Huntington Free Library Native American Collection ^raapeijuEs&gaaBKi eS»MsasB2..-/ -■aKisKKaaas- CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 924 104 079 433 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924104079433 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY VOLUME I WITH 30 PLATES AND MAP FREDERIC WARD PUTNAM EDITOR BERKELEY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1903-1904 ■Wy HUNTINGTON FREE LIBRARY AND READING ROOM MUSEUM OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN HEYE FOUNDATION CONTENTS. Number 1. — Life and Culture of the Hupa, Pliny Earle Goddard, pages 1-88; plates 1-30. Number 2. — Hupa Texts, Pliny Earle Goddard, pages 89-368. Index, pages 369-378. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 1 No. 1 LIFE AND CULTURE OP THE HUPA BY PLINY EARLE GODDARD. CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction 3 Environment 4 Geographical Features 4 Flora. 4 Fauna 5 Neighbors 7 History 8 Villages 12 Houses 13 Xonta 13 Taikyuio 15 Minte : 17 Dress 18 Food 21 Flesh and Hunting 21 Fish and Fishing. 23 Vegetable Food 27 Occupations or Men 32 Bow and Arrow Making _ 32 Net Making 35 Hide Dressing 36 Pipe Making 36 Miscellaneous _ 37 Occupations op Women 38 Basket Making. 38 Measures 48 Social Customs 50 Matters of Sex and Motherhood 50 Care of Children 51 Dawn of Womanhood. 53 Courtship and Marriage 54 Restrictions for Women 56 Daily Routine 57 Social Organization 57 Amusements 60 War 62 Diseases and Their Cures 63 Origin of Diseases 63 Shamans and Medicine-Men 65 Burial Customs 69 Religion 74 Deities 74 Feasts 78 Dances 81 Religious Attitude 87 LIST OF PLATES. Map. Hupa Valley. Plate 1. View of Hupa Valley. 2. Houses. 3. House -building Implements. 4. Man in Native Gala Dress. 5. Girl in Native Gala Dress. 6. Net-work Sack carried by Men. 7. Net-work Head-dresses. 8. Woman's Dress. 9. Woman's Dress. 10. Ear Ornaments. 11. Bows and Arrows. 12. Flint Flaking. 13. Fish-hooks and Fish-spear. 14. Fish-net. 15. Woman preparing Acorn Meal. 16. Spoons and Wooden Dishes. 17. Pipes and Fire-sticks. 18. Musical Instruments and Elk-horn Money Box. 19. Games. 20. Basket Materials. 21. Open-twined Basketry. 22. Burden Baskets. 23. Storage Basket and Seed-beater. 24. Basket-pan and Basket-mortar. 25. Baskets showing various Designs. 26. Basket-hats. 27. Small Baskets with Covers. 28. Mound of Stones. 29. Jumping Dance. 30. White Deer-skin Dance. [2] LIFE AND CULTURE OF THE HUPA. INTRODUCTION. The information contained in this paper was obtained mostly during a residence on the Hoopa Valley Reservation from March, 1897, to August, 1900. Additional facts, gleaned during several visits to that region since that time, have been added. The expense of one of these trips was borne by the California Academy of Sciences. The others have been under the auspices of the Department of Anthropology of the University of California, by the generosity of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst. It has been the sole object to record things seen by the author and information obtained at first hand from the Indians. There has been no attempt to get at the causes and origin of the prac- tices and customs of the Hupa. In some cases their own explana- tions, which are not necessarily the correct ones, are given. Stephen Powers' account of the Hupa, as found in the Over- land Monthly, Series i, Volume ix, and in the Contributions to North American Ethnology, Volume iii, contains some facts, but on the whole is misleading. Professor Otis T. Mason's article on the Ray collection, in the Report of the Smithsonian Institu- tion for 1886, Part i, pp. 205-239, based upon the information furnished by Lieutenant Ray, is fairly accurate, although the errors of Powers and others have been retained and a few new ones have been added. This inevitably happens when one writes without having visited a tribe concerning which so little is known. Professor Mason's descriptions of the specimens in the Ray Collection are not to be improved upon. Hupa Texts to which frequent reference is made is now in press and will form the second number of this volume. Thanks are due to Dr. Philip Mills Jones and to Mr. C. C. Willoughby for assistance with the illustrations and to Dr. Willis L. Jepson and Mr. Joseph Burtt Davy for the determination of botanical specimens relating to Hupa life. [3] 4 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. eth. ENVIRONMENT. Geographical Features. The Hupa Indians occupy a beautiful valley on the lower part of the Trinity river in Humboldt county, California (see map). The Trinity, at this portion of its course, flows in a north-west- erly direction. The valley is about six miles long and from a mile to two miles wide. On the west, the mountain ridge, which sepa- rates the Trinity from Redwood creek, is about 4000 feet high. The westerly slope of this ridge is mostly open, while the Trinity side is heavily wooded. The eastern side of the valley culminates in a horse-shoe-shaped mountain 6500 feet high, on which each winter snow falls from ten to twenty feet in depth. Three good sized creeks fed by this snow find their way to the Trinity as it passes through the valley. There are also three creeks of nearly equal volume which come from the hills on the west. The eastern valley wall, where not cut away by the creeks, stands in triangles, as steep as the soil can cling to the mountain side, to the height of about 1500 feet. From the apices of these triangles ridges run back with a gentle ascent to Trinity Summit, the horse- shoe- shaped mountain already mentioned. The northern sides of these ridges are generally well timbered, while the southern sides are covered with chaparral or grass. At the northern end of the valley, rising gradually to the height of 1900 feet is a grass-covered slope crowned with woods. At the first glance, one would think the Trinity found its way to the Klamath through the gap on the west side of this hill; but in reality it makes a sharp turn to the east and passes six miles through a wild steep canon. The southern end of the valley is blocked by a hill of nearly equal height. The Trinity has carved out of the side of this hill a beautiful valley of about fifty acres, which is named from its shape the Sugar Bowl. Flora. The Conifers of the surrounding forests are: the sugar pine, Finns Lambertiana, on the tops of the western ridges and at a similar elevation on the eastern side; the digger pine, Pinus vol. i.] Qoddard. — Life and Culture of the Hupa. 5 Sabiniana, in and near the valley; a few scattered yellow pine, Pinus ponderosa ; cedar, Libocedrus decurrens, along some of the creeks ; a few redwood, Sequoia sempervirens, in one spot on the western side of the valley, and Douglas spruce, Pseudo- tsuga taxifolia, everywhere. The yew, Taxus brevifolia, which adds so much to the success of all those who carry on the struggle for existence with the bow, is found on both sides of the valley at an elevation of 3000 to 4000 feet. Among the oaks the maul oak, Quercus chrysolepis, the tan- bark oak, Q. densiflora, the Pacific post oak, Q. Garryana, and the black oak, Q. Calif ornica, are frequently met with, the madrona, Arbutus Menziesii, is common. Along the streams are alders, Alnus Oregana, willows, Salix, and occasionally a cottonwood, Populus trichocarpa. Of shrubs the hazel, Corylus rostrata var. Californica, is to the Indian the most important. The chaparral which covers the less fertile parts of the valley and much of the surrounding hills consists largely of manzanita, Arctostaphylos, deer brush, Cea- nothus, and poison oak, Rhus diversiloba. Besides these larger and more prominent members of the vege- table kingdom, one finds a great variety of plants large and small, very many of which minister to the wants of the Indian. Fauna. The elk formerly fed in great bands on the mountain meadows. They have disappeared since the coming of white men. The deer are still plentiful in the surrounding hills. The grizzlies, the hereditary enemies of the Indian, were formerly numerous, but have been exterminated by the introduction of firearms. The small bears, black and brown, still possess the mountains east of the valley. They seldom interfere with the interests of man and so there is little motive for killing them. The great cat, Felis concolor, with his several aliases, mountain lion, panther, and cougar, still finds a home in the dark canons. He seldom shows himself except when driven to boldness by hunger. The bob cat is occasionally seen. The larger wolf lives only in the memory of the older Indians. Coyote, sometimes the hero and sometimes the clown of the myths, and the cunning thief of real 6 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. eth. life, after years of absence is again making his voice heard. Along the stream may be caught the otter, the fisher, and the mink. The ruffed grouse, the pheasant, and the larger quail find a home in the mountains. "Wild ducks are visitors in winter. Smaller birds are various and plentiful. Before mining was begun on the upper courses of the Trinity, its waters were as clear as the small mountain streams are yet. In those days the river was literally alive with salmon during the running time. Sturgeons were frequently caught. Lamprey eels swarm up the river in spring. The creeks abound in trout. The Hupa had one domestic animal, the dog, of which Mr. Gibbs* has preserved a description: — "Notwithstanding their poverty, they had the usual com- plement of wolfish looking dogs, which came out of the lodges to look at us and went silently back. These fellows do not make much noise at any time beyond a complaining yelp when kicked, unless they are engaged in one of their customary battles. Their voice, when they do bark, resembles that of coyote. Their color is usually black and white, or brown and white. They have bushy tails and sharp noses, and in fight- ing snap viciously, much after the manner of the wolf. The Indians, we were told, used them in hunting to drive deer to their snares, but we saw no instances of their being employed in this or any other way. One peculiarity which they exhibit is inquisitiveness. They follow and watch strangers with no other apparent motive than curiosity. They usually wear an expres- sion of misanthropy and disgust at the world, which as they are always half-starved, is by no means singular. Unfortunately salmon blood does not kill them, as it does dogs of a more gen- erous breed." This description of the dogs seen by Mr. Gibbs on the Klamath river in 1851 agrees with the account given of them by the old people on the Trinity. They say the ears of these dogs were always erect. Frequent mention is made of the dog in the myths, where he is mentioned as the companion and helper of man in the hunt, and the implacable foe of the coyote. They think it * Schoolcraft, Vol. lii, pp. 152-3. vol. u Goddard.—Life and Culture of the Hupa. 7 hazardous to talk much to dogs for fear they might reply. This would cause the death of those who hear. Pains are taken to keep dogs from the vicinity of a dance or religious feast. Neighbors . The human inhabitants are of the great Athapascan stock as is shown by their language. The Hupa have no migration myth nor legends relating to a time before their coming to the region. According to their own belief their first ancestors came spontan- eously into existence in the valley itself. They have Athapascan neighbors on the south and west. Those to the south live along the Trinity river from Hupa valley to the mouth of the Southf ork twenty miles above. They have been treated by Stephen Powers under the name of Kelta as a separate tribe. Strictly speaking there are no tribes on the coast of California. The divisions are natural and of varying degrees, rather than political and well marked. The language spoken at Southfork differs bat slightly from that used in Hupa valley. The village of Leldin at South- fork figures prominently in the Hupa myths and it is said that the authority of the last head-man in Hupa extended to, and perhaps above, Southfork. The only important difference is in religions matters. On the west are the Redwood Indians, the Whilkut of Powers. They lived along the middle portion of Redwood creek and the Bald Hills between that stream and the Klamath river. They were cut off from the Hupa during several months of the year by the snow on the ridge between their respective territories. Their speech is a fairly well marked dialect as compared with the Hupa tongue as regards both pronunciation and vocabulary. Powers* was certainly unwarranted in concluding that the Hupa had com- pelled them to discard their own language and adopt that of the Hupa, since their language is closer to the other Athapascan dialects than is the Hupa itself. It is not known that the Red- wood Indians had any political relations with the Hupa. There is a marked difference in religion. On the north of the Hupa are the Yurok, occupying the shores of the Klamath river from the mouth of Bluff creek (eight miles • Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. iii, p. 87. 