6327 P5S32 mi * g>iVK^ VJU T fc *£ MAR 101951 - ^-asa^Hf — ®muM T. Professor of the A,.Zr±[%\0, REPRINTED FROM THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE ' CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES INCORPORATED A. D. 1799 VOLUME XIII. PP. 475-548. MAY, 1908 Publications of Yale University STUpiES IN CERVANTES-PERSILES Y SIGISMUNDA III RUDOLPH SCHEVILL ' NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1608 THE TUTTLE,, MOREHOUSE 4. TAYLOR PRESS fl Cornell University B Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027656556 k A.-sAU \o VII.— STUDIES IN CERVANTES BY RUDOLPH SCHEVILL PERSILES Y SIGISMUNDA III VIKGIL'S AENEID a. In Spanish literature before Cervantes. Having seen that a comparatively small portion of the Persiles is patterned after the romance of Heliodorus, 1 we can now proceed to the question, as to what other work of fiction could have influenced Cervantes in his last production. We need not search long among current hooks of his day, before coming upon another classic, one of unexampled vogue and far-reaching influence in every succeeding age, the Aeneid of Virgil. A student of Renaissance literature and of the general culture of the sixteenth century might at once take for granted that Cervantes was acquainted with the main features, at least, of the Latin poem ; that he must have turned to it directly and naturally, as to a kind of contemporary roman d'aventure may, perhaps, be clearer from what will be set forth in this article. 2 The influence of the Aeneid on Spanish literature is of importance in any study of fiction preceding the Persiles, because the Latin epic was not only maintaining its traditional position as a standard classic among the learned, but had become a part of popular litera- ture somewhat after the fashion of the romance of Heliodorus. While university students mastered the syntax of the foremost of Latin poets, lay readers were enjoying in the vernacular the story 1 Modem Philology, Vol. IV, No. 4 (1907); the present article is the third of a series of studies in the sources of Persiles y Sigismunda, the first being an introduction, in the nature of a resume of what has been written on the subject, and the second dealing with the indebtedness of Cervantes to Heliodorus. For the first see Modern Philology, Vol. IV, No. 1 (1906). 2 The frequency with which famous, couples of legend / nd story were mentioned together may have led Cervantes from Theagenes and Ohariklea to 'Aeneas and Dido. Moreover, the various editions of Mena's translation of Heliodorus have marginal references to both Homer and Virgil, there being more than a score to tne Aeneid. The direct influence of the latter, Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 33 April, 1908. 476 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. of Aeneas's adventurous wanderings; they could, read an Aeneid done into Spanish in the true spirit of the Renaissance, and their ignorance of real antiquity would readily allow them to see in its characters and episodes many of the elements peculiar to a con- temporary roman d'aventure. It contained long and striking voy- ages over unknown seas, shipwrecks and strange encounters, fierce and bloody combats, timely escapes, projects and schemes subject at every turn to ill fortune, but crowned at last by a successful issue ; it had, above all, an episode of love and passion in the tragic story of Dido, which has awakened interest in all ages. So the excellence „ of Virgil's romance was bound to be recognized at a time when its peculiar sentiments must have been widely intelligible; when its martial passages would appeal to those fond of the rqmances of chivalry, and its pathos to those who favored the sentimental love- story. Virgil had come down through the centuries with undiminished fame ; in the schools of the Roman Empire he had been considered the foremost Latin classic, a rank which his perfection of diction and his charm of genuine and deep sentiment had assured him from the outset. During the dreary stretch of the Middle Ages, grammarians, scholastics and rhetoricians found in him a fruitful source for their numerous but dissimilar teachings; even at the very ebb-tide of learning, during the dark ages, he continued to be a large factor in whatever culture was left in the schools, all of which was no doubt due to the fact that his name and fame had been handed down as a tradition among all the peoples who had inherited Roman civiliza- notably of the fourth book, on the Greek romances would be difficult to trace and Rohde does not consider it in his great work, Der griechische Roman (Leipzig, 1900). But there can be no doubt that Aeneas and Dido were generally included in the list of loving couples, and as such may have become known through the scenic presentations of tragedy, or through wall or vase paintings; cf. Rohde, op. cit., pp. 39-40, 42. It is, therefore, very likely that Heliodorus knew Virgil's version of the Dido legend. The following similar features in Virgil and Heliodorus deserve attention: ' the heroine falls in love with the hero at first sight; his physical beauty is very striking, cf. Rohde, op. cit., pp. 15S, 162, n. 1; the description of the hero, p. 164, n. 3; description of heroine's beauty, p. 165; he is like a god, pp. 165 ft\; love-sickness, p. 167 ft\; the love-sick heroine has no repose at night; the victims' passion is proclaimed in the dark of night or when wandering alone, and their thoughts are visualized in dreams. Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 477 tion. 1 And when Christianity began to spread through the Empire, it was natural that Virgil's prestige as a poet and sage should be readily accepted and transmitted by the teachers of the new religion, who had been educated in Latin schools. They even went farther. In their eagerness to turn an authority among the ancients into a luminary that would serve the Church, theologians interpreted the poet as a semi-Christian prophet, and pronounced his fourth eclogue an inspired prediction of the coming of Christ. Finally, with his prestige as a poet, sage and prophet so great among the learned, it was inevitable that a Virgil of a different type should grow inde- pendently among the masses who were not in touch with the little learning of the darker Middle Ages. This was the Virgil of folk- lore, a man of superhuman powers, an enchanter and magician, whose mythical history has been treated in a masterly fashion by Comparetti 2 and touches the subject in hand but little. The present article will therefore be devoted only to the Virgil of literature, whose influence as a romancer concerns us most. It is worth considering at this point to what extent Virgil's repu- tation as a poet would have been curtailed, if his name had not issued from the Middle Ages linked inseparably with that of Dante. In 1 Cf. D. Comparetti, Virgil im Mittelalter aus dem Italienischen ttbersetzt von Hans Diitschke (Leipzig, 1875), pp. 69, 91; M. Landau, Die Quellen des Dekameron (Stuttgart, 1884), 2te Auflage, p. 290: "Der fromnie Aeneas hatte so viel Aehnliehkeit mit den Helden der Ritterromane, die Aeneis und die Eklogen haben im Verhaltniss zur Ilias und Odyssee so viel Christ- liehes in sieh, dass Virgil und nicht Homer der Lieblingsdicliter des Mittel- alters werden musste." Cf. Bartsch, Albrecht -von Halberstadt und Ovid im Mittelalter (Quedlinburg u. Leipzig, 1861), p. xxi; p. exxii. Virgil was also prized more than Homer by the humanists in the 15th century; ef. W. Creizenach, Geschichte des neueren Dramas, Vol. II (Halle, 1901), p. 370. 2 Cf . op. cit., with the original title, Virgilio nel Medio Evo (Liverno, 1872). There is also an English translation, Virgil in the Middle Ages, translated by E. F. M. Beneeke (London, 1895) ; other references to Virgil the magician are: Eneas Silvio Piccolomini, Historia de dos amantes, reprinted by R. Foulchg-Delbosc (Barcelona, 1907), p. 13: Virgilio subido por un cordel, etc.; Juan Rodriguez del Padron also implies that the poet and the magician are the same person (cf. below, p. 482, n. 4) ; in the Arcipreste de Talavera, (Corvacho 6 reprooacidn del amor mundano) by Alfonso Martinez de Toledo (1438), reprinted by the "Sociedad de Bibliofilos EspaSoles," Vol. XXXV, Virgil, the enchanter, is several times mentioned as a victim of earthly love, pp. 20, 49, 54; Gomedia de Calisto y Melibea (1499), reprinted by R. Foulchg-Delbosc in the "Bibliotheca hispanica," 478 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. the latter fact can be found the bond which joins the Virgil of the Renaissance to the Latin poet of antiquity, and so preserves the continuity of his remarkable prestige. Dante's appreciation of his Latin master was to become thenceforward the standard opinion of him j 1 and, consequently, after the dreary ages of scholasticism and ephemeral church doctrine, Virgil and his poems survived as an abiding literary influence, destined to endure through any move- ment or change in religion and philosophy. By means of the fourth eclogue, and notably the sixth book of the Aeneid, which had not only contributed to expounding obscure theological doctrine, but had inspired the most comprehensive expression of medievalism, the Bivina Commedia, Virgil had survived the Middle Ages ; by means of the fourth book of the Aeneid, through which he could claim the distinction of romancer as well as poet, he took root in the whole body of Renaissance literature, and left an indelible trace in the history of fiction. For the much admired delineation of Dido's pas- sion has always made her tragedy appear modern from the stand- point of any age, 2 and its contents began to furnish romantic mate- act 7, p. 88; Pedro Manuel de Urrea, Penitencia de amor (1514), p. 55 of reprint in the "Bibliotheca hispanica" edited by FoulchfrDelbosc, 1902; Menendez y Pelayo, "Antologla de poetas Ifricos castellanos," Tratado de los romances viejos, Vol. XII (Madrid, 1906), p. 486: "mandO el Rey prender Virgilius, etc." where Virgil is merely a kind of mediaeval knight in love; cf. also "Antologla etc.," Vol. VIII, p. 226; Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Eistoria del gran-Tamorlan (Sevilla, 1582), p. 2; Lope de Vega, Mas pueden celos que amor, Vol. II of "Comedias Escogidas" (Rivadeneyra), p. 186, col. 1; Dunlop-Liebrecht, Qeschichte der Prosadichtungen, etc. (Berlin, 1851), p. 185 fl\; F. Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 86, 88; Reinhold Kohler, Kleinere Schriften, etc. (Weimar, 1898-1900), Vol. I, pp. 140, 417, 585, Vol. II, p. 575; there is much unpublished material in the Eertaiana of the royal library in Munich, in a box "Antike Sagen" No. 2, under "Virgilius," collected by the late poet and scholar Wilhelm Hertz;. Menendez y Pelayo, Orlgenes de la novela, p. cxix ff. Boccaccio was also acquainted with the magic power of Virgil; cf. M. Landau, G. Boccaccio, sein Leben und seine Werke (Stuttgart, 1877), p. 235. In Timoneda's Patranuelo, the fourth tale belongs to the history of Virgil, the magician; the sors Eomeriques et Virgilianes, Rabelais, "Pantagruel," book III, chapters 10, 12 are interesting in this connection. 1 Inferno I, 79 ff. 2 Cf. Sainte-Beuve, Causeries du Lundi, II, sixieme edition, p. 123; R. Heinze, Virgils Epische Technik (Leipzig, 1903), chapter 3, on the art displayed in the drawing of Dido's character: "das Bewusstsein, dass sie Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 479 rial to writers of poetry and fiction as early as the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Thus a typically Kenascent conception of Vir- gil came into existence, which made of him not the author of a pure classic of unintelligible past ages, but the writer of a deeply human roman d'aventure, whose ancient character, wherever copied or interpreted, was remoulded in the spirit of the new era. 1 The assimilation of the story of Dido into literature was, however, assisted by various factors. The romance itself has always found favor with Christian and pagan alike; great Churchmen from St. Augustine to Luis de Leon or Bossuet 2 had been among Virgil's most fervent admirers. Again, the incorporation of all kinds of material from Virgil into letters of the Renaissance merely coin- cided with the absorption of the most important classic works ; their influence on popular literature, especially in Spain and Italy, cannot be overestimated. This was due not only to the general spread of the legends, 3 the mythology and poetry of the ancients through the great centers of learning; it was furthered by the large numbeu of translations which, printed in many cases with bulky annotations, served to popularize the foremost Latin and some of the Greek authors.* Finally, the more specific reason why Virgil's poetry (i. e., Virgil's account) poetische Fiktion war, hat sich nicht verloren," p. 114. - 1 Cf . Landau's Boccaccio, sein Leben, op. cit., p. 87, where he speaks of the attitude of the Middle Ages toward the classics. 2 Cf . Sainte-Beuve, Etude sur Virgile (Paris, 1891), p. 101; Causeries ,du Lundi, X, troisieme edition, p. 185, on Bossuet. 3 Cf . Schack, Geschichte der dramatischen Litteratur und Kunst in Spanien (Frankfurt, 1854), Vol. II, p. 29, for an illuminating discussion of the absorption of classical literature by that of Spain. 4 Some of the translations from the classics and the dates of editions (not always the first) are: 1. Homer, La Vlyxea (13 books) 1550, (24 books) 1556; on Spanish versions of the Iliad cf. La lliada, "Biblioteca clasica," Vol. Ill (Madrid, 1905) ; there is, however, an Iliad in Italian, 1564. 2. Thucydides, Eistoria, 1564. 3. Euripides, Hecuba, 1585?, Medea, 1599. 4. Sophocles, an imitation of the Eleotra in Perez de Oliva's La Venganza de Agamemnon, 1531. 5. Plato, Tutte V Opere (Italian) 1601. 6. Aristotle, La Philosofia moral, etc., 1509; Gompendio de toda Philosofia Natural, 1547; Los ocho libros de republica, 1584, etc., besides many in Italian. 7. Lucian, Dialogos, 1550. 8. Heliodorus, 1554. From the Latin: 1. Plautus, Menechmos, 1555; Amphitrion, undated edition in Gothic type in the Munich library, about 1530? Graesse, Trisor, etc., gives an edition of 1574. 2. Terence, Las seys Comedias, 1577. 3. Virgil, Eneida, treated else- where; Georgicas, 1586. 4. Horace, cf. Menendez y Pelayo, Horacio en Espana, 480 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. became an important source of inspiration to Kenaissauce fiction, has been touched upon at the outset, and must be kept in mind. Owing to the great vogue of the romances of chivalry, whether in prose as in Spain or in verse as in Italy, a story of adventure, such as the Aeneid, quite naturally fell in with the current taste. On the other hand, the inclination of some readers toward a gentler kind of narrative, a kind of counterpart to the literature of combat and adventure, had given rise to the more idyllic pastoral novel, a type which is most deeply indebted to the Eclogues 1 and the Georgics. It was, therefore, by appealing to various tastes that Virgil easily acquired a new kind of supremacy. In his excellent work, Origines de la novela, Menendez y Pelayo asks apropos of epic poetry: I Que es la Odisea sino una gran novela de aventuras, en la mayor parte de su contenido? Pero los naufragios y trabajos del prota- gonista, los detalles domesticos mas menudos, estan envueltos en una atmosfera luminosa y divina que los ennoblece y realza, banan- dolos de pura y serene idealidad. La categoria estetica a que tal obra corresponde es sin duda superior a la de la ficcion novelesca, que mas 6 menos se caracteriza siempre por el predominio de la fantasia individual, por el libre juego de la imaginacion creadora (p. iv). Precisely the same thing could have been said of the Aeneid; for its novelistic qualities would come home convincingly to six- 2a edition. Vol. I (Madrid, 1885). 5. Ovid, various translations of the' Metamorphoses, 1580, 1589, etc.; Heroides, 1608; Italian version, De Remedi contra V amore, 1576. 6. Aulus Persius Placcus, Satyras, 1609. 7. Cicero, De los Officios, de la Amicicia, de la Senectud, etc., 1549. 8. Pliny, Historia natural, books VII, VIII, 1599, IX, 1603, complete,. 1624- 29. 9. Seneca, the philosopher, Los siete libros de Seneca, etc., 1601; Las epistolas, 1555; Los Proveroios, 1550; Flores de Seneca, 1550. 10. Lucan, Historia, etc. (la Farsalia) , 1541. 11. Apuleius, del Asno de Oro, 1513. 12. Statius, La Telaide, in Italian, 1570. 13. Musaeus, Boscan wrote a Leandro based on Hero and Leander. The examples could be greatly- increased. Cf. also, Dieze, Geschichte der Spanischen Dichtkunst, p. 454 fif.; Graesse, Trisor des livres rares, etc., op. cit.; Salvil, Catdlogo de la oiblioteca de Salvd; Gallardo, Ensayo etc., op. cit.; the British Museum; the Biblioteca national, Madrid; the royal libraries of Vienna, Berlin, Munich, etc., contain most of the Renaissance classics. 1 Dunlop-Liebrecht, op. cit., p. 350; Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, etc., p. cdxix; H. Korting, Geschichte des fravzosisehen Eomans im XVII Jahrhundert, 2te Ausgabe (Oppeln und Leipzig, 1891), Vol. I, p. 61, 120. Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 481 teenth century readers, and the story of Aeneas's hardships would be readily looked upon as a real novela de aventuras, in spite of any absence of intimite, that is, of those bourgeois qualities which chiefly distinguish a Eenaissance story of adventure — such, for instance, as the Persiles — from the heroic epic of antiquity. Let us see now how widespread acquaintance with the works of Virgil was, and consequently how common the imitation of some features of his epic or the borrowing of some of its sentiments. The testimony here adduced, though far from complete, ought to show that among Spanish poets, dramatists and novelists alike, from the middle of the fifteenth century through the age of Cervantes, the Aeneid was especially well known ; allusions to it in some form or other can be found wherever the reader may turn. During the fourth decade of the fifteenth century the Marques de Santillana 1 wrote to his son, Don Pero Gonzalez de Mendoza, then studying at the university of Salamanca : A ruego e instangia mia (about 1417), primero que de otro alguno, se han vulgarigado en este reyno algunos poemas, asy como la Eneyda de Virgilio . . . e muchas otras cosas, en que yo me he deleytado fasta este tiempo e me deleyto, e son asy como un singular reposo a las vexagiones e trabajos que el mundo continua- mente trahe, etc. For the purposes of the present study, this testimony may be considered the earliest landmark of Virgil's influence on Spanish literature. In the Marques de Santillana, however, the foremost poet of a courtly school of verse, Virgil is reflected but indirectly; the Aeneid, like other works of the ancients whom the Marques had read only in translation, was to him largely a bookish love inspired perhaps at the outset by the eulogy of the Divina Commedia. 2 But the part of the Latin Epic which attracted the Spanish poet seems to have been the romance of Dido and Aeneas. 3 Another work by a member of the Court of John II, the Trezientas del famoso poeta Juan de Mena, with glosses by Fernan 1 Cf. Amador de los Rios, Obras de Don Inigo Ldpez de Mendoza, Marque's de Santillana, etc. (Madrid, 1852), pp, lxxxiii of vida and 482; Mario Schiff, La Billiothe'que du Marquis de Bantillane (Paris, 1905), p. 89 fT. 2 Cf. Obras, op. cit., p. 5; p. 394, Dido in Hell as in Dante's Inferno, V, 61-2. s Cf. op. cit., pp. 195, 279, 333, 364, 371, 394, while 433 seems to refer to Ovid's Heroides. 482 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. Nunez de Toledo, was frequently printed in the early sixteenth cen- tury. 1 Some of the stanzas have obscure references to the Aeneid, which are generally elucidated at length by Nunez in glosses giving partial resumes of the story of Aeneas, as for example stanzas xxviii and xxxi, in which some of his voyages and the descent into the lower world are described; or lxxxviii with its allusion to the contest at archery of the fifth book of the Aeneid; or clxvi, which speaks of Aeneas's departure from Carthage and of some of his subsequent wanderings. In the Coronation of the same poet Mena, also printed frequently with glosses, there are similar references, as in stanza xlviii, where the romance of Aeneas and Dido is told. In fact, in the fifteenth century, when Virgil was not yet known so widely as in the following age, the fourth book of the Aeneid left the most apparent trace. A volume of Opusculos literarios 2 contains, among other productions- of the fifteenth century, a poem by Juan Eodriguez del Padron, also a poet of the reign of John II. Its title is Decir contra el amor del mundo (probably written about 1464), and one of its stanzas tells of Dido's tragic end. 3 But Eod- riguez del Padron was probably not a student of Virgil, or he was not acquainted with his epic outside of this story, for the poem, short as it is, has a reference to Virgil the Magician, 4 which may imply that he did not know the difference between the latter per- sonage and the author of the romance of Dido. 5 "With the spread of humanism, however, a deeper appreciation followed, and the influence of classic literature on the Spanish poets of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries is everywhere apparent. Virgil is still in the lead, but with Ovid almost as prominent. Pray Luis de Leon's love for the former is well known: how he translated with characteristic charm the Eclogues and one X I have before me an edition of Sevilla, 1517 (No. 3008 of Gallardo's Bnsayo de una Biblioteca espanola) , first edition, Sevilla, 1499. 