K ^ QJorn^U Ham Btl^aal Hihtary 1948 Memnrtal <|itft of tlfe g-tubenta of tlje (UorttcU ffiaui grljonl K 462.V39°192"l""'"""''-""'^ The formal bases of law. 3 1924 017 857 370 DATE DUE ^&!^e^ 1 GAYLORD PRINTED IN U.SA Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924017857370 THE MODERN LEGAL PHILOSOPHY SERIES The Formal Bases of Law THE MODERN LEGAL PHILOSOPHY SERIES Edited by a Committee of the ASSOCIATION OF AMERICAN LAW SCHOOLS INTRODUCTION TO THE SCIENCE OF LAW. By Karl Gareis of the University of Munich. Translated by Albert KocouREK of Northwestern University. THE WORLD'S LEGAL PHILOSOPHIES. By Fritz Berolz- HEIMER of Berlin. Translated by Rachel S. Jastrow. COMPARATIVE LEGAL PHILOSOPHY, applied to Legal Institutions. By LuiGl Miraglia of the University of Naples. Translated by John Lisle of the Philadelphia Bar. GENERAL THEORY OF LAW. By N. M. Korkunov of the University of St. Petersburg. Translated by W. G. Hastings of the University of Nebraska. LAW AS A MEANS TO AN END. By Rudolf von Ihering of the University of Berlin. Translated by Isaac Husik of the University of Pennsylvania. MODERN FRENCH LEGAL PHILOSOPHY. By A. Fouillee, J. Charmont, L. Duguit and R. Demogue of the Uni- versities of Paris, Montpellier, Bordeaux and Lille. Trans- lated by Mrs. F. W. Scott and Joseph P. Chamberlain. SCIENCE OF LEGAL METHOD, SELECT ESSAYS. By Various Writers. THE FORMAL BASES OF LAW. By G. Del Vecchio of the University of Bologna. Translated by John Lisle of the Philadelphia Bar. THE PHILOSOPHY OF LAW. By Josef Kohler of the Uni- versity of Berlin. Translated by Adalbert Albrecht. THE FORMAL BASES OF LAW BY GIORGIO DEL VECCHIO Professor of Philosophy of Law in tfieUniversity of Bologna TRANSLATED BY JOHN LISLE of the Philadelphia Bar WITH AN EDITORIAL PREFACE BY JOSEPH H. DRAKE Professor of Law in the University of Michigan AND WITh INTRODUCTIONS BY SIR JOHN MACDONELL Professor of Comparative Law in University College, London AND SHEPARD BARCLAY Former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Missouri THE MAGMILLAN COMPANY 1921 All rights reserved Copyright, 1914 By the boston book company 01.Q7 EDITORIAL COMMITTEE OF THE ASSOCIATION OF AMERICAN LAW SCHOOLS Joseph H. Drake, Professor of Law, University of Michigan. Albert Kocourek, Professor of Jurisprudence, Northwestern University. Ernest G. Lorenzen, Professor of Law, University of Wisconsin. Floyd R. Mechem, Professor of University of Chicago. Roscoe Pound, Professor of Law, Harvard University. Arthur W. Spencer, Brookline, Mass. John H. Wigmore, Chairman, Professor of Law, Northwestern University. LIST OF TRANSLATORS Adalbert Albrecht, North Easton, Mass. (Associate Editor of the Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology). Ernest BruNCKEN, Washington, D. C. (Library of Congress). Joseph P. Chamberlain, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. William G. Hastings, Lincoln, Neb. (Dean of the Faculty of Law, State University). Robert L. Henry, Jr., Grand Forks, N. D. (Professor of Law in the State University). Isaac Husik, Philadelphia, Pa. (Lecturer of Philosophy in the University of Pennsylvania). Mrs. Rachel Szold Jastrow, Madison, Wis. Albert Kocourek, Chicago, 111. (of the Editorial Committee). John Lisle, Philadelphia, Pa. (of the Philadelphia Bar). Mrs. Ethel Forbes Scott, State University, Urbana, 111. GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE SERIES By the Editorial Committee "Until either philosophers become kings," said Soc- rates, "or kings philosophers, States will never succeed in remedying their shortcomings." And if he was loath to give forth this view, because, as he admitted, it might "sink him beneath the waters of laughter and ridicule," so to-day among us it would doubtless resound in folly if we sought to apply it again in our own field of State life, and to assert that philosophers must be- come lawyers or lawyers philosophers, if our law is ever to be advanced into its perfect working. And yet there is hope, as there is need, among us to-day, of some such transformation. Of course, history shows that there always have been cycles of legal progress, and that they have often been heralded and guided by philosophies. But particularly there is hope that our own people may be the generation now about to exem- plify this. There are several reasons for thinking our people apt thereto. But, without delaying over the grounds for such speculations, let us recall that as shrewd and good-natured an observer as DeTocqueville saw this in us. He admits that "in most of the operations of the mind, each American appeals to the individual exer- cise of his own understanding alone; therefore in no country in the civilized world is less attention paid to philosophy than in the United States." But, he adds, "the Americans are much more addicted to the use of general ideas than the English, and entertain a much vi GENERAL INTRODUCTION greater relish for them." And since philosophy is, after all, only the science of general ideas — analyzing, restating, and reconstructing concrete experience — we may well trust that (if ever we do go at it with a will) we shall discover in ourselves a taste and high capacity for it, and shall direct our powers as fruitfully upon law as we have done upon other fields. Hitherto, to be sure, our own outlook on juristic learning has been insular. The value of the study of comparative law has only in recent years come to be recognized by us. Our juristic methods are still primi- tive, in that we seek to know only by our own experi- ence, and pay no heed to the experience of others. Our historic bond with English law alone, and our con- sequent lack of recognition of the universal character of law as a generic institution, have prevented any wide contact with foreign literatures. While heedless of external help in the practical matter of legislation, we have been oblivious to the abstract nature of law. Philosophy of law has been to us almost a meaningless and alien phrase. "All philosophers are reducible in the end to two classes only: utilitarians and f utilitari- ans," is the cynical epigram of a great wit of modern fiction.* And no doubt the philistines of our profession would echo this sarcasm. And yet no country and no age have ever been free (whether conscious of the fact or not) from some drift of philosophic thought. "In each epoch of time," says M. Leroy, in a brilliant book of recent years, "there is current a certain type of philosophic doctrine — a phil- osophy deep-seated in each one of us, and observable clearly and consciously in the utterances of the day — alike in novels, newspapers, and speeches, and equally ' M. Dumaresq, in Mr. Paterson's "The Old Dance Master." GENERAL INTRODUCTION vii in town and country, workshop and counting-house." Without some fundamental basis of action, or theory of ends, all legislation and judicial interpretation are reduced to an anarchy of uncertainty. It is like mathe- matics without fundamental definitions and axioms. Amidst such conditions, no legal demonstration can be fixed, even for a moment. Social institutions, instead of being governed by the guidance of an intelligent free will, are thrown back to the blind determinism of the forces manifested in the natural sciences. Even the phenomenon of experimental legislation, which is pecu- liar to Anglo-American countries, cannot successfully ignore the necessity of having social ends. The time is ripe for action in this field. To quote the statement of reasons given in the memorial presented at the annual meeting of the Association of American Law Schools in August, 1910: — The need of the series now proposed is so obvious as hardly to need advocacy. We are on the threshold of a long period of construc- tive readjustment and restatement of our law in almost every depart- ment. We come to the task, as a profession, almost wholly untrained in the technic of legal analysis and legal science in general. Neither we, nor any community, could expect anything but crude results without thorough preparation. Many teachers, and scores of students and practitioners, must first have become thoroughly familiar with the world's methods of juristic thought. As a first preparation for the coming years of that kind of activity, it is the part of wisdom first to familiarize ourselves with what has been done by the great modern thinkers abroad — to catch up with the general state of learning on the subject. After a season of this, we shall breed a family of well-equipped and original thinkers of our own. Our own law must, of course, be worked out ultimately by our own thinkers; but they must first be equipped with the state of learning in the world to date. How far from "unpractical" this field of thought and research really is has been illustrated very recently in the Federal Supreme Court, where the opposing opinions in a great case {Kuhn v. Fair- vili GENERAL INTRODUCTION mont Coal Co.) turned upon the respective conceptions of "law" in the abstract, and where Professor Gray's recent work on "The Nature and Sources of the Law" was quoted, and supplied direct material for judicial decision. Acting upon this memorial, the following resolution was passed at that meeting: — That a committee of five be appointed by the president, to arrange for the translation and publication of a series of continental master- works on jurisprudence and philosophy of law. The committee spent a year in collecting the material. Advice was sought from a score of masters in the leading universities of France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and else- where. The present series is the result of these labors. In the selection of this series, the committee's pur- pose has been, not so much to cover the whole field of modern philosophy of law, as to exhibit faithfully and fairly all the modern viewpoints of any present impor- tance. The older foundation-works of two generations ago are, with some exceptions, already accessible in English translation. But they have been long sup- planted by the products of newer schools of thought which are offered in this series in their latest and most representative form. It is believed that the complete series will represent in compact form a collection of materials whose equal cannot be found at this time in any single foreign literature. The committee has not sought to offer the final solution of any philosophical or juristic problems; nor to follow any preference for any particular theory or school of thought. Its chief purpose has been to present to English readers the most representative views of the most modern writers in jurisprudence and philosophy of law. The series shows a wide geographical represen- tation; but the selection has not been centered on the GENERAL INTRODUCTION ix notion of giving equal recognition to all countries. Primarily, the desire has been to represent the various schools of thought; and, consistently with this, then to represent the different chief countries. This aim, how- ever, has involved little difficulty; for Continental thought has lines of cleavage which make it easy to rep- resent the leading schools and the leading nations at the same time. Germany, for example, is represented in modern thought by a preponderant metaphysical influence. Italy is primarily positivist, with subordinate German and English influences. France in its modern standpoint is largely sociological, while making an effort to assimilate English ideas and customs in its theories of legislation and the administration of justice. Spain, Austria, Switzerland, Hungary, are represented in the Introductions and the shorter essays; but no country other than Germany, Italy, and France is typical of any important theory requiring additions to the scope of the series. To offer here an historical introduction, surveying the various schools of thought and the progress from past to present, was regarded by the committee as unneces- sary. The volumes of Dr. Berolzheimer and Professor Miraglia amply serve this purpose; and the introductory chapter of the latter volume provides a short summary of the history of general philosophy, rapidly placing the reader in touch with the various schools and their standpoints. The series has been so arranged (in the numbered list fronting the title page) as to indicate that order of perusal which will be most suitable for those who desire to master the field progressively and fruitfully. The committee takes great pleasure in acknowledg- ing the important part rendered in the consummation of this project, by the publisher, the authors, and the translators. Without them this series manifestly would have been impossible. X GENERAL INTRODUCTION To the publisher we are grateful for the hearty spon- sorship of a kind of literature which is so important to the advancement of American legal science. And here the Committee desires also to express its indebtedness to Elbert H. Gary, Esq., of New York City, for his ample provision of materials for legal science in the Gary Library of Continental Law (in Northwestern University). In the researches of preparation for this Series, those materials were found indispensable. The authors (or their representatives) have cordially granted the right of English translation, and have shown a friendly interest in promoting our aims. The com- mittee would be assuming too much to thank these learned writers on its own behalf, since the debt is one that we all owe. The severe labor of this undertaking fell upon the translators. It required not only a none too common linguistic skill, but also a wide range of varied learning in fields little travelled. Whatever success may attend and whatever good may follow will in a peculiar way be attributable to the scholarly labors of the several translators. The committee finds special satisfaction in having been able to assemble in a common purpose such an array of talent and learning; and it will feel that its own small contribution to this unified eff'ort has been amply recom- pensed if this series will measurably help to improve and to refine our institutions for the administration of justice. CONTENTS Page 1. General Introduction to the Series v 2. Editorial Preface to this Volume, by Joseph H. Drake . . xvii 3. Introduction by Sir John Macdonell xxix 4. Introduction by Shepard Barclay xxxvii 5. Author's Preface li 6. List of Abbreviations Iv PART I Philosophical Presuppositions of the Idea of Law CHAPTER I Reason and Necessity for a Logical Definition of Law 1 Immediate intuition of law and its insufficiency. The systematizing function of definition. Actual need for a logical treatment of law. CHAPTER II Divergency in Positive Law and the Sceptical Con- clusions BASED Thereon 8 Problems of definition and contradictions in historical data. Sceptic theory. Need of a higher synthesis. CHAPTER III Idea of Natural Law 14 Natural law as shown by conscience and as a philosophical problem. Modern refutation and its value. Distinction of the question of natural law from that of the logical defini- tion of law. xii CONTENTS CHAPTER IV Page Common Elements of Law 21 Uniform and fixed parts in the laws of various peoples. "Jus naturale" and "consensus gentium." Impossibility of logical synthesis on such bases. CHAPTER V Legal Growth 25 The series of historical changes and the study of the laws of alternation. Theory of flux and reflux. Lack of sys- tematic historical unification. CHAPTER VI Connection between Law and Historical Conditions 32 The moulding of law upon circumstance as a political criterion and as a natural fact. Signs of the penetration of this concept into the science of individual and social relations. Idea of historical development. Theory of progress. The German historical school and the scientific explanation of the variety of law. Contemporaneous thought and new confirmation of the historical relativity of law. CHAPTER VII Consequences and Limits of the Relativity of Law 58 Recognition of historical variety and the apparent im- possibility of an unvarying determination of law. Exces- sive relativism and realistic conformity in institutions. Progressive unification of law. Value of this principle "per se" and in the present study. CHAPTER VIII Form and Content of Law. The Position of the Problem in the Theory of Knowledge 68 Logical unity and actual multiplicity. The logical universal as form. The problem of knowledge in its fundamental relations. Criticism and positivism. Meta- physical character of ideas. Fundamental presuppositions in the application of philosophical ideas to law. Logical and actual determination. Concept and ideal. Criticism of deontological definitions. Contents xiii CHAPTER IX Page Value and Significance of the Logical Form of Law 81 Juridical propositions as materializations of the logical form of law. "Quid juris" and "quid jus." Juridical experience and its limit of possibility. CHAPTER X Logical Form of Law Opposed to Juridical Empiri- cism 85 Attitude of different schools in regard to the logical form of law. Classical legal philosophy. Dogmatic historicism. Empirical historicism and the confusion of science and philosophy. Kant and juridical empiricism. Insufficiency of the historical and positive doctrines in respect to philos- ophy of law. Concept of law in the ideology of positivism. Historico-genetic method and its logical basis. Identifica- tion of the datum and function of the formal concept in experience. Empirical recognition of law as an "a poster- iori" proof of the applicability of the concept. Retrospec- tive quality of this research. Logical priority of form. CHAPTER XI Logical Form of Law: Conclusion. Critical and Complementary Notes 107 General logical demands of science and of jurisprudence in particular. Formal character of law and "allegemeine Rechtslehre." Philosophical meaning and objective value of form. Critical delucidations. Concept of law as forma- tive power. Concept and ideal of law. PART II The Concept of Law CHAPTER I Human Acts are Subject to Juridical Criteria 125 Juridical criteria apply to acts. Analysis of acts. Non- applicability of juridical criterion because of a deficiency of the physical or psychical element. xiy CONTENTS CHAPTER II Page iNATURE OF THE JURIDICAL CRITERION 147 Law is external. Law is valuative. Law is bilateral. Juridical and natural law. Law is not force alone. Morals and law. CHAPTER III Imperative Quality of Law 166 Genesis of law. Imperative quality of law. Traditional classification. Imperative, prohibitive and permissive norms. Explicative norms. CHAPTER IV Rights 183 Rights constitute the juridical sphere of the individual. Rights and duties. Juristic capacity. Rights are bilateral. Rights exhibit the potentiality of action. CHAPTER V Law and Coercion 193 All law is coercive. Coercion and compulsion. Ap- parently uncoercive law. Possessor of right and wielder of coercion. CHAPTER VI Law and Interests 207 The object of law. Ihering's definition of law. Rights and utilities. PART III The Concept of Nature and the Principle of Law CHAPTER I Preliminary Considerations 219 Philosophical need of reference to a universal. Philo- sophical doubt and popular certainty. Progressive order Of the grades of knowledge. Reliance on the particular as a prephilosophic stage. Logical condition of scepticism. CONTENTS XV CHAPTER II Page Principle of Causality and Mechanical Conception OF Nature 224 Co-ordination of phenomena according to a causal criterion. "Apriority" of such criterion. Its limits. Com- plementary postulates. Impossibility of ascertaining values by it. "Even the unnatural is natural." Idea of final causes and the physical sciences. Mechanical determinism and the denial of teleology, especially in the doctrine of Spinoza. Universal validity of the principle of causality. CHAPTER III Appreciation of the End and Metaphysical Con- ception OF Nature 238 Teleological interpretation as the complement of causal interpretation. Need of distinction; the fault of the Aris- totelian theory. Intrinsic finality of nature and measure of the naturalness of nature. "Nexus effectivus" and "nexus finalis"; value of the two criteria and their legitimate co- existence. Organism and entelechia. Observations on a Kantian doctrine. Consequence of the appreciation of the end. New idea of the natural. Nature and spirit. CHAPTER IV Primacy of the Ego over Nature and the Founda- tion of Ethics 258 Condition of man in nature. The world as a function of the ego and the logical primacy of knowledge. Objective and subjective orientation. Need of such orientation for ethics. Absolute quality of the person and the supreme norm of ethics. The possibility of the imperative. Double quality of man and the violability of the norm. CHAPTER V Deduction of the Principle of Law 269 Two forms of ethics : morals and law. Logical basis of distinction. Principle of morals. Individual con- science and duty. Principle of law. Autonomy as rule of the relations of groups. Value of such principle in relation to positive law and the logical form of law. xvi CONTENTS CHAPTER VI Page Some Paralogisms Touching the Concept of Nature IN THE Philosophy of Law 277 Uncertainties dominant in this matter. The state of nature and the empirical position of the problem. Natural in the sense of primordial; nature and the birth of things. Logic of the genetic criterion and the inconsequence of the jus-naturalists. Spinoza. Antithesis of the natural and the human. Confusion of primitive and exemplary; the myth of an ideal past in the doctrines of the philosophy of law. Origin and function of this kind of error. CHAPTER Vn Concept of Nature in Some Systems of the Philoso- phy OF Law 295 Preoccupation of the ideal in the consideration of his- torical facts. Regard for the primitive in the study of human nature. Hobbes: his method in the study of the natural. Egoism and the social sense. Empirical motives and the basis of law. Nullity of natural law according to Hobbes. Antithesis between "jus naturale" and "lex naturalis." Critical observations. System of Spinoza. Reduction of law to physical force and incon- sistency of the principle of obligation. Negative signifi- cance of the doctrines of such writers. ' CHAPTER Vni Conclusion. Naturalness of Positive Law and Natural Law 317 Critical solution of the problem. Phenomenal side of law and its hyperphenomenal principle. Legitimacy of the two considerations. Errors of empiricists and jus- naturalists. Natural law as a deontological need and as the goal of historical development. Delucidations and recapitulations. First Appendix. Critique by HANS Reichel 337 Second Appendix. Critique by J. Segond 355 Index < ... 