
 possibility of any difference of opinion 
 on this point it can only be on the ques- 
 tion, "Shall we give them a certain set 
 of instructions now, or shall we wait 
 till we have elected a large number and 
 give them a program when they ask for 
 it?" To me it seems that it is much 
 better to. provide in advance for the 
 demand for instructions which we know 
 will come, instead of waiting until the 
 necessity for instructions arises. We, in 
 convention assembled here, are much 
 more likely to agree on a general out- 
 line of suggestions by which our candi- 
 dates may be guided than are the mem- 
 bership at large scattered over an enor- 
 mous territory, with all the difficulties 
 attending such a situation. In the sec- 
 ond place, I wish to emphasize once 
 more the fact that all the various posi- 
 tions and suggestions contained in the 
 report of your committee are nothing 
 but suggestions, and are not in any way 
 mandatory or binding on any local ad- 
 ministration or on any state, so long as 
 we believe in the principle of local au- 
 tonomy, and . this convention has reaf- 
 firmed it. The National Committee has 
 no power and this convention has no 
 power to make any of these outlines 
 mandatory. We realize, however, that 
 a great number of states have already 
 declared in favor of these suggestions 
 and asked this convention and asked the 
 National Committee to give them a cer- 
 tain set of instructions by which they 
 may be guided in their activity in the 
 local and state administrations. In the 
 third place, I wish to justify the formu- 
 lation of this report. It may have 
 seemed to a good many of you that your 
 committee took a long time to get this 
 report before the convention, and that 
 when it finally came it was very volu- 
 minous. As one delegate said, there 
 was so much room on the back of it 
 that we might at least have printed on 
 the back of it a municipal bill of fare. 
 Well, we might have done it if we could 
 have agreed on a bill of fare. But the 
 reason for making this report as volu- 
 minous as it is and for giving it the 
 
242 
 
 Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 form of general suggestions, was this: 
 We realized that we would not come 
 before this convention until very late, 
 at a time when the delegates would be 
 tired and would wish to go home, and 
 We did not want this work to be con- 
 sidered in a rush. It is very important 
 that every passage of this report should 
 be well considered because it must stand 
 for at least four years, unless amended 
 by referendum, which would be very 
 difficult; and for this reason your com- 
 mittee took great pains to go minutely 
 over every single section, discussing it 
 sentence by sentence and position by 
 position, until we all unanimously 
 agreed; and the fact that we could 
 agree, although we represented so many 
 different elements of the party, it seems 
 to me should be an indication that this 
 convention also should be able to agree 
 unanimously on this report. (Applause.) 
 Therefore we found it necessary to out- 
 line in a general way all the points that 
 we thought would be met in talking with 
 the workers by our elected comrades, 
 and we used the form that we took in 
 this report because we realized that any 
 suggestions which we might make could 
 only be general and not very detailed, 
 and these suggestions we have given in 
 such shape that they would form good 
 propaganda material for our elected can- 
 didates in their class struggle in parlia- 
 ment. And therefore every single posi- 
 tion has been worded so that our can- 
 didates if elected can make it the basis 
 for fighting the class struggle in local 
 administrations and state administra- 
 tions, and clearly set forth the prole- 
 tarian standpoint in every bill that they 
 introduce. Without detaining you any 
 longer, and in coming to a conclusion, 
 I only wish to say a final word about 
 methods of discussion. I have missed 
 very much, in the course of the various 
 discussions which we have had here, 
 that fraternal spirit which should per- 
 vade the Socialist party. (Applause.) 
 Personal animosity has entered into the 
 discussions without any need, and has 
 clouded the judgment of the delegates 
 and made it impossible to discuss many 
 of these great matters on their merits. 
 If the materialistic conception of his- 
 tory in which we all believe teaches us 
 anything it is this, that we are all crea- 
 tures of our environments, and that if 
 we differ in our ideas it is simply be- 
 cause we come from different environ- 
 ments. But this Socialist party of ours 
 
 is an open forum; it is the melting jpot 
 in which these various differen6es_ of 
 opinion can be thrown and melted into 
 a mighty arm, and I hope that this con- 
 vention which has just unanimously 
 adopted the platform will unanimously 
 adopt this report. (Applause.) I be- 
 lieve that the unanimous adoption of 
 this report, as well as the unanimous 
 adoption of your platform, will show to 
 the world at large that the Socialist 
 philosophy is not a basis for a material- 
 istic philosophy, but is simply the affir- 
 mation of a new faith, the faith in the 
 all-conquering power of the human 
 brain, backed up by the Socialist phi- 
 losophy. And in asking you to thus 
 unanimously adopt the report, I am 
 simply asking you to consider the moral 
 effect which its adoption will have on 
 the world at large. (Applause.) 
 
 At this point the Secretary announced 
 the vote on International Delegate, as 
 follows : Untermann, 57 ; Hillquit, 52 ; 
 Simons, 32. 
 
 No name having a clear majority, a 
 new ballot was ordered. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: According to 
 the rule adopted the name lowest in the 
 list will be dropped out, and the voting 
 now will be on Untermann and Hill- 
 quit. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Proceed to take 
 a vote. 
 
 DEL, BRANDT (Mo.) : I want the 
 floor to offer an amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You cannot get 
 the floor on that ground. We will takq 
 a vote. While we are taking the vote 
 I want to make an explanation which 
 will save a good deal of confusion. 
 When the delegates rise in their dif- 
 ferent order, if they will just give their 
 names I will mark their names on a 
 slip, and then they will be called in 
 order. In that way it will be unneces- 
 sary for five or six to take the floor. 
 I will take them in their order and 
 mark their names, and then as I put 
 down their names they will be recog- 
 nized and will be called. That will be 
 the process. 
 
 The following delegates presentsd 
 their names for the purpose of being 
 placed on the Chairman's list: Ford 
 (Minn.), Irene Smith (Ore.), Walsh 
 (Mont), Coggswell (Kan.), Dalton 
 (111.), Lucas (Minn.), Parks (Kan.), 
 Rose (Miss.), Mills, (Kan.). 
 
 DEL. WALSH (Mont.) : I do not 
 
Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 243 
 
 think it is necessary to take much time. 
 I offer an amendment to the whole re- 
 port. There can only be one dividing 
 line here. But I will read the motion 
 first, and then I want to say just a few 
 words and all here will understand it 
 thoroughly. I want to substitute for 
 this whole report the following: 
 
 "The National Convention recom- 
 mends that in the event of any So- 
 cialists being elected in any localities 
 on state or municipal tickets, that they 
 be guided thereafter in all their legis- 
 lative acts by considering, 'Is the 
 legislation in the interest of the labor- 
 ing class? If so, I am for it; if not, 
 I am opposed to it.' " 
 
 Now, I do not see where this com- 
 mittee could have got this report that is 
 offered here, except they might have 
 clipped the last page from the Chicago 
 American. (Applause.) It is ridicu- 
 lous from start to finish. It is impos- 
 sible to talk about it. It is ridiculous 
 to recommend such a program as that 
 to go over the United States. When 
 you go into its details and the incon- 
 sisteijcies and the foolish whims, it is 
 impossible for anybody to ferret it out. 
 If you elect Socialists who have got to 
 be guided by such a thing or suggestion 
 as this you have not elected Socialists, 
 and you had better keep them _ away 
 from Montana. There is one city in 
 Montana already where we elected So- 
 cialists, and where, while technically 
 they are not in a majority, they are to a 
 ■ certain degree. They have continued 
 to follow practices of the old politicians, 
 in licensing prostitutes and licensing 
 gamblers and turning affairs into a 
 graft profit system. I say this, that we, 
 as Socialists, cannot recommend such 
 things as those. You cannot recommend 
 such a silly program as this. We would 
 not follow it, nor would any Socialist 
 attempt to follow it. We might as well 
 take it for a hat rack. There is no one 
 but the Committee that could be guided 
 by it. In the name of Heaven, I won- 
 der how they could have done any- 
 thing like this, except, as I say, 
 they could have got the last page 
 of Hearst's Chicago American and 
 attached it on here. He advocates all 
 these things. He tells you how to run 
 these things, and it is impossible _ to 
 show many reasons for not following 
 him. If this was followed out on this 
 plan you would have a program longer 
 
 than the Chinese Bible. And so I say 
 the division stands in this house this 
 morning upon this proposition. Are 
 we for the sentimental demands con- 
 tained in this proposition, or are we for 
 the rock of Socialism that stands for 
 principles? (Applause.) Let us get on 
 the right line. Let us get on the right 
 rock, and go home, and don't let us go 
 home until we go there right. There 
 is no use in electing a class of 3 by 2 
 Socialists who, when they are in office, 
 don't know what to do. If we are going 
 to elect men that don't know what to 
 do, who can't pass laws in the interests 
 of the laboring people, for God's sake 
 let the old parties elect them; we don't 
 want to elect them. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. FORD (Minn.) : I simply rise 
 at this time to second that motion. 
 
 At this point Secretary Dobbs an- 
 nounced the result of the last ballot on 
 International Delegate, as follows: 
 
 Untermann, 8o; Hillquit, 6l. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Un- 
 termann -is elected Delegate and Com- 
 rade Hillquit will act as alternate. Now, 
 it has been moved and seconded that 
 the substitute declaring that we are in 
 favor of everything in the interest of 
 the working class, instead of having a 
 program, be adopted in place of the 
 whole report. The next speaker is 
 Comrade Smith. 
 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH (Ore.): It 
 seems to me that we, as intelligent men 
 and women, can look at this question 
 this morning in a calm, clear, intelli- 
 gent manner. I know that every So- 
 cialist on this floor this morning wants 
 that which is for the best good of the 
 Socialist movement. I know I do, with 
 all my soul. It is the Socialist move- 
 ment we are working for, first, foremost, 
 and forever, and from that standpoint 
 I want to speak just a few words to 
 you this morning. If we were about 
 to elect our President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent, if we had to-day the senates of all 
 of the states filled with our people, and 
 if we thought we were about to take 
 control of the government of this great 
 country, this program then would be in 
 perfect order with the situation. This 
 program then would be probably just 
 what the Socialists would undertake to 
 carry into execution. But, comrades, 
 let us remember that we are no\y a little 
 minority faction, a small political fac- 
 tion in a great political field, with no 
 
244 
 
 Morning Session, May 6 
 
 possibility of finding any work. To do 
 what? To patch up this old system? 
 Why, no, comrades. The work of the 
 Socialist party of the world is not to 
 patch up the old system; it is to in- 
 augurate a new system (applause) — a 
 new system, comrades ; and this plat- 
 form as it stands to-day represents 
 patches to be placed upon the old sys- 
 tem. You do not say here anything 
 about the system being wrong, but you 
 go to work and you give us so many 
 plasters to put onto the weak spots of 
 the old system. Now, what we want is 
 a complete new system of government 
 under which to work, and when we have 
 the new system of government all of 
 these things will follow as a matter of 
 course. Now, ■ comrades, this is what 
 I say: I say, if we go out and carry 
 to the people this lengthy program of 
 promises that you know as well as I 
 it would be absolutely impossible for us 
 to carry out, you know we are but gath- 
 ering the floating sentiments of the 
 people and you know that that vote is 
 always reactionary upon pur Aiovement. 
 We do not want our men elected to the 
 senate halls of this country by a vote 
 excited by the sentiment of that paper. 
 We want the men elected to our legis- 
 lative halls with the one sole motive 
 behind them, and that motive the com- 
 plete destruction of the capitalist sys- 
 tem. (Applause.) That is what we are 
 working for. And, comrades, do not 
 let your prejudice stand in the way, but 
 stop and think for a moment, and real- 
 ize that we have now before us a cam- 
 paign wherein we will reach the ears 
 of thousands and hundreds of thousands 
 of the workers of this country. Let us 
 go before them in this campaign not 
 with silly platitudes and promises that 
 we cannot fulfill, but let us go before 
 them as the revolutionary party that we 
 represent, carrying to them, the way out 
 of all of these difficulties into a com- 
 plete realization of what the right civ- 
 ilization ought to be. It is the system 
 that is wrong, comrades. The Socialist 
 party and all of their program has to 
 dp with the changing of the system of 
 governments of the world, and when 
 that is done all these minor ills will 
 naturally settle themselves. (Applause.) 
 While I stand to-day with you here and 
 will try if I can to uphold the will of 
 the majority, yet as a minority vote I 
 do again ask of you men and women 
 to consider well the confusing condi- 
 
 tions or the confusing effect that this 
 will have upon the minds of the voters 
 if it is carried here to-day. We must 
 act intelligently and not for the moment, 
 not for the mere getting of a few little 
 demands. No, this party does not stand 
 for that. This party stands for the 
 wiping out forever of this system of 
 accursed wage slavery that is the bot- 
 tom, the basic principle upon which 
 capitalism rests, and when that is done 
 and capitalism is wiped off the face of 
 the earth, we can then institute a pro- 
 gram that will bring not only these 
 blessings, but a million times more, into 
 the homes and lives of our fellow beitigs. 
 (Applause.J 
 
 DEL. COGSWELL (Kan.): Com- 
 rades, I feel that at this moment a 
 woman should answer a woman. I 
 stand for the immediate demands, or 
 rather for placing the immediate de- 
 mands in our program. In the past I 
 have opposed immediate demands be- 
 cause they were only here and there 
 enforced pr thpught pf in many places. 
 Withput any direct prpgram the most 
 ridiculous claims were written out for 
 us as workers to take up and advocate 
 and stand for. I opposed in a most bit- 
 ter way a constitution in a state a short 
 time ago because it went beyond what 
 I thought was fair or was what would 
 be possible tp have the pepple under- 
 stand pr the pepple stand for. I op- 
 ppsed it not because it was a program, 
 but because it was simply one state. 
 Therefore I advocate most strongly and 
 strenuously that we as members of thi^ 
 National Convention should take some 
 stand that will guide us in the future in 
 out state and municipal work. You go 
 into one state to speak in a campaign 
 for the candidates on your state or mu- 
 nicipal ticket, and you find some of the 
 most' ridiculous things written out that 
 you have to stand for. (Applause.) 
 I opppsed having such a nonsensical lot 
 of stuff everywhere, one conflicting with 
 the other. If we are going to stand to- 
 gether as a well-organized party we 
 want to have the head and strongest 
 part of our party our guide; that is our 
 National Convention. If we have this 
 program it is not mandatory; it is not 
 compelling us to do this or that, but it 
 is a guide, and is a guide from the most 
 intelligent people in our movement. 
 (Applause.) Comrades, we do not need, 
 we women or men either — it is not nec- 
 essary for us to come before you to-day 
 
Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 245 
 
 and tell- you what Socialism is or what 
 Socialism stands for. (Applause.) Cer- 
 tainly not. I give you more credit for 
 intelligence than that I should come here 
 and tell you that we are working in a 
 class struggle, or tell you that we want 
 the co-operative commonwealth. You 
 know it. (Applause.) But is it neces- 
 sary that we should go without clothes 
 or go in rags until we get the co-oper- 
 ative commonwealth? Is it necessary, 
 because our clothes are old and worn, 
 that we should not patch them if we 
 cannot get a new suit? Comrades, we 
 want the co-operative commonwealth, 
 and you and I know it, but besides that 
 we 'want some guiding program that 
 will lead the man that does not know 
 what we want to do what we want. 
 (Applause.) If we can clearly say, we 
 as Socialist workers, "no, we do not 
 need a guiding program for ourselves," 
 we are certainly an intelligent enough 
 body of people to umlerstand what we 
 are speaking for, but we do want the 
 average working man or working woman 
 that has no time to go into these things 
 to, in a comprehensive way, be able to 
 sum up some of the things that the So- 
 cialists expect to give them in the fu- 
 ture and are trying to give them what 
 they can in the present. That is all we 
 ask. We do not call this the real So- 
 cialistic object, the real idea of what we 
 are going to have when we have the 
 co-operative commonwealth. This is 
 simply what you might call a propa- 
 ganda pamphlet, if. you will, something 
 to teach the people that we are doing 
 this for tlie children and that for the 
 women of this nation that are down- 
 trodden and abused for ages; something 
 that will give us some idea of what we 
 want for the working people. It is iiot 
 something for us that do not need it; 
 it is something for the people that do 
 need it. (Applause.) I heard it said 
 that we were milksops because we had 
 enough to live on. We are not milk- 
 sops, comrades, we are giving our life 
 and energy and all we possess to help 
 the man that cannot help himself, and 
 to make the women of this nation a 
 credit to this nation. (Applause.) I 
 move that you have this program. It 
 Is a grand help to the workers that go 
 out from state to state working in ^ 
 comprehensive way, instead of in ordi- 
 nary places here and there meeting the 
 greatest number of absurdities, the most 
 ridiculous things called programs, with 
 
 the most ridiculous claims and nonsense, 
 instead of standing for something con- 
 sistent and practicable. We do not ad- 
 vocate state Socialism or municipal So- 
 cialism, but we are only pointing to what 
 we can do in all the states — and all the 
 states means the nation. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.): Comrade 
 Chairman and delegates, I had intended 
 to move an amendment to discuss this 
 paragraph by paragraph. The substi- 
 tute, however, is what we are speaking 
 to, and I will not make that motion. I 
 did not understand just what the Chair- 
 man would rule, or whether he would 
 give me another chance at it, so with 
 your kind permission I shall now pro- 
 ceed to sing this. (Laughter). I 
 thought yesterday when I read the plat- 
 form that we had become a fully Amer- 
 ican movement because we have got the 
 American dictionary into our platform, 
 all of it. I find to-day we have become 
 American and International, because we 
 have got the International Encyclopedia 
 added to it for our program. (Laughter 
 and applause.) I do not know whether 
 they seriously meant this or not. They 
 come to us and say this is neither man- 
 datory nor obligatory, and they are 
 afraid to add that it is not purgatory. 
 It certainly is going to be pretty tough 
 on the poor fellow, and he will certainly 
 earn his thousand dollars a year if he 
 gets it by learning this game of ping- 
 pong program and immediate demands. 
 (Laughter.) I am going to amend that 
 he be compelled to learn to whistle it 
 and teach it to the rest of us. What 
 does it mean if it is not obligatory _ or 
 mandatory ? What has this convention 
 got to do if it is merely suggestive? 
 We are not a suggestive body. We are 
 here to legislate. We are here to make 
 laws. We are here to lay down the law 
 for the party, so much so that it has 
 been said on the floor here that we are 
 the competent ones to decide everything 
 from International Delegate down to 
 what kind of public houses we shall 
 have in Podunk. It means nothing, ac- 
 cording to their statement. Well, if it 
 means nothing, then why do they brip^ 
 it before this convention? Why, if they 
 consider this wise, why didn't this per- 
 manent Municipal Program Committee 
 try it by submitting it to the Socialist 
 press and have it circulated throughout 
 the United States for the next four 
 years f 6r the information of the Social- 
 ists ? They tell us that it is not a pro- 
 
246 
 
 Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 paganda document. It is a sort of eso- 
 teric thing which the thousand-dollars- 
 a-year Secretary is going to deal out to 
 us. I want to discuss one thing here, 
 and as I am not a parliamentarian, I 
 want the Chairman to be a little lenient 
 with me. They tell us in Section D 
 
 DEL. BROWER (111.) : I rise to a 
 point of order. The question is on the 
 substitute motion of the delegate from 
 Wyoming. He proposes to take up this 
 matter and bring out what he wants. 
 I ask for a decision on the question. 
 I submit to this convention that the 
 question is on the amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I think it is 
 perfectly proper for members to. point 
 out objections. He is speaking against 
 the whole thing. If he has any particu- 
 lar thing it is all right. What I think, 
 above everything else, should be done, is 
 to have the fullest possible discussion 
 of the entire ;natter on its merits. (Ap- 
 plause.) There are a good many who 
 have changed their minds upon this sub- 
 ject in the last few years in Chicago, 
 and I think there will be many others 
 in the country, and I think we ought to 
 consider at least one section with some 
 attention. I therefore hope the previous 
 question will not be moved until it has 
 been thoroughly thrashed out. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: I am going to ask 
 you not to take that ofif my time. We 
 realize on this side that we are up 
 against it. We realize that this is a 
 municipal program, state program and 
 all the rest of it in the convention, and 
 as far as the majority is concerned, we 
 do not hope to win. We hope, however, 
 to point out how eminently useless this 
 thing is, and if we do take up the time 
 of the convention, remember we do not 
 thrust this on you. None on this side, 
 whatever crimes they have committed, 
 have ever drawn up a blanket like that. 
 But there is one section here. Section 
 D, on the Committee on State and Mu- 
 nicipal Afifairs, providing that the Na- 
 tional Committee shall elect a secretary 
 whose compensation shall be fixed by 
 the National Executive Committee. 
 Now we have a National Secretary. 
 That National Secretary has certain 
 specific duties to perform. We have a 
 National Executive Committee and over 
 that stands the National Committee. 
 We have a Lecture Bureau and a Liter- 
 ature Bureau. All of them have cer- 
 tain duties and certain powers as strictly 
 
 defined as we could define them. Here 
 comes a committee with a salary at- 
 tached. It is not attached to, it is taken 
 oflf and given to another committee and 
 a salary attached to the National Sec- 
 retary and the expenses of this commit- 
 tee. Now I submit in all seriousness, 
 comrades, that if this thing contains 
 anything that is good, if it is not at 
 the same time mandatory, if it is merely 
 suggestive, there is absolutely no reason 
 why the Socialist party should be 
 charged any expenses or any salary. If 
 these men, giving them the .credit that I 
 will give an opponent — if they mean 
 that seriously for the Socialist party, 
 why do they not withdraw all these 
 provisions that look like looting the 
 treasury? Why do they not withdraw 
 it and say, "Comrades, we want to make 
 certain suggestions to you and to all 
 members of the Socialist party. We 
 know that there is a diflference of opin- 
 ion. We want to put our ideas in con- 
 crete shape, and we want to have access 
 to the Socialist press so as to get access 
 to the Socialist members, and in that 
 way leave the rest of it to the intelli- 
 gence that we all have, leaving it to the 
 intelligence of the rank and file." Would 
 that not have answered every purpose? 
 and every purpose that would subserve 
 the cause of Socialism? I submit that 
 to your consideration. Another thing: 
 under the heading, "State Program," I 
 find down here that they tell us , that 
 under present circumstances the work 
 of the Socialist movemeiit_ in the state 
 legislature must necessarily be confined 
 to efforts for the realization of such 
 limited measures as they may be able to 
 wrest from capitalist concessions. That 
 sounds like good sense. They go down 
 further here and say, "They must de- 
 fend the interest of the working-class 
 against the encroachments of the capi- 
 talist class, and decline in their parlia- 
 mentary work any trading with capital- 
 ist representatives for favorable legisla- 
 tion." It has been again and again af- 
 firmed on this floor that every represen- 
 tative not elected by the Socialists and 
 not under the control of our organiza- 
 tion must iiecessarily be the representa- 
 tive of the capitalist class. How in the 
 name of all that is sensible and parlia- 
 mentary can they possibly wrest any- 
 thing as Socialist representatives of the 
 working class in parliaments where the 
 class struggle takes on the shape of 
 compromise, necessarily takes oa the 
 
Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 247 
 
 shape of concessions? How can they 
 wrest power if you at the same time 
 tell them, "You must not do any log- 
 rolling or any trading with the capitalist 
 members at all?" The thing is absurd 
 on the face of it. You cannot discon- 
 nect it. You must consider every part 
 or you must take the position for which 
 we have been censured, the impossiblist 
 position. You must go in there and 
 fight there as Socialists. Then, if you 
 are in the majority you can go in there 
 and take something from them. If you 
 are not in the majority you must seek 
 to make trades with them. And you 
 will come to that. The motion to sub- 
 stitute by the comrade from Montana 
 is to my mind the best measure that 
 can be adopted by this convention, for 
 the reason that if there is anything con- 
 crete in» this you do not lose it by that. 
 You get the chance to offer these as 
 you say you have been doing for the past 
 year. You get the chance to show to 
 these people who are to be elected some 
 things that they can do, and at the same 
 time you avoid the danger of setting 
 up a sort of cabinet bureau and some- 
 thing to entail expense on the Socialist 
 party. For that reason I claim that the 
 adoption of this thing at this time, as 
 suggested, will suggest only one thing 
 to the rank and file. They will overlook 
 whatever may be good in it. They will 
 simply say, as they would have a perfect 
 right to say — it suggests simply that the 
 immediate programmers wanted to set 
 up a machinery that would entail ex- 
 pense and wanted to give a job to some 
 ping-pong player. I think it is a mis- 
 take. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. BERTHA WILKINS (Cal.) ; 
 A point of information. I would like to 
 know what Comrade Untermann's rea- 
 sons are, as a German, as a student of 
 International Socialism ; I would like to 
 know how he came to go over on the 
 side of the opportunists. Will you allow 
 him to make that statemeTnt? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I could only do 
 it by unanimous consent of the house. 
 
 DELEGATES : Consent. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : No, I will 
 object at this time, as taking up my 
 time. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Very well ; pro- 
 ceed. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: Comrades, I am no 
 orator. I only talk about things that I 
 know about, and I have no right to go 
 
 before the American public and talk 
 about things that I do not know about. 
 So, my friends, I simply talk straight- 
 forward talk. You all know I am from 
 Kansas. A Kansas poet has said that 
 hurnan hopes and human creeds have 
 their roots in human needs, and I sup- 
 pose that there is a great human need 
 for this program which has come before 
 us this morning, which some call great 
 and which others do not. Now, my 
 friends, we have unanimously adopted 
 our platform; Some of the committee 
 on the platform openly boast that their 
 immediate demands are concealed under 
 that platform. A comrade came to me 
 off that committee yesterday who was 
 state secretary in the state of Kansas, 
 one of the men who was back of this 
 majority platform in the state of Kansas 
 where I led a fight in our convention 
 to its defeat, and told me it was an ab- 
 solute victory for this majority platform 
 that was proposed by seven out of eight 
 in the Platform Committee in the Kan- 
 sas convention. Now, my friends, I 
 want to tell you what is in that major- 
 ity platform, and if this is a victory for 
 that majority platform in Kansas, I 
 should have voted against the other, the 
 platform that we voted on yesterday. 
 But at the same time I did not vote 
 against that platform because I under- 
 stood that we were going to have an- 
 other committee report and I was silent 
 when the vote was taken yesterday. It 
 did not have my approval either one 
 way or the other because I had not 
 had an opportunity to talk upon that 
 platform. Now that majority platform 
 in Kansas stands for the public owner- 
 ship of monopolies, not interstate in 
 character, including city building sites, 
 telegraphs, telephones and electric rail- 
 ways for cities and states ; water, light- 
 ing and power plants, with service fur- 
 nished at cost; public industries, includ- 
 ing department stores, lead and zinc 
 mines, and oil, gas and salt wells, their 
 products to be furnished to Kansans at 
 cost. Over here it says: "They can 
 provide for the farmer grain elevators, 
 stock yards, packing houses, telegraphs, 
 freight transportation within the state, 
 and loans of money at cost. They can 
 elect a board of railway commissioners 
 with full power to fix rates. They can 
 unite farm to town by good roads and 
 electric car lines and telephones, pro- 
 vided by the state and furnished at cost. 
 They can enlarge and improve, at state 
 
248 
 
 Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 expense, the work of the Kansas ex- 
 periment station, and enlist the full pow- 
 er of the state in securing the long de- 
 sired outlet, by rail or canal, to the 
 Gulf of Mexico," etc. Then following 
 that paragraph comes this paragraph: 
 "The Socialists of Kansas stand for 
 each and all of these beneficent meas- 
 ures, and appeal to the wealth pro- 
 ducers of this state to aid them in 
 their attainment." - Comrades, I abso- 
 lutely opposed such a program in the 
 state of Kansas, and I submitted and 
 championed this minority report, which 
 contains the following provision : "The 
 Socialist party, when in office, shall al- 
 ways and everywhere, until the present 
 system of wage slavery is utterly abol- 
 ished, make the answer to this question 
 its guiding rule of conduct; will this 
 legislation advance the interests of the 
 working class and aid the workers in 
 their class struggle against capftalism? 
 If it does, the Socialist Party is for it; 
 if it does not, the Socialist Party is 
 absolutely opposed to it." 
 
 DEL. DILNO (Mo.) : A point of or- 
 der. He is not discussing the question 
 before the house. The platform of Kan- 
 sas is not up for discussion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is true, 
 but a man can talk about even the 
 Manifesto. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: I will say that we 
 adopted a clear-cut strictly revolution- 
 ary platform in Kansas by referendum, 
 and we defeated that kind of a propo- 
 sition that you have here. I must talk 
 hastily. The Declaration of Independ- 
 ence says, that while evils are sufferable 
 people are disposed to bear them rather 
 than rise in rebellion against them. 
 Now in 1848 when the Communist Man- 
 ifesto was written, the Socialist move- 
 ment in Europe was a popular middle- 
 class movement; and it was called the 
 Socialist movernent for that reason. I 
 will read from page 7 of the introduc- 
 tion by Frederick Engels : 
 
 Yet, when it was written we could 
 not have called it a Socialist Mani- 
 festo. By Socialists, in 1847, were 
 understood, on the one hand, the ad- 
 herents of the various Utopian sys- 
 tems : Owenites in England, Fourier- 
 ists in France, both of them already 
 reduced to the position of mere sects, 
 and gradually dying out; on the other 
 hand, the most multifarious social 
 quacks, who, by all manner of tinker- 
 
 ing, professed to redress, without any 
 danger to capital and profit, all sorts 
 of social grievances, in both cases men 
 outside the working class movement, 
 and looking rather to the "educated" 
 classes for support. Whatever por- 
 tion of the working class had become 
 convinced of the insufficiency of mere 
 political revolutions, and had pro- 
 claimed the necessity of a total social 
 change, that portion, then, called itself 
 Communist. It was a crude, rough- 
 hewn, purely instinctive sort of Com- 
 munism; still, it touched the cardinal 
 point -and was powerful enough 
 amongst the working class to pro- 
 duce the Utopian Communism, in 
 France, of Cabet, and in Germany, of 
 Weitling. Thus, Socialism was, in 
 1847, a middle class movement, Com- 
 munism a working class movement. 
 Socialism was, on the continent at 
 least, "respectable ;" Communism was 
 the very opposite. 
 
 But this Communist Manifesto con- 
 tains a program in Section II. of it, and 
 the reason I favor this report of the 
 committee this morning is — and I ex- 
 pect to be able to make it plain why it 
 is that Comrade Untermann is in favor 
 of the adoption of this program — is that 
 as to Section II. of this Communist 
 Manifesto Frederick Engels says : 
 
 No special stress, is laid on the rev- 
 olutionary measures proposed at the 
 end of Section II. That passage 
 would, in many respects, be very dif- 
 ferently worded to-day. In view of 
 the gigantic strides of modern indus- 
 try since 1848, and of the accompany- 
 ing improved and extended organiza- 
 tion of the working class, in view of 
 the practical experience gained, first 
 in the February revolution, and then 
 still more in the. Paris Commune, 
 where the proletariat for the first time 
 held political power for two whole 
 months, this program has in some de- 
 tails become antiquated. One thing 
 especially was proved by the Com- 
 mune, viz., that "the working class 
 cannot simply lay hold of the ready- 
 made state machinery and wield it for 
 its own purposes." Further, it is 
 self-evident that the criticism of So- 
 cialist literature is deficient in rela- 
 tion to the present time, because it 
 comes down only to 1847 ; also that the 
 remarks on the relations of the Com- 
 munists to the various opposition par- 
 
Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 249 
 
 ties, although in principle still correct, 
 yet in practice are antiquated, because 
 the political situation has been en- 
 tirely changed, and the progress of 
 history has swept from off the earth 
 the greater portion of the political par- 
 ties there enumerated. But then, the 
 Manifesto has become a historical 
 document, which we have no longer 
 any right to alter. 
 
 It contains a whole lot of what we 
 call immediate demands. Now, my 
 friends, I do not favor this program 
 for the reason that it offers a platform. 
 I believe we ought to have a platform 
 of principles, and we ought to have a 
 program, a reasonable appeal to attract 
 attention and bring into our movement 
 men who will become the class-conscious 
 masses of our party. I am in favor of 
 the adoption of this program for prop- 
 aganda work. I believe our appeal to 
 the people ought to be upon principles, 
 but we need a program. Comrades, I 
 would consider it a misfortune, I would 
 consider it a calamity, if I should be 
 elected to any office by the Socialist Party 
 of America and we had no such program 
 as this to back me up. We do not want 
 to make the program our basis of ap- 
 peal while we are going out making 
 propaganda speeches. Let us preach 
 the doctrine of the class-struggle, eco- 
 nomic determinism and surplus value, 
 and then we can point to our program 
 showing what we may do. Now, I want 
 to read from Labriola, who was the au- 
 thor of the Esasys on the Materialistic 
 Conception of History. In the first es- 
 say he comments upon the Communist 
 Manifesto, and this great Italian, who 
 died a few weeks ago, says on page lo 
 of his book : "We surely would be tak- 
 ing a false road if we regarded as the 
 essential part the measures advised and 
 proposed at the end of the second chap- • 
 ter" (speaking of the Communist Mani- 
 festo) "for the contingency of a revo- 
 lutionary success on the part of the 
 proletariat." That is, if we should take 
 it as the essential thing. Comrades, I 
 believe a platform of princfples is the 
 essential thing for the Socialist Party, 
 and then we need such a working pro- 
 gram as we have here from this com- 
 mitee. This necessity is shown again in 
 case of our political relationship to the 
 other revolutionary parties of Germany, 
 Japan and elsewhere. I am going to, 
 take up this program and see what we 
 have in it. This program, if you will 
 
 notice over here, says : "The work of 
 Socialist members of state legislatures 
 and local administrations, under present 
 circumstances, must necessarily be con- 
 fined to efforts for the realization of 
 such limited measures as they may be 
 able to wrest from the capitalist ma- 
 jority for the benefit and in the interest 
 of the working class." We stand at 
 all times for the interests of the work- 
 ing class. It says they must defend the 
 interest of the working class against the 
 encroachments of the capitalist class, and 
 decline, in parliamentary work, any trad- 
 ing with capitalists or their representa- 
 tives for favorable legislation. And 
 then one more sentence and I will be 
 through. All measures are to be con- 
 sidered in the light of their bearing on 
 the working class. This will prepare the 
 working people for their part in the class 
 struggle by increasing their intelligence 
 and independence and be considered as 
 so many weapons for the winning of 
 their victory. I hope you will unani- 
 mously adopt this program that has been 
 submitted by our committee. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : Does 
 the Chair keep a list of the speakers? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, just as 
 they stand up and ask for the floor I 
 mark their names down. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: You have not 
 got my name. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If you, would 
 stand and ask for the floor, I would 
 mark your name down in regular order. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: I ask for the 
 floor. 
 
 DEL. BENESSI (Mich.) : I ask for 
 the floor. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: All right. Com- 
 rade Carr has the floor. 
 
 DEL. DEBS (Ind.) : I would like 
 to ask why Comrade Untermann can- 
 not be heard in his own behalf? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Un- 
 termann spoke originally in the open- 
 ing, and he is entitled to the floor only 
 once to speak upon the question unless 
 there is unanimous consent or the rules 
 are suspended, one or the other, and 
 there was an objection because Com- 
 rate Parks was entitled to the floor at 
 the time. 
 
 DEL. DEBS: It seems to me we 
 could afford to suspend the rules to re- 
 lieve the comrade of what must be re- 
 
250 
 
 Mornmg Session, May 6. 
 
 garded as a very unfortunate position. 
 I think Comrade Untermann, if a sus- 
 pension of the rules is necessary, ought 
 to be heard in his own behalf. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is a 
 motion to suspend the rules, I will en- 
 tertain it, or if it is the unanimous con- 
 sent of the house. 
 
 DELEGATES : Consent. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
 objection to Comrade Untermann an- 
 swering the question which was asked 
 him* as to what caused his change from 
 the revolutionary European position to 
 that of favoring a program? 
 
 DELEGATES: No. 
 ■ THE CHAIRMAN: Please state 
 your question. 
 
 DELEGATl^ BERTHA WILKINS: 
 I would like to ask Delegate Untermann, 
 in view of the Dresden Conference, after 
 that struggle with the opportunists, how 
 do you stand for this platform, with its 
 opportunism? 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN: I can only 
 answer that I have not changed my po- 
 sition. My position has been before the 
 Socialist Party of the United States 
 since I have been a member of it, and 
 that is since the Indianapolis conven- 
 tion; and ever since that time, in print 
 and speech, I have declared for a strict- 
 ly scientific declaration of principles as 
 our campaign platform, dnd the separa- 
 tion of a working program from that 
 platform, and in so doing I have in no 
 way abandoned the revolutionary stand- 
 point of the Socialist parties of the 
 world. (Applause.) This same ques- 
 tion has agitated all the Socialist par- 
 ties from the very beginning. In 1869, 
 when Comrades August Bebel and Wil- 
 liam Liebknecht were first elected to 
 the Bundesrath of the North German 
 Alliance, that question was urged for 
 the first time, and Comrade Liebknecht's 
 idea fully coincided with the idea of our 
 present impossibilist friends. He said: 
 "I will tell you what we will do. We 
 will walk into the North German Bund 
 and protest and walk out again." But 
 Bebel said : "No, hold on a minute. I 
 am going to walk in, and I am going to 
 stay there, and I am going to fight the 
 capitalists in there, if I am the only So- 
 rialist member in parliament." (Ap- 
 rhuse.') In 1875 it became an absolute 
 iinrpssity for all the Socialist elements 
 in Germany to unite, because it was 
 
 now a question of either assisting the 
 bourgeoisie or being absolutely over- 
 ridden by the government. As' you 
 know, the labor movement proper in 
 Germany had been created by Lassalle 
 and propagated by the Lassalleans; and 
 their standpoint was that now held by 
 the American capitalists who believe in 
 state capitalism. But when the Lassal- 
 leans recognized that even their life -de- 
 pended on uniting with the Marxian 
 wing, it was Toelke, I believe, wasn't 
 it 
 
 DEL. JONAS: Yes, it was Toelke. 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN: —who came 
 and said, "We must get together." And 
 Liebknecht said, "All right, we must 
 get together and unite on a common 
 platform," and a common platform was 
 written. And who edited it? The 
 same comrade who several years prior 
 to this had adopted that impossible po- 
 sition, but had been converted to the 
 other position by practical (experience in 
 parliament — William Liebknecht. Again, 
 a few years after, in 1878, when the So- 
 cialist Party of Germany was threat- 
 ened with absolute destruction by the 
 passage of the anti- Socialist laws, they 
 reaffirmed the platform in principle, and 
 Karl Marx was very wrathy at the po- 
 sition they had taken because he had 
 not arrived at the same standpoint that 
 Liebknecht had in 1869, and he wrote 
 a very wrathy letter to Liebknecht, to 
 which Liebknecht replied, "My dear 
 Mfeirx, you are living in England, and 
 you do not know what is good for Ger- 
 many. We are making this fight here, 
 and with all due. deference to your judg- 
 ment, we are going to keep to our posi- 
 tion." So the Socialist Party of Ger- 
 many continued to retain the immediate 
 demands in the platform, a thing for 
 which I do not stand in the United 
 States, because, as the Communist Mani- 
 festo plainly says, the application of 
 these measures depends entirely on the 
 economic and political situation of each 
 country. The platform which we have 
 adopted contains immediate demands, 
 but they are embodied in that platform 
 in such a form that they are acceptable 
 to me, because in order to find them 
 you have got to look for 'them with a 
 microscope. Even our impossibilist 
 friends did not know that they were in 
 there until I called their attention to it, 
 and if they cannot see them I would 
 like to know how the man on the street 
 will see them. (Applanse.) Our im- 
 
Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 251 
 
 mediate-demand friends think they stole 
 a march on us, because we forced them 
 to put the immediate demands into the 
 body of the platform, and I am glad, 
 and they are glad, and we are all sat-i 
 isiied, and everything is lovely and the 
 goose hangs high. (Applause.) Now, 
 you might just as well say that Marx 
 changed his revolutionary position based 
 on the Communist Manifesto in which 
 he had embodied a long string of im- 
 mediate demands, by writing that Bruns- 
 wick letter. But he did not abandon 
 any revolutionary principle in changing 
 his opinion in this matter of tactics. 
 Moreover, he again changed his mind 
 on this point, for in the eighties of the 
 last century, when the Parti Ouvrier 
 Francais wanted a scientific platform, 
 Guesde and Lafargue got together and 
 invited Karl Marx to write a platform 
 for the party. Marx did so, and if you 
 will kindly look at that platform you 
 will see that it has a t>eautiful long 
 tail of immediate demands, worked out 
 by Karl Marx himself. Yet nobody ac- 
 cused him of being any the less revolu- 
 tionary for it. On the contrary, in con- 
 sequence of that long program for pres- 
 ent-day action, ihe Parti Ouvrier Fran- 
 cais was enabled to push the class strug- 
 gle vigorously in the French munici- 
 palities, even more so than the oppor- 
 tunist Millerandists who had used the 
 immediate demands for political trading 
 rather than for a class struggle activity. 
 The Millerandists did not pay as much 
 attention to the Social Revolution in the 
 municipalities as the Guesdists did, and 
 so the latter did much more effective 
 work for Socialism than the former. I, 
 therefore, say that I have in no way 
 abandoned the standpoint which I have 
 held before and since I went into this 
 party. If you will please look at a lit- 
 tle pamphlet that I wrote about the mu- 
 nicipalities, and look at an article that 
 I wrote in the International Socialist Re- 
 view about a political program, you will 
 see that I absolutely have Been true to 
 the position I have there taken. I do 
 not think that in the United States therp 
 will ever be any necessity for my chang- 
 ing that position, but I realize that if 
 we could have the revolution to-morrow 
 we might as well have it to-day. No, 
 but you can fight for the revolution in 
 parliament; j-ou can fight the capitalist 
 clafss in parliament, and every little sug- 
 gestion followed out there will be a 
 means of fighting for the revolution in 
 
 parliament. I absolutely deny the cor; 
 rectness of the position taken by Com- 
 rade Dalton that it will not be possible 
 to wrest something from the capitalist 
 class. With the immense trade union 
 movement in the United States ready 
 to be crushed under the iron heel of 
 military despQjism ; with the Parryites 
 and the Citizens' Alliances organized all 
 over this country to crush unionism, 
 there will soon be i demand even by 
 the pure and simple trade unionists for 
 political representatives — the weapon, 
 and the only weapon, by which labor can 
 be emancipated. They will come into 
 the Socialist Party then, and we shall 
 send men into parliament. And the eco- 
 nomic situation outside will be an argu- 
 ment that will back us up and force the 
 capitalists to grant these demands that 
 we shall make on them. Just as the 
 Guesdists in France, who, taking ad- 
 vantage of the French economic situa- 
 tion, have been able to better the con- 
 dition of the working class of the great 
 cities, so to a much greater extent shall 
 we in the United States be able to help 
 the working class by fighting the revo- 
 lution in all the administrations of this 
 country. In closing, I again reiterate 
 that I have not changed my position; 
 that I have been faithful to that posi- 
 tion and faithful to the comrades who 
 have believed in me, because I took that 
 position, and I can assure you that they 
 shall never regret that they have trusted 
 me. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : The adoption 
 of the platform yesterday came to .me 
 as an inspiration. I believe the docu- 
 ment will become sacred in the years to 
 come. I believe that the Socialist move- 
 ment will date a new impulse from the 
 adoption of that platform. I feel with 
 reference to this program very much 
 the same way, for the very reason that 
 from the first I objected to it when it 
 was presented to me, and made some 
 remarks in harmony with the remarks 
 of Comrade Dalton, that it was a blank- 
 et, and too big, and all that sort ^f 
 thing; but the very comprehensiveness 
 of this program is after all its great feat- 
 ure. An objection is made that the 
 motion to substitute includes in it the 
 expression "in favor of everything that 
 favors the working class and against 
 everything that opposes it." It seems 
 to me that Comrade Walsh should with- 
 draw that motipn to substitute, and 
 should favor this program on that prop- 
 
252 
 
 Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 osition. It is so comprehensive and it 
 covers the ground so thoroughly that it 
 is liardly hkely that questions can arise 
 in the municipalities or states that can- 
 not at least be illuminated by the pro- 
 gram proposed. (Applause.) And for 
 that reason, and also because I am in 
 favor of the general proposition of your 
 program, 1 am very urgently in favor of 
 the adoption of this program substan- 
 tially as it has been presented. But it 
 does seem to me that the adoption of 
 this program as an official utterance of 
 this convention, even though it be urged 
 only as suggestions, is sufficient at this 
 time without the formation of a bureau 
 and the election of a secretary to have in 
 charge something which is in itself but 
 suggestive and advisory. (Applause.) 
 It does seem to me that the national of- 
 fice and the state offices and the local 
 party, guided by the suggestions in this 
 program and aided by the advice of 
 genuine Socialist lawyers that are be- 
 coming numerous in the Socialist Par- 
 ty, will be quite sufficient to meet all 
 the necessities of the case without the 
 addition of this expense to our work. 
 (Applause.) The general objection is 
 made to the program by those who have 
 opposed it — though I am happy to say 
 that the opposition is not in the same 
 spirit that it was before^that they be- 
 lieve in Socialism and not in these im- 
 mediate demands. That reminds me of 
 a shipwrecked crew on a storm-tossed 
 sea in a life boat, the crew divided into 
 two factions; one faction says, "I want 
 to ^get to shore, and I do not 
 believe in anything else but get- 
 ting to shore." The other faction 
 says, "We are just as anxious to get to 
 shore as you are, but in order to get 
 to shore we have got to bail the boat, 
 we have got to work and we have got 
 to use every practical means possible 
 to get to shore." (Applause.) It has 
 been stated on this floor by one op- 
 posed to the adoption of this program 
 that this program would be by her fa- 
 vorably considered ;f we were about to 
 elect a President of the United States, 
 senate, congress, and all that sort of 
 thing. Gentlemen, I submit that this 
 progranrwould be very insignificant and 
 insufficiCTit in such a situation as that. 
 (Applause.) We would be at shore 
 then, on the point of landing. We would 
 not need buckets to bail with nor oars 
 to row with. The conditions that would 
 prevail if we were on the point of car- 
 
 rying this country by a great victory 
 would be very different, and the prac- 
 tical appliances would not be the same. 
 I want to make the point a little clearer 
 if possible that the only difference be- 
 tween us is as to the method by which 
 we will get to shore. On that point I 
 appeal to the record of the Socialist 
 Party in France, Germany and else- 
 where. I presume all of you are ac- 
 quainted with the development of So- 
 cialism in .the French and German cities 
 where the comrades have obtained local, 
 control. They have been just as firm 
 and clear as we have in the declaration 
 of Socialist principles, but they have real- 
 ized that when they were elected, they 
 had certain demands that they must 
 meet; demands made by the people that 
 they must meet ; and they started out to 
 meet them. They have revolutionized 
 the public schools in their respective cit- 
 ies. ' They have revolutionized public 
 transportation "and other things in their 
 respective cities, and they have shown 
 so practically to the masses of those re- 
 spective cities, who see the workings 
 under the Socialist government and the 
 good of a Socialist administration even 
 in the midst of the capitalist system, 
 that it is almost impossible to dislodge 
 these Socialist municipal governments 
 after they have once been established. 
 (Applause.) Capitalism seems to have 
 no chance to regain its lost power under 
 circumstances like those. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio) : I would 
 like to ask a question. Will you move 
 to strike out that bureau? 
 