8 University of California Publications. Um. aroh. eth. above the mouth of the Trinity) to the ocean. They also held the coast south to Little river, a few miles north of Humboldt bay. On the northeast are the Karok occupying the Klamath from Bluff creek to Happy Camp. The whole basin of the Salmon river to the east of the Hupa is now occupied by people of the Shasta stock. High mountain ridges separate them from the Hupa upon whom they seem to have exercised but little influence. New river, a tributary of the Trinity southeast from Hupa, was occu- pied by a people now extinct, with the exception of one old woman. The main Trinity from the mouth of Southfork to Junction City was the home of the Chimariko who are now repre- sented by nine adults. The people just mentioned as occupy- ing New river, the Chimalakwe of Powers, have been thought to be identical with or closely related to the Chimariko. From the testimony of survivors it is probable that they were distinct. This conclusion is borne out by the scanty linguistic remains which point to an affinity with Shasta. The Hupa and the two tribes on the Klamath held frequent intercourse, traded with each other, attended one another's dances, and sometimes intermarried. Trade was carried on especially with the Yurok, who held not only the lower Klamath but the mouth of Redwood creek and the coast south beyond Trinidad. From them the Hupa bought canoes, " smelt " and other salt-water fish, mussels, and seaweed. In return they gave acorns and other inland food. The Yurok were always greeted with terms of relationship and counted as friends. The Hupa probably came into direct relations also with the Athapascan villages along the coast northward from the mouth of the Klamath. Very little intercourse seems to have been held with the Athapascans on Mad river, or with the Indians about Humboldt bay. HISTORY. So secluded were these people in their valley home that sixty years ago the news of the coming of white men had not reached them; they knew nothing of the Spaniards to the south nor of the English speaking people to the east and north of them. During the year 1828 Jedediah Smith and a company of Hudson vol. i.] Goddard. — Life and Culture of the Hupa. 9 Bay trappers crossed from the Sacramento valley and descended the Trinity to the Klamath and the Klamath to the Pacific. The last part of the journey including that through the valley is said to have been made by water.* The trip seems to have made very little, if any, impression on the Hupa. Within the memory of men still living, probably between 1840 and 1850, two companies of white men passed through the valley, t After the discovery of gold on the upper Trinity in 1850, a horde suddenly burst on the valley. There were a few bars of good pay-gravel along the river in the valley itself, and miners, white and Chinese, rushed in. Then when the richest bars had been worked, a few white men took up farms and planted orchards. On account of the disturbed conditions in the sur- rounding country a military post was established in the valley in 1855. In August, 1864, Superintendent Wiley selected the valley and surrounding hills for an Indian reservation. Congress appropriated $60,000 on March 3, 1865, to pay the settlers for their improvements. The first agent placed in charge was Robert Stockton. He gave the population in 1866 as 650, with a birth and death rate of 12 for the year. At that time no Indians from the surrounding country had been brought into the valley. Some of the Hupa may have been absent, but the count was probably nearly correct. The medical officer in making a report in 1866 of the sanitary condition of the people remarked that already, almost without exception, they were affected with loathsome diseases from associating with white men. They are mentioned in the official reports as being willing to work and exceedingly quick to learn the details of farming and stock raising. Especial mention is made of their ability to understand and use complicated machinery. In April of the next year (1867) Agent Stockton with three of his white employees attempted to arrest an Indian who had been guilty of several robberies in the surrounding country. They located him in a cabin some miles south of the valley and •Geo. Gibbs, Schoolcraft, Vol. Ill, p. 136. t Hupa Texts siii and si v. Am. Abch. Eth. 1, 1* 10 University of California Publications, [am. aroh. b™. demanded his surrender. He warned them not to enter his house, but they disregarded the warning and were all killed by the one Indian. About this time trouble arose between TakimiLdin (Hostler) and Tsewenaldin (Senalton) villages over the killing of a young man by the soldiers. A woman belonging to Tsewenaldin had stabbed a soldier while defending her honor. Some time after, the soldiers killed the TakimiLdin young man mentioned. The men of TakimiLdin were unable to reach the real murderers and turned for revenge on the relatives of the Tsewenaldin woman who had, according to their way of thinking, started the whole trouble by killing a white man. A war after the Indian sort followed, in which about twenty, most of whom were Tsewenaldin, were killed. The Indians who had been collected on Smith River Reser- vation, in what is now Del Norte county, were brought to the valley in 1868. The census of the Reservation for 1870 states that there were on the Reservation 106 Redwood Indians, 73 Siaws, and 54 Humboldt Indians. The Agent who assumed the charge of the Reservation during the same year could find only 649 Indians instead of the total of 847 reported by his prede- cessor. He remarks: "It may not be amiss to observe that a majority of the Reservation Indians have lived all their lives where they do now; the Redwoods, Siaws, and Mad Rivers being exceptional." Later these people who were brought in from outside left the Reservation, with the exception of three or four Redwood men who had married with the Hupa. H. L. Knight, an attorney at law, of Eureka, who spent some months on the Reservation in 1871, has this to say con- cerning the treatment they had received and were receiving from the men in charge : "If the Reservation was a plantation, the Indians were the most degraded slaves. I found them poor, miserable, vicious, degraded, dirty, naked, diseased and ill-fed. The oldest men, or stout middle-aged fathers of families, were spoken to just as children or slaves. They know no law but the will of the Agent; no effort has been made to teach them any, and where it does not conflict with this dictation, they follow the old forms of vol. i.] Goddard.— Life and Culture of the Hupa. 11 life— polygamy, buying and selling of women, and compounding crime with money, ad libitum."* From 1873 until May 9, 1877, the Reservation was under the control of men with missionary proclivities. The school, Sunday school, and church nourished for a time. Some real impressions, yet observable, were made upon the Indians at that time. The last of these Agents, through lack of wisdom and, possibly on account of some more blamable defects, was obliged to report the complete failure of the Reservation. The attempt to maintain it was abandoned, and the stock was driven to Round Valley in Mendocino county, with the expectation of removing the Indians there also. All the movable property was sold at auction or taken away. With a change at Washington, it was decided to continue the Reservation. Army officers were placed in charge, but recovery was slow. In time, energetic men succeeded in putting the industrial affairs on their feet. In 1892 the soldiers were removed and the military post abandoned. One company of soldiers, and sometimes two, had been kept here 25 years after all need of their presence had passed. This was done in the face of oft-repeated protests of the Agents in charge, civilian and military alike. Nothing could have been worse for these Indians than the maintenance of these men in comparative idleness in their midst. It may be said in all truth that if the government in 1864 had resolved to do all that lay in its power to demoralize this people, it could hardly have taken a course more sure to reach that end than the one followed. A boarding school was established in 1893. Allotments of the land have been made and the Hupa are now self-supporting and capable of becoming useful citizens. They are good farmers and stock raisers; several are able to do smith and carpenter work. A few adults have education enough to read understand- ingly. They are fairly honest, a few perfectly so, and nearly as temperate as white men under similar temptation. Very little violence occurs in spite of the fact that no punishments have been administered until recently. The tribe now numbers about 450 with a nearly equal birth and death rate. ♦Report of the Indian Commissioner, 1871, p. 158. 12 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. eth. * VILLAGES. The homes of the Hupa were grouped in villages, locally called ranches but more properly rancherias (see map). The villages were almost without exception on the bank of the river near some spring of water. Beginning at the south, about three miles beyond the valley proper, on the right bank of the river was the village of Xaslindin* at the mouth of a creek of the same name. At the south end of the valley where the river emerges from the canon is a point of land on the east side. Here was the village of Djictanadin known as Tish-tang-a-tang ranch. Just above this village a large creek from the mountains on the east empties into the Trinity. About a mile down the river on the left bank is the village of Xowfinkut (Kentuck ranch) . Just below this village the river swings to the west, meets a spur of the moun- tain, and then swings back to the east, forming a peninsula. Here, cut off from the rest of the valley, is Medildin, "the place of boats" (Matilton ranch) . This village with those to the south already mentioned formed the southern division of the Hupa people. This division manifests itself especially in religious matters. There are evidences of a village on the left bank a little south of the mouth of Supply creek. This has long been deserted. It is said to have been called ToLtsasdin. A prison camp was maintained near this site by the military. About a mile below on the right bank was a large settlement, Tsewenaldin, trans- formed by English tongues into Senalton. There are many traces of houses here, but the people were all killed or scattered in the troubled times of the sixties. A short distance below on the same side of the river is TakimiLdin, "place of the acorn feast," known as the Hostler ranch. This is the religious center for the whole valley. Here yet stands the xonta nikyao, "house big," and the taikuw nikyao, "sweat-house big." These are said to have been built by the people of long ago and to have sheltered the first d wellers in the valley; but, inasmuch as they were *In the Hupa words, a, e, i, and o are as in father, met, hit, and on: e, i, 6, and fl are close sounds as in mate, piaue, note, and rule, w and L are voiceless w and 1; a stands for English ng and o for sh. Tor a complete key see Hupa Texts. vol.i.] Ooddard. — Life and Culture of the Hupa. 13 burned by a party of Yurok in the early part of the last century, the statement is to be interpreted as applying to the founda- tions only. At this village were held the acorn feast and two of the important dances, and it was the starting-point for the third. About a mile down the river on the same side was the village of Miskut. This site shows signs of once having been occupied by many houses. A short distance below on the opposite side (west) is a place called Tcemdeqotdifi, "place where he was dug up," referring to a well known myth.