389 EDITORIAL PREFACE TO THIS VOLUME By Joseph H. Drake » I. The Author and the Translator. Giorgio Del Vecchio (born at Bologna, August 26, 1878) studied at the universities of Genoa, Rome and Berlin, obtaining in the University of Genoa his doctor's degree in the philosophy of law. In the year 1903 he was nominated professor of that subject in the University of Ferrara, where he began his teaching with the discourse "Right and Human Personality in the History of Thought." He occupied that chair till the end of 1906, giving also a course of lectures as docent in the University of BolQgna during the years 1905 and 1906. In 1906 he was nominated for the professorate of the philosophy of law in the University of Sassari and remained there until the end of 1909. To this period belong, among others, the dissertation on 'The Phenomenon of War and the Idea of Peace," which was read originally at the University of Sassari as an inaugural address of an academic year. In 1909 Del Vecchio was called to teach in the Uni- versity of Messina, which at that time was being re- established after the fatal earthquake of 1908. He was appointed in the first group of professors who offered themselves for the work of reconstruction, which had at that time a high moral and civil significance. From Messina, Del Vecchio returned finally at the beginning ' Professor of Law in the University of Michigan, and member of the Editorial Committee for this series. xviii EDITORIAL PREFACE of the year 1911. In this year he was nominated profes- sor in the University of Bologna. He began his teaching in this university, where he still teaches, with the dis- course "Upon Positivity as a Quality of Law." Del Vecchio has participated in various international scientific congresses. Among others was the Inter- national Congress of Philosophy at Heidelberg, in the year 1908, reading there an article, "Upon the Con- ception of a Science of Universal Comparative Law." This has been published in Italian, German, French, Spanish, Portuguese and Roumanian. He belonged from the beginning to the "International Vereinigung fur Rechts- und Wirtschaftsphilosophie" of Berlin, and represented Italy in the honorable council of that society. He likewise was a member from the beginning of the "Society of J. J. Rousseau," in Geneva, and he has had similar share in many scientific bodies, e. g., "The Academy of Science of the Institute of Bologna," "The Accademia Peloritana of Messina," and others. He has the title of Professor Honorarius of the University of Ferrara, and is Corresponding Member of the National Committee for the History of the Italian Renaissance. Several of his works have had the purpose, aside from that of translation, of communication to a foreign academy, as for example, the essay "Upon the Theory of the Social Contract" which was presented by the philosopher Emile Boutroux to the Institute of France (Acaddmie des Sciences Morales et Politiques) at the sitting of July 20, 1907. The translation presented in this volume in three parts was published in Italian in three separate volumes: the first appearing in 1905, under the title of "The Philo- sophical Presuppositions of the Idea of Law" ; the second, in 1906, under the title of "The Concept of Law"; the third, in 1908, under the title of "The Concept of Nature EDITORIAL PREFACE xix and the Principle of Law." "The Formal Bases of Law" has been chosen as the title for these combined volumes which form one connected work.^ ' The other published works of the author are: 1. "L'evoluzione dell' ospitalitS," (in "Rivista italiana di Sociolo- gia," A. VI, Fasc. II-III). Roma, 1902. 2. Giordano Bruno (in "Rivista ligure," A. XXIV, Fasc. III). Genova, 1902. 3. "II sentimento giuridico" (in "Rivista italiana per le scienze giuridiche," Vol. XXXIII, Fasc. III). Torino, 1902. Seconda edizione, 1908. 4. "L'etica evoluzionista." Nota critica (in "Rivista italiana di Sociologia," A. VI, Fasc. V-VI). Roma, 1903. 5. "La Dichiarazione dei diritti dell' uomo e del cittadino nella rivoluzione francese." Genova, 1903. 6. "Diritto e personality umana nella storia del pensiero" (in "Rivista di Filosofia e scienze affini," A. VI, Vol. I, N. 3). Bologna, 1904. 7. "II comunismo giuridico del Fichte." Nota critica (in "Rivista italiana di Sociologia," A. IX, Fasc. 1). Roma, 190S. 8. "Su la teoria del contratto sociale." Bologna, 1906. 9. "Suir idea di una scienza del diritto universale comparato" (in "Bericht iiber den III Internationalen Kongress fiir Philosophie"), Heidelberg, 1909. Seconda edizione, Torino, 1909. 10. "Un punto controverso nella storia delle dottrine politiche." Nota critica (in "Rivista italiana di Sociologia," A. XIII, Fasc. V-VI). Roma, 1909. 11. "II fenomeno della guerra e I'idea della pace.'' Sassari, 1909. Seconda edizione (in "Rivista di diritto internazionale," A. V, Fasc. I-II), Torino, 1911. 12. "Tra il Burlamachi e il Rousseau." Nota critica (in "Cul- tura contemporanea," A. II, N. 4). Ortona a Mare, 1910. 13. "La comunicabilit4 del diritto e le idee del Vico" (in "La Critica," A. IX, Fasc. I). Trani, 1911. 14. "Sulla positivit^ come carattere del diritto" (in "Rivista di Filosofia," A. Ill, Fasc. I). Modena, 1911. 15. "Sui caratteri fondamentali della filosofia politica del Rous- seau" (in. "Rivista ligure," A. XXXIX, Fasc. V). Genova, 1912. Terza edizione, 1914. Some of the publications above mentioned have been translated XX EDITORIAL PREFACE The translator of the present volume, John Lisle, is a graduate of the College and the Law School of the University of Pennsylvania, and a practitioner at the Philadelphia Bar. He is abo the translator of the works of Miraglia and Vanni in the present series, and of Calisse's "History of Italian Law," in the Continental Legal History Series. XL The Formal Bases of Law. t In paraphrase of a hackneyed apothegm, it may be well said that the thinking man is incurably philosoph if:al. This desire to attain the final reason of things begins at the dawn of self-consciousness in the individual. Most of us as college boys experienced this intoxicating philo- sophic impulse, and the elevation of temperature con- sequent thereon brought with it an uplift of the spirit that some of us mistook for the birth of a new intellectual life. Then we felt we had reacheri, or at least were in sight of, an answer to Pilate's question, "What is truth?" The essence of tliifigs, the ultimate reality, was whatever for our time was the latest style of the "absolute," — that something which the thinking rnan could not help thinking, which was true for all times and in every place.'. This philosophic reality, which was with Pbto lim, with Aristotle . ' See Prof. Pound's "Scope and Purpose of Sociological Jurispru- dence" (1911), 24 Harv. Law. Rev. 591; 25 id, 140, 489. See also "The Danger Line" (1898), 32 Am. Law. Rev. 321. « Woodrow Wilson, "The New Freedom" (1913), p. 34. xl INTRODUCTION But the time has come when we must move forward. The complexity of social life, the magnitude of its busi- ness affairs and the problems of constitutional law have brought to the surface in recent years momentous ques- tions for the solution of which the rules of ancient law do not appear entirely adequate. They encounter phases of sociology unknown to the revered sages of the Com- mon Law, and although its principles have wonderful capacity for expansion and for application to new con- ditions, more spiritual light is needed to analyze and solve the enigmas of doubt and difficulty now arising. Some of the difficulties thus perplexing the judges have been shown in an interesting article by Professor Pound, who suggests the propriety of classifying those phases of experience under the head of Sociological Jurisprudence.' What better exercise of those higher judicial faculties, imperatively required to solve justly those difificulties, than is found in the study of the science of thinking? Those faculties are stimulated to efificiency by judicious training. It is the best passport to a view of "pure Right as an ideal conception"* (to quote our author), by which "many things are made clear, that else lie hidden in darkness." To follow a master like Del Vecchio- through a work such as is here presented is an elevating process worth all the pains needful to gamer its complete meaning. Some pains are needful to grasp his scientific method, especially for those who begin with him, for (to quote another) "It is just because the scientific aspect of the truth is the aim of Philosophy that its language is abstract and that its methods have the defect of their quality." ' But the "quality" is worth the search and the student ' 24 Harv. Law Rev. 591; 25 id. 140, 489. » Del Vecchio, "Positive Right" (38 Law Mag. & Rev. 1913, p. 308). » Haldane, "Pathway to Reality" (1905), Vol. 2, p. xv. INTRODUCTION xli is rewarded for his pains. The judge who meets a problem of conflicting principles in a submitted case, and is required to discern and to decide which principle is paramount and controlling, must search for that truth along lines of reasoning such as we find in these researches of Del Vecchio into the concept of law. Beyond the usual equipment for entering the Bar, no better train- ing can be found for that highest function of our profession, the exercise of legal judgment, than in such study. Its broadening effect is a revelation to many minds. The philosophy of law is so essential a hand- maid to judicial investigation in these latter days that a diligent searcher after truth cannot hope to attain a full measure of equipment without it. , Our author, in far off Italy, has emphasized the utility of a clear concept of Right, in the practical administration of justice, along and in immediate con- nection with his postulate that the certainty of positive law should be such as to guarantee legal liberty to the citizen against the arbitrary will of any judge. That emphasis Del Vecchio has thus expressed : "Nobody can be ignorant that the interpretation of Right, and especially that which is required of the judge, is a genuine and original consideration of it, that supposes a deep aptitude for it, while it profits by all suggestions evoked by the ever new relations which arise. This judicial interpretation is a subordinate element, but a necessary one for the full development of the system in force: it excites, like leaven, its ideal and hidden powers, and discovers often in ancient laws meanings which their authors could not have explored. But though the logical foundations of the system and the organic unity of its structure remain unchanged by the interpreter, still within these limits the system receives new and fruitful increases in the course of its application."" w Del Vecchio, "Positive Right," 38 Law Mag. & Rev. (1913), 293. xlii INTRODUCTION Those who have passed through the Battles of Ideas which take place on the field of judicial experience between conflicting principles contending in sociological contests *' will appreciate, more keenly than others can, the wisdom of those observations. As Del Vecchio points out, an understanding of the true concept of law, as he explains it, is of inestimable value in aid of the judicial function. It is no less so to the practitioner at the Bar who must appeal to and convince judges in order to secure the fruits of the knowledge he may possess. The search for that concept of law or Right must become part of that advanced education for which our profession in America, Bench and Bar, are ready, to enable them to move onward to fulfill our manifest destiny of leadership in civilization. The breadth of discernment which comes from the study of different systems of law and of their correla- tion and philosophy has been remarked by a distin- guished cosmopolitan jurist, now Lord Chancellor, in reference to proceedings of the House of Lords, as a judicatory of Scotch as well as of English law: "Its history as a Scottish tribunal of appeal has been an illustration on a great scale of the truth that fine legal intelligence, even in a comparatively unfamiliar field, is better than the understanding whose main qualification is only special knowledge. The jurispru- dence of all countries is much the same in its funda- mental principles. Strip it of its technical terminology, and the differences in great measure disappear. The master of legal principle who has a mind large enough to be free from provincialism is, therefore, in all cases the best kind of judge. What he does not know he sets in its proper place and proportion, as he gathers it from the argiunent."'^ «5tote V. Loomis, 115 Mo. 307 (22 S. W. Rep. 350; 21 L. R. A- 789; Thayer, Cases on Const. L., I, 929). " Haldane, "Education and Empire" (1902), p. 141. INTRODUCTION xliii In our country the varied laws of the several states and the complexity of local governments, in operation by the side of the federal power throughout our Union, present frequent problems of constitutional law calling for the highest degree of philosophical learning in our federal court of last resort. Fitness for service there is incomplete without the broad culture of which Philoso- phy of Law forms a part. A learned British critic has declared that law reforms in the United States can only be attained "after the reformers have become familiar with the world's methods of juristic thought. They must first be equipped with the state of juristic learning in the world to date. Thus equipped they may then do original work."". But another conspicuous English ob- server, already mentioned, appears to have a more roseate view of our condition and extends warm encouragement to our progress in this field : "In abstract knowledge as in commerce America is going ahead by leaps and bounds. Why is it? I put it down, partly at least, to the development of higher teaching that has taken place in America."" The teaching of law in our country is keeping up with the intellectual standards of the age, as is evidenced by the introduction of these unique writings of Del Vecchio, along with other books of this Series. The true lawyer is always a student, young or old. His learning should be varied, broad, accurate and deep, and, in these days, cosmopolitan as well. His power is in his intellectual structure and his character. These he should strengthen by every experience. As was tersely phrased by Dean Wigmore in his model intro- duction to Gest's "Lawyer in Literature": ^ " Editorial note: 38 Law Mag. & Rev. (1913), p. 499. " Haldane, "Education and Empire" (1902), p. 61. « (1913) Boston Book Co., p. xii. xliv INTRODUCTION "The best literature — drama or poetry, philosophy or fiction — must always be an arsenal for the lawyer." We add: that part of the lawyer's fighting armor should be the Philosophy of Law, the study of which ought to "accompany and permeate" the law itself, according to the high authority of Professor Heinrich Ahrens," whose outline for juristic study remains, after more than half a century, a most useful program for the culture of young men in our profession. He recom- mended Philosophy of Law as part of a three years' curriculum. In many parts of Europe that study has had a similar place in the educational scheme of the best universities as it has now in many of ours. Our author has filled the chair of that science for many years, and is a master in unfolding the wealth of its resources. His is a work of singular merit which now is laid before English-speaking readers. It seems scarcely fair, in an introduction, to filch in advance the sweets of such literary labor, and thereby possibly diminish its zest by diluted paraphrase. These introductory suggestions will endeavor to avoid so doing, although a few specifications of admiration may be tolerated, for reasons which will appear. The theme of these writings has long engaged the attention of philosophers. Much controversial literature has been produced in discussion as to the true concept of law. There is directness and candor in its present exegesis, refreshing at this advanced stage of the argu- ment. The various schools of philosophic thought, historical, analytic, empirical, positivist, sociological, or by whatsoever names they are self-labeled or otherwise classified, receive alike from Del Vecchio respectful con- sideration. He probes the intent ai^d spirit of the law " Principles, Juristic Methodology (Hastie, transl., 1892, from Juristische Encyclopadie), p. 224. INTRODUCTION xlv deeply, in explaining its meaning. His heart is evidently full of a noble purpose to elevate the ethical results of law administration, the necessity of which elevation he appreciates, as he says (sec. 5) : "The doubt of the innate reason of law is in our day singularly bitter and widespread." That doubt Del Vecchio evidently believes it is the mission of our profession to dispel. It may do so by developing to the public understanding the inherent justice of law, and its conformity to the standards of ethical Right, the idea of which takes shape in the uni- versal mind before it assumes expression in concrete form as positive law. To vindicate a true concept of the law, as a just, vital, spiritual and uplifting social force, is the proposition read between the lines of this masterwork. The author would infuse into the law the moral tone which it should possess, in all its mani- festations. "The genesis or unfolding of Right out of the spirit of the People is an invisible process." . . . "The Conviction of the People, as reflected in the Consciousness of its members, is the first of the modes in which Right arises, because it stands nearest to the primary source of all human Right, and is immediately connected with it."" The growth of podtive law in the process of evolu- tion from subjective Right is the belief of Del Vecchio, who boldly combats the idea of von Ihering that the power of coercion lies at the root of the concept of law. It was the latter writer who began his greatest work with the dramatic declaration: "The end of the law is peace. The means to that end is war." . . ^^ " Puchta, "Outlines, Science of Jurisp." (Hastie, transl., 1887), pp. 37, 38. « Ihering, "Struggle for Law" (Lalor, transl., 6th ed., 1879), p. 1. xlvi INTRODUCTION In a later work he said : "The current definition of law is as follows: law is the sum of the compulsory rules in force in a State, and in my opinion it has therewith hit the truth. The two elements which it contains are that of rule, and that of the realization of it through coercion. Only those rules laid down by society deserve the name of law which have coercion, or, since, as we have seen, the State alone possesses the monolopy of coercion, which have political coercion behind them. Hereby it is implicitly said that only the rules which are provided by the State with this function are legal rules; or that the State is the only source of law."^^ That author further developed the theory in the passages which are well answered by Del Vecchio (sees. 139-40). Yet an American statesman and jurist of renown gave some support to von Ihering's idea: "It is essential to the idea of a law that it be attended with a sanction; or, in other words, a penalty or pun- ishment for disobedience."^" A penalty or force does not appeal to the enlighten- ment of to-day as the only sanction for a true concept of law. The clash of armies affords little aid to tlie dis- cernment of truth. • Some of the most profound and philosophic students of the world's history have agreed with Del Vecchio that law has a better foundation than coercion for its being. In the 18th century Prof. Rutherforth wrote that "Natural laws are those which mankind are obliged to observe from their nature and constitution," as distinguished from voluntary or posi- tive laws, which mankind "are obliged to observe by the immediate will and appointment of a superior."'^ " Ihering, "Law as a Means to an End" (Husik), Boston Book Co., 1913, p. 239, sec. 10. ™ Hamilton, "Federalist," No. 16. ^ Rutherforth, "Institutes" (2 ed.), 1779, p. 8. INTRODUCTION xlvii Many others have held the same conviction. One of the most erudite writers on this topic in our mother tongue has complained of the narrow interpretation of the term "Law" in the English world: "It is not necessary to warn a Continental student of the importance of this lesson. None of the words rech' droit nor jus have ever been restricted to the narrow meaning that, in the hands of Bentham and Austin, the word law has acquired in England. And yet it is true that the excessive precision by which the use of the word law has of late been narrowed in this country has tended to save English students from many of the pitfalls of vagueness and indeterminateness, not to say sentimentality, to which some foreign writers are undoubtedly prone. But precision, valuable as it is, must not be sought at the expense of truth ; and the question is now presented, as to whether recent Eng- lish legal writers have not, in aspiring after clearness and brevity, entailed upon themselves a loss which is not appreciable at the full till the problem of the scien- tific nature of so-called 'International Law' comes under treatment. "^^ We need not go further into the polemics of the issue we have last described; although, in fine, we may sug- gest that much of the apparent difference in opinion among writers of this class, touching the true concept of law, seems to originate in the fact that law, viewed abstractly, contains the elements of many meanings, the precise one of which properly applicable will depend upon the circumstances in the use of that term which unfold its application to the interpreter and its conse- "Amos, "Science of Law" (1891), 324. At the present, in the midst of a general war, it seems inopportune to attempt to follow Dr. Amos concerning the sources and the sanction of International Law. It will be sufficient to cite another notable English philosopher whose carefully defined view agrees with our author that a coercive sanction is not essential to the right concept of law. Spencer, "Ethics" (1892), pp. 50-51. xlviii INTRODUCTION quent import so applied., But that suggestion is not intended to diminish in any respect the usefulness of researches into those meanings. Our author, outlining the concept of law, is impatient of inertia retarding the activity of its progress. He deplores (sec. 70) a condition of "muteness" to which the Philoso- phy of Law is to-day reduced before the legislative and political reforms "which are everywhere being realized," when it ought to control them. Here, as in many writings of von Ihering, can be discerned between the lines much of significance, to interpret which the reader should appreciate the environment and the limita- tions of the authors as oracles of authority, and especially as instructors of youth. In some parts of our author's cogitations (§§ 69-72) will be found a far , reach into the realms of specula- tion as to the meaning, source and final purpose of the law, suggestive of the thesis so brilliantly unfolded by Viscount Haldane in the "Pathway to Reality,"^' a work of world-wide philosophical importance. We cannot elaborate in that direction more than to advise the parallel reading of these two writers on the phases of our author's discussion touched by the sections cited. As to the literary aspect of his work, Del Vecchio is not averse to the "jargon" of the Germans (as -Austin calls it).''