 DEL. CARR: Excuse me, I want to 
 use my time just now for another pur- 
 pose. I am told that my time is almost 
 up. As I said in the first place, I can- 
 not feel in a very combative mood when 
 there is such a spirit manifested in this, 
 and I insist, with great seriousness, on 
 the adoption of this report substantially 
 as it has been submitted. 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.) : Comrades, 
 Mis^ssippi will not detain you very 
 long; but I am in favor of this pro- 
 gram, whether that be opportunist or 
 whatever it may be, I am in favor of 
 the program as submitted by your com- 
 mittee. Why? On your streets only last 
 night I heari the arguments of various 
 Socialists in combat with citizens of 
 your city and I frequently heard it said, 
 "Aha, they don't agree on what they 
 want themselves;" and in lecturing I 
 
Morning Session-, May 6. 
 
 253 
 
 have had the question asked, "What are 
 you going to do to replace the conditions 
 that we have?" Some of our speakers 
 have said that if we have not got men 
 with sense enough to know what to do 
 when they are elected, don't nominate 
 them." That is all very well, but when 
 you answer the question and then some- 
 one else asks you if that is the party 
 position and you say, "No, this is only 
 my personal position," your position 
 falls to the ground. And so we in the 
 state of Mississippi ask for a guide 
 something like this, so that we can 
 show that all Socialists have some sem- 
 blance of harmony on these questions 
 of local issues. We have been told that 
 this is patch work. The patch work 
 that I take it for is something like a 
 boat I knew that was rebuilt on the 
 Mississippi. There was a good old gen-' 
 tleman there, a wealthy lumber dealer, 
 who had his own ships and schooners, 
 and one time had a boat that he called 
 the Katy Maria, and the old thmg was 
 so rotten it was in danger of sinking, 
 and the crew refused to sail on it any 
 longer. So he thought he would have 
 to dp a little patch work on the schooner, 
 and he had it hauled up on the ship- 
 yard to be patched, and they- patched it. 
 The ship builders went to work and tOQJf 
 off the decks, took off the siding, took 
 out the rudder, and they kept on tak- 
 ing the pieces off piece meal. Once in 
 a while Mr. Leonard, the owner, came 
 around to see how the patch work was 
 geting along, and finally he left it in 
 the hands of the shipbuilders, and when 
 they got through with it the only old 
 thing about the schooner was its name, 
 Katy Maria. (Applause.) The men 
 who were rebuilding his Katy Maria 
 knew the dangers in going to sea with 
 a patch-work boat, and they made it 
 safe, but they did it in a way that Mr. 
 Leonard was not ont». And so I be-, 
 lieve that the Socialists of to-day will 
 rebuild the old ship of state, and when 
 it comes out of the political dry dock, it 
 will be new, and there will not even be 
 the old name to it. Now, in Missis- 
 sippi — I don't know how it is with the 
 rest of you — the situation is something 
 like this: we have no guide to go by 
 where I live. We have summer bath 
 houses, and have small rails extending 
 out into the water where people can go 
 during the summer months. Those are 
 very narrow paths, and. some have rail- 
 ings and some have not, and on very 
 
 dark nights people sometimes walk out 
 upon the wharves, and where there are 
 no railings they occasionally fall over- 
 board and take the bath before they are 
 prepared for it. Where there are guides 
 or railings on the sides, they are always 
 perfectly safe. Now, if I go before the 
 comrades of Mississippi — not the So- 
 cialist comrades, but the comrades that 
 we want to make Socialists of — and 
 when they ask me our position on local 
 questions and ask if that is the position 
 of the party on some question, I can say 
 it was the position recommended by the 
 national convention assembled in Chi- 
 cago, and then I have got something per- 
 manent and solid to stand on. It is 
 not my personal opinion at all. (Ap- 
 plause.) I believe the best possible lit- 
 erature that we can circulate in Missis- 
 sippi — I don't know how it is in these 
 other cities of the north — is this paper 
 that we are discussing right now. Some 
 say that we don't want our comrades 
 elected to offices, for instance, because 
 they would have to trade. I do not be- 
 lieve they would have to trade. But 
 let us follow that to the logical conclu- 
 sion. If we follow it out to the logical 
 conclusion, we won't elect anybody. 
 What kind of a party are we to go 
 before the people and say, "Here we are, 
 but we don't want your votes, because 
 if we elect men and put them in the 
 legislative bodies they will be utterly 
 unable to do a thing." (Applause.) 
 "We don't want them to do a thing." 
 If we talked to the people in Missis- 
 sippi like that, saying that our men are 
 unable to do anything when elected, do 
 you think we are gomg to get them to 
 help us elect them? I believe that our 
 comrades can do something; not a great 
 deal, it is true, but they can do some- 
 thing with this guide to help them. And 
 so whether you call me an opportunist 
 or what not. I am a Socialist to the 
 backbone, but I am in favor of this 
 paper. (Applause.) 
 
 Delegate Toole of Maryland moved 
 the previous question. Seconded. 
 
 Delegate Mills of Kansas took the 
 floor. 
 
 DEL. HERRON (N, Y.) : I rise to 
 a question of personal privilege. 
 
 DEL. JONAS (N. Y.) : Are you go- 
 ing according to the list? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Yes. 
 
 Here the Chairman stated that at the 
 noon adjournment an opportunity would 
 
254 
 
 Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 be given all delegates who were not in 
 the first photograph taken of the mem- 
 bers of the convention, to have their 
 pictures taken and added to the main 
 photograph. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I now under- 
 stand that Delegate Herron has a ques- 
 tion of personal privilege. I think it is 
 that we suspend the rules and ask the 
 committee to present the candidate for 
 President to the convention. 
 
 DEL. HERRON: Yes. 
 
 Comrade Debs, the nominee for Pres- 
 ident, was then escorted to the platform 
 by the Committee of Notification. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrades, it is 
 my pleasure to present to you the Ferdi- 
 nand Lasalle of the twentieth century. 
 
 Debs' Speech of Acceptance. 
 
 Comrade Debs was greeted with pro- 
 longed applause, and after it had sub- 
 sided sufficiently for him to be heard 
 he addressed the convention as follows : 
 
 In the councils of the Socialist Party 
 the collective will is. supreme. (Ap- 
 plause.) Personally I could have wished 
 to remain in the ranks, to make my 
 record, humble tho,ugh it might be, fight- 
 ing unnamed and unhonored side by side 
 with my comrades. I accept your nomi- 
 nation, not because of any honor it con- 
 fers — for in the Socialist movement no 
 comrade can be honored except as he 
 honors himself by his fidelity to the 
 
 movement (Applause.) I accept 
 
 your nomination because of the confi- 
 dence it implies, because of the duty it 
 imposes. I cannot but wish that I may 
 in a reasonable measure meet your ex- 
 pectations ; that I may prove myself fit 
 and worthy to bear aloft in the coming 
 contest the banner of the working class 
 (applause) ; that by my utterances and 
 by my acts, not as an individual, but as 
 your representative, I may prove my- 
 self worthy to bear the standard of the 
 only party that proposes to emancipate 
 my class from the thralldom of the ages. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 It is my honor to stand in the pres- 
 ence of a historic convention, and I 
 would that Karl Marx might be here 
 to-day (applause) ; I would that Las- 
 salle and Engels, the men who long 
 before the movement had its present 
 standing wrought and sacrificed to make 
 it possible for me to stand in this mag- 
 nificent presence — I wish it were possi- 
 ble for them to share in the glories of 
 
 this occasion. We are on the eve of 
 battle to-day. We are ready for the 
 contest. (Applause.) We are eager for 
 the fray. (Applause.) We depart from 
 here with the endorsement of a con- 
 vention that shall challenge' the ap- 
 proval of the working class of the world. 
 (Applause.) The platform upon which 
 we stand is the first American utterance 
 upon the subject of International So- 
 cialism. (Applause.) Hitherto we have 
 repeated, we have reiterated, we have 
 followed. For the first time in the his- 
 tory of the American movement we have 
 realized the American expression of 
 that movement. There is not a line, 
 not a word in that platform which is not 
 revolutionary, which is not clear, which 
 does 'not state precisely and properly the 
 position of the American movement. We 
 leave this convention, standing on this 
 platform, to throw down the gauntlet 
 to the capitalist enemy (applause), to 
 challenge the capitalist oppressor who 
 stands for the perpetuation of the sys- 
 tem that keeps in chains the workers 
 in whose name we meet to-day. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 There is a Republican party ; the 
 dominant capitalist party of this time ; 
 the party that has its representative in 
 the White House; the party that rules 
 in both branches of Congress ; the party 
 that controls the Supreme Court ; the 
 party that commands the press ; the 
 party that gives inspiration to the sub 
 sidized pulpit ; the party that guides 
 every force of government ; the party 
 that is in absolute power in every de- 
 partment of our public affairs. And as 
 a necessary result we find that corrup- 
 tion is rampant; that the Congress of 
 the United ■ States dare not respond to 
 the demands of the people to uncover 
 the sources from which corruption flows 
 like lava streams down mountain sides ; 
 that they adjourtied long before the 
 regular hour in order that they might 
 postpone the inevitable. (Applause.) 
 
 There is a Democratic party (a voice, 
 "Where?") ; a party that has not stock 
 enough left to proclaim its own bank- 
 ruptcy (laughter and applause) ; an ex- 
 piring party that totters upon the crum- 
 bling foundations of a dying class ; a 
 party that is torn by dissension; a party 
 that cannot unite ; a party that is look- 
 ing backward and hoping for the resur- 
 rection of the men who gave it inspira- 
 tion a century ago; a party that is ap- 
 pealing to the cemeteries of the past 
 
Morning Session, May 6. 
 
 255 
 
 (applause) ; a party that is trying to 
 vitalize itself by its ghosts, by its 
 corpses, by those who cannot be heard 
 in their own defense. (Applause.) 
 Thomas Jeflferson would scorn to enter 
 a modern Democratic convention. He 
 would have as little business there as 
 Abraham Lincoln would have in a lat- 
 ter-day Republican convention. (Ap- 
 plause.) If they were living to-day they 
 would be delegates to this convention. 
 (Tremendous applause.) 
 
 The Socialist Party meets these two 
 capitalist parties face to face.without apol- 
 ogy, scorning to compromise; it throws 
 down the gage of battle and declares 
 that there is but one solution of what 
 is called the labor question, and that is 
 by the complete overthrow of the capi- 
 talist system. (Applause.) 
 
 You have honored me, in the magni- 
 tude of the task you have imposed upon 
 me, far beyond the power of my weak 
 words to express. I can simply say that 
 obedient to your call I respond, (Ap- 
 plause.) Responsive to your command 
 I am here, to serve you to the limit of 
 my capacity. My controlling ambition 
 shall be to bear the standard aloft where 
 the battle waxes thickest. (Applause.) 
 I shall take advantage of every oppor- 
 tunity to proclaim the emancipating 
 mission of the Socialist movement. I 
 shall be heard in the coming campaign 
 (applause), as often, as decidedly, as 
 emphatically, as revolutionarily (ap- 
 plause), and as uncompromisingly (ap- 
 plause) as my ability, my strength and 
 .my fealty to the party will allow. 
 
 I invoke no aid but that which springs 
 from the misery of my class (applause) 
 — no power that does not spring spon- 
 taneous from the oppression and exploit- 
 ation of the workers of the world. 
 
 Above all things I realize that for the 
 first time in the history of the ages 
 there is a working-class movement 
 ("Hear, hear," and applause) — perfect- 
 ly free from the patronizing cant of 
 those who riot in the misery of the class 
 who make up that movement. 
 
 On this occasion, above all others, my 
 comrades, we are appealing to ourselves, 
 we are bestirring ourselves, we are 
 arousing the working class, the class 
 that through all the ages has been op- 
 pressed, crushed, robbed and debased, 
 for the one reason that it has lacked 
 the consciousness of its overmastering 
 power that shall finally give it supreme 
 
 control and make it the sovereign ruler 
 of the world. (Applause.) This class 
 is just beginning to awaken from the 
 toiipor of the centuries (applause). The 
 most hopeful sign of the time is that 
 from the dull, dim eye of the proletaire 
 there shoots forth the first gleam of in- 
 telligence, the first signal that he is 
 waking up, and that he is becoming con- 
 scious of his power ; and when through 
 the vitalizing influence of the Socialist 
 movement he shall become completely 
 conscious of that power, he will over- 
 throw the capitalist system and bring 
 emancipation to his class and to all hu- 
 manity. (Great applause.) 
 
 To consecrate myself to my part in 
 this great work is my supreme ambition. 
 (Applause.) I can only hope to do that 
 part which is expected of me so well 
 that my comrades, when the final verdict 
 is rendered, will say, "He "is not remem- 
 bered because he was a candidate for 
 President; he did not aspire to hold 
 office; he did not try to associate his 
 name with the passing glories, but he 
 did prove himself a worthy member of 
 the Socialist Party (applause) ; he 
 proved his right to a place in the Inter- 
 national Socialist movement. (Ap- 
 plause.) If when the service to which , 
 you have called me shall have been 
 completed this can be said of me, 
 my acceptance of your nomination will 
 have been far better made' than I 
 could hope to frame it in weak words, 
 and so I close, with the wish and the 
 hope and the ambition that when the 
 fight has been fought, when the task 
 you have imposed upon me has been per- 
 formed, so far as it lies in the power 
 of an individual to perform that task, 
 my acceptance of the honor you have 
 conferred upon me will have been 
 worthily made, and that your judgment 
 may then be vindicated by the mem- 
 bership of the party throughout the 
 country. 
 
 From the depths of my heart I thank 
 you. I thank you and each of you, and 
 through you those you represent. I 
 thank you not from my lips merely. I 
 thank you from the depths of a heart 
 that is responsive to your consideration. 
 We shall meet again. We shall meet 
 often. And when we meet finally we 
 shall meet as a victorious host to ratify 
 the triumph of the .Socialist Republic. 
 (Great au'l prolonged applause.) 
 
 Prolonged cheers and applause fol- 
 
256 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6 
 
 lowed the address of Comrade Debs, 
 terminating with three rousing cheers 
 and a tiger. When a semblance of order 
 was finally restored the Chair said: 
 
 Comrades, the hour of adjournment 
 has passed and we will adjourn until 
 half-past one— but wait one moment. I 
 wish to repeat the request that was 
 made by the photographer, that those 
 who were not included in the photo- 
 graph will step back a moment and step 
 to the back of the hall. 
 
 DEL. Mills (Kas.) : I wish to make 
 a suggestion which I think we will 
 
 unanimously agree to, and that is that 
 upon beginning the discussion after ad- 
 journment the three-minute rule be 
 adopted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Make it five. 
 
 DEL. Mills: All right. I move we 
 suspend the- rules and adopt the five- 
 minute rule on speeches a,fter the ad- 
 journment. 
 
 Delegate: I move to amend by mak- 
 ing* it three-minute speeches. 
 
 DEL. Mills : I accept the amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The convention 
 stands adjourned. 
 
 AFTERNOON SESSION 
 
 The Chairman called the convention 
 to order at 1 130 P. M. 
 
 Consideration of the report of the 
 Committee on State and Municipal Pro- 
 gram was resumed. 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Col.) moved that 
 speakers be limited to three minutes. 
 The motion was seconded by Delegate 
 Mills (Kan.) 
 
 It was moved to amend by permitting 
 members of the committee to have ten 
 minutes. Seconded. 
 
 The previous question being ordered, 
 the motion as amended was carried. 
 
 DEL. LUCAS (Minn.) : It was not 
 my desire to take up much time in this 
 debate at the start, because I thought 
 these resolutions or this program was 
 so much within the limit of common 
 sense that it would not be necessary for 
 any debate, and in taking the floor at 
 this time I only wish to set forth the 
 opinion of the members in Minnesota. 
 I know that in Minnesota 98 out of 
 every 100 — aye, more than that — will be 
 in favor of this proposition. To vote 
 down this proposition is simply to turn 
 the Socialist ship loose without any 
 chart, without any rudder, to let us act 
 without any system. We must have 
 something else besides a compass ; we 
 must have a chart to steer by; we must 
 know our course if we do not want to 
 go to pieces on the rocks. Now, the 
 program that is presented here is not 
 mandatory ; it simply gives us a certain 
 guide so that the people in the United 
 States, and especially in the West, will 
 have some idea of what we want and 
 how to get at it and how to do it. 
 People who talk the most about Karl 
 Marx and revolutionary Socialism and 
 all that thing are sometimes the most 
 ignorant Socialists we have in the move- 
 
 ment. (Cries of "No, no.") I prefer 
 to stand by the advice of such men as 
 Liebknecht and Bebel rather than by 
 that of comrades who have only been 
 in the movement a short time. I believe 
 in going for those things that are a 
 possibility, but doing it on our own 
 initiative and on our own platform, 
 without any concessions to the other 
 parties or wish any of their help. I 
 believe also in the advice of Liebknecht, 
 that whenever you can seize anything 
 that is for the interest of the laboring 
 class, we should seize it and take it 
 without compromise. (Applause.) 
 
 Delegate Bosky (Minn.) asked to 
 have his name placed on the speakers' 
 list. 
 
 DEL. KERRIGAN (Tex.): I fully 
 sympathize with the desire for an em- 
 phatic, clear declaration of principles^ 
 but I am satisfied that some of the 
 comrades are mistaken in their view of 
 the value of this program. We have 
 had some experience in Texas with the 
 confusion that arises from the want -of 
 an expression on the part of our party 
 as to just what measures in a municipal 
 way are advisable for the Socialist 
 movement. Last spring I was in a cam- 
 paign there, and it devolved upon me 
 and a few other comrades to prepare a 
 platform, so I went to a scrapbook that 
 I keep and extracted some of the plat- 
 forms that I had been collecting from 
 various newspapers that had published 
 the platforms adopted in cities in dif- 
 ferent parts of the country. I want to 
 say that there were no two of them 
 alike; and some of them were so cort 
 tradictory that I wondered that any one 
 would put them forth and expect to be 
 credited with good sense. Now, I want 
 to say that the conditions in the ortho- 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6 
 
 257 
 
 dox religious world are a fair sample 
 of what arises from a want of authority 
 in interpretation. There are over a 
 thousand creeds, I believe, and one of 
 the charges brought against the Catho- 
 lic church has been that it would not 
 allow the people to interpret the Bible 
 to suit themselves. Now, I am not en- 
 dorsing the religion of the Catholic 
 church, but it is true that where each 
 man claims the right to interpret the 
 Bible to suit himself, confusion is the 
 result. I make' no comparison between 
 Socialism and such questions as ortho- 
 doxy, but I say this, that if a man is 
 allowed to place any construction that he 
 sees fit on Socialism, we can understand 
 just exactly what the result will be. 
 There is nothing binding in this pro- 
 gram, and I think the comrades are 
 simply mistaken as to its purpose and 
 effect. I know there are some men who 
 think it their duty to express their su- 
 perheated class-consciousness by always 
 insisting on nothing but the very "es- 
 sence of International Socialism in 
 every utterance, though I am not pre- 
 pared to say that the comrades here to- 
 day are of that stripe. Now, I only 
 object to that part of the report that 
 would tend to bind the party to a defi- 
 nite program, and dare say there is a 
 marked tendency on the part of Social- 
 ists to refuse their own medicine. We 
 are very loud in our declarations about 
 economic determinism, and point out 
 how it operates in the world at large, 
 but when it comes to our own affairs we 
 do not want to take our own medicine. 
 Here is a case of economic determin- 
 ism staring us in the face, running right 
 into our arms : a proposition to estab- 
 lish a salaried office with $i,ooo ex- 
 penses attached to it. Now, I should 
 waive that. That is the only part that 
 I seriously object to. There are some 
 minor details that are inconsequential 
 and can be settled when the time comes. 
 I want to emphasize one fact 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Time. If the 
 comrade had listened to the report he 
 would have noticed that there was ^ not 
 one word about the salary to be given 
 to the Secretary. The report provided 
 tor a committee with a secretary. He 
 was to be elected by the Committee on 
 Municipal Program, with the consent 
 of the. Executive Committee, and they 
 were to fix the compensation. 
 
 DEL. HEYDRICK (Pa.) : I am in 
 favor of the substitute offered by Com- 
 
 rade Walsh of Montana, for the reason 
 that at present the Socialist movement 
 is rather educational than anything else, 
 and for the further reason that you have 
 there a program long enough to satisfy 
 the possible, not to say probable re- 
 quirements of the party for the next 
 IS or 20 years. We have every popu- 
 list plank that it is possible to incor- 
 porate into one, and for the reason that 
 that is so it seems to me that the proper 
 thing to do is to make a short, concise 
 and definite declaration upon the policy 
 of the members elected upon that vote- 
 catching platform. There is nothing in 
 the composition and construction of 
 Comrade Walsh's amendment to which 
 even Comrade Spargo would take ex- 
 ception, as far as its English is con- 
 cerned, I believe. It is easily compre- 
 hensible, and everyone to whom it comes 
 should understand definitely the position 
 of the Socialist party, and this is one 
 thing that will be hard for him to learn 
 from any other declaration of this con- 
 vention. In the last analysis, anyway, 
 the best that can be said is that the test 
 for our position upon any legislation 
 is, whether or not it is m the interest 
 of the working class. If we pledge our- 
 selves to that position and are true to 
 it, we may rest assured that any power 
 once conferred by the working class on 
 our candidates shall be again and again 
 reposed in them so long as they are true 
 to that cardinal principle. Of course 
 I know that what I say, like what Com- 
 rade Gibbs and a few others have said, 
 will have no weight because we belong 
 to that fraction of the working class 
 known as the intellectual proletarians, 
 or the proletarian intellectuals. We have 
 both here, and even a taint of that is 
 of course out of place here. The intel- 
 lectual has no place in the Socialist 
 movement until after he is dead. Then 
 he is used here as authority for every 
 statement. (Apjlause.) 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN (111.) : In the 
 first place, let us understand this : there 
 are 546 cities in the United States with 
 over 8,000 inhabitants. You may nomi- 
 nate your candidates for President and 
 Vice-President this year, but you will 
 not elect them. You know that in the 
 next year or two you will not only elect 
 one, but hundreds of aldermen, and a 
 great number of representatives to go 
 to the legislatures of the different 
 states. You must have some definite 
 
258 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6 
 
 method of instructing them, or at least 
 of pointing out what should characterize 
 their action in a legislative body. It is 
 argued by some who seem to be proud 
 that they are not intellectuals — in other 
 words, proud of their own ignorance 
 (applause), proud because they know 
 little— that the ideal test of a proposi- 
 tion should be whether it is in favor of 
 the working class, and if so, we are in 
 favor of it. Let me tell you that every 
 democratic politician of whom the So- 
 cialists might ask, "what will you do?" 
 will answer, "anything the wording 
 class wants." Ask Bath House- John 
 and every corrupt politician, and they 
 will say, "I am for the working class, 
 and I will do everything they want." 
 Ask a politician in the Impossible camp, 
 and you get exactly the same reply, "I 
 will vote for the interest of my class." 
 When you ask, "What do you propose 
 to do?" then he will be unable to tell. 
 Let us remember a few things ; that this 
 movement at the present time is a mu- 
 nicipal movement ; it will grow and de- 
 velop within the states, and you will 
 take possession of them long before you 
 do of the national government. The 
 municipalities are the natural homes of 
 the proletariat. It will first assert its 
 strength there. You will first be obliged 
 to assume a constructive course and con- 
 structive propaganda there. We are 
 going to have new conditions. The con- 
 dition that has characterized our move- 
 ment heretofore has been analytical and 
 condemnatory of the capitalist system. 
 We are going to have responsibility 
 thrust upon our shoulders, on the shoul- 
 ders of every member of our party. As 
 Socialist officers increase in number, just 
 to that extent must we assume a con- 
 structive course in introducing within 
 the present system all that we can that 
 will enable the proletarians to raise 
 their standard of living and contribute 
 to their well-being. There are inquiries 
 coming in from members of the party 
 asking that we endorse this proposition 
 and endorse that proposition. To whom 
 should these go? To the National Sec- 
 retary, when the National Secretary has 
 a great amount of work upon his hands? 
 Of course, until after the national ma- 
 chinery is running that might be done, 
 but not otherwise. After the work is 
 organized it should go to a committee 
 who will have it in charge and who 
 should devote their attention to it. The 
 Indianapolis convention created such a 
 
 committee, and you have that commit- 
 tee's report to begin with, and you know 
 the character of the committee and the 
 research shown by their report. You 
 should have some kind of special work 
 for the different committees. The most 
 of them cannot run the whole move- 
 ment, but they may become quite per- 
 fect in a particular department. 
 
 DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.) : All I 
 want to say is that I want to ask Com- 
 rade Walsh to take the substitute that 
 he introduced and put it into the con- 
 stitution. I think that is the proper 
 place for it, but not on the program. 
 The next point, as Comrade Stedman 
 pointed out, there is no compulsion at- 
 tached to the program that has been 
 made out ; it is a general recommenda- 
 tion of the committee. The next one : 
 I want to say this, that in all the ex- 
 perience of the Socialist party, wherever 
 they have attempted any legislation, that 
 is whenever it was forced upon them 
 where the growth of the movement has 
 made it absolutely necessary that they 
 take the reins of government in mu- 
 nicipalities, they have been confronted 
 with that one obstacle, that neither the 
 party, state, national nor local, has had 
 any provision made for such occasions 
 as that. We have got in Alabama two 
 aldermen, both of them Socialists, but 
 there is no program, and it was impos- 
 sible for the local there to provide sug- 
 gestions as to what is necessary to do 
 for them to work under. We are not 
 academicians ; most of us are working 
 men. Now, wherever there has been 
 an organized movement of the Socialist 
 party that has taken hold of the powers 
 of the municipal government, they have 
 a program mapped out by which each 
 and everyone of the officials can sho* 
 that their action was based on a certain 
 line of municipal action, and the result 
 has proved so satisfactory that they 
 were never called back ; they have re- 
 mained in office. The water works of 
 Berlin are one instance, the city rail- 
 ways of Berlin another. In the legisla- 
 tures of several of the middle states of 
 Germany there are men that have been 
 elected and re-elected; and why? Be- 
 cause they were standing on a certain 
 defined platform or routine of work 
 that was mapped out by the party for 
 these officials to follow and carry out. 
 And if they could not carry then out 
 it called the attention of the whole pub- 
 lic, of all the people, to certain objec- 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6\ 
 
 259 
 
 tions in carrying on the work and prop- 
 • aganda of the party, which is far more 
 important and has done more good than 
 all other propaganda combined. It was 
 a practical illustration of the Socialist 
 in office and that is what we need, and 
 what we need is a guide by which each 
 man can do his work. The street rail- 
 ways in several cities are ready almost 
 to be brought under direct control of 
 the municipalities. Waterworks the 
 same; some of them have them. Now, 
 if you do not define the conduct which 
 will govern any Socialist officials elected 
 to such_ positions in such departments, 
 then you will not show to the public 
 what the man has to do. Just like the 
 previous speaker said, the democratic 
 and republican ward heelers will give 
 the same answer to the voter as the So- 
 cialist will. But we might give him a 
 platform and refer him to certain ob- 
 jects in view that are set Out by the 
 party, and then it is a different propo- 
 sition. Therefore, I hope you will adopt 
 the majority program report. 
 
 DEL. HAZLETT (Col.) : May I 
 have the consent of the convention to 
 speak after the other Colorado delegates 
 have spoken? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The comrade 
 wishes to know whether she can have 
 consent to speak after the other Colo- 
 rado delegates have spoken. 
 
 DELEGATES : Consent. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection it will be permitted. No ob- 
 jection. 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.) : Comrades, 
 I would like to give you a slight history 
 of the origin of the wording of this 
 amendment. The only portion of the 
 Seattle platform, which has now been 
 adopted by five states, and I am re- 
 sponsible for, is that section which is 
 included in this amendment : "The So- 
 cialist party, when in office, shall always 
 and everywhere," -and so on ; you are 
 familiar with it; it is in this amend- 
 ment. Two years ago in our municipal 
 election, this platform was drawn, and 
 the wording of that particular section 
 was due to me; nothing else in it. You 
 have it in your Chicago platform, I be- 
 lieve, the municipal platform. Now, in 
 . addition to the statement that when we 
 are in office we will try every question 
 with respect to the interest of the work- 
 ing class, I had added what is necessary 
 
 to go with it, a statement of the things 
 that we would' do under the particular 
 local conditions where we are asking 
 for the suffrages of the citizens. (Ap- 
 plause.) Comrade Ault of Idaho re- 
 minds me of this fact also — I had for- 
 gotten it : our comrades in the conven- 
 tion, in spite of my advocacy of this 
 what you might call immediate-demand 
 idea, cut that off and put the platform 
 before the public there in its beheaded 
 condition. (Applause.) That is, the 
 head is Ihere, but the limbs are gone. 
 We say we will do these things, 
 but we do not tell what we will 
 do. Now the judgment of a par- 
 ty is better than the judgment of any 
 one or two men. (Applause.) I do 
 not believe in any procrustean law by 
 which a party will say how you should 
 do these things when you get into 
 power, but I do believe in our suggest- 
 ing and intimating, under special condi- 
 tions and environments, what the men 
 who go into office to represent the party 
 should do. This you can have. There 
 is every reason to believe w& have it 
 here. I want to say that this is not a 
 platform; it is not even a suggestion of 
 a platform. We have got the platform 
 by itself. The platform says exactly 
 what is in this long list; in substance, 
 that we will do certain things in the in- 
 terest of the working class if we hav;e 
 the chance. Now, then, is there anything 
 impracticable about that? Is there any- 
 thing about that that is non-revolution- 
 ary? As I came up to the room I heard 
 a comrade ridiculing this platform and 
 ridiculing these demands. These are 
 not demands except when we shall try 
 to do something; they are a mere sug- 
 gestion of the line in which we will act. 
 It is absolutely rational ; and it would 
 be irrational to leave the old demand 
 or statement that we will do whatever 
 we can, and then not say what we will 
 do under specific conditions. Those are 
 the things, I believe, that make it rea- 
 sonable to adopt this platform. The 
 constant mistake is made, however, of 
 talking about those immediate demands 
 as things that we are going before the 
 people to advocate. No, we are going' 
 before the people on the platform that 
 we adopted yesterday. (Applause.) 
 We will not talk about these things at 
 all. If a man is elected to a legislative 
 assembly in any state or to the council 
 in a city, those are things which he will 
 
260 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 try to do while we are a minority. 
 When we become a majority we will 
 fulfill the promises of the platform. (Ap- 
 plause.) We will overwhelm the capi- 
 talist system and abolish wages. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.) : I am going 
 to say that I am in favor of adopting 
 these suggestions because they are only 
 suggestions. But there has been so 
 much error in those who oppose a por- 
 tion of this, so much that is irrelevant, 
 that after all we are quarreling about 
 nothing. Those people take the position 
 that we are going to overturn the capi- 
 talist system and build a new system 
 brand new. Now, those are what they 
 call revolutionists who d"o not know a 
 thing about what a revolution is. (Ap- 
 plause.) The Socialist revolution proper 
 is the seizing of power by the working 
 class so that they can take the things 
 that are already constructed and use 
 them in their own interests; and we are 
 going to construct some of the things 
 that we are going to be the masters of. 
 That is what this proposition proposes; 
 it is simply a suggestion; we may reject 
 them. What does it amount to? We 
 make these suggestions, and if you are 
 going to adopt them in any city and in 
 every state of the United States, and 
 we were to elect Debs and Hanford, 
 we would not use one of them. (Ap- 
 plause.) There is nothing to that in 
 that regard. The delegate from Oregon 
 said these things would be good after 
 we got into power. After we get into 
 power we are going to do something 
 else entirely. (Applause.) That is the 
 history of revolution. Let them read the 
 demands of the Third Estate in France 
 when it got power. Look at the Amer- 
 ican revolution, how it started. The de- 
 mand was for certain legislation, that 
 they might fish better. Before they got 
 through they said to King George, "Get 
 out." It was another proposition en- 
 tirely. (Applause.) And that is the 
 law that governs revolutions. The 
 people who talk so glibly about being 
 revolutionists, let them first understand 
 what they mean by revolution. (Ap- 
 plause.) It is the change of power for 
 which we are trying to organize the 
 working class so as to obtain power in 
 order to administer the things that are, 
 and not the things that might be con- 
 structed. That is what we are fighting 
 for. We are fighting for the world. 
 The world is at stake, and between us 
 and the capitalist class there is a battle. 
 
 Don't get off of your balance on this 
 phraseology. The Chicago platform 
 is referred to. If you people knew 
 the nature of that Chicago plat- 
 form you would talk differently. 
 That Chicago platform was adopt- 
 ed in a committee on platform 
 of which I was a member. I edited a 
 portion of it, and it said, "We will do 
 everything for the working class as a 
 whole, if the opportunity offers." Ev- 
 erything for the working class as a 
 whole. But I followed it .with this para- 
 graph : "And any portion of the work^ 
 ing class, if opportunity offers." (A 
 delegate : "That was stricken off.") 
 Right you are; that was stricken off. 
 You cannot understand a thing unless 
 you know how it was born. They did 
 not want to do anything for any portion 
 of the working class. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. WORK (Iowa) : It has fre- 
 quently been said that the purpose of 
 the republican platform and the demo- 
 cratic platform is to get in on, but not 
 to stand on after you get in. The pur- 
 pose of this program is not to get in on, 
 but to stand upon after you do get in. 
 It is not a platform. Its purpose is to 
 act as a guide to the legislators and 
 aldermen and mayors who may be 
 elected by the Socialist party. The op- 
 ponents to this program are placed in 
 an inconsistent position, because, as has 
 already been pointed out, they or we by 
 the aid of their votes have already 
 adopted a national program. It is true 
 that it is in the platform and not in a 
 separate document, where it ought to be. 
 But, nevertheless, it is in the national 
 program, and you will find it in the 
 last paragraph on the third page of the 
 platform adopted yesterday, where we 
 declare for old ^ge insurance, the gradu- 
 ated taxation of incomes, inheritances, 
 franchises and land values, for the equal 
 suffrage of men and women, for pre- 
 venting the use of the military against 
 labor in the settlement of strikes, for 
 the free administration of justice, for 
 popular government, including initia- 
 tive, referendum, proportional represen- 
 tation and the recall of officers by their 
 constituents, etc. That is a national 
 program, and yet we Jiave not elected a 
 single United States senator or repre- 
 sentative in the lower House of Con- 
 gress. And if you are willing to have 
 a national program under those circum- 
 stances, why are you not 'tyilling to 
 have a state and municipal program 
 
Afternoon Session, May <5, 
 
 261 
 
 when we have already begun to elect 
 state and municipal officers. (Ap- 
 plause.) We have already elected a 
 hundred or two of aldermen and mayors 
 and other city officials, and at the No- 
 A'ember election it is as certain as any- 
 thing can be in this world that we will 
 elect several dozen state legislators, and 
 at the next municipal election next 
 spring we will elect several hundred 
 more of municipal officials, so that the 
 time is ripe for a municipal program. 
 We have here to-day Jacob Hunger and 
 Frederick Heath as representatives from 
 Wisconsin and the rest of the Milwau- 
 kee alderriien, asking this convention to 
 give them the benefit of its collective 
 wisdom on this subject. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. UFERT (N. J.): Comrade 
 Chairman and Comrades, I am in favor 
 of the adoption of this program, be- 
 cause when we adopt this program we 
 are not adopting a platform of the So- 
 cialist party. It merely gives our rep- 
 resentatives^ whom we may elect a guide 
 when they are chosen to office, and then 
 we will not have occurrences of the kind 
 which some of our papers have been 
 criticising, such as the cement sidewalk 
 platform and platforms of that kind. 
 When we do lay down a guide of this 
 kind there will be no cause for the oc- 
 currence of such platforms in the So- 
 cialist movement. The question hinges 
 on this : Whether, by the adoption of 
 this program, we take from the Socialist 
 party its revolutionary spirit. I do not 
 believe we do. Last April in Milwaukee 
 the Social Democratic party elected nine 
 aldermen, and they had an immediate- 
 demand program attached to their plat- 
 form. In Chicago we have what is 
 known as one of the most revolutionary 
 locals in the United States, so-called, 
 but the Chicago Local or Chicago So- 
 cialist movement has not yet caused as 
 much of a revolution as the Milwaukee 
 movement (applause), by seizing from 
 the capitalist class the control of the 
 powers of government. That is what 
 we are after, friends, and that is what 
 we are going to get by going at it in a 
 sane and rational way. That is the only 
 question between the Socialist and the 
 opposition parties. The battle is for the 
 , control of the powers of government. 
 In places such as Milwaukee and others, 
 where we have gotten control of the 
 powers of government, we find they 
 have accomplished something in the rev- 
 olutionary line. You go to the capital- 
 
 ist class in Milwaukee, and you go to 
 the capitalist class in Chicago, and ask 
 them which is the more revolutionary 
 movement? You can rest assured that 
 the capitalist class in Milwaukee has 
 far more respect for the Socialist move- 
 ment in that city than has the capitalist 
 class for the movement in Chicago. We 
 must stop talking revolution and revo- 
 lutionize things. We are the most revo- 
 lutionary party, I say, in this country. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. CARR (III.) : A point of order. 
 I believe it has been the rule this after- 
 noon for the comrades to alternate in 
 talking on this question. I believe this 
 is the fifth man who has opposed the 
 motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Your point of 
 order is not well taken. 
 
 DEL. CARR: The rules provide 
 that. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, the rules 
 provide that when the previous question 
 is moved you alternate, not before. 
 
 DEL. MILLER (Colo.): This pro- 
 gram is an attempt to give a local inter- 
 pretation to the philosophy of Marx in 
 the language of the working class. It 
 is a practical demonstration of the fact 
 that we know what the interest of the 
 workers is. Before we have a right to 
 be entrusted with the work of legisla- 
 tion we should be prepared ,to tell what 
 we would do in. a municipality. At a 
 time when a strike against an employer 
 becomes an insurrection against the 
 state, it is proper for the workers to 
 give a practical interpretation to the 
 class struggle, and to say that the fed- 
 eral troops shall be prohibited from in- 
 terfering in the disputes between capital 
 and labor. (Applause.) That is the 
 way we understand the class struggle. 
 This simply shows that the Socialists 
 have arisen high enough for a view of 
 the entire field of political activity, and 
 are able to direct the Socialist move- 
 ment, the Socialist party, in every part 
 of that field. We have passed the crit- 
 ical stage; we have passed the academic 
 stage. This thing is getting out of the 
 chairs of editors and economists and 
 political philoso£hers, down into the 
 hearts and minds of the working class. 
 We have a right to appeal to the sup- 
 port of the workers when we show by 
 our practical declarations upon the ques- 
 tions that confront them that we know 
 just where their interests lie and are 
 
262 
 
 Afternoon Session, May <5, 
 
 prepared to take our place right by their 
 side and direct their affairs on every 
 part of the field. And until we are able 
 to make this concrete expression we are 
 merely an academic party. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : I rise to a point 
 of order. That the Chair is proceeding 
 contrary to our wishes in keeping a 
 list. I make this point of order in order 
 to expedite the business. 
 
 SEVERAL DELEGATES : Consent. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : All right. Com- 
 rade Floaten has the floor. 
 