* This site has been reoccupied since the coming of white people. Kintcuwhwikut "on a nose," occupies a point of land on the east bank just below the mouth of Mill creek. There was another village near the beginning of the canon on the right bank called Xonsadin, "deep water place." On the opposite bank at the base of Bald Hill was a village, the site of which is now entirely grown up to trees and brush. HOUSES. XONTA. The xonta was the home of the family, the sleeping place of the women, and the storehouse for the family possessions. Sev- eral of them are still standing and a few are regularly occupied (PI. 2, Fig. 1). They are usually nearly square, being about twenty feet each way on the ground. A place in the center about twelve feet square and five feet deep is excavated to form the principal room. The walls of the above-ground part of the struc- ture are about four feet high on the sides and six or seven feet at the highest part of the ends. These walls are made of cedar plank placed on end. Those of the ends are of varying length to accommodate the slope of the roof. The second plank from the corner on the right as one faces the end toward the river contains a round hole eighteen or twenty inches in diameter and about a foot above the ground. This is the place of entrance. The hole is closed by a plank slid from within. * Hupa Texts il. 14 University of California Publications, [am. aeoh. bth. The planks forming the ends are kept in place by two poles about the height of the eaves, one on the inside and one on the outside, bound together by withes which pass through holes made for the purpose. For plates to support the roof and to hold the sides in place, planks are placed on edge in notches made in the corner planks of the ends. The upper ends of the pieces com- posing the walls rest against the outside of these plates and are kept from falling out by a light pole inserted in notches in the ends parallel to the plate. The roof of the rich man's house is in three sections, made of planks laid double, with their lower ends on the plate before mentioned, but with a good projection to carry the rain away from the walls, and their upper ends resting on round poles let into nicely shaped holes in the end walls. The middle section is placed on the upper ends of the other two sections, insuring a fairly tight roof. A plank or two partly pushed aside in this top section allows the smoke to escape. The slope of the two side sections is about thirty degrees and that of the top not more than fifteen degrees. Poor people are said to have been content with a roof of two sections made in the same manner, the upper ends of the planks resting on a ridge-pole. Along the walls, stones are piled and a good pavement is made across the end. Two stones nicely fashioned are placed on end in this pavement at a place convenient for pulling oneself out of the round door. One went in easily on returning from the hunt, but getting out again after the feast was a different matter. A second wall is constructed on the inside of the house, across the front end next to the excavation, making an entry way about three feet in width and as long as the house is wide. A second doorway through this wall admits to the house proper. The descent is made by a rude stair, fashioned from a single plank in which steps have been cut. At this place of descent what would otherwise be a corner of the square pit is cut across by a short wall making a fifth side, while the other parts of the pit main- tain the form of the square. The fire is in the center of the excavation in a small depression bordered with stones. The only furniture consists of stools, about a foot high, made from a cross section of a tree. Above the fire, poles are arranged for smoking fish and venison. vol. ij Goddard.—Life and Culture of the Eupa. 15 The earthen walls of the excavated portion are retained by- planks placed on edge. On the banks of earth on three sides of the room the winter's supply of food is stored in baskets. Basket material and several partly finished baskets are usually lying about. The implements used in hunting and fishing, and other belongings of the men are also found here. The inner wall across the front end stands even with the wall of earth. In this entry the wood for the fire is stored. The space beyond the fire from the entrance is the post of honor, reserved for guests and the male members of the family. The women occupy the places on either side of the fire. The space next the door is for the slaves or menials of the family. After the men withdraw at night the women spread their beds by the fire. These beds consist of deer-skins, or if the family is rich, of tule mats imported from the coast. The trees from which these houses were built were felled with fire or with the stone knife and elk-horn wedge. A scarf was cut at the butt and another some feet above. The large slab- like chip was removed with an elk-horn wedge made especially for the purpose with a decided curve near the point (PI. 3, Fig. 7). After continued cutting and splitting the tree was felled and was split into planks with elk-horn wedges (PI. 3, Fig. 2), driven home with stone mauls (PI. 3, Fig. 3). These planks were two or more feet wide and two and a half to three inches thick. The surface of the plank was smoothed with the primi- tive adze (PI. 3, Fig. 1). This consisted of a blade of elk-horn or mussel shell firmly lashed with rawhide or twine to a piece of serpentine or sandstone which had been cut to receive it. A flap of buckskin attached to the back protects the hand from bruises. The circular entrance was chipped out with the adze. Pride was taken in its roundness, for then it resembled the door to the woodpecker's house. Attempts at ornamentation are sometimes seen above the doors, made by cutting down the surface, leaving a triangle or other geometrical figure in relief. These figures are said to have been colored with decomposed stone. Taiktuw. The sweat-house (taikyuw) is for the exclusive use of the men (PI. 2, Fig. 2) . It is a lower structure than the xonta, consisting 16 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. eth. of a rectangular pit, the roof only of which is above ground. The pit is about eighteen feet long and fifteen feet wide. There are posts at the corners four and a half feet high and fifteen inches thick. The corners of these posts, which would otherwise project into the room, are trimmed, probably to avoid bruises for one moving about in the dark room. Large round logs resting on these posts form the plates of the sides. The back side of the house has two round posts supporting the plate, while the plate on the front side has but one post near the middle. Round poles placed horizontally are framed into these posts near their bases. Planks placed on end outside of this frame compose the walls of the sides and ends of the building, preventing the caving in of earth. The pit is covered by the ordinary gable roof. Collar beams of good sized logs are placed parallel to the plates and half way between them and the ridge-pole, which is large and in two lengths. A large five-sided post, seven feet high, stands in the center to support the ridge-pole which is in two parts and is made crowning by the central post's being longer than those supporting it at the ends. The covering of the roof is in two sections. Planks are laid from the plate to the collar beams, and from the collar beams to the ridge. Other planks are laid over the joints of these until the roof is water-tight. Earth is banked against the sides and ends, retained where necessary by walls of round stones. Earth is also thrown on the lower sec- tions of the roof. Pieces of an old canoe, or planks shaped for the purpose, are placed rounding side up along the comb of the roof to turn the water. All joints and openings in the gable ends that are not covered by the earthen walls, are filled with clay. The building is entered by a rectangular opening in the side of the roof which faces the river. The descent is made by a ladder formed of a slab in which three large footholds have been cut. The entrance is closed by a piece of plank laid over the opening. An exit used when it is wished to prevent the cooling of the chamber is in the end near the floor. It is oval in shape. The one measured was fourteen and a half inches in horizontal and ten and a half inches in vertical diameter. This opening is closed by a stopper of plank made to exactly fill the space. A pit large enough to receive the emerging man is dug outside the exit. vol.1.] Qoddard.—IAfe and Culture of the Hupa. 17 This pit is provided with planks which can be laid over it to exclude the rain. In the house there is a pit for the fire, near the center. This is about sixteen inches square and twenty inches deep, lined with pipestone brought a long distance in canoes. A hearth of stone is laid around this fireplace and to the lower exit. The remainder of the floor is covered with planks of yellow pine, P. ponder osa, which have been adzed and rubbed with stones until they are smooth. All cracks are cemented with clay. Two braces are placed on the back side running from the horizontal pole near the floor to the collar beams. The wood for the fire is laid in behind these braces, which seem to have been placed there for the purpose. The floor is kept nicely swept. The only furnishings are Fig. l. head rests of wood (Pig. 1) . These blocks are set on edge with a curved top to receive the head. The blocks are about thirteen inches long on the bottom and fifteen on top and four inches thick. A shelter is sometimes built outside at one end to contain the store of wood. At the entrance planks are placed above and at either side to shelter the man from the wind when he returns from his bath and sits nude to smoke and contemplate. A pave- ment of flat stones is laid about the front and a path cleared of stones leads to the river. Mintc. Near the xonta was the menstrual lodge of the women. There are none of these now to be found. They were called mintc. They consisted of a small pit roofed with planks which met at a Au. Arch. Eth. 1, 2. 18 University of California Publications, [am. abch. eth. point. In this house the women lived for ten days during and after menstruation, and from thirty to sixty days after giving birth to a child or suffering miscarriage. DRESS. The dress of the men was a matter of small importance (PI. 4). The cold was seldom severe, and from childhood they were accustomed to endure bodily discomforts of all kinds. The dress still worn in the dances corresponds to that described by Gibbs* as having been used in former times. Two deer-skins with the hair on were joined along one side. The necks met over the left shoulder. The robe was held in place by a belt at the waist. The tails of the skins nearly or quite reached the ground. Gibbs speaks of panther-skins being so worn. For other occasions a breech-clout of deer-skin or of sev- eral skins of small animals joined together was worn. It seems not to have been deemed indelicate for the older men to go about entirely nude. Old men are yet often seen in such condition about the villages. Leggings were worn, probably to protect the legs when traveling through brush. They were made of a single piece of buckskin with the seam in the front. The sewing was done with sinew, a fringe being made to hide the seam. The top, which reached the knee, was turned down and also finished with a fringe. Under this turned down portion the string passed which bound it to the leg. Horizontal figures were painted on the skin to add beauty to the garment. Moccasins were sometimes worn. The soles of these were double. The upper consisted of two pieces sewed along the instep with sinew twine, and up the back of the ankle with a buckskin string. Strings of buckskin were attached to each side of the sole on the outside, and after passing several times around the ankle were tied to hold the moccasin on the foot. These moccasins were of buckskin with soles of elk-hide when that was obtainable. The hai r, worn long, was tied in two clubs, which hung on •Schoolcraft, Vol. iii, p. 141. vol. i.] Goddard.