2 Printed in Vol. XXIX of the "Sooiedad de Bibli6filos EspaSoles"; on the poet, cf. Rennert, in the Zeitschrift fur Romanische Philolo'gie, Vol. XVII, "Lieder des Juan Rodriguez del Padron"; and Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, op. cit., p. cecv on el Siervo litre de amor. s Cf. Opiisculos, etc., op. cit., p. 369. *Cf. op. cit., p. 368. ' This confusion is manifest in many writers and may be an explanation of that peculiar popular attitude toward the Aeneid, which held it to be a magic book capable of deciding one's fate. On the "sors Virsilianes" cf. p. 477, n. 2, above. Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 483 of the Georgics, 1 and how, when imprisoned by the Inquisition, he called for his favorite poets, among them Virgil, of whom he pos- sessed numerous copies. 2 D. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza has left an Elegia a la muerte de Dido? which is a free rendering of the close of the fourth book of the Aeneid. The latter's influence is also apparent in Herrera, Elegia xv, 'To love.'* Even Gongora makes use of Dido in a characteristic way while speaking of the bee. 5 Juan de Arguijo has two sonnets, one A Dido y Eneas, and one A Dido. 6 Quevedo also indulged in a humorous parody of Dido's lament when forsaken by Aeneas, siquis mihi parvulus aula luderet Aeneas (IV, v. 328). 7 1 Ticknor says "two of the Georgics of Virgil," History of Spanish Litera- ture (London, 1863), Vol. II, p. 86; cf. Vol. II of "Escritores del siglo XVI" (Rivadeneyra), Obras del maestro Fray de Leon, which contain but one, and p. xiv of the introduction. 2 Cf. Ticknor, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 87 n. s Cf. Obras po6ticas de D. Diego Hurtado de Mendosa, printed for the first time in Vol. XI of "Libros espaSoles raros 6 curiosos" (Madrid, 1877), p. 95. There is also, if authentic, an epigrama d Dido, p. 432. 4 Cf. Poetas liricos de los siglos XVI y XVII (Rivadeneyra), Elegia xv, p. 288: where Si no eres en las rocas engendrado Del alto yerto Caucaso espantoso, Y de la Armenia tigre alimentado, Seras a mis tormentos piadoso, etc. (p. 289) recalls vs. 366-7 of Aeneid IV; the Armenia for Hircania as applied to tigers has its source in the Eclogues, V, v. 29. B Cf. Poetas liricos, etc., op. cit., -p. 472, col. 2; what could be more characteristic of GOngora than: " . . frondoso alcazar, no de aquella Que sin corona vuela y sin espada, Susurrante amazona, Dido alada, De ejercito mas casto, de mas bella Republica, cefiida en vez de muros, De cortezas; en esta pues Cartago Reina la abeja, oro brillando vago, etc." 8 Cf. Poetas liricos, etc., op. cit., p. 392 : "De la fenisa reina importunado" ; p. 398: "La tirana codicia del hermano"; see also his sonnet prefixed to Lope de Vega's Peregrino en su patria (1604), in which Lope's wanderer is compared with both Ulysses and Aeneas, and Lope himself with Homer and Virgil. 7 Cf. Obras de Quevedo (Rivadeneyra), Vol. Ill, p. 137: "Si un Eneillas viera, si un pimpollo, etc." 484 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. Nor have the later poets forgotten the possibilities of the old theme. 1 How early the matter of Virgil's epic got into ballads, the most popular form of Spanish verse, is hard to determine, but the romance of Aeneas and Dido was made the subject of a ballad, if Duran's conjecture is correct, in the beginning of the sixteenth century. 2 The time of composition is, however, of little import- ance, because, as Menendez y Pelayo has already remarked, 3 the poem was probably written by some one acquainted with the original, and is, therefore, only a semi-popular production in ballad form. The treatment shows nothing of the mediaeval manner which turned ancient heroes into contemporary knights with no traces of ancient civilization about them. 4 In his Romancero general Duran prints several other ballads 5 upon the same subject, but all were mani- 1 D. Juan Maria Maury wrote a poem of considerable length ( Canto epico) on Dido's story: cf. Poetas liricos del siglo XVIII (Rivadeneyra), p. 175 ff. 2 It begins : "Por los bosques de Cartago | saltan a monterla | La reina Dido y Eneas | eon muy gran Caballerla"; cf. Romancero general 6 Goleccion de romances Castellanos anteriores al siglo XVIII, recogidos, etc., por D. Agustfn Duran (Madrid, 1859), V6l. I, p. 325; "Antologla, etc." op. cit., Vols. VIII and IX, "Romances viejos castellanos, etc." 2a edicion corregida y adicionada por D. Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo (Madrid, 1899), Vol. VIII, p. 223, Vol. IX, p. 308; see also Appendix I, below. One ballad is aptly cited by Clemencin : "La desesperada Dido, | De pechos sobre una almena, | Dice viendo por el mar | Huir la flota de Eneas, etc."; cf. his edition of Don Quixote (Madrid, 1894), Vol. VIII, p. 234 ff.; it is no. 489 in Duran's Romancero. a "Antologla, etc." op. cit., Vol. XII, p. 484. 4 On the other hand, such a version of the Dido story as is given in the old French Roman d'Enias, while reasonably close to the original, has nevertheless the stamp of the age which produced it; cf. Eneas, texte critique publie par Jacques Salverda de Grave (Halle, 1891), p. xxx ff. It omits the games because, perhaps, they could not be adapted to the mediaeval spirit; cf. also Comparetti, op. cit., p. 212 if., German version. 6 Cf. op. cit., p. 323, numbers 483-91; in this connection the famous English ballad, Queen Dido, is of interest; cf. Reliques of ancient English Poetry, etc., by Bishop Percy (Philadelphia, 1890), Vol. Ill, p. 191. As ■a, general rule, however, legends which are inherited from a dim past undergo fantastic transformations in folk-lore and ballad literature; Aeneas and Dido were no exceptions; cf. Du Meril, Etudes sur quelqv.es points d'archiologie, etc. (Paris, 1862), p. 429; "En Italie . . . le valeureux Enee n'est plus qu'une pauvre reine qui soupire pour l'ingrat Didon." Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 485 3stly written when the Aeneid had become more widely known, ossibly after a Spanish version had been published, and so belong ) the last third of the sixteenth century. While these ballads are lore or less true to the subject-matter of the Aeneid, they show Iso by their manner that the story appealed to writers much after le fashion of contemporary romances of adventure ; they are a iirther evidence of the general popularity of the Latin epic. The dramatic situations in the story of Aeneas and Dido were scognized early by writers for the stage, but owing to the difficulty f constructing a well-made play out of any one, or several of them, one is of the highest order. Mere imitations, however, of the athos of Dido's situation as well as simple references to her sad ite begin early in the history of the Spanish drama, and grow very umerous toward the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the sventeenth centuries. Dido, according to the two views of her char- 3ter, treated at the end of this article, 1 was either a chaste matron, me to her dead husband, and as such was held up as an example, or le was a yielding female, betrayed and forsaken, and so a warn- lg to misguided women who might love, not wisely, but too well. Jl these allusions have the qualities of romance, but their rather ;ereotyped character implies that the story of Dido was known to 11, whether they had an academical education or not. There are Iso other episodes of the Aeneid which receive frequent mention, otably when an author desires to compare them with similar ind- ents of his own work. Troy in flames, kindled by the fire of love, le chastity of Camilla, the friendship of Euryalus and Wisus,- the >yalty of Achates, the filial piety of Aeneas, these are among the Lore common reminiscences. 2 But all are overshadowed by the Disode of the fourth book of the Aeneid, a fact to be explained, per- aps, by the influence of that romance on prose fiction. 3 In the theater, it begins as early as Juan del Encina's Egloga 3 Pldcida y Victoriano. After being forsaken by Victoriano, 1 Cf. Appendix I, p. 517. 2 The fact that Dante treats some of the Virgilian episodes as real ents and introduces some of the characters of the Aeneid into the Divine >medy may be considered a significant beginning of their frequent mention . subsequent literature; cf. Inferno, I, 73-4; 1,107-8; IV, 122, 124; V, 64; XVI, 90-3. 3 The theme of sentimental death or suicide in the Aeneid was supported ■ the tone of some of the Eclogues; cf. II, 7; V, 20; VIII, 17 ff.; 59, etc. 486 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. Plaeida utters two long laments, both of which recall the words of Dido, 1 and as the Queen of Carthage kills herself with the sword of Aeneas, so Plaeida commits suicide with the dagger left behind by Victoriano. But Encina's indebtedness to Virgil is best shown by his paraphrases of the Eclogues, and his admiration of the poet in the dedication prefixed. to them. 2 After his day references to 1 Cf. Teatro Completo de Juan del Encina, edicion de la Real Aeademia Espanola (Madrid, 1893). The first is in part : 1. Lastimado corazon, 3. Di, mi dnlce enamorado, Mancilla tengo de ti. g No me escuchas ni me sientes ? i gran mal, cruel presion !■ i D6nde estas, desamorado % No ternia compasion I No te duele mi cuidado Vitoriano de ml Ni me traes & tus mientes ? Si se va. j D6 la fe ? Triste, j de mi qu<5 sera ? Di, Vitoriano, j por que i Ay, que por mi mal le vi ! Me dejas y te arrepientes ? p. 262. p. 265. 2. Conh6rtase con morir 4. Por las asperas montanas La que pena como yo ; Y los bosques mas sombrios Mas s61o por le servir Mostrar quiero mis entranas Querria, triste, vivir. A las rieras alimanas i O traidor ! % Si se partid ? Y & las fuentes y a los rios ; i No lo creo ! Que aunque crados, Mas si creo, que mi deseo Aunque sin raz6n y mudos, Tarde 6 nunca se cumpli<5. Sentiran los males mios. p. 263. p. 266. The second, beginning "soledad penosa, triste," has these noteworthy stanzas: A sabiendas olvidaste No fue mas cruel Neron i traidor ! este punal. Que tu eres, y esto creas : Cierto muy bien lo miraste, Yo Filis, tu Demofon ; Y aparejo me dejaste Yo Medea, tu Jason ; Para dar fin & mi mal. Yo Dido, tu otro Eneas. i cruel! En 41, tigre, Eecibe la paga del Aunque causas que peligre, Y este despojo final. Nunca en tan to mal te veas. p. 315. Cf. also p. 210, for a mention of Dido among noted women. 2 Cf. Ticknor, op. tit., Vol. I, p. 247; W. Creizenach, Geschichte des neueren Dramas, Vol. I (Halle, 1893), p. 348; Gallardo, Ensayo, etc., Vol. II, col. 812: "Acorde dedicaros las Buc61icas de Virgilio que es la primera de sus obras . . . E despues siguiOse la agricultura. E andando mas el tiempo siguieron batallas. Y en esta manera el estilo del grand Homero mantuano procediS. De las cuales por agora (intentaria quiza traducir tambien la Eneida 6 las Georgicas?)" Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 487 i Aeneid occur frequently in the sixteenth century drama, 1 while e desire to imitate the classics in form as well as in the use of mdard episodes prompted the choice of Dido's story for the ige. 2 On account of the meagerness of the material for an entire Some examples are : Torres Naharro, Comedia Jacinta : "Segunda Dido ricana" (near beginning) ; Jeronimo Bermfidez, Nise Lastimosa: "la jidurla | de SalomSn, j contra el amor que vale? | Troy a, Troya, uien te puso fuego, | y no dej6 de tl ni aun las cenizas?" (Act I) ; Leonardo de Argensola, Isabela, Pr61ogo: "No soy aquella Fama que rgilio | dijo, y nialgrado del gran MarGn, tu, Dido, | entre las viudas itas te colocas"; cf. also II, sc. 4, a reference to wooden horse of Troy; . Fr. Tarrega, La enemiga favorable; loa en alabanza de las mugeres is (near beginning) : "[la fea] no es la Cava para Espana [ ni para oya otra Elena | ni Dido para Cartago" ; Gaspar de Aguilar, El meroader lante, (Act II) : "Caballo de Troya hiciste | De un pensamiento seguro, | para que entrase, el inuro | De tu vergiienza rompiste, etc."; Alfonso ilazquez de Velasco, El Zeloso, Act I, sc. 2: "j Quien puso a Troya en nta ruina y desventura, que de ella no dej6 casl cenizas?" In Rojas, Viaje entretenido, two volumes (Madrid, 1793), first edition, 1604, ere are also numerous references to Virgil and his Aeneid, similar to ose so common in the literary vocabulary of the times; Virgil is used for mparison after the current fashion: "muestras ser en este tu viage, | [rgilio en verso, etc.,'' Vol. I, p. 31, also pp. 20, 28, 32; II, p. 145, tiile in the exposicio de los nombres, etc., p. 263, he says : "Virgilio, rineipe de los Poetas, que en los seis de la Eneida, cuenta las peregrina- ones de Eneas," as though the poem were a, kind of adventure story in s books; reminiscences of the Aeneid may perhaps be seen in the storm p. 66, also in pp. 78, 97 ; "la honestidad . . . de la reyna Dido," II; 207. 2 In Spanish the following plays are based on the story of Dido, with • without Aeneas: Gabriel Lobo Laso de la Vega, La honra de Dido staurada, cf. Barrera, Catdlogo del teatro antiguo espanol, p. 219; rist6bal de Virues, Tragedia de Elisa Dido, cf. Barrera, op. cit., p. 499; )th are mentioned in Moratm, Origenes del teatro espanol (Rivadeneyra), p. 217, 225; cf. also Wolf, Studien ssur Geschichte der Spanischen und Por- igiesischen Nationallitteratur (Berlin, 1859), p. 616-7; Guillen de Castro, os amores de Dido y Eneas, cf. Barrera, op. cit., p. 83; Cristobal de Morales . credited with a play, Los amores de Dido y Eneas which I have not seen, : . Barrera, op. cit., p. 274; Alvaro Cubillo de Aragon, La honestidad rfendida, 6 Elisa Dido, Reina de Cartago, cf. Barrera, op. cit., p. 115. Of tore recent times there is the Eneas y Dido, Comedia famosa, etc., de q ingenio Cathalan (Barcelona, 1733) ; and the Dido by Juan C. Varela, I. a recent rendering of Virgil, Eneida, etc., traduccion de Caro (Madrid, 905), p. xii. There have been Dido tragedies in Latin from 1550 on, cf. reizenach, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 164, 378, n. 1 ; in Italy the subject of Dido 488 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. play, the results, however, are of a purely historical interest to a student of the Spanish stage, and, with the possible exception of Virues's Elisa Dido, 1 an attempt to imitate the ancient style, and Oastro's Los Amoves de Dido y Eneas, 2 an excellent specimen of that poet's power of dramatic expression, they are now dull reading. As is natural, the prolific Lope de Vega is our most important criterion in this matter. His plays are throughout a mine of infor- mation for those who are searching for classical reminiscences in that popular form of literature, the drama. Since Lope must have introduced all his learning in the heat of composition and frequently without deliberation, the copious classical material which he controlled is certainly astounding. However much we may believe has been treated frequently, there being a, play by Alessandro de' Pazzi (1524), Didone, one by Giovanni Geraldi (Cinthio), (1543), of the same title, and one by Lodovieo Dolce (1547) ; cf. Klein, Geschichte des Dramas, Vol. V, pp. 350 &., 399 ff. (Leipzig, 1867) ; and Creizenach, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 391 ff., 397, 412; there is also a Didone abbandonata by Metastasio; in Prance, Jodelle wrote Didon se sdcrifiant, Creizenach, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 446, and Petit de Julleville, Eistoire de la Langue et de la Literature frangaises, Vol. Ill, seizieme sieele (Paris, 1897), p. 269. 1 Cf. Ticknor, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 65-6 and note. 2 When Lope de Vega dedicated Las Almenas de Toro to D. Guillen de Castro he took the occasion to praise the excellent tragic style of the latter's Dido : "Entre las tragedias que vuestra merced tan ingeniosamente ha escrito, para lo que tiene genio particular (como estilo superior y digno de mayores sentencias y pensamientos ) , es la Dido eelebradlsima, a quien el dla que yo la o£ en esa ilustrisima eiudad hice este epigrama : Penisa Dido, que en el mar Sidonio Las rocas excediste conquistada, Y en limpia castidad, jamas violada, Conservaste la fe del matrimonio: Perdona el atrevido testinionio, No por ser de Virgilio celebrada, Mas porque ya de don Guillen honrada, Rompe su enojo, y su epigrama Ausonio. La diosa que en la mar naci6 de espuma Adore por sus versos tu belleza, Pues te levantan a grandeza suma; Rinde a su dulce ingenio tu aspereza: Que mas gana tu fama con su pluma, Que pierde en ser burlada tu firmeza." CI. 06ms de Lope de Vega publieadas por la Real Academia espanols Tomo VIII, p. 79; and Schack, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 445. Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 489 at allusions to the works of ancient writers, to mythology or story, had in his day become a part of current culture and so lay the atmosphere ; however frequently one writer took from another e manner of parading bookish learning and pedantry, in the case Lope we are bound to conclude that his genuine fund of informa- an in classical matters was inexhaustible. Nothing pertaining to icient literature or history escapes mention. But, we are impelled ask, what percentage of his audience understood this array of arned allusions ? It is certain that to-day practically no one would itch the force of a reference to something in Plutarch or in Livy. here can be no doubt, therefore, that owing to the popularization of le best of the ancients, chiefly through translations, a large part : the theater-goers appreciated most of the stage use of classical aterial. In all this Yirgil and his Aeneid play a significant part, ad we may infer as a consequence that the epic had not only 3come widely popularized, but that the mention of certain episodes l it descended to the commonplace. Chief among them 1 are the lrning of Troy, Aeneas's escape with his father upon his shoulders, is wanderings, the episode in which Dido figures, the descent into [ades, the friendship of Euryalus and Nisus, and the story of amilla, the chaste maiden. Most of these had no doubt become ■aditional through various channels, so that to refer to them was ke alluding to a well-known current romance. After Lope, the Lanner of introducing classical allusions became less frequent, for, ith the exception of Calderon, the writers who followed his methods id not have at their beck and call an equally comprehensive squaintance with the ancients. The influence of the Aeneid on prose fiction of the Renaissance ill now be of peculiar interest in connection with the study of !ervantes. Here was a medium which could most readily absorb ;s material; the various types of prose story attempted during lis epoch could find in Virgil some source of inspiration ; whether 1 ie themes were martial or sentimental, some portions of his work r ould prove suggestive. Moreover, the Aeneid was strengthened 1 matters of sentiment by the Eclogues; in the lamentations of )ve, thoughts of suicide, grief over separation, the fourth book was ot unlike the eighth Eclogue, and their influence was no doubt ised early in the Renaissance. 2 1 Cf. Appendix II, p. 520. 2 Cf. Oeizenaeh, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 367; above, p. 485, n. 3. 490 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. In Menendez y Pelayo's discussion of the novela sentimental, 1 the first story of importance discussed at some length is Boccaccio's Fiammetta. Since no better starting-point could be taken for the present study, the words of the Spanish critic are of interest : Los defectos que la Fiammetta tiene para el gusto de ahora . . . no lo eran para los contemporaneos y parecian otros tantos primores. ISTuestros prosistas del siglo XV la tuvieron en gran estima, procuron imitarla, y . . . se ven las huellas de este modelo de tan dudosa belleza. Accepting, then, the influence of this work at the earliest stages in the history of the novel, it is noteworthy that the little romance is dominated throughout by the story of Dido. 2 The heroine's passion, her lamentation when forsaken, her remorse, these among others are but so many parallels to situations or sentiments of the fourth book of the Aeneid. Another of the early love stories, and the next in importance in the growth of the novel in Spain, is Eneas Silvio Piccolomini's curi- ous Historia de dos amantes, translated from the original Latin into Spanish late in the fifteenth century. 3 ]SFo one can fail to see in it the influence of Virgil's romance.* The plot is singularly bare and 1 Origenes, op. cit., p. oco. 2 A summary of the chapters of the Fiameta [cf. Libro llamado Fiameta, etc. (Lixboa, 1541), in the Biblioteque Rationale, Paris] will suffice: 1. Beginnings of Fiameta's love. 2. Panfilo's departure and her grief. 3. Her thoughts during his absence. 4. Preparations for his promised return. 5. Rumors of his marriage and her despair. 6. She hears that he is not married but in love with another duena; she desires to kill herself. 7. False rumor of his return, and her consequent disappointment. 8. Com- parison of her situation with that of other forsaken women: "Vieneme delante con mucha mas fuerca que ningun otro, el dolor de la desemparada Dido, porque mas al mio semejante le eonozco quasi que otro alguno." 