 DEL. FLOATEN (Colo.) : The Col- 
 orado delegation has been very modest 
 during this convention, and I trust you 
 will pardon us if two of us speak, one 
 after the other, on this question. Thgre 
 was a time when I thought very little 
 about a working program. In fact I 
 did not know whether it was necessary 
 or not. From the discussions here to- 
 day and the difference of opinion of the 
 delegates to this convention I am very 
 well satisfied that the party should ex- 
 press itself positively one way or the 
 other. It does not matter what that 
 expression is, but we must have an ex- 
 pression of the party. We are here to- 
 day and the difference of opinion of the 
 the concrete expression of the Socialist 
 party as near as possible without a refer- 
 endum vote. We get the crystallized 
 opinion of the party throughout the 
 states, because most of the organized 
 states are fairly well fepresented. Now, 
 the point is not what we will do after 
 we gain control of the nation as Social- 
 ists, but while we are a minority party 
 in the nation or in the state, we may be 
 a majority garty in a community or a 
 municipality, and that is what this pro- 
 gram is for. It is to tell us so that we 
 may act with uniformity on all classes 
 of questions that may come up which 
 are of interest to the working class. 
 One of the great objections that we have 
 had in Colorado in canvassing for Com- 
 rade Miller here for the legislature, was 
 "What do you intend to do? On what 
 side of the question will you vote in 
 the legislature?" Suppose he is with- 
 out a guide, he can simply say, as has 
 been expressed here, "I will take that 
 side which is in the interest of the work- 
 ing class." Ntow, the Socialist party is 
 divided as to what is the best interest 
 of the working man. Some Socialists, 
 and good ones at that, will say that the 
 best thing is to grant franchises to cor- 
 
 porations and let the working class be 
 ground down till they see the necessity 
 of voting the Socialist ticket. Others 
 say on the eight-hour question that the 
 best thing to do is not to give them an 
 eight-hour law, but allow them to work 
 twelve or fourteen hours until they can 
 see the necessity of coming into the So- 
 cialist party. There are good Socialists 
 that hold those opinions. On the other 
 side there are Socialists who say that 
 if there is a measure which would be 
 of benefit to the working class it ought 
 to be supported by the Socialists. What 
 we want is an expression of the Social- 
 ist party as to what will be of the great- 
 est benefit to the working class. 
 
 DEL. WILL (Kan.) : I come from 
 a state which a few years ago turned a 
 capitalistic Republican majority of 
 80,000 into a majority for a former mi- 
 nority party that took control of all por- 
 tions of the government in that state. 
 These people were engaged in the dis- 
 cussion of national issues, largely to the 
 exclusion of state issues. ' They had 
 talked about 16 to i, national ownership 
 of railroads and these other little party 
 issues, and what do we find to-day in 
 that state? Now, I clearly foresee that 
 if the Socialist movement continues 
 along the lines laid down by some of 
 our friends we are liable to make ex- 
 actly the same mistake. I can clearly 
 foresee that in comparatively a few 
 years, if the Socialist movement con- 
 tinues to develop as it is now develop- 
 ing, we will carry some states. It seems 
 to me a very rational proposition that in 
 a few years we shall carry the state of 
 Kansas. Now, the question to my mind 
 is just this: When we are in power in 
 the state of Kansas and have control of 
 both branches of the legislature and of 
 the executive power and of the judicial 
 department, shall we be prepared to do 
 something, or shall we not? Our friends 
 who are what are called impossiblists 
 would say we should do nothing. If 
 we go before the people with that kind 
 of a proposition and say that we do not 
 propose to do anything, and that we 
 could not do anything even if we were in 
 power, then I wish to say right here 
 that we may as well abandon it now, 
 once for all, because we will never get 
 into power. I wish to say in the second 
 place, that if we ever have the misfor- 
 tune to be placed in power with ideas 
 of that kind in our minds, the result 
 would be disastrous to the Socialist 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 S68 
 
 tiarty. I expect, however, to see this 
 movement go on to ultimate success. 
 The question simply is whether we, as 
 members of the Socialist Party, shall do 
 what we can to make the party a useful 
 instrument for saving the people from 
 plutocracy. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : I rise to the reg- 
 ular order 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : No. I recognize 
 Delegate Kraybill of Kansas. 
 
 DEL. KRAYBILL (Kan.): Last 
 night, when asked if I endorsed the plat- 
 form or program to which my name is 
 subscribed, I said, "Yes, and for imme- 
 diate use." Conditions have evolved to 
 the point where they demand that this 
 municipal program be made practical, 
 and if the Socialists do not inaugurate 
 it the Republicans and Democrats will 
 do so. There are those who say that 
 we should not cross the river until we 
 get to it. We can never cross the river 
 if we do not build a bridge to do so, 
 and if we do not build the bridge the 
 civic body will crowd down on the bank 
 until we fall into the river. We cannot 
 handle the entire situation at once. If 
 every officer elected at the next election 
 should be a Socialist we could not han- 
 dle the situation. We would" have to 
 take up one thing at a time. Now, we 
 people are accused of being unscientific 
 and of not being Socialists. Last night 
 when I declared for a scientific basis for 
 Socialism I was told that I am a Hearst 
 follower. Now, I want to say one word 
 in advance. I believe I am as good a 
 Socialist as there is in this convention. 
 I was first merely an academic Socialist, 
 but while a girl in the University I read 
 Ruskin's "Crown of Wild Olives." 
 While reading that book I realized the 
 conditions of labor in England; I went 
 a step further and I realized that labor 
 all over the world' is in that condition. 
 When I finished that book I said, "Some 
 day I will go out and fight the cause of 
 the laboring man." (Applause.) In a 
 few years more I went into the trade 
 union. I have worked with the trade 
 unions and have addressed several hun- 
 dreds of them. I have spent months 
 studying the conditions of the miners 
 and the workers in the sweat-shops and 
 factories in this country. I am only a 
 woman, but I have read Karl Marx. 
 (Applause.) I believe that I am a So- 
 cialist from every standpoint, if I am 
 for a municipal program and immediate 
 
 demands. I am for the full program of 
 Socialism, and I do not believe that we 
 should make one single concession. I 
 am for the full program in the indusr 
 tries of the United States. The people 
 must control those instruments that are 
 used in producing the necessities of life 
 so that no man or set of men can have 
 a corner on the necessities of life. 
 
 DEL. REILLY (N. J.) : I think the 
 opposition to the adoption of this pro- 
 gram is based on an honest fear that by 
 adopting a working program for our 
 guidance in those places where we shall 
 be given the conduct of the powers of 
 government, that we, will cloud the real 
 issue, that we will obscure the end in 
 view ; in other words, that we will se- 
 cure votes for the immediate demands 
 and not for the emancipation of the 
 working class through the inauguration 
 of pure Socialism. (Applause.) I only 
 want to point out this one fact, while on 
 the other question Comrade Titus of 
 Washington has expressed by views cor- 
 rectly. It is this, that in other nations 
 where the powers have tried to steal the 
 Socialist thunder by adopting measures 
 supposedly in the interest of the work- 
 ing class, that this hks not been the 
 effect. There is no danger in our adopt- 
 ing a working class program, a working 
 class program such as is presented by 
 this report, if we emphasize the _ fact 
 that in following out these policies and 
 in inaugurating these measures we are 
 doing it only as a means to the end that 
 we have in view, and not for any other 
 purpose. 
 
 Delegate Hazlett (Colo.) rose. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You will recol- 
 lect that it was by consent that the com- 
 rade from Colorado was to receive the 
 floor after the Colorado delegates had 
 spoken upon the question. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : A point 
 of order. There is no rule which pro- 
 vides that the Chairman shall make a 
 list of speakers. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I understand 
 that very well. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : And I protest that 
 such a list is contrary to the wishes of 
 this convention, unless the convention so 
 desires. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Just one sec- 
 ond. I want to say this: One or two 
 delegates from New York sent in their 
 names, and I shall not recognize any 
 one as coming ahead of those who have 
 
264 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6, 
 
 already asked for the floor. The com- 
 rade here has the floor (referring to 
 Delegate Hazlett). 
 
 DEL. SPARGO : As a matter of per- 
 sonal privilege, I desire to say that it 
 was not my intention or the intention of 
 these 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You are out of 
 order. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: I move the pre- 
 vious question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You have not 
 the floor. Proceed; the comrade from 
 Colorado has the floor. 
 
 DEL. HAZLETT (Colo.): I wish 
 to speak of an aspect of the subject that 
 has not been touched as yet, and that is 
 the claims of the opposition that they 
 stand upon a scientific and revolutionary 
 standpoint. It seems to me, and it is 
 my belief, that their position, instead of 
 being scientific, is the position of the 
 anarchists as a class. It is a position 
 without method and without system; a 
 position to move forward without 
 knowing whither you are going. We 
 have an instance in the State of Colo- 
 rado at the present time. We have in 
 Teller County in Colorado a bolting fac- 
 tion of the Socialist party. That is the 
 chief seat of the strike. They curse the 
 leaders of the strike and the officials of 
 the Mine Workers' Association. As a 
 result of that, in that place they have 
 stood on the street corners and boasted 
 that not one of them has been put in the 
 bull pen, while in Telluride and Idaho 
 Springs the leaders of Socialism who 
 are also the leaders in the union move- 
 ment have been deported. Now, Social- 
 ists claim to be different from the super- 
 ficial anarchists who construe the word 
 "revolutionary" as simply meaning let- 
 ting everything go until you get in 
 power, and then depend upon circum- 
 stances, as v/ith the Paris Commune. 
 I deny the correctness of this position. 
 I believe in emphasizing the necessity 
 of systematizing the means by which 
 Socialists may learn what we can do 
 when we get control of the means of 
 production and other things. I under- 
 stand that this program which is offered 
 to us to-day is simply like a bill of fare: 
 you con take part of it or you can leave 
 part of It; you can use what you want. 
 You do nptjiave to swallow the whole 
 thing, but you swallow it according to 
 your needs. It also is a help in refer- 
 ence to the position in which it places 
 
 the Socialist party. We all know we 
 are being asked our position on various 
 questions. Here we have something that 
 we can show. This does not cover the 
 whole system of affairs, but it does show 
 the position of the party upon certain 
 matters that come before us, and we 
 can refer our people to something that 
 has definite authority behind it. For 
 this reason I am opposed to the indefi- 
 nite proposition. It seems to me it is 
 only superficial, and will lead astray the 
 Socialists who have got about to the 
 point of the Socialist philosophy. For 
 this reason I favor the adoption of the 
 program as it stands, and I am glad to 
 have something to talk about. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : A point of order. 
 We have not provided for keeping up a 
 list of comrades. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point is 
 overruled. Do you wish to take an ap- 
 peal? If so, take it. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: Exactly. That 
 was the question of privilege I was re- 
 ferring to a while ago. 
 
 THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Do you 
 take an appeal? 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I do, for this 
 reason, tKat in the rules we have pro- 
 vided for a certain parliamentary order, 
 and we did not provide for a speaker's 
 list. In making this appeal I do not do 
 so because I want to speak, but I con- 
 sider it an unjustifiable waste of time 
 to keep a list. What it results in is 
 this : On a question which probably 
 could have been decided with a discus- 
 sion by three or five men on each side, 
 we have a list of twenty-five. Just now 
 I may want to say something, and I will 
 give my name in. In two hours from 
 now I will be called upon to say what 
 somebody else has covered, but I have 
 made it my duty to still say it because 
 I am called upon. And why? Let any 
 one rise when he has something to say, 
 and let the Chair recognize him. 
 
 CHAIRMAN STEDMAN : You 
 know how much more unsatisfactory it 
 would be if all got up at once. The 
 Chair would have to single out one, 
 and he might single out the right one 
 and might single out the wrong one and 
 give him an opportunity to speak. I 
 cannot see any objection to having each 
 one ask for the floor and be recognized 
 in his turn. Comrade Hillquit has not 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6^ 
 
 265 
 
 been recognized because each one was 
 given his turn. If the comrade had 
 asked for it he would have got his turn. 
 As it stands now he has no right to go 
 in ahead of the others. (Applause.) 
 
 The defision of the Chair was sus- 
 tained. 
 
 A Wisconsin delegate moved the pre- 
 vious question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Ber- 
 ger, of Milwaukee, has the floor. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : I would 
 like to be put down on that list, be- 
 cause when my time comes I want to 
 move the previous question. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN: I also, be- 
 cause I desire to second it. 
 
 DEL. BICKETT (Ohio) : I move 
 we adjourn. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Ber- 
 
 ger has the. floor. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : I suppose 
 everybody is getting tired of this debate. 
 
 DELEGATES: No, no! 
 
 DEL. BERGER : I suppose every- 
 body is getting tired of this debate, and 
 everybody has made up his mind as to 
 how he is going to vote. I for one am 
 going to vote for this program. I am 
 not going to make a speech. I am go- 
 ing to move the previous question. Sec- 
 onded. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : He has 
 made a speech when he is" not entitled to 
 make a speech. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I have not 
 heard any speech. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: Yes, you have. 
 He has just told how he is going to vote. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.) : A point of 
 order. In moving the previous question 
 he has no right to make any argument 
 whatever. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is well taken. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: Mr. Chairman, a 
 question of information. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: What is the 
 question ? 
 
 DEL. BERGER: Roberts' Rules of 
 Order say that you can make a few re- 
 marks. Am I right. Comrade from 
 Kansas ? 
 
 DELEGATES : No. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : A point of 
 order. When Comrade Berger moves 
 the previous question and goes on to 
 
 make a speech you should make him sit 
 down. He has no right to make a 
 speech. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Don't worry. 
 Comrade Berger will be able to take 
 care of himself without assistance from 
 any delegate from Illinois. Comrade 
 Meyer 
 
 DEL. BERGER: A point of order. 
 The Chair did not recognize my motion 
 on the previous question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Please take 
 your seat. I was following the list 
 and recognized Comrade Meyer, and 
 he has the floor. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : I recognize 
 the fact that the proposed program is a 
 plan for the guidance of legislation in 
 the United States, but it is also for the 
 purpose of guiding the soap box orators 
 and speakers that are called upon to 
 stand before the class-conscious prole- 
 taire. Now, the first function of the 
 Socialist Party is the education of the 
 men and women of the working class, 
 such education consisting of a knowl- 
 edge of the fundamentals of Socialism 
 in order that economic conditions may 
 be properly interpreted by them, so that 
 our fellow-wage slaves, men, women 
 and children, may know the cause of 
 such conditions and the only remedy, 
 the abolition of the system of rent, in- 
 terest, and profit — competitive wage slav- 
 ery. To teach the non-Socialist any- 
 thing but the fundamentals of Socialism 
 is to blur and envelop them in a mist 
 which is created by the capitalist parties 
 and is called by the Socialists reform, 
 reactionary and vague, and rightly so, 
 because the blindness of non-Socialists 
 prevents them from penetrating such 
 mist-containing methods. In the course 
 of economic ethics some men and wo- 
 men become conscious of the fact that 
 society is divided into two classes, 
 wealth producers and those who eat the 
 food, wear the garments and shelter 
 themselves in the magnificent structures 
 created by and taken from the former 
 with the assistance of paper covered 
 with ink and known as law, made by 
 the latter and for the latter, because of 
 the political and the law making and 
 law interpreting and law executing pow- 
 er being in the hands of the latter. That 
 exploiting class which is sustained by 
 the policeman's club and the rifle, uses 
 all the power in its hands to perpetuate 
 the present system of parisitism to keep 
 
^66 
 
 /Afternoon Session, May 6 
 
 in economic slavery, submissively and 
 servilely, the working class of the world. 
 Therefore, the working class must unite 
 and take from the other class the pow- 
 ers of government for the purposes stat- 
 ed in the only program which is revolu- 
 tionary, the platform of the International 
 Socialist Party, the party of the work- 
 ers of the world. (Applause.) Some 
 comrades ask me the question, "When 
 you are on the soap box and the non- 
 Socialist comes to you and asks you 
 what we are going to do about the work 
 involved in municipalization or the re- 
 organizing of municipal ownership of 
 the street railways," I say this, that I 
 will answer him, "We stand for all 
 th'ese things, but I recognize, my friend, 
 that you do not understand why we 
 stand for these things, because you do 
 not understand the fundamentals of So- 
 cialism." I will have to go to work and 
 talk about the fundamentals of Social- 
 ism, and I will do it for the class con- 
 scious proletaire in order that he may 
 understand why we stand for these va- 
 rious measures which may or may not 
 ameliorate the condition of the working 
 class. . As to the duty of legislators, 
 comrades who may be elected to the leg- 
 islatures, I desire simply to state this, 
 that the Socialists elected to the legisla- 
 ture or council of any city, state or na- 
 tion can do nothing else but work for 
 Socialism by exposing capitalism and 
 capitalist tactics employed to keep in 
 submission the working class. In con- 
 clusion I stand neither for th,e substitute, 
 which is a compromise, nor do I stand 
 for the original. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. HANFORD (N. Y.) : A ques- 
 tion of parliamentary inquiry. Under 
 the rules that we are working under now 
 I would like to inquire if there is any 
 way to reach the previous question? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : There is, but I 
 recognize Comrade Breckon. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD: We can only 
 reach the previous question provided 
 some comrade who is listed to speak 
 should change his mind, withhold his 
 speech and make that motion? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I am not an- 
 swering your question, though I pre- 
 sume that may be true. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD: I ask that in- 
 formation of the Chair, as he appears 
 to be working under rules that nobody 
 knows but himself, and I think he is 
 in duty bound to enlighten us. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That may be 
 true. I only hope the balance of the 
 convention understand the rules better 
 than the comrade from New York. 
 Comrade Breckon has the floor. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD: Must -that mo- 
 tion be seconded by another person" on 
 the list? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No; it does 
 not have to be seconded by any one. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD: Then why can't 
 the original motion be made by any one? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Because you 
 have not been recognized for that pur- 
 pose. I have recognized Comrade 
 Breckon, and he has the floor. 
 
 DEL. BRECKON (111.): We hear 
 a great deal these days from the So- 
 cialist platform and from the soap box 
 and from all the newspapers respecting 
 the improved, tools of production and 
 what wonderful things they have ac- 
 complished. It seems to me that we fail 
 to recognize an improved tool of prop- 
 aganda that has come into our national 
 convention in the shape of a working 
 program that makes these logical revo- 
 lutionists able to be a united body on 
 the important questions that are before 
 us. Another thought : It has been said 
 on this floor in the discussion that those 
 who stand for this -program are imme- 
 diate demanders, that they are oppor- 
 tunists. Any one who will hunt up the 
 definition of those terms will find that 
 they mean the subordination of princi- 
 ple to tactics, and I want any man, 
 revolutionist or otherwise, to point to 
 a single instance in this program where 
 there is any evidence of subordination 
 of principle to the tactic that is laid 
 down. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: I will. 
 
 DEL. BRECKON : Very well. Next, 
 the opposition in the main that has come 
 before this body proposes a working 
 principle that might infinitely better be 
 defined, as it has been defined, that it 
 might be wrapped up in a nutshell — an 
 impracticable principle so-called. We 
 tried it in Chicago in our city con- 
 vention two years ago, and we sent our 
 orators upon the soap box to meet the 
 questions that came to us, and we were 
 answering them in as many different 
 ^yays as there were questioners and ques- 
 tions, and we found the need of working 
 out the great fundamental propositions 
 as they have been brought to us to-day. 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6 
 
 267 
 
 We have before this convention for con- 
 sideration an improved tool for tKe 
 working out of this great proposition, 
 and many are the minds in this conven- 
 tion that have got into the whirlpool of 
 •economic thought and that will appre- 
 ciate the value of this improved tool in 
 the working out of the economic prob- 
 lems before us to-day. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. THAMS: May I be allowed 
 to give my time to Comrade Berger? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Not without 
 the consent of the convention. 
 
 DEL. THAMS : I move the previous 
 question. Motion seconded. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : A question of 
 information. Will this previous ques- 
 tion compel a vote on the first program? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It does not. It 
 will compel a vote upon the substitute. 
 
 DEL. CARR: All right. 
 
 The motion on the previous question 
 was put and carried. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: Before record- 
 ing my vote may I make a statement of 
 why I vote? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I presume ordi- 
 narily you have a right, in the absence 
 of a rule to the contrary or objection. 
 
 Objection was heard. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: A point of informa- 
 tion. Do we not have two speakers 
 now before we vote? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We do. This 
 is on the substitute. But understand, 
 my ruling will be this, that the car- 
 rying of the substitute or disposing of 
 that will not bring us to a vote upon 
 the majority report. There will be the 
 same right of discussion. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The substitute 
 by Walsh of Montana ' is as follows : 
 "The National Convention recommends 
 that in the event of any Socialists be- 
 ing elected in localities on state or mu- 
 nicipal tickets; that they be guided 
 thereafter in all their legislative acts 
 by considering, 'Is the legislation in the 
 interests of the laboring class? If so 
 I am for it, if not I am opposed to it.' " 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: I want to speak 
 to the substitute. 
 
 DEL. HAWKINS (Neb.) : A point 
 of information. I want to know if we 
 have the power of recording our ballot 
 by States? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That will be 
 left to the convention. 
 
 A delegate moved to proceed to take 
 a roll call on the amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I understand 
 we have three speakers on a side. Com- 
 rade Slobodin wishes to speak in favor 
 of the substitute. 
 
 Delegate Simons pf Illinois stated 
 that he wished to speak against the sub- 
 stitute. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN : I am in favor of 
 the substitute, because I am against this 
 concoction reported by the committee. I 
 am not opposed, but am in favor of a 
 working program, but this is not a work- 
 ing program, for the Socialist Party will 
 not be able to work on this program. 
 It is a jumble of various demands made 
 by various parties during the history of . 
 the reform rriovement. It is not a con- 
 crete and coherent statement of de- 
 mands made by a proletarian Socialist 
 Party. (Applause.) We do not need 
 such a guide for the various changing 
 conditions, but want a statement of the 
 fundamentals of scientific Socialism. No 
 reform will be able to accomplish the 
 emancipation of the working class. This 
 program contains a jumble of things put 
 in there because some so-called Social- 
 ist stands for them, such as uniform text 
 books, tax reforms and all sorts of ideas 
 jumbled together. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.) : I am afraid 
 I will have to do something I never did 
 before, ask you to keep a little quiet in 
 order to hear me, as my voice has 
 failed me. I am one of those who ad- 
 mit that there are some mistakes in this 
 platform. While recognizing these de- 
 fects, I had hoped that there might be 
 an opportunity to reach them by amend- 
 ments, but I want to say that for the 
 purpose of a working program I am here 
 to fight for it. I am for it because I am 
 a militant revolutionary Socialist and 
 am not' afraid to say where I stand on 
 anything. I am for it because I am a 
 class-conscious Socialist, and because 
 you cannot fight the battle of the class- 
 struggle anywhere but here and to-day 
 in this present convention. (Applause.) 
 I am for a working program because I 
 am a democratic Socialist and believe 
 that the rank and file of the party in 
 convention should determine the policies 
 of those who are the elected servants of 
 the party and not leave them to their 
 own sweet will to do as they see fit. 
 (Applause.) I am for it because I am 
 a proletarian Socialist, and because I 
 believe that they ought to be controlled 
 
268 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6 
 
 as far as possible by an outline of the 
 limits within which they must work, 
 and not be subject to the autocratic dic- 
 tation of some committee untrammeled 
 by rules. (Applause.) Again, they 
 have told us here that we needed no 
 program until we had the co-operative 
 commonwealth, until we had a complete 
 victory. I am for a program because I 
 am a scientific Socialist and not an idle 
 dreamer. (Applause.) When the time 
 comes that we shall have captured all 
 portions of society we will not need 
 our programs, we will only need to take 
 over the things that we can run as fast 
 as the removal of difficulties will permit 
 us to act. Again, it has been said that 
 we must strike at the heart of this by 
 striking out the position of the municipal 
 secretary. I tell you, I have had some 
 experience. When I was in Belgium I 
 was talking over the details of the work 
 with Comrade Emil Vinck. He has 
 taken hold of the work -and has done it 
 so thoroughly that it has strengthened 
 the party and the bureau has been able 
 to furnish the members with all the in- 
 formation that they needed, until, by vir- 
 tue of the very example that he has set, 
 he has compelled the Socialist Party of 
 France two years ago to follow his ex- 
 ample, and it is followed by the party 
 in Germany. Are we going to lag be- 
 hind when we in America here in the 
 next year will certainly send one hun- 
 dred, if not a thousand men, into the 
 legislative and municipal councils in this 
 country? We need to know what they 
 are going to do. During the last year 
 good men were elected to municipal of- 
 fices, but with not the slightest notion 
 of what they were going to do. They, 
 were all agreed that they were working 
 in the interest of the working class, but 
 there were no two that had an idea what 
 these interests were. These are some 
 of the reasons why I ask you to accept a 
 program to some extent, even if you are 
 not able to go any further. Or if you 
 can take the time, if you will indicate 
 necessarv amendments, I will agree with 
 you there. But by all means do not 
 leave us for another four years subject 
 to a long string of abuses which we are 
 just beginning to see the faint shadows 
 of in half a dozen cities in this coun- 
 try, which will confuse the workers and 
 hinder the progress of the; party. 
 
 DEL. BOSKY (Minn.) : A point of 
 information. Is this list that has been 
 
 used on the table there, to apply to this 
 question, or is it cancelled? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is can- 
 celled; the previous question is moved. 
 
 DEL. BOSKY: That means that I 
 have no right to speak? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, when the 
 previous question is moved you have 
 a right to vote it either up or down, as 
 you please. 
 
 The Secretary then read the substi- 
 tute offered by Delegate Walsh. 
 
 Delegate Walsh moved a roll call by 
 states. Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It requires a 
 majority vote to call for a roll call. 
 
 The question being put, the motion 
 for a roll call was lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We now pro- 
 ceed upon the original question before 
 the house, and that is the substitute. 
 
 Upon vote, the Chair declared the 
 substitute defeated. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT N. Y.) : I move 
 as a substitute for the report of the 
 committee the following: "Resolved, 
 that the report of the Committee on 
 State and Municipal Program be re- 
 ferred to the National Executive Com- 
 mittee for revision and adopted, the said 
 report when so revised and adopted to 
 have the force of a recommendation 
 only." 
 
 Seconded. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.): A point of 
 order. I maintain that the Chair has 
 no right to entertain the substitute un- 
 less there are one or two amendments 
 before the house. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is well taken. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I appeal from 
 the decision of the Chair. There was 
 a motion before the house, a -motion to 
 adopt. I offered as a substitute that the 
 report be not adopted but be referred 
 to the National Committee for revision 
 and adoption. It is fully in accord with 
 parliamentary rules and procedure to 
 entertain the substitute. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You offered it 
 as a substitute. 
 
 Vice-Chairman Wilkins assumed the 
 Chair, and the ruling of the Chair was 
 sustained. Delegate Stedman resumed 
 the Chair. 
 
 Delegate Webster (Ohio) rose. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: Mr. Chairman 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The comrade 
 
Afternoon S^ession, May 6. 
 
 269 
 
 from Ohio has the floor unless you have 
 a point of order or a question of per- 
 sonal privilege. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: A point of order. 
 Have I a right to make an amendment? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, the whole 
 report is open for amendment. Delegate 
 Webster of Ohio has the floor. 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER: I move to amend 
 the report by striking out the part be- 
 ginning, "Whereas, the Committee on 
 State and Municipal Program," and end- 
 ing with the words just before "State 
 Program." Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Please send the 
 ■ amendment up in writing. I will state 
 this to the convention, that in dealing 
 with all the motions I will try to con- 
 fine myself to the particular paragraphs, 
 and then we can dispose of them. It 
 will be better than taking it up seriatim. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : The motions 
 that have been already made will in- 
 clude all that matter. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Will the Sec- 
 retary read the paragraph as it reads as 
 amended ? 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The amend- 
 ment of the gentleman from Ohio con- 
 templates striking out of the preamble- 
 all of that portion beginning with 
 "Whereas," in the sixth paragraph, and 
 going down To the words "State Pro- 
 gram." 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready 
 for the question? 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : I have an 
 amendment to that. 
 
 The Secretary read the substitute of 
 Delegate Berger, that the report of the 
 Committee on State and Municipal Pro- 
 gram be referred to the National Com- 
 mittee for revision and adoption, the 
 said report when so revised and adopted 
 to have the force of a recommendation 
 only. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We have now 
 before us the entire report. There is a 
 proposed amendment to a portion of the 
 report. Now, if you want to dispose of 
 that, do as you please, and then dispose 
 of it all. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: I believe this that 
 is offered is as good as a substitute for 
 the whole. It embraces the whole. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is the 
 same as Delegate Hillquit's motion, and 
 it is not in order at this time. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : I am sure the 
 mover of the amendment just made 
 will accept a suggestion I am about to 
 offer, and therefore I don't care to an- 
 nounce it as an amendment to the 
 amendment. In order to include all 
 that matter to which he refers it should 
 strike out paragraph 6 above the word 
 "Whereas" to "State Program." If you 
 strike out what he has moved to strike 
 out and leave that stand there, iri the 
 manner offered in the report 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER: I accept the sug- 
 gestion. 
 
 The question was called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Are you ready 
 for the question? 
 
 DEL. TITUS (Wash.) : There seems 
 to be some misunderstanding as to the 
 exact changes which they have made 
 in their report from the printed re- 
 port. I would like to ask for the read- 
 ing of Section D, which does not stand 
 in the report as it did stand in the 
 printed copy. Also for the paragraph 
 beginning "Therefore, be it resolved ;" 
 I would like to ask if they have changed 
 that. I don't know as they noticed this. 
 It provides that the permanent secre- 
 tary's office shall be at the National 
 Headquarters. Have they changed that, 
 too? 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN : You will see 
 that Section D does not change the 
 paragraph beginning "Therefore." Sec- 
 tion D reads as follows : "The Commit- 
 tee on State and Municipal Affairs, 
 shall, on the approval of the Executive 
 Committee of the National Committee, 
 elect a permanent secretary, whose of- 
 fice shall be at the national headquar- 
 ters, and whose compensation shall be 
 fixed by the Executive Committee of the 
 National Committee." 
 
 DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.) : I hope this 
 convention will not adopt the report of 
 the committee 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You will have 
 to confine your remarks to the amend- 
 ment. 
 
 DEL. GOAZIOU: I hope the con- 
 vention will not accept the amendment, 
 nor the report, which is liable to do harm 
 to the Socialist Party. I am not 
 against a working platform, but I am 
 against a working platform as the ex- 
 pression of this convention. I hope this 
 report will be sent to the various states 
 or the various counties or locals. If we 
 
270 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 have to discuss this program on its 
 merits the discussion of every part, of 
 the program on its merits will take a 
 week. I am not ready to swallow the 
 whole thing as it is here, and I believe 
 it ought to be referred. I have no ob- 
 jection to this program being distrib- 
 uted as literature. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The motion be- 
 fore the house is the amendment. Un- 
 til that is disposed of you will be out 
 of order. 
 
 DEL. GOAZIOU: Yes, the amend- 
 ment should precede the whole report 
 technically. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: When you get 
 to the rest of the report that will be 
 disposed of. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) : I wish to 
 speak on the amendment, and I wish 
 simply to say : Read the report, please, 
 which suggests that it is a condensa- 
 tion of the encyclopedia, and then read 
 the encyclopedia. This amendment will 
 really handicap the party. The section 
 which it is moved to strike out makes it 
 possible, as soon as the Executive Com- 
 mittee deem it necessary, to make a 
 practical and uniform plan. Now, I speak 
 for Wisconsin, and I want to tell you 
 that in Sheboygan if there had been such 
 a committee and such a program and 
 such a secretary as this the work there 
 would have been different. That is all 
 I want to say. 
 
 Delegate Weaver (Cal.) moved the 
 previous question. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : I desire to 
 speak on the previous question when it 
 is ordered. 
 
 The Vice-Chairman assumed the Chair 
 and recognized Delegate Stedman. 
 
 The question being put on the pre- 
 vious question it was carried. 
 
 DEL. STEDMAN : I have no doubt 
 but what if this was referred to the 
 National Committee and they were to 
 revise it, the collective wisdom of the 
 National Committee would far exceed 
 the puny knowledge of the commitee 
 that worked on it or the special com- 
 mittee of the last convention. But I 
 sometimes think that if this convention 
 should have a permanent committee on 
 that subject, that would not pay any 
 great attention to national affairs, but 
 would confine their attention to the one 
 subject, that in the course of four or 
 five months or perhaps ten, they might 
 
 have wisdom equal to some of those in 
 the New York delegation. (Laughter.) 
 I believe we should act along the line of 
 the Indianapolis convention. I at that 
 time urged the appointment of this com- 
 mittee. I believe the best results will 
 ultimately be realized by a continuous 
 committee upon this subject. I think 
 we need committees to look after the 
 national, municipal and local political 
 work and the literary movement within 
 the Socialist Party. At this time the 
 Socialist movement with its growth and 
 development should have special com- 
 mittees on special things to which they 
 will devote their entire tirne, or at least 
 a major portion of their time. For that 
 reason I am against the proposed amend- 
 ment and in favor of a continuous com- 
 mittee upon this subject. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. WEBSTER (Ohio): I, like 
 Comrade Simons, am a democratic So- 
 cialist, and I demand that a state shall 
 have the privilege of paying .for that 
 which it wishes to have, and for no 
 more. Now, as I understand, the com- 
 rades from Ulinois, or at least a great 
 many of them, are opposing this thing 
 in toto. I am in favor of the general 
 proposition, but I am not in favor of 
 spending our money to keep a commit- 
 tee here to club them into submission to 
 my ideas. (Cries, "Hear, hear," and ap- 
 plause.) For that very reason I do not 
 want this committee given any Such au- 
 thority. If this report goes out to the 
 people of the diflferent states they will 
 know whether this thing is best or not. 
 W^ are just now in an experimental 
 stage on this question of immediate de- 
 mands. If the local in Chicago believes 
 that the immediate demands are not the 
 best thing for Socialism I demand that 
 they should have the right to try it with- 
 out them. I believe for one that in 
 Cleveland, Ohio, the demand for im- 
 mediate demands will cause a growth 
 in Socialism, and I want them to try 
 that in Cleveland, but I do not want to 
 compel these gentlemen in Chicago to 
 help pay for our work in Cleveland. 
 
 The question was called for and Dele- 
 gate Webster's amendment was defeated. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: May I ask what 
 is now before the convention? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : That -portion of 
 the report which has not been acted on. 
 The entire report is before the conven- 
 tion. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : Is it now in or- 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 271 
 
 der to move to refer the matter, the 
 same as I have before? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You moved be- 
 fore to refer to the National Commit- 
 tee as a whole for revision, they to re- 
 vise it if possible? 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: Exactly. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I suppose it is. 
 Another motion intervened. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : Then I so move 
 now. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I move that the 
 report be referred to the National Com- 
 raitee for revision and adoption, and 
 that when so revised and adopted the 
 report shall have the force of a recom- 
 mendation only. (Seconded.) Now, I 
 desire to state my reasons for my mo- 
 tion. I am practically in favor of a 
 state and municipal program. I think 
 a state and municipal program is abso- 
 lutely necessary for a party that expects 
 to do some work in the political field 
 and does not want to do the work in a 
 haphazard manner. But I am just as 
 emphatically opposed to the present 
 draft. I say that while I am in favor 
 of a working program and of some of 
 the points contained in this program, 
 it would take some one to edit and go 
 over it paragraph by paragraph and re- 
 vise it. I will call the attention of the 
 delegates to but a few things. For in- 
 stance, on the public schools we have 
 altogether unnecessary detail. The pro- 
 vision for uniform school books, the pro- 
 vision for the choice of text books by a 
 commission — they are all things that 
 may be debatable, and we certainly can- 
 not see why a proletarian party should 
 stand for such things. I call the atten- 
 tion of the delegates to this clause pro- 
 viding that members of the state militia 
 are to be exempt from all other military 
 service. What in the name of goodness , 
 and common sense does a Socialist con- 
 vention have to do with that question? 
 (Applause.) And why should we want 
 to confine the state militia to strike- 
 breaking and exempt it from military 
 duty? I will call the attention of the 
 delegates to this clause : "All land held 
 for speculation and land not actually 
 used by the owners to be subject to pur- 
 chase by the state at an advance of ten 
 per cent on the assessed valuation as 
 fixed by the owner." If there is any- 
 thing to encourage land speculation, 
 why, that is the thing; give them ten 
 
 per cent more than they themselves ask. 
 (Applause.) Public control of the en- 
 tire liquor traffic; I don't know why 
 this clause is necessary in a working 
 class political program. And if you will 
 read it from beginning to end you will 
 find things of this kind all through. 
 For instance, the right of privates in 
 the state militia to elect their officers; 
 can't you imagine anything more revolu- 
 tionary, more class-conscious, than these 
 demands to go before the public with? 
 I say that if we adopt this as it stands 
 we will make ourselves ridiculous. (Ap- 
 plause.) I say at the same time that 
 we cannot leave this convention without 
 making adequate provision for the adop- 
 tion of a state and municipal program. 
 Now, I believe that the only way to do 
 will be to refer it to the National Com- 
 mittee. The National Committee may 
 elect a sub-committee of three ; not to 
 put them like a jury in a room over 
 night and have them work it out, but 
 give them a month for it. Let them study 
 the question; let them discuss it 
 leisurely and sensibly and write 
 it out, and then send it to 
 the committee as a whole, and when 
 they have adopted it it will be in time 
 for the election of state and municipal 
 officers to be guided by. We are now 
 on the eve of an important state or mu- 
 nicipal election. We can bide our time ; 
 we can wait; but introduce something 
 that we will not be ashamed of and 
 have to explain for four years to come. 
 
 DEL. BOSKY (Minn.) : A point of 
 information. Is there any way for me 
 to get on the floor and say something 
 against this motion? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I will recognize 
 you next. 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN: Judged by 
 the repeated questions as to the sane- 
 ness of mind of your committee, which 
 have chiefly been raised on the part of 
 the New York delegation, you would 
 think the whole intelligence and com- 
 mon sense of this convention was 
 massed in the New York delegation. We 
 have studied this thing and talked it 
 over carefully and long and discussed 
 every position. I will just notice one 
 point, as to the militia. The question 
 is asked, what in the name of common 
 sense has the question of the militia 
 got to do with a class-conscious Social- 
 ist program? The men and women 
 who act together as class-conscious So- 
 
272 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 cialists may want to use the militia. 
 Now, in order to be able to use the mili- 
 tia we will have to knock out the pres- 
 sent militia law, which takes the control 
 of the militia out of the hands of the 
 state authorities and places it in the 
 hands of the capitalist president. When 
 we take the control of the state into our 
 hands we want to have the control of 
 that militia, and not the capitalist presi- 
 dent. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : A point of or- 
 der. I desire Comrade Untermann to 
 talk to the motion made by Comrade 
 Hillquit of New York. 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN: I am ex- 
 plaining why we took this action. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You rise to a 
 point of order, but carry on an argu- 
 ment. What is your point of order? 
 
 DEL. MEYER: My point is that he 
 should speak to the motion to refer this 
 to the committee. 
 
 . THE CHAIRMAN: The point is 
 not well taken. 
 
 Delegate Collins (111.) raised a simi- 
 lar point of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The comrade 
 from New York pointed out one para- 
 graph of the program. Delegate Unter- 
 mann at the present time is answering 
 the point made by Comrade Hillquit in 
 regard to the militia. 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN:' The point 
 has been made that the reasoning facul- 
 ties of the committee are out of order, 
 and I am trying to 'show what we did, 
 and in order to do so I must be able to 
 make my point. But I do not care to 
 discuss it any further than just to say 
 that in regard to the militia law we did 
 know what we were doing, and that in 
 every case we knew what we were do- 
 ing, though it may displease the New 
 York delegation. 
 
 DEL. BOSKY (Minn.) : I have tried 
 to get the floor, and could not, and now 
 if there is any possible chance I want 
 to talk on this program, or amendment, 
 or substitute. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You have the 
 floor now. Your three minutes are run- 
 ning now. 
 
 DEL. BOSKY : I say that great con- 
 fusion exists as to this whole question. 
 Some reason that a program will be all 
 right , here because it has worked in 
 Germany. We have heard of the great 
 success of the Socialist Party in Ger- 
 
 many. But you forget that the condi- 
 tions over there are entirely different. 
 In Germany they have an emperor, and 
 the Socialist Party has nearly four mil- 
 lion votes. But here the situation is al- 
 together different. We have got a con- 
 stitution, and when we get a majority 
 then we can take the powers of govern- 
 ment into our hands. But this will take 
 a long time. We all agree on what 
 we want; we only disagree on the tac- 
 tics to be adopted in this convention. 
 Comrade Berger of Wisconsin thinks 
 they have had great success, but the suc- 
 cess is only temporary. 
 
 DEL. HERRON (N. Y.) : I wish 
 simply to call the attention of the con- 
 vention to the fact that Comrade Hill- 
 quit's motion amounts to a substantial 
 adoption of the report of the committee. 
 There seems to be an apprehension in 
 the minds of some that the passage of 
 his motion to refer to the National Com- 
 mittee is equivalent to a rejection of the 
 report. Such is not the case. His mo- 
 tion to refer would amount practically 
 to an adoption of this report, only it is 
 to be revised and edited by a committee- 
 appointed by the National Committee. 
 Now, comrades, do not put some of us 
 in the position of being obliged to put 
 ourselves on record as voting against a 
 state and municipal program, when we 
 are not in any such attitude as that. I 
 have always been and have only recently 
 written in favor of a practical working 
 program to be put into the hands of al- 
 dermen and state legislators who shall 
 be ejected. We are heartily in favor 
 of that. The New York delegation has 
 been referred to as being opposed to a 
 workiiig program. Such is not the case ; 
 but this motion has been made to revise 
 because we are in favor of securing a 
 working program that shall not have 
 in it elements that will be misleading, 
 &nd will be not only misleading but dan- 
 gerous. It is certainly very true, and we 
 all agree, that if the Socialist Party is 
 to elect men to political office they 
 should have political experience, and 
 they should understand how to initiate 
 legislation even when they are in the 
 minority. If we had had a program 
 we would i)ot have had the experiences 
 that we have had in some of the states, 
 perhaps in some of the Massachusetts 
 municipalities. The adoption of the mo- 
 tion of Comrade Hillquit will result in 
 the reference of the program to a spe- 
 cial committee appointed by the Na- 
 
Afternoon S^ession, May 6. 
 