—Idfe and Culture of the Eupa. 19 either side of the head, or in a single one which fell behind. A band of some kind was often worn around the head. A ring of stuffed buckskin about two inches thick, covered with the red scalps of woodpeckers, is still worn in some dances in which the regalia are not especially prescribed. In other dances broad flat bands are worn. Feathers or feathered darts are usually worn in the hair also. Dentalium shells with tassels of woodpecker feathers were sometimes worn in the ears (PL 10, Pig. 3) . Nose ornaments do not seem to have been in use. ' The quiver, of some pretty skin, well filled with arrows was a part of "full dress." Another style of quiver of deer-skin without the hair, having the opening on the side was often used as a pocket to hold small articles, but the Hupa had also pockets of buckskin and sacks of netting (PI. 6) which they wore when needed. The women modestly kept their bodies concealed from the waist to the knees (PL 5) . This was accomplished by wearing a buckskin skirt and an apron. The body of the skirt consisted of a single skin dressed without the hair (PL 8, Pig. 1). It was about twenty-six inches long and thirty inches wide. A thick fringe about sixteen inches long was attached to the bottom by tying many strips of buckskin to the lower edge of the garment. The top of the skin was folded over and made ornamental by slit- ting into a fringe about six inches long. This fringe was usually divided into two parts by chains of interwoven twine. The strings of the upper fringe were wrapped with the same vegetable materials which are used in basket-making. When soiled the garment was washed with water and bulbs of Ghlorogalum pomeridianum. For dance and other special occasions very much ornamented skirts of this kind were worn. The lower fringe sometimes had strands strung with pine nut shells intro- duced at regular intervals. The top fringe was extended in the finer dresses by strings of shell beads, pieces of abalone shells, and flakes of obsidian. The skirt, which was tied about the waist above the hips, had the opening in front. The lower part of it covered the back and sides only. The front of the person was concealed by an apron (PL 8, Fig. 2) worn under the skirt. This consisted of many 20 University of California Publications, [am. arch. eth. long strands attached to a belt. For ordinary wear the strands consisted of pine nut shells from Pinus attenuata strung on twine over which leaves of Xerophyllwm tenax were braided. The fancy aprons had strands of shells with a row of pendants cut from abalone shells. Beads were worn around the neck. They consisted of small dentalium shells, shells of Olive.Ua biplicata, pine nut shells, and small black fruits, Viburnum ellipticum. A blanket of skins was worn over the shoulders to give pro- tection from cold and wet (PI. 9, Fig. 1) . These blankets were from the skins of deer, wild cats, civet cats, and other animals. They were worn with the hair next the body except when it was raining. A close fitting cap of fine basket-work was worn on the head almost constantly. This gave protection to the forehead from the leather carrying strap of the burden and baby baskets. Many of the women still wear these hats in connection with civilized dress. The hair, which was worn long, except by widows, was tied into pigtails which fell in front of the ears. A string of buckskin terminating at both ends in shell pendants was passed back of the neck and bound up with the hair by means of strips of mink- skin, which were sometimeseoveredwithwoodpeckercrests, wound spirally around the clubs. Stems of yerba buena, Micromeria Chamissonis, nasdik, were sometimes tied up with the hair to impart their perfume. Round disks or oblong pieces of abalone shells attached to twine were worn in the ears (PI. 10, Figs. 1 and 2) . The feet were sometimes shod with moccasins similar to those worn by men. All mature women have marks tattooed on their chins. These marks are vertical and vary in number and width. Sometimes curved marks are added at the corners of the mouth. Delicate marks were placed on the chins of quite young girls. These were added to in size and number later in life. The Hupa deny that they mark age or social status, declaring that they are for orna- ment only. The tattooing was done by pricking in soot with a sharp flint or a splinter of bone. vol.1.] Ooddard.—IAfe and Culture of the Hupa. 21 FOOD. Flesh and Hunting. Nowhere in the temperate zone, perhaps, has Nature been more bountiful in providing a variety and abundance of food. The procuring of the animal food was the work of the men. Elk and deer were killed with the bow and arrow by still hunting or taken in set snares into which they were sometimes driven with the help of dogs. In still hunting the man went either from his home or from a temporary camp to the feeding ground of the animals, reaching the chosen spot early in the morn- ing or late in the evening. Before starting out the bodily odor was minimized by bathing and smoking with green fir boughs. Some of the hunting medicines employed were fragrant and no doubt were of practical value, although they were used from a religious motive rather than for any well understood, direct effect. The hunter, masked with the head and antlers of the game and covered with its skin, simulated the movements of the animal. This he did so well that not only did the game often approach him, but the ever watchful panther sometimes mis- took him for a deer and attacked him. To guard against such an attack the Hupa were accustomed to do up their long hair in a bunch on the back of the neck and to thrust through it long pins sharp at both ends. When the man had worked his way as close as possible, he discharged a well directed arrow which brought down the game. Animals wounded with a barbed arrow are not so likely to survive as those hit in non-vital spots by a leaden ball. The successful hunting of large game without fire- arms required a splendid physique, senses nearly as keen as those of the animals, and an intimate knowledge of the habits of the game. Few men under such conditions were successful hunters. Snares were set for elk and deer in some trail which they were likely to use. Sometimes in the surrounding mountains, ridges and canons are found where there is but one road to the feeding ground, salt-lick, or watering place. These places naturally good for the purpose were often improved by placing obstructions and by making lanes of brush and vines. In this trail at the proper 22 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. bth. place was hung a noose so arranged that the passing animal could not escape it. The rope needed to be very strong and the man who possessed a supply of it was rich. It was made by patient twisting together of twine made of fiber obtained from the leaf of the Iris. The deer and elk were driven to these snares by men provided with sticks which they beat upon their hands as a supplement to their shouting. The native dogs are said to have been employed in these drives. Late in summer the grass on Bald Hill and perhaps in other places was fired and the fleeing deer taken in snares or killed with weapons while frantic from fear. All the region near the valley was held by heads of families as hunting rights. Many men had no holdings of their own but assisted some more fortunate man as dependent friends or as actual slaves. Deer are now often seen swimming down the river. They are then pursued in canoes and killed with clubs. In primitive times deer were driven into the river by the help of dogs and after- ward secured by some one waiting below. The man who succeeded in securing an elk had a large quantity of welcome food, a skin which, when properly tanned, would defend him in battle from the arrows of the enemy, and antlers which furnished him with material for spoons and wedges. The deer-skins were also very valuable . They were in constant demand for clothing and bedding. The hides were retained by the master of the hunt. They were carefully removed with flint knives about three and one-half inches long and two inches wide and quite thin . These blades were hafted to short wooden handles . The carcass was cut in accordance with prescribed rules. Some portions were not eaten at all, among them the flesh on the floating ribs and the breast-bone. Other parts were forbidden to women. None of the animal was wasted save from religious scruples. The blood was drunk at once. The stomach in which other parts were put was buried in the ashes until cooked and then eaten. The ears were a delicacy to be roasted in the camp- fire and eaten after the hunt. The bone of the leg was saved with its marrow, which was of service in mixing paint. The sinews were saved for bowstrings. The brain was removed and dried vol. i.] Goddard. — Life and Culture of the Hupa. 23 that it might be used in dressing the hide. The meat which was not needed for immediate consumption was cut into strips by the women and cured over a fire. Meat was roasted on the coals or large pieces were placed before the fire and turned until cooked. The basket pot was used for boiling, the heat being applied by dropping in hot stones. The meat was cut in flat pieces called kiniltats, or in strings, LOLkyuwiltowen, before it was put in to boil. The basket was kept only for this purpose. The meat was served in wooden trays called kisintSkiwat (PI. 16, Fig. 2) . For religious reasons these were never washed. After the meal a wooden bowl (PI. 16, Fig. 1) was passed for each to wash his hands. The water was carried away from the house and thrown out. This was done to prevent the least particle of the animal remaining in the house. Squirrels, woodrats, and other small animals were killed with arrows and eaten. The ruffed grouse, pheasant, and mountain quail were killed for food. The small valley quail, the meadow lark, and the mourning doves, birds esteemed by white people, were not eaten by the Hupa. The first two mentioned are thought to spend the day in gambling in the underground regions which are the home of the dead. The stakes are the souls of living men . The snow in winter drives large flocks of the varied robin into the valley. These were taken in snares made of twine, baited with acorns. The Hupa did not eat earth-worms and yellow-jacket grubs as do the Indians of many parts of California. Fish and Fishing. The spring salmon begin to run in April. They are caught with a net which is stretched on three poles, arranged in the form of a triangle. The main shaft is held upright. It is about ten feet long. The lower end rests on the bottom while fishing. About six inches from the lower end a pole six feet long is placed at right angles. From the outer end of this the third pole runs to the upper end of the upright shaft. A crib of logs and rocks is built out into the stream in the backwater just below a riffle. On this crib is placed a board and on the end of the board is usually seen a block of wood on which the fisherman sits. Hanging close at hand is a club (Fig. 2) 24 University of California Publications, [am. arch. eth. used to despatch the fish before it is removed from the net. Usually the fisherman has a billet of wood or a flat piece of elk- horn in his hand from which a string passes to the body of the net. Any slight motion in the net is easily perceived in this way. The fall salmon begin to run after the first rains in September or October. During the summer preparation is made for catching them. A dam or weir is built across the river at Medildin and Takimiiidifi. in alternate years. Stout peeled stakes are driven in the river bottom in pairs, crossing near the top and firmly withed together. Heavy logs are laid into the crotches thus made, end to end, forming a continuous stringer across the river. Stakes about four inches in diameter are driven on the