9. Moral, and parting reflections. For the mention of Dido's story in Boccaccio's Laberinto de amor, op. cit., cf. Appendix I, p. 518. 8 Cf. Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, etc., op. cit., pp. ccciii and cccxx; the Spanish version has been reprinted by Foulche-Delbosc (Barcelona, 1907) ; the editor (dedication) calls the story "la mas hondamente humana de cuantas nos han dejadp los albores del Eenacimiento." 1 Dido's illness through love was of influence on the following passage; Eurialo (whose name is probably taken from Virgil) is absent, p. 26: "ml tanto queda Lucrecia bien sin abrigo: cierra las ventanas, vistese de tristeza, nunca fue vista salir de casa. Todos se marauillan, no saben la Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 491 imple ; the love of Lucrecia for Eurialus, her gradual yielding, his ieparture and her death, these are the chief features, and the genu- ne tone in which the tale is told amply accounts for the popularity rhich it had long after its day. A work which also originated in Italy, but which deserves a place 1 a Spanish fiction, is the Libro de los honestos amoves de Peregrino y ausa. Quasi viuda en todos sus autos se mostraua; y como si el sol clipsara, parecia a los de casa estar en tinieblas; siempre como enferma sta en la eama, nunca la veen alegre: buscanle remedios para el euerpo, la enfermedad mora en el anima, etc." Lucrecia writes to Eurialo, p. 20: Tu aqui no puedes mucho tiempo estar, ni yo despues de entrada en el uego podria sin ti biuir. Tu no me querras lleuar, ni yo quedar tu artiendo. Temor grande me ponen los enxemplos de muchas que de mantes estrangeros fueron desamparadas, para que no siga tu amor. Jason ngaiio a Medea, . . Que dire de Dido malaventurada, que al fuydo Ineas rescibio ? por alien tura no la mato amor estrangero 1 Se quanto s incierto y dudoso para no me auenturar a tantos peligros." Eurialo is bliged by his duty to his Emperor to depart, p. 53 : "sintiolo Lucrecia. jue no siente el amor? o quien podra al amante engafiar?" She writes to im: "si mi animo se pudiesse contra ti ayrar, ya con razon me ensanaria, lorque tu partida dissimulas . . . Ay, mi coragon, que es la razon ue la partida del Cesar me encubres? El se apareja al eamino; tu no uedaras, bien lo se. Que se hara de mi, que sin ti biuir no podre? Que are malauenturada ? donde holgare? Que descanso me quedara? Si me exas, no creas dos dias biuire. Por estas letras de mis lagrimas mojadas, or tu mano derecha y fe dadas, si algun merecimiento tengo o algo de li te fue agradable, te suplico desta malauenturada amante ayas com- assion. No que quedes te demando, mas que me lleues contigo, etc." And hen the author cites other eases of death through love, p. 57 : "Dido henisa, despues la fadal partida de Eneas, a si mesma mato . . . Esta uestra, como vido a Eiirialo partir de su vista, cayda en tierra, la lleuaron la cama sus sieruas, etc." 1 Menendez y Pelayo, Origines, etc., op. cit., p. cccxl, eliminates this tory, but it seems to me that a history of Spanish fiction ought to include work which was of influence in its day in Spain as well as Italy. Six r more editions in Spanish speak for themselves. I am obliged to quote com the Italian version. The following are among the allusions to the' .eneid; cf. Libro del Peregrino nuovamente ristampato, e con somma dili- enza corretto et alia sua pristina integrita ridotto (Vinegia, 1538) : "O )la conscia del mio secreto afTanno, littera mia, Dio ti presti quella felicita, he '1 fece al profugo Troiano, quando nel gremio di Elisa fece sedere il ratel cupido, etc.," p. 8; "Et se la Regina Carthaginese de udienza fusse iata parca haueria con laude eterna dall' amato Sicheo 1' ombra seguita," . 15; there are also direct imitations of the Aeneid, as in a description f dawn, p. 39,; or allusions in "Come per attestare il Mantuano" and the Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 34 April, 1908. 492 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. Ginebra. As a romance it is important not only because it is a mixture of the sentimental type with that of adventure, but because many a page is more or less reminiscent of the Aeneid. In fact, the general testimony justifies the conclusion that the author, Caviceo, looked upon the epics of Homer and Virgil as types of adventure stories with whose episodes and sentiments those of his own pro- duction could well bear comparison. The little work of Juan de Segura entitled : Epistolario o processo de cartas de amores, followed by Una quexa y aviso contra amor, is also full of classic references, some of which are sufficiently reminis- cent of Virgil 1 to strengthen the conviction that hardly a love and like; Aeneas and Dido, p. 44 2 ; Achates, p. 54 2 ; Dido's eager attention to the narrative of Aeneas, p. 81 2 ; Geneuera's lamentation, pp. 108 and 141 2 ; Peregrino is consoled in his hardships by his fido Achate: "Ie fatiche, et li errori hanno commendato Vlisse: li pericoli, et naufragii celebrato Enea, etc.," as though all of these works belonged to Peregrino's class of novela, namely de avcnlurap, p. Ill,; Dido's death, p. 112 2 ; Camilla and Turnus, p. 138; a descent into the lower world modeled on the classics, p. 150; p. 176 ff. with a partial influence of Dante's inferno; Dido and Aeneas, p. 247, etc. 1 Cf . Epistolario, o precesso de Cartas de Amores : con vna carta para vn amigo suyo : y una quexa y auiso contra amor. Traduzido del estilo Griego en nuestro politico Castellano: por Joan de Segura. Asse auadido en esta impression vna egloga: en que por subtil estilo el poeta Castellano Luis Hurtado tracta del gualardon y premio de amor. [Alcala de Henares] MDLIII; the grief of the heroine recalls that of Dido, in the following: "A mi cargo toda la culpa como por quien todo el mal se ha causado : que si yo no os vuiera tan a vanderas desplegadas dado mi libertad : mostrando os la voluntad que os tenia; no vuierades menospreciado assi mis desuen- turadas cartas . . . Mal haya la muger que por hombre alguno su vida y honrra auentura como yo por vos he hecho: . . que vistes en mi para assi oluidarme? Quando fue hombre tan bien querido . . .? f also, cruel matador : clime si pensauas viendome aqui metida oluidarme : porque me ordiste tan gran lazo : donde toda mi vida a tu causa encubierta y con dolor estare . . . Pluguiesse a Dios aun que fuesse luego mi muerte: que vn momento solo contigo me viesse, etc.," p. 31,; "qual Dido ... a mis males & infortunios ygualara? . . . Ay de mi sin remedio alguno pues otro no tengo saluo morir." And in the quexa y auiso contra amor, cf. a complaint to Love: "Pues dime, que pago diste [a] aquella tan nombrada & miserrima Dido?" p. 49; an obscure reference to the Aeneid VI: "introduciendo Palinuro a Acaron, etc.," p. 60 2 ; "parose tan triste que no se le compare aquel famoso rey Priamo quando a su gran Troya arder veya etc.," p. 82,. Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 493 .dventure story could well be written at this epoch without some adebtedness to situations or sentiments in the Aeneid. 1 A work in prose fiction of peculiar interest in the study of Jervantes is, as has been indicated in previous articles, ISTunez de leinoso's Clareo y Florisea. Menendez y Pelayo speaks of one pisode, the descent into the inferno, ch. xxxi, as "llena de reminis- eneias del libro sexto de la Eneida" 2 to which can be added Isea's Iream, ch. xxi, since she herself compares it with that of Aeneas, iho in his dream converses with Hector's ghost (II, v. 268 ff.). 3 Thus it is evident, that after exhausting his chief source, the amorosi agionamenti of Dolce, Nunez de Eeinoso had recourse to the 1 In another early novela, Diego de San Pedro's Carcel de Amor ( Sevilla, 492), there is a chapter which proves "por enxemplos la bondad de las mgeres (p. 78, of "Bibliotheca hispanica," Vol. XV, Madrid, 1904). r irgil's Camilla gets an honorable mention, p. 82, while Dido, known perhaps o Diego de San Pedro only as the heroine of the Aeneid, and not as the haste matron so frequently defended against calumny, is left out; cf. also he later version of the Oelestina, act xvi : "Venus, Madre de Eneas." Other rorks of fiction of the type of the Celestina refer familiarly to the Aeneid. 'hus in the Thebayda (1521), cf. "Coleceion de Libros espaSoles raros, etc.," r ol. XXII (Madrid, 1894), p. 274, Berintho says to Menedemo : "Veote estar, lenedemo, vacilando y envolviendo en tu anima tantas cosas, como el iadoso Eneas, etc."; in the Comedia Seraphina (1521), Coleceion de ibros espaHoles, etc.," Vol. V (Madrid, 1873), p. 373 ff.; "en verdad tan tordido estoy de lo que me dices, como el piadoso Eneas oyendo la respuesta e Apolo quando tentfl de abaxar a la ribera donde hallo vagando al buen 'alinuro, etc;" reference to "el gran Mantuano," p. 396; in the Comedia elvagia (1554), cf. same volume, p. 8, the author says of Love: "Tambien laron, entre los latinos poetas fenix unico,- todo el quarto libro de su Ineida en decir sus inicuos hechos ocupo;" and p. 136 there is a reference the sixth book of the Aeneid: " j quien es esta fantasma? Por ventura 1 fuerte Eneas, . con la anciana Sibilla, quieren en los infiernos . . entrar la segunda vez? etc." 2 Origenes, etc., op. cit., p. cccxlvi ; cf . also, Eohde, op. cit., on descents nto Hades as episodes in mediaeval literature, p. 279; Hertziana (Munich ibrary), op. cit., box 22, "Sagen," under " Unterirdische Wanderungen" ; [uevedo, Obras, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 307: "las Zahurdas de Pluton, (Suefio del afierno)" reads in part like a travesty on the sixth book of the Aeneid nd of Dante's Inferno; "doy fe de que en todo el infierno no hay arbol inguno, etc." In the Galatea, Obras, op. cit., there is mention made of Leneas and his descent into the inferno, p. 57, col. 1. 3 Cf. also the dream of Chapter xxix, p. 464, "Novelistas anteriores a ervantes" ( Rivadeneyra ) . 494 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. classics, making use of Homer, 1 perhaps, and of the Dido episoc For the mere creating of situations into which expressions of t regret and grief of a forsaken woman were introduced justified a: slight borrowing from the sentiments of Virgil. The phraseoloj of the fourth book of the Aeneid, at least, is unmistakable chapter xxviii. Other more trifling similarities could be point out. 2 With regard to the descent of Aeneas into the lower world, Dan had already created the prototype for imitations, and in the Rena: sance the journey was copied as an episode of adventure by poe and novelists alike. 3 I have already noted its influence upon ti story of Peregrino y Ginebra; 4, there is probably a simil indebtedness to be found in Jeronimo de Contrera's Selva i Aventuras, the hero of which arrives at Naples and enters the ca of the Cumaean Sibyl. 5 After passing through a dark passage in 1 Cf . p. 438, col. 2 : where Isea undoes at night the work of the day. 2 Cf. p. 438, col. 2 : "sintiendo yo abrirse la puerta, temblaba pensan que seria algun recaudo de Clareo; y eomo me hallase engafiada torna a mi pena llorando . . ., y algunas veces me subia a Unas altas ventam de las cuales se veia la mar, y comenzaba de mirar aquellas bravas ondi y quejabame porque me habian dejado con la vida, etc."; p. 457, col. Estrellinda's lament; p. 461, col. 2: "Oh duro y sin fe ninguna, Felesindo; Y es posible que te baste el animo a partirte de mf, que tanto te quiei y a peregrinar por ajenas tierras, podiendo hallar comigo ciudades castillos, reposo y deseanso? Y t es posible . . que estas lagrim mias no te detengan y la fe y palabra que me diste? . . . Pues pidol por el amor que te tengo, y por cualquier servicio que de mi hayas recebid y por la palabra que me diste, que tengas piedad di mi y que no partas ... A las cuales razones Felesindos respondiS: las grand mercedes y beneficios que de vos, senora Estrellinda, yo he recebido, jam; negarg . . . Y pluguiera a Dios que yo pudiera quedar en esta tier y serviros; pero por los dioses inmortales, que yo no puedo, porque 1 hados ordenaron traerme asi desasosegado hasta llevarme, despues de much trabajos, adonde tenga deseanso . . ." And Estrellinda replies angril; "Yo creo verdaderamente, que hombre tan sin piedad no puede ser naci sino de algunos tigres de Hircania, 6 criado entre algunos duros saxc etc."; the grief of Dido is also reflected in El Gaballero Gifar, cf. Menend y Pelayo, OHgenes, etc., op. eit., p. exevii. 8 Cf. Ariosto's imitation of the prophecy of Anehises in Orlando furiot Canto III. 4 Cf. p. 491, n. 1. "Cf. sixth book; "Xovelistas anteriores a Cervantes" (Rivadenevra p. 497 ff. ' Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 495 i beautiful meadow he meets the Sibyl in her palace (at the same ime a cave), "where she prophesies to him regarding his own future md that of Spain. All this is a kind of variation of Virgil and rery characteristic of the romances which mingled the old type of jhivalry with the newer story of adventure. The influence of Virgil's epic upon Spanish fiction, exerted ndirectly as well as directly, was also reinforced by Italian romances n verse and prose; they, in their turn, show to what extent his sxtraordinary prestige had maintained itself from Dante through Petrarch and Boccaccio, and how prominent it is among the influ- ences which are dominant in the literature of the Italian Renais- sance. This is not the time to dwell on the indebtedness of Boiardo, iriosto, or Tasso 1 to Homer and Virgil, but the fact that the works )f both were imitated in their writings may have prompted others ;o borrow more extensively from the classics. This seems to be (specially true in regard to Sannazaro's Arcadia. 2 As there are 'ew works in Italian literature which show a freer imitation of Virgil, so there is scarcely another which forms a more important ink between Italian and Spanish literature. The Spanish pastoral lovel, at least, cannot be understood without it. While Sannazaro mitated the classics directly, 3 later authors copied his methods and iither followed his manner or went to the same sources. Not nfrequently, where the loan was from Virgil, pastoral writers idapted both the episode and the spirit which they had borrowed o the fashion of their own times. Among contemporaries the most important work of fiction vhich demands attention in connection with the Persiles is Lope de Tega's Peregrino en su patria, since it too shows clearly that the Leneid was looked upon, in all its essentials, as a romance. Lope .ef ends 4 the nature of his hero's experiences and wanderings thus : *The Aeneid frequently occurs to Ariosto; of. Orlando, Canto XIX, 35; 1XXV, 25, etc.; Pio Rajna, Le Fonti dell' Orlando Furioso, (Firenze, 1876) nd A. Romizi, Le Fonti Latine dell' Orlando Furioso, (Torino, 1896) ; asso, Gerusalemrne lioerata, Canto XVI, 40 ft'. 2 On the Spanish version of the Arcadia, cf . Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, to., op. eit., p. cdxxvii. s Cf . Arcadia di Jacobo Sannazaro secondo i manoscritti e le prime tampe con note ed introduzione di Miehele Seherillo (Torino, 1888) ; La lateria dell' Arcadia del Sannazaro, studio di Francesco Torraca (Citta di astello, 1888). 4 Cf. "Coleccion de las obras sueltas de Lope de Vega," Vol. V., edition aneha (Madrid, 1776), p. 299 of El Peregrino en su patria. 496 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. . . . pues a ninguno parezca nuestro Peregrino fabuloso, pu< en esta pintura no hay caballo con alas, Chimera de Belerophonti dragones de Medea, manzanas de oro, ni palacios encantados: qu desdichas de un peregrino, no solo son verisimiles, pero forzoss mente verdaderas. Y si el poeta de Venusia, que Justo Lipso 11am hijo de las Musas, pinto en los naufragios de Ulysses las transforms ciones de Circe en los soldados 'Griegos que le acompaiiaban, y 1 espantosa estatura del gigante, que mato [sic] con el tizon ardiendo y el Principe de los Poetas Latinos en la peregrinacion de Enea pone tantas cosas fabulosas, hasta bajarle a los Campos Elysios aunque esto hablando como Gentil, bien pudo ser que lo tuviess por verdadero : pero en fin tranformo las naves, y levanto aque testimonio a Dido con otros mil impossibles para exornacion de si Poema : de donde por Yentura tomaron ocasion muchos para decii que el argumento del havia de ser de cosas falsas, i por que lo han d parecer, que una muger con dolor perdiesse el seso f 1 etc. This practically means that taking Homer and Yirgil as standard a novelist may introduce any episodes he sees fit to present, pro vided they seem probable and embellish the whole. Moreover, thi and other references to the Aeneid are valuable testimony as ti the general popularity of Virgil. 2 1 Another important passage may be found in "Obras no dramaticas,' p. 14, eol. 1, El desdichado por la honra, in the nature of a justificatioi of this type of story: "es muy proprio a los mayores alios referir ejemplos y de las cosas que han visto contar algunas; verdad que se hallarfi ei Homero griego, y en Virgilio, latino, bastantes a mi crfidito, por se los prfneipes de las dos mejores lenguas." 2 El Peregrino, op. cit., p. 335: "peregrinando en una pequefia parte d su patria Espafla, eon mas diversidad de sucesos, que Eneas hasta Italii etc."; pp. 53, 64, 430, mere mention of Aeneas and Dido; p. 339, Aenea and his son; p. 404: the escape from Troy, Aeneas carrying his fathe: upon his shoulders; p. 306: a citation from Virgil (lo que Virgilio cuent: en aquellos versos), "Juntos Eneas y la triste Dido | van a cazar a ui bosque," may be a modification of the already mentioned ballad beginning "por los bosques de Cartago." Of., however, bk. IV, v. 117, of the Aeneid Lope's quotations generally render the Latin directly, though somewha freely to suit his purpose; p. 31: "Ante sus ojos Hector triste en suenos,' where sus should be mis, II, 270; further renderings of the kind are those i La mas prudent c venganza, "Obras no dramaticas" (Rivadeneyra) p. 24 "asi despues hablo, etc.," from the Aeneid VII, 135; and Guzman el bravt p. 34: "si el cielo a los piadosos galardona," from the Aeneid 1, 603-c Reference to Virgil, the poet; El Peregrino, p. 341: "Maron y Homero ei Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 497 At the outset mention was made of the importance of translations ■om the classics because of the assistance they rendered in the Ltroduction of material from the Aeneid into later Kenaissance terature. With regard to Cervantes, while there is no evidence tat he could read Latin to any extent, there is no doubt that he new Virgil in the translation of Gregorio Hernandez Velasco, the le most widely current in his day. 1 Moreover, in view of the fact , poesia prlncipes," which is a common phrase; cf. also prologue to Circe; in the dedication of the Arcadia, Virgil is the author of "sagrados rsos . . . estupendo prognostico de la venida de nuestra salud al undo" (Fourth Eclogue) ; cf. also p. 129 of Arcadia, "obras no amaticas." Cf. Antonio de Eslava, Noches de Invierno (Barcelona, 1609), p. >: "por buen termino me tratays de mentiroso, etc.," but the author's anner is justified, "que assi lo [mostraron] los celebres Poetas Homero y irgilio, etc.," as though they were standards in fiction; p. 152: Dido's ory; cf. also p. 176 for both versions of her story. Alonso J. de Salas arbadillo, "Bibliofilos espanoles" vol. XXXI, El Necio Men afortunado, p. 18, has an interesting passage: "Estaba diciendo a voces estos desatinos i sin causa: j Oh grande hijo de Venus, heroe generoso, etc. (here follow me of the deeds of Aeneas ) , en todos esos hechos tenia eompetidores ; . . pero huir de una muger blanda y amorosa . . . nadie lo ha icho sino tu, valiente Eneas. Tfl solo . . . mereces el sonoro monu- ento . . del gran Virgilio! | Oh, si yo te imitara! etc." In Alonso ozo de muchos amos, by Jer6nimo de Alcala, there are two humorous ferences; bk. II, chap. 2, to Aeneas bearing Anehises upon his shoulders, , chap. 5 to Dido. Montalban, Para Todos (7th day, "discurso ultimo, te se llama lo mejor de lo mejor," par. 32) mentions among famous ving couples Dido and Aeneas, and Persiles and Sigismunda. 1 Menendez y Pelayo's article on Traductores espanoles de la Eneida (2d 1. of Caro's translation, "Biblioteca clasica," Vols. IX and X) is so mplete that little need be added. The doubt expressed about the existence Natas's translation, i. e., of bk. II of the Aeneid (p. xiii), may be spelled by Gallardo, Ensayo, etc., Vol. Ill, col. 951 ; cf. also p. 486, n. 2. le long career of a Spanish Aeneid and its extensive popularity, notably iring the greater part of the 16th and 17th centuries, can be inferred om the many editions mentioned by Menendez y Pelayo, and, therefore, main incontrovertible. Only the translation made by Gregorio Hernandez ncerns us here. In El Peregrino curioso y grandezas de Espana (I6th ntury) por Bartholome' de Villalba y Estafia, "Bibliofilos espanoles," )1. XXIII (Madrid, 1886), the author first asserts "quan mas castigados n los poetas que los otros auctores," and then adds, p. 28: "tanbien sobre rgilio y el Homero tradueidos dan votos insipientes; mas consentir en to nada quiero, pues los dos vertidores son prudentes." Here the reference manifestly to Hernandez Velasco's version of the Aeneid, since he is 498 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. that Cervantes's general knowledge was chiefly of the world and of men and in no sense bookish, he cannot have looked upon the classics and purely academic learning with unmixed favor. We know that he deprecated the pedantic manner frequently enough indulged in by contemporaries, of parading a mass of irrelevant learning, of dragging into the text or scattering along the margin of the pages references to the ancients, to the Church fathers and the like. The prologue to Don Quixote leaves no room for doubt as to his opinion of such vanity. 