* On the contrary, he adheres to their specu- lative terminology, and is not far away from the school of inspiration of Kant. Yet he has progressed far beyond the neo-Kantian sphere, and gives indications of further development. His work we welcome as a most valuable contribution to that sort. of education 2' (Murray, 1903) Vol. I, pp. 31-32; 52-60. (Murray, 1905) Vol. II, pp. 301-306. '» Austin's "Lectures," II, p. 737 (Murray, 3 ed., 1869). INTRODUCTION xlix which appeals to the noblest and best in our intel- lectual structure. A recent French writer has said : "If the social question could be summed up in one formula, we might fearlessly say that the question is one of Education." ^^ One of the most needed phases of education is the science of law philosophy, if our learned profession is to maintain the leadership in thought which it enjoyed in days gone by. The world does not stand still. It is spiritually as physically a movable body. When it stops, it will be at an end. Our author has done his good part toward its uplift and its progress. The seed which he sows is full of vitality and of hope. To close with the words of an energetic leader along the same pathway : "We must rely chiefly upon the philosophical jurist to keep us in our course toward right and justice as ends." 26 25 Demolins, "Anglo-Saxon Superiority" (1899), p. 49. " Pound, "Scope and Purpose of Sociological Jurisprudence," 24 Harv. L. Rev. 610. ATITIIOK'S I'klJ'ArF, 'I'lin QiuilyHlH (if IIk- liiiiiliniu'iiliil (iMiccplH of june- |)iif'i'''il^ Il<'<'r|iii'iir Mciiicily of priiiciplcM kIv" modcni <-on- ccpliiiil hliidicH a proviHioiiul and puiliciilar (liuraclcr. AIiIiiiiikIi IIiIh iiiakcH llicni licllcr Hiiilcd lo (('ilaiii I iincK'lc aiirl iiiini('diiili> ciidi-i, il: dcprivcH llicin of a liiiu ''adai'(|iiiili() rci" mid jiliiloMopliical value. 'I'lu; HiiialL HUci-fHH of Hlii'li MliidicH ciiii alHo tio liaicd lo iiiiduc liiiiiliiliniiH and an iiiidiic appliiiilioii of IIk; liiMl cxIhIIiik coiifuMioii, wlii<'li Iiuh oilier cokuiiIo cjUIHcI'I l)c'Nitlt>H lilt' one K'veii, in lecliuically (iiiled llic criHiH o( (li(i pliiloMopliy of law, a li'im wliicli well deHcribcH liio preneul Mlale of thai Hliidy, iilllioiiRli il: iieedn fiiiilier explaualioii on one poiiil. I'lie duly of pliiloHopliy 1b to co-oi'diiuiti' and reKulale (lie cliapleiii of liuiuan lii AUTHOR'S PREFACE knowledge, whence it follows that every new current which disturbs and alters the content of knowledge is necessarily reflected in philosophy. Every real or ideal historical change constitutes a new element in philosophy, and a new force ,to be given its place in the conception of the world. What, therefore, is a mark of catastrophe and crisis in the different fields of historical life, is the "raison d'etre" of philosophy. It is born of scientific disagreements. It is in necessary and irreconcilable crises that the inexhaustible activity of the mind and its constant effort for unity are shown. The crisis of the philosophy of law is coeval with the philosophy of law. A glorious crisis marked its begin- ning, when in the daybreak of the human mind, — Hellenic civilization — the intellectualer volt of Sophie scepticism gave birth to the philosophies of Socrates and Plato. From that day, the history of the philosophy of law has never been separated from that of the serious revolts which have changed the conditions of human society. There is no doubt that this philosophy will be preserved in the future, aftd far from being weakened or overthrown, will gain new dignity and strength in the struggles in which it will be called upon to in- tervene. While the occasions, and even the methods and forms of the crises change with the years, yet crises remain the constant law of its development, the surest sign of its life and the chief ground for its necessity. Critical conceptual revision, however, is not the sple object of legal philosophy. Such a limited program, although in accord with some modern tendencies, is caused by an imperfect conception of philosophy. The definition of the concept of law allows the gathering of empirical data, the objects of history and legal science strictly understood; but since the concept is not com- plete in these data, its definition serves also as a basis AUTHOR'S PREFACE liii for a study independent of them, which is especially speculative and looks to the idea of law or pure justice. The concept is the mean term and, as it were, the point of tangency between empirical fact and the ideal. ' But a study, above all if it is of a philosophical nature, cannot be well understood until its possibility and method of effectuation are considered. Hence, the need of a preliminary study which well answers these two questions : Is an objective (and, therefore, universal) definition of law possible? And, if possible, what are its methodic conditions, that is, how is it possible? Such is the object of the first part of this volume. Having thus set forth the methodological principles, in the second we proceed, in accordance with these, to the deduction of the concept of law. That gives oppor- tunity for an analytical discussion of the various elements or aspects of this same concept, by which discussion the substantial unity of these several elements is established. Finally, in the third part, the system of the philosophy of law is completed. For besides the formal concept of law, which embraces every kind of content indifferently, there is set forth the ideal of law, namely: perfect justice, which permits us to estimate properly, as by a touchstone, all the various cases of juridical experience. It is not enough in truth to discriminate (as is done by means of the concept of law) the juridical from the non -juridical. We must besides distinguish within the realm of the juridkal that which has more or less of justice. From this comes the necessity of a new search and a new critique, which indeed is derived from the essence of human nature. Thus is satisfied in accordance with an all inclusive conception of the universe that ethical need Uv AUTHOR'S PREFACE of the spirit, which certainly is distinct from the logical but not less legitimate. Although the three parts of the present volume were originally published separately, they are in reality closely connected with each other, and constitute, as it were, a trilogy. For this reason the idea of the American editors of collecting the three in a single volume has received my full approval. I hope that the reader will consider with indulgence the slight inequality and external lack of harmony, which might arise from the fact that the three parts were composed at different times. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED Ahrens. Naturrecht — Naturrecht oder Philosophic des Rechts und des Staats. Anzilotti. La Scuola del diritto naturale — La Scuola del diritto naturale nella Filosofia giuridica contemporanea. Aristotle. Anal. Post. — Analytica Posteriora. Met. — Metaphysics. Nic. Ethics — Nicomachean 'Ethics.. Phys. — Physics. Polit. — Politics. Brugi. Introduzione — Introduzione enciclopedica alle scienze giuridiche e sociali nel sistema della giurisprudenza. Burle. Essai historique — Essai historique sur le de- veloppement de la notion de droit naturel dans I'antiquite grecque. Cantoni. Vico — G. B. Vico. Studi critici e comparativi. Carle. La Filosofia del diritto — La Filosofia del diritto nello stato moderno. La vita del diritto — La vita del diritto nei suoi rapporti colla vita sociale. Carlyle. A History — A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West. Cavagnari. Saggio di Filosofia giuridica — Saggio di Filo- sofia giuridica secondo i canoni della scuola storica. Croce. Filosofia di Hegel — Ci6 che e vivo e ci6 che fe morto della Filosofia di Hegel. Filomusi-Guelfi. La dottrina dello Stato — La dottrina dello Stato neir antichit^ greca nei suoi rapporti con I'Etica. Del concetto del diritto — Del concetto del diritto naturale e del diritto positivo nella storia della Filosofia del diritto. Ivi Fiorentirio. Flint. Gabba. Hildenbrand. Janet. Jellinek. Jodl. Kant. Lange. Merkel. Petrone. Plato. Post. Puchta. Savigny. Spinoza. ABBREVIATIONS Telesio — Bernardino Telesio ossia studi storici su r idea della natura nel risorgimento italiano. Vico — G. B. Vico. Alcuni piu generali problem! — Intorno ad al- cuni piu generali problemi della scienza sociale. Geschichte und System — Geschichte und Sys- tem der Rechts- und Staatsphilosophie. Histoire de la science politique — Histoire de la science politique dans ses rapports avec la morale. System — System der subjektiven oiTentlichen Rechte. Ueber das Wesen des Naturrechts — Ueber das Wesen des Naturrechts und seine Bedeutung in der Gegenwart. Krit. d. rein. Vern. — Kritik der reinen Ver- nunft. Krit. d. prakt. Vern. — Kritik der praktischen Vernunft. Krit. d. Urtheilskr. — Kritik der Urtheilskraft. Vom Verhaltniss. — Vom Verhaltniss derTheorie zur Praxis im Volkerrecht. Met. Anfangsgr. d. Rechtslehre — Metaphysische Anfangsgriinde der Rechtslehre. Geschichte des Materialismus — Geschichte des Materialismus und Kritik seiner Bedeutung in der Gegenwart. Gesammelte Abhandlungen — Gesammelte Ab- handlungen aus dem Gebiet der allgemeinen Rechtslehre und des Strafrechts. Contribute — Contributo all' analisi dei carat- teri differenziali del diritto. Repub. — Republic. Bausteine — Bausteine fiir eine allgemeine Rechtswissenschaft auf vergleichend-ethiio- logischer Basis. Cursus — Cursus der Institutionen. Vom Beruf unserer Zeit — Vom Beruf unserer Zeit fiir Gesetzegebung und Rechtswissenschaft. Syst. — System des heutigen romischen Rechts. Tract. Pol. — Tractatus Politicus. Tract. Theol. Polit. — Tractatus Theologico- Politicus. ABBREVIATIONS Ivii Statnmler. Wirtschaft und Recht — Wirtschaft und Recht nach der materialistischen Geschichtsauf- fassung. Thomasius. Fund. Jur. Nat. et Gent. — Fundamenta Juris Naturae et Gentium. Thomas Aquinas. Sum. Theol. — Summa Theologica. Trendelenburg. Naturrecht — Naturrecht auf dem Grunde der Ethik. Vico. Scienza nuova — Principj di scienza nuova d'intorno alia comune natura delle nazioni. Vanni. Filosofia del diritto — II problema della Filo- soiia del diritto nella filosofia, nella scienza e nella vita ai tempi nostri. Maine — Gli studi di H. S. Maine e le dottrine della Filosofia del diritto. Sist. di Spencer — II sistema etico-giuridico di H. Spencer. Lezioni — Lezioni di Filosofia del diritto. Zeller. Die Philosophie der Griechen — Die Philoso- phie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung. Ueber teleologische und mechanische Naturer- klarung — Ueber teleologische und mechan- ische Naturerklarung in ihrer Anwendung auf das Weltganze. Windscheid. Pand. — Die Lehre der Pandekten. The Formal Bases of Law THE FORMAL BASES OF LAW PART I THE PHILOSOPHICAL BASES OF THE IDEA OF LAW CHAPTER I REASON AND NECESSITY FOR A LOGICAL DEFINITION OF LAW IMMEDIATE INTUITION OF LAW AND ITS INSUF- FICIENCY. — THE SYSTEMATIZING FUNCTION OF DEFI- NITION. — ACTUAL NEED FOR A LOGICAL TREATMENT OF LAW. § 1. Definition of Law. The application of a juridical criterion to man's acts, or their consideration "sub specie juris" is so old, universal, and frequent, that law should be clearly and distinctly understood by everyone. Every educated man, it would seem, should be able to answer the question, "What is law?" with facile cer- tainty, and his thoughts and acts should be controlled by its concept. But this is far from true; many of those who have given special study to legal principles and institutions would hesitate to offer an. answer. Whoever considers the diversity and incongruity of its definitions cannot fail to see that, notwithstanding the labor expended on the science and philosophy of law ^ NECESSITY FOR A DEFINITION [Ch. I and the number of special researches recently instituted, the concept of law has not yet assumed definite shape in a truly logical sense.* § 2. Intuition of Law. The reason why the need of a definition is not more apparent is because law is gener- ally felt as an immediate and simple intuition.* The idea of law is one of those ideas which seem intelligible 1 Gierke wrote, "At the beginning and the end of the study of juris- prudence there stands, as a matter of course, the question, 'What is law?' Law is neither better nor worse than its many cognate studies. Many hundred years of effort have had no result in obtain- ing a universally true answer to this question. No universal practi- cal definition has been found showing the relation of law to other fields of man's social activity." "Naturrecht und deutsches Recht" (Frankfurt, 1883), p. 4. Bergbohm wrote to the same effect, "Words unfortunately cannot give even an approximate picture of law. On the contrary, the legal concept is more unstable to-day than ever; uncertainty envelops it on every side. Upon reading on this subject, one finds much groping in the dark and many provisional definitions without any underlying scheme or connective links, where all should be worked in together." "Jurisprudenz und Rechtsphilosophie," I Bd. (Leipsic, 1892), p. 77. ' This quality as a psychological fact is recognized even by those who deny the "apriority" of the idea of law. See, particularly, J. Stuart Mill, "Utilitarianism" (London, 1863), Ch. V; Strieker, "Physiologie des Rechts" (Vienna, 1884), p. vii; Letourneau, "L'evolution juridique dans les diverses races humaines" (Paris, 1891), Preface. And the attacks on the "naturrechtliche Psychologic" — even those as bitter as Bergbohm's ("Jurisprudenz und Rechtsphilosophie," p. 454 et seq.) — cannot weaken the evidence of juridical feeling. Cf . Putter, "Der Inbegriff der Rechtswissenschaft oder juristiche Encyclo- padie und Methodologie" (Berlin, 1846), Introduction; Hoppe, "Der psychologische Ursprung des Rechts" (Wurzburg, 1885), (the refutation of the work we have cited by Strieker) ; Miceli, "Filosofia del diritto internazionale" (Florence, 1889), p. 150 et seq; "Studi di psicologia del diritto," I. "Le basi psicologiche del diritto" (Perugia, 1902). Also Del Vecchio, "II sentimento giuridico" (Turin, 1902, in "Rivista italiana per le scienze giuridiche," Vol. XXXIII; and 2 ed., 1908) and other authors there cited. §2] INTUITION OF LAW 3 of themselves — almost obviating the difficulty, which so troubled Jean Jacques Rousseau, that definitions need words.' Certain it is that the generic intuition of law and its many resultant forms have, in most instances, taken the place of logical definitions. So the idea of law has been "pure ac simpliciter" taken for granted in legal doctrines and studies, and in practice definitions have been used which were so imperfect and defective that, considered apart, they seem fitted rather to increase than destroy the doubts about the specific nature of law. Emmanuel Kant wrote:* "Jurists still seek a definition of their concept of law," and it cannot be said that time has yet reversed his judgment.* Our progress without ' "The method of defining all terms and of constantly substituting the definition for the defined seems good, but is impractical; for how can a circle be avoided? Definitions would be excellent, if we did not need words to make them." Rousseau, "ifimile," Lib. II, (Lefevre ed.), p. 101. Cf. Pascal, "Penstes," P. I, Art. I and II (Didot'ed.), p. 25 et seq. * "It is advisable but often difficult to obtain (a definition). The jurists still seek a definition of their concept of law." "Kritik der reinen Vernunft," Transscendentale Methodenlehre (Hartenstein ed.) (Leipsic, 1853), 1 Hauptst., 1 Abschn., p. 625 n. We may note that this passage from Kant is often referred to; Trendelenburg, "Die Definition des Rechts"in "Kleine Schriften," Zw. Th. (Leipsic, 1871), p. 81; RUmelin, "Eine Definition des Rechts" in "Reden und Aufsatze," Neue Folge (Freiburg, 1881), p. 317; and Stammler, "Wirtschaft und Recht nach der materialistischen Geschichtsauf- fassung" (Leipsic, 1896), p. 492. ' In this regard, we may recall a profound doctrine of Kant, which holds that it is possible to develop what is called a science only by a system derived from a pure idea. And yet (he observes) it is rare that the system and the definition itself on which it is based correspond to the idea. It exists as a germ in the mind, in which all the elements are hidden, enveloped, and often hardly recognizable by a micro- scopic observation. Only after we have spent much time (led by the idea latent in us) getting together many separate pieces of knowledge relative to it as material for construction, and an equally long time 4 NECESSITY FOR A DEFINITION [ Ch. I a definition may raise doubts as to its necessity. For, if the science of law can be formed and developed in every branch with merely an intuitive and generic knowledge of its object, if the nature of law is well known, if everyone daily finds its meaning clearly shown in his own and other's acts, what advantage can there be in a rigorous examination of its concept? A definition might rather lessen than increase its clearness. Thus Reid argued in regard to contracts, showing that the definitions of Ulpian and others, far from clearing, obscured the idea commonly held, and he concluded that definitions of what is clear of itself are worse than use- less.' Certainly, if the purpose of definition is to render an object clearer they fail more often than not. In the greater number of cases, an example or characteristic is more fitted to illustrate an idea than a strict analysis of its logical content.' On the other hand, an intuitive idea of an object is not usually the result of definition but the basis of it — its natural and constant boundary ; whence, a circle from which we vainly try to escape. Why, therefore, is definition necessary, and what is its function in the search for knowledge? And how can we explain the fact, noted by John Stuart Mill, that "some of the most profound and most valuable investigations arranging them technically, is it possible for us to show the idea clearly and to build up a whole according to the uses of reason. "Krit. d. rein. Vern.," Transscendent. Methodenl., Ill Hauptst.: "Die Architektonik d. r. Vern.," p. 591 et seq. ' Vide Reid, "Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man," Essay V, Cap. VI: "On the Nature of Contract and of Obligation from Which It Is Derived." Also Pascal, "Penstes," Art. I and II, p. 25 et seq. ' Kant's advice is good: as a rule of prudence, do not give a definition when the citation of some character of the object is suffi- cient. "Krit. d. rein. Vern.," p. 227, n. 2. §2] INTUITION OF LAW 5 which philosophy presents to us have been introduced by, and have offered themselves under the guise of, inquiries into the definition of a name"?* §3. The Systematizing Function of Definition. This belief is very different from that which Reid and many with him seem to uphold. The duty of definition — more than to make an object clear — is to give it its true place in the scheme of knowledge, to show its origin and connections with other cognate facts which depend upon its essential qualities, so that those problems which cannot be well answered by the simple aid of popular knowledge may be solved. We must not be surprised, therefore, to find that the definition is often more difficult and complicated than the popular idea. It is a mistake to think this a mark of imperfection or inutility. To go back to the example which we have given : the exact determination of the concept of contract guides us in building up a theory and shows essential elements and possible vices ; for which purpose, simple popular thought, however clear, would not be sufficient. The function of every conceptual study is, therefore, systematic. The analysis of concepts should be a way and means to the work of co-ordination and synthesis, which is the final goal of science and of philosophy.' § 4. The Insufficiency of Immediate Intuition. The history of juridical thought shows clearly that imme- diate intuition cannot take the place of rigorous analysis. Even if everyone knows well enough what is meant by law under most concrete circumstances, and if ordinary juridical manifestations are universally recog- * J. Stuart Mill. "A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and Induc- tive," 4th ed.. Vol. I, p. 175. • Cf., on the subject of the function of definition, laine, "he posi- tivisme anglais," "fitude sur Stuart Mill" (Paris, 1878), p. 125 et seq. 6 NECESSITY FOR A DEFINITION [Ch. I nized as such, infinite difficulties would arisen" in relation to the highest and most general problems, from the need of fitting the idea of law into our scheme of knowledge, showing its essential elements and distinguishing it from other closely related objects and categories. These difficulties, spreading from the scientific sphere to that of common knowledge, increase the tendency to scep- ticism, the love of paradox and the sophistic opinion of the non-existence of the philosophy of law, contra-distin- guished from positive jurisprudence, except as a kind of science of phantasy in the minds of arbitrary thinkers.