upper side, about four feet apart, at an angle of forty-five degrees. These are bound to the stringer by withes. A lattice work is then made on the upper side of the dam, consisting of small saplings bound together by chains of withes. This is made close enough to stop the upward migration of the salmon while imped- ing the flow of the water but little. Small platforms, to stand on while fishing, are made by driving a stake a little below the dam and running poles from the dam to the top of the stake. The fishing is done at night or when the sun's rays are not too vertical. Tons of salmon are taken if the run happens to be good. The men have a rude shelter on the shore at one end of the dam where they sleep between times of fishing. The dam constructed with so much labor is swept away by the first high water. Long seine-like nets (PI. 14, Fig. 1) are set in still water. One of these nets is sixty feet long and three and a half feet wide. It is provided with sinkers of stone, discs three and a half inches in diameter with holes chipped in the centers. Twelve of these are attached to this net. Floats of wood are provided to buoy up the top edge. When the net had been set, several canoe loads of men went out and drove the fish into the net. vol. i.] Ghddard. — Life and Culture of the Hupa. 25 V-shaped obstructions used to be constructed in the river; the opening of the V was up-stream, one wing resting on the shore and the other projecting well into the stream. At the point of the V was built a boat-shaped trap of round poles some- what higher than the surrounding water. The fish passed up around the end of the obstruction. They were frightened back by men in canoes and in trying to escape entered the trap, through the bottom of which the water passed freely leaving them helpless. Salmon were sometimes speared before the Trinity was made foul by mining. A long pole was provided with two diverging prongs of wood at one end (PL 13, Fig. 3) . On these prongs were placed spear points (PL 13, Fig. 2) of bone about four inches long, provided with two barbs of bone or horn. The point and barbs were united by wrappings of twine covered with pitch. A socket was formed between the barbs to receive the end of the wooden prong of the shaft. A line of doubled and twisted two-ply twine was attached to the spear point. This line, which was about thirty inches long, was made fast to the pole. The spear points on entering the salmon were pulled free from the prongs of the shaft but were still attached to it by the line. Sturgeon are sometimes taken in the salmon net, or in a stronger one made for the purpose. The sturgeon is valued not only for its mass of edible flesh, but for the glue obtained from its head. Trout and other small fish are caught in dip nets fastened to three poles arranged in the form of an isosceles triangle. The short third side, bowing out slightly, is at the bottom. The apex of the equal sides is held against the head of the fisherman and the sides are grasped by the hands. The net thus held is drawn to and fro in quick water. Trout and other small fish were caught in the river and creeks by means of primitive hooks (PL 13, Fig. 1) . These were made by placing a small sharp-pointed bone between two small sticks at an angle of thirty-five degrees. These were bound together and to the line of primitive twine by careful wrapping with fine thread. These hooks were usually placed on a set line in sets of ten or more. Lamprey eels are caught in great numbers during the warm 26 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. Era. nights of spring. They are taken in nets similar to those used for salmon. The Hupa are equally fond of them in their fresh state or when dried. Suckers used to be caught and eaten by the Hupa. No poisons, such as the buckeye and soap-root, were used to stupefy the fish in shallow pools. The buckeye is not found in the valley; and the streams are fairly constant throughout the year. These and other means of killing fish by wholesale are resorted to by the Porno of Mendocino county. Varying lengths of river shore were held as private fishing rights by the heads of families. These included one or more riffles suitable for the construction of a fishing crib. These rights passed from father to son and were always respected. The women attend to the dressing and curing of the fish. For cutting fish the stone knife is still used. The salmon eggs are saved and dried. They are used to lunch upon. Probably the Indian knew no form of food more concentrated and at the same time so easily portable for a journey. The heads and the tails of the salmon are used while fresh for immediate consump- tion. The heads when roasted are considered very fine. The Indians are fond of the cartilaginous substances which are abundant in them. The body of the fish is cut into three or more layers. If the flesh is not held together by the backbone or the skin, round sticks are thrust through to keep the flesh from falling to pieces while it is curing over the fire of the xonta. Eels are drawn and slit many times to the skin with a sharp bone. They are then hung over the fire to dry. In dressing and cleaning fish, ferns and leaves are always used to wipe away the blood and unclean portions. Salmon and eels are broiled before the fire when eaten fresh. In the dried state they are sometimes broiled but are often eaten without cooking. They are served on disk-shaped baskets (PI. 21, Fig. 2) set upon a mat of leaves. The Hupa used a dish of stone about eight inches long, six inches wide and three inches deep to catch the dripping oil of the cooking eels.* •These are no doubt the dishes said to have been used by the Hupa for the bak- ing of cakes. Professor Mason was probably misinformed as to their purpose. (The Bay Collection from Hupa Reservation. Smithsonian Report 1886, Part I p. 217.) vol.1.] Ooddard.— Life and Culture of the Hupa. 27 Vegetable Food. The gathering of vegetable food is the duty of the women. Acorns constitute the staff of life for the Hupa. Those of tan- bark oak, Quercus densiflora, are the most esteemed, but in case of a short crop those of the Pacific post oak, Q. Qarryana, black oak, Q. Galifornica, and the maul oak, Q. chrysolepis, are used as well. The acorns are gathered in a conical basket called kaitemiL (PL 22, Fig. 1) about sixteen inches deep and twenty-one inches in diameter at the top and six inches at the bottom. The basket is carried on the back, the apex resting in the small of the back and the top reaching well to the neck. A carrying strap (formerly of elk-hide) passes around the middle of the back part of the basket, over the woman's shoulders and around her head half-way between the crown and the forehead. If the weather is good, the acorns are placed in the sun to dry. The roof of the house is often used as a place for drying, a ladder similar to the one used in the house being leaned against the eaves to enable the women to tend them with ease. The acorns are stored in large hampers called djelS (PI. 23, Fig. 1) . One of the largest is thirty-two inches deep and thirty- nine inches in diameter at the base and narrowed at the top to twenty inches. These are made after the close-twined style of Hupa basketry. As soon as the gathering season is over the shelling begins. This is done by resting the acorn, held between the thumb and fingers, on a rock and tapping it with a stone. The men some- times assist in this work. The acorns when shelled and split are called djdaslai. They are thoroughly dried and stored again in hampers. When needed for food the women grind them into flour. A buckskin or cloth is spread down on a hard flat stone which is set in the earthen floor of the xonta. On this is placed a funnel-shaped basket, kaiist (PI. 24, Fig. 1), about four and a half inches deep, sixteen inches in diameter at the top and five inches at the bottom. The top of this basket is made firm by a heavy rim turned in so as to be horizontal. 28 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. eth. The basket is stiffened by withes placed around on the out- side covered by the material used in twining the basket. A split withe is also placed inside under the rim for the same purpose. The woman sits with the basket under her legs just below the knees. "With the stone pestle, meist, she pounds the acorns to a fine powder. She has a brush at hand to sweep up scattered meal and to brush it from the mill when she has finished. This brush is made of fibers taken from the sheath of the bulb of soap-root, Ghlorogalum pomeridianum, bound with buckskin.* From time to time she takes out the fine flour and sifts it in a shallow basket called miidakidiL (PI. 25, Fig. 1), by giving it a gentle motion up and down as it is held at an angle over a large basket-pan, kiwat (PI. 24, Fig. 2) . The flour is constantly drawn toward the sifter with the hand. During this process the fine flour runs over the lower edge of the basket, the coarser pieces being retained for a second grinding. At this stage the material is called witwat. The woman now goes to a place on the river shore where there is washed sandt (PI. 15, Fig. 1). She scoops out the sand, at the same time building up the edges, until she has a hole large enough to hold her flour. The flour is then placed in this saucer- shaped hole. She builds a fire near by and heats the hard, flat stones kept for the purpose. When they are hot, by means of two sticks she drops them into a basket-pot called miltoi. The water is heated until it is nearly scalding hot. It is then dipped from the large basket with a basket-cup and poured on the flour. As fast as it soaks away more water is added until the material loses its bitter taste. The wet uncooked meal is called kitast. Before removing the flour the woman roughens the surface with her hand. She then puts her hand on it palm down and removes it, taking up the underlying material with a coat- ing of the sand. She holds this over the basket-cup and washes off the sand (PI. 15, Fig. 2) . In this way it is all taken up and washed. A little is usually cooked on the spot and eaten. The remainder is taken to the xonta and cooked. It is placed in a basket about ten inches in diameter and six inches deep twined •The supposed hair brush of Professor Mason. Smithsonian Report 1886, Part I, p. 214. tin winter the sand is often brought to the house and the leaching done inside. Vol. l.] Goddard. — Life and Culture of the Hupa. 29 with material taken from the root of a pine. This is water-tight. A little water is added and the hot stones are dropped in. After a few minutes a quantity of water is added with more hot stones. It is vigorously stirred with a wooden paddle called miLteiinakySkut (Fig. 3). The cooked mush is called saxauw. The mush is placed in smaller similar baskets called xaitsa. These are passed to the men, each having his own. They eat the mush with spoons of elk-horn (PI. 16, Pigs. 3 and 4) called kitekin or of wood. The bowl of the spoon is rather large (two and seven-eighths by two and three- eighth inches) with the handle sometimes nearly at right angles to the bowl. The handle is four or more inches long and carved and cut to form geo- metric designs. These are kept in a basket hanging on the wall of the xonta. The women use a valve of Mytilus Galifornianus (PI. 16, Fig. 6) , in its natural state, for a spoon and often eat from the large pot in which the mush is cooked. The Hupa are very fond of this acorn mush. Those who have plenty of food such as white people use still make the acorn mush occasionally. When a little salt is added it is quite agreeable to a white man's taste. No other food is allowed to one who is preparing for a ceremony. The Hupa used to bury acorns un shelled in the damp ground and let them remain until they were well molded. They were then boiled without being ground. Bread was sometimes made of the acorns by putting the mush on a hot flat rock. This was taken on a journey or to the hunting camp. It was sometimes soaked and eaten as mush. The hazel-nut, Gorylus rostrata var. Galifornica, kilatconde, is excellent food. The nuts are ripe in June and July, and are gathered as soon as ripe, for the bears are very fond of them. They are dried and eaten raw from the shell. A few chinquapin, Castanea chrysophylla, grow near the valley. The nuts are eaten when found. The nuts of the pepperwood, Umbellularia Gali- fornica, are roasted in the ashes and eaten. The seeds of the m m ■ h Fig. 3. 