1 And his distrust of the real learning of these pedants was justifiable, for the veriest numskull could quote Latin. But Cervantes was so wholly a master of the vernacular, so com- pletely absorbed by the natural medium which his unschooled genius had chosen, that any effort to appear at home in Greek or Latin would have been forced. 2 Hence the sincerity of his defense of the poet in Bon Quixote, who without artificial means, and unaided by the stimulus of learning, creates as a mero romancista; indeed the praised in the next stanza as a poet and translator on the ground of his rendering (1569) of Sannazaro's de partu Virginis. Lope de Vega, on various occasions, praises Hernandez's poetic gift; cf. El Laurel de Apolo, 'acudiendo el primero, etc.," vs. 395 ff. ; Dorotea, Vol. II of Comedias escog- idas, p. 51, eol. 2; Virtud, polrezo y muger, Vol. IV, p. 214, col. 3; cf. Grail ardo, Ensayo, etc., Vol. I, col. 648; Clemencin in his edition of Don Quixote, op. cit., II, chap. 62, note 61, quotes a severe passage from Crist6bal Suarez de Figueroa's Plaza universal, diseourso 46: "testigos de esta rerdad (of the wretchedness of various translations) pueden ser los iesfigurados Ariosto, Taso y Virgilio, etc." It must be remembered, too, that the Aeneid in the original was a much edited work; cf. Ticknor, Vol. I, p. 451 and Sellar, The Roman poets of the Augustan Age (Oxford, 1877), o. 66. 1 Cf . Cervantes, el Coloquio de los perros, where Berganza says : "hay ilgunos romaneistas que en las conversaciones disparan de cuando en ;uando con algun latin breve y compendioso, etc.," p. 232, col. 1, Ooras ie Cervantes, "Biblioteca de autores espafioles." 2 Navarrete, Vida de Cervantes, gives the latter credit for more classic earning that he had : "ni por esto perdio de vista a los excelentes maestros ie la antigiiedad, a quienes contemplo siempre como el tipo 6 dechado del nejor gusto en la literatura, segun se ve en las imitaciones que hizo de ipuleyo, de Heliodoro, de Horacio y de Virgilio." In his Vida de Cervantes '] analysis del Quixote, prefixed to the Academy's edition of Don Quixote, ;he author, D. Vicente de los Rios, made a curious attempt to show that ihe latter contains parallels to the Aeneid; of vol. I, pp. xcv-vi, edition of 1782: "en las bodas del rico Camacho tienen los lectores un equivalente a los juegos y cert&menes de las fabulas epicas; la morada de Bon Quixote en casa de los Duques, corresponde perfectnmente a la detencion de Eneas m Cartago, etc." which no one believes to-day. Bowie, II, 120 of his Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 499 issage has the tone of a plea in behalf of his own work, which is free from the dead wood of academic display. 1 His admiration Homer and Virgil has, therefore, merely the traditional stamp of e Renaissance, while his praise of the ancients in general is per- wtaciones al Quixote sees a similarity between Don Quixote II, chapter , toros y canas and Virgil, V, vs. 580, etc., of the Aneid; cf. also Ariosto, iando, 13, 37. Cortejon's view, (cf. his edition of Don Quixote (Madrid, 1905), Vol. II, . xix ff. ) that the bits of Latin quoted by Don Quixote are - proof of his, d so of Cervantes's knowledge of Latin, has no foundation; he gives among i examples such as more turquesco, nulla est retentio (redemptio) , quando put dolet, bene quidem, pane hicrando, est Deus in nobis, per signum ids, mare magnum and the like. He even includes the well-known post xebras spero lucem to be found on title pages before Cervantes's day, and 5 very common deum de deo (cf. Gaspar Lucas Hidalgo, Dialogos, II, chap- : 3, and Cervantes, the Ooloquio de los perros, p. 229, col. 1 ) . Spanish ildren heard many Latin phrases from the mouths of the priests (on habet vem in lingua, cf. Coloquio de los perros, p. 233, col. 2), and not only the schoolroom, but from the pulpit; Latin proverbs, such as quando caput let, etc., were used no doubt in conversation, while our author could sily copy the phrases used by others with an equal display of learning, few may be added to show how valueless their testimony as to Cervantes's irning is: aliquando (sic) bonus dormitat Hqmerus {Don Quixote, II, 3) , Morum infinitus est numerus (II, 3), operibus credite, et non verbis I, 50), sicut erat in principio (I, 46), etc.; cf. also El Rufian dichoso : the gloria patri; these simply reflect the teaching of the priests; Los ibladores: "el proverbio latino no dice sino que neeessitas caret lege, etc.;" rsiles: Maria optimam partem elegit; vade retro, esoi foras; La guarda Idadosa: tu dixisti; these fragments of Latin do not make a latinist. e verse of Virgil "quis talia fando . . . temperet a lacrimis," II, 6-8, in Don Quixote, II, chap. 39, could have been taken from some other iter, and was always known well enough to have reached Cervantes by rd of mouth. 1 Don Quixote, II, 16 : "Y a lo que decis, sefior, que vuestro hijo no ima mueho la poesia de romance, doime a entender que no anda muy irtado en ello, y la razon es feta: el grande Homero no escribiS en latin, rque era griego; ni Virgilio no escribiS en griego, etc. . . . del ntre de su madre el poeta natural sale poeta; y con aquella inelinacion i le di6 el cielo, sin mas estudio ni artiflcio compone cosas que hace ■dadero al que dijo : est Deus in nobis." Of. also Lope de Vega, El rdadero Am.ante, prologue; Dorotca, Vol. II, of "Comedias Escogidas," 33; Bowie, Don Quixote, part II, 42 cites Morales, Sobre la lengua tellana, p. 3, all containing the idea that, just as the Greeks wrote in jek and the Romans in Latin, modern peoples should respect and use their n tongues. 500 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. functory and varies little from an inherited phraseology 1 in the manner in which it is expressed. With regard to Virgil himself, Cervantes was probably impressed by the oft-repeated story which tells how the Aeneid had been in danger of being consigned to the flames after the poet's death, and how it was saved by his august patron, the Emperor ; 2 but there is never a word on the poem which leads one to suspect that he knew it in the original. In general his allusions to Virgil and other classics, in which any display of learning may have been intended, are no clue to his classic education; they are merely a concession to his times. Moreover, it seems certain that Cervantes was to his immediate contemporaries, his neighbors and friends, an unimport- ant personage who did not shine by any erudition or social savoir faire, whose academic training was not great, and whose rank in society could not have been raised to any very high level during his checkered career as wanderer, slave, soldier and clerk. Like his great English contemporary, Shakespeare, he could claim no promi- nent social station, and as an inferior scholar he too had "small Latin and less Greek." Finally, as we shall see, all that Cervantes borrowed from the Aeneid could have been taken from Gregorio Hernandez de Velasco's translation, and that he knew it well is fairly certain from quotations 3 and from similarities of phrase which will speak for themselves. 1 Cf. Galatea, "Obras de Cervantes'' ( Rivadeney ra ) , p. 85, col. 2: "la [fama] que hara vivir el Mantuano Tltiro por todos los siglos venideros, etc."; Pellicer and Clemenin saw in the position of Don Quixote at the end of I, chapter 43, an imitation of the situation of the enchanter Virgil, who was suspended in a basket. It is more likely patterned after some event in the romances of chivalry. 2 Cf . Don Quixote, I, chapter 13; also an introductory poem of the Spanish version of the Aeneid: "El Emperador Augusto Cesar, sabiendo como Virgilio avia rnandado en su testamento quemar la Eneyda, porque no la dejava tan limada como quisiera, hizo ciertos versos Latinos cuya sentencia es feta"; then follows the poem. 8 "Callaron todos, Tirios y Troyanos" ( opening of book II of the Spanish version of the Aeneid) is supposed to represent the eagerness of the spectators gathered before the puppet theatre (Don Quixote, II, 26) to hear the story of Gaiferos and Melisendra, just as it did the interest of the Tyrians and Trojans who listened to the story of Aeneas. Clemencin, Don Quixote, op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 158, calls the rest of the phrase, "pendientes estaban todos, etc.," a translation from the original. But the phrase is a common one, and Cervantes had used it before, I, chap. 51 : "nos tenia Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 501 b. The Indebtedness of Cervantes. After this rather lengthy excursion, let us examine the Persiles and investigate the extent of its indebtedness to Virgil. "What has been stated was necessary to show that while Cervantes may bave gone on bis own initiative to the Aeneid for suggestions, still, imi- tations of well-known episodes or mere references to them were suffi- ciently traditional and common to prompt his taking the Aeneid as a kind of Eenaissance roman d'aventure and using it, as' be bad done Heliodorus's Theagenes and Gharihlea, wberever be saw fit to do so. The story of the Aeneid may be divided into five main groups of episodes; the first three books are of the adventure type, witb the fligbt of Aeneas, bis wanderings and bardsbips; the fourth is a romance, the fifth is unique in its celebration of the games in bonor of Anchises, the sixth relates the descent into the lower world, and finally, tbe last six books, wbicb concern us little, consist chiefly of warfare attendant on tbe conquest of Italy by tbe Trojans. Tbe most direct imitations in tbe Persiles are taken from tbe fourth and fifth books. Tbe borrowing from the former may have been sug- gested by tbe popularity of tbat kind of love story, but there was a serious obstacle to incorporating successfully tbe tragedy of Dido. Owing to tbe bigb mpral tone wbicb Cervantes was bound to main- tain in bis romance because of tbe unimpeachable chastity of his bero and heroine — patterned, as we bave seen, after Heliodorus — tbe opportunity to depict a real, living passion bad to be eliminated tbrougbout. It is moreover questionable wbetber Cervantes or any other Spanish writer of fiction of those days could bave portrayed one. As a result, the mere skeleton of tbe Dido episode remains. Periandro, the hero, reaches the Kingdom of Policarpo in the course of his wanderings, in time to participate in some games. The prin- cess Sinforosa — with a sister Policarpa, whose raison d'etre seems to be Dido's having a sister Anna 1 — falls in love with the handsome guest. There is, to be sure, no chance of any requital of ber love and a parvulus Aeneas would be wbolly out of keeping witb tbe kind of unions celebrated in tbis story. ISTot long after tbe meeting of a todos la boca abierta pendientes de las hazaHas que nos iba contando," p. 397, col. 1; ef. p. 503, n. 1; the line: "Que a osados favoreee la Fortuna," Eneida] Vol. II, p. 115, is in Don Quixote, first poem with unfinished verse ends, 1'me 19. Cf. also Appendix III, p. 522. 1 In giving Dido a sister Anna, Virgil may have been influenced by the Argonautica, in which Medea has a sister, cf. Benoist, Virgile, En4ide, p. 191. 502 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. these two, the heroine Auristela and her party are wrecked on the island and the plot is duplicated inversely. Policarpo, the King, who is a widower, falls in love with the beautiful stranger, Auristela, and with the sexes changed we have an exact counterpart of the widow Dido and her love for Aeneas. In accordance with the curious taste of the day, the sentimental utterances of Dido on her situation are put into Policarpo's mouth. 1 As widower he has remained faithful to the memory of his dead spouse, but the coming of these "new guests" has disconcerted his equanimity. This is the counterpart of the effect produced on Sinforosa by Periandro, both incidents being copied from Dido's attitude toward her Trojan guest. Sinforosa in the meantime confesses her love for Periandro to his putative "sister" Auristela, who promptly becomes jealous. -There is also in this the admixture of an episode from Heliodorus, where the victorious Theagenes first impresses Chariklea by his prowess in some games. "While Periandro is on the island he is asked to tell the history of his experiences and wanderings, which 1 All my quotations will be from Hernandez de Velasco's Eneida ( Valencia, 1776), 2 vols., which is a. reprint of the editions revised by the translator himself (ef. the licencia in the edition of Toledo, 1577, and the introduction by the printer in the edition of 1776) ; and from the Ohras de Cervantes, "Biblioteca de autores espanoles" ( Puvadeneyra ) ; Eneida, Vol. I, p. 139: "la mal sana Reyna | Habla con su eoncorde y cara hermana. | Ana, mi dulee hermana, quS visiones | Turban mi sueno, y crecen mi cuidado? | Qufi nuevo huesped vino a mis regiones? | Quito puede ser aqueste que he hospedado? | Qu6 rostro? qug persona? que 1 facciones? | Quan fuerte, ilustre, grave, y respetado ? etc. | S61o fete ha hecho f uerza al casto intento | Y mi animo hasta aora firme y fuerte | Vacilar hace en gran desasosiego. | a Siento en ml un rastro del pasado fuego" (the italics are my own and indicate some of the similarities). Persiles, p. 596, col. 1 : "he guardado como has visto las leyes de la viudez con toda puntualidad y recato . . . pero despues que han venido estos nuevos huispedes a nuestra ciudad, se ha desconcertado el reloj de mi entendimiento . . . muero por Auristela, etc." Sinforosa's love for Periandro grows like Dido's: "dijole tambien como las gracias de [su hermano] Periandro hablan despertado en ella un modo de deseo.' que no llegaba a ser amor . . .; pero que despufe con la sc'ledad y\ ociosidad, yendo y viniendo el pensamiento a contemplar sus gracias, el v amor se le fug pintando, no como hombre particular, sino como a un principe . esta pintura me la grabo en cl alma, y yo inadvertida doje que me la grabase, etc.," p. 594, col. 1. Eneida, Vol. I, p. 144: "deswues de dividiclos, en las horas | Que suele tomar vez la muda noche | . . ]. Sola ella en su espaciosa y viuda casa, | se consume, etc." Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 503 does to a listening audience just as does Aeneas (Aeneid, bks. II 1 III) ; Sinforosa especially hangs on his lips during his narra- 3. 1 Following the main thread of the story through a maze of aplicated love affairs, we learn that the foreigners (huespedes) n a secret escape. 2 But Policarpo has in the meantime set fire his palace ; the city is in an uproar and the whole scene recalls a general way the departure of the Trojans from Troy (Aeneid, II) and from Carthage (Aeneid, bk. IV). The flames light up i city, din and confusion reign, mingled with shouts "to arms," ile the fugitives gather in a small body ready to flee over the is. 3 Sinforosa, however, in the midst of the uproar mounts with • sister to a tower of the palace and sees the fleeing strangers Eneida, Vol. I, p. 49; "La desdichada Dido en largas platieas [ Dejava sentir pasar la noche, etc. | Mil cosas a menudo preguntando, etc. | esped; sera a mi ver mas acertado | Que del principio el Griego engano as : | Lo que has por tierra y mar peregrinado." p. 144 : "otra vez hace | itar la historia del Troyano duelo. | Y csta otra vez la mlsera colgada | dulee razonar del nuevo huesped." 'ersiles, p. 604, col. 1 : "Estando pues juntos . . . un d£a Sinforosa ;6 enearecidamente a Periandro les contase algunos sucesos de su vida, ecialmente se holgaria de saber de donde venia la primera vez que ;0 a aquella isla . . . A lo que Periandro respondiO, que si haria, le le permitiese comenzar el cuento de su historia, no del mismo principio, " He then begins his story in the middle; also p. 608, col. 1: "La que mas gusto escuehaba a Periandro era la bella Sinforosa, estando idiente de sus palabras . . . tal era la gracia y donaire con que ■iandro contaba sus sucesos." And p. 611, col. 2: "era tanto el deseo ! Sinforosa tenia de oir el fin de la historia de Periandro, que solicit6 volverse a juntar otro dla, etc." In the Viaje del Parnaso, II, v. 1, embles the Eneida: "Colgado estaba de mi antigua boca | El dios ilante"; cf. also p. 500, n. 3. Eneida, Vol. I, p. 157: "mandales que luego | Las naos con gran secreto aderecen, | Y a los Troyanos eompafieros manden [ Que al puerto al lto apriesa salgan todos, etc."; Persiles, p. 602, col. 1: "En resolucion, idaron los tres de acuerdo que Mauricio buscase un bajel de muchos que el puerto estaban, qxie los llevase a Inglaterra secretamente, que para jarcarse no faltaria modo eonvenible, etc." Eneida, Vol. I, p. 68: "En tanto la ciudad en toda parte | Con vario tentar se confundia." | p. 69 : "Ya cerca y lejos la agua cristalina | Del lago Sigeo arder parece. | Los gritos y el llorar de la mezquina | Gente, 1 son de horrendas trompas crece.''; p. 90: "Al arma, al arma, o mios, a, pelea."; p. 96: "La noche en fin lugar a Apolo dando, | Torneme a ver gente, etc." | "Gran suma de mancebos me esperavan | etc., que tristes 504 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. make their escape. 1 Her grief is voiced, as was Dido's, to her sister, in terms not so close to the original as was the lament in Clareo y Florisea, but in a way which more or less faithfully imitates its sentiments. 2 The fugitives make off in the meantime, while the en monlon eonfuso estaban, etc. | Con sus haciendas y amnios mostravan | Que estavan a seguirme apereebidos." Persiles, p. 616, col. 1 : "Llegose la noche, y a las tres horas della comenzo el arma, que puso en confusion y alboroto a toda la gente de la ciudad: comenzo a resplandecer el fuego, etc. , Oyendo lo cual . . . se hicieron todos un monton, y puestos delante los varones . . . hallaron ; paso desembarazado liasta el puerto, etc. Entre la confusa griterfa y con- tinuo vocear al arma, al arma, entre los estallidos del fuego abrasador • que . . . hacia el mayor estrago, andaba encubierto Policarpo, etc." '■Eneida, Vol. I, p. 165: "0 triste Dido, . • • | Q ue t&l dolor sentias ' . . . quando | De tu alto alcazar la ribera toda | Vtas hervir de perfidos Troyanos? | . . . o crudo amor, a qufi no fuerza | Tu gran violencia a los mortales tristesV" p. 176: "Ya la purpurea Aurora, . . . de luz nueva | Las tierras cerca y lejos esparcia: | Quando la miserable Reyna vido | Desde una alta atalaya, . . . | que la armada con hinchadas ' velas | Se iba alejando, e,tc.'' Persiles, p. 616, col. 1 : "En esto la enamorada Sinforosa, ignorante del caso, puso el remedio en sus pies y su esperanza en su inocencia, y con pasos desconcertados y temerosos se subio a una alta torre de palacio, a su pareeer parte segura del fuego: . . . acertS a eneerrarse con ella su hermana Policarpa, que le conto ... la huJda de sus huespedes, cuyas nuevas quitaron el sentido a Sinforosa, etc." 2 Eneida, Vol. I, p. 159: "Huesped mio, porqug, 6 a do te alejas? I En cuyos brazos a morir me dejas? etc."; p. 162: "Tu del horrido Caucaso naciste, |E1 te dio esa alma dura y penascosa: [ Y si esto no es, las Tigres te engendraron [ De Hircania, etc.;" p. 165: "Ves, Ana mia, qual van todos bolando, | De toda parte al puerto se han juntado: | Las velas ya al buen : viento estan llamando, etc."; p. 166: "Que espere ya para liuir buen viento, [ Por su interese ha esto de otorgarme, | Que la quebrada fe del casamiento | ya no le rogarS quiera guardarme, etc. | Un breve tiempo pido, si es posible, | En que se haga mi furor sufrible, etc. | Esto te pido (to her sister) por merced crecida; | Ten lastima a mi duelo acerbo y fuerte: | No seras ya de oy mas de ml afligida, | No te cansai-6 mas hasta la muerte, etc."; p. 171: "fugitivo Eneas." Persiles, p. 616, col. 2: "sola Sinforosa se estaba aun en su desmayo, y sola su hermana lloraba su desgracia . . .; volviO en fin, tendiO la vista por el mar, vio volar la saetla donde iba la mitad de su alma . . . , y como si fuera otra enganada y nueva Dido, que de otro ! fugitivo Eneas se quejaba, enviando suspiros al cielo . . . dijo estas 1 6 otras semejantes razones: Oh hermoso hugsped venido por mi mal fi ' estas riberas, no engaBador por cierto, que aun no he sido yo tan dichosa, I que me dijeses palabras amorosas para enganarme, amaina esas velas, 6 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 505 ace is consumed by the fire. This episode of the Persiles, how- r, verges on the ludicrous on account of the absurd duplication the incident. Policarpo also appears in the tower and beholds love disappear over the waters, but fortunately there is no lamen- on. 1 farther indebtedness to the story of Dido can no doubt be exag- ated, 2 and while there are in the Persiles certain very insignifi- t sentiments or situations which may have been slightly affected the fourth book of the Aeneid, it is more probable that they are ependent similarities. When, for instance, Arnaldo, a prince in e with Auristela, is detained by her charms instead of going home bis kingdom, he is advised by the busybody Clodio to be mindful his duties and proceed on his journey to his own country. Just_ Aeneas had been reminded of his duty in regard to the future his race in Italy by a messenger from the gods, who urges him to re Carthage. 