*^ § 5. Actual Need of a Logical Treatment of Law. The doubt of the innate reason of law is in our day singularly bitter and widespread. While, on the one hand, the schools are confused by the greatest uncertainty of method and variety of tendencies, on the other hand (by reason of the same facts), the most absolute theories are held by the laity, which alternately asserts and denies law in the abstract, attributing values and sources to it at will, extending or restricting its applicability, admitting new and excluding old qualities without a full knowledge of the meaning of their presuppositions and results.12 It is obvious that only a rigorously objective criticism can throw light on so many ambi- " Vide similar observations by Herbart, "Analytische Beleuchtung des Naturrechts und der Moral" (Gottingen, 1836), Introduction, § 1. — Gierke, "Naturrecht und deutsches Recht," p. 4, enumerates the principal questions that arise from the various doctrines of the concept of law. See also, as to the harm done by uncertainty about fundamental juridical concepts, Bergbohm, "Jurisprudenz und Rechtsphilosophie," pp. 90-102. ^ " Hobbes noted the beginning of this tendency: "Scientiam hanc civilem . . . non modo philosophi, sed etiam otiosi, quasi facilem nullo studio ambiendam, cujuslibet ingenio naturali expositum et prostitutum attrectaverunt attrectantque." ("De Give," Prsef.) "Spencer lamented this abuse. "Justice," §37. §51 LOGICAL TREATMENT 7 guities, by laying bare the initial points of divergence in method and doctrine, and rendering possible at least (through an analysis of the conceptual presuppositions) a clear discussion of points now hidden by misunder- standing. DIVERGENCY IN POSITIVE LAW [Ch. II CHAPTER II DIVERGENCY IN POSITIVE LAW AND THE SCEPTICAL CONCLUSIONS BASED THEREON PROBLEMS OF DEFINITION AND CONTRADICTIONS IN HISTORICAL DATA. — SCEPTIC THEORY. — NEED OF A HIGHER SYNTHESIS. § 6. Variety of Historical Data. If we seek the aid of history to show what law is, we find a manifold variety of juridical determinations and institutions adopted in turn by different nations. It does not give a positive answer. ~ Every historical system determines in its own way what law is and what law is not; the same act or relation may be differently qualified in different ages or by different peoples. ■ This is the first evidence which a most superficial examination of history gives. ^ The variance of the juridical criterion with time and place has been an object of study from a very early period. Tales of historians and travelers, communications with foreigners in war or trade, apart from everyone's per- sonal experience, especially in times of revolution, have C" Comparative law teaches that law differs in different ages and with different peoples and that often law has decreed what we, with our modern comparative law and reason, hold to be illegal and even absolutely wrong. In the historical development of law it is not unusual to find something permitted by one legal system, to which another system metes out the direst punishment." Post, "Der Ursprung des Rechts." "Prolegomena zu einer allge- -meinen vergleichenden Rechtswissenschaft" (Oldenburg, 1876), p. 17. Also the examples there given. §6] HISTORICAL DATA 9 been sufficient to call attention to this fact^ and require its investigation. Ordinarily, as Herodotus said in his "History,"* each people has its own laws, which it believes best suited for its betterment, and remains firm in this belief until with the development of speculative thought it finds marks of relativity in the ethnical and temporal limits of its statutes; this is a "punctum pru- riens" of philosophy and opens the door to scepticism. The primal santity of law is subjected to destructive analysis; existing systems are shown to be the effects of free will or based on transitory and particular con- ditions; the positivity or extrinsic force of law appears distinct and separate from its nature or intrinsic reason. §7. The Sophistic and Sceptic Theory. Pyrrho. This attitude of thought is clearly and characteristically shown by the Sophists.* Sceptic philosophy, under the leader- ship of Pyrrho, developed afterwards the antinomy of the real to an extreme, employing the diversity of judgments on the same object to show the impossibility of knowledge. Of the ten tropes (tjooitoi, called also, Aoyoi or ron-oi), ' For the ancient sources of observation on this point, see Gam- perz, "Griechische Denkfer" (French ed.), "Les Penseurs de la Gr^ce," I (Paris, 1904) p. 11 et s"eq., 403 et seq, » Lib. Ill, Cap. 38. * Vide ChiappelU, "SuUe teorie social! dei sofisti greci" (in "Atti della R. Accademiadi scienze moralie politiche," Vol. XXIII (Naples, 1889). Cf. Petrone, "Le nuove forme dello scetticismo morale e del materialismo 'giuridico'' (in "Rivista Internazionale di scienze sociale e discipline ausiliarie," Sept. and Oct., 1896), including a just comparison of the Sophists with some modern ethico-juridical doctrine. As to the ethical and theoretical doctrines of the Sophists, seealsothe fundamental treatise hy Zeller, "Die Philosophie der Grie- chen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung," Erst. Th., Zw. Halfte, 5 ed. (Leipsic, 1892), p. 1033 et seq.; the critical observations by Simmel, "Einleitung in die Moralwissenschaft," 2 Ausg. (Stuttgart, 1904,) II Bd., p. 100 et seq.; and Fmgapane, "II problema 'delle origini del diritto" (Rqme, 1896), Lib. I, Cap. I. 10 DIVERGENCY. IN POSITIVE LAW [Ch. II by means of which the Sceptics showed the suspension of all judgment, {iTroxn, a.4>aipov tSiv SiKatW o/iioid icrri rots /jLerpoii- ov yap Travrap^oS iaa Ta oLvrjpa. koI a-irrjpa p-irpa, aX\' ov [liv wvovvTai, p,ei^\ovcTLV, iXixTTm. ' ' Aristotle's use of the comparative method, which renders his treatises still useful, is noteworthy. Cf. Dilthey, "Ein- leitung in die Geisteswissenschaften," p. 289 et seq. ' Inst. I, 2, § 2. "Nam usu exigente et humanis necessitatibus gentes humanae quaedam sibi constituerunt," etc. In a remark- able passage of Aldus Gellius, the jurisconsult Sextus Cecilius thus addresses Favorinus, the philosopher, "Non ignoras legum oppor- tunitates et medelas pro temporum moribus et pro rerum publi- carum generibus, ac pro ultilitatum praesentium rationibus, proque vitiorum, quibus medendum est, fervoribus, mutari ac flecti, neque uno statu consistere, quin, ut facies coeli et maris, ita rerum atque fortunse tempestatibus varientur." "Noctes Atticae," XX, 1. Cf. Hegel's comment in "Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts," p. 28 et seq. Arnold is right, "It was natural that the Roman jurists 34 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [Ch.VI § 29. Relativity of Law. The Middle Ages. The recog- nition of the diversity of law because of the diverse circumstances of life continued during the Middle Ages. It was governed by the most rigid dogmatism, although it was affected by a belief in a law of nature immutable and above the changes of positive law. Thomas Aquinas, who, in speculating on the "lex naturae," finally denied the name of law to all positive statutes which were not in accord with it," recognized elsewhere that a certain variety of law should correspond to the variety in human affairs.* So, at the renaissance of legal phil- did not write long discourses about the connection of law and life, for they had it before their eyes every day, and memory, which could not recall its absence, thought nothing else possible." "Cul- tur und Rechtsleben" (Berlin, 1865), p. 212. The historical and practical feeling of the Romans was clearly emphasized by Ihering in "Geist des romisohen Rechtsauf verschiedenenStuf en seiner Entwick- lung,'' 5 ed. (Leipsic, 1891-99). Cf. Carle, "Le origini del diritto romano" (Turin, 1888), Lib. I, and "La vita del diritto," § 209. ' "Omnis lex humanitus posita ... si in aliquo a lege naturali discordet jam non erit lex sed legis corruptio." "Summa Theologia," I, 2, Qu. 95, Art. 2. ' "Dicendum, quod principia communia legis naturae non eodem modo applicari possunt omnibus propter multam varietatem rerum humanarum et ex hoc provenit diversitas legis positivae apud diver- sos." "Summ. Theol.," I, 2, Qu. 95, Art. 2, Ad. 2. Cf. Hanng, "Der Rechts- und Gesetzesbegriff in der katholischen Ethik und modernen Jurisprudenz" (Graz, 1899), §§ 8-10. Vide Vadali-Papale, "Le leggi nella dottrina di S. Agostino e S. Tommaso" (Catania, 1894), Cap. IV. This belief was illustrated by Dante in a memorable passage: "Habent namque nationes regna et civitates inter se pro- prietates quas legibus diflFerentibus regulari oportet. Est enim lex regula directiva vitee. Aliter, quippe, regulari oportet Scythas qui extra, septimum cHma viventes et magnam dierum et noctium inaequalitatem patientes intolerabili quasi algore frigoris premuntur; et aliter Garamantes qui sub sequinoctiali habitantes et coaequatam semper lucem diurnam noctis tenebris habentes ob sestus aeris nimietatem vestimentis operiri non possunt." "De Monarchia," I, 16. Dante's profound insight into the function of law which S291 RELATIVITY OF LAW 35 osophy at the end of the Middle Ages, theoretical research was generally prompted by practical and, more specifically, by political purposes; the study of objective relations was to a certain extent directed to the pro- motion of the art of government. Thus, two principles control Machiavelli, or rather two aspects of one thing. Men should study their times and bow to opportunity. In history there is a law of continuity, by which every State or thing leaves projecting stones upon which the next must build.' This theory shows on one hand a natural fact and on the other outlines a plan of action.'" resulted in his celebrated definition, "Jus est realis ac personalis hominis ad hominem proportio, quse servata hominum servat societa- tem, corrupta corrumpit," is seen in this passage, in which, accord- ing to Kohler, "a loftiness of view in regard to natural law was attained which was not again reached until Hegel's time." "Rechts- philosophie und Universalrechtsgeschichte" in Holtzendorfif's "Encyc. der Rechtswissenschaft," 6 ed., § 1. Cf. Carle, "La vita del diritto," p. 232 et seq.; "La Filosofia del diritto," I, p. 101 et seq.; Vadali-Papale, "he leggi nella dottrina di Dante Alighieri e di Marsilio da Padova" (Turin, 1898). We may note, also, that Dante elsewhere compares language with custom to show their equal mutability; "Omnis nostra loquela . . . nee durabilis, nee continua esse potest; sed sicut alia, quse nostra sunt, puta mores et habitus, per locorum temporumque distantias variari oportet," "De Vulgari Eloquentia," I, 9. Carle, "Prospetto d'un insegnamento di Filosofia del diritto" (Turin, 1874), p. 43. With a purpose analogous to Machiavelli's, another eminent statesman, Bodin, studied the relations which should exist between the regulations of a people and the natural conditions in which it lives. Vide "De Repub.," Lib. V, Cap. I, "De conformando civitatum statu pro regionum ac populorum varietate, quibusque disciplinis populorum mores dissimilesque naturae percipiantur," where the effects of climate, geography, and therefore of the nature of each people and its political life and constitution, are studied. Cf. Fournol, "Bodin, predecesseur de Montesquieu" (Paris, 1896), Cap. IV. 10 Bacon used this test in defining the relation of ethics to the science of nature. 36 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [Ch.VI § 30. Relativity of Law. Vico. If we omit the partial observations and applications, which, however ingenious they may be, do not correspond to a full scientific knowledge of the subject, we may say that the study of actual relations between law and the sum of historical conditions have not really occupied human thought except during the past two hundred years. Vico and Montesquieu were the first to advance the theory that the differences in the laws of diverse people were the results not of chance or man's caprice but of certain natural, necessary, and constant causes, which science could and should discover and explain. In this both writers represent an anticipation which their age could but imperfectly understand. Two opposite principles were in Vico's mind, giving his thought two distinct sides. A dogmatic mind and well-reasoned belief in eternal ideas contained in the infinite mind of God " led him to speculate about the transcendental; and a profound historical sense, such as no one before him possessed, led him to seek the slow and complex forma- tion of human affairs in the obscurity of the past. The general character of his work is the result of the union of these opposite qualities. It shows a constant and sincere effort to mould the multitude of divergent empirical data into ideal designs, conceived "a priori." Thus looked upon "sub specie eeternitatis," or to use Vico's own words, "described from the point of view of Providence," history was the same as philosophy. Such is the object of the "Scienza nuova." But, as " For the theological character of Vico's doctrines, even those in respect to law, see Flint, "Vico," Cap. VII, p. 160 et seq.; of. p. 198 et seq., p. 213 et seq. We must not forget that civil theology was one of the many names given his new science by Vico himself; of. Cantoni, "Vico," p. 226. For a criticism of Vico's system from a religious point of view, see Labanca, "G. B. Vico a i suoi critici cat- tolici" (Naples, 1898). S301 RELATIVITY OF LAW 37 we have said before, Vice's systematism, which led to his doctrine of the flux and reflux of nations, was not true to fact, and is in contrast even with the other fundamental motive or theory of his work. The second and strictly historical phase of Vico's thought is the most original and rich.^^ In it, he discloses his theory of the birth of things "in certain times and in certain guises" and conceives of the genesis of human facts in their concrete and determinate individuality and with their intrinsic connections. He reached a synthetic vision of the human world which none attained before him. By studying the elements of social life in all forms and aspects — from language to religion, from custom to government, — we intuitively grasp the his- torical causes of law, which bind it to the psychological state of nations and contain its true and necessary extrin- sification. In our mind, Vico's best intuition was the consideration of juridical regulations as a reflex from the minds of nations; which enabled him to hold — a stupendous thing in his day — that law, being based on human nature, was first revealed in custom, and later by successive developments reached the fully developed form of legislation.^' But Vico was not '2 For a critical reconstruction, see Fragapane, "II problema delle origini del diritto," pp. 79-89. " In this regard, Vico is the forerunner of the whole historical school. His philosophical grasp of law is, however, much larger and deeper than that of the school of German jurists. Carle is correct in stating that it is a great mistake to think "that Vico belongs to the school which would found law on historical develop- ment." "Prospetto d'un insegnamento di Filosofia del diritto," p. 60. The cardinal doctrines of "De uno universi juris principio et fine uno" do not leave a doubt on this point. Cf., for an exact and lucid epitome of Vico's philosophico- juridical thought, Filo- musi-Guelfi, "Del concetto del diritto naturale e del diritto posi- tivo," p. 29 et eeq.; "Del concetto della enciclopedia del diritto," p. 10 et seq. 38 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [Ch.VI successful in adequately expressing his vast historical conception of law, and this for many reasons. In the first place, his tendency to systematism, which we have already noted, hindered him by destroying the objec- tivity of his observations and by leading him into forced interpretations and arbitrary co-ordinations.^* In the second place, his lack of critically proven historical material interfered with his work. This lack, we may note, affected comparative as well as historical matter.^^ And, finally, to omit other hindrances, he was affected by his genius which was irregular and intuitive.^* His work must be appreciated more in its intention than in its execution; more as a scientific program than as a true and strict scientific treatise. It promulgated a new system of research, of which it offers a rough sketch (not to say, with Romagnosi, "a phantastic outline"). Until it was given a fresh impulse through the trans- formation of historical studies by- the vast science of civil psychology " it remained almost uncomprehen- "See especially on this point "Osservazioni sulla scienza nuova di Vico," by Romagnosi. ^'Ferrari, in "La mente di Giambattista Vico" (Milan, 1837), calls attention to the old-fashioned character of Vice's education, which was an anachronism. Vide, esp., Pt. II, Cap. VIII. Cf. Cantoni, "Vico,"' Pt. II, Cap. VIII, where he strongly, and with reason, criticizes Vico on this point. *° Cf. Scolari, "Instituzioni di scienza politica'' (Pisa, 1871), p. 37 et seq. Flint thought that imagination was the predominant ele- ment of Vice's mind, and added that "he never acquired the power to restrain his imagination or to distinguish between the 'possible, *" the probable, afid^he certain, or to know when a proposition was sufficiently proven and when not, or to put his thoughts in order and to give his proofs in a distinct and easy manner." "Vico," Cap. IV, p. 43 et seq. This criticism is far from exaggerated. " Vadalh-Papale in "Dati psicologici nella dottrina giuridica e sociale di G. B. Vico" (Rome, 1889) treats of him as the founder of the psychology of law and of social psychology or that of nations. §30] RELATIVITY OF LAW 39 ded.^' Only with the recognition in different ways and for other reasons of an historico-psychological need, realized before its day by Vico, did his work begin to be given its true and full value. § 31. Relativity of Law. Montesquieu. "L'Esprit des lois," Montesquieu's masterpiece, which indubitably marked a new step in the historical interpretation of law, Cf., too, Fragapane, "II problema delle orgini del diritto," p. 78 et seq. Carle, who has in his various works developed and elaborated in modern form some of Vico's most profound doctrines, said that "because of his largeness of vision, he had the singular fate of appearing to some as the philosopher of history, and to others as a psychologist," while "his greatness lay in being both. On this account he should be considered, if not as the founder of sociology, as some would have it, at least as the most dis- criminating forerunner of a true comprehensive science of social relations and, therefore, he could justly call his book 'Principji di una scienza nuova,' for such it was." "La Filosofia del diritto," I, p. 28. " We must not ignore the fact that Vico's thought has had a consistent following in Italy. It is due to him that some writers of the 1700's brought a profound historical and philosophical criticism to bear on the study of civil affairs. Among these are StelUni, "De ortu et progressu morum" (1740), Duni, "Origine e progressi del cittadino e del governo civile di Roma (1763), "La scienza del cos- tume o sia sistema sul diritto universale" (1775), Pagano, "Saggi politic! del principi, progressi e decadenza delle societcL (1783-1792), and, to a certain extent, Filangieri, "Scienza della legislazione" (1780-88) ; then at the beginning of the following century, Cataldo Janelli, ^'Sulla natura e necessity della scienza delle cose e, delle storie umane" (1817). Cf., on these writers, Cantoni, "Vico," Pt. Ill, Cap. XVI; Siciliani, "Sul rinnovamento della Filosofia posi- tiva in Italia," Lib. I, Cap. I, II. On Janelli, in particular, see also the famous essay by Romagnosi, "Cenni sui limiti e suUa direzione degli studi storici," a preface to the second edition of Janelli's works (Milan, 1832); Fragapane, "Obbietto e limiti della Filosofia del diritto," II (Rome, 1899), p. 106 et seq.; Gentile, "Dal Genovesi al Galluppi" (Naples, 1903), pp. 56, 68-70. Janelli foreshadows the great progress since 1800 in history and philology. See his book cited, § II, Cap. XII. \ 40 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [ Ch. VI was in this respect premature. This explains its merit and its unavoidable imperfections. Montesquieu pro- posed to go to the bases of positive law. He connected the study of law with the study of the natural con- ditions of life.i' The crisis even then immanent in France constituted an historical state suitable for deductive and strictly rationalistic work. But vast numbers of particular studies of the various sides of social life were lacking, and these alone could have made the realization of Montesquieu's philosophic design possible. This is the reason for its fragmentary and unproportioned character and the imperfect application of its general principles. And this also explains how his analysis (elsewhere inaccurate) of the English constitution, which he held up as a model and example for other nations, was read and followed by his contemporaries more than the fundamental conception of the physical and social relativity of law, for it better suited the condition of minds wherein the Revolution was gestating. § 32. Continuity of History. The tendency to con- nect the study of man with that of nature found expres- ~ sion in Germany in theageof the "Aufklarung." Moved by a concept similar to Montesquieu's, J. G. Herder was among the first to understand and trace the con-, tinuity of history and to appreciate the specific force of tradition, which he called the substratum of govern- " "The chief characteristic to my mind of this memorable work ("L'Esprit des lois") is its predominant tendency throughout to consider political phenomena as necessarily subject to invariable natural laws like all other kinds of phenomenon," writes Comte, "Cours de philosophie positive," Vol. IV, Lecture XL VII, p. 243. But, as he points out, Montesquieu but imperfectly understood the concept of historical formation. On this point, see Fragapane, "Obbietto e limiti della Filosofia del diritto," I, p. 46 et seq. Liep- mann's judgment is even more severp. "Die Rechtsphilosophie des J. J. Rousseau" (Berlin, 1898), p. 62 et seq. §32] CONTINUITY OF HISTORY 41 ment and of all institutions.'"' Thus, from simple observation of the mutability of human institutions came little by little the idea of their true and proper historical development. This idea was not possible before a fixed relation between human events and the conditions in which they take place was recognized. Such recognition was long in supplanting the belief in the causality or caprice of facts themselves. The passage from one concept to the other was not made in one step, for the first attempts to determine the system of variation led, as we have seen, to the creation of a fixed and quasi- geometrical order, that is, to a mechanical and inorganic concept. An attentive observer could see in this a residuum or alteration of the earlier unscientific concep- tion of arbitrium or chance, for the law of variation was considered extrinsic to the variable facts rather than resulting from their natural constitution. It did not set forth an internal causality or inherent property. And it did not give, therefore, a real explanation of facts but only the dogmatic hypostasis of a superior will, which determined the series of change in its own ' caprice. § 33. Historical Modification Governed by Internal Law. It was, therefore, only in a more advanced age of scientific thought that the naturalness of social facts could be considered without dogmatic prejudices, by studying them with those objective criteria, which had given such good results in the physical sciences. The law of historical transforma^tion was considered as '" On the works of Herder, "Ideen zur Philososphie der Geschichte der Menschheit,'' see two editions of Kant in Kirchraann's edit., "Philos. Bibl.," Bd. 47. Cf. Flirit, "The Philosophy of History in France and Germany," Cap. IV. For a critico-comparative valua- tion of Herder's thought, see Jouffroy, "Bossuet, Vico, Herder," in "Melanges philosophiques," 2d ed. (Paris, 1838.) 