30 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. eth. sugar pine, Pinus Lambertiana, are much valued by the Hupa. They go in large companies, men and women together, to the tops of the ridges, where the trees are found, and camp for some time. The seeds are in proper condition for gathering in October. In olden times the men used to compete with one another in tree climbing to secure the cones. Now-a-days the trees are felled and stripped of their cones. The cones are pounded until the seeds loosen and drop or are easily plucked out. These nuts are eaten raw, either shelled or shells and all. The seeds of the digger pine, P. Sabiniana, are also used, but are not so highly esteemed as those of the sugar pine. The cones of the digger pine are eaten in June when they are green. They are rolled in the dust to render the pitch less troublesome, and then trimmed with a knife. The cone is split and the central portion with the soft unripe seeds is eaten raw. It is not an article of food that would tempt a white man. The Hupa use the bulbs of many plants, mostly the members of the lily family. These have the generic name yinetau. The women dug the bulbs in former times with pointed sticks, the men sometimes accompanying them with their stones knives to renew the points when necessary. The soap-root, Ohlorogalum pomeridianum, is the largest and most plentiful of these bulbs. They are cooked for about two days in the following manner. A large pit is dug and lined with rocks. A hot fire is maintained until the rocks and surrounding earth are well heated. The fire is then drawn, the pit is lined with leaves and a quantity of the bulbs thrown in. Leaves are placed on top and the whole covered with earth. A big fire is then built on top. The leaves of the wild grape, Vitis Galifornica, and wood sorrel, Oxalis Oregana, are used to line the pit, and are also mixed with the bulbs. They are said to improve the flavor. When cooked in this manner they are agreeable and nourishing food. The Indians of Mendo- cino county seem never to use the bulb of this plant for food, but employ it for stupefying fish,* while the Hupa are ignorant of its value for that purpose. The Hupa use the bulbs of Oalochortus Maweanus, Eoohera laxa, H. congesta, Brodicea multi- *V. K. Chesnut, Contributions from the U. S. National Herbarium, Vol. vii No. 3, p. 320. vol. l.] Goddard.—Life and Culture of the Hwpa. 31 flora, and probably other species of this genus. The bnlbs are roasted in the ashes or boiled in baskets. The fresh shoots of many plants are eaten raw. Food of this kind is called salute. Among the plants so used are Wyethia angustifolia, tcalatdufl, Leptotcenia Galifornica, muxatcexolen, Heracleum lanatwm, selkyo, Angelica tomentosa, xonsiLsaluw "summer saluw." A seaweed, Porphyra perforata, called la, was brought from the coast at the mouth of the Klamath by boats or from Trinidad by parties making the journey overland. This furnished the salt required for good health. One doctor is said to eat this sea- weed to make his thirst still more intense when he refrains from water in medicine hunting. The seeds of grasses, certain Composite, and other plants were beaten into a basket with a wicker beater (PI. 23, Pig. 2). They were carefully cleaned by winnowing and hand picking. The seeds were cooked by placing live coals of tan-bark oak among them in a basket-pan. The basket was constantly shaken and tossed to prevent the burning of the seeds and the basket. When -the seeds were sufficiently cooked they were pounded in the same manner that acorns are reduced to flour, but with a pestle of lighter weight. The flour was served without further preparation on small saucer-shaped pieces of basket-work. The weeds intro- duced since the coming of white people have so crowded out and mingled with the native plants used for this purpose that the Hupa do not now attempt to gather the seeds. One woman was found who had a small quantity of seeds gathered many years ago. She prepared these in the manner described. The valley and surrounding hills furnish an abundant variety and quantity of berries. Many acres are covered with manzanita, Arctostaphylos Manzanita, dinuw. The fresh fruit is eaten when ripe in midsummer and even later when it has become dry and powdery. The fruit used to be gathered in large quantities and dried on the sand by the river. When required for food these berries were pounded in the basket-mortar and the flour was separated from the seeds. The flour was eaten dry without cooking. The seeds were soaked in water and the liquid was drunk without fermentation. The fruit of the madrona, 32 University of California Publications, [am. arch, b™. Arbutus Menziesii, isdeau, are shaken in a basket with hot rocks and then eaten. The berries of Heteromeles arbutifolia, called by the Hupa isdewitc, "little madrona berries," are also eaten. Huckleberries, Vaccinium ovatum, tcwiltc, are very plentiful. They remain on the bushes until Christmas. The berries of the elder, Sambucus glauea, tcuhwuw, are eaten. Thimble berries, Bubus parviflorus, wundauwi, raspberries, B. leucodermis, black- berries, B. vitifolius, and several species of Bibes (gooseberries and currants) , are in fruit during the spring and summer months. OCCUPATIONS OF MEN. Bow and Arrow Making. The bow and a quiver of well made arrows were the essentials of every man's well-being. Upon the perfection of these weapons of war and chase and the man's strength and skill in their use depended his fitness to survive. While he could not rely on another man's skill in their use, he could and did make use of his neighbor's skill in their manufacture. Thus arose among the Indians the beginning of division of labor, which has reached such proportions among us. The Hupa are fortunate in having for bow- making the yew, Taxus brevifolia. Lieutenant Ray, U. S. A., has described the Hupa method of bow-making: " To make a bow, the wood of a yew sapling, two and a half to three inches in diameter is selected and rough hewn to shape, the heart side inward and the back carefully smoothed to the form of the back of the bow. The sinew is laid on while the wood is green, and held in place until dry by means of a twine wrapping. In this condition it is hung in the sweat-house until the wood is thoroughly seasoned, when it is finished and strung, and in some cases the back varnished and painted. The most delicate part of the operation is to get the proper tension on the sinew backing. If it is too tight the wood crimps or splinters when the bow is strung, and a lack of proper tension leaves the bow weak and worthless. When the bow is seasoned it has a reverse curve of about three inches." vol.1.] Qoddard. — Life and Culture of the Hupa. 33 "The sinew for the backing and bow-string is taken from the back and the hind leg of the deer at the time of killing, and dried for future use. When required it is soaked until pliable, stripped into fine shreds and laid on by commencing at each end and terminating at the center of the bow." " The glue used to fix the backing is obtained by boiling the gland of the lower jaw and nose of the sturgeon. This is dried in balls and preserved for use, and is prepared by simply dipping it in warm water and rubbing it on the wood."* These Hupa bows (PI. 11, Figs. 1, 2, and 3) are short and wide as compared with those in use east of the Rocky Mountains. One which was measured is three feet three inches long. The string from nock to nock is three feet. The unstrung bow has a reverse curve of five inches. The middle of this bow is one and three-fourths inches wide, expanding to two and one-fourth inches at the middle of the limbs and contracting to five-eighths of an inch at the nocks. The nocks are an inch long and are bent back at an angle of about forty-five degrees. The middle of the bow is wrapped with buckskin for a space of three and one-half inches to give a firm hold for the hand. This bow is provided with a string of sinew twine about one-eighth of an inch thick. Hupa bows are sometimes decorated with paint on the back. The designs are often triangles. Lieutenant Ray, in commenting on the power of these bows, says: "The bows made by these people are effective for game up to fifty or seventy-five yards, and would inflict a serious wound at 100 yards. At fifty yards the arrows will penetrate a deer five or ten inches. I never heard of one passing entirely through a deer."t Walter Van Dyke, writing in the Overland Monthly for December, 1891, p. 658, speaking of a wound which was received by a companion during the exciting times of 1851, says: "An arrow struck him about the middle of the left thigh and passed clear through." Such a shot, it is evident, would have passed through the softer parts of a deer's body. The Hupa declare that they did sometimes shoot through a deer. •Smithsonian Keport, 1886, Part I, p. 228. + Smithsonian Report, 1886, Part I, p. 229. Am. Aboh. Bth. 1, 3. 34 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. bth. The war and hunting arrows of the Hupa (PI. 11, Pig. 4) are from thirty to thirty-six inches long. The average length is about thirty-two inches from nock to point. Most of these arrows are provided with a foreshaft. The main shaft is made from the straight shoots of the syringa, PMladelphus Lemsii, kaxiis. The pith is removed and a foreshaft about four inches long made of the June berry, AmelancMer alnifolia, a very hard wood, is inserted. The end of the shaft is wrapped with sinew to prevent its splitting. The nock is usually but not invariably cylindrical. Three feathers from the hawk, split through the quill, are attached to the shaftment by wrapping them at each end with sinew. The feathers are trimmed until they are of uniform length and size. The points are secured to the foreshaft by sinew thread which passes into notches made for the purpose in the sides of the base of the points (PI. 12, Fig. 2). Sturgeon glue is added to prevent the threads from slipping on the wood. The points of the arrows are of obsidian, flint, bone, or iron, and are now sometimes made of bottle-glass. After a suit- able piece of obsidian, flint, or glass has been removed with a blow it is worked into shape by placing it on a piece of buckskin laid on the left palm and held with the fingers of the left hand and applying pressure with an implement held in the right hand (PI. 12, Pig. 1) . The flaking tool (PI. 12, Pig. 3) consists of a piece of antler lashed to a stick of wood about fifteen inches in length. This handle passes back through the hand and along the fore arm, giving leverage for considerable pressure. Old Rodger, the only Hupa who can now chip stone, made two arrow-points of black obsidian in about two hours' time. One of these he condemned and the other did not satisfy him. He did the first flaking on each with a large flat file, applying pressure with the tip of the handle end. The latter part of the work he did with the primitive implement, finishing with a large blunt awl (PI. 12, Pig. 4). The shaftment and sometimes the foreshaft was marked with rings in blue, black, and red paint. The professional fletcher made a large number of arrows at a time. He did not finish a single arrow and then begin another, but kept all in the same vol.1.] Goddard. — Life and Culture of the Hupa. 35 stage as the work progressed. When finished they were sorted into certain lengths and each length was given distinctive mark- ings. The purchaser secured a quiver of arrows of uniform length and markings. He was able to recognize his arrow when found in a slain man or deer, and to prove his claim by referring to the remaining arrows in his quiver. For hunting small game and for shooting at a mark, arrows without points but with a foreshaft were used (PI. 11, Pig. 5). If the foreshaft broke a new one could be quickly inserted. For the use of boys, quite small arrows (PL 11, Fig. 6) were made of huckleberry, Vaccinium ovatum. They were provided with two unsplit feathers from the yellow hammer's wing. The shafts of arrows were sometimes made of elder, Sambucus glauca. A large stem was split, yielding straight pieces suited to the purpose. Net Making. For nets and snares the Hupa make twine and rope from the leaves of Iris macrosiphon, mestcelen. The material is said to be better when taken from plants growing under oaks than from those found under pines. The leaves are gathered in the fall when fully mature. Two fibers only are obtained from each leaf near the margins. The fibers are separated from the rest of the leaf by drawing it past the thumb on which an artificial nail made from a mussel shell is worn (PI. 14, Fig. 3). This shell is held in place by a strip of buckskin through which the thumb passes. The fibers are twisted by rolling them between the palm and the thigh, as a shoemaker twists his thread. The final pro- duct is two-ply and as large as desired. The twine for net making is wound on a bobbin (PL 14, Fig. 2) about eighteen inches long and having in each end an oval eye. The diameter of the eyes are about three-fourths and five-eighths inches. The ends are pointed for convenience in tying the net. Slits are provided through which the thread passes readily to and from the eye. Professor Mason says: "The net is knotted like those of civilized people; that is, the thread of each mesh is brought down around the mesh-stick (PL 14, Figs. 4 and 5) , then through 36 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. bth. the bight of the stitch above, and fastened by a half hitch quite around both strands of the same mesh."