3 Clodio is a kind of personified rumor (Jama in : Aeneid), who gossips about the possible, secret relations between : hero and heroine and the scandal of Arnaldo's continuous hover- ; about Auristela. Again, the attractions which keep Aeneas at iplalas algun tanto, para que se dilate el tiempo de que mis ojos vean navio . . . mira, sefior, que huyes de quien te sigue . . .: i soy de un rey, y me contento eon ser esclava tuya; y si no tengo mosura que pueda satisfacer a tus ojos, tengo deseos que puedan llenar vaclos de los niejores que el amor tiene . . . riquezas tengo, lerado fugitivo mio ... A esta sazon volvi6 a hablar con su mana, y le dijo: No te parece, hermana mia, que ha amainado algun to las velas? No te parece que no camina tanto? Ay Dios, si se habra epentido! ... Ay hermana, respondiC Policarpa, no te engaSes . . el navlo vuela, etc." Cf. also (p. 602, col. 1) "habiendote criado entre riscos y penas,' de las cuales . . . has sacado tambien la ■eza en las entranas." Persiles, p. 616, col. 2: "Salteolas en esto el Rey su padre, que quiso de la alta torre, tambien como su hija, no la mitad, sino toda su alma, s se le ausentaba, etc.'' Certain resemblances to features of Theagenes and Chariklea would be •d to distinguish from a possible indebtedness to the Aeneid, where the ;ure of the episode or the sentiment is the same. Eneida, Vol. I, p. 156: "Que estas tu agora, Eneas, muy niarido, etc. | iidas (ogranvergiienza) ageno nido, | Tu Reyno, tu valor, y a ti olvidando ? | Qu6 haces, dl, «n la Libia tierra ocioso? etc." Persiles, p. 595, col. 1: liero que tal vez eonsideres quien eres, la soledad de tu padre, la falta ; haces a tus vasallos, la contingeneia en que te pones de perder tu reino, 506 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. the side of Dido, the opportunity for a desirable match, for gaining the power over a fine kingdom resemble those held up before Perian- dro by Auristela to urge him to stay and marry Sinforosa. 1 At other times there is a possible fusion of the spirit of Heliodorus with that of Virgil; as Theagenes and Chariklea pursue a certain goal, as Aeneas flies from Carthage that he may fulfil the purpose of his wanderings, so Periandro and Auristela are determined to carry out their journey to Rome. All escape from the snares of love. In their striking appearance, their beauty and noble bearing, the pro- tagonists of these romances are of course alike, and Aeneas and Dido, Theagenes and Chariklea, Periandro and Auristela quite naturally came to be mentioned together in lists of loving couples. 2 Finally, the incantations of the Massylian enchantress by whose aid Dido seeks to regain the lost love of Aeneas must be considered 3 together 1 Persiles, p. 595, col. 2 : "digo que Sinforosa te adora y te quiere por esposo: dice que tiene riquezas inereibles, y yo digo que tiene creible hermosura." 2 Cf . p. 496, n. 2, end; in Montalban's Para Todos. The appearance of Aeneas, Eneida, Vol. I, p. 39: "Qued6 patente el bello y fuerte Eneas, | y semejante a Dios en rostro y cuerpo, | Resplandecio, etc."; p. 148: "Eneas, sobre todos hermosisimo | . . . Qual va el hermoso Apolo, quando deja | A la templada Licia, etc." The appearance of Dido, p. 34: "Qual suele en las • riberas del Eurota, | . . . Salir Diana a recrearse en corros, | . . . tal era Dido, etc." For the Persiles, cf. previous article, op. cit., Appendix, par. 7; Periandro's beauty is described, p. 588, col. 2; Auristela is like a goddess, p. 604, col. 2. 3 Eneida, Vol. I, p. 169-70: "Hallado he, hermana mia, ya manera, etc., | Con que mi Eneas mas que a sf me quiera, etc. | Ay un lugar do el Sol de nos se parte, | Al fin de Etiopia . . . | De alii yo lie visto aqul una religiosa | Masila, que ha por largos dias guardado | De las hijas de Atlante la famosa | Casa, etc. Esta con sus encantos se profiere | A atar y a libertar los corazones; | Sana el insano amor a los que quiere, etc.;" p. 257: "la Cumea Sibila | DerramC dulces y olorosos vinos: | Y de en mitad de los noveles euernos | Cortoles ciertas cerdas, y entreg61as | Al sacro fuego por primera ofrenda, Llamando con voz alta ft la grande Hecate, etc."; cf. also bk. VII, p. 320 ff., "la furia Alecto . . . arrebatando una culebra | Que arranco del cabello serpentino, | Con furia la arrojo a la Reyna Amata, etc.," and the subsequent actions of the queen; cf. also Eclogue viii. Persiles, p. 602, col. 2: "Has de saber ansimismo que en aquella ciudad de Alhama siempre ha habido alguna mujer de mi nombre, la cual con el apellido de Cenotia hercda esta ciencia, que no nos ensefla ft ser hechiceras, como algunos nos llaman, sino ft ser encantadoras y magas," with the distinction between the two given at length. She tries her charms on Antonio, p. 603 ff. Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 507 th the love philtres, enchantments and the like, which serve simi- • purposes in sixteenth century romances. In the Persiles the cor- iponding part in the above mentioned love affairs is taken by the I hag Zenotia. Having examined the age of Cervantes we see, therefore, that the 3at passion of Dido with its splendid exposition and vividness srted influence on the sentimental fiction of the entire sixteenth ltury ; nowhere is there a more forceful description of the "love- kness" which characterizes so many Renaissance heroines thai? the fourth book of the Aeneid. 1 Sinforosa falls in love with the handsome stranger at the cele- ition of festal games. The idea of using such an opportunity to ing together hero and heroine goes back, as we have seen, to jliodorus and the Greek romances ; 2 but nowhere among the latter iuld Cervantes have faund_ J any-:festiy_ities as fully described as )se which he gives. He felt, no doubt, that in order to present i hero in the most advantageous light, with strength and beauty, must dwell more extensively than his predecessors on his athletic periority and skill. To this end he may have cast about for sug-, itions and so have come upon the Aeneid. 3 The fifth book with funeral games had already been frequently imitated, and a similar itest in which the hero outstripped all competitors and gained all izes, must have seemed appropriate for his novel also. Their option was therefore no more an innovation than the use of do's story; they had already been taken out of their original ting in Homer 4 and Virgil by writers of fiction to serve as enter- Eneida, Vol. I, p. 144: "Quando los astros que del cielo bajan | Embian nundo el sueno y el silencio, | Sola ella en su espaciosa y viuda casa, | Se ge, se consume, y se deshaee, | Sobre su viudo estrado se reelina, etc." siles, p. 593, col. 1 ff., illness of Auristela. Cf. Rohde, op. oit., p. 155 ff. Mena's Heliodorus has a marginal reference to the games in the Aeneid; p. 475, n. 2. In Homer, Iliad, XXIII, the contests are: (1) chariot, with five prizes; boxing (or pugilato in a recent Spanish version), with two competitors; wrestling or luoha, with two competitors; (4) foot race, with three ipetitors; (5) duel with spears, with two competitors; (6) hurling of it weights of metal, with four competitors; (7) shooting, with two .petitors ; in' the Odyssey, VIII, there is a reference to games, foot race, stling, leaping, throwing of weights and boxing; Theocritus, Idyl 22, ;ribes a boxing-match which influenced Virgil's contest, bk. V; for eans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 35 April, 1908. 508 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. tainment at various kinds of festivals. From the earlier days of the Kenaissance in Italy, story and romance which followed in the footsteps of the classics had contented themselves as regards these games with a mere mention of a celebration of sports, or had actually incorporated the events of the fifth book quite fully. 1 The best example of the latter is Sannazaro's Arcadia. But the episode in which Ergasto celebrates his mother's funeral, 2 though closely pat- the same contest cf. Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica, II; Statius, Thebaid, VI, describes funeral games including a, chariot race, a, foot race, throwing the discus, a eombat with the cestus, wrestling and shooting; Valerius Flaceus, Argonautica, IV, 252 ff. has a boxing match; Quintus of Smyrna, Posthomerica, bk. IV, follows Homer in introducing funeral games, contain- ing a foot race, boxing, hurling a mass of iron, leaping and throwing the spear, a chariot race and a race on horseback; Apollonius of Tyre wins popular favor by his skill in the game of ball, cf, Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri, edit. Ring, Posonii, et Lipsiae, 1887, par. 13 ff.; Rohde, op. cit., p. 437; also Timoneda, Patranuelo, XI for same story, p. 145 of "Novelistas anteriores a Cervantes" (Rivadeneyra) . Nothing more unlike the usual Spanish festivities than these games could be found in Peninsular literature, though pictures of entertainments are frequent enough. The Spaniard has always been fond of pageantry, of picturesque processions, of animated fiestas, while his games or amuse- ments were correspondingly stirring, from the bull-ngbt down through skill in correr cartas, correr soriijas, justas, tomeos and even correr gansos (Lope de Vega, MS. of la dama boba, act I). Cf. Alcocer, Tratado del juego (Salamanca, 1559) ; Don Quixote, II, 17 and notes 28 and 30 of Clemencln's edition; II, 49 with a mention of correr toros, jugar cartas, y representar comedias; Bowie, in Comments on Don Quixote II, p. 120, compares the correr toros, etc. of this passage with Virgil, Aeneid, V, 580, but without sufficient reason : "olli discurrere pares, etc." Clemencln has an interesting note on the fondness shown in la Mancha for wrestling, Don Quixote, II, 60, note 10; cf. also II, 62 correr sortija; AlarcOn, las Paredes oyen, II, scene 1, mention of a kind of pelota; common amusements were the fiestas by the bank of the river, cf. Guzman de Alfarache, II, 3, 5: "llevabanos a todos a holguras, a cenar al rio, ii comer en quintas y jardines, las tardes a comedias, etc." Quevedo, Vida del Busc6)i, II, chapters 6 and 7; AlarcOn, la Verdad sospechosa, I, scene 7; J. R. Chorley, "Notes on the national drama of Spain, "Fraser's Magazine, Vol. 60, p. 70; typical ejercicios caballerescos are mentioned in the Caballero Cifar. "el tiro de la lanza, la cetrerla, los juegos de tablas y ajedrez"; cf. Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, etc., op. cit., p. cxe; for jousts cf. Question de amor (1513), also for picturesque costumes and a hunting scene. 1 Cf. Appendix IV, p. 523. 2 Prose sections X-XI; cf. Scherillo, op. cit., Torraca, op. cit., and Menendez Pelayo, Origenes, etc., pp. cdxxiv ff. Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 509 rned after Virgil, probably had no influence upon Cervantes. r hether Sannazaro suggested Virgil to him or not, is a gratuitous lestion which we have no means of answering. Moreover, those )vels of the sixteenth century which occasionally mention sports ithout describing them at length, may have sufficed to induce ervantes to borrow Virgil's games. Sports are spoken of especially often in the pastoral novel, and nee occasional parts of the Persiles have the tone of the Galatea, e introduction into the .former o£J,ong descriptions of games hich were merely mentioned in the latter and other pastorals, may ive seemed like a commendable venture. Cervantes, however, does it seem to have felt perfectly sure that irrelevant description of ces and the like would be of interest to his readers, for on one or '0 - occasions he criticizes their detailed rehearsal in a way which unds something like a humorous self-reproach. 1 The games in the fifth book of the Aeneid have been used in two - stinct places. In the first (bk. I, ch. 22 of the Persiles), Peri- Ldro arrives at the island of Policarpo with twelve companions, 3dos nobles y deseosos de ganar honra." He competes in various ntests, first, the foot race, second, in fencing, third, in wrestling, urth, in hurling a heavy bar, and lastly, shooting with cross-bow d arrow. In each he is victorious. The corresponding passages, ouped together, will show with what variations from the Aeneid ese matches are introduced in the Persiles. 2 Cervantes leads up to 3 episode, which he supposes to be perfectly in keeping with the 3toms of the unknown northern islanders of whom he speaks, by ling of their excellent system of government, their superior laws, sir splendid kings. The latter devise public festivals to keep their ssals in a good temper : Los reyes, por parecerles que la melancolia en los vasallos suele spertar malos pensamientos, procuran tener alegre el pueblo y ;retenido con fiestas publicas, y a. veces eon ordinarias comedias; ncipalmente solemnizaban el dia que fueron asumptos al reino, Persiles, p. 607, col. 1 : "hubieran perdido [la paeiencia] escuehando larga platiea, de quien juzgaron Mauricio y Ladislao que habia sido 5 larga y traida no niuy a prop6sito, etc."; and p. 611, col. 2: .receme, Transila, que con menos palabras y mas sueintos diseursos iera Periandro contar los de su vida, porque no habia para quS detenerse iecirnos tan por extenso las fiestas de las barcas." Cf. Appendix V, p. 525. 510 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. con hacer que se renovasen los juegos, que los gentiles llamaban olimpicos, en el mejor modo que podian : sefialaban premio a los co- rredores, honraban a los diestros, coronaban a los tiradores, y subian al cielo de la alabanza a los que derribaban a otros en la tierra. At this point a possible fusion of the influence of both Virgil and Heliodorus takes place. In Heliodorus the festivities are given' over to Pythian games; Cervantes may have taken a suggestion from this fact, and 'while looking for the most classical material that could be turned into "Olympian" games, he had recourse to the Aeneid. The first event in Virgil's games, the boat-race, fills a single episode in the Persiles quite independent of the other above. It is put into a purely pastoral setting upon an island in the northern seas, among some fisher folk who differ in no respect from the characters of the pastoral novels. At the marriage festival of two young couples a race is rowed by four boats just as in the Aeneid, 1 though the naming of the boats el Amor, el Interes, la Diligencia, and la buena Fortuna is not in keeping with their classic origin. It recalls rather the pageant at the marriage feast of Comaeho in Bon Quixote, 2 where two competing groups of dancers are led by Amor and by Interes. A comparison of this scene in the Persiles with its source will show the extent of Cervantes's indebtedness and how he took the salient ideas. "When Aeneas lands on the coast of Africa, he comes upon the Carthaginians engaged in building their city; he wanders into a great temple and sees within it a pictorial history of the events connected with the Trojan war. Here are recorded the battles before the city 3 and the fate or career of the chief participants 1 Cf. Appendix VI, p. 530. 2 Cf. Don Quixote, II, chapter 20 and Clemencin's edition, op. eit., Vol. VI, p. 32. "Eneida, Vol. I, p. 31: "Mientras que -entre si alaba el artificio | De los ingeniosisimos artifices, | Y las labores y obras de sus manos : | Vido a desora entre ellas las batallas | Troyanas, dibujadas por su orden, | Y la prolija guerra, etc." "A Priamo mira, a quien del justo zelo | Le da, aun aqui, su premio la pintura: | Mira los llantos del Troyano duelo, etc." "Via pintados los recueutros | Que en torno a la gran Troya se travaron: | En urr lugar los Griegos ir huyendo, | Y la Troyana juventud seguirlos, etc." "No lejos conocio los blancos lienzos | De la curiosa tienda del Rey Reso, . . . En otra parte, el infelice niozo | Troylo, con gran desigualdad Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 511 separately portrayed. Again, in the sixth book of the Aeneid we are told of a temple of Phoebus on whose doors Daedalus had painted various famous mythological episodes. 1 Now when Periandro and his fellow wanderers have ended the first half of their long and wearisome peregrination among the islands of the northern seas, they disembark at Lisbon. One of the first things which the hero does is to order a painting which shall reproduce the hardships just endured, "los mas principales casos de su historia." Then follows a description 'of events which recalls the pictorial history of the Aeneid. 2 In another passage one of the characters suggests that further incidents of their journey overland be added to the others on the canvas ; but the pilgrims are of the opinion that such strange experiences ought rather to be engraven on bronze. 3 This refer- ence seems to recall the classics which occasionally recount like representations* in metal or stone. In addition, Cervantes had in travado | En duro asalto con el fuerte Aehiles, etc." "Alii tambien se conocio u, si mesmo | Entre los Griegos principes mezclado." Cf. also Eneida, libro quinto, p. 201, the "tela de oro" with its picture inwoven. 1 Eneida, Vol. I, p. 243: "Pint6 en las puertas del, la acerba muerte de Androgeo, etc." Cf. also Torraea, La Materia dell' Arcadia del Sannazaro, p. 102. 2 Persiles, p. 625, col. 1 : "a un lado pintd la isla barbara ardiendo en llamas, y alii junto a la isla de la prision y un poeo mas desviado la balsa 6 enmaderamiento donde le hall6 Arnaldo, cuando le llev6 a su navi6; en otra parte estaba la isla nevada, donde el enamorado portugues perdi6 la vida; luego la nave que los soldados de Arnaldo taladraron; . . . alii se mostraba el desaffo de los amantes de Taurisa y su mxierte, aea estaban serrando por la quilla la nave que habia servido de sepultura a Auristela y a los que con ella venian; aculla estaba la agradable isla donde vi6 en suenos Periandro . los dos escuadrones de virtudes y vicios, etc. ; pints como en rasgufio y en estrecho espacio las fiestas de Policarpo, coro- nandose a si mismo por vencedor en ellas: resolutamente no qued6 paso principal en que no hiciese labor en su historia, que alii no pintase, hasta poner la ciudad de Lisboa y su desembarcacion en el mismo traje en que habian venido : tambien se vi6 en el mismo lienzo arder la isla de Policarpo, a Clodio traspasado con la saeta de Antonio, y a Cenotia colgada de una entena, etc." 'Persiles, p. 641, col. 2: "Bien quisiera el anciano VillaseSor, que todo esto se anadiera al lienzo; pero todos fueron de parecer que no solamente no se anadiese, sino que aun lo pintado se borrase, porque tan grandes y tan no vistas cosas no eran para andar en lienzos dfibiles, sino en laminas de bronce escritas y en las memorias de las gentes grabadas." 4 Of. the shield of Achilles, made by Vulcan (Iliad, XVIII) ; the shield of Aeneas [Aeneid, VIII), which may also have influenced Cervantes, Eneida, 512 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. mind a contemporary custom which he describes at length ; namely, that pilgrims who returned from foreign parts, 1 presumably after great hardships, would display pictorially on canvas the experiences which they may or may not have had, but which would attract idlers on the public square. The canvas was exhibited in the chief thoroughfares where the many travelers' tales of the age were retailed to the gaping multitude. Cervantes devotes a humorous page to such an episode, which has, however, a wholly Spanish, popu- lar tone, 2 while he treats Periandro's pictorial history with so much Vol. II, p. 40;, Ovid (Met. II), has a description of the palace of the sun; Statius (Theoaid, VII) of the temple of Mars with carved represen- tations. Not only Cervantes, but Ariosto (Orlando furioso, XXVI, 30 ff.) in a marble basin and (XL VI, 80 ff.) a pavilion, Tasso (Gerusalemme lioerata, XVII, 64 ff.) in a shield, and Spenser (Fairie Queene, II, xii, 43 ff. ) in a carved ivory gate show the influence of the classics. 1 Persiles, p. 597, col. 1 : "y este nuestro barbaro espanol, . . . yo pondr6 que si el cielo le lleva a su patria, que ha de haeer corrillos de gente, mostrando a su mujer y a sus hijos envueltos en sus pellejos, pin- tando la isla barbara en un lienzo, y senalando con una vara el lugar do estuvo encerrado quince afios, la mazmorra de los prisioneros . . . bien asJ como hacen los que libres de la esclavitud turquesca . . . cuentan sus desventuras, etc." ; p. 625, col. 1 : "este lienzo se hacia de una recopilacion que les excusaba de contar su historia por menudo, porque Antonio el mozo declaraba las pinturas y los sucesos, cuando le apretaban a que los dijese." An interesting parallel to this custom can be found in the follow- ing: Aulo Persia Flacco, traduzido en lengua castellana por Diego Lopez, etc., Con declaracion magistral, etc. En Burgos, 1609. In commenting on a passage in the first satire, "mene moueat quippe et si naufragus cantat pretulerim assem?" Diego Lopez says, p. 42: "Para entender esto, auemos de saber, que quando entre los antiguos alguno se via perdido, y desbaratado en alguna tormenta, si escapaua de ella, buseaua un pintor que le pintasse en un pedago de tabla la tormenta y tempestad que auia passado, y como el mar le auia destruydo, y eehandole al cuello, andaua pidiendo por las calles. Pues, dize Persio, si el que pide leuando la tormenta pintada, la qual passo un el mar, canta, y va contento, es impossible que me mueua a compassion y dolor, para que yo le de limosna, etc." 2 Persiles, p. 642, col. 1 : "vieron mucha gente junta, todos atentos mirando y escuchando a dos mancebos, que en traje de recien rescatados de cautivos estaban declarando las figuras de un pintado lienzo que tenian tendido en el suelo . . . ; y uno de ellos, que debia de ser de hasta veinti- cuatro anos, con voz clara y en todo extremo experta lengua, crujiendo de cuando en cuando un corbacho, 6 por mejor decir, azote, que en la mano tenia, le sacudia de manera que penetraba los oidos y ponia los estallidos en el cielo . . . fue diciendo: Esta, senores, que aquf veis pintada, es la ciudad de Argel, gomia y tarasca de todas las riberas del Mar Medi- terraneo, etc." Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. / 513 riousness and dignity, that it seems certain that he had the Aeneid i mind when he described it. As was indicated above, another of the traditionally popular :periences of Aeneas was his descent into the lower world; and e have seen that it was a feature quite common with the type of imance to which the Persiles belongs, to represent the hero as meet- g some one who prophesies to him of coming events. There is, to i sure, no descent into Hades in Cervantes, but the hero and his How wanderers are conducted by an old man through a dark cave to a beautiful, secluded field. 1 Here the venerable man, a hermit, sides in peace and plenty, with his mind wholly set on lofty ings ; the talk and the ways of the world are to him things of the ist, while his thoughts are devoted to the contemplation of the javens and future events. Among those who figure in his prophesy a young prince who dies an untimely death; and this recalls the ell-known passage of Virgil which tells so pathetically of the death 1 Eneida, Vol. I, p. 281: "Siguiendo su camino, en fin llegaron | A los gares dulces, y vergeles | Amenos, de los bosques gloriosos, | Albergos y jradas de los buenos. | Aqui el risueno y rutilcmte Cielo, | Viste eon luz rpurea el campo alegre." p. 284: "Ellos dejando la alta cumbre, bajan | un verde valle, donde el padre Anehises | Avia juntado en cierto aparta- ento | Las almas de sus claros deseendientes, etc." He explains, 'Torque rece claro desvario | Trocar en descontento y cierto duelo | De que abunda impuro y vil terreno, | La gloria eterna des'te sitio ameno," and prophesies bis son: "Contarte he extensamente | El gran linage y descension oyana." Persiles, p. 656, col. 1 : "Soldino eon todo aquel escuadron de damas caballeros bajo por las gradas de la escura cueva, y a menos de -ochenta idas se descubrio el cielo luciente y claro, y se vieron unos arnenos y ididos prados que entretenian la vista y alegraban las almas; y haciendo ldino rueda de los que eon el habian bajado, les dijo: . . . esta cueva . . no sirve sino de atajo para llegar desde alia arriba a este lie . . . ; aqui huyendo de la guerra, hallg la paz; la hambre que en ese mdo de alia arriba . . . tenia, hall6 aqui a la hartura; aqui en lugar los principes y monarcas que mandaban en el mundo, a quien yo servia, hallado a estos arboles mudos, que aunque altos y pomposos son humildes ; . . aqui tengo mi alma en mi palma, y aqui por via recta encamino s pensamientos y mis deseos al cielo; aqui ... he contemplado el "so de las estrellas y el movimiento del sol y de la luna; . . . agora no presente veo quitar la cabeza a un valiente pirata un valeroso maneebo la casa de Austria naeido, etc.," with other prophesies. For further imples of this kind of prediction see Persiles, p. 645, col. 1 ; p. 669, col. for a description of "unos floridos campos" more beautiful than the psian fields, ef. Don Quixote, I, chapter 50, p. 394, col. 2. 514 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. of young Marcellus. 1 Those lines were no doubt much liked in the., days of Cervantes. Other prophesies concerning the personages of the story follow. Here, too, Cervantes is inclined to ridicule himself for introducing this kind of episode with its forecasts and clair- voyance. 2 Among the minor episodes of the Persiles which do not neces- sarily imply indebtedness to Virgil, but which might, after all, be considered by some as reminiscent of the Aeneid, is the death and burial of Auristela's nurse (ama), a circumstance which recalls the fate of Aeneas's nurse, 3 as well as other episodes of burial in the 1 Eneida, Vol. I, p. 295: "Padre, quien es aquel, que en cornpafiia | Va del varon que dices excelente? | . . . Es hijo o nieto nuestro, etc.? Ay, hi jo, no eseudrines el lamento | De tu linaje y casos lastimosos: | A aqueste mostraran solo un momento | A las tierras los hados rigurosos, | etc. quanto llanto (o misero destino) | Hara por fete la Romana gente, | etc. Ay miserable mozo, o suerte fiera, | Si el disponer de la Portuna avara, | Del hado adverso, y riguroso Cielo | Romper pudieses, tu serias Marcelo." Persiles, p. 65G, col. 2: "Pero, ay de ml, que me hace entristecer otro coronado joven, tendido en la seca arena, de mil moras lanzas atravesado, el uno nieto y el otro hijo del rayo espantoso de la guerra, jamas como se debe alabado Carlos Quinto, etc." There is possibly an indirect connection between the descent of Don Quixote into the cave of Montesinos and the numerous descents into the cave of the Cumaean Sibyl or into the lower world to be found in Renaissance literature; cf. Clemencin, edition of Don Quixote, op. cit., II, chapter 23; Vol. VI, p. 76. z Persiles, p. 657, col. 1: "pareclales que andaban rodeados de adivinanzas y metidos hasta el alma en la judiciaria astrologia, que a no ser acreditada con la experiencia, con dificultad le dieran crfidito." "Eneida, Vol. I, p. 299: "Tu tambien, o Cayeta, ama de Eneas, \ Diste perpetuo nombre y fama eterna, [ Muriendo, a nuestras Italas riberas. | Y tu gloria y honor hasta oy aun dura. | En tu sepulcro, etc." "El pio Eneas, hechas las exequias | De su nutriz, y su Mausoleo puesto, [ . . . Las velas tiende al viento, etc." p. 102: "La deuda funeral pues ya pagada, | Todos la voz en alto grito alzamos, | Diciendo una vez y otra y la tercera | El Vale, despedida postrimera." p. 255: "En tanto en la ribera los Troy- anos | Hacian su llanto por el buen Miseno, | Honrando con exequias postri- meras | El cuerpo muerto . . . Lustro con agua pura por tres veces | Sus compafieros todos, . . . y dijo al muerto amigo | El postrimero Vale para siempre. | FundOle el pio Eneas un sepulcro, etc." Persiles, p. 568, col. 2 : "LlegOse ft ella Auristela, y a voces compasivas y dolorosas le dijo: g Que 1 es esto, ama mia? ^Como, y es posible que me quereis dejar en esta soledad, etc?" p. 569, col. 1: "enterraron a Cloelia en lo nueco de una peEa . . . Auristela (le) rogC que le pusiese una cruz eneima ... El espaSol respondio que 61 traeria una gran cruz que en su estancia tenia, y la pondria eneima de aquella sepultura: Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. 515 Leneid. The incident is dragged into the narrative of the Persiles ;uite irrelevantly, but a pathetic note is added thereby to suit the entimental taste of contemporary readers. Then there is the poetic igure of Palinurus, the pilot of Aeneas's fleet, the star-gazer and weather prophet, who is mentioned in Don Quixote and whose part night seem to be faintly reflected in similar situations in the Per- iles. 1 Periandro watches the heavens at sea while the others sleep ; klauricio, too, is a star-gazer, though he is more of an astrologer han pilot. 2 Finally, some of the very general features of Virgil's epic romance if adventure are recalled by the manner of the Persiles; their ccasional resemblance to the machinery of Heliodorus will also be pparent at once, and though the latter's influence may have been ominant, the Aeneid played no insignificant part in affecting the eneral character of the novel of Cervantes. The parallels to illus- rate this are grouped together at the close of the article. 3 By omparing them in turn with those from Heliodorus in the previous rticle, students of fiction may possibly feel inclined to believe with ae that the influence of Virgil upon Heliodorus also is worthy of aore consideration than has hitherto been accorded it. The marked influence which was exerted upon the mind of Cer- antes by one of the important elements in the literary culture of ieronle todos el ultimo vale, etc." p. 570, col. 2: ''quiso Auristela ir a espedirse de los huesos de su querida Cloelia, acompanfironla todos, llor6 obre la sepultura, etc." Cf. also el Viaje del Parnaso, cap, iii, vs. 145-7: Vimonos en un punto en el paraje | Do la nutriz de Eneas piadoso | Hizo . forzoso y ultimo pasaje." 1 Eneida, Vol. I, p. 110: "las naos . . . van ciegas do los vientos las evavan | Ni el mesmo Palinuro determina | Si es de dia o noche o para o camina; and p. 127: "Al medio Cielo se iva ya acercando | La resurosa noche, quando vimos | A Palinuro apriesa en pie ponerse, | Y un lado y otro a, tierra y mar bolverse. | Azia todos los vientos se bolvia, | . . Notava la estrellada compafiia, etc." Persiles, p. 613, col. 1 : Dleg6 en esto la noche clara y serena, y . . . me sentS en el Castillo e popa, y con ojos atentos me puse a mirar el cielo." Don Quixote, I, 3: "Siguiendo voy a una estrella | que desde lejos deseubro, | mas bella resplandeciente | que euantas vi6 Palinuro." 2 Persiles, p. 583, col. 1 : "Puso los ojos en el cielo Mauricio, etc." ; p. 585, il. 2: "miraba las estrellas, y aunque no parecian de todo en todo, algunas le por entre la escuridad se mostraban le daban indicio de venidera renidad, etc." 8 Cf. Appendix VII, p. 534. 516 Schevill — Studies in Cervantes. the Renaissance, namely, by the poetry of Virgil, is now quite evident. The more we try to fathom the depths of the Spanish romancer's genius, the more we shall find how comprehensively his work reflects all the elements which constitute the culture of his age ; and, therefore, we shall become convinced that the classics which had been more or less incorporated into the literature of his day merit the most careful consideration. Yale University. Appendices. 517 APPENDIX I. The two versions op the stoey of Dido. Ticknor saw in the manner in which Dido is represented in this allad (p. 484 above, Duran, Romancero, no. 487) a peculiarly Span- ih view (cf. his History, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 145, n.). It represents Leneas as the aggressor, she desiring to remain faithful to the mem- ry of her first husband. Menendez y Pelayo (Antologia, op. cit., r ol. XII, p. 485) thinks this form is prompted by "la natural sim- atia que en todo lector del poema virgiliano despierta la apasionada ana de Cartago, y que de ningun modo puede inspirar su insulso y joista amante." There was, however, a traditional defense of Dido 3 well as a widely current condemnation of the "traitor" Aeneas, hich was neither peculiarly Spanish, nor the individual and idependent conception of the author of this ballad (cf. A. Chas- ing, Eistoire du roman, etc., Paris, 1862, p. 364; Hertziana, [unich library, "Antike Sagen," I, no. 27). As Landau has [ready remarked (Die Quellen des Dekameron, p. 290), by the hroniclers of the Middle Ages the founding of Rome was held to 3 an incontrovertible fact, and so they readily discovered an aaehronism in Aeneas's visit to Dido, a view which possibly had its arting point in Justin's Universal History, bk. xviii, chapters 6-8. f., however, Paulys Real-Encyclopadie der Classischen Alter- iwnswissenschaft, neue Bearbeitung (Stuttgart, 1905), under Dido." Por an account of the early form of the legend see Fried- ch Cauer, Die Romische Aeneassage, von Naevius his Vergilius, 5ter Supplementband der Jahrbiicher fur Classische Philologie; bdruck (Leipzig, 1886) ; for the story of Aeneas both independent : Dido and connected with her history, see Dr. E. "Worner, "Pro- :ammarbeit des Koniglichen Gymnasiums," (Leipzig, 1882), p. 16 .: Die Sage von den Wanderungen des Aeneas bis Dionysios von r alikamasos und Vergilius. Dido was therefore championed at an early date as a much- ronged woman ; Virgil's fourth book was considered a poet's crea- on and took the place of romance. In Italy Petrarch gave voice this view in his Trionfi, TV, Triumphus pudicitiae; cf. Die riumphe Francesco Petrarcas, in kritischem Texte herausgegeben m Carl Appel (Halle a/S., 1901), p. 224, 234: 518 Appendices. E [s'io] veggio ad un laociuol Giunone e Dido Gh' amor pio del suo sposo a. morte spinse, Non quel d' Enea, com' e 1 publico grido, Non mi debb 'io doler, etc. vs. 10-13. and again : Poi vidi, fra le donne pellegrine Quella que per lo suo diletto e fido ' Sposo, non per Enea, volsi ire al fine: Taccia il vulgo ignorante! io dico Dido, Cui studio d' onestate a morte spinse, Non vano amor, come e il publico grido. vs. 154-9. Dante, as we saw, had put Dido into the inferno. (Of. also Letter -e di Fr. Petrarca, note da Gr. Fracassetti, Firenze, 1864, Vol. II, p. 172, n.) Boccaccio in his Be Claris mulieribus (chapter xl) has told the story of Dido's fidelity to her dead husband as an example of womanly chastity, while he dismisses Aeneas with bare mention. See also II Comento di Giovanni Boccaccio sopra la Commedia con le annotazioni di A. M. Salvini ; preceduto dalla vita di Dante Alli- ghieri scritta dal medesimo : per cura di Gaetano Milanesi, Vol. I (Firenze, 1863), comment to verse 61, canto v of Inferno, p. 451 ff., the gist of which is : "Vuole l'autore per questa circonscrizione che noi sentiamo, costei essere Didone figliuola che fu del re Belo de Tiro : la istoria della quale si racconta in due maniere." Then follows her history with the discrepancy in time between her epoch and that of Aeneas, with this conclusion : "f u adunque Dido onesta donna," p. 457. This, however, is Boccaccio's view when he writes as a commentator ; as a romancer he repeats the story of Virgil ; cf . Laberinto de Amor, que hizo en toscano el famoso Juan Bocacio: agora nuevamente traduzido en nuestra lengua castellana, ano de 1546 [Sevilla], cap. ii: "la reyna Dido . . . vencida del amor de Eneas despues de auerle fecho muchos presentes y fiestas tuuo atreuimiento ella misma de pedirle su amor, etc." ; also cap. xxxvi. In Spain, as early as the Oronica general, printed in the 16th century, a full account may be found of both versions. Cf . "Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles," Primera Oronica general de Espana (Tomo I), publicada por Baruon Menendez Pidal (Madrid, 1906), p. 33, col. 1, chapters 51-60. This is the mediaeval version of Dido's history with the usual defense of her character. It is just possible that the very common Spanish sympathy for her was due to her putative share in colonizing Spain (chapter 55), for the Appendices. 519 founding of Cartagena was ascribed to her. Carthage and Carta- gena were thus fused in the later hostility to Borne, and the Penin- sula was naturally leagued with the Carthaginians. In the Cronica Dido's story is first given without any reference to Aeneas; then follows the version from the Aeneid closing, just before Dido's death, with a long letter to Aeneas in which she reproaches him for his flight. The letter may be from some old poem based on Ovid's Heroides. How great the influence of the Cronica was in making the Dido story known is difficult to say. After Boccaccio's De Claris mulieribus, frequently translated into various European languages (the first Spanish version is Johan bocacio de las mujeres illustres, en romance, C aragoga, 1494 ; cf . Gallardo, Ensayo de una Biblioteca, etc., Madrid, 1866, Vol. II, col. 97), the lack of connec- tion between her history and that of Aeneas was frequently upheld. In the Libro de las virtuosas e claras mujeres, el qual fizo e compuso el condestable Don Alvaro de Luna (first third of the 15th century; cf. Vol. XXVIII of the "Sociedad de Bibliofilos espanoles," Madrid, 1891), the author again holds Dido up merely as an example of loy- alty and chastity, there being no mention of Aeneas (chapter 35, pp. 229-30) ; cf. also Juan Bodriguez de la Camara (6 del Padron) "Sociedad de Bibliofilos espanoles" Vol. XXII: Triunfo de las donas, pp. 117, 359. Por another defense of Dido see Ourial y Guelfa, novela catalana del quinzen segle, publicada a despeses y per encarrech de la Beal Academia de buenas letras per Antoni Kubio y Lluch (Barcelona, 1901), _ bk. 3, section 38, p. 394. Jacopo Oaviceo, in his Libro del Peregrino, etc. (Parma, 1508), uses Dido inconsist- ently, as his story demanded; she is either a chaste matron: "piu commendata e Didone che Lucretia ; l'una per seruar pudicitia con fuoco la uita fini, etc." (edition Vinegia, 1538) p. 52 2 , and "l'ammir- anda. costantia de Dido," p. 191 ; or she yields to love : "Enea a, guisa di trasfuga . . . adimando il refugio del porto . . . & ella humanissima del porto & del corpo gratia gli fece, etc.," p. 71. These and other citations from the story may imply a rather general acquaintance among readers with the versions of Dido's life. In the 16th century the epic poet Ercilla thought it worth while to reestablish Dido's reputation injured by Virgil, infamandola injusta y falsamente (Araucana, Madrid, 1589, 3d part, canto xxxii, Vol. II, p. 394) . So he digressed from his subject to the extent of ninety-eight stanzas, canto xxxii, stanza 45 to canto xxxiii, stanza 55. In the voluminous annotations to his translation of Ovid, 520 Appendices. Transformaciones de Ovidio (Valladolid, 1589), el Licenciado Pedro Sanchez Viana treats the subject of Dido's reputation like one much discussed (pp. 240 2 , 250 2 , ff.) ; he defends the queen, "una tan casta matrona, como del glorioso sant Hieronymo consta hauer sido Dido." Another translation, Los quinze libros de los Metamorphoseos., etc., by Antonio Perez [Sigler], printed earlier at Salamanca, 1580, was reprinted at Burgos, 1609, "y anadido por el mismo autor un Diccionario Poetico copiosissimo." Now, although Ovid treats Dido and Aeneas after the manner of Virgil (bk. XIV), the writer of the dictionary gives Dido's history independent of Aeneas as the true version, not bestowing on Virgil's hero a single word, p. 468 2 . Another defense of Dido and praise of her chastity can be found in the Tratado en loor de las mugeres y de la castidad, ondstidad, etc., por Christoval Acosta Affricano (In Venetia, 1592), p. 47. Antonio de Eslava, Noches de Invierno (Barcelona, 1609), also speaks of the two dif- ferent views of Dido's character, p. 176. Agustin de Rojas, Viaje entretenido, 1604, in the "exposicion de los nombres historicos y poeticos," appended to the work, gives under Dido, "su verdadera historia, porque la que cuenta Virgilio . . . es falsa y fabu- losa" ; and Diego Agreda in his Lugares comunes de letras humanas, etc., traduzido de Toscano (Madrid, 1616) under Dido (p. 89) says nothing of Aeneas; cf. also p. 96 on Aeneas. Not to continue indefinitely these references to books of unequal importance and interest — chosen from every field to show the widespread acquaintance with the Dido legend — I shall close with Lope de Vega's censure of Virgil in the prologue to La Circe (1624) ; cf. Rennert, Life of Lope de Vega, p. 304, and Lope's Ooras no drama- ticas (Rivadeneyra) "Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles," p. 497. Here too Lope blames Virgil for defaming a chaste woman. Thus it becomes evident to what extent Dido's story in the Aeneid was considered romance, and as such proper material to be imitated by novelists. APPENDIX II. The comedias of Lope de Vega. Cf. Comedias escogidas de Lope de Vega (Rivadeneyra), 4 vols.; the following are some of the references to Dido, Vol. I : "Matarse quiere. — No hard. — Lo mismo cuentan de Dido. I Matose encen- -1 Appendices. 