42 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [Ch.VI inherent in the facts themselves, as immanent and not transcendent. And the successive phases of institutions were looked upon in their organic character as moments ~ of the vital development of their nature.^' The for- mation of a science of economics was the factor and mark of this intellectual revival. The work of the physiocrats and, in general, of the early economists is, in this respect, more relevant because, as Gabba points out,^^ the dis- covery of constant laws governing economic phenomena was the first instance in which modern thought saw and grasped the possibility of an objective and experimental science of human facts and the exterior manifestations of human liberty. The doctrine of progress, which appeared about 1750, was a philosphical synthesis and idealistic dream founded on the concept of historical development, which emerged from such objective study. In the belief that continuous^and co-ordinated changes of human society always mark an advance on the road to perfection, there was, without doubt, a reflection of the metaphysical habit, which still dominated consideration of social facts.^' A proof of this is that in a more recent age, marked by a strong anti-metaphysical reaction, the theory of progress was subjected to bitter criticism ^ See, in this regard, the historico-critical analysis of Gabba, "In- torno ad alcuni piu generali problem! della scienza sociale," Vol. Ill (1876-87), "Deir indirizzo e delle condizioni odierne degli studii intorno alle scienze sociali," asp. Vol. I, Lect. I, "Dell' indirizzo e delle condizioni odierne degli studii intorno alle scienze sociali"; Dilthey, "Einleitung in die Geisteswissenschaften," p. 475 et seq.; and Fragapane, "Obbietto e limiti della Filosofia del dtritto," Vol. I, Cap. II. I 22 Gabba, "Alcuni piu generali problemi," I, p. 16. " In this sense, the critical observations by Cqmte in "Cours de philosophie positive" Vol. IV, p. 366 et seq. should be remembered. Although Comte himself denied the unlimited perfectibility of the human race, he admitted a constant amelioration as a fact normally correlative to that of social evolution. Ibid., p. 381. §33] HISTORICAL MODIFICATION 43 aimed to destroy or lessen its value.^^ While there - may have been some improper and unscientific elements in the first doctrine demanding correction and reserva- tion,''^ it is certain that the reaction vy^as ill-considered and excessive. It lost sight of the true and general character of the facts observed, through an all-absorbing fear of abstraction and a cringing obsequiousness to separate empirical data.^^ Furthermore, we must remember that the docft-ine of the progressive movement of humanity was, from the first, intended to supplant and reverse the theological doctrine of the Fall, whose immense authority it was almost impossible to overcome. The doctrine of progress corrected a traditional doctrine by a rational hypothesis aimed to simplify and explain the undeniable fact of civilization. It would be wrong to ignore the value and truth of the doctrine because of some inaccuracies or partial exaggeration. § 34. Unity of History. Turgot was the first to have a clear and profound idea of the new concept which, " Maine believes that after a certain stage in the formation of law is reached, that is, when the norms have been reduced to writing, most societies remain stationary and only the exceptional few con- tinue to feel the need of progress. See esp. "Ancient Law" (Lon- don, 1891). Cf. Vanni, "Gli studi di H. S. Maine e le dottrine della Filosofia del diritto" (Verona, 1892), § 7; "Prime linee di un pro- gramma critico -di Sociologia" (Perugia, 1888), p. 66; "Lezioni di Filosofia del diritto" (Bologna, 1904), Pt. Ill, Cap. IV. 2' For a critical revision in this sense, see the authors cited in 5/ 10, ante, p. 30. ^ As a verification of this proposition we have the enlightening observation of ioMowi: "The unfortunate fact occurs in every branch of knowledge that whoever depends on experience and experience alone, will, on the most certain phenomenic fact, miss the mark or fall into contradiction, because of some preconceived notion, prejudice or so-called sound commonsense." . "System der Rechtsphilosophie" (Berlin, 1882), p. 442. — We will speak of some of the more definite and notable aspects of juridical progress later; | 106, et seq., post. 44 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [Ch.VI notwithstanding its later qualifications and elaborations, was destined to remain fundamental henceforth in the study of social phenomenology. He conceived of human progress as a spontaneous development based on the inter-action of all things and more particularly on the tradition of culture. Studying the various elements in the life of a people — science, art, government, cus- toms, morals, law, religion — Turgot saw that their conditions at a definite time were intimately interwoven, that there was a constant reciprocity of action between the forces which operate in society. At the same time, he saw that all these inter-connected elements were slowly transformed, through various phases, each one of which represented a new elevation of human nature." § 35. Historical Progress. Kant. The same idea of progressive historical development was later upheld more enthusiastically but less scientifically by Condorcet in his celebrated work, "Esquisse d'un tableau historique ^ "All the ages, ' ' wrote Turgot in one of his " Discours sur les progrSs successifs de I'esprit humain" (1760), "are connected by a causal chain which binds each to its predecessors. The increasing power of language and letters, by giving men the means of making sure of the possession of their ideas and of communicating them to others, has made a common treasure of all the particular branches of knowl- edge, which every generation hands on as a heritage constantly increased by new discoveries; and the human race, considered from its beginning, appears to the eyes of a philosopher as an immense whole, which, like an individual, has its infancy and its ages." "CEuvres de Turgot," new ed. (Paris, 1844), Vol. 11, p. 597 et seq. In these and in other analogous ideas of Turgot can be found, as Ferneuil observes, the germs of the historical method. "Des prin- cipes de 1789 et la science sociale" (Paris, 1889), p. 6 et seq. Cf. Flint, "The Philosophy of History in France and Germany," Cap. IV; Janet, "Histoire de la science politique," Vol. II, p. 671 et seq. It is worth noting that Turgot anticipated many of Comte's prin- cipal doctrines, including that of "the three states." §35) HISTORICAL PROGRESS 45 des progr^s de I'esprit humain." ^^ Kant's treatise, "Ideen zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte in weltburger- licher Absicht," ^' is of similar import, but far more profound, and animated by a more precise philosophical purpose. Kant's philosophical principles enabled him to distinguish accurately between the metempirical or noumenic and the empirical or phenomenal phases of human acts. From the first point of view, acts are but extrinsifications of human liberty; from the second, they are subject to the laws of nature, which govern all phenomena. History studies human acts from the second point of view,; it should, therefore, lay bare their causes, wherever found, and show the regularity of their processes. Thus, facts considered individually may seem to be produced confusedly and irregularly, but, when con- sidered in the sum of the species, they can be recognized as a continual though slow development from their original manifestation. The development of the ten- dencies of human nature should necessarily lead to the full use of reason and, therefore, to the establishment of a universal civil society, where justice would reign and the liberty of each individual would harmonize with that of all others. The history of mankind can, in this sense, be regarded as the fulfillment of a secret '^ See Comte's criticism of this book, "Cours de philosophie positive," Vol. IV, p. 252 et seq. Cf. "Syst^me de politique positive," Vol. IV, App., p. 109 et seq. ; Flint, "The Philosophy of History in France and Germany" p. 74 et seq., 95 et seq. ; Janet, "Histoire de la science politique," Vol. II, p. 682 et seq. 2' Other writings of Kant in point are: "Vom Verhaltniss der Theorie zur Praxis im Volkerrecht," composing part three of "Ueber den Gemeinspruch: Das mag in der Theorie richtig sein, taugt aber nicht fiir die Praxis," and "Der Streit der Facultaten," Zw. Abschn. ("Der Streit der philosophischen Facultat mit der J uristische n. Ob das menschliche Geschlecht im bestandigen Fortschreiten zum Bes- eeren sey?") 46 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [Ch.VI design of nature to produce a perfect political constitu- tion.'" This idea of a goal for world history has an essentially speculative value in Kant's mind, serving as a link to systematize human acts, which otherwise would constitute an unformed mass. Kant declared explicitly, however, that this cosmopolitic view of history, con- ceiving of it as "a priori" to a certain degree, does not prevent empirical research." Theoretically, therefore, the idea of universal progress js a necessary hypothesis, confirmed by experience; practically it is a postulate of our moral consciousness. The belief that only the individual can perfect himself and grow better, while the human race, oscillating between progress and regress, always keeps about the same degree of morality and happiness, contradicts the imperious demands of prac- tical reason. Kant wrote one of his books'^ expressly to overcome this belief, which Mendelssohn held in his day. The hope that individual acts tend to the betterment of humanity is a necessary concomitant of a similar duty. For this reason, Kant states that faith in human progress is not merely a speculative principle formed to grasp historical movement in its generality, but an irrefutable corollary of moral law. , § 36. Juridical Development' Objectively Treated. The lofty doctrine of Kant (as to the truth of which we shall have furthur occasion to adduce proof) represents the final rationalistic form of the concept of historical move- ment, i But, for divers reasons, by the year 1800 and 'o "One can look upon the history of the human species as the completion of a hidden plan of nature to actualize an internally and externally complete State, or as a unit in which it can develop all the phases of the life of man." "Ideen zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte," 8 Satz. " "Ideen zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte," 9 Satz, in fine. '2 "Vom Verhaltniss der Theorie zur Praxis," p. 75, n. 2. §36] JURIDICAL DEVELOPMENT 47 more markedly since, a decided change in the considera- tion of social facts in general, and of law in particular, took place. An objective and phenomenalistic point of view was substituted for the old subjective and rational- istic standpoint, so that the philosophical development of law was forgotten. Law was considered merely in its phenomenological and empirical aspect. This change of method was more marked and more rapid in law than elsewhere, because, apart from general causes, which brought about a similar change in all mental sciences, there were immediate motives for reaction against the legal theories of the past. Before juridical and political criticism had commenced its philosophical work, opposition to the rationalistic doctrine of law and State had been aroused and sustained for political reasons. The French Revolution, begun under the flag of the old doctrine and ending in riot and anarchy, seemed a proof of its fallacy and resulted in the associa- tion of natural law with revolution; A bitter struggle was begun against revolutionary metaphysics (as it was then called) by those who had to fear the direct or indirect effects of the Revolution or its possible suc- cessors. Such a reactionary movement, drawing alle- giance away from abstract juridical speculation, had to depend upon the advances of the studies of historical reality of the preceding period, while applying them in a very different philosophical spirit. And thus juridical and political sciences were governed before the others by a cult of tradition and fact in place of one of reason, by objectivism in place of subjectivism, and by empirical "a posteriori" analysis in place of ideal "a priori" deduc- tion. The "historische Juristenschule," then formed, was the expression of this great tendency. And as the theory of progress, corresponding to a rationalistic con- ception of law, was eminently liberal in its principles, 48 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [Ch.VI so the new historical doctrine, arising from a foundation of empiricism, through the impulse of political reaction, was essentially conservative and anti-Hberal.^' § 37. Juridical Views of the Historical School. Yet it is true that the theory of the new school included a speculative ^element in the historical consideration of law. it originated in Schelling's transcendental phil- osophy (then, also, in Hegel's), which, recognizing the organic aspect of popular formations of culture, referred it to the evolutive and creative activity of the universal spirit or soul of the world. Comte saw the double nature — metaphysical and positive — of the historical school of law.'* But this speculative element, " See, on this point, Del Vecchio, "La Dichiarazione dei diritti dell' uomo e del cittadino nella rivoluzione francese" (Genoa, 1903), Cap. IV and cf. Brugi, "Di un recente libro sulla Dichiarazione dei diritti dell' uomo e del cittadino del 1789" (Padua, 1903), in "Atti e memorie della R. Accademia di scienze, lettere ed arti in Padova." " See Comte, "Cours de philosophie positive," Vol. IV, p. 284. Comte valued the school of German jurists as evidencing a new positivistic beginning in social and historical studies, since it had "taken for its principal task to connect, in each epoch of the past, the sum of legislation with the corresponding state of society." But he also noticed "the tendency to fatalism or optimism . . . resulting from the necessarily incomplete and even ambiguous nature of these interesting works, still essentially dominated by a metaphysical philosophy." Vanni attempted to confute this criticism, stating that "there are all the earmarks and spirit of positive research" in the doctrines of the positive school. "I giuristi della scuola storica di Germania nella storia della Sociologia e della Filosofia positiva" (Milan, 1885), in "Rivista di Filosofia scientifica," p. 13. Cf. "II problema della Filosofia del diritto," p. 12. It cannot be denied, however, that the "historische Schule" admits a dogmatic and transcendental element in its principles, which fact is worthy of particular note inasmuch as originally this school did not pretend to constitute "per se" a full philosophy of law. Gierke, "Naturrecht und deutsches Recht," p. 7. "The historical school has not even understood the question which the philosophy of law solves. It §37] HISTORICAL SCHOOL 49 which resolved itself in the logical proof of growth and above all of the grown, remained practically barren. In fact, the scientific program of the school is openly explained as the application of the test of phenomenal relativity to the study of law. This criterion, of ^he dependence of juridical reality upon accidentals and its connection with society in general, was necessarily neglected or considered secondary and subordinate until law was treated less as a phenomenon than as an idea. The knowledge of the connection of law with historical conditions had, of course, increased in the course of time, as we have said, but no school had used this knowledge as grounds for a radical change in the philosophical doctrines of law. Many had come to look upon its natural variety as a problem wherein it was necessary to reconcile this variety somehow with a traditional principle of original unity. No school, however (if we except the sceptics), admitted that this variety contained in itself a negative solvation of the problem, or that it was incompatible with the idea of absolute law, and was, has looked upon it as of no importance or has passed it by." Cf. Stahl, "Die Philosophie des Rechts," 5 ed. (Freiburg, 1878), I Bd.; ' Geschiehte der Rechtsphilosophie," p. 584 et seq. Such was the meaning which the historical doctrine took on later and the inter- pretation given it under the influence of predominant empiricism. (Cf. § 72, post.) We must not forget that recently there has been a general effort to give the theories of the historical school a phil- osophical meaning, by citing Hegel and Vico. Cf. Lasson, "System der Rechtsphilosophie"; Cavagnari, "Saggio di Filosofia giuridica," esp. Caps. VIII-X; "Corso moderno di Filosofia del diritto," Vol. I, esp. p. 414 et seq. For the philosophical meaning of the historical school, see aXsoBrugi, "I Romanisti della scuola storica e la Sociologia contemporanea" in "Circolo giuridico," XIV, 1883, p. 151 et seq.; "Introduzione enciclopedica alls scienze giuridiche e sociali nella sistema della giurisprudenza," 4th ed. (Milan, 1907), pp. 36-65; "I Romanisti della scuola storica e la Sociologia con- temporanea" in "Riv. ital. di Soc," VI, 1902, p. 228 et seq. 50 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [Ch.VI therefore, ready to exclude it. - The theoretical reversion of the historical school (continued by the positivistic^ schools) had this significance: the methodical supplant- ing by genetic and relative criteria of all other tests which had hitherto been thought predominant and "a priori" in respect to law. Relativity and variability of law were not, for the historical school, one of the terms of an antithesis which could be overcome by a higher synthe- sis ; they did not represent a secondary aspect or a fleet- ing image — as it were — of the true object. They were thought to contain the ultimate and invincible truth, the most general principle of the scientific explana- tion of law. Disregarding the maxim that a philosopher sees the problem begin at the point where it ends for others, the historical school accepted as the solution what was, for others, a question difficult of solution and a motive for speculation. It is true that a rigid and profound knowledge of the principle of relativity induced this school to accept it as their highest canon. The mark of distinction between the work of this school and earlier attempts of a similar kind (with the simple excep- tion of Vico's) lies in the abandonment of the extrinsic for the intrinsic conditions of positive law. This it shows by recognizing that law is not in so close a relation with climate and physical conditions of time and place as with the psychical state of the people, whose conditions it reflects. It places the original and enduring source of law in popular consciousness, and shows how law neces- sarily encounters and fuses with all other elements of culture in it.^^ We do not wish to enter here upon a ""These phenomena, — law, language, customs, government — have no separate existence, there is but one force and power in a people, bound together by its nature; and only our minds give them separate existences. What makes it a single whole is the common conviction of the people, the like feeling of inner necessity, to which §37] HISTORICAL SCHOOL 51 discussion of this, nor of any doctrine of the "historische Schule' ' at this point ; '° but in connection with our subj ect we must point out that it gave a strong impulse to the study of the phenomenal reality of- law. Though the negative philosophical conclusions arising from its methods (for sometimes historicism, as Gabba points out," is but "a sceptic sc.hool more or less disguised under a new name") must be disproven (as we will do in a logical place) ,'^ one claim of merit cannot be denied it — that in its work it showed more effectually than was ever shown before the need of studying law in relation with other forms of social life- . The penetration into the common scientific base of the principle that law is an integral part of the life of a people, indissolubly inter- penetrant with all elements of its activity and culture, and of necessity, therefore, transfusing with them,'' all attribute a contingent and arbitrary origin." These words by Savigny, in "Vom Beruf unserer Zeit fur Gese'tzgebung und Rechts- wissenschaft" (1814; 3 ed., Heidelberg, 1840, p. 8), contain the fundamental thought of all the historical school. ^ Del Vecchio touched upon the principal faults of this school in "II sentimento giuridico," and deals with them again in Cap. X, p. 85, post. Cf., for a criticism of this school from another point of view, Berghohm, "Jurisprudenz und Rechtsphilosophie," p. 480 et seq. '^ "Alcuni piu generali problemi," I Serie, p. 21. ^ See Cap. X, p. 85, post. 39 Savigny wrote a clear exposition of the inevitable and constant evolution of law in connection with the successive moments in the life of every people. "This organic involution of law with the life and character of people develops with the ages, and in this it resembles language. As in the latter, so in law, there can be no instant of rest, there is always movement and development. For all the progress of mankind including the development of law is governed by the same power of internal necessity as simple phe- nomena. Law grows with a nation, increases with it and dies at its dissolution, and is a characteristic of it." "Vom Beruf unserer 52 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [ Ch. VI is above all due to this school. It laid the foundation for a scientific explanation of the fact of the variety in law, although it did not correctly analyze it. The analytical studies and arguments of the philosophy of history from the year 1800 until to-day, far from destroy- ing, have constantly confirmed this principle, reinforcing ' and illustrating it in different ways. Hegeliaii philosophy (wljose relations with the theories of the historical school we have mentioned) has, in general, given an objective tendency to the moral sciences differing and in fact exaggerating the cult of fact and historical growth in its dogmatic pantheism, which is substantially an "a priori" realism.*" § 38. Sociology. Comte. The positivism of Comte is founded entirely upon the idea of the necessary correla- tion of every kind of phenomena. And from the neces- sity of considering human facts as governed by laws analogous to those governing all other phenomena, there grew in Comte's mind the concept of a new science or general doctrine of society — Sociology.