* Hide Dressing. The Indians prized the skins of various animals for use and ornament. The deer and elk furnished clothing and bedding. Buckskin was used for many purposes, for wrapping, covering, and tying articles. It largely took the place of cloth, paper, and string with us. A fine deer-skin which was peculiarly marked, nearly or entirely black, or nearly or entirely white, was dressed with the hair on and used in the White Deer-skin Dance. The white deer-skin became an heirloom which could not be sold. A particularly pretty fawn-skin with its rows of spots was saved for the dance or made into a quiver. The skin of the panther was worn by the men as a robe. The skin of the silver fox, Vulpes fulvus argentatus, was much prized for its beauty and was made into a quiver for "dress occasions." The water animals, the otter, the fisher, etc., were all valued for their beautiful, fine fur. Their skins were used for quivers. Last and least of all the little mole gave up its skin to the babies for a plaything. A skin was dressed with the hair left on by scraping it faithfully with the rib of a deer and with stone scrapers. The surface was anointed with a concoction of deer brains and water, and manipulated with the hands until it was soft and pliable. When it was desired to make leather from the skin of the elk, deer, or panther, the hair was scraped off after the hide had been macerated by leaving it buried in wet sand for several days. They were not able to render the skins impervious to water by tanning. Pipe Making and Tobacco Raising. Smoking has been practiced by the Hupa from time imme- morial. Their gods smoked. It is in fact a semi- religious practice. The pipe, kinaigyan, was and is still made of selected wood of the manzanita or yew. The ordinary pipe (PI. 17, Figs. 2 and 3) is about fou r and one-half inches long, and cylindrical in shape. ♦Smithsonian Report, 1886, Part 1, p. 225, and PI. xix. vol. i.] Goddard. — Life and Culture of the Hupa. 37 The diameter at the smallest part is about three-eighths of an inch. A gentle curve gives the mouth end a diameter of five- eighths of an inch and the bowl end an inch. The pipes are worked down with sandstone and polished off with stems of the horsetail rush, Equisetum robustum, in so fine a manner that even Professor Mason was deceived, thinking them turned by white men in a lathe.* Usually the pipe is faced with serpentine or sandstone. The face of stone (PL 17, Fig. 5) shows only about one-half an inch on the outside, but it enters the funnel-shaped wooden part so as to line the bowl of the pipe. The bowl is three-fourths of an inch deep. A shoulder is made on the wood of the bowl; then the soapstone is brought into shape with a knife. The pieces are constantly tried to insure a good fit; To make the joint perfect between the wood and the stone, a little sand is put in, and the stone is twisted to wear away any projections. The shaman's pipe (PL 17, Fig. 6) is similar but much longer, some of them measuring twelve inches. Often narrow stripes of mother-of-pearl are neatly inlaid, lengthwise the pipe next to the stone facing. Pipes entirely of wood are also used. These are of the smaller size and are ornamented at the bowl end with carvings. The Hupa occasionally make pipes all of stone (PL 17, Fig. 4). Such pipes are frequently to be seen in use on the Klamath river. The pipe is carried in a little sack of buckskin (PL 17, Fig. 1) tied with a string of the same material. Tobacco is put into the bag and then the pipe is pushed in bowl first, not stem first, as Professor Mason has pictured it.t The tobacco used was cultivated, the only instance of agricul- ture among the Hupa. Logs were burned and the seed sown in the ashes. The plant appears to be and probably is identical with the wild Nicotiana Bigelovii, but the Hupa say the cultivated form is better. The wild form found along the river they say is poison! It is believed that an enemy's death may be caused by giving him tobacco from plants growing on a grave. Miscellaneous. It was the man's duty to make the fire-sticks (PL 17, Fig. 7) when new ones were needed to replace the worn out ones. A •Smithsonian Report, 1886, Part I, p. 220. t Smithsonian Report, 1886, Part I, PI. xvi. 38 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. eth. piece from the root of the cottonwood is obtained for this purpose. After it is well seasoned by hanging in the sweat- house, one piece is worked down until it is about a foot long one inch wide and three fourths of an inch thick. Several small shallow holes are made on one side of this. Little grooves are cut from these holes to the edge of the stick. Another piece is made about fifteen inches long and one-half inch in diameter, pointed at one end. To start a fire the last mentioned piece is whirled rapidly in one of the holes of the first piece. Soon little glowing dust runs down the notches and ignites the prepared tinder.* During leisure times the men occupied themselves in making the articles used in the dances. Objects of feathers and fur subject to attacks from moths were kept in oblong wooden receptacles provided with covers which fitted perfectly. Wealth consisted largely of the non-essentials of life. These they were always seeking to accumulate. The man's only routine work was the bringing of wood for the sweat-house. This was usually done in the early morning. OCCUPATIONS OF WOMEN. Basket Making. For basket making the woman needs slim round twigs for upright ribs, pliable material for twining around horizontally, and dyeing material to make her basket more beautiful. For ribs she goes to a place where a fire has burned over a hazel patch. She finds there shoots all of a size. For the larger baskets she takes the shoots the second or third year after a fire. These shoots are from Gorylus rostrata var. California, called mukaikitLoi, "on it one makes a basket." They are gathered as soon as the sap is well started and the leaves have commenced to grow. The twigs must be peeled while still fresh. The woman takes the butt of the twig in her mouth and starts the bark with her teeth, then, keeping hold with her teeth, she pulls the twig out of its skin with her hands. The peeled twigs are piled in bundles (P L 20, Fig. 3), dried in the sun, and laid away for *Hupa Texts xii. vol.1.] Goddard.—Life and Culture of the Hupa. 39 future use. The foundation of nearly all Hupa baskets is of hazel. For small, fine baskets young shoots of a willow, Salix ftuviatilis var. argyrophylla, are used. They result in more shapely but not so durable baskets.* This species of willow is not common in the valley, but grows at Willow Creek, twelve miles south. The native name of this willow was kitdilmai, "gray," but it is now usually called tSxatawe, "it grows by the water," to avoid the name of a dead person. The pliable material used for twining is of three classes: first, strong filaments, made from the roots of deciduous trees, used where extra strength is required, especially at the origin of the basket; second, serviceable material for baskets which must hold water, obtained from the roots of coniferous trees; third, white and colored material for ornamentation. For the first class of material, called kut, the roots of alder, Alnus Oregana, willow, Salix sp., cottonwood, Populus trichocarpa, and wild grape, Vitis Californica, are used. The second class, called xai (PI. 20, Fig. 2), is derived from the digger pine, Pinus Sabiniana, nadeL, yellow pine, Pinus ponderosa, diltcwag, and two varieties imported occasionally from the coast, redwood, Sequoia sempervirens, and lowland spruce, Pieea Sitchensis. The roots of different individual pines of both species vary in value. Some are very hard to split. The chunks of root are buried in a hole where a fire has been built. If after one night they do not readily separate into thin flat pieces, the fire is renewed and the root is baked again. These layers are soaked in water and scraped until smooth and uniform. They are then divided into strands of the desired width. For decorative work the leaves of bear-grass, Xerophyllum tenax, LoteL (PI. 20, Fig. 4), give a clear white, and the stems of the maidenhair fern, Adiantum pedatum, nmkaikinxuLnewan (PI. 20, Fig. 5) , furnish a glossy black. The leaves of the Xero- phyllum tenax are gathered in the late summer when the tips begin to show white. They are then tough. The ground is frequently burned over and the spot visited on the second or third year after. This plant is very common on dry ridges at an elevation •Willow shoots were not formerly used. Growing along the river as they do they were thought to belong to the under-world. The willow is attacked by insects from which the hazel is exempt. 40 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. e™. of from two to four thousand feet. The leaves are tied in bundles and kept until needed. The stems of the maidenhair fern are gathered when full grown. They are pounded with a stone until the black outside shreds off. The stems of the giant fern, Woodwardia radicans, meme, furnishes a material which takes a reddish brown color from the bark of the alder. Small strands are stripped from the inside of the stem. The woman chews the alder bark and then draws the strand through her mouth. In this way a permanent color is imparted to the material. Some Hupa women now dye the fern stems in a decoction of alder bark made by boiling it in water. The color obtained is said not to be so uniform or so permanent. The leaves of Xerophyllum tenax are dyed bright yellow with a lichen, Evernia vulpina, which grows abundantly on the trees at high elevations. The lichen is boiled for some time and the material is immersed in the liquid until the proper color results. The root of the Oregon grape, Berberis sp., is sometimes used to dye the Xero- phyllum tenax, a similar shade of yellow resulting. Porcupine quills are sometimes dyed with Evernia vulpina, which gives them a very bright and glossy yellow. The Hupa baskets are of twined work as distinguished from the coiled work of Mendocino county and Southern California, and from the plaited work of the East. That is, in the twined work the heavy foundation is vertical from the center to the rim of the basket, and the woof of lighter material is hori- zontal; while in coiled work the heavy foundation is laid in horizontal coils around the basket with the filling run spirally around the heavy twigs. As distinguished from the plaited work of the Algonkin, the twined work is done with two strands carried simultaneously, alternating above and below each other, completely hiding the foundation, while the plaited work is done with one strand and shows the foundation and woof alternately. The closely twined work of the Hupa is quite flexible, but returns to its proper shape which it maintains very well. The coiled work of the Porno is exceedingly rigid and firm . The Hupa baskets are either close-twined so that the foundation does not appear at all, or open, the twigs of the foundation being merely held in place by chains of woof. vol. i.] Qoddard.