521 ado el fuego, | En que se deshizo luego | Por honra de su rido," in La corona merecida, p. 245 ; Los Telles de Meneses, I, 514 ; Vol. II : "Fuese a su tierra, i que milagro ! Tambien se Eneas de la reina Dido," in La Dorotea, p. 4; reminiscences of lo's lamentation in Dorotea's : "Los antiguos que escribieron ratitudes de hombres, i que memoria dejaran de tu crueldad, si ras de aquel tiempo ? . . . f, Que hubieras perdido de quien 3 por saber de un cuerpo a quien Uevaste el alma, dejandome en a,do aquella noche, como no tuve espada para matarme, la hice una sortija, etc.," p. 37; this indebtedness is strengthened by rotea's: "n tan gentil certeria, que rompio el hilo donde estaba asida la doma, que suelta y libre del lazo que la detenia, entrego su liber- d al viento, y batio las alas con priesa : pero el ya acostumbrado ganar los primer os premios disparo su flecha, y como si mandara que habia de hacer, y ella tuviera entendimiento para obedecerle, ii lo hizo, pues dividiendo el aire con un rasgado y tendido silbo, sgo a. la paloma, y le paso el corazon de parte a, parte, quitandole un mismo punto el vuelo y la vida. Renovaronse con esto las >ces de los presentes y las alabanzas del extranjero, el cual en carrera, en la esgrima, en la lucha, en la barra y en el tirar de la illesta . . . se llevo los primeros premios." The similarity the language as well as in the sequence of these events will i apparent at once. 530 Appendices. APPENDIX VI. The Boat Pace. Eneas, Vol. I, p. 192: "la trompeta al punto | Sono, dando senal de un lugar alto | Que a las fiestas se dava ya licencia : |Diose por suerte la primer conquista | A quatro naos, en todas escogidas, [ Todas iguales en valientes remos." Then the boats and their captains are mentioned: "Mnesteo govierna a la veloce Pistris, | . . . Iva el buen Gias en la gran Chimera, [ ... la qual impelen . . . los Dardanos mancebos, | Por tres ordenes puestos en los bancos, [ Con otras tantas ordenes de remos. | Sergesto . . . Govierna y rige la gran nao Centauro. | Cloantho . . . toma el goyernalle | De la ligera y verdinegra Scila." The course is described: "Lejos dentro en el mar esta, un penasco | A la espumosa orilla puesto en f rente; | De las hinchadas olas muy batido, etc." "En esta roca puso el padre Eneas | Un verde pie de una hojosa encina, | Senal desde la qual los marineros | Bolviesen al lugar de do salian. | Luego los Capitanes, por sus suertes, [ Toman los puestos. Ya en sus naos por orden | De lejos resplandecen llenos de oro, | Y con sobervia purpura adornados. | Ya toda la otra juventud Troyana [ De alamo bianco, alegre, se corona, | Ya todos muestran los desnudos ombros | Resplandecientes con el blando aceyte. | Toma su banco cada qual por orden, | Y asido de su remo, atentamente | Espera la serial con alborozo. | Un pavoroso sobresalto, junto | Con un vivo deseo de honra y gloria, | Hiere y hace temblar sus corazones. | En el instante mesmo que la clara | Trompeta dio serial (as in the foot race in Persiles), todos a una [ Saltan arrebatados de sus puestos. | Los vivos gritos y clamor sonoro | De los remeros, hiere las estrellas. | Tornase blanca espuma toda la agua, etc." The use of a simile: "Jamas cavallos tanto arrebatados | Se arrojaron del puesto a la carrera, | Quando a porfia en el Olimpo campo | Sacan en buelo los ligeros carros," is kept up in the Persiles j the race follows: "Alzase en esto un gran clamor de genie, | "Una alta voceria, un sordo aplauso, | De los que al espectaculo asistian | A los competidores animando. | Resuena todo el bosque, las riberas, | Los huecos montes, y cerrados valles, | Heridos con los gritos y altas voces, | Buelven las mesmas voces y altos gritos. | Salta del puesto Gias el primero, | Entre la mayor grita y alboroto, | Y hiende ligerisimo las ondas; 1 Salta Appendices. 531 apos del al punto el buen Cloanto, | En diestros remadores ejorado, | Sino que la pesada y tarde nave | Contrastava a su Lerza y a su industria. | Tras destos, Pistris y la gran Centauro | an en igual distaneia compitiendo, | Y entre si procurando de ncerse." Then follows the humorous event in which the enraged ias flings his pilot overboard, all of which Cervantes omitted so not to draw out the race unduly; p. 196: '"Este suceso puso i los postreros | Mnesteo y Sergesto alegre confianza \ De pasar veneer al tardo Gias. | Comienza pues Sergesto a adelantarse | e Mnesteo, y a llegarse apriesa al termino | Bien que por mas le hace, aun no le gana | El largo todo de su nao, mas parte | Ya Lelantada, y otra parte queda | Igual y en par con la nariz de istris. | Pero Mnesteo andando diligente | Por medio de su nao itre sus hombres | Asi los solicita y los anima ] . . . Batid, itid los remos presurosos, etc." Then comes the struggle between nesteo and Sergesto, p. 198 : "Un subito suceso, un caso estrano | io del combate la victoria y honra | A aquestos, y a Sergesto la srgiienza. | Fue que Sergesto, loco, y impaciente, | Remetiendo su io con furia y priesa | Al lado interior azia la Isla | Juntandose m ella demasiado, | Dio con su nao al traste el miserable, | En secreta falda de la roca. | Temblo todo el penon, los remos agiles | De la aspereza dura contrastados, | Hicieronse en tocando il pedazos : | Quedo colgada la cascada proa | En la ladera de la ira pena." His competitor flies forward like a dove; p. 199: ral va Mnesteo, y tal su nave Pistris [ Ya dividiendo el mar cer- ,no a tierra, | Como la impelen su impetu y los remos, |Y dejase imero al buen Sergesto, etc." "Alcanza al punto a Gias, y a nave j Chimera . . . y atras la deja . . . Solo a loanto tiene ya delante, | Del qual tambien pretende aver vic- ria : | Siguele con vehemencia y con aliento, | Y ya, ya se le :erca, ya le alcanza. | Tornase a alzar aqui la voceria | Y alto amor. Los circunstantes todos | Incitan y dan animo al que gue, | Eesuena el ayre con los vivos gritos. [ Los delanteros con gor vogando, | Muriendo van por conservar la honra | Que hasta li han ganado, y con la vida | Comprar pretenden la victoria gloria. [ A los que siguen, el suceso prospero | De aver vencido s dos naos, da aliento, | Para triunf ar tambien de la tercera. | ya llevan certeza de poderlo | Solo por parecerles que lo pueden. | por ventura con iguales proas | Llegaran ambas a tomar los ■emios, | Si el buen Cloanto, puestas ambas manos | Devoto hacia 532- Appendices. el mar, con tal plegaria | Los Dioses no inclinara a su deseo." Oloanto thus wins only by divine intervention. Persiles, p. 606, col. 1: "Celebrose la fiesta (which is first mentioned p. 604, col. 2), y luego salieron de entre las barcas del rio cuatro despalmadas, vistosas por las diversas. colores con que venian pintadas, y los remos que eran seis de cada banda . . . luego conoci que querian las barcas correr el palio, que se mostraba puesto en el arbol de otra barca desviada de las cuatro como tres carreras de caballo: ... El rumor de la gente y el son de los instrumentos era tan grande, que no se dejaba entender lo que mandaba el capitan del mar, que en otra pintada barca venia: apartaronse las enramadas barcas a una y otra parte del rio, dejando un espacio llano en medio, por donde las cuatro com- petidoras barcas volasen sin estorbar la vista a. la infinita gente que desde el talamo y desde ambas riberas estaba atenta a, mirarlas : y estando ya los bogadores asidos de las manillas de los remos, descubiertos los brazos, donde se parecian los gruesos nervios, las anchas venas y los torcidos miisculos, atendian la serial de la partida, impacientes por la tardanza, y fogosos, bien ansi como lo suele estar el generoso can de Irlanda, cuando su dueno no le quiere soltar de la trailla a hacer la presa que a la vista se le muestra (note simile). Llego en fin la senal esperada, y a. un- mismo tiempo arrancaron todas cuatro barcas, que no por el agua, sino por el viento parecia que volaban: una dellas, que llevaba por insignia un vendado Cupido, se adelanto de las demas casi tres cuerpos de la misma barca, cuya ventaja dio esperanza a todos cuantos la miraban de que ella seria la primera que llegase a ganar el deseado premio : otra que venia tras ella iba alentando sus esperanzas, confiada en el teson durisimo de sus remeros: pero viendo que la primera en ningun modo desmayaba, estuvieron por soltar los remos sus bogadores : pero son diferentes los fines y acontecimientos de las cosas de aquello que se imagina, porque aunque es ley de los combates y contiendas, que ninguno de los que miran favorezca a ninguna de las partes con senales, con voces 6 con otro algun genero que parezca que pueda servir de aviso al combatiente, viendo la gente de la ribera que la barca de la insignia de Cupido se aventajaba tanto a las demas, sin mirar a leyes, creyendo que ya la victoria era suya, dijeron a. voces muchos: Cupido vence, el Amor es invencible. A cuyas voces, por escuchallas parece que aflojaron un tanto los remeros del Amor. Appendices. 533 rovech6se desta ocasion la segunda barca, que detras de la del ior venia, la cual traia por insignia al Interes en figura de gigante pequeno, pero muy ricamente aderezado, y impelio remos con tante fuerza, que llego a, igualarse el Interes con Ajnor y arrimandosele a, un costado, le hizo pedazos todos los 10s de la diestra banda, babiendo primero la del Interes recogido suyos y pasado adelante, dejando burladas las esperanzas de que primero babian cantado la victoria por el Amor, y volvieron lecir: El Interes vence, el Interes vence. La barca tercera ia por insignia a la Diligencia, en figura de una muger desnuda, la de alas por todo el cuerpo, que a, traer trompeta en las manos, ;es pareciera Fama que Diligencia : viendo el buen suceso del ;eres, alento su confianza, y sus remeros se esforzaron de modo j llegaron a, igualar con el Interes ; pero por el mal gobiemo del wnero se embarazo con las dos barcas primeras de modo que unos ni los otros remos fueron de provecho. Yiendo lo cual la strera, que traia por insignia a la buena Fortuna, cuando estaba imayada y casi para dejar la empresa, viendo el intricado enredo las demas barcas, desviandose algun tanto dellas por no caer el mismo embarazo, apreto, como decirse suele, los punos, y dizandose por un lado paso delante de todas. Oambiaronse los tos de los que miraban, cuyas voces sirvieron de aliento a sus jjadores, que embebidos en el gusto de verse mejorados les parecia 3 si los que quedaban atras entonces, les llevaran la misma itaja no dudaran de alcanzarlos ni de ganar el premio, como ganaron, mas por ventura que por lijereza. En fin, la buena rtuna fue la que la tuvo buena entonees, etc." Ibe account of this race in tbe majority of its details, at least, inds sufficiently factitious to justify tbe belief that Cervantes, r from knowing anything of such races at first hand, merely vrote Virgil with judicious changes and omissions. In both mts the boat which starts off most promisingly is defeated; each a boat is put out of the race by the same kind of misfortune roken oars), and in each case the victory comes as a surprise ■the spectators. The introduction of a simile is due to Yirgil's inner (cf. el can de Irlanda), while phrases like (Eneida, p. 198) : r pidiendo favor al diestro viento, | Pasa volando por el mar," d (p. 200) : "Ella mas presta que el veloce Noto, | . . ■ ye a tierra," may have suggested, (Persiles, p. 606) : "por el mto parecia que volaban;" just so (Eneida, p. 192) : "govierna 534 Appendices. con fuerza de briosisimos remeros" is not unlike (Persiles, 606) : "iba . . . confiada en el teson durisimo de sus remeros." The mal goliemo del timonero of the Persiles also recalls the indiscreto y tardo de Menetes, the bad pilot who spoiled the chances of Gias. It is also possible that a phrase at the beginning of this same book of the Aeneid: "Y pues Fortuna vence, es bien seguillos (vientos)" Eneida, p. 186, may have suggested the name of the victorious boat in the Persiles. The four boats of Virgil are called Pistris, Chimera, Oentauro and Scila; in book X the decorations or emblems of some of Aeneas's boats are described: one (Vol. II, p. 108) has "los Leones de Troya" painted on the prow; another "un rutilante Apolo ; the Centauro "lleva un centauro altisimo pintado" on the prow; another a Triton with a shell, half man (hombre velloso) and half monster. Cervantes also decorates his boats in the Persiles; one of them bears the figure of a little giant, one has a little Cupid, and another a nude woman with many wings (alas) all over her body. Cf. p. 548. APPENDIX VII. The machinery of adventure in the Aeneid and the Persiles. The following parallels are to show how the epic manner as well as the machinery of adventure, peregrinaciones, in the Aeneid resembles that of the Persiles, though there may be no indebted- ness^ the former on the part of the latter. ""1. The first books of the Aeneid are filled with the spirit of the ^wanderings which characterize the earlier half of the Persiles. Eneida, I, p. 2 : "por que causa | La Reyna de los Dioses enojada, | Porzo al varon asi en piedad insigne | A sufrir tantos y tan duros casos, | Y a padecer trabajos tan immensos?" p. 6: "Esparcelos a partes diferentes, | A varias tierras, a diversas gentes." p. 15: "la memoria de aquestos duros trances" and "Por varios casos, por fragoso y duro | Camino, a la famosa Italia vamos"; p. 23: "Por gentes y lugares ignorados, | Por tierra y mar, peregrinando andamos"; p. 96 : "Sabe que has de ir mil tierras peregrino, | Gran trecho has de pasar del mar insano. | Llevarte ha en fin a Italia tu destino" ; p. 106 : "Mil estrechuras de agua navegamos | Entre Isla y Isla con furor movidas" ; p. 109 : "do no podia verse tierra entramos, | Mas solo a todas partes mar y Cielo"; p. 113: "No penseis que aveis antes de veros | En la Ciudad que dada os tiene Appendices. 535 hado; and: "guardadlos de casos lamentables" ; p. 119: Suplicote me seas norte y guia | Para escaparme de peligros Les : | . . . Para evitar trabajos tan mortales" ; and "Tu has ir por muchos mares peregrino, | Que Jupiter lo ordena y tu stino." For similar ideas see pp. 26, 35, 98, 117, 225, 285. Persiles, p. 565, col. 2 : "este en que nos hallamos ha de ser ultimo trance que de nuestras desventuras pueden temerse" ; 568, col. 1: "halleme solo en la mitad de la inmensidad de [uellas aguas, sin tomar otro camino que aquel que le concedia el no ntrastar contra las olas ni contra el viento" ; and : "no se a, bo de cuantos dias y noches que anduve vagabundo por el mar, . . me vine a hallar junto a. una isla despoblada" ; and col. 2 ; 576, col. 1 : "Estan todos aquellos mares casi cubiertos de islas . . y . . . deseaban topar alguna que los acogiese"; p. il, col. 2 : "vamos llevados del destino y de la eleccion a, la santa udad de Roma" ; p. 585, col. 2 : "vieronse en mar no conocida, nenazados de todas las inclemencias del cielo" ; and : "con el lia] descubrieron por todas partes el mar cerca y lejos" ; p. 588, il. 1 : "Desta manera anduvieron casi tres meses por el mar de nas partes a. otras ; ya tocaban en una isla, ya en otraj y ya salian al mar descubierto" ; p. 598, col. 2 : "andante peregrino," te latter word being very common ; p. 613, col. 2 : "nos hallamos i la ribera de una isla no conocida." Mention of a single island is ;ry common; cf. p. 588, col. 1, 604, col. 1, "las riberas de una la," 621, col. 2, "aquella isla . . . Escinta," which recall ich passages in the Eneida, I, p. 12 : "Ay un lugar . . . en el lal una isla, etc." ; p. 137 : "Esta, en el mar Sicanio una isla" ; . 614, col. 1 : "trabajos y peregrinaeiones." The fact that Italy ad Eome are the goal of both wanderings is presumably a )incidence. In the Galatea there is a similar passage: p. 68, col. 1: "dis- irrimos por todas las islas de aquel derecho ;" even the "antiguas linas de Cartago" are seen. ,_ 2. Night and storm are the common experiences; Eneida, I, p. : "Oomienza en esto un gran clamor de gente | Y un espantosC ichinar de cuerdas: | En un instante las escuras nubes | Cubren . luz y el Cielo a los Troyanos. | Una cerrada y tenebrosa noche | iende sobre el turbado mar sus alas: | Rebrama el Cielo del un olo al otro | Con gran frequencia de espantosos truenos: \ Mos- ando con relampagos espesos | Su resplandor fogoso y luz 536 Appendices. ardiente. | Mar, Cielo, y viento, y todo el Universo, | Amenaza con cierta y presto, muerte | A los Troyanos tristes y afligidos"; "una gran borrasca | Que vino retronando de azia el Norte | Hiere la vela con vehemencia horrible, | Y sube al Cielo las bravosas olas: | Hacese cada remo mil pedazos. | Trastornase la proa, y pone el lado | De la nao a la furia de las ondas ; | Alzase en esto de agua un alto monte, | Y enviste en ella con furioso golpe. | Penden algunos en las alias olas, | Y en el binchado mar andan subidos. | A otros la agua del mar hondo abierta | Les muestra por entre ola y ola el suelo. | Hierve la arena y la agua, etc." Persiles, p. 590, col. 2 : "enmaraflandose las nubes, cerro la noche tscura y tenebrosa, y los truenos dando por mensajeros a los reldmpagos, tras quien se siguen, comenzaron a turbar los marineros, y a. deslumbrar la vista de todos los de la nave, y comenzo la borrasca con tanta furia, que no pudo ser prevenida, etc."; "se excusaron de no verse unas veces tocar el cielo con las manos, levantandose el navio sobre las mismas nubes, y otras veces barrer la gavia las arenas del mar profundo : esperaban la muerte cerrados los ojos, etc."; "Atreviose el mar insolente a pasearse por cima de la cubierta del navio, y aun a visitar las mas altas gavias, etc." 3. Episodes of landing or embarking, a. Eneida, I, p. 13 : "Dejan las naos con ligereza presta, | Y gozan de la arena deseada: | . . . Hiere el fogoso pedernal Acates, | Y bace saltar del cen- tellas vivas: | . . . Asio en la yesca el fuego, etc."; p. 103': "Aquesta isla amenisima dio aliento | A los que el mar traia que- brantados"; p. 242: Anotber landing and striking fire from flint. b. They come upon a little town; p. 114: "En este puerto entra- mos fatigados, [ Y la ancora de proa al suelo ecbada, | Alii quedaron los navios clavados: | Y una ciudad pequefia nos dio entrada." c. The ruler himself comes out to meet the wanderers; p. 187 : "El Eey Acestes, que de la alta cumbre | De un alto monte avia de lejos visto [ Llegar alii las naos de sus amigos, | Maravillado, sale a recibirlos; and p. 309: "Corre delante un mensajero al punto, | Espoleando un corredor cavallo, | A dar aviso al grave Eey Latino | De como a su Ciudad avian llegado | Ciertos varones de valientes cuerpos, | En habito estrangero y peregrine | El Eey manda llamarlos a su casa, etc." d. The Trojans come upon a lost .wanderer (a Greek); p. 132: "pidoos, nos venia diciendo, I Appendices. 537 Por los a quien da el Cielo eterno estrado, | Por las estrellas . . . | Que me saqueis de aqiii, etc." Persiles, a. p. 574, col. 1 : " llegaron a una isla . . . saltaron todos en tierra, en la cual vararon las barcas, y eon gran priesa se dieron a, desgajar arboles, y hacer una gruesa barraca . . . : Hcieron asimismo fuego, ludiendo dos secos palos, el uno con el otro, etc." Cervantes uses a different method of creating fire, possibly to conform with what he considered northern customs. b. They are carried into a harbor with a town ; p. 591, col. 2 : "los piadosos cielos . . . ordenaron que la nave fuese llevada poco a poco ... a la orilla del mar en una playa, . . . y no lejos estaba un puerto ... en cuyas aguas, como en espejos claros, se estaba mirando una ciudad populosa, etc." c. The King comes out to meet the strangers; p. 591, col. 2: "salio infinita gente a verlo (the ship), y certificandose ser navio lo dijeron al rey Policarpo, que era el seiior de aquella ciudad, el cual acom- panado de muchos . . . salio tambien, etc." ; p. 618, col. 1. : "vimos [la riberaj coronada de infinito mimero de gente . . . Venia entre ellos sobre un hermoso caballo el rey Cratilo, etc." d. The pilgrims find an Italian wrecked among the man-eating savages of the north as the Greek had been among the Cyclopes; p. 571, col. 1 : "llego a la orilla del mar un barbaro gallardo, que a. grandes voces en lengua toscana dijo: Si por ventura sois cristianos los que vais en esas barcas, recoged a este que lo es, y por el verdadero Dios lo suplica." In this connection the phrases "luego alzaron | Con alborozo alegre voceria" {Eneida, I, p. 104, said of the Trojans who are told of the promised land for which they are about to set out) and "alzando una alegre voceria" (Persiles, p. 618, col. 1, said of some northern natives who draw the wanderers ashore) are of interest. Cervantes was fond of using it; p. 571, col. 1: "alzaron las voces con alegres acentos" on reembarking. " 4. After the wanderers have landed, they generally hasten to/ prepare a meal, and repose from their hardships ; or they may be invited to eat with their hosts ; Eneida, Vol. I, p. 15 : "Ponen otros las ollas y calderas | En la ribera, y danles fuego apriesa. | Tieh- dense por la fresca y verde yerva, | Y recobran las fuerzas con manjares, etc."; Dido has invited the Trojans to a feast, where- upon the narrative continues, p. 47 : "Luego que se acabo el real vanquete, | Y alzaron los manteles de las mesas, | Ponen en ellas 538 Appendices. tazas, etc." Then Dido pours a libation to the gods, which : followed by Aeneas's narrative ; again, p. 305 : "Aderezan al punl la cornida | . . . Ponen las carnes y silvestres frutas." Vo II, p. 13 : "Ya que a la hambre uvieron satisfecho, | Y el gulos apetito reprimido, | Comienza asi a decir el Hey Evandro." Persiles, p. 574, col. 1 : "llegaron a una isla tambien despobladi aunque no de arboles, porque tenia muchos y llenos de fruto, qu aunque pasado de sazon y seco, se dejaba comer." They go ashon gather wood for a hut and for fire : "Satisfacieron la hambre, whereupon a story follows ; p. 577, col. 1 : "acudieron a. sus nave algunos, y con tanta priesa como buena voluntad, trajeron dell los regalos que tenian; hizose lumbre, pusieronse las mesas, . . . satisfacieron todos la hambre, etc.," Mauricio then tell his story; p. 617, col. 1: "niando echar el esquife al agua, y qu saliesen todos a tierra a pasar la noche en sosiego, libres de lo vaivenes del mar ... A la sombra de una. pena los de 1 tierra se repararon del viento, yak claridad de mucha lumbr . . . se defendieron del frio" ; and p. 618, col. 2, the wanderer ^xaceiv-e food and shelter from the inhabitants of the island. 5. Episodes of departure, leave-taking, separation and the like which are characteristic of stories of adventure; Eneida, Vol. 1 •p. 124: "En tanto Anchises caminar queriendo, | Las velas al bue: viento alzar mandava, etc." ; p. 126 : "En esto yo con ojo lacrimosos | Partiendo de los huespedes amados, | Quedaos, les dige a Dios, vivid dichosos | Los que estais de fortuna descuidados; Nosotros por los hados rigurosos | Somos de un mal en otro ma llevados ; | Vosotros ya teneis quieto asiento, | 2Ti temeis bravo mai ni adverso viento. "■ p. 234: "En tanto ya los agradables vientos El mar avian compu,esto y allanado, | Ya el Austro con continu y cierto soplo | Las naves otra vez llamava a la agua. | Llegada 1 sazon ya de partirse, | Levantase un confuso y triste llanto | Po la hueca ribera, y abrazados | Los unos de los otros, sin poderse Partir, se estan un dia y una noche." Persiles, p. 623, col. 2: "Dos dias tardaron en disponerse ; acomodarse para seguir cada uno su viaje, . . . andab Eutilio de unos en otros, . . . despidiendose destos y d aquellos, mezclando sollozos y lagrimas todo a un tiempo; fina' mente, convidandoles el sosegado tiempo y un viento que podi servir a diferentes viajes, se embarcaron y le dieron las velas etc." ; p. 641, col. 2 : "Algunos dias se pasaron poniendo en orde: Appendices. 