*! In this Zeit," p. 11. For the contradiction between this and the other doctrine of the same school, that Roman law should be accepted by modern nations as normal law, see Ahrens, "Naturrecht oder die Philosophie des Rechts," 6 ed. (Vienna, 1870-71), I Bd., p. 172 et seq. Arnold, in "Cultur und Rechtsleben," clearly outlines the organic connection between law and the other multiplicate forms of culture according to the principles of the historical school. The school of Krause developed this concept. ^ For this realistic fundamental significance of Hegelian doctrine, cf. Gabba, "Alcuni piu generali problemi," I, p. 20; Petrone, "La fase recentissima della Filosofia del diritto in Germania," p. 12 et seq., p. 92 et seq. ^ See esp. "Cours de philosophie positive," Lecture 48; "Carac- t^res fondamentaux de la methode positive dans I'^tude rationelle des phenomenes sociaux," Vol. IV, pp. 287-470. From the idea of a consensus or "fundamental solidarity between all divers social aspects," Comte deduced the necessity of studying social reality as S381 SOCIOLOGY 53 regard we can say that no reform of method, no matter how stringent, suffices to effect a new science. For this a specific object and content is necessary, to distinguish it from all other pre-existing sciences. Now the study — even the synthetic study — of human facts is as old as human thought; it was not introduced "ex novo" by sociology. The only distinctive mark of sociology is its objective treatment of human facts as phenomena naturally determined and connected in their develop- ment. § 39. Sociology. Spencer. The question of the pos- sibility and object , of sociology now in controversy exceeds the proper limits of our subject and cannot be treated as incidental to it^ We will here also dis- regard the philosophical meaning, which is generally attributed to the historical and genetic study of social facts, postpdning it to a later chapter.^* In this place we will merely grant what, in fact, all modern sciences have demonstrated, namely, that there are infrangible bonds between legal institutions and the conditions of existence, which are realized and understood more or less consciously by every people, or its major part, in every moment of its life. With a variation in these a single unit both in static and dynamic regards: "Since social phenomena • are so deeply connected, their real study can never rationally be separated; whence arises a permanent necessity, as unavoidable as direct, of always considering diverse social aspects simultaneously, whether social statics or dynamics are under con- sideration" (p. 352). C "The true general spirit of dynamic sociology consists in conceiving of each consecutive social state as the neces- sary result of the precedent and the indispensable cause of the subsequent state. Its object, therefore, in this regard, consists in the discovery of constant laws governing this continuity, whose sum determines the fundamental advance of human development";;' (pp. 365-66). •2 Cf., esp., Cap. X, p. 85, post. 54 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [Ch.VI conditions and with divers phases of gerieral social development, a corresponding change in law must be effected. This concept of the inevitable historical relativity of law is confirmed by modern biologists. Darwin, who received inspiration for his biological discoveries from Malthus' treatise on population, showed how such discoveries in their turn ejtplained certain developments of social life. But Spencer deserves the credit of clearly formulating the connection between the two kinds of research, transposing the criteria of the conditions of existence and the laws of adapta- tion to environment, and those of evolution from the field of organic to that of superorganic or social facts. Historical movement came, therefore, to be understood and explained in a new light, as the progressive adapta- tion of human society to environment. The connection of rules of conduct with objective conditions of existence was also recognized in a dynamic sense, making the development of social life appear as a necessary and coherent development of cosmic evolution ; whence, a long series of discoveries in the analysis of the social function of law and the factors determining its evolution according to these new criteria. § 40. Comparative Law. The historical analysis of law was accompanied by a great extension in research, of which it was both the cause and effect. Different times and nations were studied, which up to that time had escaped examination because they were thought unworthy of it.^' The comparison of the legal institutions *> The historical school of law was not free from this prejudice, for in its worship of Roman law it severely restricted its scope and failed to grasp the importance of ethnographical comparison. On the contrary, ThibaiJ wrote, "Our history of law, to be truly prag- matical, must include the legislation both of ancient and modern countries. Ten good lectures on the jurisprudence of the Persians §40] COMPARATIVE LAW '55 of various peoples grew so rapidly that juridical ethnology is now considered a distinct science. Its vast design is far from being fully realized, but still it is undeniable ±hat the comparative study of the various races, especi- ally in their first stages of juridical development, has thrown no little light upon the genesis and later develop- ment of law. The analogous progress in the sciences of social facts has contributed also to the advance of his- torical knowledge of law. Comparative philology greatly helped discoveries of prehistoric juridical facts (especially in the splendid work done by Leist). Even more im- portant, in its consideration of the intrinsic coefficients of law, was the aid of the economic studies, which, in giving rise to the discussion of method, bore rich fruit. The conflux of these various currents-necessarily resulted in partial contradiction, since the different starting- points were necessarily reflected in the final conclusions reached concerning the same object. It is not surprising that those who, following Darwin and Spencer, took a biological point of view of human society gave its organic conception an exclusive and perhaps erroneous meaning. This also explains, if it does not justify, the excessive predominance given by the economic school to the eco- nomic element in the determination of social structures. and Chinese would awaken more true juridical thought than a hun- dred on 'some wretched technical point, such as the basis of the Laws of Decedent's Estates from Augustus to Justinian." ("Civil- istische Abhandlungen," 1814, p. 433.) Even more recently, while admitting the value of comparative jurisprudence, some authors wanted to restrict it to civilized people. Thus, for example, Walter, "It is well worth while to compare the existing laws only of civilized nations." "Naturrecht und Politik im Lichte der Gegenwart," 2ed. (Bonn, 1871), § 19. In these latter days with the study of the "Naturvolker," the other extreme has been reached, which is criticized by Lasson, "System der Rechtsphilosophie," Pref., p. x; and Vanni, "Lo studio comparative delle razze inferiori nella Sociologia contemporanea" (Perugia, 1884). 66 LAW AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS [Ch.VI § 41. Relativity of Law. Conclusion. But these par- tial divergencies do not prevent the modern studies of society and law from leading to a common end, which contains their general results and supplies the funda- mental methodical canons to be applied in their pursuit. They are (to epitomize the general principles whose doctrinal genesis we have outlined) first of all, the concept of the interpenetration of all social facts, so that it is impossible, for example, to study the law of a given people in a given time apart from all the other subjective and objective conditions of its life. *-Then comes the concept of the natural determination of social facts, so that the appearance and duration of an institution are explained in relation not so i^uch to its ideal and abstract rationality as to the actual presence of vital forces capable of forming and maintaining it (we may call it the principle of sufficient historical reason), v- And lastly, there is the concept of development or growth (to which everything in life is subject), which proves that law has a life and must transform in time with the modifications of the ' conditions of existence, with which it is connected. The true constancy of the historical changes of law is found in its relation to the other elements of social life. "The positive law of a people at a definite time is always the inevitable product of the history of its ethnico- raorphological constitution and the life-condition^ under which it is formed." ** This passage by Post c^n be accepted as the epitome of the modern historical con- ception of law, which admits the natural relativity and instrumentality of law itself.*^ However grave and **Post, "Bausteine fur eine allgemeine Rechtswissenschaft auf vergleichend-ethnologischer Basis," ,1 Bd. (Oldenburg, 1880), p. 71. « "If law," writes Post, "is a result of the actual collective life of anethnico-morphological construction, and we see such in progressive development, it goes without saying that the content of law must be a continually changing one. In fact, according to the type of §41] RELATIVITY OF LAW 57 prejudicial to an abstract determination of the concept of law such an admission may seem, it is none the less inevitable if one professes an unconditional respect for the reality of facts, whatever may be their significance and consequences. Only on this condition an idealistic philosophy, which does not recognize that facts mark the limii of the human mind, can trust itself to a firm founda- tion, without laying itself open to the old criticisms, wherein lies the greatest strength of empiricism in general and of positivism in particular. The historical relativity of law must be, and is to-day, admitted by all who have grasped the meaning of scientific objectivity.*^ Consider- ing this principle as accepted, therefore, we will proceed to its consequence in relation to our theme. ethnico-morphological organization, in which the law arises, and the conditions of existence under which it develops, the law must be somewhat different at all times and among all peoples, and, too, it must be recognized as law" ("Bausteine," 1 Bd., p. 60). Bruns has given typical and comprehensive formulae on this subject: "The different national laws, which govern single nations, are not absolute but singfe changing phenomenon in the great current of history, and, in general, therefore, where an historical development of national life takes place, law must be included as an actual part of its con- ditions. • As every nation, so must every age have its own distinct law. The changes which enter into the social and spiritual life of a nation must effect alterations and improvements in its laws." "Ge- schichte und Quellen des romischen Rechts," § 1. To the same effect, see inter alios, Lor. v. Stein, "Gegenwart und Zukunft der Rechts- und Staatswissenschaft Deutschlands" (Stuttgart, 1876), pp. 97, 135 et seq.; Ihering, "Der Zweck im Recht," I Bd., 3 ed. (Leipsic, 1893), p. 435 et seq. "^'When the conditions of the life of a people change and its needs are altered," writes one of the masters of the spiritualistic modern philosophy of law, "their positive law is modified and transformed. The different grades of people's culture have different ways of deter- mining what is just; such determination is realized in positive law." Filomusi-Guelfi, "Enciclopedia giuridica," p. 47; cf. his "La codifi- cazione civile e le idee modertte che ad essa si riferiscono" (Rome, 1887), p. 13 et seq. 58 CONSEQUENCES AND LIMITS [Ch.VII CHAPTER VII CONSEQUENCES AND LIMITS OF THE RELATIVITY OF LAW RECOGNITION OF HISTORICAL VARIETY AND APPARENT IMPOSSIBILITY OF AN UNVARYING DETERMINATION OF LAW. — EXCESSIVE RELATIVISM AND REALISTIC CON- FORMITY IN INSTITUTIONS. — PROGRESSIVE UNIFICA- TION OF LAW. — VALUE OF THIS PRINCIPLE "PER SE" AND IN THE PRESENT STUDY. § 42. Modern Denial of Law as a Unit Fact. The conclusion, which at first seems inevitable from the facts established up to this point, is that a universal objective definition of the concept of law is impossible. If law is not a quiescent reality, but constantly changes with the mutable conditions of life and culture, how can we hope to confine it in a universally acceptable definition? History properly contains not law but as many laws as there are social conditions. The criterion of justice is not fixed and immutable, on which, as by categorical necessity, without distinction of time or place, equal institutions and decrees can be uniformly based, but assumes matiy shapes, varying with the deter- mining conditions. The logical definition of an object presupposes it a unit, — that it is always equivalent to itself. Now the only constant factor to be found in the historical life of law is that it is not an entity but a relation, as we have shown. Not law "in se" but only its relation to its real bases can be said to be immutable and absolute.' The historical variety of law, which 1 Cf. Vanni, "Filosofia del diritto," p. 61. §42] MODERN DENIAL OF LAW 59 was primarily considered as a simple fact controlled by- law, has, thanks to scientific progress (as outlined in our last chapter), assumed the true and proper significance of a law itself. It no longer represents a mere "datum" of experience, but rational necessity or will. So, by a cruel irony of thought, the long-sought unity dissolves in the act of grasping it; the criterion which compre- hends and dominates the whole juridical reality seems to result in the impossibility of uniform conception. If we regard the character of modern speculation about law, we find that it does not tend so much to the dis- covery of its substance as to the narration of its history and the description of its function. Giving up all attempt to discover an objective essence in law, the philosophy of to-day defines it almost exclusively as a term of a relation and a means for the attainment of certain ends (such as social protection, preservation, development). . This is one of the causes of the charac- teristic vagueness of recent fundamental notions of law. It is true that this seems the inevitable corollary of the propositions already proven, which show the need of an historical view of law. Once recognizing the infinite and necessary diversity of the historical configurations of law, how can we escape the conclusion which Post, for example, has drawn, that "a constant idea of law is nonsense"?* § 43. Modern Denial of Law as a Unit Fact is the Result of Anti-idealistic Views. There is no doubt that this conclusion is favored implicitly or explicitly by the anti-idealistic trend which prevails to-day. The denial of a universal and objective idea of law is in fact only an example of the present denial of all ideology. Comte found a metaphysical residuum in the idea of law, which made him as suspicious of it as he was of the causal « Post, "Bausteine," I Bd., p. 60. 60 CONSEQUENCES AND LIMITS [Ch.VII idea in other fields. And, as Comte's aversion to metaphysical ideas is the part of his thought most propagated and encouraged by modern schools, we can- not marvel that the idea of law, with its traditional characteristics of absoluteness and universality, has been attacked and made the object of all the objections which are directed against the metaphysics of the past in general, until the idea, which Plato considered the sun of the spiritual universe, has come to be considered in our, day as the stronghold of mental prejudice and superstition. This excess of anti-philosophical reaction is undoubtedly the reason why, in the fury of destroying the ideological postulates of , the older doctrines, their proofs resulting from the objective studies of facts are forgotten. We have already pointed out ' the number of cases common to the laws of .various peoples, through which the older school profited by intuition. The modern studies, by whose light the variety in the forms of life and the difference according to time and place of both men and nations are more clearly seen, have shown with equal clearness that there are deep-rooted similitudes and continuous analogies, and even true and actual equalities of principle and institutions, among various peoples in different ages. We can proclaim with cer- tainty that what Cicero called the "insignis humani generis similitudo" * is always clearly shown by the customs and laws of all races. Now, after the latter- day studies, based on biological ideas of conduct, there is less justification than ever for holding that life has not fixed conditions determined by its essential functions, which necessarily result in uniform elements of activity and thought in every individual and society." » Cf. Cap. IV, p. 14, ante. * "De Leg.," Lib. I, par. 11. ' The testimony of Post on this point, founded on his vast investi- gations in ethnographical jurisprudence, is invaluable. He states §44] PROOF OF LAW 61 § 44. Proof of Law as a ' Unit Fact. This uniform substratum, which Vico called "the common mind of the nations," is, "per se," sufficient to stay the course of scepticism,^ the goal of those who, erroneously dogma- tizing the proper principles of the historical method and erring in their application, feel bound to find nothing in phenomena but a constant inconsequent flow.' It is the common substratum which gives scientific meaning to comparative study. In other words, it renders the product of their respective data scien- tifically legitimate and conclusive. It is not mere chance which leads the greatest masters of comparative jurisprudence to point out with special care^the common bases found in the laws of various peoples. Only from this community of base can we undertake the highest object of this science, that is, the co-ordyiation of all the juridical formations in a system, so that they can be considered as phases of a universal and sub- stantially homogeneous historical movement.^ I From "that there are a number of similar legal customs among different peoples and in different ages, which are based on similar human nature and on similar conditions of existence." "Bausteine," Bd. I, p. 64, and cf. p. 14 at passim. 8 With this point ol view, Rousseau confuted Montaigne, "fimile," Lib. IV, p. 340 See also, for many true observations -on this sub- ject, Janet, "L'unite morale de I'esp^ce humaine," in "Revue des deux mondes," Vol. LXXVII, 1868, pp. 892-931. Cf. Schiattarella, "L'idea del diritto nell' Antropologia, nella Storia e nella Filosofia" (Florence, 1880), I. Also, Tissot, in his "Introduction historique k r6tude du droit" (Paris, 1875), proposes to show the fundamental unity of human nature throughout the variety of juridical history. ' Against the concept of absolute mutability, which is incompatible with science, see Spir, "Recht und Unredht," 2 ed. (Leipsic, 1883), Cap. I. 'This special character distinguishes the ethnographico-com- parative method from the historical in a strict sense. Cf. Post, "Einleitung in das Studium der ethnologischen Jurisprudenz" 62 CONSEQUENCES AND LIMITS [Ch.VII the synthetic consideration of the history of law we can make an induction of the greatest importance, which increases the value of the particular similarities (which we have shown analytically); this is the induction of the progressive unification of law, shown in the tendency among all peoples to co-ordinate their laws and institu- tions. The causes of this important fact are manifold, because of its relation to many phenomena. In its most profound significance, it is referable to the intrinsic development of human knowledge, which is always tending towards the universal, and the recognition of the equality of man.' In its external and concrete (Oldenburg, 1886) : "Ueber die Aufgaben einer allgemeineti Rechts- wissenschaft" (Oldenburg, 1891); "Grundriss der ethnologischen Jurisprudenz" (Oldenburg, 1894-95); and his other works cited hitherto; Bernhoft, "Ueber Zweck und Mittel der Vergleichenden Rechtswissenschaft" in "Zeitschrift fiir Vergleichende Rechts- wissenschaft," I Bd. (Stuttgart, 1878), pp. 1-38; Hildenbrand, "Ueber das Problem einer allgemeinen Entwicklungsgeschichte der Rechts und der Sitte" (Graz, 1894); Kohler, "Ueber die Methode der Rechtsvergleichung" in "Zeitschrift fiir das Privat- und offentliche Recht der Gegenwart," Bd. XXVIII, 1901, pp. 273-84; "Rechtsphilosophie und Universalrechtsgeschichte," "Die Rechts- philosophie der XX Jahrhunderts" in "Deutsche Juristen-Zeitung," IX, 1904, pp. 27-34; Del Vecchio, "SuU' idea di una scienza del diritto universale comparato," 2nd ed. (Turin, 1909; Germ, transl., "Die Idee einer vergleichenden universalen Rechtswissenschaft," in "Archivfur Rechts- und Wirtschaftsphilosophie," Bd. VII, pp. 2-3, Berlin, 1914). ' This clarifying principle is not, as some believe, a mere ethical demand or metaphysical postulate; it has been constantly proved by examination of the historical development of law, which has shown that personal protection, originally reserved to members of a certain ethical or tribal group, and denied to foreigners, has been gradually extended to a larger circle, until for certain purposes it includes all mankind. Vide Petrone, "La Filosofia del diritto al lume deir idealismo critico," p. 439 et seq., where the testimony of Darwin on this point is collected. See also, Tarde, "Les transforma- tions du droit," 2d ed. (Paris, 1894), p. 59 et seq.; Caiellani, "La dottrina platonica delle idee e il concetto di society internazionale" 5441 PROOF OF LAW 63 relations, it is the effect of the necessity which forces groups of men, as they modify their conditions of life in order to escape from their primitive isolation, to contract new and more active reciprocal relations. These complex relations, which comprehend the exchange of things (commerce) as well as of ideas, naturally lead to the formation and progressive development of inter- national law, which in turn exercises a strong influence on the development of national law. § 45. Co-ordination of Laws. The consequence is that the general and constant elements of law tend to prevail over the particular and occasional. The substitution of human for national concepts (upon which ancient law was moulded) is one of the essential signs of civilization. "The national character" of law, the slogan of the historical school,*" is a sign of incomplete develop- ment. It predominates in the first stages of juridical evolution, but loses its importance as the latter advances. And if it does not become valueless it is so modified as to allow of the formation over and above all particular national laws of a vaster complex unity or superior ethico-juridical organism, founded on universal condi- tions of human existence." The uniformity of the (Turin, 1898), in "Studii giuridici dedicati a F. Schupfer." Cf. Del Vecckio, "L'evoluzione dell' ospitalitil" in "Riv. ital. di Soc," VI, 1902, Fasc. II-III. " Cf. on this point, Stahl, "Die Philosophie des Rechcs," Bd. II, Lib. II, Cap. IV. " This concept, of which traces can be found in Stoicism, was cleariy outlined by Kant, and empirical researches have only con- firmed it. So the idea of human progress, against whose dogmatic aspect a reaction only partly justified had taken place, as we have said (cf. § 15, ante), is again accepted, though in a more strictly scientific guise. We now generally admit that the state of perfect harmony, which ancient philosophy supposed to have existed in primordial days, is on the other hand the end to which humanity tends by infinite paths. 