 273 
 
 tional Committee, and then the repprt 
 will come before you adopted, and we 
 can put ourselves upon record as voting 
 for it, as we desire to do. It will come 
 before you adopted and revised, with 
 some of these features which are mis- 
 leading properly edited or revised, so 
 that they can go before the party of 
 the country as a working program. I 
 merely want to call your attention to 
 that fact. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS (111.) : I have an 
 amendment, that said report shall be 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Send the 
 amendment up. Comrade Spears offers 
 an amendment to the motion to refer. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS : I am opposed to 
 referring it to the National Executive 
 Committee alone to decide the question. 
 I was in favor of moving this amend- 
 ment to refer the whole matter to a 
 referendum of the entire membership, 
 but the Chairman would not allow me 
 to do so. Now, I propose to state my 
 position on the whole thing in this way i 
 We are a minority party, and we must 
 oppose anything in the line of mere re- 
 form, and every bit of that program is 
 reform, and I don't want any of it. I 
 want our legislators in office to be the 
 same as I when I go out on the soap 
 box or in the factory or shop opposing 
 the capitalist class, not by reform or 
 compromise measures that may in some 
 way help qne or another of the different 
 branches of labor and be injurious to 
 the whole movement for all time. I 
 want to get the whole thing as fast as 
 I can get it. I am opposed to the mo- 
 tion as; it stands now. I would have 
 been in favor, if I could have got my 
 amendment, of sending it to a referen- 
 dum afterwards. I have no more con- 
 fidence in a committee of seven or nine 
 than in the Executive Committee. I 
 have great confidence in the member- 
 ship. I do not even want to leave it to 
 this convention. I want to leave it to 
 the membership, and when the member- 
 ship decides that in the interest of the 
 Socialist movement they want to have 
 that, all right, I will have to submit, 
 because I am a part of tliem, but I 
 won't preach it. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.): There is 
 no warmer friend of a practical work- 
 ing program in this convention than 
 Victor Berger himself. We must have 
 a program for the guidance of the united 
 army of Socialism. We had almost 20,- 
 
 000 Socialist votes in Milwaukee, which 
 means almost one-third of the entire 
 vote. We had a working program 
 there, and we must have a program. 
 Now, I am saying this in order to sat- 
 isfy you and make it certain to every 
 one of you that we are in favor of a 
 working program. But this report that 
 is given to us by the committee is not 
 a working program. It is a real im- 
 possiblist program. There are some 
 things in it that are simply impossible 
 and ridiculous. (Applause.) I cannot 
 tell the people in Milwaukee to select 
 some of those planks; they are all im- 
 possiblist planks. Now, I can see that 
 for once Chicago and Milwaukee agree. 
 Now, comrades, the best possible way 
 out of it is to refer this to the Na- 
 tional Committee. You have 31 people 
 there, selected for their special fitness 
 for propaganda. They will go over it 
 carefully, and if necessary bring it be- 
 fore a referendum of the party. If that 
 is done I will leave it to the referendum, 
 
 1 'promise you. (Applause.) I am not 
 afraid of the judgment of the member- 
 ship of the Socialist Party of America. 
 I know what the judgment of the Social- 
 ist Party in Wisconsin is, and we are 
 not so much more intelligent than the 
 rest. Now, Comrades, those of you who 
 are in favor of a municipal program 
 ought to be willing to refer. Those who 
 are not also ought to refer, because this 
 will give you a chance to discuss it. 
 Please have it referred to the National 
 Committee. I thank you. 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : A question of 
 personal privilege. Isn't the substitute 
 before the house? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. 
 
 DEL. MEYER: Then I raise the 
 point of order that the discussion is not 
 in order. It is the same point I raised 
 awhile ago when you decided it was 
 not in order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: This point is 
 a motion to refer. 
 
 DEL. MEYER: To refer the substi- 
 tute. There is an amendment, and I de- 
 sire to move the motion on the amend- 
 ment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Mills 
 has the floor. If you want to make the 
 point later I will give you the floor and 
 I will entertain a motion to amend. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS: A point of order. 
 You refused my motion to amend. 
 
274 
 
 Afternoon S^ession, May 6. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That may be. 
 Comrade Mills has the floor. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : I have only 
 three minutes, and I would like to have 
 order while I speak. I do not think 
 there is any dispute of such a nature 
 as leaves any question as to how this 
 convention will act on the matter of- a 
 working program. The only question 
 now before us seems to be the question 
 as to how the admitted mistakes in the 
 program as submitted shall best be rem- 
 edied. If you will read again the re- 
 port itself, it provides for a standing 
 committee on the municipal program 
 subject which shall not make a recom- 
 mendation and go out of existence as 
 this motion proposes, but shall remain 
 in existence and be all the time in a 
 position to repeat the recommendations 
 throughout the year and the years. The 
 standing committee which we have had 
 has been doing some work during the 
 previous years, and it is simply a ques- 
 tion now whether the admitted mis- 
 takes shall be revised by this convention 
 here and now, or shall be left in the 
 hands of the standing committee of 
 specialists appointed on this subject, or 
 shall be referred to the National Com- 
 mittee, made up of men living in thirty 
 different states, who never have seen 
 each other yet and do not know each 
 other. The members have that com- 
 mittee, have spent a long time, and have 
 turned the whole matter over to you. I 
 as a member of that same committee 
 urge that this matter shall not 
 be given to the National Committee, 
 but that it shall be disposed of by this 
 convention or shall be left in the hands 
 of the Municipal Committee which is 
 proposed under the resolutions now be- 
 fore the house. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : I have un- 
 fortunately happened to be one of those 
 Socialists who have been elected. I 
 have a long record, five terms in the 
 legislature and one in the city govern- 
 ment. I am for a working program, 
 but I am not for that working program 
 (applause). There are many things in 
 there, as has been mentioned, that I be- 
 lieve should have no part or place in a 
 socialistic recommendation even. (Ap- 
 plause.) I am sure that it is not with- 
 in the power of this convention — we 
 have not the time now, for -we are go- 
 ing home, many of us — to enable us to 
 give this matter consideration in all the 
 several details of its multitudinousness 
 
 — that is a good word — to go over all 
 the ten thousand recommendations and 
 consider each of them on their meiits, 
 together with all the numerous amend- 
 ments and counter amendments and 
 points of order and every other thing, 
 it would take us until at least a week 
 after the next national campaign be- 
 fore we got to the end of it. The thing 
 is to refer it somewhere, to some com- 
 mittee that can make such alterations 
 as will make it a document that I 
 personally would be proud of. And 
 then if, after it is thus improved, any 
 other comrade or body of comrades 
 want to submit it thus improved to the 
 membership, I will vote for its submis- 
 sion. So I ask of the convention that 
 whatever we may do, whether it is a 
 question of reference to the National 
 Committee or of reference to a standing 
 committee on municipal program, give 
 it to some body of people, to the Munic- 
 ipal Committee or to the National 
 Committee. I say that because I am for 
 a program, but I say it because while I 
 will be forced to vote tor it as it is, be- 
 cause I want'a program, yet I do not de- 
 sire to go out from this convention 
 standing for some of the propositions' 
 contained in that report. So I say the 
 best way out of it, the intelligent way 
 out of it, is to refer it to a committee to 
 edit it, improve it, and then let the mem- 
 bership act finally on it if a referendum 
 is demanded. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : Am I in 
 order to move the previous question? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: Then I will hold' 
 the floor — 
 
 DEL. SPEARS: There is an. 
 amendment here. 
 
 DEL. HAYES : I move the previous 
 question. Seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will have to 
 put it. The previous question is moved 
 and seconded. All in favor of putting 
 the previous question will signify it by 
 saying Aye. Contrary No. Carried. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: I want to speak in 
 favor of Comrade Hillquitt's motion. 
 
 DEL. OTT (Wyo.) : I want to speak 
 against. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN': All right. 
 
 DEL. PHELAN (111.^ : I think one 
 of the meanest things I ever saw on the 
 floor of a convention has just occurred. 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 275 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : You are not in 
 order now. I have recognized some 
 one else. 
 
 Delegate Phelan protested against the 
 ruling, which was followed by consid- 
 erable confusion, and the Chairman 
 rapped for order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The previous 
 question has been moved. Is there any 
 other person who wishes to speak in fa- 
 vor of reference? 
 
 DEL. COLLINS (111.) : Some of the 
 members are in doubt as to how we 
 should vote. If the amendment of Com- 
 rade Hillquit passed, will it go to a 
 referendum vote afterwards? That is 
 what we want to know? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I cannot tell. 
 It may be buried by the National Com- 
 mittee. No one can tell that. I am not 
 here as a prophet. I do not know what 
 the National Committee will do with it. 
 The only thing I know is the motion 
 before the house, which is to refer it to 
 the National Committee. I will recog- 
 nize Comrade Meyer. 
 
 DEL. HERRON: A point of order. 
 You stated to the convention that this 
 is to refer to the National Committee. 
 It is to refer to the National Committee 
 for adoption. That is the resolution. 
 
 The Secretary, being called on, read 
 Delegate Hillquit's motion. 
 
 DEL. CARR: A question of per- 
 sonal privilege. I have been trying for 
 some time to get the floor to move an 
 amendment to refer it to the party after 
 the National Committee shall revise it. 
 I believe it would certainly be the sense 
 of this convention that that ought to be 
 done. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT : I will accept the 
 amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is accepted 
 by the mover of the original motion that 
 it be refered to a general referendum. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : Mr. Chair- 
 man, there is one constitutional pro- 
 vision 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : A point of 
 information. If this amendment car- 
 ries to refer to the National Executive 
 Committee for revision and adoption 
 , and then to have the force of a re- 
 c:ommendation only, does that mean 
 that it carries with it the election or ap- 
 pointment of this committee mentioned 
 in there who will have the power to 
 name a secretary or elect a secretary 
 
 and add that expense to the national 
 treasury? 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I will state that 
 the National Committee may revise it in 
 that respect or in any other, and when 
 revised it will go to the membership on 
 referendum. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: Is a referendum 
 provided for? 
 
 DEL, HILLQUIT: It is provided 
 for. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS: Will the submis- 
 sion to the referendum be clause by 
 clause or as a whole? 
 
 DEL. LANGWORTHY (Texals) :, 
 Adoption as a whole. 
 • DEL. TAFT (111.) : A point of or- 
 der. The previous question has been 
 called for, and we should vote on the 
 question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is well taken. Will the Secre- 
 tary please read the motion? 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY (Cal.) : I rise to 
 a question of personal privilege. About 
 a fourth of the members have asked for 
 recognition and have been recognized. 
 My name is on the list, but it has not 
 been called, and I have repeatedly asked 
 for the floor since. I see no good reason 
 for it. I am asking for information. 
 
 The question was called for. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: I have not got 
 the amendment. I have .nothing except 
 the original motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The amend- 
 ment is that it be referred by the- Na- 
 tional Committee to a referendum of the 
 party. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY : I ask the Chair- 
 man to please answer my question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It is impossi- 
 ble. There are lots of questions I can't 
 answer, and that is one of them. There 
 is nothing before the house at the pres- 
 ent time, but the substitute to refer, 
 which the secretary will please read. 
 
 The Secretary read the motion as fol- 
 lows : "That the report of the commit- 
 tee on State and Municipal Program be 
 referred to the National Committee for 
 immediate revision and adoption, the 
 said report when so revised and adopted 
 to have the force of a recommendation 
 only, when approved by referendum." 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : I move to 
 amend by striking out the latter part 
 
276 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 and inserting that it shall be referred to 
 the party for adoption. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Write out your 
 amendment and send it up. 
 
 DEL. , MEYER (111.) : When he 
 gives you his amendment I wish to have 
 the motion read as follows : "That this 
 report be referred to the National Com- 
 mittee, and this committee shall refer 
 it to the membership of the party." 
 (Seconded.) That is all I desire to 
 say. I want a vote taken on that. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.) : I simply 
 want to plead that you send this out for 
 discussion and for further alteration, be- 
 cause of the fact that we need the edu- 
 cation and the time that we spend in 
 discussing this will not be wasted. 
 There are some things in it I do not like 
 and many that you do not like, but at 
 any rate if you pass this and send it to 
 a referendum, I am pretty sure we will 
 do a lot of educational work on State 
 and Municipal Program. (Applause.) 
 
 The motion to refer was then put and 
 declared adopted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Commit- 
 tee on Resolutions, I usderstand, has a 
 resolution to offer. You have adopted 
 the constitution but you have not heard 
 the final report of the Committee on 
 Resolutions, and you have made no pro- 
 vision for the campaign. The Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions has the floor. 
 Report of Committee on Resolu- 
 tions. 
 DEL. SPARGO, of the Committee: 
 Comrade Chairman and comrades, you 
 have already before you in print a res- 
 olution from Local San Francisco. The 
 resolution reads : 
 
 "Resolved, by the Socialist party 
 of America in convention assembled, 
 that the Socialist party condemns all 
 propaganda organizations not con- 
 nected with the Socialist party doing 
 Socialist propaganda, and that no 
 member of the Socialist party shall be 
 a member of any organization not af- 
 filiated with the Socialist Party. If 
 such organization is doing Socialist 
 propaganda, being a member of any 
 organization as before mentioned shall 
 be sufficient cause for expulsion from 
 the Socialist party." 
 Your committee moves that it be not 
 adopted. (Applause.) Motion sec- 
 onded. 
 
 It was moved and seconded that the 
 report of the committee be concurred 
 in. Carried. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Resolution submit- 
 ted to the convention at the desire of 
 the state of Washington as expressed by 
 a referendum vote: 
 
 "Be it resolved, that no county, 
 state or national official in the Social- 
 ist party shall at any time hold an ed- 
 itorial or any other literary position 
 on any capitalist pa;per or on any 
 other paper not in harmony with the 
 program of the International Social- 
 ist Party and the Socialist Party of 
 America; provided, however, that the 
 holding of such position shall not af- 
 fect any comrades' standing in the 
 party." 
 
 Your committee also moves that this 
 resolution be not adopted. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. TITUS : I wish to ask a ques- 
 tion, not as a matter of debate. Will 
 somebody on this floor tell me exactly 
 what the action taken in the German 
 convention was on these lines? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I do not know. 
 The Chair cannot tell you exactly. I 
 remember reading a translation but I 
 cannot tell you. If there is anyone who 
 can tell he might go to Comrade Titus 
 and tell him. It is no longer a point of 
 information. 
 
 Delegate Untermann offered to an- 
 swer the question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair 
 holds that the only thing now before 
 us is the regular order. Proceed, Com- 
 rade Titus. 
 
 DEL. TITUS : I wish to ask that 
 the Chair allow Comrade Untermann to 
 answer that question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is all 
 right, you make the motion that it is 
 the sense of the convention that Com- 
 rade Untermann should answer the ques- 
 tion. Are you ready for the question? 
 All in favor will say aye. Contrary, 
 no. Comrade Untermann, it is up to 
 you. 
 
 DEL. UNTERMANN : The question 
 in Dresden was not simply whether So- 
 cialists should be permitted to work on 
 capitalist papers. The question was 
 whether it was good tactics for a So- 
 cialist to write his grievances in a cap- 
 italist paper instead of a Socialist pa- 
 per. Some of the opportunists had gone 
 into such bourgeois papers instead of 
 the party press when they had been 
 turned down in their Socialist locals in 
 Germany. Therefore the whole question 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 277 
 
 of the relation of Socialists to the party 
 press came up, and it was decided final- 
 ly that scientific papers, trade papers, 
 and the like had nothing to do with the 
 question and should not be ruled out, 
 but it was decided that no Socialist 
 should be permitted to write for any 
 capitalist paper that viciously attacked 
 the Socialist party. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I had nothing to do 
 with introducing this resolution in the 
 state of Washington, and personally I 
 am not in favor of it, but I am instruct- 
 ed by our state to support it to the best 
 of my ability, though I do not know of 
 any strong arguments to present in fa- 
 vor of it at this time. (Laughter.) But 
 I called out the information given by 
 Comrade Untermann concerning the Ger- 
 man action and leave it for you to act. 
 
 On motion the recommendation of the 
 committee was concurred in. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Resolution sub- 
 mitted by Delegate Reynolds of Indi- 
 ana : 
 
 "Whereas, capitalism keeps the 
 working class in subjection through 
 force and through fraud; and 
 
 "Whereas, with the spread of So- 
 cialist philosophy and revolutionary 
 ideals which are rapidly permeating 
 the American people, it becomes and 
 will become increasingly difficult to 
 deceive the masses or to practice 
 frauds successfully at the polls ; and 
 "Whereas, capitalism is already 
 turning to its last weapon and main- 
 stay to check the rising revolutionary 
 tide, namely, violent suppression by 
 the army and militia; and 
 
 "Whereas, it has been made ext 
 ceptionally difficult to weaken the 
 strong right arm of plutocracy by im- 
 pregnating the army and the militia 
 with Socialism ; therefore, be it 
 
 "Resolved, that we recognize the 
 tremendous importance and the pres- 
 ent necessity of making the rank and 
 file of the army and militia disloyal 
 to their brutal masters and loyal to 
 their class and to the better future 
 civilization. 
 
 "Resolved, that we hereby authorize 
 and direct our National Executive 
 Committee to take action for the fo- 
 cusing and concentrating of special- 
 ized determined propaganda for So- 
 cialism among the privates of the 
 army and the militia over the entire 
 country and its colonies." 
 
 Your committee moves that it be not 
 adopted. (Seconded.) , 
 
 DEL. MEYER (111.) : I would like 
 to ask the committee why it makes that 
 report. Will it please explain? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Does the com- 
 mittee wish to give its reasons? 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: The committee has 
 no objection to doing so. The commit- 
 tee feels that at this time there is no 
 particular reason why we should un- 
 dertake a specialized propaganda among 
 the military forces of the country. The 
 committee also feels that it would be 
 exceedingly difficult to do it, and that 
 it would be unfortunate for the Social- 
 ist party in America to be precipitated 
 into anything rashly at this time. 
 
 The question was called for, and the 
 recommendation of the committee was 
 concurred in. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: Your committee 
 desires to make this motion, desires its 
 adoption, and then desires to be dis- 
 c^iarged : 
 
 "The convention desires to place 
 upon record its appreciation of the at- 
 rangements made by the local com- 
 rades for the convention, and the com- 
 fort and entertainment of the visit- 
 ing delegates and their friends. To 
 their efforts much of the success of 
 this convention may be attributed, 
 and we earnestly hope that the local 
 movement will derive lasting benefit 
 and inspiration from this historic 
 gathering. We also desire to ac- 
 knowledge with thanks the efficient 
 assistance rendered to the convention 
 by the national office staff. By their 
 uniform courtesy and willingness to 
 assist upon every occasion they have 
 won the thanks of every delegate and 
 of the movement they represent." 
 
 Your committee moves its adoption. 
 (Seconded.) 
 
 The motion being put, was unani- 
 mously carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The commit- 
 tee is discharged, with the thanks of this 
 convention. 
 
 The Committee on Credentials, and 
 the Committee on Local Quorum being 
 called on, announced that they had no 
 further report to make, and they were 
 discharged. 
 
 The Committee on Platform, through 
 its chairinan, made an announcement: 
 
278 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 DEL. HERRON: In printing the 
 platforms that were distributed yester- 
 day in the convention hall there were 
 several typographical errors. In one 
 case a whole line was dropped out, 
 changing the meaning. I would ask 
 that the members of the convention 
 as they leave the hall take the programs 
 which they have today and the platforms 
 with the typographical errors cor- 
 rected. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection the report of the committee 
 will be received and the committee dis- 
 charged. 
 
 Report of Committee on Ways 
 and Means. 
 
 The Committee on Ways and Means 
 being called on, reported through the 
 Secretary, Delegate Kerrigan of Texas. 
 DEL. KERRIGAN: As secretary of 
 the Committee on Ways and Means I 
 desire to present the following further 
 recommendations adopted by the com- 
 mittee ; 
 
 "That the Socialist party of Amer- 
 ica adopt and copyright the platform, 
 to be sold exclusively by the Nation- 
 al Secretary at such price as the Na- 
 tional Committee shall fix. 
 
 "That the Socialist party adopt and 
 copyright a badge to he sold exclus- 
 ively by, the National Secretary at 
 such price as the National Committee 
 shall fix. 
 
 "That the Socialist party of Amer- 
 ica shall adopt and copyright a flag 
 and have the same made in various 
 sizes suitable for hall decorations, 
 parties, etc., the same to be sold ex- 
 clusively by the National Secretary at 
 a price fixed by the National Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 "All profits arising from the sales 
 of the foregoing to be placed to the 
 credit of the National agitation and 
 organization fund." 
 This recommendation was adopteid 
 unanimously. The next one I will not 
 sign, as I do not think the recommenda- 
 tion should be made by our committee. 
 However, it was moved and carried that 
 it be presented. It was adopted that — 
 "We recommend to the convention 
 that the National Secretary and his 
 assistant be made bonded officers. 
 
 "We recommend that the 4th day of 
 July, 1904, be set aside by the Social- 
 ist party of America as Party Funds 
 Day, and that all members of the par- 
 ty be called upon to give that day to 
 
 collections and forwarding to the Na- 
 tional Secretary such sums as they 
 may thus- raise, such collections to be 
 placed to the credit of the agitation 
 and organization fund, and that this 
 day may hereafter be known as Party 
 Funds Day, on which the membership 
 will be called upon to act in the same 
 manner. 
 "The committee recommends that 
 . the practice of comrades ^in many 
 parts of the country, of writing let- 
 ters and circulars to secretaries of lo- 
 cals in various states, appealing for* 
 funds . for many presumably merito- 
 rious propositions, be discontinued. 
 However, your committee does not 
 think this way of raising funds should 
 be discontinued providing the consent 
 of the State Committee of the state in 
 which the funds are attempted to be 
 collected is first obtained. 
 
 "Your committee recommends that 
 persons asking for contributions from 
 the membership of the parties of va- 
 rious states be required to ask for 
 such contributions through the state 
 secretaries of such states. 
 
 "We recommend that three per cent 
 of the profits on all entertainments, 
 picnics, etc., given by the state, local 
 or branch organizations of ' the So- 
 cialist Party be paid to the National 
 Secretary for the credit of the na- 
 tional organization fund. 
 
 "Your committee presents to you a 
 working plan and a method of rais-. 
 ing party funds by means of adopting 
 a label on approval, for use on all 
 literature to be read or circulated by 
 the party members. The label fol- 
 lows in a general way the- plan adopt- 
 ed by the Typographical Union in its 
 use of the label to show that the 
 printing is done by union men. So 
 the label presented would show that 
 the literature bearing the party label 
 had the official approval of tl-.e party." 
 The committee voted unanimously to 
 recommend its use on books, pamphlets 
 and leaflets, but were a tie as to period- 
 icals, as only eight members were pres- 
 ent, one member being absent from the 
 meeting. We are of the opinion that 
 the use of this label seems practical in 
 every way,- and if adopted would be the 
 means of producing much needed rev- 
 enue for the party. The committee fur- 
 ther desires to state in that connection 
 that the working ''plan prepared is of 
 some length neCctesarily, and unless the 
 convention desires it it will not be read. 
 
Afternoon S^ession, May 6. 
 
 279 
 
 It_ would probably take ten or fifteen 
 minutes to read the plan in all its de- 
 tails. The committee further is of the 
 opinion that something should be done 
 in order to stop the practice of circulat- 
 ing books and other literature without 
 any compensation to the party and some 
 means of controlling such matters. We 
 think that the party is entitled to some 
 compensation for the work of its mem- 
 bership and the fact that its agitators 
 and organizers are continually enlarg- 
 ing the existing market for Socialist 
 literature and making a new market. 
 Now, it will be entirely with the con- 
 vention as to just what disposition will 
 be made of the present report. I pre- 
 sume that the report should be disposed 
 of in the regular way if so desired. 
 
 Delegate Miller of Colorado moved 
 that the report be referred to the Na- 
 tional Committee for such action as it 
 may deem best. Motion seconded and 
 carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection, the committee will be dis- 
 charged. The report of the Auditing 
 Committee is next in order. 
 
 The National Campaign Fund. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY : I did not have 
 time to make this motion before, as I 
 was busy writing it at the time you 
 passed to the next order of business. 
 I ask permission to introduce this reso- 
 lution now. 
 
 Consent was given. 
 
 Delegate Mailly then read the follovy- 
 ing resolution: "Resolved, That this 
 Socialist Party recommends that party 
 members donate during the month of 
 June, 1904, one-half day's wages to the 
 National Campaign Fund, one-third of 
 the amount derived therefrom to be re- 
 tained by the local, one-third by the 
 state, and one-third by the national or- 
 ganization." 
 
 On motion the resolution was adopted. 
 
 The Auditing Committee reported 
 through Secretary Dobbs that the books 
 of the National Secretary were found to 
 be in good condition and recommended 
 that a permanent auditing committee be 
 appointed. 
 
 On motion, duly seconded, the report 
 of the committee was accepted, the rec- 
 ommendation accompanying the report 
 adopted, and the committee discharged. 
 
 DEL. HERRON: Mr. Chairman, it 
 was stated here on the floor of the con- 
 vention by Comrade Mailly day before 
 yesterday, that at the close of this con- 
 vention he would hand in his resigna- 
 tion as National Secretary, and I rise 
 for one, not only to speak my own pro- 
 test, but what I hope will be the pro- 
 test of this convention, against the res- 
 ignation of Comrade Mailly, especially 
 at this particular time. It would be a , 
 matter of great calamity, as Comrade 
 Titus said, to the party as a whole and 
 to the development of the movement 
 if Comrade Mailly should present his 
 resignation now, upon the eve of the 
 national campaign, and for that matter, 
 if he should present it at all. I take, 
 I believe, all the responsibility upon 
 myself in this matter, because when 
 Comrade Mailly was upon a bed of sick- - 
 ness and had put me under bonds not 
 to nominate him for this position, I went 
 from his sick bed and violated my word 
 and nominated him for this position, and 
 as is well known to us in New York, 
 he has remained in this position very 
 largely at the urgent request of many 
 of his friends with whom he was for- 
 merly associated, and he has done it 
 against his own will, against his own 
 desires. He has desired very much to 
 go back to work, which he would rather 
 engage in ; but I feel that notwithstand- 
 ing what he has said, and notwithstand- 
 ing his own desire in the matter, it is, 
 I know, urgently desired that he with- 
 draw his resignation for a number of 
 months. I feel that we as a conven- 
 tion should request him that he with- 
 hold his resignation permanently if ^ he 
 will, but if not permanently, to with- 
 draw it at least until the end of the 
 national campaign and the national elec- 
 tion. (Applause.) And, therefore, I 
 I make a motion to that effect, that not 
 merely as an expression of our appre- 
 ciation of Comrade Miailly's splendid 
 services, because I know we feel all that, 
 but as a matter of interest to the Social- 
 ist Party upon the eve of the election. 
 I make the motion that he be requested 
 to withhold his resignation either per- 
 manently, or if not permanently, until 
 after the close of the national campaign. 
 
 Motion seconded. 
 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : As a mem- 
 ber of the Local Quorum and in behalf 
 of my friend, Comrade Eugene V. Debs, 
 whose sentiments I believe I express, 
 I second the motion of Comrade Herron. 
 
280 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 I believe it is the duty of Comrade 
 Mailly not to desert, and especially 
 when we are right on the eve of battle, 
 but to stand by the banner-bearer of the 
 party at least until the election. (Ap- 
 plause.) I hope that Comrade Mailly 
 will so understand his duty as a sol- 
 dier of the Socialist revolution that he 
 will stand through the battle and serve 
 as he had promised, at least up to Jan- 
 uary I St, 1905. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN (N. Y.) : It 
 seems to me as though I am in a' meas- 
 ure responsible for the unfortunate con- 
 dition that prevailed at the time Com- 
 rade Mailly took the attitude that he 
 did. It seems to me as though the cli- 
 max that had been reached immediate- 
 ly preceding Comrade Mailly's manly 
 attitude on this question was principally 
 due to the bungling methods with which 
 I, as the chairman of that day, attempted 
 to handle the business immediately pre- 
 ceding that act. It seems to me that at 
 this- time I ought to say that from my 
 point of view at least I should have re- 
 fused to entertain Comrade Mailly at 
 the time he took the floor, or others 
 who unfortunately in the heat of battle 
 said things against which the sensitive 
 mind of anybody would rise. And it 
 seems to me that to ask pardon is to do 
 meager justice under the circumstances. 
 Now, I want to call Comrade Mailly's 
 attention to the fact that the Socialist 
 Party of America is composed of re- 
 cruits who have enlisted in the army 
 of the working class, and that from 
 among these recruits, these enlisted men, 
 we select our officers, and that we do 
 not concede the right to our officers to 
 resign at pleasure. (Applause.) I in- 
 sist that while Comrade Mailly owes it 
 to his own self-respect to see that his 
 own name and his own reputation are 
 preserved, that he owes it to this move- 
 ment to give, within the next few criti- 
 cal months, the immense capabilities he 
 possesses to work in the interest of the 
 working class of this country, if Com- 
 rade Mailly will study all the condi- 
 tions. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. HANFORD (N. Y.)_: I was 
 talking this matter over some little time 
 ago with Comrade Debs, and Comrade 
 Debs and myself came to a unanimous 
 conclusion in the matter. We were of 
 the opinion that we ought to accept 
 Comrade Mailly's resignation, the same 
 to take effect on the 31st of next Jan- 
 uary, I believe his term expires on 
 
 the following day. (Laughter.) I want, 
 to say, however, that I am peculiarly 
 fortunate in being able to know some- 
 thing about Comrade Mailly. Some of 
 you know I went out on a lecture tour 
 not long ago, and I never realized what 
 kind of a man Mailly was until after 
 that tour was over. I must say that 
 any man that can retain his self-control 
 and continually give back the soft an- 
 swer that turneth away wrath under 
 the aggravation of the letters from my- 
 self and committees and members and 
 others, is certainly fully qualified for 
 that position. I suppose Mailly possi- 
 bly must have had a notion existing 
 somewhere down in his heart that per- 
 haps I did not mean all I said, or that 
 I was laboring under difficulties, or 
 something of that kind. But while I 
 do not need to admit for a moment 
 that in our movement there is any such 
 thing as the indispensable man, I do in- 
 sist that from time to time we do run 
 across the man for the job, and when it 
 comes to the question of National Sec- 
 retaryship as shown by his performance 
 of his services in the office, the man for 
 that job is William Mailly, and we want 
 him to stay right there. 
 
 The question was called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I would sug- 
 gest that the date for the resignation 
 be set for the 29th or 30th of some 
 February. All in favor of the motion 
 will signify it by saying aye. Contrary, 
 no. The motion is carried. Comrade 
 Mailly has to serve. (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH (Ore.): I 
 want to ask if Comrade Mailly tendered 
 his resignation. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : He did not say 
 he did. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: Mr. Chairman 
 and Comrades, if I had known that 
 my words of two days ago would have 
 resulted in this action I certainly would 
 not have uttered them. I only want to 
 say to this convention that I am a So- 
 cialist that belongs to the working class. 
 I believe in discipline. I believe in 
 the working class organization, in the 
 working class uniting in order to 
 achieve its emancipation. Believing that, 
 I would be a poor soldier, I would be a 
 poor Socialist, if I did not accept the 
 call or demand of those with whom I 
 am organized and of the movement of 
 which I am a part. (Applause.) I 
 would be lacking in the commonest, the 
 
Afternoon S^ession, May 6. 
 
 281 
 
 ■barest qualities of human nature if I 
 did not appreciate your action. The 
 only thing that I have to resent is the 
 imputation that in this movement, this 
 working class movement, there is only 
 one man that can fill this job. I had 
 hoped that in the interval between 
 Thursday and to-day the delegates to 
 this body would have selected one 
 among their number oi; among the 
 party membership whom they would 
 deem capable of filling the position. I 
 believe you have such men. I would 
 think very little of the Socialist move- 
 ment if I believed that there was only 
 one man capable of filling any job in 
 the party. (Applause.) But under the 
 circumstances, in view of the present 
 situation, I shall reconsider my deter- 
 mination, and I shall serve in the pres- 
 ent position, in view of your command, 
 until the election at least; and in doing 
 so, in taking up this work again, in re- 
 newing my services in the national of- 
 fice, I pledge to you and pledge to 
 those behind you, to the working class 
 of this country and to those behind 
 them again, the working class of the 
 world, the best capacity, the best ability, 
 the greatest devotion that I can give 
 to this movement — the one movement 
 worth living for, and the one move- 
 ment worth dying for. (Applause.) 
 
 Report of the Committee on For- 
 eign=Speaking Organizations. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: We will now 
 listen to the report of the Committee 
 on Foreign-Speaking Organizations. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) of the 
 Committee: On request of the Creden- 
 tials Committee, a Committee on For- 
 eign-Speaking Organizations was ap- 
 pointed. Delegate Lee was the chair- 
 man of that committee. He is exhaust- 
 ed with the work of the convention 
 falling especially on him, and has asked 
 .me to report in behalf of that commit- 
 tee, which I heartily do. I will not 
 trouble you with a recital of all that 
 came before the committee. Two or- 
 ganizations were represented before the 
 committee, the Polish Socialist Alliance 
 and the Federation of Italian branches 
 in the State of New Jersey. I will not 
 read it all; it is too late. Our recom- 
 mendation takes the form of a sugges- 
 tion of a section or series of sections for 
 the constitution, and in order that we 
 may avoid an interminable discussion I 
 
 move, on behalf of the committee, un- 
 less there are objections from members 
 'of the committee, that this matter be 
 referred to the National Committee or 
 Executive Committee, and by them to 
 a referendum as an amendment to the 
 constitution, that when endorsed by 
 their respective state organizations, lo- 
 cals may be organized among those who 
 cannot speak English, in the language 
 which they most readily use. 
 
 The report of the committee in full 
 is as follows : 
 
 When endorsed by the respective 
 state organizations, locals may be 
 organized among those who cannot 
 speak English in the language which 
 they most readily use. 
 
 Members of these branches shall 
 pay state and national dues, shall af- 
 filiate with the respective state and 
 local organizations, and be subject to 
 its laws and shall be in all respects 
 ?qual in rights and duties with all 
 other members of the party. 
 
 Locals so organized may form state 
 and local organizations within the reg- 
 ular party organization. 
 
 When the locals shall have been or- 
 ganized in any one of the foreign na- 
 tionalities, they may on application to 
 the National Committee secure the 
 right to organize a national executive 
 committee for that nationality, the 
 members of which executive commit- 
 tee shall be subject to approval by 
 the National Committee. 
 
 Any difficulties arising on account 
 of the organization of foreign-speak- 
 ing locals, shall be referred for settle- 
 ment to the respective executive com- 
 mittees with appeal to the National 
 Committee. 
 
 Each nationality so organized shall 
 have the right to two delegates to the 
 national convention, having voice an4 
 vote on matters affecting respective 
 nationalities. 
 
 The office of the National Secretary 
 shall facilitate the work of any such 
 Executive Committee, and wherever 
 practicable, the work shall be carried 
 on at the national office. 
 DEL, GAYLORD (Wis.) : I move 
 the adoption of the report and recom- 
 mendation of the committee. 
 The motion was seconded. 
 DEL. J. S. SMITH (111.) : I rise 
 simply to ask a question of the commit- 
 tee whether in their opinion this plan 
 would not give those foreign-speaking 
 
282 
 
 Afternoon S^ession, Maty 6. 
 
 organizations double representation, 
 and whether they will be part and par- 
 cel of the respective state and local or- 
 ganizations and thereby participate in 
 the election of delegates to the national 
 convention ; and, second, part and par- 
 cel of their own organization, again 
 participating in the election of their 
 ■ delegates to this same national con- 
 vention. 
 
 PEL. GAYLORD: It was the opin- 
 ion of the committee that ,the degree of 
 double representation indicated by the 
 proposed amendment is not of such 
 sort as to endanger in any respects the 
 rights or safety of the party orgariiza- 
 tion, inasmuch as these two delegates are 
 limited to voice and vote upon matters 
 especially affecting their respective or- 
 ganizations. 
 
 DEL. LEE (N. Y.) : I believe no 
 member of the committee will object if 
 it should be insisted upon that those 
 two delegates from each foreign speak- 
 ing organization be given simply a 
 voice without a vote. I should not fa- 
 vor that, but I believe the members of 
 the committee will accept the amend- 
 ment if it is in.sisted upon. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The committ- 
 tee accepts the suggestion of Comrade 
 Smith? 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD: If it is insisted 
 upon. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Do you insist 
 upon it, Comrade Smith? 
 
 DEL. SMITH: In justice to those 
 who speak English, I do. 
 
 DEL. LEE: The committee under- 
 stands that they speak only on ques- 
 tions affecting the respective nationali- 
 ties. You still insist that they shall not 
 have a vote but only a voice? 
 
 DEL. SMITH: I do not, provided 
 that is embodied in this recommenda- 
 tion. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD : It is so embodied. 
 
 DEL. LEE : They should vote upon 
 questions affecting their nationalities. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to 
 speak against the adbption of these 
 rules. I think, as the constitution 
 stands to-day, there is absolutely noth- 
 ing to prohibit the organization of such 
 foreign-speaking organizations as shall 
 be desired, nor is there any provision 
 against the united action of several of 
 such locals within one state or in any 
 geographical division or territory for 
 the purpose of propaganda work. I 
 
 think, however, a system like the one 
 proposed, the organization of a party 
 within the party and an official recogni- 
 tion of it, and the creation of a national 
 executive committee of one certain lan- 
 guage or branch of the party member- 
 ship, will have a tendency to create di- 
 vision and antagonisms within the rank 
 and file of the party. We have had 
 that in olden, times. We have had it 
 among the Jewish speaking branches of 
 the party, and it has created a good deal 
 of dissatisfaction. Where you have a 
 separate group within a party with sep- 
 arate interests in some respects which 
 is unavoidable, I think that the only 
 thing we can do in behalf of the for- 
 eign speaking residents of this country 
 would be to urge upon the National 
 Committee hereafter that they pay 
 more attention to agitation and organi- 
 zation among the non-English-speaking 
 residents of the United States. Our 
 party organization is flexible er""";;h to 
 admit them within the partj- organiza- 
 tion and allow them facilities for propa- 
 ganda in their own language, and that 
 is the only thing to be accorded to them. 
 We are working on political lines ; we 
 are divided into states, and the states 
 into locals, and in the locals we are 
 again divided into ward branches, and 
 must be so divided to exercise politi- 
 cal activity. We could allow a number 
 of Polish speaking comrades or Italian 
 or German speaking comrades to form 
 propaganda clubs or some such special 
 divisions, but you cannot cut them all 
 from the organizations to which they 
 belong according to their residence. I 
 am much afraid that this resolution as 
 it reads now will be misleading and 
 confusing in many respects — I there- 
 fore move as a substitute that we rec- 
 ommend to the National Committee 
 that they hereafter give special atten- 
 tion to agitation and organization among 
 non-English-speaking residents of the 
 United States. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. LANGWORTHY (Tex.) : I 
 am somewhat like Comrade Hillquit as 
 to the formation of federations in the 
 various languages. Under certain cir- 
 cumstances I think it would be neces- 
 sary. The French-speaking element, for 
 instance, thought some time ago that it 
 would be to the advantage of propa- 
 ganda amongst them to have a federa- 
 tion affiliated with the national organi- 
 zation, A proposition was submitted 
 
Afternoon S^ession, May 6. 
 
 283 
 
 to the National Secretary and by liim to 
 the National Quorum, and they referred 
 it back to this convention. Since that 
 time the local that I belong to passed a 
 resolution that it favored a continu- 
 ance of the present form of organiza- 
 tion among the foreign-speaking ele- 
 ment on one condition. That condition 
 is that the documents and literature 
 that should be sent from the na- 
 tional office should be sent out to 
 the various locals in their respective 
 languages so that they would not 
 have to hunt up interpreters to read 
 the correspondence that would come 
 from the national or state officers. I 
 could have organized a large number of 
 organizations of French-speaking peo- 
 ple and various others, but the trouble 
 has been that under the present form 
 of organization they could not find the 
 necessary element among themselves to 
 do the correspondence in the English 
 language with the state or national of- 
 fice, and the result was that several lo- 
 cals which had been organized dropped 
 out, lapsed, if you please, just for the 
 reason that they could not find the nec- 
 essary material to do the necessary cor- 
 respondence. I believe if you would 
 come to Chicago you would have men 
 who are able to do the writing or to 
 send out correspondence in the various 
 languages. If this was done I believe 
 we would not need any federation of 
 foreign nationalities. I believe that in 
 the forming of federations there is 
 always danger; that is, there is the dan- 
 ger of conflict of interest between one 
 or two individuals in the foreign fed- 
 eration and the national organization. 
 For instance, if the National Secretary 
 of a foreign organization, whether it 
 be French, German or any nationality, 
 failed to agree with the national office 
 his influence would to some extent or 
 entirely draw his organization away 
 from the Socialist party, something that 
 would not be done in the ordinary pres- 
 ent form of organization if the htera- 
 ture would be printed in the various 
 foreign languages. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS (111.) : I am in fa- 
 vor of the substitute or amendment of- 
 fered by Comrade Hillquitt, because I 
 think it will solve the question. I am 
 opposed to the admission, in a general 
 way, of these different organizations in 
 the way proposed by the committee, for 
 the reason that they say they allow the 
 states to give the authority. Now, these 
 organizations have national organliza- 
 
 tions ; they have locals in New York 
 and Chicago, say; suppose that New 
 York accepts them and Illinois refuses 
 them, there will be a conflict. The thing 
 should be settled by the Executive 
 Committee themselves. Let them set- 
 tle it and let them try to get those 
 comrades to go into the older organi- 
 zations and to learn English if they in- 
 tend to be in an English-speaking coun- 
 try. Of course I know it is tr^iuble- 
 some where they can only speak one 
 language. I am in favor of the substi- 
 tute. 
 
 The question was called for. 
 DEL. DEUTZMAN (Cal.) : I am 
 a foreigner, but I am opposed to hav- 
 ing inside of our party any organiza- 
 tion composed of foreign-speaking 
 members alone. I am in favor of hav- 
 ing propaganda clubs, but am opposed 
 to having foreign clubs transact the 
 business, of the Soi^ialist party. I think 
 we should urge the forming of such 
 clubs among foreigners, but at the same 
 time I do not think that they should 
 transact the business of the party in 
 a foreign language, because as a re- 
 sult there will certainly be people there 
 who can speak English and they 
 will mislead the people that do not 
 understand the English language, by 
 making misstatements or misinterpre- 
 tations of that which is done in 
 the English language. I have seen it 
 done and know it. Therefore, I am ap- 
 posed to taking any foreign organiza- 
 tion or federation as such into the party. 
 The question was then put on refer- 
 ring the matter to the National Com- 
 mittee, and it was carried. 
 
 Supplementary Report of Trades 
 Union Committees. 
 
 The Committee on Trades Unions, 
 through Delegate Hayes of Ohio, pre- 
 sented the following supplementary re- 
 port^ 
 
 Resolved, That the Socialist party 
 warns. the organized workers of this 
 country to be on their guard against 
 attacks upon their funds and we de- 
 mand national and state legislation 
 protecting these funds as well as the 
 property of individual unionists 
 agamst damages for alleged injuries 
 inflicted by picketing, strikes and boy- 
 cotts. 
 
 Resolved, That the Socialist party 
 declares its unalterable opposition to 
 the introduction of the vicious open- 
 shop system ; we demand in the name 
 
284 
 
 Afternoon S^ession, May 6. 
 
 of the workers of America the union 
 shop, not only in privately-owned in- 
 dustry, but in all the governmental 
 institutions of the nation, states and 
 municipalities ; > 
 
 Resolved, That we demand union 
 conditions on all purchases and con- 
 tracts made by the nation, cities and 
 states, not only a maximum eight- 
 hour working day, but also the pre- 
 vailing union scale of wages ; and we 
 point to the hostile attitude of the 
 republican and democratic parties in 
 congress, in Colorado and other states 
 " as evidence of the impossibility of 
 obtaining union demands for the old 
 political parties; 
 
 Whereas, every sign of the times 
 indicates that the capitalist class of 
 this country through its right hand, 
 the republican party, and through its 
 left hand, the democratic party, is 
 seeking to destroy the labor organi- 
 zations by means of injunctions and 
 by legislation, limiting the rights Qi 
 organized labor; 
 
 Resolved, That this vicious work 
 can be prevented only by united prac- 
 tical action of labor on the lines of 
 the class struggle; and 
 
 Resolved, That we call upon the 
 wage-workers to join the Socialist 
 party with a view to putting an end 
 to the political conditions that make 
 it possible for the capitalist class to 
 use the political machinery of the 
 country as a weapon against the 
 working class. 
 
 SIGNED BY THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: Mr. Chairman, in 
 view of the fact that the time is grow- 
 ing short and there probably are more 
 questions to come before the house, and 
 in view of the further fact that these 
 supplementary resolutions are in the na- 
 ture of a working platform, I make a 
 motion on behalf of the committee that 
 this be submitted to the National Com- 
 mittee and be adopted and submitted to 
 a referendum vote along with the other 
 portions of the working program adopted 
 here this afternoon. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. WALSH (Mont.) : Do I un- 
 derstand that this report on this trade 
 union question made by the committee 
 is a substitute for the other that we 
 have adopted. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, it is not 
 a substitute. It is an additional report. 
 