—IAfe and Culture of the Hupa. 41 The simplest example of twined work is seen in the lattice work used in the fish dams. The split, peeled poles, about an inch in diameter, are held in place by three or more rows of chain, made of two strands of withes crossed between the poles. This part of the weir may have served as the pattern for twined baskets. The nearly flat disks of open work used for serving salmon (PI. 21, Fig. 2) are made by joining hazel twigs by their butts at the center and letting the tips radiate toward the rim. Smaller hazel twigs are twined around in a spiral about an inch apart. Additional radiating ribs are inserted in the chains, as the rim is approached, to make the meshes of even width. The end of the radiating twigs are trimmed beyond the last round, which is double. To give the basket a concavity, the outer rounds of chain are drawn tighter than the rest, the ribs being kept wet and gently bent with the hand. Similar work of greater concavity results in the burden-basket (PI. 22, Fig. 1) . A heavy rim projecting toward the inside at right angles to the wall of the basket is made by twining several strands at the top. This adds greatly to the rigidity of the top of the basket. The baby-basket (PL 21, Fig. 1) is made of similar open-work, except that the ribs of the back start from a heavy horizontal twig of hazel which forms the bottom instead of all coming from a point, as in the ordinary basket. The chains occur in twos or threes, and are about four inches apart. The ribs of the sides are joined by laying the butts together at the medial line in front. They are then carried to the top in curves parallel to the bottom and the edges of the back. The chains of the back continue around the sides to the rim, which is strength- ened by grouping the ribs and covering them with spirally coiled strips of flat material. For storing fish the Hupa made baskets, called kaitcint, with the chains of the woof far apart as in open work but the ribs close together in groups of threes or fours. The basket for cooking soup (PI. 15) has ribs of hazel joined at the origin which is made by a close wrapping of strong basket- stuff, either xai from the root of a coniferous tree, or kfit from the root of a deciduous tree. These pieces of root are continued to form the woof, twined as already described, except that at the 42 University of California Publications. Um. arch. eth. commencement the two pieces of woof do not cross after each rib but after groups of four and five. When about five rounds have been twined in this way, the regular crossing after every rib is begun. When the bottom has been completed, a raised ring is formed on the outside by carrying three strands instead of two and by including two ribs between the crossings of the woof (PI. 20, Fig. 1). Once or twice around and the work goes on as before, crossing after each rib. This ring is introduced to hold the ribs more firmly at the turn of the basket. The ribs are kept moist by letting them slip through the wet hand. Some- times it is necessary to put the whole piece of work in water and take up another. New ribs and new strands of woof are intro- duced at pleasure. The ends of the woof strands are left project- ing on the inside until the weaving is done. When the place on the wall of the basket has been reached where ornamentation is to begin, figures, usually geometrical, are made by laying thin strips of Xerophyllum tenax leaves over the woof (PI. 25, Fig. 2). The Xerophyllum placed outside gives the white; the root itself is brought into view for the brown. The Xerophyllum strand does not displace one of the strands of root but supplements it, cover- ing the outside when white is wanted in the design. About three-fourths of the way to the top two raised ridges are often made by laying pieces of the pine-root around the basket on the outside and wrapping them with the white Xerophyllum. Between these two ridges are one or more rounds twined in the usual man- ner. The figures introduced above the ridges are symmetrical with those below but inverted. The rim requires no finishing other than trimming the ends of the ribs even. The ends of the material introduced during the weaving are rubbed off on the inside by means of a piece of stone. A basket made in this manner is water-tight and will last many years in common use as a cooking vessel. For collecting seeds a basket similar in shape to the common burden basket was made in the closely woven style (PI. 22, Fig. 2) . The lower third of the basket was covered with vertical stripes. The remainder furnished a zone for designs. Large storage baskets, called djelo, are made of close - twined work (PI. 23, Fig. 1). The base is of greater diameter vol.1.] Ooddard.—Idfe and Culture of the Hupa. 43 than the top.* These baskets, on account of their unusual height and the consequent great width of the zone, usually have the designs in long vertical bands. Saucer-shaped pans of varying size are made. A small one in the University museum is eight inches in diameter. It is pro- vided with a loop for the finger like a tea-cup. Pans of this size called milJrituwat, were formerly used to serve the flour from native seeds. The larger specimens (PL 24, Fig. 2) , one of which measures twenty-four inches, is used to catch the acorn meal when it is sifted. Baskets of this kind are decorated about the origin and in a regular zone on the convexed side. When they have been completed they are wet and turned, bringing the finished and decorated surface inside. The common hat, kostan, worn by the older women, is made of the root-material and quite plain. The younger women wear highly decorated, and often very beautiful, caps (PI. 26). The origin is made of kut, the root-material from deciduous trees. After seven or eight rounds pine-root is used. This is entirely hidden by the decorative material. The body is in white, made by overlaying the root-strand with Xerophyllum tenax. The choicest hats have black designs made from the stem of the maidenhair fern, relieved sometimes with a bright yellow obtained by dyeing Xerophyllum leaves with the yellow lichen. The more common ones have the designs in red, obtained by dyeing the inner part of the stem of the giant fern with alder bark. These are relieved with black. The under strand of root is kept damp while the work is going on. Great care is required to maintain the correct amount of moisture or the basket will have humps from the uneven contraction of the drying material. Fine work can not be done on a windy day as the material dries too rapidly. A raised ring, made with a single round of three strands of strong root material like that used at the origin, is introduced at the beginning of the wall and another about three-quarters of an inch from the rim. This is done to hold the ribs in place and to prevent the spreading of the basket. For extra fine work grape- vine roots are used for the under strand throughout the basket. These furnish a more pliable filament than do pine roots. •Supra p. 27. 44 University of California Publications, [am. abch. b™. The raised rings divide the surface of the hat into three areas for decoration, that from the origin to the first ring, that from the first ring to the second, and that from the second ring to the rim. The origin is usually surrounded by a few rounds in unbroken color, after which the designs are introduced on a ground of white. From ring to ring on the side is the principal zone of decoration, not only on the hats but on all decorated work. Usually colored bands border the zone at top and bottom next to the rings. These bands may be straight and plain, straight with colors alternating vertically, straight with colors alternating horizontally, or zig-zag. Care is sometimes taken to make the bands wider or narrower, according as the basket diminishes or increases in diameter. One example has bands of three rounds at the bottom and four at the top. This zone on the side is divided horizontally into halves. The dividing line is usually imaginary, but occasionally expressed. The design is repeated three or four times in the circuit of the basket and occurs inverted, whenever it is invertible, in the upper half of the zone. The figures either rest upon each other at the middle of the zone, or, when their bases are broad and tops narrow, pass each other and the median line (PL 25, Fig. 4). The space between the last ring and the rim contains a fraction, usually a half, of the design used in the principal zone. With a few exceptions all the known designs upon Hupa baskets are geometrical figures or combinations of geometrical figures. These figures and the combinations of them have names. Perhaps the most frequent figure seen, not only on their baskets but on other decorated objects, is the isoceles triangle (Fig. 4) . The Hupa calls this Luwmintcwuw, "rattlesnake's nose." When ques- tioned they invariably answer that it is so called because it looks like a snake's nose, and that it does not represent that animal. This figure Fia - 4 - results, in weaving a basket, from a single stitch of color followed in each succeeding round by an additional stitch on each side until the required size is obtained. The same figure inverted is constructed by taking a base line of Vol. 1.] Ooddard. — Life and Culture of the Rupa. 45 the desired length consisting of an odd number of stitches. In each succeeding round one stitch is omitted on each side until only one is left to form the apex. The equal sides of this figure must be neither horizontal nor vertical. Right-angled triangles made with a horizontal line meeting a vertical line are called tcesLinalwiltcwel (Fig. 5), said to mean "sharp and slanting." This figure results by receding from a given point or base line one stitch at a time on one side only. If the first figure, the Luwmintcwuw, is truncated we have a quadrilateral. This figure (Fig. 6) results by starting with a Fig. 5. Fig. 6. line of some length and adding one stitch to each side each suc- ceeding round, or by starting with a base line and discontinuing the narrowing before a point is reached. This figure is often, perhaps always, found associated with the isosceles triangle called Luwmintcwuw. Rectangles are sometimes seen. They are hard to construct zzzzzit ttzz z *z-z*z i+zziizizztiix.tiiz.ittitzzzzzz-zi ;>**+H2.i' ****•+*■>*++>■+■**>>++» + + > *■*?*+++»+•* p*.?j&. » » » *.» ♦ » * >.-» ■» ♦»^j»>**.» *«-»-***•> »-> » ? » J» »>»**»-»»»»*>»> « Fig. 7. on the curved surface of a basket which is increasing or dimin- ishing in diameter, and the result is not pleasing. Oblique- angled parallelograms are very frequently used (Fig. 7). The 46 University of California Publications, [am. aboh. eth. name given to them is niLkutdasaan,"set on top of one another." This doubtless is the name when they are superimposed and not the name of the figure itself. They seldom occur under other circumstances and perhaps the element has no name. They *»»Vv*»»r>"»* »*»♦•»»» r»?*#**J»J?*« Fig. 8. result in weaving from a base line from which the weaver recedes on the right and advances on the left one stitch at a time. This figure seems usually to have the upper angle toward the left. A figure closely resembling the last, since it has the general outline of the rhomboid, differs from it in that it has angles projecting from the oblique sides with the outer line vertical and the line next the figure sloping. This design, which lacks beauty on account of its jagged appear- ance, is called mikyowe mila, FlG - 9 - "grizzly bear his hand" (Fig. 8 and PI. 26, Fig. 2). Another figure, that seen in Fig. 9 and PI. 25, Fig. 2, is called tcwal mila, "frog his hand." These «r<»«*«*-#4»4»* * * •* *■»«**♦. tT4.*4.4Yt~+tl*.*i. »«..*•<*•*»■»»**♦ *-v *4-<*1 *++~ t » 4 VV»»»>V; ^^^««igc