64 CONSEQUENCES AND LIMITS [Ch.VII laws of various peoples is not, therefore, merely static, but what is more important, dynamic and progressive The doctrine of a cosmopolitan law ("jus cosmopoliticum," "Weltbiirgerrecht") as the necessary goal of the course of mankind was held by Kant, besides in the writings cited ante, in "Met. Anf- gangs. d. Rechtslehre," Zw. Th., Dritt. Abschn., and "Zum ewigen Frieden." This doctrine, which Schelling also supports in "System des transcendentalen Idealismus," p. 686 et seq., 591 et seq., is fol- lowed by Hegel, notwithstanding the different character of his system, as far as his conception of the State as an entity will permit. Vide "Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts," §§ 330-360; "Encyclo- padie der Philosophischen Wissenschaften," §§548-552; "Philosophie der Geschichte" at the end. Hegel states that the history of the world is the development of the idea of freedom, and places the authority of the universal spirit over the laws of separate States. This authority is shown in history, which constitutes, according to a known formula, the tribunal of the world. But Hegel does not admit a true law in the relations between States, Vide, on this point, Lasson, "Prinzip und Zukunft des Volkerrechts" (Berlin, 1871); "System der Rechtsphilosophie,'' §§36, 37. Filomusi-Guelfi thought it possible to make a full juridical co-ordination, within the confines of the Hegelian theory, that is, an all-powerful association of nations which would not lose their distinct individuality by entering it. Vide "Enciclopedia giuridica," p. 705 et seq.; cf. p. 51 et seq., p. 676 et seq. In confirmation of this we may recall that BluntscMi, inspired, as is well-known, by Hegelian thought, held that humanity tended to the formation of one State, in which alone the State-idea would be fully realized. This is, in substance, the thought of Kant. See "Lehre vom modernen Staat," Erst. Th., "Allgemeine Staatslehre," 6 ed. (durchges. von Loeming, Stuttgart, 1886), Lib. I, Cap. II; "Die Bedeutung und die Fortschritte des modernen Volkerrechts" (Berlin, 1866), p. 63 et seq. Cf., also, Trendelenburg, "Naturrecht auf dem Grunde der Ethik," 2 ed. (Leipsic, 1868), §§ 218, 235; Miraglia, "I principii fondamentali dei diversi sistemi di Filosofia del diritto e la dottrina etico-giuridica di G. W. F. Hegel" (Naples, 1873), p. 201 et seq. Among the modern positivistic doctrines which can be adduced to prove the progressive ethico-juridical co-ordination of mankind, that of. Spencer deserves particular notice. After showing that historical progress represents "the progressive adaptation of human- ity to the social state," Spencer takes up the condition of "perfect §45] CO-ORDINATION OF LAWS 65 as well. The idea of the just tends to fix its content, assuming always a meaning more purely and universally human. Here, too, historical reality endeavors to har- monize with reason; facts approach little by little what is revealed in the consciousness as an immediate need. § 46. The Unity of Law not Provable by its Content. If we could not oppose anything but similarities in the adaptation," and deduces therefrom a code which he calls "absolute ethics," which "fornaulates the method of life of a man fully adapted in a fully developed society." "The Data of Ethics," §106. Absolute ethics prevail more and more over relative or provisional ethics as the gradual process of adaptation is fulfilled. Ethico- juridical ideas and sentiments, at first varying, become "uniform and per- manent, because the conditions necessary to complete social life are uniform and permanent." "The Principles of Psychology," § 524. This doctrine has much truth in it, but lacks precision and corres- ponds badly to the premises of the Spencerian philosophical system. Cf. Vanni, "Sist. di Spencer"; Anzilotli, "La scuola del diritto naturale"; G. Vidari, "Rosmini e Spencer" (Milan, 1899), Pt. II, Sec. II; Juvalta, "La dottrina delle due Etiche di H. Spencer" in "Rivista filosofica," Anno VI, Vol. VII, 1904. Cf. also Del VeccMo's note in the "Riv. ital. di Soc," Anno VI, 1902, p. 666-673. The progressive diminution of national and particular elements in the juridical institutions of various nations, giving place to a larger historical fact, was admitted by Vanni, "Prime linee di un programma critica di Sociologia,'' p. 66. "Sist. di Spencer," p. xxi, "Lezioni" p. 237. Cf., on the analogies in the law of advanced nations, Austin, "Lectures on Jurisprudence, or the Philosophy of Positive Law," 5 ed., revised by Campbell (London, 1885), p. 1077, at passim. Carle, who, in his "Genesi e sviluppo delle varie forme di convivenza civile e politica" (Turin, 1878), had laid stress on the gradual increase in human groups, by which "humanity was always growing" in the forms of law (p. 37), states later "that a system of law is to-day forming before our eyes, like the extension of the ancient tribal law under the hands of the Romans." "La Filosofia del diritto," p. 239, n. 2; cf. p. 381 et seq.; cf., too, Leist, "Ueber die Entwicklung eines positiven gemeinen Rechts in der civilisirten Menschheit" (Basel, 1846); "Die realen Grundlagen und die Stoffe des Rechts" (Jena, 1877), p. 172 et seq.; Zitelmann, "Die Moglich- keit eines Weltrechts" in "AUgemeine Osterreichische Gerichts- 66 CONSEQUENCES AND LIMITS [Ch.VII content of law to the negative arguments of empiricists, the possibility of a universal definition of the concept would be far from assured ; for, by the side of these simi- larities and identities, inequalities and contradictions are found in its historical manifestations. Nor would the fact that the latter are disappearing, making way for a more perfect uniformity, justify thefr elimination from scientific examination, for all existing facts, how- ever transitory and of whatever value in respect to a criterion of another order, must be equally considered and included in any definition which hopes to be truly objective and universal. Let us repeat here what we have already said on the subject of natural law:" the idea of natural law is in fact connected with that of a "human world-wide law," which can be described in terms of historical evolution. We admit the value of such ideas and believe them well-founded in their proper sphere, but we must distinguish diverse scientific de- mands. We are now seeking a type, a paradigm in the Platonic sense, a supreme criterion to weigh diverse positive laws. We do not want to determine the last stage of its evolution, but to find theorrini-comprehensive idea which includes in itself all facts, showing its common essence. If such an essence exists, it cannot be founded on coincidences and similarities, which, however exten- sive, represent only one part of the reality of law or only one phase (even if it is the highest and most perfect) of its course, but must be referable to something fixed, constant and universal. We have noted the gravest zeitung'' (Vienna, 1888), Th. 25-27; Ludwig Stein, "Die soziale Frage im Lichte der Philosophie," 2 ed. (Stuttgart, 1903), p. 124 et seq.; Del Vecchio, "II fenomeno della guerra e I'idea della pace," 2nd ed. (Turin, 1911; German Transl., "Die Tatsache des Krieges und der Friedensgedanke," Leipsic, 1913). " Cf. Cap. Ill, p. 14, ante. §46] THE UNITY OF LAW 67 doubts (caused by a perception of the historical nature of law) of the possibility of such a definition. If the latter is by its nature conditional and relative, how can a fixed and universally true definition of it be given? How can a necessarily common element be found in what is of necessity varied? The answer to these questions must show the impossibility of definition, unless — and this is a point of capital importance for our theme — all the proofs of the historical relativity of law obtained by an examination of facts concern only its content, and have to do only with the internal changes and concrete implications of various judicial propositions. It is clear that the only statement that can be properly predicated upon historical facts is that the logical definition of law cannot be gotten from the content of juridical experience. . Thus far we agree perfectly with Post." Now, what if the essence of law is entirely reducible to its content, that is, to the material of separate juridical propositions? And, if this material is bound "de facto" to the multiplicate tides of history and alters with them, will it be possible to find elsewhere an "ubi consistam" for determining the immutable essence of law? This we must determine in the following chapters.. " "It can be seen from these examples . . . that the content of distinct statutes is not that from which the nature of law can be ascertained." "Der Ursprung des Rechts," p. 18. 68 FORM AND CONTENT OF LAW [ Ch. VIII CHAPTER VIII FORM AND CONTENT OF LAW: THE POSITION OF THE PROBLEM IN THE THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE LOGICAL UNITY AND ACTUAL MULTIPLICITY. — THE LOGICAL UNIVERSAL AS FORM. — THE PROBLEM OF KNOWLEDGE IN ITS FUNDAMENTAL RELATIONS. — CRITICISM AND POSITIVISM. — METAPHYSICAL CHARAC- TER OF , IDEAS. —FUNDAMENTAL PRESUPPOSITIONS IN THE APPLICATION OF PHILOSOPHICAL IDEAS TO LAW. — LOGICAL AND ACTUAL DETERMINATION. — CONCEPT AND IDEAL. — CRITICISM OF DEONTOLOGICAL DEFI- NITIONS. § 47. Abstract Unity of Law. We have gone into far fields in search of what lies in our own thought, where alone we can hope to find it.i The fixed point, the constant basis and germ of the conceptual determination of law and the proof of its possibility, lies in the fact that we give immediate recognition to the quality of juridical propositions no matter how different and varied they may be. The idea of the variety of historical legal mani- festations actually proves the assumption of a common form, for we could not speak of juridical evolution if we did not first accept a certain abstract unity as com- mon to all its phases, in whose regard a continuity of process was apparent.^ We do not find the true .unity 1 "Noli foras ire, in te ipsum redi, in interiore homine habitat Veritas." Augustine, "De Vera Religione," Cap. XXXIX. = Kant gives a strict proof of this principle in general, "Krit. d. rein. Vernunft," "Transscend. Analytik.," II Buch, 2 Hauptst., 3 Abschn., 3, A; "Grundsatz der Beharrlichkeit der Substantz," pp 180-185. §47] ABSTRACT UNITY OF LAW 69 of law either in the multiplicate data of juridical history or in determinations of ideal justice imposed or based on such data. Such unity is only shown by the logical universal of law, that is, by the form of its idea. This form is not exhausted in the conteilt of law and is immanent in respect to its variance, as is proved psycho- logically by the fact that we include diverse and even contradictory propositions in the single category of law. What these propositions have in common is the essence of law, the sense or formal quality of juridical propositions. - ,- § 48. Process of Scientific Thought. The essence of science lies in uniting the multiplicity of phenomena by conceptual ties. Scientific knowledge is systematic by nature, and system is possible only through the concepts.' The crowning glory of Greek philosophy is the discovery and application of this truth. The advance from the sensible particular to the intellectual universal is, accord- ing to Socrates, the dialectic process which contra- distinguishes and makes true science possible. Socrates, however, did not develop the theory of the univer- sal to the full, and only availed himself of the process, which we would to-day call a process of abstraction, in certain fundamental ethical problems. He can, therefore, 'J;'The life of all science is founded on the collection of an endless variety of apparent phenomena under comparatively few abstract concepts, forming a system by which we can get all phenomena within, one mental grasp, to make the past clear and determine the future." Schopenhauer, "Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung," "Kritik der Kantischen Philospphie" (ed. by Grisebach), 1, p. 578. Cf.,inthissense,thejust considerations of Petrone in his " Contributo air analisi dei caratteri differenziali del diritto" in "Riv. ital. per le ' sci. giur.," Vol. XXII, 1897, "There is no unity of concept, there is no scientific knowledge in the rigorous sense of the word, where an immutable, essential, and necessary element cannot be abstracted from the processes of mutation, contingency, and growth" (p. 347-8). 70 FORM AND CONTENT OF LAW [ Ch. VIII strictly be called the founder of ethics. But his great disciple developed the principle of the universal as the condition of scientific objective knowledge and made it the basis of a full conception of the world. Plato believed that the A,oyos was the subjective term of an equation, whose objective term was the elSos or iSax, the only absolute reality. As there is a perfect correlation between these terms, the concept has a full objective value. But Plato places the reality -of the iSea in a transcendental order, of which the sensible world offers only a defective image; whence it follows that the con- cept is not entirely reflected in the objects of experience. It is equal to the idea and transcends, like it, all phe- nomena.' This gives rise to Aristotle's criticism: that not admitting the x"'P'^e"' of ideas — their separation from phenomena — he posits essence as immanent in the distinct reality of things. Aristotle thinks a con- cept an equal subjective term corresponding to objective essence — ■^ Kara Xoyov ovo-ta ; but Xoyos here has naturally a meaning different from that given it by Plato. It is equivalent to things (being made equal to their essence) and not, as Plato said, equal to the idea, which is beyond things. § 49. Conceptual Abstraction. It is with Aristotle, therefore, that conceptual abstraction begins to exercise a distinctly logical function in the economy of thought. Logic and^ metaphysics were confused in the Platonic system, because the concept in it did not correspond so much to reality as to the idea of the true. Aristotle, however, drew a distinction (which is not an absolute separation) between these sciences* and assigned to the concept its proper ofifice of objectively synthesizing * On the relations, not always clearly determined, between logic and metaphysics in Aristotle, see Schwegler, "Geschichte der Philoso- phie," new ed., revised by Stern (Leipsic), p. 133 et seq. §49] CONCEPTUAL ABSTRACTION 71 the real and representing its essential and constant nature, t The theory of the concept as formal unity was so perfected by Aristotle that all attempts in later ages to pursue and elaborate his work have led not to true corrections and advantageous developments but to mere supersubtleties and artificialities, to some of which (it is but fair to say) Aristotle opened the door by his ambiguity, uncertain terminology, and partial contradiction in doctrine.^ The substance of his doctrine (which it is necessary merely to mention here) is that the formal concept shows the imnianent unity of the multitude of things, while the material or content constitutes its plurality.®- The objective existence and value of the Xoyos was really the central idea of all Greek classic philosophy. Then the discussion did not lie around its existence, but the relation between logical entities and particular sensible things. § 50. Realism and Nominalism. This discussion, as is well-known," reappeared in the Middle Ages. Questions 'On this proposition, read Veberweg, "System der Logik und Geschichte der logischen Lehren," 6 ed. by J. B. Meyer (Bonn, 1882), p. 150 et seq. See also the posthumous work of Rosmini, "Aristotele esposto ed esaminato" (Turin, 1857), for profound critical . considerations of this subject. ' - 6 " ''Oa-a apLOfi-a TroXXa, vXrjV exa. Eis yap Xoyos Kal 6 dvros iroXXcSv OLOV avBpiairov, SwKpari^s Se e«," Aristotle, "Met.," XI, 8, 1074a. Schwegler, in his edition of the "Metaphysics," comments on the passage, "Form is the principle of unity, material the basis and possibility of plurality. As form or concept is the basis, so all men are one (that is, exist as man in the formal sense), although a number of examples of man or concrete men exist. Thus it is only matter which gives rise to distinction, and makes actual plurality possible." Cf. also, "Met.," VI, 8; VII, 7; IX, 2; et passim. ' Cf. Windelband, "Gfeschichte der Philosophic," 2 ed. (Tubingen, 1900)', p. 222 et seq., and the fundamental work by Prantl, "Geschichte der Logik im Abendlande," Vol. IV (Leipsic, 1855-70). Cf., also, Rosmini, "Aristotele esposto ed esaminato," p. 15 et seq. 72 FORM AND CONTENT OF LAW [ Ch. VIII arose whether the universals were "ante rem" the Platonic conception) or "in re" (the Aristotelian conception). Up to this time the great common prin- ciple of the objective validity and reality of the universals was followed, but with the discussion of this question, nominalism grew in direct opposition to realism, whether of Platonic or Aristotelian form. Its doctrine was, that the concepts had no actual existence, that only particular and sensible objects are real;* "universalia sunt nomina, universalia post rem." ' § 51. Conceptualism. Conceptualism (founded by Abelard), distinct from nominalism, though agreeing with it in its denial of the extrasubj active existence of universals, attributed a psychological (and not merely nominal) existence to them. Concepts, in this doctrine which rapidly supplanted the others, were the mental reflection or "a. posteriori" synthesis of sensible data. § 52. Innate Ideas. The ontological question of the objectivity of universals tended to become genetic. And the problem of the origin of ideas was suddenly brought before the new philosophy. The doctrine of innate ideas had a model of systematic construction in Platonism, but the fixing of the human mind as the centre of speculation (which is characteristic of modern ' [The mediaeval nominalists, as can be seen from this synopsis, correspond to the modern realists. Care should be taken to avoid confusion from this terminology. — Translator.] ' We must point out that there are many steps between these opposite doctrines. Thirteen different opinions held in the llOO's on this point are well known. Cf. K. Fischer, "System der Logik und Metaphysik oder Wissenschaftslehre,'' 2d ed. (Heidelberg, 1865), § 49. Save for individual, though important, variations, Platonic realism was represented by Anselmo of Aosta (of Canter- bury), William of Champeaux, and Bernardo of Chartres; Aris- totelian realism by Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, and Duns Scotus; nominalism by Roscellinus and later by Occam and others. 5 52] INNATE IDEAS 73 philosophy) prevented the new metaphysicians of the "a priori" from accepting the absolute objective in the classic sense. They, therefore, attributed a certain sub- jective quality to the supreme categories of reason. For Plato the problem was of joining the ideas (abso- lute reality) with knowledge; for modern philosophy the question is reversed. It would explain the relation of knowledge to reality. Psychogenetic research (over- looked by Platonism, in which ontology ruled supreme), assumes a fundamental importance in the modern age. And this research must be pursued all the more actively — for logic's sake — by a school which proposes to prove the empirical origin of ideas, that is, to show that their formation is due to a process of accumulation and re-elaboration of sensible data. Yet, such a study, how- ever ingeniously conducted and however refined in method, is inadequate to give a full explanation of the logical character of ideas, for necessity and universality are elements foreign to experience, but understandable by reason and necessary to certain operations of the human mind. On the other hand, the principle of innate ideas cannot escape serious objections. I The marvellous prog- ress in experimental science, more than any dialectic argument, urges every rationalist to the construction of a new theory of knowledge, which will allow an internal synthesis of the elements of essence and growth.* § 53. Kant. The critique of knowledge in the Kantian system proposes to clarify the relations between the"" necess9,ry and'" the contingent, between the universal and the^ particular, between th^results of reason and the -data of experience. Without denying any of these apparently contradictory and Irreconcilable terms, this critique portrays their relations "inter se" and suggests an hierarchical system such as is required by the human mind in its determinate capacity. Kant saw clearly 74 FORM AND CONTENT OF LAW [ Ch. VIII that the problem of knowledge did not consist in the discovery of a relation of succession among its various elements, but in an architectonic conception assigning to each its proper place in a logical and not temporal order, according to its proper office and value. He regarded the gnoseological function of the "'a priori" in this respect in a new sense — to explain logically the possibility of knowledge he started from its actuality, shown indubitably in some sciences, and afterwards considered its conditions,, separating those of form from those of content. To the formal elements, he ascribed — as Aristotle had done before him though in a somewhat different spirit '" — all of the necessary and universal in knowledge, while he made the particular and contingent constitute the material elements or content, given by experience. But these empirical elements must, never- theless, be conceived of or weighed within those forms. They have, therefore, within themselves the imprint of something which transcends them, inasmuch as the con- dition of their experience is at the same time the con- dition of experience in general, the potential synthesis and "a priori" limit of all possible experience. This is the great principle which vanquished nominalism '"and conceptualisnj once and for all. Every empirical datum has within itself the reason for its transcendentality ; and this consists in the logical form of its conception, which comprehends, besides it, all possible experience of the same kind. The Kantian system, appearing as a higher synthesis of the philosophies, then struggling together, seemed destined to establish a lasting harmony '" Roughly speaking, as appears from what we have already said, Kant refers to knowledge what Aristotle directly attributes to essence; he considers under consciousness what Aristotle places in the external world. For difference in terminology, dependent hereon, see Masci, "Logica" (Naples, 1899), p. 78 et seq. § 53 ] KANT 75 and co-ordination of purpose among them. This cer- tainly was the purpose of its founder. Disagreements, however, soon reappeared, deep and wider than ever; for each of the two tendencies, believing itself strength- ened by the proofs of criticism and relying on different parts of Kantianism, advanced more ardently their opposite systems, joining the motives of their ancient tradition with those which the Kantian critique seemed to have offered. § 54. Positive Philosophy. The most uncompromis- ing and exaggerated empiricism opposed the new and vigorous growth of rationalistic metaphysical conceptions, the latter guided by the directive principle and im- plicit premises of the "Kritik," the former invoking its limitative conclusion of the cpnditionality of knowledge. 