 DEL. WALSH: I move to lay it 
 on the table at this time. Seconded. 
 
 The motion to lay on the table was 
 lost by a rising vote of 35 to 56: 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN (N. Y.) : I 
 move the previous question on refer- 
 ring the committee's report. 
 
 The motion was seconded and car- 
 ried. 
 
 The Trades Union Committee having 
 no further report to make, was dis- 
 charged. The Committee on Constitu- 
 tion being called on, reported through 
 Delegate Hillquit. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: As a member of 
 the Committee on Constitution I desire 
 to call attention to the fact that the 
 Constitution has never been adopted as 
 a whole. I now move that it be 
 adopted as a whole. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 Final Action on Constitution. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
 moved and seconded that the Constitu- 
 tion Committee's report be adopted as 
 a whole. 
 DEL. BERGER (Wis.). I handed in 
 
 an amendment 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : At the time the 
 report of the Committee on Constitu- 
 tion was adopted most of the members 
 of the Committee on Platform were 
 not in the convention, and, further- 
 more, a great number of them were 
 out who were on the program, and if 
 I recollect, Delegate Berger was not 
 here at the time. 
 
 DEL. BERGER: I was not here at ^ 
 the time that' the constitution was ' 
 adopted. I have something which 
 would involve state autonomy. I have 
 an amendment to make, and that 
 amendment is in the hands of the Com- 
 mittee on Constitution. Comrade 
 Richardson has got it and will read it 
 to you. 
 
 Delegate Richardson read the amend- 
 ment, as follows : 
 
 "On the complaint of any National 
 Committeeman, or of three locals 
 in any state, of any acts on the part 
 of such state organization or of any 
 local subject to its jurisdiction, in 
 violation of the platform or constitu- 
 tion of this organization, an investi- 
 gation shall be undertaken, acting 
 under rules of the National Commit- 
 tee, to the end that such organiza- 
 tion shall be brought into conform- 
 ity." 
 
Afternoon Sfession, May 6. 
 
 285 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON : I move, 
 first, that the word "any" in the first 
 line be stricken out and the word "the" 
 substituted therefor. Again, strike out 
 the word "three" and insert after the 
 word "locals" the words "representing 
 in the aggregate one hundred mem- 
 bers." And then I want this added : 
 "But no such state shall be denied rep- 
 resentation in the National Organiza- 
 tion as the result of any such investi- 
 gations unless a national referendum to 
 the party membership shall first be or- 
 dered, and such referendum must in- 
 clude the vote of the state in question." 
 I move those amendments. 
 
 The amendments were seconded 
 
 DEL. BERGER: Mr. Chairman, I 
 believe the best thing would be to cut 
 out .the entirfe section. We do not 
 want to meddle with the internal trou- 
 bles of every state. No good can come 
 from it. I, as National committeeman, 
 do not want to meddle with the trou- 
 bles of other states. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Not even 
 Chicago ? 
 
 DEL. BERGER: No, not even 
 Chicago. Let Illinois take care of its 
 own affairs. Let Wisconsin take care 
 of its own affairs, and let California take 
 care of its own affairs. Therefore, I 
 move you that we strike out the en- 
 tire section; I mean to table the whole 
 section. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN (N. Y.) : It 
 strikes me that when this convention in 
 regular session adopts a constitution, 
 that that cannot be ruthlessly taken 
 from the previous day's proceedings 
 and tabled. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: One second; 
 the point of order is not well taken, 
 for this reason 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN: I beg your 
 pardon, I am not raising a point of 
 order, I am talking to the question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Pardon me. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN: I submit that 
 if we want this thing altered let us 
 first so decide. Let us vote against 
 this if we do not want it, and if we 
 want it leave it there. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan) : We have a 
 clause in our National Constitution 
 providing that no state shall adopt a 
 constitution or a platform in violation 
 of the provisions of the National Con- 
 
 stitution. This clause does not create 
 additional powers, as the comrade from 
 Wisconsin seems to fear. The {lower 
 is already in the constitution. The Na- 
 tional Committee has adopted, and is 
 now acting under rules providing for 
 a method of procedure- in case a com- 
 plaint is made against any state for 
 non-conformity with the National Con- 
 stitution and with the national platform. 
 This clause provides no other ground. 
 No local quarrel can be investigated; 
 no local action of any sort , can be in- 
 terfered with. The national constitu- 
 tion provides that the states must con- 
 form to the national constitution in 
 their platforms. This clause does not 
 create additional power. This clause 
 does not provide authority for invad- 
 ing any state. This clause is put into 
 the constitution not to create ^tate au- 
 tonomy, but for the purpose of pro- 
 hibiting the National Committee from 
 violating state autonomy. It is an ef- 
 fort to protect the citizens; it is an 
 effort to protect the rights of a state. 
 The National Committee is to enforce 
 this national constitution. Suppose a 
 state does not »adopt a constitutioii in 
 violation of the national constitution; 
 suppose a state does adopt a platform 
 in violation of the national platform; 
 has this party no authority to see to it 
 that the party that calls itself the So- 
 cialist party for any state shall be able 
 to enforce the provisions of our consti- 
 tution; that the constitution of the 
 state and the platform of the state 
 shall conform with the corresponding 
 national documents? (Applause.) This 
 provision does not create that authority; 
 it only declares that if any state has to 
 complain against another it must . do 
 so through its National Committeeman. 
 For instance, if Missouri is to com- 
 plain against Kansas it must speak 
 through its National Committeeman, 
 not by an unseerhly passage of resolu- 
 tions, not by making complaints by un- 
 authorized letters, for no state in 
 America can be found whose committee- 
 man will file a complaint against a 
 state for violating the national consti- 
 tution or platform until it is reasonable 
 to take it for granted that there is 
 ground for complaint. But within the 
 state, suppose our state of Kansas 
 adopts a platform in violation of the 
 national platform; shall we depend 
 upon this outside state alone? It is 
 suggested that it ought to be three lo- 
 
286 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 cals with not less than a hundred mem- 
 bers. Very well; that no quarrel can 
 be brought from a state to the na- 
 tional organization on any other ques- 
 tion than the question of conformity 
 to the national constitution and to the 
 national platform. But no irregular 
 and unseemly method of procedure can 
 bring it even then. But then if it is 
 plain that any state is irregular in 
 form as to its platform or its constitu- 
 tion, they have got a National Commit- 
 teeman to represent them under any 
 circumstances or on any question. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I am 
 in favor of Comrade Berger's motion 
 to strike out. The National Commit- 
 tee has already the power to interfere 
 when the state violates the national 
 constitution or platform. What is this 
 provision? To give the minority in 
 a state power to bring up its grievance 
 for so-called violation of the national 
 constitution or platform, and to bring 
 its grievance before the National Com- 
 mittee ; in other words, to make a state 
 quarrel a national quarrel, and that is 
 what we have. I therefore am in favor 
 of striking out the resolution. 
 
 The hour of adjoilrnment being 
 near. Delegate Sieverman moved that 
 the rules be suspended and that the 
 convention continue in session until all 
 its business is transacted. Motion 
 seconded and adopted. 
 
 DEL. HYLAND (Neb.) : The pres- 
 ent time would seem to be a good one 
 to understand this matter. The com- 
 rade who spoke so forcibly against 
 striking out — the chances are that he 
 did not know what was in there when 
 he voted for it. When a member can 
 usurp the state laws and state name, 
 go from one state into another state, 
 and go back to his own state and be 
 protected in his rule, then that state has 
 no means of redress. We have had 
 several cases of that kind in the last 
 year. Nebraska has had several cases 
 where individuals came in from other 
 states and violated its state autonomy. 
 For that reason I am in favor of this 
 proposition. We must have state autono- 
 my. The state of Illinois will not permit 
 me to steal in Iowa and then go to 
 Illinois and be protected from prosecu- 
 tion. The laws of the United States 
 compel the surrender of a criminal to 
 the authorities of the state in which he 
 has committed the crime. 
 " DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) : I have 
 
 within the last year known of cases on i 
 both sides of the question here. In 
 spite of that, or rather in view of that 
 and as a consequence of that, I am in 
 favor of cutting out any such provi- 
 sion. We have trouble enough without 
 mixing in the smaller quarrels. Let 
 us take care of ourselves, but co-op- 
 erating in every way possible to fur- 
 ther the cause of Socialism. 
 
 Delegate Robbins (Ky.) moved the 
 previous question. Seconded and 
 carried. 
 
 DEL. CLARK (Neb.): I am op- 
 posed to striking this out. This clause 
 was dictated by comrade Mills, and I 
 wrote according to his dictation. I con- 
 sider it unfair for the man who dic- 
 tated this 'clause to try to have it 
 stricken out now, after a number of 
 delegates have left the convention. 
 
 At this point there was much con- 
 fusion on the floor of the convention. 
 Delegate Mailly made an explanation 
 in regard to Delegate Mills' attitude, 
 and the speaker resumed : 
 
 DEL. CLARK: In the presence of 
 the delegates I want to beg Comrade 
 Mills' pardon. I did not understand 
 that he wanted it to stay there. (Ap- 
 plause.) When he was speaking I 
 was outside getting a cheese sandwich 
 and when I came in I misunderstood 
 the purport of Comrade Mills' remarks. 
 Now, this constitution will go to the 
 members of the party. I am going to 
 vote in favor of it being voted upon 
 seriatim, clause by clause. It was 
 adopted by the delegates in this con- 
 vention several days ago. Let us refer 
 it to the membership, and if the mem- 
 bers of the .party want it then we want 
 it. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: In the first 
 place, as chairman of the Committee on 
 Constitution, I desire to decline any 
 responsibility for this clause. It was 
 adopted by several members, though I 
 did not know the way in which it had 
 been adopted. Comrade Clark has ex- 
 plained how it was written. It has 
 never met with my approval and never 
 will meet it. I believe for one that a 
 general statement to the effect that the 
 platform of the party is the supreme 
 expression of the party, and all state 
 platforms and constitutions are to con- 
 form thereto, would have said about all 
 that we are called upon to say. I do not 
 believe in the adoption of a code of 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 287 
 
 criminal procedure as part of our con- 
 stitution. _ I do not believe in making 
 rules which will facilitate and invite 
 interstate^ quarrels. I believe, if we 
 strike this out, leaving here the other 
 clause which, prohibits one member or 
 state from interfering with the affairs 
 of another state without the consent of 
 that state, we have done about all that 
 we are called upon to do to guard the 
 party and the members and the au- 
 tonomy of the movement in each state, 
 and no more than that should be de- 
 manded. 
 
 The question was then called for and 
 put on a rising vote, the result being 
 39 in favor of striking out, and 31 
 against; so the section was declared 
 stricken out. 
 
 Eligibility of Candidates. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS (111.) : I have an 
 amendment under the head of "State 
 Organizations." It is that "No person- 
 shall be eligible or recognized as a can- 
 didate of the Socialist party for anv po- 
 litical office unless he or she has been 
 continuously a member in good standing 
 in the party for one year or more." 
 Seconded. 
 
 DEL. HAZLETT (Colo.) : I rise to 
 a point of information. How does that 
 apply to members that belong to new 
 organizations that have been in exist- 
 ence only a short time? 
 
 DEL. SPEARS: I don't want it to 
 apply to new organizations. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You have his 
 answer. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : It does seem 
 to me that the amendment would tend 
 to cripple the work where there was 
 not a large club or local. It is all 
 right in Cook County, where every 
 other member of the club may be a 
 candidate, but it is not a good thing in 
 isolated districts of the state. I sub- 
 mit that a campaign for a Socialist 
 ticket is one of the best possible rneans 
 of educating the people on Socialism 
 that we could possibly find. There are 
 a good many places where a county 
 ticket, for instance, could not be made 
 up of the best Socialist material, and 
 — ^you may call me a heretic for say- 
 ing this, but where branches are satis- 
 fied that they could get suitable can- 
 didates who are class-conscious Social- 
 ists outside of the branch, they ought to 
 have the privilege of piitting them up, 
 because there are men like that who for 
 some reason are not members of the 
 
 club. I know the position seems to be 
 inconsistent, and I may be criticised for 
 takmg this position, but I believe this 
 resolution would cripple the Socialist 
 movement in a great many counties in 
 the United States, and I hope there- 
 fore that this matter of nominations 
 will be left to the judgment of the 
 party in the respective localities. 
 
 DEL. HOLLENBERGER (Ind.) : If 
 that section is adopted won't it inter- 
 fere with state autonomy? I raise the 
 point of order that it would. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There is a 
 point of order raised, and the Chair is 
 in doubt, but I will rule that the point 
 is good. The point is made that it 
 would be improper and violate the other 
 provisions of the constitution, as it 
 would be in conflict with state 
 autonomy. 
 
 A DELEGATE: How about unor- 
 ganized states? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : That is not in- 
 volved in the question, because it does 
 not involve unorganized states. I shall 
 rule the point of order well taken. 
 
 Delegate Spears appealed from the 
 decision of the Chair. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS: I maintain that 
 this convention, constituted of the rep- 
 resentatives of the members of the So- 
 cialist party, has a right to say who 
 shall be their candidates, and that the 
 Socialist^ party shall not be used, as it 
 has been used in some sections, to as- 
 sist the other parties. I want to stop 
 that, and I submit we have that au- 
 thority. 
 
 The Vice Chairman put the question 
 on the appeal from the Chairman's de- 
 cision, and the Chair was sustained. 
 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH (Ore.) : Here 
 is a question that we have met continu- 
 ally, and we don't know how to de- 
 cide it. Does that mean that it is left 
 for each state to decide? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, they will 
 have to decide for themselves. The 
 states will have to decide, the party 
 fixing the test of membership. 
 
 DEL. SLOBODIN: Will this re- 
 quire an additional referendum of the 
 county or state? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is left to 
 the states. That clause is lost. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : It seems 
 to me some provision should be made 
 in the constitution against the election 
 
288 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 of any person to the National Commit- 
 tee of the Socialist party who has not 
 been a member of the party for a cer- 
 tain specified time. It might also be 
 provided in some way to cover our na- 
 tional ticket. At any rate, I propose as 
 an amendment that no person shall be 
 elected to the National Committee of 
 the Socialist Party or nominated for any 
 position on the national ticket unless he 
 or she shall have been a member in 
 good standing for a continuous period 
 of one year or over. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 CHAIRMAN STEDMAN: I want 
 to suggest a point about this. Suppose 
 you have a new organization, that you 
 are organized only a month 
 
 DEL. WALSH : I raise a point of 
 order. Aren't the committeemen 
 elected by the states? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. 
 
 DEL. WALSH: Then this is out of 
 order, the same as the one as to a man 
 holding a political office. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If you raise 
 the point of order, I shall rule that it 
 is out of order, 
 
 DEL. HANFORD (N. Y.) : I now 
 move that we adopt the constitution as 
 a wJiole. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio): For infor- 
 mation, I want to know if it would be 
 too late, after this vote is taken, to 
 move that the constitution be submitted 
 to a referendum by sections. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : _ No, you can 
 adopt it and then refer it if you wish. 
 
 DEL. DILNO (Mo.) : I believe 
 there was an amendment handed in a 
 few minutes ago by Delegate Saunders 
 of Illinois, which the secretary has not 
 read. 
 
 DEL. McHUGH (Mont.) : I wish 
 to move that the last part of Comrade 
 Spargo's motion be adopted ; that is, 
 that nominees on the national ticket 
 shall have been members of the party 
 one year. 
 
 Motion not seconded. 
 
 Delegate Spargo moved the previous 
 question, and the motion was seconded 
 and carried. 
 
 The motion to adopt the constitution 
 was then put and declared carried. 
 
 Delegate Titus raised a point of order 
 that debate should have been permitted 
 
 before putting the question on the pre- 
 vious question. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD : A point of order. 
 I made a motion that we adopt the con- 
 stitution as a whole. That motion was 
 duly seconded. There were other com- 
 rades on the floor for various purposes. 
 I then rose, , was recognized by the 
 Chair, and moved the previous ques- 
 tion. That question was put to the mem- 
 bers and a vote taken. We were then 
 in a position where, if any one had at 
 that time received recognition from the 
 Chair,- he would have been given three 
 minutes' time. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: May I ask a 
 question ? 
 
 DEL. HANFORD: One moment; I 
 am stating my point of order. No such 
 speaker did rise and no such speaker 
 was so recognized. The giving the floor 
 to two, one on each side, is a privilege ; 
 it is not a compulsory matter. Not 
 having arisen, we proceeded to vote, the 
 vote was taken in due form, and we 
 cannot go back of it without a motion 
 to reconsider. The result was an- 
 nounced before the point was made. We 
 don't compel people to talk three min- 
 utes on any question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I will rule the 
 point of order of Comrade Hanford 
 well taken. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I appeal. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY (in the chair) : 
 Shall the Chair be sustained? All in 
 favor will say aye 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I have a right to 
 speak to the appeal. 
 
 THE VICE CHAIRMAN: Yes. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: Comrade Hanford is 
 correct in all except one particular. It 
 is not necessary and has not been the 
 practice on this floor for a speaker who 
 wishes to speak to address the Chair 
 before the previous question is stated, 
 but afterwards. Now, I have taken the 
 usual course, and I demand the right 
 to speak on this question. The ques- 
 tion before us has not been put. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERMAN: Oh, yes, it is 
 carried. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: But it was carried 
 after I addressed- the Chair and was 
 ready to speak, and he recognized me. 
 I have appealed, and am stating the 
 reasons for my appeal. 
 
 Upon vote the Chair was not sus- 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 289 
 
 tained. Delegate Stedman resumed the 
 Chair. 
 
 A division was called for, but not in- 
 sisted upon. 
 
 DEL. TITUS : I am opposed to 
 adopting this constitution as a whole 
 without an opportunity to submit another 
 amendment. This is my amendment 
 that I desire to submit when the op- 
 portunity is given. I do it- because a 
 speaker on this floor has proposed that 
 there should be candidates endorsed by 
 the Socialist party in sections where 
 there is no organization of the Social- 
 ist party. I am wholly opposed to it, 
 and my proposition is to prevent it, 
 and provide that no candidates shall be 
 endorsed by the Socialist party who 
 are not members of the Socialist Party. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 DEL. WALSH (Mont): A point 
 of order. I cannot see that that reso- 
 lution doesn't cover substantially the 
 same ground as the comrade's over 
 here. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is well taken. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I appeal from that 
 decision. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY (in the chair) : 
 State your appeal. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: My reason for the 
 appeal is that in the constitution that 
 we have adopted heretofore we have 
 provided over and over again what 
 state organizations shall do, and the 
 Chair has no right to rule as he has 
 done that I have no right to put in 
 another .provision of the same sort. We 
 provide that all state organizations shall 
 provide in their constitutions for the 
 initiative, referendum and imperative 
 mandate. If the Chair's ruling is cor- 
 rect, we have no business to put that 
 in ; it is a violation of state autonomy. 
 I protest against this railroading proc- 
 ess. Let us go calmly. 
 
 CHAIRMAN STEDMAN : Com- 
 rade Titus, I think, will remember that 
 I stated to the convention that I was 
 in doubt upon the proposition. And 
 then I simply made a statement of the 
 result of such a provision; an appeal 
 was taken, and the convention decided 
 it. I did it for this reason : That they 
 had practically decided the question, and 
 why should they adopt another such 
 amendment? They had one amendment 
 fixing the period of membership, and 
 adopted it, and I stated to the conven- 
 
 tion at the time that I was in doubt, 
 and the convention decided the parlia- 
 mentary question. Now, then, your 
 amendment comes as an amendment 
 upon the question of the adoption of 
 the report as a whole, after the pre- 
 vious question is called for. When 
 the previous question is called for on 
 the adoption of the report as a whole, 
 the only thing you can do is either to 
 adopt it or refuse to adopt it as a whole. 
 DEL TITUS : I want to refuse, so 
 as to get it in shape. 
 
 CHAIRMAN STEDMAN : All 
 right, then vote no. 
 
 Upon vote the Chair was not sus- 
 tained. 
 
 CHAIRMAN STEDMAN (resum- 
 ing the chair) : I am in doubt as to 
 how to rule again, or what you wish to 
 do. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: Am I in order in 
 offering this amendment? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Yes, I will rule 
 that an amendment is in order if it is 
 seconded. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : I desire to 
 
 amend the amendment 
 
 . DEL. TITUS: I am willing to take 
 any suggestions. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You have a 
 motion to make? 
 
 DEL. TITUS: Yes. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Please make 
 it, and the secretarv will record it. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I am willing to do 
 so, but I want it to express the sense 
 I wish to convey. 
 
 DEL. CARR: We have had exper- 
 ience hi our locality. I suggest two 
 years be put in there, and then none 
 of the politicians will drop into our 
 locals 
 
 DEL. TITUS : Let it read that "No 
 candidates shall be put forward by the 
 Socialist party who are not members of 
 the party and who have not been mem- 
 bers of the party for a continuous period 
 of one year, except in new locals." 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.) : A point 
 of order. Here is an amendment in- 
 troduced at a time while a member is 
 speaking in favor of a motion, and the 
 previous question is moved, and the rul- 
 ing must necessarily be on the right to 
 offer the amendment. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The convention 
 
290 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 has decided that the Chair's ruling was 
 wrong. We are entitled to receive the 
 amendment, and it is before the con- 
 vention. 
 
 DEL. SIEVERM'AN (N. Y.) : The 
 Chair does not state the position cor- 
 rectly. The convention has decided 
 agaiilst the Chair on his ruling that the 
 comrade did not have the right to the 
 floor to speak. We have not had this 
 point before us that Comrade Gaylord 
 now raises, and it is separate and dis- 
 tinct from the one that was raised by 
 Comrade Titus. Comrade Titus raised 
 the point that he was entitled to speak 
 under the rule, but he did not raise 
 the point that he had the right to sub- 
 mit an amendment to the motion upon 
 which the previous question had been 
 ordered, and I back up the second ap- 
 peal. The point of order made by 
 Comrade Gaylord was that it is too 
 late to introduce any amendment. The 
 previous^ question has been ordered, and 
 there is nothing in order but two speak- 
 ers, one for and one against, and then 
 a vote. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN; I think the 
 point of order is well taken. But while 
 I think the point of order is well taken, 
 under the rule I do not think that when 
 the previous question has been called 
 for to, adopt a report as a whole we can 
 do anything except either accept or re- 
 ject the report. I hold that amendment 
 is out of order. If you wish you .may 
 appeal again. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: A point of in- 
 formation. The information I desire, 
 is this : As I now undertsand the po- 
 sition, if we desire to let Delegate Titus 
 move his amendment it will be neces- 
 sary to vote down the question upon 
 this vote. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That is tight. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : I want to 
 talk- against adopting this motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You cannot do 
 so. If you have a point of information 
 or of order I will listen to it. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: We have a right to 
 talk on the two sides of the question. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: No, we have 
 done so already. All in favor of adopt- 
 ing the constitution as a whole will 
 signify it by saying aye ; contrary, no. 
 
 A division was called for. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : All in favor of 
 adopting the constitution as a whole will 
 
 rise. All against adopting it as a whole 
 will rise. 
 
 DEL. WEAVER (Cal.) : This is a 
 vote against, is it not? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, it is. The 
 motion to adopt as a whole is lost. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I move this amend- 
 ment to our constitution : "No candi- 
 date shall be nominated bv any subdi- 
 vision of the party unless he is a mem- 
 ber of the party, and has been such for 
 at least one year ; but this provision 
 shall not apply to organizations which 
 have been in existence for less than one 
 year." 
 
 Amendment seconded. 
 
 Delegate Simons (111.) moved the 
 previous question. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. SPEARS : I move as an 
 amendment to the amendment 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: ' All in favor 
 of tbe previous question will signify it 
 by saying aye. All opposed to the pre- 
 vious question will signify it by say- 
 ing no. Carried. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : I want to 
 speak against that, for three minutes. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS (111.) : I desire to 
 speak first. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The report as 
 a whole is before the convention. Com- 
 rade Hayes has the floor. 
 
 DEL. SIMONS : I will take the floor 
 first. 
 
 DEL. HAYES : I am against adop- 
 tion 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: This is on the 
 amendment. 
 
 DEL. SPARGO: A question of 
 privilege. I desire to ask the mover of 
 that motion if, in order to cover the 
 point that was evidently in mind, he 
 will not include the words "or endorse," 
 so that it shall read "nominate or en- 
 dorse?" 
 
 DEL. TITUS: Yes. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.): I raise the 
 point of order that a Socialist organiza- 
 tion has no right to endorse anybody. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: I am opposed to 
 the adoption of the amendment because 
 I believe that is a matter that ought to 
 be left to the states and locals them- 
 selves. In the state of Ohio, by rea- 
 son of the fact that municipal elections 
 have been abolished in most of the 
 cities, we would have probably forty 
 
Afternoon S^ession, May 6. 
 
 291 
 
 or fifty officials to be elected, which 
 means that many of the locals will be 
 unable to fill their tickets with candi- 
 dates to be placed in the field at the 
 coming election. We do not want to 
 go into the field with a rag-tag and 
 bob-tail ticket. We want to go into 
 the field with a. complete ticket from be- 
 ginning to end, and if you leave this 
 matter to the state organizations we can 
 at least run afltairs in a satisfactory 
 manner without the meddling of the na- 
 tional organization. In the cities where 
 we have put forth a great amount of 
 energy and spent a great amount of 
 time and money we have good locals. 
 In the small towns they do not have 
 sufficient membership — ^that is, have 
 not had sufficient members within the 
 last year — to place tickets in the field. 
 Now, then, when they come in, say 
 after six months, although they may 
 have voted the ticket much longer^ 
 under this amendment we cannot place 
 them on the ticket, although we know 
 that they are class-conscious Socialists 
 and all-wool, yard-wide Socialists, and 
 understand Marx in the original. I do 
 not know why a man who has been in 
 the Socialist movement twenty years 
 understands much more about it than 
 some man who has been in it only one 
 year. For that reason I am opposed to 
 the measure. 
 
 DEL. COLLINS (111.) : I take the 
 opposite side from Comrade Hayes, 
 from personal experience, both in this 
 state and in the state of Pennsylvania. 
 I know it from experience m Pennsyl- 
 vania especially. During the time of 
 the strike in the anthracite fields we or- 
 ganized locals by the^ hundreds, and 
 they put up tickets, and they put men 
 on the tickets who did not know So- 
 cialism any more than a cow. That is 
 why I object to any man or any woman 
 going on the Socialist party ticket un- 
 less they have been in the party one 
 year at least. It has been the ruma- 
 tion of the movement in Pennsylvania, 
 putting people on the ticket who knew 
 nothing about Socialism. We all know 
 from experience that when men come 
 into the Socialist movement they do riot 
 know much about the party tactics 
 (applause), and we know that there 
 are men that are always looking for 
 political jobs, and those people who 
 have friends in the little towns both in 
 this state and in other states. If we 
 go out and tell them that "You cannot 
 
 get into political office until you are 
 twelve mouths in our party," there will 
 not be so many political ringsters work- 
 ing to get into our party. (Applause.) 
 For that reason I hope that the amend- 
 ment of Comrade Titus will pass here 
 without a dissenting vote. 
 
 The question was called for. The 
 motion being put on the amendment, it 
 was declared carried. A division was 
 called for, but on those in the affirma- 
 tive rising, the division was waived. 
 
 A motion was then made to adopt 
 the report as amended. 
 
 The question being put on the adop- 
 tion of the constitution as amended, it 
 was adopted. 
 
 The Referendum and the Consti- 
 tution. 
 
 DEL. lARR: Did you not rule a 
 while ago that it would not be too late 
 after an adoption of the constitution to 
 refer it to a referendum? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I so ruled. 
 
 DEL. CARR: I so move that the 
 constitution be referred to the party to 
 be voted upon, section by section. Sec- 
 onded. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD (N. Y.) : We 
 have sat here for a long time this week. 
 We have considered this matter section 
 by section when members tried their 
 best to send .it to people who knew 
 something about these matters. Now it 
 is adopted, and there is no way for the 
 members at large to do but vote for 
 the constitution. Now, the point is that 
 if you do send it to a referendum to be 
 voted upon by sections, you will find 
 one section stricken out and another 
 section will be Carried, and they will 
 be in conflict with each other. These 
 comrades in voting at that time will 
 have no opportunity for amendment, 
 and after the constitution has been 
 adopted questions will come up within 
 the party because of the fact that some- 
 thing is in the constitution and some- 
 thing else is stricken out, and with the 
 exception of mistakes and with the ex- 
 ception of new errors it will be a reit- 
 eration of this constitution as it stands. 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.) : I 
 move as an amendment to the last mo- 
 tion that the constitution shall be sub- 
 mitted to a referendum vote to be voted 
 on as a whole. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: That has been 
 carried, if I mistake not. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT:. Yes. 
 
292 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: A motion was 
 made at the previous session that the 
 constitution should be referred to the 
 members as a whole. This motion 
 that is pending now is to refer it ^o 
 that it can be taken up seriatim. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to say 
 that the reason for making the recom- 
 mendation at that time, and it was fully 
 discussed at the time the report was 
 originally made, was this: that if the 
 constitution as a whole was voted down 
 we have another instrument to fall 
 back upon, and that is the present con- 
 stitution, but if this constitution is 
 voted upon by sections and part of it 
 is thrown out and part of it is left, we 
 remain without a working constitution. 
 If the present constitution which is 
 under consideration is not an improve- 
 ment upon the old constitution from 
 the standpoint of the members, we are 
 at liberty to vote it down, and we have 
 the old constitution; if on the other 
 hand it is an improvement and if there 
 should be some little flaw in it, we have 
 provided for the amendment of any 
 section at any time and its submission to 
 a vote of the party. 
 
 DEL. BOSKY (Minn.): I do not 
 think there is any danger whatever of 
 this constitution being rejected on the 
 referendum vote. There can be no 
 danger whatever, because we do not 
 make any additions to the constitution, 
 we make them to our platform. The 
 constitution is entirely sufficient. Leave 
 it to a referendum vote and it will be 
 safe. That is all I have to say. 
 
 DEL. PARKS (Kan.) : We want a 
 constitution to go into this campaign 
 with, and we need this constitution to 
 go into effect at once in order that the 
 direction of our party may be under 
 the right constitution. 
 
 DEL. RICHARDSON: A point 
 of order. A motion was formally 
 made and entertained and adopted to 
 refer this constitution to be voted on 
 as a whole. No motion is in order t^- 
 cept a motion to reconsider the vote. 
 
 The Chairman decided the point of 
 order not well taken. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: Our constitution 
 provides that a convention can amend 
 the constitution, and I think that is a 
 wise thing, because our constituencies 
 have sent us here and entrusted us with 
 the work of framing and adopting a 
 constitution and platform for carrying 
 
 on the party business. It will take a 
 long time, forty-five days anyhow, to 
 get a referendum and get this consti- 
 tution adopted. We need the constitu- 
 tion, and we need it right now. 
 
 The previous question was moved 
 and seconded. The Chairman put the 
 question, but before announcing the re- 
 sult he called on the Secretary to read 
 the motion. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I wish to speak on 
 this. 
 
 THE SECRETARY: The original 
 motion is that the constitution be sub- 
 mitted to a referendum by sections. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The original 
 motion was to submit as a whole, and 
 this motion is to submit seriatim. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: I am going to talk 
 in favor of this motion to submit seri- 
 atim. The objection raised by Com- 
 rade Hillquit is based entirely upon the 
 assumption that the membership of the 
 party is stupid. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: No. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: Yes. If we cannot 
 trust the membership of the party to 
 vote on this intelligently section by sec- 
 tion, then our party is stupid. Do you 
 suppose they are going to strike out an 
 important section which will qualify 
 some other section? They are not that 
 stupid. There is no danger whatever 
 when you give the party an opportunity 
 to vote section by section, but there is 
 danger in making it impossible for them 
 to advance. If you are going back to 
 the old constitution, it is a farce and 
 you need not send it out at all. Sup- 
 pose they want to vote against any 
 single provision like the $i,soo salary, 
 you cive thern a chance. Anyway, let 
 the memoership be trusted; you know 
 you can trust the membership of this 
 party. We have done it heretofore. 
 They are jealous of their rights, and we 
 have no business to take away their 
 right to decide what constitution we 
 shall work under. 
 
 DEL. STRICKLAND: Comrade 
 Chairman, I think we are losing sight 
 of the fact that the National Secretary 
 in his report to us asked above every- 
 thing else that we give to the National 
 Committee a working constitution, and 
 we cannot do that by carrying this mo- 
 tion to submit it seriatim. 
 
 DEL. TITUS: You can't do it any 
 other way. 
 
Afternoon S^ession, May 6. 
 
 293 
 
 DEL. STRICKLAND: The only 
 way that we can provide our National 
 Committee with a working constitution 
 soon is to submit this constitution as a 
 whole or not submit it at all. You un- 
 derstand, comrades 
 
 DEL. TITUS: May I ask a ques- 
 tion? 
 
 DEL. STRICKLAND: Yes, 
 
 DEL. TITUS: Will it take any 
 
 longer to submit it seriatim than the 
 
 other way? 
 
 DEL. STRICKLAND: The result 
 will be longer. The only way that we 
 can be certain that we have a working 
 constitution, and have it soon, is to 
 submit it as we have already decided 
 to submit it, as a whole. 
 
 DEL. PARKS: Don't submit it at 
 all. 
 
 DEL. STRICKLAND: Well, don't 
 submit it at all. In other words, the 
 only way that we can provide our na- 
 tional organization with a working con- 
 stitution is to vote down this motion 
 and leave the matter where it is. 
 
 Several delegates called for a vote. 
 
 The motion to refer seriatim was 
 put and lost. The motion to refer as 
 a whole was then carried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 further report from that committee the 
 committee will be discharged. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : I move to re- 
 consider the vote by which it was 
 moved to refer as a whole, in order to 
 move that it be not referred at all, if 
 necessary. The motion to refer as a 
 whole is an absolute farce. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: How did you 
 vote on the motion to refer as a whole? 
 
 DEL. CARR: I don't believe I was 
 present. 
 
 The motion was declared out of 
 order. 
 
 DEL. HAZLETT (Col.): In view 
 of the fact that the delegates to this 
 convention have refrained from smok- 
 ing during the sessions of the conven- 
 tion, with much distress of mind to 
 themselves, out of consideration for the 
 lady delegates present on the floor, I 
 wish to move that a vote of thanks be 
 tendered to the delegates for such con- 
 sideration. 
 
 The motion was seconded . amid 
 applause. 
 
 •DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I desire 
 on behalf of my friends, to say that we 
 do not care for a vote of thanks; but I 
 would like to move a counter-motion, 
 that in view of the fact that we have 
 refrained for six days or thereabouts 
 from smoking, because they were op- 
 posed to smoking, that they now oblige 
 us by smoking each their first cigar. 
 
 The Platform and the Referendum. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
 objection I will put both motions. All 
 in favor of both' motions will signify it 
 by saying aye. Contrary, no. They are 
 carried. 
 
 DEL. DALTON (111.) : A point of 
 information. I want to ask if the plat- 
 form adopted by this convention is to 
 be sent to a referendum vote of the 
 party ? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I do not know. 
 I was not the chairman the other day. 
 
 DEL. YOUNG (Md.) : I move that 
 it be referred to a referendum vote. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I declare that 
 out of order, on this ground, that the 
 motion should have been made imme- 
 diately after the adoption of the re- 
 port. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: Is that all the in- 
 formation you can furnish? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: There was no 
 motion made to refer the platform. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: Then I make a 
 motion that the platform of the Social- 
 ist party be referred to the member- 
 ship of the Socialist Party for a vote, 
 and I desire to speak on that. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I will rule that 
 out of order, because it was not made 
 at the time it was before the conven- 
 tion. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: T take an appeal. 
 The ground of the appeal is, that the 
 referendum is a fundamental law of 
 the party, that no chairman and no ses- 
 sion of this convention can overthrow 
 and smash that law without going to 
 the rank and file of the party and ask- 
 ing them for their peniiission. 
 
 VICE CHAIRMAN WILKINS : 
 The question before the house is the 
 appeal of Comrade Dalton of Illinois 
 from the ruling of the chair. All who 
 sustain the chair will manifest it by 
 saying aye. Contrary, no. The chair is 
 in doubt. 
 
294 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 A division was called for, and on a 
 rising vote the chair was sustained by 
 a vote of 62 to 37. 
 
 A Resolution on Marriage. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY: I ask leave to in- 
 troduce the following resolution at this 
 stage of the jSroceedings : 
 
 "Whereas, Socialists are accused 
 of being opposed to marriage; and 
 
 "Whereas, since this convention 
 has been in session two of its mem- 
 bers, namely, A. A. Triller and Car- 
 rie L. Johnson, of Iowa, have been so 
 inconsiderate of the feelings of the 
 opponents of socialism as to become 
 united in marriage; therefore, be it 
 "Resolved, that this convention of 
 Socialists presents its congratulations 
 to the comrades named, and wishes 
 them a long and happy life and suc- 
 cess in their united work for the 
 cause." 
 
 The adoption of the resolution was 
 moved and seconded, and the resolu- 
 tion was adopted with enthusiasm. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY : These are the finaj 
 announcements we expect to make. You 
 all know how our comrade Martin, my as- 
 sistant in the National office, has at- 
 tended to the viseing and certifying of 
 the railroad certificates of the delegates. 
 I thought it would be a matter of infor- 
 mation to the delegates to state to them 
 that the passenger agents who were 
 present on Tuesday for the purpose of 
 viseing the certificates for the railroad 
 companies informed me personally that 
 in all their years of experience, at no 
 convention had the railroad certificates 
 been presented to them in the order 
 that Comrade Martin had presented 
 them ; and I take pleasure in making 
 that announcenjent and citing it as a 
 testimonial to the fact that Socialists 
 know how to systematize their work. 
 Second, we have had a stenographic re- 
 port of this convention taken, and ^e 
 expect to have the proceedings printed 
 very soon and sold at a nominal cost 
 to the membership, and we wish you to 
 push the sale. We shall get it out as 
 soon as possible. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : Did I cor- 
 rectly understand the chair? Is any- 
 one who voted for the referendum of 
 the constitution as a whole in order in 
 moving a reconsideration of that ques- 
 tion? 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You did. 
 
 DEL. MILLS : Is it still in order to 
 do that? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: I would not 
 entertain the motion from anyone ex- 
 cept one who voted in the affirmative. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: I voted in the affir- 
 mative. Is it still in order for anyone 
 who voted in the affirmative to move 
 to reconsider? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I think it is. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: I wish to make a 
 statement and a motion to that effect. 
 Have I consent to do so? 
 
 Several delegates were heard to give 
 consent. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: The statement I 
 wish to make is to this effect : When 
 the constitution is submitted as a whole 
 I think there is no question about its 
 being adopted. I am quite sure the 
 comrades will agree \v'\t\\ regard to the 
 fact that if it were submitted so that 
 they could vote on each section by it- 
 self, then there would be a point in sub- 
 mitting it to a referendum. But, as it 
 is submitted as a whole, if it is put into 
 immediate operation as a whole, the 
 comrades will have exactly tlie same 
 remedy in that case that they would in 
 the other. If we have the vote on the 
 referendum as a whole, that is the only 
 way by which we can have the new 
 constitution. If afterwards we find 
 things that we want to amend we can 
 amend them by referendum. If, on the 
 other hand, we thought that it should 
 take effect immediately on the adjourn- 
 ment of this convention, all of the com- 
 rades were then in a position of act- 
 ing on the constitution, and at a sav- 
 ing of expense. In order to make a 
 motion, then, that the constitution shall 
 go into immediate effect, I move a re- 
 consideration. 
 
 The motion was seconded by Dele- 
 gate Jacobsen of Iowa, and was car- 
 ried. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
 now before the house is the question on 
 referring the constitution to the mem- 
 bership as a whole. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: I wish to make a 
 motion now that the constitution go 
 into immediate effect. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The motion 
 was to refer the constitution to the 
 members as a whole. That was 'car- 
 ried. This motion was a motion to re- 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 Ot 
 
 consider, which brings up the original 
 motion. 
 
 DEL. MILLS : Then I wish to make 
 an amendment by substituting that the 
 constitution go into immediate effect. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 Delegate Weaver (Cal.) moved 
 the previous question. Seconded. 
 
 DEL. DALTON 111.): I am op- 
 posed to the constitution going into im- 
 mediate effect, for this reason : I do 
 not see how those who want the plat- 
 form referred to the membership - are 
 going to have it referred if we adopt 
 this constitution. Acting under the old 
 constitution, there is a provision to that 
 effect. Now, I know that there is con- 
 siderable opposition to things that we 
 have got in the platform, and there is 
 no use bothering about it, but I want 
 to tell you plainly that you cannot do 
 any good unless you have a united party 
 and a united sentiment back of it. No 
 matter what we say about how wise we 
 are here we are no wiser than we should 
 be in our locals on these matters. If you 
 get a vote of the membership on a 
 referendum, no matter how good a plat- 
 form you have, there will be some 
 things that they will find fault with. 
 Give them a chance at it. They may be 
 intelligent, or they may be stupid, but 
 we can never get above •their intelli- 
 gence. 
 
 DEL. WILKINS: I rise to a point 
 of order. We are not considering any 
 question concerning people's stupidity. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is well taken. Comrade Dalton 
 will proceed in order. We are not dis- 
 cussing the question of platform, only 
 the reference of the platform. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: I am discussing 
 the question of a referendum of the con- 
 stitution, and I have a right to cite in 
 illustration anything which may be 
 proper. I select the platform for that 
 purpose. Am I in order? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Proceed. You 
 have got half a minute. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: Well, in that 
 half minute I want to ask you men, will 
 it not be wiser on our part to submit 
 this platform and this constitution to 
 a referendum of the party? 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: A point of or- 
 der. The motion now before the house 
 cannot be entertained for the reason 
 that oiir present constitution provides 
 that the constitution may be amended 
 
 by a convention, subject to a rcfeie'i- 
 dum, and in view of the fact that we 
 have not amended that clause as pro- 
 vided in the old constitution we have 
 no alternative but to submit the present 
 constitution to a referendum. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Was that con- 
 stitution adopted through a referen- 
 dum? 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: Yes, it was 
 adopted by referendum. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The point of 
 order is well taken, and the question 
 before the house is on referring the 
 constitution as a whole to a referen- 
 dum. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: A point of infor- 
 mation. Will the Chair furnish tl'iC 
 information now? Can we refer the 
 platform according to what Comrade 
 Hillquit says and according to your 
 understanding? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: 'i hat is the 
 Chairman's view. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY (Cal.) : I under- 
 stood Comrade Hillquit to say that the 
 convention could not amend the con- 
 stitution without submission to a refer- 
 endum. But this is not a question of 
 amendment of the old constitution. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: Do you raise a 
 point of order? 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY; Yes. My point 
 is that according to Comrade Hillquit's 
 statement the convention cannot amend 
 the constitution without submitting it 
 to a referendum. But this is only a 
 question of adopting a new constitu- 
 tion. There is a difference between the 
 two. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN:. I hold that your 
 point of order is not well taken. ' 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: I appeal from 
 the decision of the chair on that point. 
 
 DEL. MILLS (Kan.) : May I read 
 from the old constitution? Comrade 
 Woodbey, if you will waive that just 
 a moment I think we can settle this. Do 
 I have your consent? 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: Yes. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: The constitution 
 reads, "this constitution may be amend- 
 ed at any national convention subject to 
 a majority referendum vote of the 
 party, or by referendum without such 
 action of the convention," etc. I think 
 the point of order is well made, and I 
 submit the motion was out of order. 
 Under the rule it must go to a refer- 
 endum. 
 
296 
 
 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 DEL. CARR (111.) : I understand 
 that the motion before the house is on 
 the referendum of the constitution to 
 the party. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: This question 
 was debated for about two hours the 
 other day. 
 
 DEL. CARR: I move now to amend 
 that this referendum be by sections. 
 
 The motion was seconded, and the 
 question was called for. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD : I rise to a point 
 of order. My point of order is this, 
 that Comrade Mills' motion by which 
 we come back to the referendum again 
 is out of order. The whole thing is 
 out of order. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : The chair rules 
 that the question before the house is 
 the motion which was brought. into ex- 
 istence by the reconsideration, and that 
 is to refer as a whole, and the comrade's 
 amendment to refer seratim, which is 
 now before the convention. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD : The question to 
 refer as a whole, I claim, is now before 
 the house. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : No, the amend- 
 ment is before the house. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD: What is the 
 amendment? 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The amend- 
 ment is the amendment of Comrade 
 Carr to refer seratim. 
 
 DEL. HANFORD: Yes. Now, 
 what I want to get at is this : that the 
 motion to refer as a whole is in order 
 for the simple reason that the reference 
 is provided for in the old constitution, 
 and you have got to refer. How often 
 shall we take this thing up,, and how 
 often shall we reconsider our action? 
 Now, if we keep this up I am going to 
 stay here, if I am the last man, and 
 then I will elect myself Chairman and 
 Secretary of this convention, and I 
 will reconsider every act that has hap- 
 pened here when there were two-hun- 
 dred delegates and I will be the party, 
 for I can last as long as anybody. 
 
 At this point there was much confu- 
 sion in the hall and the chairman 
 rapped for order. 
 
 DEL. PHELAN (111.) : I would 
 like to speak on the amendment. 
 
 DEL. MILLS: I rise to a point of 
 order. The motion to submit seriatim 
 has been already voted down, and can- 
 not be discussed now. The only ques- 
 tion before the house is the motion to 
 
 reconsider, and I move the previous 
 question on that motion. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
 order is not well taken. 
 
 DEL. PHELAN: I would like to 
 have this constitution sent to a referen- 
 dum in one form or another, and I am 
 amazed at the delegates here putting so 
 much obstruction in the way of its sub- 
 mission to the party membership, be- 
 cause I have here in my hand the plat- 
 form that you adopted yesterday, with- 
 out debate, in which we say that we be- 
 lieve in popular government and the 
 initiative and referendum. (Applause.) 
 And I submit that if you deny the 
 membership of the Socialist party of 
 the United States the right to vote 
 upon that question you only insinuate 
 that this statement here is a false- 
 hood, with many other statements that 
 I believe are false within this docu- 
 ment. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: I rise to a 
 point of order. It has already been 
 moved to refer, and therefore there is 
 nothing to refer. 
 
 DEL. CARR: Whether you do or 
 do not send this to a referendum from 
 this convention, it will be sent in one 
 form or another. 
 
 DEL. CLARK (Neb.): I support 
 the amendrnent of Comrade Carr for 
 this reason : I do not consider the col- 
 lective intelligence of this convention 
 is greater than the collective intelli- 
 gence of the entire Socialist Party. I 
 do not consider that we have a right 
 to deny the entire Socialist Party an 
 opportunity to vote upon the entire So- 
 cialist constitution, and to vote upon 
 it section by section, or an opportunity 
 to vote for their amendment, or an 
 opportunity to argue and discuss the 
 different propositions pro and con be- 
 tween themselves. If we have a sec- 
 tion in this constitution that will not 
 get the endorsement of the party, then 
 it ought not to be in the constitution. 
 (Applause.) And, if we are afraid thai 
 we have put something in there that 
 they will not endorse, then by all 
 means let us give them an opportunity 
 to vote upon that constitution. 
 
 DEL. GAYLpRD (Wis.) : There 
 has been no motion as yet for the pre- 
 vious question. I have got a story that 
 I believe ought to be told righ^ now, 
 and I am going to tell it. I believe in 
 the referendum. Let me tell you the 
 
Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 297 
 
 story. There was once a printer and 
 he was setting up something from the 
 copy. He called the foreman and said. 
 Foreman, that thing isn't quite right, 
 IS it?" The foreman looked at it and 
 said, "Well, you follow copy." Just 
 then a gust of wind came and took the 
 copy out of the third-story window, and 
 the printer said, "All right, here goes," 
 and he followed the copy. There are 
 men that would like to follow the prin- 
 ciple of the referendum in exactly that 
 same fashion. The comrade talks about 
 collective intelligence. Collective intel- 
 ligence is a good thing when you can 
 focus it, but the intelligence of a col- 
 lective body must be focused in order 
 to be eflfective. It is not a question of 
 how much collective intelligence there 
 is in the Socialist Party compared ^with 
 the collective intelligence of this body. 
 This body was selected for a certain 
 purpose and it is supposed to carry out 
 that purpose. The provision is not 
 made in the national constitution for 
 referendum seriatim. Understand, that 
 has gone once to a referendum. If they 
 had believed always in the seriatim ref- 
 erendum and the referendum always is 
 absolutely right, they would have pro- 
 vided at that time for a seriatim refer- 
 endum every time. Why didn't they? 
 
 Delegate Strickland moved the pre- 
 vious question. Motion seconded and 
 carried. 
 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH (Ore.): I 
 wish to speak on this question just to 
 this effect. We are thinking of sending 
 out this constitution to be voted upon, 
 which I hope will be carried, seriatim, 
 by the party, and until that is done it 
 is feared that we shall have no consti- 
 tution to work by. See here, comrades, 
 we have got the great constitution of 
 the Socialist Party of the world, and 
 don't be afraid ; the party won't go to 
 pieces if we don't have a party consti- 
 tution for a few weeks. I agree with 
 the fine sentiments of the comrades that 
 have spoken here today in support of 
 democracy. I believe our cause is safer 
 in the hands of the party as a whole 
 than it is in the hands of a few ex- 
 cited delegates here this afternoon or 
 any other time, and therefore I do hope, 
 in conclusion, that you will see to it 
 that you do this courtesy to the boys 
 that could not be here and the girls that 
 could not be here, to trust to their 
 judgment and let this constitution go 
 before them to be voted upon 'seriatim, 
 
 and trust in their ability and intelli- 
 gence to decide what they want in the 
 constitution. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: It seems to me 
 there don't need to be very much said 
 about this. Remember this, now, that 
 if this constitution goes before the peo- 
 ple to be adopted seriatim and a mate- 
 rial section of that constitution is 
 knocked out, then we are at the ex- 
 pense of another referendum and with- 
 out a constitution. Remember, now, be- 
 cause the old constitution will not be in 
 eflfect. 
 
 A DELEGATE: Yes it will. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: Not at all. If 
 the people who adopted the constitution 
 without having it done seriatim had 
 wanted it done that way they would 
 have fixed it and made it mandatory in 
 the old constitution that all thjrigs be 
 submitted seriatim. It does not. 
 
 DEL. IRENE SMITH: Yes. 
 
 DEL. WOODBEY: The constitution 
 does not provide anything of the kind. 
 The constitution does not provide that 
 we shall submit it seriatim, but it does 
 say that it shall be submitted, mark you, 
 and I think the people elected the dele- 
 gates to this convention with the idea 
 that the delegates have sense enough to 
 adopt a sufficient constitution, il believe 
 that the people will adopt the constitu- 
 tion as a whole. I believe another 
 thing: That if, after this convention, 
 we find ourselves after sixty days or 
 three months without a constitution, 
 that we might possibly get along. I am 
 in favor of submission as a whole. 
 
 The question was then put on the 
 amendment to submit the constitution 
 to a referendum vote seriatim, and the 
 amendment was lost. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Under the pro- 
 visions of the last constitution, endorsed 
 by the members of the party, this con- 
 stitOtion \yill go to then;] upon a refer- 
 endum as a whole. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: Under the head 
 of new business, I move, in accordance 
 with the resolution, that the national 
 body issue credentials to Comrade 
 Schluetter, of New York, to represent 
 this party at the International Socialist 
 Congress. Comrade Schleutter is the 
 editor-in-chief of the New YotJc "Volks 
 Zeitung," and has been a member of the 
 party for the last quarter of a century. 
 He is well qualified to represent it at 
 the congress, and he intends going. 
 
298 
 
 Afterno.on S^ession, May 6. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (O.) : I would like to 
 include the name of Comrade Morris 
 Hillquit in that motion. 
 
 The question was put on the issuance 
 of credentials to Comrade Schleutter, 
 and was carried. 
 
 DEL. REILLY (N. J.) : I move that 
 credentials be issued to Comrade 
 Charles Kiehm of New Jersey. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: He is a member 
 of the party of New Jersey and is going 
 to attend the International Congress. 
 He has obtained credentials from the 
 New Jersey State Convention, but un- 
 der our rule today they would become 
 nugatory. I know the comrade to be a 
 good member of the party, and I second 
 the nomination. 
 
 The question on the issuance of cre- 
 dentials to the New Jersey comrade was 
 put and carried. 
 
 DEL. HAYES: I desire to put the 
 name of Morris Hillquit before the con- 
 vention, and move that credentials be 
 issued to him. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY : We have voted cre- 
 dentials to three comrades to act as dele- 
 gates. Under the action taken there are 
 still seventeen. 
 
 DEL. ROSE (Miss.) : I have a reso- 
 lution. _ It is that as we have referred 
 the state and municipal program to the 
 National Committee, the National Com- 
 mittee shall within ninety days provide 
 a state and municipal program for the 
 instruction of the party membership. 
 
 The motion was seconded and carried. 
 
 As to a Campaign Committee. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: I move that the 
 National Committee, the Executive 
 Committee of the Socialist Party be the 
 Campaign Committee for the year 1904. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You don't 
 mean that for one moment. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: I said I did. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I know you did, 
 but do you mean for them to have the 
 power and run the campaign as a gen- 
 eral committee ? It seems to me we 
 should have at least one man from each 
 state. Well, you have heard the mor 
 tion that they constitute the Campaign 
 Committee. 
 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 DEL. BERLYN (111.) : I make the 
 point of order that this motion is out 
 of order, for we have sent a new con- 
 stitution to a referendum of the party 
 and the Executive Committee does not 
 exist. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : I hold that the 
 point of order is not well taken. 
 
 He said the Na- 
 
 A DELEGATE : 
 tional Committee. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: You said both 
 National and Executive Committee. 
 Which do you mean? Do you mean the 
 National Executive Committee or the 
 National Committee? < 
 
 DEL. DALTON: I mean the new 
 Executive Committee. 
 
 DEL. GaYLORD: A point of or- 
 der. We are acting under working 
 rules that we have adopted, which pro- 
 vide that this committee shall be elected. 
 This motion provides that a committee 
 not yet in existence or _elected by this 
 convention shall be the Campaign Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to 
 amend the motion of Comrade Dalton, 
 that the affairs of the campaign be left 
 to the National Secretary until such 
 time as an executive committee is duly 
 elected, whereupon the Executive Com- 
 mittee shall perform the functions of 
 Campaign Committee during the cam- 
 paign. 
 
 DEL. DALTON: I accept that 
 amendment. 
 
 DEL. GAYLORD : A point of order. 
 That motion is based upon an assump- 
 tion that the membership will endorse 
 the constitution now to be submitted to 
 them. It the membership should refuse 
 to endorse the constitution the affairs 
 of the present campaign will be left en- 
 tirely in the hands of one man. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: ^The point of 
 order is not well taken. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY : In answer to Com- 
 rade Gaylord I will state that until the 
 adoption of this constitution we had a 
 constitution, the form that was in exist- 
 ence till this convention met. Under it 
 committeemen were selected. Their 
 term has not yet expired, as they were 
 selected by referendum last year, and the 
 National Committee now in existence 
 under the present constitution can di- 
 rect the National Secretary, so the af- 
 fairs of the party are not in the hands of 
 one man. He is still under the direction 
 of the present National Committee un- 
 til this constitution is endorsed by thg 
 membership. 
 
 CHAIRMAN STEDMAN: I want 
 to move as a substitute this : that the 
 National Committee, or Executive Com- 
 
Afternoon S'ession, May 6. 
 
 299 
 
 mittee, if they so designate, constitute 
 the campaign committee with power to 
 add to its number. 
 The motion was seconded. 
 
 THE VICE-CHAIRMAN : Are you 
 ready for the question? 
 
 CHAIRIVIAN STEDMAN : The rea- 
 son I do that is this: You may find 
 one man in one location, and you may 
 find five men in another adapted to the 
 work of the national campaign. There 
 must be a committee on press and print- 
 ing, there must be a committee on lit- 
 erature, there must be some one to work 
 out the routes of different speakers dur- 
 ing the campaign, and you will find a 
 hundred diflferent things to think of. 
 You will find one person qualified in 
 one direction, and another person quali- 
 fied in another direction. You combine 
 the members with the various qualifica- 
 tions into the campaign committee. When 
 the work of the campaign is closed the 
 committee makes its report to the Na- 
 tional Committee and goes out of exist- 
 ence. I am satisfied that will be the 
 most eflfective method of conducting 
 your national campaign. I state that 
 from experience, and I have had twelve 
 or fourteen years' experience. 
 
 DEL. MAILLY : I am sorry to take 
 issue with the statement that the Exec- 
 utive Committee has power to add to 
 its members. That might be advisable 
 if we did not already have an office force 
 in the national office. There are four 
 persons in the national office. I do not 
 see any necessity for the amendment, or 
 the provision giving power to add. We 
 have four persons in the national office 
 already, and the work is gradually be- 
 ing subdivided, and I think a commit- 
 tee of seven or nine is large enough, 
 so I favor the amendment with that 
 provision excluded. I think Comrade 
 Stedman will find, with the development 
 of the campaign and with the present 
 organized force in the office, that it is 
 unnecessary to give it power to add. 
 
 The question on the substitute was 
 then put and the substitute was lost. 
 
 The original motion as amended was 
 then carried. 
 
 Delegate Waldhorst (Ala.) offered the 
 following resolution, and moved its 
 adoption : 
 
 Resolved, That this Convention re- 
 quest all unattached Socialists to file 
 their names and residences with the 
 
 respective State or the National Secre- 
 tary, as the case may be. 
 
 That we instruct the National Sec- 
 retary to have the Platform and such 
 other printed matter in one little pam- 
 phlet for the use of the membership 
 as quick as possible. 
 
 The motion to adopt the resolution 
 was seconded and carried. 
 
 DEL. HAYES (Ohio) : I move that 
 this convention extend a vote of thanks 
 to the secretaries and all the chairmen 
 who have served during the sessions 
 of this convention. 
 
 DEL. D. M. SMITH (111.) : I move 
 a vote of thanks to every delegate who 
 has not risen to a point of order. 
 
 Motion seconded and carried. 
 
 DEL. MAHONEY (Conn.) : I hope 
 you will have patience while a delegate 
 from Connecticut speaks. I will not 
 take longer than necessary. It is not 
 the fault of the Connecticut delegation 
 .that the Connecticut delegation has sat 
 here in silence throughout this whole 
 session. Let me tell you, comrades, it is 
 not because we are not in the moverijent. 
 We have been in the Socialist move- 
 ment for seven or eight years, and we 
 have been fighting the battle of the 
 down-trodden class through the trades- 
 union movement for the last fifteen or 
 sixteen .years, and I assure you that the 
 Connecticut delegation has not sat here 
 in silence for nothing, While they have 
 sat in silence they have thought, and 
 when they go back to their constituents 
 in Connecticut they will be better able 
 and better prepared to go before the 
 public and fight for the emancipation of 
 the dispossessed proletariat of Connecti- 
 cut. Another thing I wish to say is 
 this : As I have said> we sat silent 
 representatives in an organization that 
 stands for the overthrow of the system 
 that is represented by rent, interest and 
 profit. There has also been an illus- 
 trator of the rent, interest and profit 
 system used in this convention, and that 
 illustrator has become, in my estimation, 
 historical. That silent illustrator of the 
 capitalist system represented by rent, in- 
 terest and profit, is Comrade Parks' 
 stick. Comrade Parks' stick I wish to 
 carry back to the Connecticut proletari- 
 ans as a representative token of the si- 
 lence of their delegates while in this 
 convention. I therefore request that the 
 convention request Comrade Parks to 
 
300 Afternoon Session, May 6. 
 
 present to the Connecticut delegation us with the "&Iarseillaise." 
 
 the historical stick. ' There being no further business to 
 
 Delegate Berlyn moved that the con- transact, Delegate Strickland led in the 
 
 vention adjourn. Seconded. singing of the "Marseillaise," and at 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN : Comrade Strick- 7 :20 P. M. the convention adjourned 
 
 land will close the meeting by leading sine die, with three cheers for Socialism. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
Lisi of belegales to the ^aitonal Convention 30i 
 
 No. 1. 
 
 List of Delegates 
 
 Name. Address. 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 Waldhorst, F. X 1016 S. 23d St., Birmingham. 
 
 ARKANSAS. 
 
 Le Fevre, Dr. Wells 1409 W. Barraque St., Pine Bluff. 
 
 Penrose, Wm Medith. 
 
 CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Cobb, John Lyman Dos Palos. 
 
 Deutzraan, Chas. P 121 Eddy, U. S. Hotel, San Francisco. 
 
 Keller, Paul Box 5, Santa Clara. 
 
 McKee, Harry M 130 National Ave., San Diego. 
 
 Patton, John J 490 N. Raymond Ave., Los Angeles. 
 
 Richardson, Noble A 780 Fifth St., San Bernardino. 
 
 Weaver, Herman B 535 Third St., Chico. 
 
 Wilkins, Bertha S 725 S. Olive St., Los Angeles. 
 
 Wilkins, M. W Dimond. 
 
 Wilson, Jackson Stitt Highland and Ridge Sts., Berkeley. 
 
 Woodbey, George W 703 12th St., San Diego. 
 
 COLORADO. 
 
 Ash, Wm. M Delta. 
 
 Floaten, A. H Telluride. 
 
 Hazlett, Ida Crouch 2137 Stout St., Denver. 
 
 Miller, Guy E 
 
 Southworth, Royal A 420 Charles BIdg., Denver. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 Mahoney, Cornelius 173 Frank St., New Haven. 
 
 Toomey, Eugene 86 Cedar St., New Haven. 
 
 IDAHO. 
 Ault, Erwin B 526 Main St., Lewiston. 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 Berlyn, Bernard 662 E. 63d St., ' Chicago. 
 
 Block, Samuel . . , loio Jefferson Ave., Peoria. 
 
 Breckon, Chas. L. 673 Burling St., Chicago. 
 
 Brower, James H 380 North St., Elgin. 
 
 Carr, Edward E 134 Vermilion St., Danville. 
 
 Collins, John 579 W. Huron St., Chicago. 
 
 Dalton, Wm. S 39th St. and Langley Ave., Chicago. 
 
 McEachern, Duncan B 1839 92d Place, Chicago. 
 
 Mance, A. W 283 Wells St., Chicago. 
 
$0^ List of Delegates to the Mationat Convention. 
 
 ILLINOIS— Continued. 
 
 Meyer, Theodore , 226 Ontario St., Chicago. 
 
 Morgan, Thomas J 79 Dearborn St., Chicago. 
 
 Phelan, J. E 
 
 Smith, D. M 6419 Jackson Ave., Chicago. 
 
 Smith, Jas. S 318 W. Madison St., Chicago. 
 
 Simons, Alzie M 227 i6th Ave., Melrose Park. 
 
 Stedman, Seymour 519 E. 66th St., Chicago. 
 
 Taft, Marcus H 99 Randolph St., Chicago. 
 
 Untermann, Ernest Lombard. 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 Barrett, Wm 524 E. Washington St., Indianapolis. 
 
 Debs, Eugene V 451 N. 8th St., Terre Haute. 
 
 Gridley, Albert T 60 Harrison St., Aurora. 
 
 Hollenberger, Matt ..1531 Law Ave., Evansville. 
 
 Oneal, James 269 Boylston Bldg., Chicago. 
 
 Reynolds, Stephen M 1115 S. 6th St., Terre Haute. 
 
 INDIAN TERRITORY. 
 Whitelatch, Wm. T Durant. 
 
 IOWA. 
 
 Bennett, John W 107 Market St., Sioux City. 
 
 Jacobsen, Jno. J 1129 12th St., Des Moines. 
 
 Johnson, Carrie L 295 6th St., Dubuque. 
 
 Work, John M ..1313 Harrison Ave., Des Moines. 
 
 KANSAS. 
 
 Cogswell, Eleanore G 708 Bluff St., Rosedale. 
 
 Kraybill. Luella R 105 E. New St., Coffeyville. 
 
 Mills, Walter Thomas Box 405, Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 Neal, Wm. S Udall. 
 
 Parks, Wade R ...«. Bonita. 
 
 Will, Thomas Elmer. 207-9 Sedgwick Block, Wichita. 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 
 McGrady, Thoipas 319 Poplar St., Bellevue. 
 
 Markert, F. R 2526 Duneau St. 
 
 Nagel, Adam L 506 E. 3d St., Newport. 
 
 Robinson, Frank L 709 First St., Louisville. 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 Putnam, Wilbur Evangeline. 
 
 MARYLAND AND DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 
 
 Toole, Wm. A 136 Gitting St.. Baltimore, Md. 
 
 Young, Sylvester, L. V 334 S. Locust St., Hagerstown, Md. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Carey, James F Haverhill. 
 
 Brandt, Herman • ■ • -73 Avon St., Maiden. 
 
 Gibbs, Howard A „ 46 Abbott St., Worcester. 
 
 Hayman, Alexander 2 Proctor St., Haverhill. 
 
 Kelly, John J 62 Grattan St., Chicopee Falls. 
 
 Keown, James A 23 Ireson St., Lynn. 
 
 Littlefield, Geo. E Westwood. 
 
 Outram, Alfred B 150 Poplar St., Chelsea. 
 
 White, Dan A 13 Crowell St., Brocton. 
 
 MICHIGAN. 
 
 Benessi, Wm. L 746 Portage St., Kalamazoo. 
 
 Lamb, Clayton J .Dryden. 
 
 McFarlan. Jas. H 726 Church St., Flint. 
 
 Menton, John A. C 1323 S. Saginaw St., Flint. 
 
 Walter, Wm. E 
 
List of Delegates lo the Maiional Conveniioft. 308 
 
 ^ , MINNESOTA. 
 
 Brantland, M. A Ada. 
 
 Bosky, Edward 512 S. Minnesota, New Ulm. 
 
 Ford, Edwin B 314 Central Ave., Faribault. 
 
 Gilbertson, A. N Willmar. 
 
 Holman, S. M n Oak St., S. E., Minneapolis. 
 
 Klein, Nicholas Wrenshall. 
 
 Leonard, Geo. B. 535 Andrews Bldg., Minneapolis. 
 
 Lucas, Thos. H 348 Kent St., St. Paul. 
 
 MISSOURI :' 
 
 Behrens, E. T 1200 E. 3d St., Sedalia. 
 
 Brandt, W. M 319 Walnut St., St. Louis. 
 
 Dilno, Fred H 206 N. 13th St., St. Louis. 
 
 Carver, Wm. L Chillicothe.- 
 
 Hoehn, G. A 324 Chestnut St., St. Louis. 
 
 Knecht, Carl ' 230 S. Main, Poplar Bluff. 
 
 Lipscomb, Caleb Liberal. 
 
 Palmer, T. E 1220 Holmes St., Kansas City. 
 
 Turner, Geo. H 14 Rookery Bldg., Kansas City. 
 
 Raible, Hugh J 634 Main St., Jasper. 
 
 Rathbun, John H 910 S. Missouri Ave., Sedalia. 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 Rose, Sumner W Biloxi. 
 
 MONTANA. 
 
 Hirt, John 1025 5th Ave., S., Great Falls. 
 
 McHugh, C. C City Hall, Anaconda. 
 
 O'Malley, Malcolm G 746 Maryland Ave., Butte. 
 
 Walsh, John H Lewistown. 
 
 NEBRASKA. 
 
 Clark, Wm. E 269 Dearborn St., Chicago, 111. 
 
 Hawkins, J. W S19 N. i6th, Omaha. 
 
 Hyland, Patrick J 4014 Decatur St., Omaha. 
 
 Mailly, Wm 269 Dearborn St., Chicago, 111, 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 Murray, James S Concord. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. _;j 
 
 Burrowes, Peter E 622 Chestnt)t St., Arlington. 
 
 Glanz, Wm 68 Lyon St., Patterson. 
 
 Kronenberg, Carl 128 Congress St., Jersey City. 
 
 Oswald, Walter L 37 Locust Ave., Arlington. 
 
 Uf ert, Chas sgo Clinton Ave., West Hoboken. 
 
 Reilly, James M 285 Barrow St., Jersey City. 
 
 Rubinow, David . .- 67 Congress St., Newark. ' 
 
 Strobell, G. H 44 Hill St., Newark. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 Atkinson, Warren 122 Ft. Green Place, Brooklyn. 
 
 Bush, C. P Falconeer. 
 
 Butscher, Wm ..279 Hooper St., Brooklyn. 
 
 Curtis, A. L. Byron '.4 St. Joseph's Place, Rome. 
 
 Dobbs, Charles ,36 E. 23d St., New York. 
 
 Ehret, Wm ". . ..1580 First Ave., New York. 
 
 Flanagan, Peter J 36 Somers St., Brooklyn. 
 
 Gerber, Julius 461 Bushwick Ave., Brooklyn. 
 
 Hanford, Ben 781 Marcy Ave,, Brooklyn. 
 
 Herron, Geo. D 59 W. 4Sth St., New York. 
 
 Hillquitt, Morris .-. ..67 W. 131st St., New York. 
 
304 List of Delegated id the National Convention. 
 
 NEW YORK— Continned. 
 
 Jonas, Alexander 223 E. i8th St., New York. 
 
 Lee, Algernon 3 W. iisth St., New York. 
 
 Dressier, Gustave 1507 Washington Ave., New York. 
 
 Sieverman, Frank A 184 Wilkin St., Rochester. 
 
 Slobodin, Henry L 60 Second Ave., New York. 
 
 Spargo, John 610 E. 84th St., New York. 
 
 Wegener, Otto 11 Cooper Square, New York. 
 
 Wessling, H. W 164 Locust Ave., New Rochelle. 
 
 Mayell, Alfred A 220 E. S2d St., New York. 
 
 Wilshire, Gaylord , . . . Cor. Bdy. & 77th, Hotel Belleclaire.N.Y. 
 
 Hawley, C. P 
 
 NORTH DAKOTA. 
 
 Haight, S. E : Osnabrock. 
 
 Thams, Tonnes 320 8th St., Fargo. . 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 Bandlow, Robert . .'. 33 Gladstone St., Cleveland. 
 
 Bickett, Charles A 221 1 Marquis St., Cincinnati. 
 
 Farrell, Daniel P 568 W. 4th St., Dayton. 
 
 Goss, Martin 233 Wilson St., Newark. 
 
 Hayes, Max S 193 Champlain St., Cleveland. 
 
 Stanton, W. A 427 12th St., Toledo. 
 
 Webster, Warner L 32 Woodlawn Ave., Cleveland. 
 
 Willey, Charles E 627 Erie St., Youngstown. 
 
 Zorn, Julius 109 Odd Fellows' Temple, Cincinnati. 
 
 OKLAHOMA. 
 
 Hays, Roy Goodnight. 
 
 Kolachny. Jas. V Hennessey. 
 
 Loudermilk, A. S 520 E. Wade St., El Reno. 
 
 Renshaw. Achilles W Hennessey. 
 
 Snyder, J. E Skedee. 
 
 OREGON. 
 Smith, Irene M iiiS N. sth.St, Tacoma, Wash. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Ayres, Hugh G 712 Church St., Royersford. 
 
 Barnes, J. Mahlon 232 N. 9th St., Philadelphia. 
 
 Bacon, Geo. W 13 E. Market St., York. 
 
 Forbes, Miss S. Innes 901 Pine St., Philadelphia. 
 
 Goaziou, Louis 730 Washington Ave., Charleroi. 
 
 Heydrick, Charles 631 State St., Erie. 
 
 Gagliardi, Frank Box loi. Belle Vernon. 
 
 Maurer, James M 1516 N. loth St., Reading. 
 
 Moore, Edward , 3462 N. Water St., Philadelphia. 
 
 Ringler, Robert B." 347 Spence St., Reading. 
 
 SOUTH DAKOTA. 
 
 Knowles, Freeman 5° Van Buren St., Deadwood. 
 
 Potter, O. C Sioux Falls. 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 Stockell, Chas. H 6o2j4 Church St., Nashville. 
 
 TEXAS. 
 
 Kerrigan, John 346 Elm St., Dallas. 
 
 Langworthy, R. 608 Virginia Ave., San Antonio. 
 
 Latham, Ernest B 719 E. California St., Gainesville. 
 
List of Delegates to the National Convention. 305- 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 Lund, O Merchants' Hotel, Spokane. 
 
 Titus, Hermon F 2003 2nd Ave., Seattle. 
 
 WISCONSIN. 
 
 Ammann, Henry J Kiel. 
 
 Berger, Victor L 344 6th St., Milwaukee. 
 
 Bistorius, H. W 516 2d Ave., Milwaukee. 
 
 Born, Jacob W 604 State St., Racine. 
 
 Cross, Ira B 51 1 Francis St., Madison. 
 
 Gaylord, Winfield R 1632 Meinecke Ave., Milwaukee. 
 
 Heath, Frederick 344 6th St., Milwaukee. 
 
 Hunger, Jacob 602 Chestnut St., Milwaukee. 
 
 Seidel, Emil 1154 20th St., Milwaukee. 
 
 Spence, J. M. A .417 S. Adams St., Green Bay. 
 
 Thomas, Elizabeth H 344. Sixth St., Milwaukee. 
 
 WYOMING. 
 Ott, Frederick W Laramie. 
 
306 The National Platform. 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 The National Platform 
 
 AS REPORTED BY THE COMMITTEE ON PLATFORM AND ADOPTED 
 BY THE CONVENTION. 
 
 The Socialist Party, in convention assembled, makes its appeal to the Amer- 
 ican people as the defender and preserver of the idea of liberty and self-govern- 
 ment, in which the nation was born; as the only political movement standing for 
 the program and principles by which the liberty of the individual may become 
 a fact; as the only political organization that is democratic, and that has for its 
 purpose the democratizing of the whole of society. 
 
 To this idea of liberty the Republican and Democratic parties are equally 
 false. They alike struggle for power to maintain and profit by an industrial 
 system which can be preserved only by the complete overthrow of such liberties 
 as we already have, and by the still further enslavement and degradation of labor. 
 
 Our American institutions came into the world in the name of freedom. 
 They have been seized upon by the capitalist class as the means of rooting out 
 the idea of freedom from among the people. Our state and national legislatures 
 have become the mere agencies of great propertied interests. These interests con- 
 trol the appointments and decisions of the judges of our courts. They have come 
 into what is practically a private ownership of all the functions and forces of 
 government. They are using these to betray and conquer foreign and weaker 
 peoples, in order to establish new markets for the surplus goods which the people 
 make, but are too poor to buy. They are gradually so invading and restricting 
 the right of suffrage as to take away unawares the right of the worker to a vote 
 or voice in public affairs. By enacting new and misinterpreting old laws, they 
 are preparing to attack the liberty of the individual even to speak or think for him- 
 self, or for the common good. 
 
 By controlling all" the sources of social revenue, the possessing class is able 
 to silence what might be the voice of protest against the passing of liberty and 
 the coming of tyranny. It completely controls the university and public school, 
 the pulpit and the press, and the arts and literatures. By making these econom- 
 ically dependent upon itself, it has brought all the forms of public teaching into 
 servile submission to its own interests. 
 
 Our political institutions are also being used as the destroyers of that in- 
 dividual property upon which all liberty and opportunity depend. The promise 
 of economic independence to each man was one of the faiths upon which our 
 institutions were founded. But, under the guise of defending private property, 
 capitalism is using our political instituitons to make it impossible for the vast 
 majority of human beings ever to become possessors of private property in the 
 means of life. 
 
The National Platform. 807 
 
 Capitalism is the enemy and destroyer of essential private property. Its devel- 
 opment is through the legalized confiscation of all that the labor of the working 
 elass produces, above its subsistence-wage. The private ownership of the means 
 of employment grounds society in an economic slavery which renders intellectual 
 and political tyranny inevitable. 
 
 Socialism comes so to organize industry and society that every individual 
 ihall be secure in that private property in the means of life upon which his liberty 
 of being, thought and action depends. It comes to rescue the people from the 
 fast increasing and successful assault of capitalism upon the liberty of the indi- 
 vidual. 
 
 II. 
 
 As an American socialist party, we pledge our fidelity to the principles of in- . 
 ternational socialism, as embodied in the united thought and action of the social- 
 ists of all nations. In the industrial development already accomplished, the inter- 
 ests of the world's workers are separated by no national boundaries. The condi- 
 tion of the most exploited and oppressed workers, in the most remote places of 
 )'jc earth, inevitably tends to drag down all the workers of the world to the same 
 icvel. The tendency of the competitive wage system is to make labor's lowest 
 condition the measure or rule of its universal condition. Industry and finance are 
 no longer national but international, in both organization and results. The chief 
 significance of national boundaries, and of the so-called patriotisms which the ruling 
 class of each nation is seeking to revive, is the power which these give to capital- 
 ism to keep the workers of the world from uniting, and to throw them against 
 each other in the struggles of contending capitalist interests for the control of the 
 yet unexploited markets of the world, or the remaining sources of profit. 
 
 The socialist movement, therefore, is a world-movement. It knows of no 
 conflicts of interests between the workers of one nation and the workers of an- 
 other. It stands for the freedom of the workers of all nations; and, in so stand- 
 ing, it makes for the full freedom of all humanity. 
 
 III. 
 
 The socialist movement owes its birth and growth to that economic develop- 
 ment or world-process which is rapidly separating a working or producing class 
 from a possessing or capitalist class. The class that produces nothing possesses 
 labor's fruits, and the opportunities and enjoyments these fruits afford, while 
 the class that does the world's real work has increasing economic uncertainty, 
 and physical and mtellectual misery, for its portion. 
 
 The fact that these two classes have not yet become fully conscious of their 
 distinction from each other, the fact that the lines of division and interest may 
 not yet be clearly drawn, does not change the fact of the class conflict. 
 
 This class struggle is due to the private ownership of the means of employ- 
 ment, or the tools of production. Wherever and whenever man owned his own 
 land and tools, and by them produced only the things vvhich he used, economic 
 independence was possible. But production, or the making of goods, has long 
 ceased to be individual. The labor of scores, or even thousands, enters _ into 
 almost every article produced. Production is now social or collective. Practically 
 everything is made or done by many men — sometimes separated^ by seas or con- 
 tinents — working together for the same end. But this co-operation in production 
 is not for the direct use of the things made by the workers who make them, but 
 for the profit of the owners of the tools and means of production; and to this 
 is due the present division of society into two classes; and from it have sprung 
 all the miseries, inharmonies and contradictions of our civilization. 
 
 Between these two classes there can be no possible compromise or identity 
 of interests, any more than there can be peace in the midst of war, or light in the 
 midst of darkness. A society based upon this class division carries in itself the 
 seeds of its own destruction. Such a society is founded in fundamental injustice. 
 There can be no possible basis for social peace, for individual freedom, for meiital 
 and moral harmony, except in the conscious and complete triumph of the working 
 class as the only class that has the right or power to be. 
 
,308 The National Platform. 
 
 IV. 
 
 The socialist program is not a theory imposed upon society for its acceptance 
 of rejection. It is but the interpretation , of what is, sooner or later, inevitable. 
 Capitalism is already struggling to its destruction. It is no longer competent 
 to. organize or administer the work of the world, or even to preserve itself. The 
 captains of industry are appalled at their own inability to control or direct the 
 rapidly socializing forces of industry. The so-called trust is but a sign and form 
 oi the developing socialization of the world's work. The universal increase ;of 
 the uncertainty of employment, the universal capitalist determination to break 
 down the unity of labor in the trades unions, the widespread apprehensions of 
 impending change, reveal that the institutions of capitalist society are passing 
 under the power of inhering forces that will soon destroy them. 
 
 Into the midst of the strain and crisis of civilization, the socialist movement 
 comes as the only conservative force. If the world is to be saved from chaos, 
 from universal disorder and misery, it must be by the union of the workers of all 
 nations in the socialist movement. The socialist party comes with the only prop- 
 osition or program for intelligently and deliberately organizing the nation for 
 . the common good of all its citizens. It is the first time that the , mind of man 
 has ever been directed toward the conscious organization of society. 
 
 Socialism means that all those things upon which the people in common de- 
 pend shall by the people in common be owned and administered. It means that 
 the tools of employment shall belong to their creators and users; that all pro- 
 duction shall be for the direct use of the producers; that the making of goods 
 for profit shall come to an end; that we shall all be workers together; and that 
 all opportunities, shall be open and equal to all men. 
 
 To the end that the workers may seize every possible advantage that may 
 strengthen them to gain complete control of the powers of government, and 
 thereby the sooner establish the co-operative commonwealth, the Socialist Party 
 pledges itself to watch and work, in both the economic and the political struggle, 
 for each successive immediate interest of the working class ; for shortened days 
 of labor and increases of wages; for the insurance of the workers against acci- 
 dent, sickness and lack of employment; for pensions for aged and exhausted 
 workers ; for the public ownership of the means of transportation, communication 
 and exchange; for the graduated taxation of incomes, inheritances, franchises and 
 land values, the proceeds to be applied to the public employment and improve- 
 ment of the conditions of the workers ; for the complete education of children, 
 and their freedom from the workshop ; for the prevention of the use of the mili- 
 tary against labor in the settlement of strikes; for the free administration of 
 justice; for popular government, including initiative, referendum, proportional 
 representation, equal suffrage of men and women, municipal home rule, and the 
 recall of officers by their constituents ; and for every gain or advantage for the 
 workers that may be wrested from the capitalist system, and that may relieve the 
 suffering and strengthen the hands of labor. We lay upon every man elected 
 to any executive or legislative office the first duty of striving to procure . whatever 
 is for the workers' most immediate interest, and for whatever will lessen the 
 economic and political powers of the capitalist, and increase the like powers of 
 the worker. 
 
 But, in so doing, we are using these remedial measures as means to the one 
 great end of the co-operative commonwealth. Such measures of relief as we 
 may be ■ able to force from capitalism are but a preparation of the workers to 
 seize the whole powers of government, in order that they may thereby lay hold 
 Of the whole system of industry, and thus come into their rightful inheritance. 
 
 To this end we pledge ourselves, as the party of the working class, to use 
 
 all political power, as fast as it shall be entrusted to us by our fellow-workers, 
 
 both for their immediate interests and for their ultimate and complete emancipa- 
 
 ■ tion. To this end we appeal to all the workers of America, and to all who 
 
 will lend their lives to the service of the workers in their struggle to gain their 
 
The National Platform. 309 
 
 own, and to all who will nobly and disinterestedly give their days and energies 
 unto the workers' cause, to cast in their lot and faith with the socialist party. 
 Our appeal for the trust and suffrages of our fellow-workers is at once an appeal 
 for their common good and freedom, and for the freedom and blossoming of our 
 common humanity. In pledging ourselves, and those we represent, to be faithful 
 to the appeal which we make, we believe that we are but preparing the soil of that 
 economic freedom from which will spring the freedom of the whole man. 
 
310 The National Constitution. 
 
 No. 3. 
 
 The National Constitution 
 
 AS REPORTED BY THE COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTION AND AFTERWARPS 
 AMENDED AND ADOPTED BY THE CONVENTION. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Name. 
 Section i. The name of this organization shall be the Socialist Party, ex- 
 cept in such states where a different name has or may become a legal requirement. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 Membership. 
 
 Section i. Every person, resident of the United States, of the age of eighteen 
 years and upward, without distinction of sex, race, color or creed, who has sev- 
 ered his connection with all other political parties, who subscribes to the principles 
 of the party, shall be eligible to itlembership in the Party. 
 
 Sec. 2. Any person occupying a position, honorary or remunerative, by the 
 gift of any other political party (civil service positions excepted) shall not be 
 eligible to membership in the Socialist Party. 
 
 Sec. 3. A member who desires to transfer his membership from a local in 
 one state to a local in another state may do so upon the presentation of his card 
 showing him to be in good standing at the time of asking for such transfer. 
 
 Sec. 4. No member of the party, in any state or territory, shall under any 
 pretext, interfere with the regular or organized movement in any other state. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 Management. 
 Section i. The affairs of the Socialist Party shall be administered by a Na- 
 tional Committee, its officers and executive committee, the party conventions, and 
 the general vote of the party. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 . National Committee. 
 
 Section i. Each Organized state or territory shall be represented on the 
 National Committee by one member and by an additional member for every one 
 thousand members or major fraction thereof, in good standing in the party. For 
 the purpose of determining the representation to which each state or territory 
 may be entitled, the National Secretary shall compute at the beginning of each 
 year the average dues-paying membership of such state or territory for the pre- 
 ceding year. 
 
 Sec. 2. The members of this committee shall be elected by referendum vote 
 of and from the membership of the states or territories which they respectively 
 represent. Their term of office shall not be more than two years. The members 
 of the National Committee shall be subject to removal by referendum vote of their 
 respective states. 
 
 Sec. 3. The National Committee shall meet in regular session once a year 
 in all even-numbered years when no national convention of the party shall take 
 place. Special meetings shall be called at the request of a majority of members 
 
The National Constitution. 311 
 
 of the committee. The dates and places of such meetings shall be determined 
 by the National Committee. 
 
 Sec. 4. Expenses of the National Committeemen in attending meetings shall 
 be paid from the National treasury. 
 
 Sec. 5. Between the sessions of the National Committee, all its business 
 shall be transacted by correspondence. 
 
 Sec. 6. The National Committee shall adopt its own rules of procedure not 
 inconsistent with the provisions of this constitution. 
 
 ARTICLE V. 
 Duties and Powers of the National Committee. 
 
 Section i. The duties of this committee shall be to represent the party in all 
 national and international affairs; to call national nominating conventions and 
 special conventions decided upon by the referendum of the party; to make re- 
 ports to national conventions, and to receive and pass upon all reports and ac- 
 tions of the Executive Committee. The National Committee shall also arrange 
 the rules and order of business for all Conventions, subject to adoption or amend- 
 ment by the Convention. 
 
 Sec. 2. The National Committee shall neither publish nor designate any of- 
 ficial organ. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. 
 
 Executive Committee. 
 
 Section i. The Executive Committee of the National Committee shall be 
 composed of seven members to be elected by the National Committee, from the 
 membership of the party; but no more than three members of the said committee 
 shall be elected from one state. The term of office of the members of the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee shall be one year. 
 
 Sec. 2. The Executive Committee shall meet at least once In three months. 
 It shall supervise and direct the work of the National Secretary, organize un- 
 organized states and territories, receive semi-annual reports from the state com- 
 mittees, receive and pass upon the reports of the National Secretary, and transact 
 all current business of the national office, except such as are by this constitution 
 or by the rules of the National Committee expressly reserved for the National 
 Committee or the general vote of the party. 
 
 Sec. 3. The Executive Committee shall adopt its own rules of procedure not 
 inconsistent with this constitution or with the rules of the National Committee. 
 
 Sec. 4. The Executive Committee shall transmit copies of the minutes of its 
 meetings to all members of the National Committee, and all its acts and resolu- 
 tions shall be subject to the revision of the National Committee. 
 