'The so-called positive or empirical philosophy, which had subscribed to the banishment of the transcendental, thought to find in the Kantian proposition that the limit of theoretical knowledge is marked by that of possible experience — an argument in its favor — and proclaimed itself the rightful heir of the ' ' Kritik. ' ' Especi- ally now, when a demand for fundamental revision has been made by the various schools opposed to positivism, its approximation to the result of Kantian philosophy has become a generally accepted fact. Yet this approxi- mation is based upon an error, whose full consequence it would be difficult to determine, but which is one of the most serious and pernicious in the history of phil- osophy. By it, actual experience is substituted for possible experience, that is, the accidental for the necessary, a fact for its law. The limit of actual experience is but experience itself; that of possible experience is the regulative principle superimposed over experience. The purpose of Kant's "Kritik" is to determine the elements which, transcending experience, render it possible. 76 FORM AND CONTENT OF LAW [ Ch. VIII Modern positivism recognizes nothing in experience which is not given by experience, and is, therefore, a pure and simple negation of the "Kritik." § 55. Precedence of the Concept is Logical. For our part, holding the dialectic principle, which suggested to Kant the transcendental correlation between category and intuition, form and matter, let us distinguish expe-i rience from its condition, which is the element of uni- versality given us with every single fact of experience, but which at the same time transcends it, forming a potential logical centre for an indefinite number of other experiences. Let us call this element (following Aris- totelian and Kantian tradition) the form, or we can call it the concept, if we mean by this word not the sum or empirical equivalent of a number (no matter how large) of data, but their essence, universal, superior, and logically anterior to every particular example or applica- tion. The question of the origin of the concepts is in no wise prejudiced by this, as might at first seem. • The relation of priority between the concepts and the objects comprehended by them is (let' us repeat it) logical and not temporal. . A specific rule of existence governs logical forms and ideas in general, by which they are freed from historical conditions of growth and the actual effect of causality. No fact can influence an idea, although it may affect its presentation in the empirical world, that is, the essence conceived and realized is subject to the natural laws of eventuality. Considered apart, an idea is not subject to the flight of time but is, by nature, without its jurisdiction, and so one cannot speak of its origin in a strictly historical sense. We see affirmations of ideas, not ideas themselves born. We must consider ideas co-ordinated as to their essence, whereby connections between them will be established not according to precedence of historical appearance, but §65] PRECEDENCE OF CONCEPT 77 with regard to their proper intrinsic sense and value — such is the logical order or system. : All this does not mean that a concept as a psychological fact, that is, as it appears in the consciousness, cannot be posterior to the existence and perception of the particular objects in which it is realized. But, although the presence of such objects is. usually the occasion and means for the subjective revelation of the concept, and a factor in the explanation of its psychological genesis, it is not the cause of its logical significance, which lies beyond the limit of its psychic birth. As little by little it forms in the con- sciousness, it shows a retroactive force, which is revealed as the extra- temporal ("a priori") condition of every possible object of its kind. This is a brief statement of the parallelism between ideas and facts, in which we believe. The ideal moment of every concrete object is that which forms it in its essence ("forma dat esse rei") ; it has a Universal logical value in this: that while it is the condition of being for that object, it is likewise the (Condition of an indefinite nuhiber of similar objects. .. The ultimate base of science lies in this universality of logical "forms, because reality is knowable only through the concepts, and every concept is universal by nature' § 56. Confusion of Logical and Actual Determination. Before taking up the application of these principles to law, we must add a few words concerning fundamentals. Idealistic philosophical tradition has confused the logical universal, which we have just explained, with other matters of speculation, which should be kept distinct. As we have shown, the universal is the logical condition of the particular: it does not follow from this that there is any causal relation between the universal and the particular, as if, for example, the former produced the latter or generated it by dynamic force. Such an hypothesis adds a creative value to the universal not 78 FORM AND CONTENT OF LAW [ Ch. VIII implied by its nature. To change a logical form into an efficient force is a metaphysical expedient, which, advantageous though it may be to a certain school, can in no wise be justified by the independent intrinsic demands of thought. The transcendentaUty of the for- mal concept in respect to definite objects is purely logical, not dynamic or causal. A concept does not influence things or generate existence, but only con- stitutes their sense and logical definition. The real cause of a fact can only be another fact. Logical force is "per se" but the sign of a possible existence. Thus we on this point give up both the Platonic and Hegelian conception of ideas. The universal form (Aoyos) does not produce its actualization (or birth) in the world, nor is that its aim. The logical form gives essence, not existence. The two principles of determination should not be confused, as Leibniz saw clearly in making his distinction between the truth of reason and of fact, and placed beside the principle of contradiction in the logical order, that of sufficient reason in the scheme of fact.^' § 57. Confusion of Concept and Ideal. Another principle often confused with the logical universal is the ideal of perfection. This identification, too, has its origin in Platonic doctrine, where the "idea" is not only the logical universal and the transcendental cause of all existence but at the same time the supreme model and 1' See Leibniz, "Monadologia," § 31 et seq. We must remember in this connection the Aristotelian distinction between formal (etSos, TO Ti rjv aval) and efficient causes (KivqTiKov, oOcv ij apxl] TTJ'i Kiv^creo)S, TO Sia Tt); which causes or principles, together with the final cause (tcXos, to ov evexa) and the material cause (y\rj, TO ii ov) , form the four determining points of his whole system. Vide "Met.," I, 3; cf. "Phys.," II, 3. We may note, however, that, according to Aristotle, the first three are reducible to one (cf. "Phys.," II, 7) ; so the single antithesis of form and matter (whence the concept of motion) remains fundamental. $57] CONFUSION OF CONCEPT 79 archetype to which all objects tend as they approach perfection. By giving this meaning to the "idea," two logical functions, equally legitimate and necessary but diverse, are confused — the descriptive, which traces the external limits of a species or class, and the valuative, which establishes an internal gradation of objects in the same class.: Such confusion leads to a deontological definition of objects, in so far as in designating their class regard is had not to that which the objects possess in common but to the most perfect possible mode of their existence, that is, to that which they ought to be according to a teleological reason assumed as a norm. The ideal is substituted for the concept in its proper sense. '^ But such grouping of diverse functions in a single dialectic instrument results in reciprocal harm; the distinction of the strictly logical criterion from the deontological is doubtless the result of scientific progress. It is obvious that the logical form must be absolutely equal to all the ob- jects of the species which it determines. Its objectivity lies in this "ratio indifferentiae" (to quote the Stoics), so that it may comprehend equally the various contents of different exemplars and represent them only in what is identical and essentially common. The formal criterion of definition cannot, however, without failing in its purpose, serve as a means of comparative valuation among various exemplars of the species which it defines. This would destroy the similarity of their content, which is, as we have said, the condition and proof of the " "We must distinguish a definition which is given of an object which is seen, which is actual, from a definition of what the object ought to be, which expresses not so much its concept as its ideal. Herein lies the difference of most men's definitions of one and the same thing. It is the cause of endless disputes." Frauenstddl, "Briefe uber natiirliche Religion" (Leipsic, 1858), p. 94. Cf. Durkheim, "Les regies de la methode sociologique," 2 ed. (Paris, 1901), p. 49 et seq. 80 FORM AND CONTENT OF LAW [ Ch. VIII objective validity of the concept. The need of intrinsic valuation is independent and in no wise affected by the definition. . The adoption of a single principle for both purposes leads inevitably (as is seen in Platonic ideology) to the incongruity of not recognizing things unless in a certain grade of essence, determined by their partici- pation in the universal idea which transcends them. Here, objective truth is sacrificed to preconception. The truth is that the essence of an object is logically perfect and complete, and by it it is classified and there is no gradation possible in regard to it. The par- ticipation of every existing object in its concept must of necessity be entire, because otherwise there would be diverse concepts. The gradation, or estimation of worth and value must be made by some other criterion, different from that determining the uniform essence of the species. And what is shown best and most perfect by this valuation will not differ in the least, in a logical respect, from what is shown worst and most imperfect, since, by hypothesis, both extremes partake equally of the essence of the species. §58] FORMAL DEFINITION 81 CHAPTER IX VALUE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE LOGICAL FORM OF LAW JURIDICAL PROPOSITIONS AS MATERIALIZATIONS OF THE LOGICAL FORM OF LAW. — "QUID JURIS" AND "QUID JUS." — JURIDICAL EXPERIENCE AND ITS LIMIT OF POSSIBILITY. § 58. Formal Definition of Law, In view of what we have proved so far, we can state without fear of equivocation, that an objective and universal defini- tion of the concept of law must have reference only to its form, in other words, to the logical type, which is necessarily inherent in every case of juridical experience, because it is the sign of the possibility of such experience. By an intrinsic law of thought, the apparent contra- diction between the plurality of juridical propositions and the unity of the formal concept is resolved into a true and indestructible inference. Unity is implied and not destroyed by the multiplicity; thus, the single category of law is the condition of the multiplicity of juridical cases; its stability is the basis of their temporal career. An admission that the content of law is mutable forces upon us the recognition of something constant, which allows the reference of the mutability to a common substratum and its formation into a concept. This substratum is precisely the logical form of law, in which," all cases of juridical experience coincide, however they may differ in content.^ It is proper here to show the * Without anticipating the ethical discussion (Cf. Chap. X, p. 85, post) we can note merely that the specificness of juridical phe- nomenon is recognized by the positivists themselves (or the most 82 VALUE OF THE FORM [Ch. IX value of this form according to the general principle heretofore outlined. § 59. Every Juridical Proposition is a Materialization of the Logical Form of Law. Every separate juridical proposition is a materialization of the logical form of law or an application of the latter to a definite content. The content, subject to indefinite actual variation, is accidental in respect to the form, though no juridical proposition can be sustained as such unless it follows the logical form of law, which is so independent of matter or particular content that it may be found equally in intrinsically contradictory propositions. § 60. The Logical Form of Law is More Comprehensive than the Sum of Juridical Propositions. It is not para- doxical to state in this sense that any distinct datum logically transcends itself because it bears the imprint of a universal form, which renders it possible as well as an infinite number of others of the same kind. The logical form of law is found in every juridical proposition, but is not exhausted in every one of them nor in their sum. It determines absolutely the sense of a juridical proposition, and indicates "pure ac simpliciter" what it intends to affirm in a judgment of right or wrong. Without enunciating any such judgment or attributing the predicates of justice or injustice to any given object, the logical form only outlines the proper qualities of a judgment of that kind. The universality of the formal consequent of them), for without admitting this, no science or phil- osophy of law would be possible. Cf. Fragapane, "Delia Filosofia giuridica nel presente ordinamento degli studii" (Rome, 1899), p. 27. Romagnosi, who in spite of the sensible bases of his ideology could reach the greatest abstract heights, thought that "the idea of juridicity" had "perpetual attributes" and defined it as "the com- plex of those circumstances and relation, which result in one thing being law." "Introduzione alio studio del diritto pubblico univer- sale," 1 184. S60i LOGICAL FORM 83 concept is founded on this, which makes it capable of conlprehending diverse objects, still preserving its unity of signification.^ § 61. "Quid Juris" and "Quid Jus." The different juridical propositions answer the question, "quid juris?" But, as Kant saw clearly,' this is a very dif- ferent question from that of "quid jus?" It is logically anterior. The answer to this means the determination of the formal conditions of the judgment of rightness, that is, the conditions which are the common synthesis of all juridical propositions whatever their content. Hence, the concept of law cannot be immediately given to us by experience, which "per se" offers us only par- ticular and concrete juridical propositions. Juridical 2/. Stuart Mill, in "A System of Logic" (Vol. I, p. 172), thus states the problem: "The question, What is justice? is, in other words. What is the attribute which mankind means to predicate when they call an action just?" . . . "To which the first answer is, that having come to no precise agreement on the point, they do not mean distinctly to predicate any attribute at all." This, to tell the truth, is not acceptable. Because men do not agree in their recognition of objects to which they attribute a quality is no rea- son for holding that they have not an exact concept of the quality. So the fact that men, as Mill says, do not "agree sufficiently with one another as to the particular which they do or do not call just," does not signify that the sense of this term is multiplicate. It is the presupposition of the identity of value of this term which causes actual disagreement, for otherwise there would be only a question of equivocation. Romagnosi, in an analogous case, infers the necessary existence of a principal and common idea from the vari- ous uses of the word "law." "Vedute fondamentali sull' arte logica," Lib. II, Cap. IX. Vide, also, Hegel's reasoning of the unity of philosophy in the variety of philosophies, "Ueber die Geschichte der Philosophie," 2 ed., 1 Th., p. 30 et seq. ' "Met. Anfangs. d. Rechtslehre," p. xxxi et seq. Hobbes before Kant had drawn attention to this distinction, "Ne quisque disserem de cujuscumque civitatis legibus speciatim, id est, ne quae sunt sed quid sint leges dicerem." "De Cive," Praef., in fine. 84 VALUE OF THE FORM [Ch.IX experience is such only in virtue and in function of the logical form of law, and is therefore a "posterius," con- ditioned and consecutive in respect to the latter. , To refer to the experience of law to deduce its concept, to attempt to construct the latter from the data of the former is a true paralogism. The most to which a simple examination of such data and an historical exam- ination of law can lead is a generalization of juridical experience "secundum principia generalia non univer- salia," but! the abyss between generality and logical universality is too deep for any material accumulation or quantitative process to bridge. The distinction between possible and actual experience is — as we have said — not one of quantity, by which something is greater or less, but essentially one of quality, because possible experience is the principle of rational order which expresses the "a priori" limit of experience, — in other words, its condition, the law which governs and transcends it. The determination of possible experience means the determination of a form or category, which, found in empirical cases, is in the logical order prior and superior to them. It cannot be derived from such cases, there- fore, no matter how increased in number, because they also imply a presupposition. It is this presupposition which guides us in our historical consideration of law and directs our collection of empirical data. It is the form, ideally fixed and freed from the changes of time which enables us to identify law in the variety of its actualizations and to follow its course in history. With- out reference to this purely logical datum, corresponding to the immutable nature of the object, juridical expe- rience would not be such nor would it have unity of signification; without the form which gives it essence, law would not be law. (621 MODERN RESEARCH 85 CHAPTER X LOGICAL FORM OF LAW OPPOSED TO JURIDICAL EMPIRICISM ATTITUDE OF DIFFERENT SCHOOLS IN REGARD TO THE LOGICAL FORM OF LAW. — CLASSICAL LEGAL PHILOSOPHY. — DOGMATIC HISTORICISM. — EMPIRICAL HISTORICISM AND THE CONFUSION OF SCIENCE AND PHILOSOPHY. — KANT AND JURIDICAL EMPIRICISM. — INSUFFICIENCY OF THE HISTORICAL AND POSITIVE DOC- TRINES IN RESPECT TO PHILOSOPHY OF LAW. — CONCEPT OF LAW IN THE IDEOLOGY OF POSITIVISM. — HISTORICO- GENETIC METHOD AND ITS LOGICAL BASIS. — IDENTI- FICATION OF THE DATUM AND FUNCTION OF THE FORMAL CONCEPT IN EXPERIENCE. — EMPIRICAL RECOG- NITION OF LAW AS AN "A POSTERIORI" PROOF OF THE APPLICABILITY OF THE CONCEPT. — RETROSPECTIVE QUALITY OF THIS RESEARCH. — LOGICAL PRIORITY OF FORM. § 62. Modern Research and the Formal Concept of Law. In the preceding pages* we have outlined the contributions which the more general current of con- temporaneous thought has given to the knowledge of phenomenology or empirical content of law. We have seen thatil modern observation, explaining the reasons for the diversity of institutions in connection with their real coefficients, has made a true and marked scientific progress, inasmuch as it has inaugurated the historical view of positive law, which antecedent juridical philosophy lacked.; At this point in our work we should weigh these studies by another standard, that is, by 1 Cf. Cap. VI, p. 32, ante. 86 LOGICAL FORM OF LAW [Ch.X their applicability not to the historical content but to the logical form of law. In other words, we should examine the attitude of modern schools in relation- to the formal concept of law. Such an examination opens the door to the clarification of the philosophical basis and character of the concept. § 63. Classical Juridical Philosophy and the Formal Concept of Law. Classical juridical philosophy generally admitted the objectivity of universals, and recognized that the concept of law, being founded in reason, did not depend on positive legal institutions but surpassed and dominated them. This philosophical tradition can be traced directly to Plato, who, in accordance with his fundamental doctrine, taught that the general vision of justice, over and above the particular different objects to which the predicates of just or unjust apply, forms the condition of juridical knowledge, contradistinguished from mere opinion.^ § 64. Natural Law and the Formal Concept of Law. We must point out, however, that the purely logical concept of law was generally prejudiced by its almost constant confusion with the analysis of other elements of the philosophical theory of law. The schools of natural and rational law erred especially in not distinguish- ing (as they should) between logical and ethical or deontological demands. They have more than once tried to solve these two distinct problems by a single "Vide esp. the last chapters of the fifth book of the "Republic," where the antithesis between yvoJo-ts and 8o& is made clear with particular attention to its relation to law: "tous apa iroKXa. KoXa ^ew/iej/ous, avTo 8e to KaA.ov ju.^ opSvras p,-qh' aX\(o cir'dvTo ayovTL Swafjievovi eTrccrflat, kol iroXXa SiKaia, aurd Sc to SoKatov ft-ri, Kal iravTa outo), Soid^tiv '^