 ' Sec. S. Between sessions of the Executive Committee all its business shall be 
 transacted by correspondence. 
 
 ARTICLE VII. 
 
 National Secretary. 
 
 Section i. The National Secretary shall be elected by the National Commit- 
 tee; his term of office shall be one year. The National Secretary shall receive 
 .as compensation the sum of Fifteen Hundred Dollars annually. 
 
 Sec. 2. The National Secretary shall have charge of all affairs of the Na- 
 tional office subject to the direction of the Executive Committee and the Na- 
 tional Committee. He shall receive the reports of the state organizations and of 
 the local organizations in unorganized states and territories. He shall supervise 
 the accounts of the jiational office, and the work of the lecture bureau, the litera- 
 ture bureau and such other departments as may hereafter be established in con- 
 nection with the national office. 
 
 Sec. 3, The National Secretary shall issue to all party organizations, in 
 such way as the Executive Committee may direct, monthly bulletins containing 
 
3l2 The National Constitution. 
 
 a report of the financial affairs of the Party, a summary of the conditions and 
 the membership of the several states and territorial organizations, the principal 
 business transacted by his office, and such other matters pertaining to the organ- 
 ization and activity of the party, as may be of general interest to the member- 
 ship. Such bulletins shall not contain editorial comment. 
 
 Sec. 4. The National Secretary shall be empowered to secure such help as 
 may be necessary for the proper transaction of the business of his office. 
 
 Sec. 5. The National Secretary may be removed from office at any time by 
 a majority vote of the members of the National Committee. 
 
 ARTICLE VIII. 
 
 The Lecture Bureau. 
 
 Section i. There shall be maintained in connection with the National office 
 a Lecture Bureau for the purpose of arranging tours for lecturers for the prop- 
 aganda of Socialism. 
 
 Sec. 2. The Lecture Bureau shall have no connection with the work of or- 
 ganization, and it shall have the right to make arrangements for the lecturers 
 under its auspices with all state or local organizations of the party. 
 
 Sec. 3. The National Committee shall establish a uniform rate of compen- 
 sation for all lecturers and organizers working under its auspices. 
 
 ARTICLE IX. 
 
 The Literature Bureau. 
 
 Section i. The National Committee shall also maintain in the headquarters 
 of the party a department for the dissemination of socialist literature. • 
 
 Sec. 2. The Literature Bureau shall keep for sale to the local organizations 
 of the party and others, a stock of socialist books, pamphlets and other litera- 
 ture, and shall have the right, with the approval of the Committee, to publish 
 works ' on socialism or for the purposes of socialist propaganda, but this clause 
 shall not be construed as authorizing the Bureau to publish any periodical. 
 
 Sec. 3. The profits of the Literature Bureau shall go into the general funds 
 of the party treasury. 
 
 ARTICLE X. 
 
 Conventions. 
 
 Section i. The regular national conventions of. the party shall be held in 
 all years in which elections for President and Vice-President of the United 
 States are to be held. 
 
 Sec. 2. Special conventions of the party may be held at any time if decided 
 upon by a general vote of the party membership. 
 
 Sec. 3. The dates and places of holding such regular or special conventions 
 shall be fixed by the National Committee. 
 
 Sec. 4. The basis of representation in any national convention shall be by 
 states, each state and territory being entitled to one delegate at large, and one 
 additional delegate for every two hundred members in good standing, provided, 
 however, that no delegate shall be considered eligible unless he is a resident of the 
 state from which the credential is presented. 
 
 Sec. s. Railroad fare of the .delegates, going to and coming from the conven- 
 tion, shall be paid from the national treasury, and such expenses shall be raised 
 by a per capita assessment on the entire membership. 
 
 ARTICLE XL 
 
 Referendum. 
 
 Section l. Motions to amend any part of this constitution, as well as any 
 other motions or resolutions to be voted upon by the entire membership of the 
 party, shall be submitted by the National Secretary to a referendum of the party 
 
The National Constitution. 313 
 
 membership, upon the request of twenty local organizations, in five or more 
 states or territories, or any smaller number of local organizations having a mem- 
 bership of at least two thousand in the aggregate. 
 
 Sec. 2. Whenever a request for a referendum shall have been made as above 
 provided, the National Secretary shall forthwith cause the same to be published 
 in the party press, and shall allow such question to stand open for thirty days 
 within which time amendments may be offered thereto in the same manner in 
 which an original request for a referendum is to be made, and at the close of the 
 said period of thirty days, the original motion submitted to referendum, together 
 with all and any amendments which might have been offered, shall be submitted 
 to the vote of the party members, and such vote shall close forty-five days there- 
 after. 
 
 Sec. 5. All propositions or other matters submitted for the referendum of the 
 party shall be presented without preamble or comment. 
 
 ARTICLE XII. 
 State Organizations. 
 
 Section i. The formation of all state or territorial organizations or the re- 
 organization of state or territorial organizations which may have lapsed shall be 
 under the direction of the Executive Committee, and in conformity with the rules 
 of the National Committee. 
 
 Sec. 2. No state or territory may be organized unless it has at least ten 
 locals with an aggregate membership of not less than one hundred, but this 
 provision shall not affect the rights of states and territories organized prior to 
 the adoption of this constitution. 
 
 Sec. 3. The platform of the Socialist Party shall be the supreme declara- 
 tion of the party, and all state and municipal platforms shall conform thereto; 
 and.no state or local organization shall under any' circumstances fuse, combine 
 or compromise with any other political party or organization, or refrain from 
 making nominations in order to favor the candidate of such other organizations, 
 nor shall any candidate of the Socialist Party accept any nomination or endorse- 
 ment from any other party or political organization. 
 
 Sec. 4. In states and territories in which there is one central organization 
 affiliated with the party, the state or territorial organizations shall have the sole 
 jurisdiction of the members residing within their respective territories, and the 
 sole control of all matters pertaining to the propaganda, organization and financial 
 affairs within such state or territory; their activity shall be confined to their 
 respective organizations, and the National Committee and sub-committees or offi- 
 cers thereof shall have no right to interfere in such matters without the consent 
 of the respective state or territorial organizations. 
 
 Sec. S. The State Committee shall make monthly reports to the National 
 Secretary concerning their membership, financial condition and general standing 
 of the party. 
 
 Sec. 6. The State Committees shall pay to the NIational Committees every 
 month a sum equal to five cents for every member in good standing within their 
 respective territories. 
 
 Sec. 7. All state organizations shall provide in their constitutions for the 
 initiative, referendum and imperative mandate. 
 
 Sec. 8. No person shall be nominated or endorsed by any subdivision of the 
 party for candidate unless he is a member of the party, and has been such for 
 at least one year; but this provision shall not apply to organizations which have 
 been in existence for less than one year. 
 
 ARTICLE XIII. 
 
 Headquarters. 
 
 Section i. The location of the headquarters of the party shall be determined 
 by the National Committee. 
 
314 'The National Constitution. 
 
 ARTICLE XIV. 
 
 Amendments. 
 
 Section i. This constitution may be amended by a national convention or by 
 a referendum of the jarty in the manner above provided. 
 
 ARTICLE XV. 
 
 Time and Method of Taking Eflfect. 
 
 Section i. This Constitution shall take effect, and be in force, from and 
 after the time of its approval by national referendum of the party membership. 
 In voting upon this constitution members must vote upon it as a whole. 
 
Report of Committee on State and Municipal Program. 315 
 
 No. 4. 
 
 Report of Committee on State and Municipal Program 
 
 The following report of the Committee on State and Municipal Program was 
 referred to the National Committee for revision, to be afterwards submitted to a 
 referendum of the party: 
 
 To the National Convention of the Socialist Party, assembled in Chicago, 111., 
 May, 1904: 
 
 Comrades: Your Committee on State and Municipal Program beg lerve to 
 submit the following report: 
 
 We wish first of all to call the attention of the convention to the fact that 
 the report of this committee is unanimous. This is contrary to the expectations 
 of the members of the committee, but is the apparently natural outcome of the 
 discussion which tooK place in the sessions of the committee. 
 
 We wish, secondly, to express the opinion of the committee that nothing in 
 this report, if adopted by the convention, is to be considered as otherwise than 
 suggestive, or as being in any way mandatory or binding upon the various state 
 and municipal conventions; since the various states and municipalities have their 
 own characteristic economic development and political situation. 
 
 In view of the difBcuIties attending the work of those elected to public office 
 to represent the Socialist Party, as already developed in the experience of such 
 officials, and also in view of the problems attending the proper preparation of 
 state and municipal platforms, your committee have adopted the following reso- 
 lutions, and transmitted a copy of them to the Committee on Constitution : 
 
 Whereas, The Committee on State and Municipal Program regard it as es- 
 sential that the Socialist Party should have a permanent Committee on State and 
 Municipal Affairs, with a permanent Secretary, whose office shall be at the na- 
 tional headquarters ; therefore, be it 
 
 Resolved, That we, the Committee on State and Municipal Program, recom- 
 mend that in the constitution of the party, provision should be made for the or- 
 ganization of a Committee on State and Municipal Affairs, with a permanent Sec- 
 retary, whose office shall be at the nationjil headquarters, and recommend that 
 the following provisions become a part of the constitution of the party: 
 
 Section A. There shall be elected at each national convention a Committee 
 of nine on State and Municipal Affairs. 
 
 Sec. B. The committee shall have power to fill vacancies occurring among 
 its members during the interim between the meeting of the national conventions. 
 Sec. C. The object of the committee shall be that of an advisory committee 
 to suggest lines of activity to local and state officers and to assist them in secur- 
 ing data and in the preparation of resolutions, ordinances, bills and such other 
 legal measures for the carrying out of the Socialist program as may be necessary, 
 and also to advise the party, where it may desire, in the preparation of local and 
 state programs. 
 
 Sec. D. The Committee on State and Municipal Affairs shall, on the ap- 
 proval of the Executive Committee of the National Committee, elect a permanent ■ 
 secretary, whose office shall be at the national headquarters, and his compensation 
 shall be fixed by the Executive Committee. 
 
 Sec. E. The expenses of the Committee on State and Municipal Affairs 
 while attending its meetings shall be paid from the National Treasury. 
 
316 Report of Committee on State cmd Municipal Program. 
 
 STATE PROGRAM 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THE ACTIVITY OF SOCIALIST MEMBERS OF THE STATE I.EGISi:,A- 
 TDRE WHILE THE SOCIALIST PARTY IS A MINOR PARTY. 
 
 PREAMBLE FOR STATE PROGRAM. 
 
 The principles of the Socialist platform cannot be carried into full effect 
 virhile the Socialist Party is a minority party. The work of Socialist members of 
 the state legislatures and local administrations under present circumstances must 
 necessarily be confined to efforts for the realizing of such limited measures as 
 they may be able to wrest from the capitalist majority for the benefit of and in 
 the interests of the working class. In presenting and advocating such measures 
 the Socialist members of the state legislatures and of local administrations must 
 bear in mind the fact that they are fighting on a parliamentary basis the class 
 struggle which brought into existence the Socialist movement and the Socialist 
 Party. They must defend the interests of the working class against the en- 
 croachments of the. capitalist class, and decline in their parliamentary work any 
 trading with capitalist representatives for favorable legislation. Socialists in state 
 legislatures and local administrations may well be guided by the advice of the 
 permanent Comjnittee on State and Municipal Program provided by the national 
 constitution of the Socialist Party. 
 
 The following suggestions are made as a preliminary basis for the activity 
 of Socialist members of the state legislatures and local administrations, with the 
 understanding that they are not mandatory, binding, or anything else than sug- 
 gestive : , , 
 
 PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 
 
 Freedom of speech and expression of opinion by teachers and students. 
 
 Free text-books for teachers and pupils ; uniform text-books on all subjects to 
 be furrvished free to public schools, and to private schools on request. 
 
 The choice of text-books to be left to a committee composed of teachers and 
 students in all institutions above the grade of high schools. 
 
 In history and economics, the proletarian statidpoint to receive equal consid- 
 eration with the capitalist standpoint. 
 
 Compulsory education for both sexes up to the age of i8 years. 
 
 Co-education in all branches of science, and manual training for both sexes 
 to be continued through all grades. _ 
 
 Adequate provisions for harmonious physical culture and development through 
 a systematic course of gymnastics and open air exercises, a minimum , time for 
 such exercises to be made a requirement for students of both sexes throu£;hout 
 all grades. 
 
 Extension of the public school system to assure equal educational opportunities 
 to all classes in all branches of learning; public supervision of all educational in- 
 stitutions to secure an equal educational standard. 
 
 STATE MILITARY LAW. 
 
 The repeal of all militia law which surrenders the power of the governor 
 over the militia to the federal authorities; and members of the state militia to be 
 exempt from all other military service. 
 
 The right of privates of the state militia to elect their officers; and state 
 militia to be confined within state limits. 
 
 Federal troops to be prohibited from interfering in disputes between capital- 
 ists and laborers. 
 
 CITIES. 
 
 The autonomy of all municipalities in the matter of the ownership and opera- 
 tion of all enterprises vital to the municipality as ;sucb. 
 
Report of Committee on State and Mtinicipal Program. • 317 
 
 PUBLIC WORKS. 
 
 For the purpose of employing the unemployed and educating citizens in co- 
 operation, the state to inaugurate a system of good roads, a comprehensive system 
 of drainage, forestry and irrigation, state farms in connection with agricultural 
 experiment stations, and to build homes to be rented at a price not exceeding the 
 cost of production and maintenance. 
 
 The contract system to be abolished in all public works and such work to be 
 done by the state directly. 
 
 OLD AGE PENSIONERS. 
 
 All persons above the age of 60 to be exempt from labor, and to be! entitled to 
 pensions of not less than the current minimum wage. 
 
 SICK AND DISABLED, 
 
 Adequate facilities to be provided, at public expense, for the care and main- 
 tenance of all sick and disabled persons. 
 
 TAXATION. 
 
 A graudated income tax and graduated inheritance tax to be imposed, such 
 revenue to be used solely in the interest of the working class, not to relieve the 
 middle class of taxation. 
 
 LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Public control of the entire liquor traffic. 
 
 REGULATION OF CORPORATIONS. 
 
 Railroad and all other corporations operating under public franchises to be 
 placed under state control, and to have their rates fixed by law. 
 
 THE COURTS. 
 
 The abolition of all court costs and sheriff's fees in the commencement of 
 suits, and the abolition of all costs for appealing cases to the courts of last resort. 
 The establishment of free legal departments. 
 Sufficient courts to secure speedy trials. 
 
 PRISON SYSTEM. 
 
 The present brutal system of treating criminal persons to be replaced by a sys- 
 tem of pathological treatment. This includes the abolition of the prison contract 
 system, death penalties and isolated confinement, and the substitution therefore of 
 sanitariums in rural localities with adequate healthful open-air employment, and 
 treatment corresponding to modern scientific psychological pathology. 
 
 SUFFRAGE 
 
 The right to vote not to be contingent upon the payment of any taxes, either 
 in money or public labor. 
 
 Women to have equal political rights with men. 
 
 Residence qualifications for all elections not to exceed sixty days. 
 
 LABOR LEGISLATION. 
 
 An eight hour day and a minimum wage, uniform for both sexes. 
 
 Free state employment agencies. 
 
 All specific laws detrimental to the working class to be repealed, such as con- 
 spircy, anti-boycott and anti-picketing laws; and the abolition of the injunction 
 as a means of breaking strikes. , 
 
 Trial by jury in all cases by which a person may be deprived of liberty. 
 
yi8 _ Report of Committee on State and Municipal Program. 
 
 INSPECTION. 
 Public inspection of all factories and institutions employing labor. 
 
 LAND. 
 
 All land held for speculation, and all land not occupied or used by the owners 
 to be subject to purchase by the state at an advance of lO per cent, on the assessed 
 valuation, as fixed by the owner. 
 
 All public forest and mining lands to be developed under state direction 
 and control directly, and farm lands to be open for use with public assistance. 
 
 DIRECT LEGISLATION. 
 The initiative, referendum and imperative' mandate to be put into operation. 
 
 MUNICIPAL PROGRAM. 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR THB ACTIVITY OF LOCAL SOCIALIST ADMINISTRATIONS WHILE THE 
 PARTY IS A MINORITY PARTY. 
 
 PREAMBLE FOR MUNICIPAL PROGRAM. 
 
 Socialist representatives in municipal administration should always bear clear- 
 ly in mind the scientific basis of the Socialist municipal program. Under capital- 
 ism the municipalization of the public enterprises has-been compelled in the in- 
 terest of the business man. The graft of a few has come to interfere with the 
 graft of the remainder of the business world, on account of the development of 
 machinery vital to municipal life. There has followed as a result of this what 
 might be called municipal capitalism, which would operate these publicly owned 
 industries for the purpose of reducing the taxes of present property holders. 
 
 It must be borne in mind that Socialism will operate these enterprises in one 
 of the three following ways: 
 
 First. All service absolutely free of cost to the public, paid for out of the 
 general fund. Instance, the roads and streets, police service, and the free water 
 supply of New Orleans. 
 
 Second. Service at cost production. Instance, the usual theory of water sup- 
 ply and of the United States postoffice. 
 
 Third. Service furnished at a profit to the municipality, the profits to be 
 used for the benefit of the whole community. Instance, the taking of water 
 works profits for the perfection of fire department and extension of parks, bath 
 and playground systems. 
 
 AH other measures are to be considered in the light of their bearing upon the 
 working class as such. Those which will prepare the working people for their 
 part in the class struggle by increase of intelligence, strengthening of their bodies, 
 securing independence or certainty of livelihood for them, are to be considered 
 as so many weapons making for their victory. On the other hand, the taking 
 away from the capitalist class of exclusive privileges, making the courts free 
 to all and securing, as far as possible, the limitation of those powers financial, 
 legal, social and political which have accumulated in the hands of the capitalist 
 class will tend, of course, to make the victory of the working class more easy 
 at every step. 
 
 PUBLIC EDUCATION. 
 
 I.— CHANGES IN INSTRUCTION. 
 
 1. Sufficient kindergartens for all children of proper age. 
 
 2. Manual training (not trade schools) in all grades. 
 
 3. General introduction of idea of development and freedom in education with 
 close connection with things, according to principles of modern pedagogy. 
 
Report of Committee on State and Municipal Program. eil9 
 
 4. Teaching of economics and history with evolution of industry as base. 
 
 5. Establishment of vacation schools. 
 
 6. Adequate night schools for adults. 
 
 7. Instruction of children as to child labor legislation and rights of chil- 
 dren before the law. 
 
 II.— CHANGES AFFECTING TEACHING FORCE. 
 
 1. Adequate number of teachers (small classes in all schools). 
 
 2. Normal school training required as minimum qualification for teaching. 
 
 3. Right of trial for teachers before dismissal. 
 
 4. Pensions for teachers when superannuated or disabled. 
 
 III.— CARE OF CHILDREN. 
 
 1. Uniforrn free text-books for all schools, public and private, on demand. 
 
 2. Free meals and clothing. 
 
 3. Free medical service, inspection for eyes, ears, mental faculties (for educa- 
 tional purposes), and for contagion. 
 
 IV.— EQUIPMEiNT. 
 
 1. Arequate buildings, numerous, not too large. 
 
 2. Ample playgrounds, with physical instructor in charge. 
 
 3. Museums, art galleries, libraries, etc., enlarged and accessible to all chil- 
 dren through frequent visits accompanied by teachers. 
 
 4. Baths and gymnasiums in each school. 
 
 5. All school buildings open evenings, Sundays and holidays for public as- 
 semblages. 
 
 MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP. 
 
 I.— PRINCIPLES OF MANAGEMENT. 
 
 1. Reduction of hours and increase of wages to correspond with improve- 
 ments in production. ^ 
 
 2. No profits to be used for reduction of taxation. 
 
 3. Pension for all city employes when sick and disabled. 
 
 II.— INDUSTRIES SUGGESTED FOR OWNERSHIP. 
 
 1. AH industries dependent on franchises, such as street cars, electric and 
 gas lighting, telephones, etc. 
 
 2. Bakeries, ice-houses, coal and wood yards, department stores, slaughter- 
 houses where they are needed. 
 
 III.— MUNICIPAL AUTONOMY. 
 
 1. Municipal autonomy for the ownership and operation of all enterprises 
 vital to the municipality as such. 
 
 2. Issuance of bonds for this purpose up to JO per cent of the assessed val- 
 uation. 
 
 3. Issuance of debenture bonds, secured by plants to be acquired or built. 
 
 WORKING CLASS G0VERN14ENT. 
 
 1. Police not to be used in interest of employer against strikers. 
 
 2. Free legal advice. 
 
 3. Abolition of fee system in all courts. Trial by jury without extra expense. 
 
 4. Abolition of fines as alternative to imprisonment. 
 
 5. Establishment of municipal labor bureau for investigation, inspection and 
 report upon conditions of labor. 
 
320 Report of Committee on State and Mimicipal Program. 
 
 GENERAL MEASURES FOR PUBLIC RELIEF. • 
 
 1. Establishment of useful works and extension of public functions to give 
 work to unemployed. 
 
 2. Free medical service, including free medicine. 
 
 3. Adequate hospital service with no taint of charity. 
 
 4. Homes for aged and invalid. 
 
 5. Night lodgings for men out of employment and without homes. 
 
 6. Pensions for all public employes. 
 
 7. Free public crematory. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC HEALTH. 
 
 1. Inspection of food, punishment of all harmful adulteration. 
 
 2. Public disinfection after contagious diseases. 
 
 3. Publicly owned and administered baths, wash-houses, closets, laboratories, 
 drug stores, and such other things as care of public health demands. 
 
 4. Adequate system of parks, public play-grounds and gymnasiums. 
 
 FACTORY LEGISLATION. 
 
 1. Special laws for protection of both women and children in both mercan- 
 tile and industrial pursuits. 
 
 2. No child under 18 may be permitted to work at any gainful occupation, 
 including selling papers, blacking shoes, etc. 
 
 HOUSING QUESTION. 
 
 1. Strict legislation against over-crowding, provision for light and ventilation 
 in all rooms. 
 
 2. Building of municipal apartments to rent at cost of care of buildings and 
 depreciation — no return for ground rent to be demanded. 
 
 3. Condemnation and destruction by the city of all tenements not conform- 
 ing to proper standards of light, ventilation and over-crowding. 
 
 PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT. 
 
 1. ' Direct employment by the city — abolition of contract system. 
 
 2. Fixing of minimum wage not lower than standard trade union rate. 
 
 TAXATION. 
 
 1. Progressive income tax, such revenue to be used solely in the interests 
 of the working class, and not to relieve the middle class of taxation. 
 
 2. Taxation of ground rents. 
 
 3. Exemption of household furniture and laborers' homes up to $2,000. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS. 
 
 1. Erection of "Labor Temple" by municipality as headquarters, meeting 
 place and educational center for workers of the city. 
 
 2. Publication of municipal bulletin, containing complete news of all munici- 
 pal activity; 
 
 The Committee : Ernest Untermann, Illinois, Chairman ; John M. Work, 
 Iowa, Secretary; Seymour Stedman, Illinois; Winfield R. Gaylord. Wisconsin; 
 S. M. Reynolds, Indiana ; Luella R. Kraybill, Kansas ; J. J. Kelley, Massachusetts ; 
 Warren Atkinson, New York. 
 
Rules of the Convention. 
 
 321 
 
 No. 6. 
 Rules of the Convention 
 
 (Report of the Committee on Rules, after amendment and adoption by the 
 Convention.) 
 
 1. A Chairman and Vice-Chairman 
 shall be elected at the commencement 
 of each day's session. 
 
 2. A Secretary and two (2) Assis- 
 tants shall be elected for the entire con- 
 vention. 
 
 3. A Reading Clerk and one (i) As- 
 sistant shall be elected for the conven- 
 tion. 
 
 4. A Sergeant-at-Arms and Assistant 
 shall be appointed for the entire Con- 
 vention. 
 
 5. Five (s) Pages and five (s) Mes- 
 sengers shall be appointed from visiting 
 members by the Sergeant-at-Arms. 
 
 6. Four (4) Tellers and two (is) 
 Judges to count all ballots shall be ap- 
 pointed for the entire convention. 
 
 7. A Committee on Platform shall be 
 elected, to consist of nine (9) members. 
 
 8. A Committee on Constitution shall 
 be elected to consist of nine (9) mem- 
 bers. 
 
 9. A Committee on Resolutions shall 
 be elected, to consist of nine (9) mem- 
 bers. 
 
 ID. A Committee on State and Mu- 
 nicipal Program shall be elected, .to con- 
 sist of nine (9) members. 
 
 11. The Standing Committee on Mu- 
 nicipal Program appointed by the In- 
 dianapolis Convention shall report to the 
 Committee on State and Municipal Pro- 
 gram. 
 
 12. A Press Committee shall be ap- 
 pointed, to consist of five (s) members. 
 
 13. An Auditing Committee of five 
 (S) members shall be appointed by the 
 chair, to stand unless objected to by the 
 convention. 
 
 14. A Committee on Ways and Means 
 shall be elected, to consist of nine (9) 
 members. 
 
 15. A Committee on Trades Unions 
 shall be elected, to consist of nine (9) 
 members. 
 
 16. Discussions shall be limited to 
 ten (10) minutes for each speaker. No 
 speaker shall speak a second time until 
 all desiring to use their time shall have 
 
 had an opportunity to speak. 
 
 17. The sessions of the Convention 
 shall begin at 9 a. m. and continue to 
 12 a. m., and from 1 :30 p. m. to 5 :30 
 p. m. ; and a night session as soon as the 
 reports of committees are ready or have 
 been called for. The night sessions shall 
 extend from 7 :30 to 9 :30. 
 
 18. "Roberts' Rules of Order shall be 
 used, with the exception that when the 
 previous question has been called for, 
 three delegates on each side of the ques- 
 tion shall be allowed three minutes each 
 for closing the debate before the ques- 
 tion is put. 
 
 19. During the sessions of the Con- 
 vention no smoking shall be allowed on 
 the floor of the, Conventiop. 
 
 20. Order of Business : 
 
 1. Report of the Committee on 
 
 Credentials. 
 
 2. Report of the National Secre- 
 
 tary. 
 
 3. Report of Local Quorum. 
 
 4. Report of the Committee on 
 
 Platform. 
 
 5. Report of the Committee on 
 
 State and Municipal Program. 
 
 6. Report of the Committee on 
 
 Resolutions. 
 
 7. Nomination of Candidate for 
 
 President. 
 
 8. Nomination of Candidate for 
 
 Vice-President. 
 
 9. Report of Secretary of the In- 
 
 ternational Socialist Bureau. 
 
 10. Election of delegates to the In- 
 ■ ternational Socialist Con- 
 gress.. 
 
 11. Report of Committee on Ways 
 
 and Means. 
 
 12. Report of Auditing Committee. 
 
 13. Report of the Committee on 
 
 Constitution. 
 
 21. All votes to be taken by ayes and 
 nays, and, when division is asked for, by 
 a rising vote. Roll call to be had only 
 when asked for by majority. 
 
 22. Minority Report from the Com- 
 mittee on Rules. 
 
322 Resolutions Adopted by the Convention. 
 
 No. 5. 
 
 Resolutions 
 
 ADOPTED, AFTER AMENDMENT, BY THE CONVENTION 
 
 ON THE COLORADO OUTRAGES. 
 
 "Whereas, The Socialist Party is the only political organization of the work- 
 ing class, pledged to all its struggles and working ceaselessly for its emancipation, 
 it declares this convention against the brutality of capitalistic rule and the sup- 
 pression of popular rights and liberties which attends it; and calls upon all the 
 workers of the country to unite with it in the struggle for the overthrow of capital- 
 ist domination and the establishment of economic equality and freedom. 
 
 "Time after time workers have been imprisoned, beaten and murdered for 
 no other reason than that they were struggling for some measure of that comfort 
 and decency of existence to which as the producers of wealth they are entitled. 
 The master class has, in various states and cities, organized citizens' alliances, 
 manufacturers' associations, anti-boycott associations and the like, which, in order 
 to disrupt and crush out the economic organization of the workers, have instituted 
 a reign of lawlessness and tyranny, and assailed all the fundamental principles and 
 most cherished institutions of personal and collective freedom. By suborning the 
 executive and judicial powers in various states they have infringed upon the lib- 
 erties • of the American people. 
 
 "Tinder their baleful influences, in direct contravention of the letter and the 
 spirit of the Constitution, civil authority has been made subordinate to the military 
 in Pennsylvania, Colorado and elsewhere. Freedom of the press and the right of 
 public assembly have been denied in many states; and by the Dick militia bill 
 liability to compulsory military service has been imposed upon all males between 
 the ages of eighteen and forty-five. . , 
 
 "At the present time there exists in Colorado a state of violent capitalist 
 anarchy and lawlessness with the consent and under the armed protection of the 
 state government. Peaceable citizens have been forcibly deported by armed bodies 
 of lawbreakers, aided and abetted by military usurpers of the civil powers; invol- 
 untary servitude has been imposed by injunctions rompelling citizens to work 
 under conditions distasteful to them. Innocent and law*abiding citizens have been 
 arrested without warrant, imprisoned without trial, and when acquitted by decision 
 of the civil courts, held by the military in defiance of every principle of civil 
 authority and government; and the right of habeas corpus, for centuries cherished 
 as a safeguard for personal liberty, has been unlawfully suspended, with the result 
 that in a so-called 'ffee state' of our so-called 'free republic' there ejcists a despotism 
 greater and more infamous than that which has ever characterized Russian auto- 
 cracy. 
 
 "Now, we declare these conditions in Colorado are the natural and logical 
 results of the prevailing economic system which permits the private ownership 
 of the means of the common life and renders the wage-working class dependent 
 , for life itself upon the owners of the means of production and distribution. Be- 
 tween these two classes, the workers and the masters of their bread, there exists 
 a state of constant warfare, a bitter and irrepressible class conflict. Labor, organ- 
 ized for self-protection and to secure better conditions of life, is met by powerful 
 organizations of the master class, whose supreme power lies in the fact that all 
 the functions of the government, legislative, judicial and executive, have been 
 
Resolutions Adopted by the Convention. 323. 
 
 unwittingly placed in their hands by their victims. Controlling all the forces of 
 government, they are entrenched in a position from which they can only be dis- 
 lodged by political methods. 
 
 "Therefore, this convention of the Socialist Party reaffirms this principle of 
 the International Socialist Movement, that the supreme issue is the conquest by 
 the working class of all the powers of government and the use of those powers for 
 the overthrow of class rule, and the establishment of that common ownership of 
 the means of the common life which alone can free individual and collective man." 
 
 THE NEW YORK DAILY CALL. 
 
 "Whereas, daily newspapers which shall stand as the uncompromising Cham- 
 pions of the working class and the exponents of the principles of the Socialist 
 Party constitute one of the most urgent needs of the Socialist movement of the 
 United States, and 
 
 Whereas, the Socialists of New York announce that they will begin the pub- 
 lication September ist of the New York Daily Call, a newspaper devoted to the 
 interests of the Socialist Party and the working class. 
 
 Resolved that we, the delegates of the National Socialist Convention assembled 
 at Chicago, May ist, 1904, do hereby cordially endorse the project to establish 
 the New York Daily Call, and we call upon the Socialists of the United States 
 to render every assistance in their power to the New York Comrades having the 
 enterprise in charge." 
 
 THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR. 
 
 "Whereas, The conflicting commercial interests of the ruling classes in Russia 
 and Japan have induced the governments of those countries to bring about war 
 between the Russian and Japanese nations; and 
 
 Whereas, the working people of Russia and Japan have no interest in waging 
 this campaign of bloody warfare, be it 
 
 Resolved, That this convention of the Socialist Party of America sends greet- 
 ings of Fraternity and Solidarity to the working people of Russia and Japan, 
 and condemns the Russo-.Japanese War as a crime against progress and civiliza- 
 tion. And be it further 
 
 Resolved, That we appeal to the wage workers of Russia and Japan to join 
 hands with the International Socialist movement in its struggle for world peace." 
 
 COMPENSATION OF SPEAKERS. 
 
 "Whereas, It is the practice of some lecturers and organizers to engage with 
 organizations of the Socialist Party, at an indefinite compensation, dependent upon 
 their success in collecting funds or selling literature, or else engaging without 
 understanding as to compensation; and 
 
 Whereas, Under such conditions the ability of a comrade to remain in the field 
 depends upon circumstances other than usefulness in the propagation of clean-cut 
 Socialism; therefore, be it 
 
 Resolved, That this convention declares itself opposed to speculative methods 
 of compensating lecturers and organizers, and in favor of the payment of a definite 
 pre-determined salary or fee." 
 
 REGULATION OF SPEAKERS. 
 
 "Whereas, exorbitant salaries or fees have sometimes been paid to speakers 
 and organizers for their services; and. 
 
 Whereas, Such practices are altogether unwarranted and unjust in a prole- 
 tarian movement; therefore, be it 
 
 Resolved, That this body declares itself opposed to paying speakers or other 
 workers employed by the party exorbitant fees or salaries, placing them above 
 the standard of the working class the party represents ; and we 
 
 Recommend : That, as far as possible locals of the Socialist Party should 
 engage their speakers and organizers through the national or state organizations, 
 thus discouraging the abuses arising from the unsatisfactory methods at present 
 pursued," 
 
324 Resolutions Adopted by the Convention. 
 
 THE TRADES UNION RESOLUTION. 
 
 "The trades and labor union movement is a natural result of the capitalist 
 system of production and is necessary to resist the encroachments of capitalism. 
 It is a weapon to protect the class interests of labor under the capitalistic system. 
 However, this industrial struggle can only lessen the exploitation, but cannot 
 abolish it. The exploitation of labor will only cease when the working class shall 
 own all the means of production and distribution. To achieve this end the work- 
 ing class must consciously become the dominant political power. The organization 
 of the workers will not be complete until they unite on the political as well as the 
 industrial field on the lines of the class struggle. 
 
 The trade union struggle cannot attain lasting success without the political 
 activity of the Socialist Party: The workers must fortify and permanently secure 
 by their political power what they have wrung from their exploiters in the 
 ecohotnic struggle. In accordance with the decisions of the International Socialist 
 Congresses in Brussels, Zurich and London, this Convention reaffirms the declara- 
 tions that the trade and labor unions are a necessity in the struggle to aid in 
 emancipating the working class, and we consider it the duty of all wage workers 
 to join vvith this movement. 
 
 Neiti}e;r political nor other differences of opinion justify the divisions of the 
 forces of labor in the industrial movement. The interests of the working class 
 make it imperative that the labor organizations equip their members for the great 
 work of the abolition of wage slavery by educating them in Socialist Principles." 
 
 INTERNATIONAL DELEGATES. 
 
 Resolved, first : That this convention now proceed to the election of a dele- 
 gate to the International Socialist Congress, to be held in Amsterdam in August, 
 1904. Secon4: That the election of this delegate be by ballot, and that the candi- 
 date receiving the largest number of votes upon such ballot serve as delegate. 
 Third: That this convention and the National Committee of the party shall be 
 authorized to issue credentials for the attendance at the International Congress as 
 delegates of the party, to such and as many additional members in good standing 
 in the: party, not exceeding twenty in all, as may apply for such credentials, 
 intending to attend said Congress at their own expense. Fourth : That no state 
 or local organization of the party shall issue credentials to delegates to the said 
 International Congress. Fifth : That an alternate delegate be also selected." 
 
 THE NATIONAL CAMPAIGN FUND. 
 
 "Resolved, That the Socialist Party recommends that party members donate 
 during the month of June, 1904, one-half day's wages to the National Campaign. 
 Fund, one-third of the amount derived therefrom to be retained by the local, one- 
 third by the state, and one-third by the national organization." 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS. 
 
 "Resolved, That this Convention request all unattached Socialists to file their 
 names and residences with the respective State or the National Secretary, as the 
 case may be. 
 
 That we instruct the National Secretary to have the Platform and such other 
 printed matter in one little pamphlet for the use of the metnbership as quick £i§ 
 possible," 
 
Mationai Committee, Socialist Party. 82fe 
 
 The Socialist Party 
 
 NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS: 
 269 Dearborn Street, Chicago, Illinois. 
 
 National Secretary, - - . . WILLIAM MAILLY 
 
 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST BUREAU : 
 63 Rue Heyvaert, Brussells, Belgium. 
 
 Secretary, --.... VICTOR SERWY 
 
 National Committee 
 
 Alabama B. Andrus no8 N. 14th St., Birmitfg'ham. 
 
 Arizona H. H. Keays Groom Creek. 
 
 Arkansas L. W. Lowry 2224 Ringo St., Little Rock. 
 
 California N. A. Richardson San Bernardino. 
 
 Colorado A. H. Floaten Basswood, Wis. 
 
 Connecticut W. E. White 229 Exchange St., New Haven. 
 
 Florida W. R. Healey Longwood. 
 
 Idaho C. F. Carter Boise. 
 
 Illinois ../ B. Berlyn 662 E. 63d St., Chicago. 
 
 Indiana S. M. Reynolds 1115 S. 6th St., Terre Haute. 
 
 Iowa John M. Work 13 13 Harrison Ave., Des Moines. 
 
 Kentucky Chas. G. Towner... 331 Scott St., Coviiigton. 
 
 Kansas Walter Thomas Mills. ..1429 Masonic Temple, Chicago. 
 
 Louisiana Wilbur Putnam Evangeline. 
 
 Maine Chas. L. Fox 10 Free St., Portland. 
 
 Massachusetts .. . John C. Chase 64 E. 4th St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 Michigan Wm. E. Walter Hotel Irwin, Bad Axe, Mich. 
 
 Minnesota S. M. Holman 11 Oak St., S. E., Minneapolis. 
 
 Misfcouri Geo. H. Turner 14 Rookery Bldg., Kansas City. 
 
 Montana J. F. Fox 71 E. Park St., Butte. 
 
 Nebraska C. Christensen Salida, Colo. 
 
 New Hampshire . M. H. O'Neil 4 C St., Nashua. 
 
 New Jersey Chas. Ufert 590 Clinton Ave., W. Hoboken. 
 
 New York Morris Hillquit 320 Broadway, New York City. 
 
 N. Dakota Tonnes Thams Fargo. 
 
 Ohio Howard H. Caldwell . . 522 N. Summit St., Dayton. 
 
 Oklahoma C. C. Halbrooks 203 N. Emporia Ave., Wichita, Kan. 
 
 Oregon B. F. Ramp Salem. 
 
 Pennsylvania J. Mahlon Barnes 232 N. gth St., Philadelphia. 
 
 S. Dakota Samuel Lovett Aberdeen. 
 
 Texas John Kerrigan 346 Elm St., Dallas. 
 
 Vermont John W. Arvidson Rutland. 
 
 Washington Geo. E. Boomer Prosser. 
 
 Wisconsin Victor L. Berger 344 Sixth St., Milwaukee. 
 
326 Siaie Secretaries, Socialist Parly. 
 
 State Secretaries 
 
 Alabama F. X. Waldhorst ; .1016 S. 23d St., Birmingham. 
 
 Arkansas E. W. Perrin 304 Scott St., Little Rock. 
 
 Arizona Albert Ryan Jerome. 
 
 California Edgar B. Helfenstein 822 W. 2d St., Los Angeles. 
 
 Colorado J. W. Martin 420 Charles Bldg., Denver. 
 
 Connecticut A. B. Cornelius Box 45, New Haven. 
 
 Florida Wm. C. Green Orlando. 
 
 Illinois Jas. S. Smith 163 Randolph. 
 
 Indiana Harry Hart 134 E. Washington St., Indianapolis. 
 
 Idaho L. E. Workman Boise. 
 
 Iowa J. J. Jacobsen 1129 12th St., Des Moines. 
 
 Kansas Thos. E. Will Sedgwick Bldg., Wichita. 
 
 Kentucky Walter Lanfersiek 506 Wash. Ave., Newport. 
 
 Louisiana P. Aloysius Molyneaux . . . 372 Walnut St., New Orleans. 
 
 Maine W. E. Pelsey Box 44, Lewiston. 
 
 Massachusetts . . . Fred E. Irish .699 Washington St., Boston. 
 
 Michigan J. A. C. Menton 1323 S. Saginaw St., Flint. 
 
 Minnesota ....... J. E. Nash 45 S. 4th St., Minneapolis. 
 
 Missouri T. E. Palmer Rookery Bldg., Kansas City. 
 
 Montana Wm. H. Pierce 708 S. Main St., Butte. 
 
 Nebraska J. P. Roe 519 N. i6th St., Omaha. 
 
 New Hampshire . W. H. Wilkins Box 521, Claremont. 
 
 New Jersey W. B. Killingbeck 270 Main St., Orange. 
 
 New York Henry L. Slobodin 64 E. 4th St., New York City. 
 
 North Dakota T. R. C. Crowells Fargo. 
 
 Ohio Edward Gardner 318 Chappell St., Dayton. 
 
 Oklahoma D. S. Landis Stillwater. 
 
 Oregon A. H. Axelson 1070 Union Ave., N., Portland. 
 
 Pennsylvania ....Franklin H. Slick 1305 Arch St., Philadelphia. 
 
 Rhode Island John W. Higgins 409 Webster Ave., Arlington. 
 
 South Dakota . . . .Samuel Lovett Aberdeen. 
 
 Texas E. B. Latham Box 126, Gainesville. 
 
 Vermont John Anderson . . . . : 106 Sumner St., Barre. 
 
 Washington E, E. Martin Box 717, Seattle. 
 
 West Virginia . . . F. A; Zimmerman (Acting) McMechen. 
 
 Wisconsin Miss E. H. Thomas 344 Sixth St., Milwaukee. 
 
Soeiatist Vote in the United Siaiei. 
 
 327 
 
 Socialist Vote in tlie United States 
 
 1900. 1902 
 
 Alabama 928 2,312'' 
 
 Arizona 519 
 
 ♦Arkansas 27 27 
 
 California 7,572 9,592 
 
 Colorado 684 7,360 
 
 Connecticut .1,741 2,857 
 
 ♦Delaware 57 57 
 
 ♦Florida 603 603 
 
 Georgia , 
 
 Idaho 1,800 
 
 Illinois .' 9,687 20,167 
 
 Indiana 2,374 7.134 
 
 Iowa 2,742 6,360 
 
 Kansas 1,605 4,078 
 
 Kentucky 760 1,886 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine 878 i,974 
 
 ♦Maryland 908 908 
 
 Massachusetts 9,7i6 33.629 
 
 Michigan 2,826 4,261 
 
 Minnesota 3.o6s S,i43 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Missouri 6,128 5.335 
 
 Montana 7o8 2,466 
 
 1900. 1902. 
 
 Nebraska 823 3,157 
 
 Nevada 
 
 New Hampshire 790 1,057 
 
 New Jersey 4,609 5,491 
 
 New York 12,869 23,400 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 North Dakota S18 1,24s 
 
 Ohio 4.847 14.270 
 
 Oklahoma 815 1,963 
 
 Oregon i,494 3.532 
 
 Pennsylvania 4.831 21,910 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 South Dakota 176 2,620 
 
 ♦Tennessee 410 410 
 
 Texas 1.846 3.513 
 
 Utah 717 2,927 
 
 ♦Vermont 37i 37i 
 
 ♦Virginia 225 225 
 
 Washington 1,609 4,739 
 
 ♦West Virginia 286 286 
 
 Wiscpnsin 7.095 15.957 
 
 Wyoming 552 
 
 Total 98.424 225,903 
 
 In Arizona, Idaho and Wyoming the Socialist Party entered the political 
 field for the first time in 1902. In the eight States marked with a star there 
 were no State elections in 1902,. and the vote, for the national ticket in 1900 is 
 carried forward for the latter year. 
 
3^8 
 
 The Scfciaiisi Vote of ike WorU. 
 
 The Socialist Vote of tlie World 
 
 AUSTRIA. 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 1897 750,000 1895 55,000 
 
 1900 600,000 1900 100,000 
 
 BELGIUM. 
 
 1894 320,000 
 
 1900 463,000 
 
 DENMARK. 
 
 1872 
 1876 
 1881 
 
 1887 
 
 268 
 1,076 
 1,689 
 6,806 
 8,408 
 
 1890 17,232 
 
 1892 20,094 
 
 189s ••• 31,872 
 
 1901 42,972 
 
 1903 55,479 
 
 FRANCE. 
 
 1887 47,000 
 
 1889 120,000 
 
 1893 440,000 
 
 1898 790,000 
 
 1900 880,000 
 
 GERMANY. 
 
 1867 30,000 
 
 1871 101,000 
 
 1874 351,952 
 
 1877 493,288 
 
 1878 437,158 
 
 1881 311,961 
 
 1884 549,990 
 
 1887 763,128 
 
 1890 1,427,298 
 
 1893 1,876,738 
 
 1898 2,113*073 
 
 1903 , 3,008,000 
 
 HOLLAND. 
 
 1901 39,000 
 
 ITALY. 
 
 1895 78,359 
 
 1897 120,000 
 
 1900 170,841 
 
 NORWAY. 
 
 1900 7,440 
 
 1903 24,779 
 
 SERVIA. 
 
 189s 50,000 
 
 SPAIN. 
 
 1891 5,000 
 
 1893 7,000 
 
 1898 20,000 
 
 1899 23,000 
 
 1901 25,000 
 
 SWITZERLAND. 
 
 1890 13,500 
 
 1893 29,822 
 
 1896 36,000 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 2,068 
 
 1892 21,512 
 
 1894 30,120 
 
 1895 34,869 
 
 1896 36,275 
 
 1897 55,550 
 
 1898 82,204 
 
 1900 .., 98,424 
 
 1902 225,903 
 
The Socialist Press. 329 
 
 The Socialist Press in tlie United States 
 
 SOCIALIST PARTY PAPERS 
 
 ENGLISH WEEKLIES. 
 
 Alliance of the Rockies, The 420 Charles Bldg., Denver, Colo. 
 
 Appeal to Reason Girard, Kan. 
 
 Chicago Socialist 163 Randolph St., Chicago, 111. 
 
 Common People, The Stillwater, Okla. 
 
 Crisis, The Salt Lake City, Utah. 
 
 Erie People 26 E. Fifth St., Erie, Pa. 
 
 Free Citizen, The Danville, 111. 
 
 Iowa Socialist 6th and Iowa Sts., Dubuque, Iowa. 
 
 Laramie Times Laramie, Wyo. 
 
 Long Island Leader Long Island, Kan. , , 
 
 Los Angeles Socialist Los Angeles, Cal. , . ,. ,^^, „ .... 
 
 Montana News Lewistown, Mont. ^TJIfl""^"} r^ . ^^ =t" 
 
 New Time, The Spokane, Wash. ^"""^'S,^"^*! ^^^^1""^ ^ts. 
 
 Prosser Record, The Prosser, Wash. ^t' ^°"'^' ^°- 
 
 Referendum, The Faribault, Minn. 
 
 Social Democratic Herald, The 344 Sixth St., Milwaukee, Wis. 
 
 Socialist, The 116 Virginia St., Seattle, Wash. 
 
 Worker, The 184 William St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 ENGLISH MONTHLIES. 
 
 .Comrade, The 11 Cooper Square, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Grander Age, The Biloxi, Miss. 
 
 International Socialist Review, The 56 Fifth Ave., Chicago, 111. 
 
 Social Ethics Wichita, Kan. 
 
 Socialist Review, The .724 Dodd St., West Hoboken, N. J. 
 
 Vanguard, The . _. Green Bay, Wis. 
 
 Wilshire's Magazine 125 E. 23d St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 FOREIGN LANGUAGES 
 
 GERMAN. 
 
 Arbeiter Zeitung k . 22 North 4th St., St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 Die Wahrheit 344 Sixth St., Milwaukee, Wis. 
 
 Neues Leben 119 E. Lake St., Chicago, 111. 
 
 Tageblatt, The (Daily) Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Vorwaerts, The 184 William St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 Volkzeitung, The (Daily) 184 William St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 Volksblatt Sheboygan, Wis. 
 
 FRENCH. 
 L'Union des Travailleurs Charleroi, Pa. 
 
 BOHEMIAN. 
 ^ Spravedlnost 721 Allport St., Chicago, 111. 
 
 ITALIAN. 
 AvSWti 239 Washington St., Newark, N. J. 
 
330 Thfi Socialist Press. 
 
 FOREIGN LANQUAQES— (Continued.) 
 
 JEWISH. 
 Forward ■. 1835^ Division St., New York, N. Y. 
 
 NORWEGIAN. 
 Nye Normanden Tribune Building, Minneapolis, Minn. 
 
 POLISH. 
 Robotnik 627 Milwaukee Ave., Chicago, 111. 
 
 SLAVONIC. 
 Glas. Svobode 563 Throop St., Chicago, 111. 
 
 SOCIALIST AND TRADES UNION PAPERS 
 
 American Labor Union Journal Haymarket Bldg., Chicago, 111. 
 
 Brauer Zeitung (English-German) Odd Fellows Temple, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Cleveland Citizen 193 Champlain St., Cleveland, Ohio. 
 
 Courier-Herald 174 S. Main St., Wilkes-Barre, Pa. 
 
 Exponent, The ..121 N. Baum St., Saginaw, Mich. 
 
 Laborers' Journal Dayton, Ohio. 
 
 Miner's Magazine 625 Mining Exch. Bldg., Denver, Colo. 
 
 Register, The Central City, S. D. 
 
 Toiler, The 422 Ohio St., Terre Haute, Ind. 
 
 Union Sentinel 214 Reed St., Reading, Pa. 
 
 Workers' Gazette 203 South 13th St., Omaha, Neb. 
 
 Errata: Page 214, following should be recorded on Roll Call on Trades Union 
 Resolution : Dalton, Mance, Meyer and Taft of Illinois, Ash of Colorado, Neal of ' 
 Kansas, McFarlan and Walter of Michigan, Klein of Minnesota, Knechtof Missouri, 
 Wilshire, Bush, Hawley, Riley of New York, Haight and Thams of North Dakota, 
 Anini^pn of Wisgorisin. not voting; Mayell of New York votinp "yes," 
 
Index. 
 
 331 
 
 Index 
 
 Acceptance, Speech of, Eugene V. Debs 
 
 —254-256. 
 Acceptance, Speech of, Ben. Hanford— 
 
 223-226. 
 Adjournment sine die — 300. 
 Amendment of Constitution — 160. 
 Ammann, Henry J. — 16, 40. 
 Anielewski, H. — 43, 45. 
 Appeal to Reason— -81, 86, 88, 92, 93, 97, 
 
 119, 120. 
 Appendix — 361-330. 
 ' Ash, William— 16. 
 Atkinson, Warren — 16, 39, 41, 214. 
 Auditing Committee — 
 Appointment of — 40. 
 Report of — 279. 
 Discharge of — 279. 
 Ault, Erwin B. — 16, 37, 40, 73, 214. 
 Ayres, Hugh G. — 16, 214. 
 
 B 
 
 Bacon, Geo. W. — 16, 39, 41, 214. 
 Bandlow, Robert — 14, 16, 38, 39, 40, 41, 
 
 51, 82, 84, 187, 214, 223. 
 Barnes, J. Mahlon — 16, 17, 30, 38, 40, 
 
 41, 44, 51, 65, 68, 83, 84, 97, 104, 
 109, III, 140, 187, 223. 236, 238. 
 
 Barrett, William — 16, 18, 43, 214.- 
 Behrens, E. T. — 16, 37, 39, 187, 214. 
 Benessi, William L. — 16, 38, 39, 41, 77, 
 
 78, 138, 214, 233, 249. 
 Bennett, John W. — 16, 214, 
 Berger, Victor L. — 16, 22, 26, 33, 37, 41, 
 
 42, 51, 52, 62, 63, 68, 74, 90, 105, 
 109, 128, 130, 140, 141, 145, 159, 187, 
 203, 210, 2ri, 214, 221, 222, 23s, 236, 
 237, 265, 267, 269, 272, 273, 279, 284, 
 28s, 286. 
 
 Berlyn, Bernard — 14, 16, 22, 25, 38, 39, 
 40, 41, SI, 63, 67, 68, 83, 139, 149, 
 189, 190, 191, 194, 208, 209, 214, 219, 
 223, 231, 260, 290, 298, 300. 
 
 Bickett C. A. — 14, 16, 22, 39, 41, 44, 51, 
 64, 65, 68, 114, 115, 118, 127, 147, 
 151, 154, 15s, 158, 159, 166, 168, 181, 
 214, 265. 
 
 Bistorius, H. W. — 14, 16, 43. 
 
 Block, Samuel — 16, 38, 72, 214. 
 
 Born, Jacob W. — 16, 214. 
 
 Bosky, Edward — 16, 214, 256, 271, 272, 
 
 292. 
 Brand's Hall — 13. 
 Brandt, Herman — 16, 52, 184, 214. 
 Brandt, W. M.— 16, 37, 97, 134, 179, 180, 
 
 181, 190, 214, 236, 242. 
 Brattland, M. A. — 16, 214. 
 Breckon, Chas. L. — 16, 41, 51, 86, 214, 
 
 266. 
 Brewery Workmen, Telegram from — 32. 
 Brockhausen, F. — 54, 
 Brower, James H. — 16, 22, 31, 37, 128, 
 
 169, 189, 214, 246. 
 Bufifalo, N. Y., Telegram from — 32. 
 Bureau, International Socialist — 29. 
 Bureau, International Socialist, Report 
 
 of — 226, 228. 
 Burrowes, Peter E— 16, 38, 39, 41, 214. 
 Bush, C. A. — 16. 
 Buswick Junction, N. Y., Telegram 
 
 from — 32. 
 Butscher, William — 16, 38, 40, 162, 214, 
 
 C 
 
 California Delegates, Case in Respect 
 
 to Seating — 15. 
 Campaign Committee — 298. 
 Campaign Fund, National — 279. 
 Candidates for Public Office, Eligibility 
 
 of— 287. 
 Carey, James F. — 13, 14, 16, ig, 24, 39, 
 
 41, 44, 51, 52, 53, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 
 
 73. 76, 77, 80, 168, 173, 174, 184, 185. 
 
 188, 189, 191, 198, 199, 212, 214. 
 
 220, 223, 235, 236, 274. 
 Carr, Edward E. — 16, 27, 37, 39,, 45, 71, 
 
 95, 98, 99, 113, 121, 122, 123, 125, 
 
 162, 176, 214, 23s, 236, 249, 251, 252, 
 
 261, 267, 269, 275, 287, 289, 291, 293, 
 
 296. 
 Caucuses Secret, Resolution on — 167, 
 
 168. 
 ■Cincinnati, Ohio, Telegram from — 32. 
 Clark, W. E. — 16, 38, 39, 40, 150, 156, 
 
 214, 286, 296. 
 Cleveland, Ohio, Telegram from — 14. 
 Cobb, John L. — 16, 38, 40, 214. 
 
332 
 
 Index. 
 
 Cogswell, Eleanore G. — 16, 37, 103, 187, 
 
 214, 23s, 242, 244. 
 Collins, John — 16, 41, 51, 70, 76, 169, 
 183, 187, 189, 214, 238, 272, 275, 291. 
 Colorado Outrages, Resolution on — 
 
 165, 166, 167. Appendix — 322. 
 Committees — 
 Auditing — 40, 279. 
 Campaign — 298. 
 Constitution — 38, 40, 81, 98-162, 284- 
 
 291, 296, 297. 
 Credentials — 13-17, 42-51, 54, 97, 277. 
 Foreign Speaking Organizations — 45, 
 
 54, 281-283. 
 Local Quorum — 62, 277, 279. 
 Platform— 37, 38, 39, 63, 215, 277, 278, 
 
 293, 299. 
 Press — 40, 52, 84, 85, 98, 163, 164. 
 Resolutions — 39, 41, 52, 63-66, 165- 
 
 17s. 276, 277. 
 Rules — 14, 20-37. 
 State and Municipal Program — 24, 26, 
 
 39, 41, 63, 239. 
 
 Trades Union Resolutions — 35, 36, 40, 
 
 41, SI, 75, 76, 17s, 176, 206, 283, 284. 
 
 Ways and Means — 40, 278, 279. 
 
 Communication's — 14, 32, 54, 62, 75, 238. 
 
 Compensation of Speakers, Resolutions 
 
 Concerning — 170. Appendix — 323. 
 Congress, International Socialist — 29, 
 
 227, 229, 230. 
 Constitution — 
 
 Committee on, Nominations for — 38. 
 Committee, Election of — 40. 
 Report of Committee — 81, 98-162. 
 Discussion of — 98-162. 
 Amendment of — 160. 
 Final Action on — 284-291. 
 Referendum on — 291-293, 296, 297. 
 Final Form of, Appendix — 310-314. 
 Conventions, National — 145-148. 
 Credentials — 
 Committee on. Election of — 13, 14. 
 Report of Committee — 15, 16, 17. 
 Supplementary Reports — 42-51, 54, 97. 
 Discharge of Committee — 277. 
 Cross, Ira B.— 17, 70, 84, 163, 189, 190, 
 
 191, 214, 237. 
 Curtis, A. P. Byron — 16, 63, 113, 214. 
 
 D 
 
 Daily Call, Resolutions on Neiv York — 
 168. 
 
 Dnlton, William— 16, 32, 39, 77, 86, 89, 
 91, 93, 94, 96, 129, 139, 145, 146, 
 155, 168, 176, 180, 18s, 239, 240, 242, 
 245, 246, 265, 27s, 293, 295, 298. 
 
 Debs, Eugene V.— 16, 37, 39, 75, 2i4, 
 220, 221, 222, 223, 249, 254-256, 279, 
 280, 
 
 Debski, A. — ^43, 45. 
 
 Delegates, List of, 16, Appendix — 301- 
 
 305- 
 Delegates to International Congress — 
 
 229-236, 297, 298. 
 Deutzman, Charles P. — 14, 16, 31, 39, 
 
 41, 51, 89, 94, 170, 175, 214, 283. 
 Dilno, Fred. — 16, 36, 39, 41, 97, 140, 206, 
 
 214, 223, 248, 288. 
 
 Dobbs, Charles — 13, 16, 17, 38, 40, 41, 
 51, 54, 62, 79, 80, 118, 168, 187, 214, 
 
 215, 238, 279. 
 
 Dressier, Gustave — 16, 40, 214. 
 Dues to the National Organizer — 154- 
 159. 
 
 Eisner, Richard — 16. 
 Ehret, William — 16, 214. 
 
 Farrell, Daniel P. — 16, 36, 39, 40, 51, 
 72, 81, 113, 170, 174, 181, 184, 185, 
 186, 199, 214. 
 
 Financial Statement of National Sec- 
 retary — 61, 62. 
 
 Flanagan, Peter J. — 16, 214. 
 
 Floaten, A. H. — 14, 16, 39, 41, 42, 45, 
 97, 103, 121, 127, 143, 214. 221, 238, 
 262, 
 
 Forbes, Innes — 16, 214. 
 
 Ford, Edwin B. — 16, 214, 215, 239, 240, 
 242, 243. 
 
 Foreign-Speaking Organization — 
 Committee on — 45-54. 
 Report of Committee — 281-283. 
 
 Gaghardi, Frank — 214. 
 
 Garver, William L. — 14, 16, 167, 214. 
 
 Gaylord, Winfield R. — 14, 16, 20, 21, 22 
 
 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 35, 38, 39, 41 
 
 42, 45, 46, 81, 144, 152, 156, 157 
 
 161, 162, 187, 201, 202, 212, 213, 214. 
 
 231, 233, 238, 241, 270, 281, 282, 286. 
 
 289, 290, 296, 298. 
 Gerber, Julius — 16, 29, 31, 33, 37, 38, 40, 
 
 152, 214. 
 Germany, Cablegram from — 54. 
 Germany, Cablegram to — 62. 
 Gibbs, Howard A. — 16, 39, 41, 51, 100, 
 
 loi, 102, 145, 147, 191, 192, 193, 214. 
 Gilbertson, A, N. — 16, 214. 
 Glanz, William — 16, 41, 51, 100, 156, 
 
 214. 
 Goazion, Louis — 16, 32, 39, 40, 104, 135, 
 
 136, 144, 176, igo, 214. 235, 269, 
 
 270. 
 Goss, Martin — 16, 100, 160, 214. 
 
Index. 
 
 333 
 
 Gridlcy, A. T., Case of Delegate — 42, 
 
 . 43, 44. 46, SO, 106. 
 Gritschke, O., Telegram from — 15. 
 
 H 
 
 Hagerty, T, J.— 43, 44, 45. 
 
 Halm and Goeller, Telegram from — 32. 
 
 Hanford, Ben — 16, 28, 33, 27, 39, 41, 51, 
 54, 65, 187, 204, 205, 214, 222, 223- 
 226, 280, 288, 291, 296. 
 
 Harrack, A. — 16. 
 
 Hawkins, J. W. — 16, 49, 180, 214, 267. 
 
 Hayes, Max S. — 14, 16, ig, 38, 39, 40, 
 41, S;, 52, 65, 70, 75, 76, 78, 79, 84, 
 173, 174, 183, 184, 189, 190, 206, 212, 
 214, 221, 231, 232, 235, 236, 238, 
 265, 274, 283, 284, 288, 290, 291, 298, 
 299. 
 
 Hayes, Roy — 16, 38, 97, 214, 238. 
 
 Hayman, Alexander — 16, 38, 46, 214. 
 
 Hazlett, Ida Crouch — 16, 39, 41, 139, 
 151, iSS, 214, 223, 23s, 236, 259, 263, 
 264, 287, 293. 
 
 Headquarters, Location of — 160. 
 
 Heath, Frederick — 54, 97, 214. 
 
 Helfenstein, Edgar — 15. 
 
 Herron, George D. — 16, 37, 38, 39, 40, 
 41, 214, 215, 218, 219, 220, 226, 228, 
 233, 23s, 236, 238, 239, 253, 254, 272, 
 27s, 278, 279. 
 
 Heydrick, Charles — 16, 20, 39, 41, 100, 
 214, 257. 
 
 Hibbard, A. A., Telegram from — 75. 
 
 Hillquit, Morris — 16, 20, 24, 33, 37, 38, 
 40. 78, 81, 97, 98-162 (as Chair- 
 man of Committee on Constitu- 
 tion), — 169, 187, igo, 212, 214. 215, 
 219, 221, 222, 229, 230, 231, 23s, 237, 
 239, 242, 243, 262, 263, 264, 268, 
 269, 270, 271, 273f 274, 275, 282, 
 284, 286, 291, 292, 29s, 297, 298. 
 
 Hirt, John — 40, 214. 
 
 Hoehn, G. H. — 16, 27, 37, 39, 40, 41, 51, 
 66, ■/&, 79, 91, no, 160, 176, 177, 189, 
 igo, 214, 233. 236. 
 
 Hollcnberger, Matt.— 16, 40, 51, 120, 
 142, 14s, 2T4, 287. 
 
 Holman. S. M.— 16, 38, 40, 214. 
 
 Hudson County, N. J., Telegram from 
 —32. 
 
 Hunger, Jacob — 16, 41, 51, 176. 214. 
 
 Hyland, P. J.— 16, 39, 214, 286. 
 
 I 
 
 Immediate Demands ; Resolution from 
 
 Denver — 238. 
 Tnderelst, William. Telegram from— 32. 
 Initiative and Referendum^iSg. 
 International Secretary, Report of — 226- 
 
 228. 
 
 International Sociali'it Bureau — 
 Report of — 226-i'28. 
 Support to — 228, 229. 
 Election of Delegates to — 229-236. 
 Credentials for Delegates to — 297, 298. 
 
 J 
 
 Jacobsen, John J. — 16, 35, 38, 40, 41, 51. 
 
 54, 124, 143, 214, 294. 
 Johnson, Carrie L. — 16, 33, 40, 164, 172, 
 
 214, 294. 
 Jonas, Alexander — 16, 37, 38, 40, 54, 75, 
 
 76, yy, 80, 106, ig6, 214, 218, 250, 
 
 253- 
 
 K 
 
 Kalinsky, William, Telegram from — 32. 
 
 Katayama, Sen J. — '2^. 
 
 Keihn, Charles, as International Dele- 
 gate, Credentials to — 298. 
 
 Keller, Paul — 16, 214. 
 
 Kelly, John J. — 16, 39, 41, 52,. 214. 
 
 Keown, J. A. — 16, 17, 38, 39, 49, 105, 
 106, 166, 171, 174, 179, 214. 
 
 Kerrigan, John — 16, 18, 19, 25, 27, 28, 
 38, 40, 69, 113, 116, 127, 130, 136, 
 153, 164, 173, 174, 177, 185, 188, 189, 
 214, 228, 231, 236, 240, 256, 278. 
 
 Klein, Nicholas — 16, 32, 38, 39, 41, 97. 
 
 Knowles, Freeman — 16, 3g, 41, 131, 214. 
 
 Kolachney, James V.^— 16, 105, 214, 238. 
 
 Kraybill, Luella R. — 16, 38, 39, 41, 42, 
 51, 194, 214, 263. 
 
 Kronenberg, Carl — 14, 16, 38, 214. 
 
 Kuntz, Frank — 54. 
 
 Lamb, Clayton J. — 16, 37, 38, 40, 131 
 134, 182, 183, 190, 214, 235, 236. 
 
 Langworthy, R. O. — 16, 39, 41, 51, 145 
 214, 275, 282. 
 
 Latham, Ernest B. — 16, 39, 41, 45. 214 
 
 Lecture Bureau, National — 139-143. 
 
 Lee, Algernon— 14, 15, 16, 17, 37, 38, 
 39, 41, 42-51 (as Cliairman of Com- 
 mittee on Credentials), — 54, yy, 78 
 78, 214, 282. 
 
 Le Fevre, Dr. Wells — 16, 38, 45, 113 
 214. 
 
 Leonard, George B.— 37, 39, 40, 51, 54 
 66, 70, 214. 
 
 Liedertafel Freiheit — 15. 
 
 Lipscomb, Caleb — 16, 39, 41, 214. 
 
 Liss, J.— 43, 45- 
 
 Literature Bureau, National — 143, 144 
 
 T4S- 
 Local Quorum — 
 Report of — 62. 
 Discharge of Committee on — 27;. 
 
334 
 
 Index 
 
 Loudermills, A. S. — 16, 39, 41, 214. 
 
 Lovett, Samuel — 15. 
 
 Lucas, ThoHias H. — 16, 38, 72, 88, 168, 
 
 171, 185, 186, 213, 214, 242, 256. 
 Lund, O.- — 16, 38, 40, 89, 214. 
 
 M 
 
 Mahoney, Cornelius — 16, 94, 214, 299. 
 
 Mailly, William — 13, 16, 31, 37, 39, 40, 
 41, so, SI, S4-61, 62, 71, 74, 82, 100, 
 los, 106, 108, n6, 117, 127, 130, 
 132, 136, 137, 138, 146, 147, 148, 150, 
 187, 210, 214, 23s, 236, 238, 279, 280, 
 286, 288, 289, 294, 29i8, 299. 
 
 Mance, A. W. — 16, 79. 
 
 Markert — 16, 214. 
 
 Marriage, Resolution on — 294. 
 
 Marseillaise, Singing of — 13, 300. 
 
 Martin, Qiarles R. — 294. 
 
 Maurer, James M. — 16, 41, si, 206,* 207, 
 208, 214, 241. 
 
 Mayell, Alfred A. — 42. 
 
 McEachern, Duncan B. — 16, 167, 180, 
 214. 
 
 McFarlan, James H. — 14, 16, 38, 40. 
 
 McGrady, Thomas — 16, 38, 214. 
 
 McKee, Harry M.— 16, 38, 40, 54, 89, 
 116, 214. 
 
 Membership, Qualifications for — 99. 
 
 Menton, John A. — 16, 30, 37, 38, 41, 51, 
 129, 214, 23s. 
 
 Meyer, Theo. — 16, 27, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 
 62, 68, 127, 128, 131, 142, 143, 144, 
 159, 162, 21S, 26s, 268, 272, 273, 275, 
 276, 277. 
 
 Miiller, Guy E. — 16, 24, 25, 26, 35, 37, 
 38, 40, SI, 75, 76, 90, 120, 128, 131, 
 
 153, 202, 213, 214, 235, 2S6, 261, 262, 
 279. 
 
 Miills, Walter Tliomas — 16, 23, 38, 39, 
 40, 44, 48, SI, 67, 68, 69, 70, 95, 
 96, 97, 98, 99, 107, III, 112, 124, 
 141, IS7, 158, 186, 214, 242, 253, 2s6. 
 270, 273, 274, 28s, 286, 294, 295, 296, 
 
 Monessen, Pa., Telegram from — 32. 
 
 Moore, Edward — 16, 39, 41, Si, 52, 214. 
 
 Morgan, Thos. J. — 16, 19, 40, 70, 97, 
 120, 136, 162, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 
 189, 190, 214. 
 
 Municipal Prograrii — 
 Discussion of Committee on — 22-26. 
 Report of Committee on — 97. 
 (See also State and Municipal Pro- 
 gram.) 
 
 ^'[urray, James S. — 16, 214. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nagel, Adam — 16, 32, 38, 39, 41, si. 63, 
 76, 80, 87, 93, no, 113, 116, 146, 151, 
 
 154. 165, 214, 218, 238. 
 
 Name of Socialist Party — 98. 
 National Committee — 
 
 Representation on — 112, 113. 
 
 Meetings of — 114. 
 
 Duties and Powers of — 116, 117. 
 National Committeemen — 
 
 Method of Electing — 113, 114. 
 
 Complete List of — Appendix, 325. 
 National Executive Committee — 
 
 How" Composed and Elected — 121-127. 
 
 Reports of — 127, 128. 
 National Lecture Bureau — 139-143. 
 National Literature Bureau — 143-145. 
 National Secretary — 
 
 Report of — 54-61. 
 
 Financial Statement of — 61, 62. 
 
 Salary of — 129-137. 
 
 Duties of — 138. 
 Neal, W. S.— 16. 
 Newman — 214. 
 
 New York Socialist Literary Society, 
 Telegram from — 32. 
 
 O. 
 
 Odalski, S.— 43, 45. > 
 
 Office-Holders, Admission of, to Party 
 
 —105. 
 O'Malley, Malcolm G.— 38, 42, lis, 116, 
 
 212, 214. 
 Oneal, James — 16, 30, 31, 37, 39, 41, 151, 
 
 153, 214, 223. 
 Order of Business in Convention — 29, 32. 
 Oswald, Walter L. — 16, 38, 40, 99, 214, 
 
 231. 
 Ott, Frederick W. — 54, 121, 123, 124, 
 
 125, 177, 178, 189, 190, 214, 21S. 
 
 274. 
 Outram, Alfred B. — 16, 38, 40, 67, 214. 
 
 Palmer, T. E. — 16, 40, 41, si, 214. 
 Parks, W. R. — 16, 18, 26, 27, 45, 50, 52, 
 
 69, 71, 81, 84, 94, 112, 126, 127, I.:14, 
 147, 151, 188, 191, 196, 213, 214, 215, 
 239, 241, 242, 247, 248, 249, 27s, 290, 
 292, 293, 299. 
 
 Party Organ, Official — 85-96, 1 18-120. 
 Patton, John J. — 16, 38, 39, 41, 116, 187, 
 
 214. 215. 
 Penrose, William — 14, 16, 38, 214. 
 Phelan, J. E. — 16, 19, 20, 37, 38, 39, 68, 
 
 70, 84, 85, 119, 126, 127, 139, 141, 
 203, 209, 214, 235, 274, 27s, 296. 
 
 Plate Matter, Socialist — 163, 164. 
 Platform, National, of the Socialist 
 
 Party— 
 . Committee on. Nominations for — 37. 
 ,38. 
 Committee Elected — 39. 
 Report of Committee— (53, 215-218, 277. 
 
Index 
 
 335 
 
 Discharge of Committee — 278. 
 Referendum on — 293. 
 Resolution on Printing of — 299. 
 Platform as Adopted — Appendix, 306- 
 309- 
 Polish Socialist Alliance — 43, 45. 
 (See also Foreign-Speaking Organiza- 
 tion.) 
 Potter, O. C. — 16, 214. 
 Press, Capitalist, Party Officials on — 
 
 276. 
 Press Committee — 
 Appointed — 40, 52. 
 Report of — 84, 85, 98, 163, 164. 
 Discussion of Report — 85-97. 
 Press, Socialist and Trades Union — Ap- 
 pendix, 329, 330. 
 Proebstle Joseph, Telegram from — 32. 
 Program — 
 Municipal, Discussion on — 22-26. 
 Committee on State and Municipal — 
 Nominations for — 39. 
 Election of — 41, 52. 
 Report of — 63, 239. 
 Debate on Report of — 241-254, 256- 
 276. 
 State and Municipal, As Referred — 
 Appendix, 315-320. 
 Protest against J. Stitt Wilson— 15. 
 Putnam, Wilbur — 16, 39, 41, 214. 
 
 R. 
 
 Raible, Hugh J.— 16, 39, 214. 
 Randall, Charles— 43, 50, 51. 
 Rathbun, John H.— 16, 39, 41, 21^. 
 Referendum, National Party — 148-151. 
 Referendum on Constitution — 291, 296, 
 
 297. 
 Referendum on Platform — 293. 
 Regulation of Speakers, Resolution 
 
 on-^4, 65, 170 — Appendix, 323. 
 Reilly, James M.— 41, 214, 233, 263, 298. 
 Reno, Nevada, Telegram from — 75. 
 Renshaw, Achilles W.— 16, 42, 214. 
 Reports of — 
 
 Committee, Auditing — 279. 
 
 Committee on Credentials— IS, 16. i7> 
 
 42-51, 54, 97- . , 
 
 Committee on Constitution— 81, 90- 
 
 162. 
 Committee on Foreign- Speaking Or- 
 ganization — 281-283. 
 Committee on Press— 84, 85, 98, 163, 
 
 164. 
 Committee on Platform— 63, 215-218, 
 
 277. 
 Committee on Resolutions — 64-66, 165- 
 
 17s, 276-277. 
 Committee on Rules— 20-37. 
 Committee on State and Municipal 
 
 Program — 63, 239. 
 
 Committee on Trades Union Resolu- 
 lutions — 75-76, 175-176, 206, 283, 
 284. 
 Committee on Ways and Means — 278. 
 International Secretary — 226-228. 
 Local Quorum — 62. 
 National Secretary — 54-62. 
 Resolutions on — 
 
 Army and Militia, Propagating So- 
 cialism in — 277. 
 Caucuses, Secret — 167, 168. 
 Colorado Outrages — 165-167. 
 Compensation of Speakers and Or- 
 ganizers, 64, 65, 170. 
 Daily Call, Neiv For/e— 168. 
 Immediate Demands (Denver) — 238, 
 
 239- 
 International Delegate — 229, 230. 
 Marriage — 294. 
 
 National Campaign Fund — 279. 
 Press, Capitalistic, Party Officials on 
 
 (State of Washington) — 276. 
 Press, Party — 84-96. 
 Regulation of Speakers — 65, 170. 
 Russo-Japanese War — 66, 169, 170. 
 Belonging to Non-Socialist Party Or- 
 ganizations (San Francisco) — 65, 
 276. 
 Trades Union — y6, 175, 176. Substi- 
 tutes for — 177, 178, 201. 
 Unattached Socialists — 299. 
 As Adopted by Convention — Appen- 
 dix, 322-324. 
 Resolutions Committee — 
 Nominations ,for — 39. 
 Elected — 41, 52. 
 Report of Committee — 63-66, 165- 
 
 175, 276, 277. 
 Discharge of Committee — 277. 
 Reynolds, Stephen M. — 39, 41, 42, 52, 
 
 62, 63, 214, 235, 277. 
 Richardson, N. A. — 13, 14, 16, 31, 37, 
 38, 39, 40, 44, 45, SO, 54, 62, 80, 97, 
 99, 152, 166, 188, 214, 223, 284, 285, 
 291, 292. 
 Ricker, H. W.— 62. 
 Ringler, Robert B. — 16, 214. 
 Robbins, Sam — 14, 16, 21,- 37, 157, 214. 
 Robinson, T. L. — 29, 39, 40, 41, 51, 74. 
 81, 98, 138, 139, 211, 214, 235, 236, 
 286: 
 Rockefeller, John D. — 40. 
 Roll Call, Rule on — 33, 34, 35. 
 Roll Call on Trades Union Resolutions 
 
 —214. 
 Rose, Sunnier W. — 14, 27, 38, 70, 78. 
 86, T13, iig, 139. 140, 141, 151, 187, 
 214, 242, 252, 298. 
 Rubniow, l)avid — 16, 40, 214. 
 Rules of Convention — 
 Committee on — 14. 
 
336 
 
 Index 
 
 Report of Committee — 20-37. 
 Minority Report of Committee — 21. 
 Discussion on — 22-37. 
 As Adopted — Appendix, 321. 
 Russo-Japanese War, Resolutions on- 
 66, 169, 170 — Appendix, 323. 
 
 San Francisco Resolution on Press — 
 
 84-96. 
 Saunders — 80, 144, 146, 147, 159, 162. 
 Schlueter, Herman F., as International 
 
 Delegate, Credentials to — 297, 298. 
 Secretaries, State — Appendix, 326. 
 Seidel, Emil — 54, 127, 128, 214. 
 Selecting Time for Nominations — 66. 
 Sergeants-at-Arms — 15, 26. 
 Sessions — 
 First Day — 13-23. 
 
 Morning — i, 2. 
 
 Afternoon — 2-23. 
 Second Day — 24-53. 
 
 Morning — 24-32. 
 
 Afternoon — 32-53. 
 Third Day-^54-g6. 
 
 Afternoon — 54-80. 
 
 Evening — 80-96. 
 Fourth Day — 97-186. 
 
 Morning — 97-118. 
 
 Afternoon— 1 18-163. 
 
 Evening — 163-186. 
 Fifth Day— 187-237. 
 
 Morning — 187-210. 
 
 Afternoon — 210-237. 
 Sixth Day— 238-300. 
 
 Morning — 238-256. 
 
 Afternoon — 256-300. 
 Sieverman, Frank— 14, 16, 29, 31, 32, 36, 
 
 38, 41, 46, SI, 69. 7i> l(>, 81, 82, 97, 
 
 118, 136, 181, 18s, 187, 188, 190, 214, 
 
 223, 240, 265, 280, 284, 285, 286, 288, 
 
 290. 
 Simons, A. M.— 16, 23, 34, 37, 38, 39, 
 
 40, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 94, 95, 96, 107, 
 
 108, 112, 113, 120, 126, 141, 159, 163, 
 
 164, 169, 214, 235, 237, 239, 242, 265, 
 
 267, 270, 276, 290. 
 Simons, May Wood— 235, 236, 237. 
 Singing Society, Socialist — 13, 15. 
 Slobodin, Henry L.— 14, 16, 21, 28, 36, 
 
 38, 39, 40, 41, dz, 64, 66, 67, 70, 71, 
 
 73, 75, 81, 94, 138, 169, 172, 173, 
 
 174, 187, 188, 202, 213, 2)'4, 215, 249, 
 
 265, 266, 267, 286, 287. 
 Smith, Duncan M.— 16, 40, 63, 83, 85, 
 
 91, 92, 93, 122, 214, 299. 
 
 Smith, Irene— 16, 18, 7!^. 39, 41, 90, 94, 
 95, 97, no, 143, i-|0, 150, 176, yS, 
 187, 190, 209, 213, 214, 237, 242, 243, 
 280, 287, 297. 
 
 Smith, James S. — 15, 16, 39, 40, 214, 
 23s, 236, 281, 282. 
 
 Snyder, J. E.— 16, 38, 39, 54, 214. 
 
 South Dakota Delegate, Case in Re- 
 spect to — 15. 
 
 Southworth, R. A. — 16, 38, 39, 4-1, 52, 
 
 68, 6g, 74, 149, 187, 214. 
 
 Spargo, John— 16, 20, 26, 33, 34, 35, 38, 
 39, 41, 42, 45, 48, SI, 63, 64-66, (as 
 Chairman of Res. Corn.), — 74J T], 
 79, 91, 92, 106, 113, 134, 13s, 148, 
 158, 165-175 (as Chairman of 
 Res. Com.), — 185, 186, 190, 209, 210, 
 211, 213, 214, 215, 228, 232, 235, 237, 
 263, 264, 276, 277, 287, 288, 290, 293. 
 Speakers and Organizers, Resolutions 
 
 on — 64, 65, 170. 
 Spears, W. Harry — 26, 83, 132, 140, 141, 
 144, 148, 162, 176, 177, 203, 204, 214, 
 273, 274, 27s, 283, 287, 290. 
 Speech of A'-~"p'ance by Debs — 254, 
 
 ass- 
 Speech of Acreplance by Hanford — 223- 
 
 226. 
 Spence, J. M, A. — 16, 37, 39, 41, 52, 76, 
 
 77, /S, 214. 
 Stanton, W. A.— 13, 15, 16, 17, 214. 
 Debate Concerning Committee — 24. 
 Rule .' dopted Concerning Commit- 
 tee -26. 
 Committee on, Nominations for — 39. 
 Committee Elected — 41, 52. 
 Report of Committee — 63, 239. 
 State and Municipal Program — 
 Debate on Report — 241-254, 256-276. 
 Form of Program, as ordered sent to 
 National Committee — Appendix, 
 316-320. 
 Stedman, Seymour — 14, 16, 19, 21, 23, 
 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 45. 46, 51, 
 52, 63, 81, 83, 84, 122, 140, 154, 157, 
 160, 161, 162, 171, 187, 203, 213, 214. 
 219, 221, 228, 229, 237, 238, 257, 264, 
 268, 270, 288, 289, 298, 299. 
 Stockell, C. H. — 40, 54, 214. 
 Stonington, Conn., Telegram from — 32. 
 Strickland, Frederick G. — 54, 292, 293, 
 
 297, 300. 
 Strobell, G. H.— 16, 34, 37, 39, 40, 41, 98, 
 150, 164, 214. 
 
 T. 
 
 Taft, M. H. — 14, 16, 19, 20, 21, 24, 37, 
 
 69, 72, 74, 82, 84, 99, 123, 143, 189, 
 218, 240, 241, 275. 
 
 Telegrams — 14, 15, 32, 54, 62, 75. 
 Thams, Tonne.s — 16, 121, 124, 144, 267. 
 Thomas, E. H. — 16, 39, 214. 
 Time of Speakers Limited — 26, 27, 28, 29. 
 
Inde: 
 
 337 
 
 Titus, Herman F.— 14, 16, 37, 39, 43, 
 46, III, ii6, 117, 131, 134, 13s, .137, 
 149, ISO, 211, 214, 221, 226, 234, 23s, 
 238, 259, 267, 269, 276, 277, 288, 289, 
 290, 291, 292, 293. 
 Toole, William A. — 16, 41, 49, 51, 85, 
 86, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, loi, 
 105, 118, 119, 120, 135, 136, 148, 150, 
 151, 181, 187, 194, 201, 214, 237, 253. 
 Toomey, Ernest — 16, 83, 147, 168, 214. 
 Trades Union Resolutions — 
 
 Discussion of Committee on — 35, 36. 
 Committee on, Nominations for — 40, 
 
 41- 
 Committee Elected — 51. 
 Report of Committee — 75, 76, 17s, 176, 
 
 206. 
 Discussion of Report — 76-80, 175-213. 
 Report of Resolutions Committee on 
 
 —172-175. 
 Substitutes for — 177, 178, 201. 
 Roll Call on — 214. 
 Supplementary Report of Committee 
 
 — 283, 284. 
 Discharge of Committee — 284. 
 As Adopted by Convention — Appen- 
 dix, 324. 
 Triller, A. A.— 294. 
 
 Turner, George H. — 16, 27, 28, 29, 31, 
 37, 38, 40, 41, SI, 214. 
 U. 
 U.fert, Charles — 16, 38, 39, loi, 102, 128, 
 
 214, 261. 
 Ufert, Ferdinand, Telegram from — 32. 
 Untermann, Ernest — 16, 18, 39, 42, 46, 
 16s, 166, 214, 23s, 237, 239, 241, 242, 
 243, 247, 248, 249, 250, 269, 271, 272, 
 276, 277. 
 Utah Case— 43, 44, 5°, 5i- 
 
 V. 
 Vote, Socialist, of the United States— 
 
 Appendi.x, 327. 
 Vote, Socialist, of the World- Appen- 
 dix, 328. 
 
 W. 
 Waldhorst, F. X.— 16, 17, 3°, 3S, 38, 46, 
 50, 67, 68, 95, 98, 102, 104, 127, 153, 
 160, 214, 234, 258, 299. 
 
 Walsh, John H.— 39, 40, 42, 51, 87, 209, 
 
 214, 242, 267, 268, 284, 288, 289. 
 Walter, William E.— 51. 
 Washington, D. C. — Telegram from — 32. 
 Wayland, J. A.— 86, 93. 
 Ways and Means — 
 
 Committee on. Nominations for — 40. 
 Committee Elected — 40. 
 Report of Committee — 278. 
 Discharge of Committee — 279. 
 Weaver, Herman B. — 16, 141, 214, 270, 
 
 290, 295. 
 Weber, F. J.— 16. 
 Webster, Warner L.— 16, 38, 39, 41, Si, 
 
 76, 80, 81, 87, 92, 93, 97, 98, 104, 105, 
 
 113, 130, 131, 138, 139, 148, 149, 150, 
 
 162, 170, 183, 193, 214, 239, 252, 268, 
 
 269, 270. 
 Wegener, Otto — 16, 214. 
 Wessling, H. W.— 16, 120, 152, 214. 
 White, Dan A.— 14, 16, 33, 35, 37, 4°, 
 
 51, 66, 67, 70, 72, 73, 76, 98, loi, 119, 
 
 187, 214. 
 Whitelatch, William T.— 39, 42, 214. 
 Wilkins, Bertha S.— 16, 123, 179, 195, 
 
 196, 214, 247, 250, 29s. 
 Wilkins, M. W.— IS, 16, 37, 38, 39, 63, 
 
 97, 168, 187, 214, 221, 238, 241, 268, 
 
 293- 
 Will, Thomas E.— 14, 16, 27, 28, 37, 38, 
 
 39, loi, 104, III, 214, 221, 239, 262. 
 Willey, Charles E. — 16, 214. 
 Wilshire, Gaylord — 16. 
 Wilson, J. Stitt— 15, 16, 17, 38, 39, 41, 
 
 103, 144, 214, 235, 236. 
 Woodbey, George W.— 16, 24, 34, 39, 
 
 45, 47, 73, 74, 132, i39, 141, 142, 148, 
 
 149, 152, 169, 214, 275, 295, 296, 297. 
 Work, John M.— 14, 16, 20, 30, 31, 38, 
 
 39, 42, 62, 214, 235, 260. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Young, W. C— 16, 38, 40, 104, 105, 2T4. 
 Young, Sylvester L. V.— 16, 129, 136, 
 137, 214, 293. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zorn, Julius— 38, 78, 103, 126, 214.