539 su partida para Eoma . . . : Uegose el dia de la partida, donde hubo tiernas lagrimas y apretados abrazos y dolientes suspiros, etc." A common incident is that of the chance separation of hero and heroine, or of the wanderers in general. In the classic epics, however, there was a genuine tragic note in such episodes, as for example in the separation of Hector and Andromache, or of Aeneas and Creusa. The pathos of these events was of influence on the earliest romances, but in the story of adventure not only the protagonists, but groups of wanderers are sure to meet again, no matter how often they are separated. This was a part of the machinery of adventure to which the Aeneid contributed. Eneida, Vol. I, p. 93 : "A Creusa perdi, mi dulce abrigo : | Oque elhado cruel le echase mano, | O que el camino errase, o que cansada | Quedase, ay triste, a descansar sentada; | ITo la vi mas, etc." Aeneas searches for her everywhere: "Llevava firme intento de bolverme | A renovar mi acerba y dura suerte, | Y en los peligros otra vez meterme, etc." "Mil veces a Creusa llame en vano." Aeneas is also separated from some of his companions during his peregrina- tions (bk. I). Persiles, p. 562, col. 2 : "Andando mi SefLora Auristela por la ribera del mar, solazandose, . . . llegaron unos bajeles de cosarios, y la robaron, etc."; p. 585, col. 1: "Llegose en esto la noche, sin que' la barca pudiese alcanzar al esquife, desde el cual daba voces Auristela, llamando a. su hermano Periandro, que la respondia . . . Transila y Ladislao hacian lo mismo, y encontrabanse en los aires las voces de dulcisimo esposo mio y- amada esposa mia, etc." On p. 608, Auristela is again carried off and Periandro sets out in pursuit. Chance meetings and reunions are characteristic. At the close of book I of the Aeneid, Aeneas again meets some of his stranded companions whom a storm had carried off. In book III he finds compatriots, Helenus, Andromache and others, in the course of his peregrinations. In the Persiles these incidents are of frequent occurrence. On p. 577, col. 1, Mauricio finds his daughter, Transila; on p. 580, col. 2, Periandro and his group again meet Arnaldo and his party; hero and heroine are separated and meet again quite often; p. 565, col. 2 : "suerte dichosa ha sido el hallarte, etc."; also 592, col. 1. Tbans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 37 April, 1908. 540 Appendices. 6. Lamentations, longing for death, complaints of hardships, cruel fate, slavery and the like occur often in the story of adven- ture. Of. Eneida, I, p. 54: "Que tierra avra que ya tragarme pueda? | Que mar que quiera, ay triste, ya sorverme? | Ya qu6 refugio, ay misero, me queda, | Do pueda en mis desastres acogerme?" p. 116: "Confusa, y encogida, responde esto. | sola mas que todas fortunada, | Polixena, que de una ya acabaste, | . . . Y no fue sobre ti la suerte echada, | De captividad dura te escapaste. [ . . . Yo sin ventura, . . . por mil mares y tierras me Uevaron: etc." Heroines show their grief in the same way; p. 177: "[Dido] Hirio su tierno y muy hermoso pecho | Con mano ayrada tres y quatro veees, | Apedazo el cabello de oro puro, etc." ; p. 180 : "Oy es mi triste postrimero dia, | Ya el curso de mi vida es acabado, etc." Persiles, p. 561, col. 1 : "Gracias os hago, o inmensos y piadosos cielos, de que me habeis traido a morir adonde vuestra luz vea mi muerte, . . . bien querria yo no morir desesperado . . . pero mis desdichas son tales, que me llaman, y casi f uerzan a desearlo" ; p. 562, col. 1: "En triste y menguado signo mis padres me engen- draron, y en no benigna estrella mi madre me arrojo a la luz del mundo ; . . . libre pense yo que gozara de la luz del sol en esta vida; pero enganome mi pensamiento, pues me veo a pique de ser vendida por esclava" ; p. 565, col. 2 : "como creo que este en que nos hallamos, ha de ser el ultimo trance que de nuestras desventuras puede temerse, suerte dichosa ha sido el hallarte, etc."; p. 574, col. 1 : "Al cielo y a vosotros . . . agradezco esta mudanza y esta mejora de navio : aunque creo que con mucha brevedad le dejare libre de la carga de mi cuerpo, porque las penas que siento en el alma me van dando senales de que tengo la vida en sua ultimos terminos" ; p. 587, col. 1 : "Ay, dijo a esta sazon, con que prodigiosas senales me va mostrando el cielo mi desventura, que si se rematara con acabarse mi vida, pudiera Uamarla dichosa, etc." ; p. 651, col. 1 : "Ay de mi, otra vez sola y en tierra ajena, etc." Elsewhere Cervantes's heroines tear their hair; cf. Ooras, op. cit., p. 201, col. 1, p. 204, col. 2 ; also previous article, appendix, p. 24. 7. In these strange peregrinations the wanderers are generally ignorant of their whereabouts ; they ask for information ; Eneida, Vol. I, p. 23 : Aeneas addresses his mother, "Suplicote nos sean por ti aliviados | Estos duros trabajos que pasamos : | Danos Appendices. 541 noticia, y haznos avisados | De en qual region, provincia, o clima estamos. | Por gentes y lugares ignorados, | Por tierra y mar, peregrinando andamos, etc." "Eesponde Venus . . . Los Keynos Africanos vees en f rente, etc." In the Persiles the travelers generally have a very vague idea of where they are ; p. 572, col. 2 : "oi que venia hablando por junto de donde estaba, alguna gente, y asi fue verdad, y saliendoles al encuentro, les pregunte en mi lengua toscana, que me dijesen que tierra era aquella; y uno dellos asimismo en italiano me respondio : Esta tierra es ISToruega, pero, quien eres tu? etc." As in Heliodorus, a stranger excites general curiosity; Eneida, Vol. I, p. 25 : "os pido | Que me sea de alguno declarado, | Quien sois? a que venis? de que regiones | Salistes? etc."; p. 41, Dido asks : "Hijo de Venus, qual destino triste | Te ha por tantos peligros perseguido? | Por que violencia o caso ser pudiste | A aquesta region barbara traido?"; p. 117, Andromache has told Aeneas her misfortune : "Mas dime ya, qual Dios, qual hado, o viento, | Tan sin pensar aqui te ha oy traido ? | De Ascanio, que es ? etc."; p. 132, the lost Greek is questioned: "De su linaje y tierra fue rogado | Que, sin nos enganar, nos informase, | Por que suceso uviese alii arribado." Vol. II, p. 8 : "Decid, hombres, que causa os ha forzado | A tentar los caminos no sabidos? | Do va vuestro viaje enderezado? | De que linaje sois? y do nacidos? | De do salistes ? etc." Persiles, p. 562, col. 1 : "luego le comenzo [a. Arnaldo] a. f atigar el deseo de saber del [de Periandro] lo mas presto que pudiese, quien era, como se llamaba, y de que causas habia nacido el efecto que en tanta estrecheza le habia puesto" ; or p. 574, col. 1 : "acomodaranse a dormir luego, si el deseo que Periandro tenia de saber el suceso del miisico no lo estorbara, porque le rogo si era posible les hiciese sabidores de sus desgracias, pues no podian ser Venturas las que en aquellas partes le habian traido" ; cf . also preceding article, p. 23. In the answers to such questioning, the manner of the classical epic is much like that of the romance of adventure. 'I can- not recount my hardships to you from the very beginning.' Eneida, Vol. I, p. 26 : "Si del principio, o Diosa, te contase | La triste y desastrada suerte mia : | Y si escuchar la historia te vagase | Del trabajo sufrido hasta oy dia | Se cierto que primero que acabase, | La tenebrosa sombra cubriria | El cielo a todas partes, 542 Appendices. etc." In the Persiles, the hero is urged to tell his experiences, p. 604, col. 1 : "A lo que Periandro respondio, que si haria, - si se le permitiese comenzar el cuento de su historia, no del mismo principio, porque este no le podia decir ni descubrir a nadie, etc." /The hero though urged to begin at the beginning, really launches himself in medias res. Eneida, Vol. I, p. 49 : "Huesped, sera, a mi ver mas acertado | Que del principio el Griego engano digas: | Lo que has por tierra y mar peregrinado, etc." Aeneas begins with the tenth year of the Trojan war. In the Persiles, p. 604, col. 1, Periandro says: "El principio y preambulo de mi historia . . . quiero que sea este: que nos contempleis a mi hermana y a, mi, con una anciana ama suya embarcados en una nave, etc." 8. Prom the pictorial history of the Trojan war which Aeneas sees at Oarthage, he learns how widely known his story is ; Eneida, Vol. I, p. 31: "Que tierra o que region del ancho suelo | No ha ya entendido nuestra desventura, etc." The appearance and the experiences of the protagonists of the Persiles are known in Portu- gal, Spain, Prance and Italy, p. 672, col. 1, and a playwright even plans a comedia "de los sucesos de Periandro y Auristela, que los sabia de memoria por un lienzo que habia visto en Portugal," namely their pictorial history treated above. 9. a. The use of certain words and phrases in both the Eneida and the Persiles is worth noting. The number three in connection with events or actions is common in the classic epics (cf. Homer's Iliad, bks. XXII, v. 165, XXIII, v. 817) ; Eneida, Vol. I, p. 33 : "Tres veces parecia el fiero Achiles, etc."; p. 96: "Por tres veces los brazos alargando | De le enlazar el cuello tuve intento, etc."; p. 130 : "Tres veces resono un horrible estruendo" ; p. 134 : "Por tres veces ha ya la Luna nueva | A redondez sus cuernos reducido" ; p. 183 : "Tres veces, con las vascas de la muerte, | Sobre el codo estrivando, provo a alzarse, \ Mas otras tantas torno a dar consigo \ Sobre la cama un lastimoso golpe"; also pp. 256, 285, 307, Vol. II, pp. 37, 141, 167. Cf. the Persiles, p. 562, col. 1 : "Y en esto probq a levantarse para ir a besarle los pies, mas la flaqueza no se lo permitio, porque tres veces lo probo, y otras tantas volvio a dar consigo en el suelo." Galatea, p. 83, col. 1: "Tres veces rodeo Telesio la sepultura, y tres veces dijo las piadosas plegarias, etc."; in this connection cf. Sannazaro, Arcadia, edition of Scherillo, op, clt., p. 213 and note; Don Quixote, I, chapter 26, p. 318, col. 2: "Tornola a decir otras tres veces, y otras tantas Appendices. 543 volvio a decir otros tres mil disparates." Of. also, I, chapter 20, Clemencin's edition, op. cit, Vol. II, p. 148, n. 56, where Olemencin sees some connection between "cuatro veces sosego, etc.," and Virgil's "bis conatns erat, etc.," Aeneid, VI, 32; the connection is more probable in Don Quixote, II, chapter 58: "dos veces repitio estas mismas razones, etc.," Obras, p. 527, col. 2; cf. also Eclogue V, vs. 65 ff. Torraca, Materia dell' Arcadia, etc., p. 63 speaks of this mannerism. The number seven has also a peculiar use: Aeneid, V, 85, VI, 21. The phrase, Eneida, Vol. I, 162: "Tii del horrido Caucaso naciste, | El te dio esa alma dura y penascosa," has been touched upon, p. 504, n. 2, and in Appendix III. Compare in the Persiles, p. ■602, col. 1 : "habiendote criado . . . entre riscos y penas de las cuales has sacado tambien la dureza de las entranas" ; p. 578, col. 2 : "la codicia humana que reina y tiene su senorio aun entre las penas y riscos del mar y en los corazones duros y campestres, se entro aquella noche en los pechos de aquellos rustieos Pescadores, etc."; and p. 587, col. 2: "que quiere este que Hainan amor por estas montanas, por estas soledades y riscos, etc." These sentiments are more common in the pastoral novels and so recall Eclogue VIII of Virgil, vs. 43 ff., which Luis de Leon translates: "Ya te conozco, Amor; entre las brenas, j En fiero punto, en dia temeroso, | !Ni nuestro en sangre, ni con nuestras senas, | De duras Garamantas, del fragoso | Eodope procediste, y de las penas | Del Ismaro, que bate el mar furioso." In the Eneida, Vol. I, p. 180, the "dulces exuviae dum fata deusque sinebat" (hk. IV, v. 651), is rendered: "O dulces prendas, quando Dios queria, | Y me era amigo mi infelice hado" ; Gregorio Hernandez may have had Garcilaso in mind, whose well-known sonnet was frequently quoted: "0 dulces prendas por mi mal halladas, | Dulces y alegres cuando Dios queria !" Cervantes uses the phrase twice in the Persiles ; p. 565, col. 2 : "oh prenda, que no se si diga por mi bien 6 por mi mal hallada, etc." ; p. 614, col. 2 : "oh ricas prendas por mi bien halladas, dulces y alegres en este y en otro cualquier tiempo I" Cf . also Don Quixote, II, chapter 18, in which the verses by Garcilaso are quoted, and I, chapter 25, p. 314, col. 2: "[al rucio] no le tocaban las generales de enamorado ni de desesperado ; pues no lo estaba su amo, que era yo cuando Dios queria" (noted by Clemencin), but already in the comedia de Calisto y Melibea, XII, near the end, may be found: 544 Appendices. "y aun assi me trataba ella quando Dios queria." In La guarda cuidadosa by Cervantes, edition of Hartzenbusch, Vol. XII, p. 216, the phrase "tan dulces prendas, por mi mal halladas," occurs ; also in Lope's El Bastardo Mudarra, act II, toward the close, the verse is used as a kind of refrain. "Vox faucibus haesit," Aeneid, III, 48, IV, 280, XII, 868, is rendered in Eneida, Vol. I, p. 101 : "La voz a la garganta quedo asida" ; p. 157 : "Pegosele la voz a la garganta" ; Vol. II, p. 262, the same ; cf . in the Persiles, p. 563, col. 1 : "se le atraveso un nudo en la garganta" ; p. 574, col. 2 : "afiudoseme la voz a la garganta y pegoseme al paladar la lengua" ; p. 595, col. 2 : "se le anudo la garganta y se le trabo la lengua" ; Don Quixote, I, chapter 27: "un nudo se le atraveso en la garganta" (Clemencin, Vol. Ill, p. 21) ; II, chapter 39 : "pegoseme la voz a la garganta," is identical with the Eneida. The manner of the Eneida, Vol. I, p. 94: "renovar mi acerba y dura suerte" and p. 109 : "Eenovome fortuna el viejo duelo" is recalled by the Persiles, p. 621, col. 1 : "renovaronse mis trabajos." In the libro tredecimo de Mapheo Veggio, supplemento de la Eneida, Vol. II, p. 279, these lines occur: "Todo lo que al pasar les fue enojoso, [ Al recordarlo es dulce y agradable." This exists in the editions as early as 1577. Cf . in the Persiles, p. 617, col. 1 : "Si es verdad, como lo es, ser dulcisima cosa contar en tranquilidad la tormenta, y en paz presente los peligros de la pasada guerra, y en la salud la enfermedad padecida, dulce me ha de ser a mi agora contar mis trabajos en este sosiego." And p. 619, col. 1 : "Cuando los trabajos pasados se cuentan en prosperidades presentes, suele ser mayor el gusto que se recibe en contarlos, que fue el pesar que se recibio en sufrirlos." The contrary fortune is expressed in Dante's: "ISTessun maggior dolore, | Che ricordarsi del tempo felice | Xella miseria." Compare also the following descriptions of a shooting episode; Eneida, Vol. II, p. 207, (bk. XI) : "Y puesta [la saeta] en el corvo arco, con gran furia | Comienza a le flechar, y flecho tanto | Que se juntavan ya las empulgueras: | Y por igual las manos apartadas, | La siniestra toco el casquillo agudo: | La diestra con la cuerda toco el pecho. | Subito Arunte . . . della se hallo pasado el pecho." Ln bk. X, Eneida, Vol. II, p. 118, Pharo is shot in the mouth and killed. Appendices. 545 Persiles, p. 565, col. 2: "el Mrbaro . . . puso una grande y aguda fiecha en el arco, y desviandole de si cuanto pudo extenderse el brazo izquierdo, puso la empulguera con el derecbo junto al diestro oido, y disparo la flecba con tan buen tino y con tanta furia, que en un instante llego a. la boca de Bradamiro y se la cerro, etc." In the Eneida, Vol. II, p. 230, a death is described: "cierrale luego al triste . . . un reposo mortal los frios ojos: | Y en una eterna noche los sepulta." Persiles, p. 566, col. 1: "Cerro el capitan en sempiterna noche los ojos." b. In Don Quixote an occasional phrase recalls Virgil and may have grown out of the classical manner, though indirectly. The Eneida, for example, has, Vol. I, p. 64: "Con gran clamor y horrisono gemido | Heria el ayre y Cielo" ; p. 71 : "do suena el clamor que el Cielo hiere" ; p. 194 : "Los huecos montes, y cerrados valles, | Heridos con los gritos y altas voces, etc." ; p. 213 : "grita y clamor que hiere el Cielo." This represents the original "clamores simul horrendos ad sidera tollit," II, 222; "sublatus ad aethera clamor," II, 338; "ferit aethera clamor," V, 140; "tollitur in caelum clamor," XI, 745. Cervantes has: "hirio el aire con semejantes palabras," p. 527, col. 2, of II, chapter 58, which in no case is like the original Latin, but like the Eneida. Clemencin (n. 75 to I, chapter 27 of Don Quixote) compares : "a, los cuales [desdichados] suele ser consuelo la imposibilidad de tenerle," and "que en los males sin , remedio, el mejor era no esperarles ninguno," Galatea, I, with "una salus victis nullam sperare salutem" II, 354 of the Aeneid; cf. Eneida, Vol. I, p. 72: "Solo les queda a los vencidos una | Salud, que es no esperar salud alguna." With regard to another phrase in Don Quixote: "si ya le oistes nombrar en algtin tiempo," I, chapter 47, Clemencin compares Aeneid, I, 375-6 : " si vestras forte per aures | Troiae nomen iit" ; Eneida, Vol. I, p. 26 : "si Troya acaso aveis jamas oido"'; cf. also Don Quixote, II, chapter 58; "si es que ha llegado a, vuestros oidos este nombre." And "la alta Mancha" of I, chapter 52, in the second last sonnet, is compared with the Aeneid, I, 7 : "altae moenia Romae" ; cf . also Eneida, Vol. I, p. 2 : "los muros | De la alta, invicta, y generosa Roma." Two passages in Don Quixote, II, chapter 18 : "ensenarle como se han de perdonar los sujetos, y supeditar y acocear los soberbios," and II, chapter 52 : "mi profesion es perdonar a los humildes y castigar a. los 546 Appendices. soberbios," and perhaps the humorous inversion of I, chapter 52 : "Oh humilde con los soberbios y arrogante con los humildes" are aptly compared by Clemencin with the Aeneid, VI, v. 853 : "parcere subiectis et debellare superbos." But in a note, Vol. V, p. 375, Clemencin objects to Cerv#ntes's use of sujetos for the Latin Subiectis ("sujetos en castellano tampoco significa exactamente lo mismo que en latin") ; Cervantes probably took it from the Spanish Eneida, Vol. I, p. 294: "A sobervios bajar con cruda guerra, | Y perdonar a humildes y sujetos." Sancho's lamentation over his ass: "miserables de nosotros! que no ha querido nuestra corta suerte que muriesemos en nuestra patria y entre los nuestros, etc.," II, chapter 55, was perhaps suggested by the Eneida, Vol. I, p. 8 : "O tres y quatro veces fortunados | Los que tan gran merced del Cielo uvieron, | Que a vista de sus padres degollados, | Junto al Troyano muro perecieron." Clemencin quotes the original, I, vs. 94 ff. "With regard to the phrase: "aqui fue Troya," Don Quixote, II, chapter 66, and El Bufian Viudo, rather common in Spanish literature, it is possible that it owes its origin to the translation of II, v. 325 of the Aeneid, "fuimus Troes, fuit Ilium, etc."; cf. Eneida, Vol. I, p. 70: "Troyanos fuimos. | Ya Troya fue, etc.," and p. 99 : "A la hora la ribera y puerto dejo | Y campos donde Troya fue, etc.," which is the "litora cum patriae lacrimans portusque relinquo | et campos ubi Troia fuit," III, vs. 10-11. In the Cancion de Orisostomo, Don Quixote, I, chapter 14, "el agorero | Graznar de la corneja, etc." has its indirect source in Virgil, Eclogues, IX, 15 : "ante sinistra cava monuisset ab ilice cornix" (falsely introduced by some into Eclogue I also, after verse 17), and Georgics, I, v. 388: "turn cornix plena pluviam vocat improba voce, etc."; Garcilaso (Egloga I) has: "Bien claro con su voz me lo decia | La siniestra corneja, pre- diciendo | La desventura mia, etc."; and Luis de Leon, Obras, op. cit., p. 18, col. 1, translates thus : "lo decia | La siniestra corneja desde luego," and p. 26, col. 2, "y si ya la corneja con su canto : . . no me inclinara, etc." "While Cervantes knew Garcilaso well, he could have known Luis de Leon only in manu- script. The verse "que a osados favorece la Fortuna," Eneida, Vol. II, p. 115, and Aeneid X, v. 284 : "audentis Fortuna iuvat" seems to have been taken directly from Gregorio Hernandez into Don Quixote; cf. the first poem with unfinished verse-ends, line 19, "que a osa [dos] | Favorece la fortu [na]." It represents Appendices. 54? a common Latin proverb with variations; cf. Terence, Phor. I, 4, 26; Cicero, Tusc. disp. 2, 4, 11; Tibullus, I, 2, 16; Ovid, Met. X, 586, etc. ; cf. p. 500, n. 3. 10. The handsome appearance of the chief personages has already been noted, p. 506, n. 2; they are of lofty descent also. Aeneas is "de linaje de inmortales," Vol. I, p. 37; Dido is a queen. Creusa and Lavinia are princesses. Periandro and Auristela are of royal blood; "de nobilisimos padres nacido," the former says, while most of the other characters of the Persiles are of an aristo- cratic lineage. This is the case with most of the romances oi this character. 11. The early editions of Mena's Theagenes y Chariclea have i marginal reference to the Aeneid apropos of Chariklea (cf. Vol. I, p 214, edition 1787) suggesting a comparison between the Greel maiden and Camilla, Virgil's martial maid. It is possible thai Cervantes's warlike female character, Sulpicia, owes something tc Camilla ; cf . Persiles, p. 612,' col. 1 : "su capitana, armada d( un coselete bianco, . . . y traia puesta la gola, pero no lai escarcelas ni los brazaletes, el morrion si, que era de hechura d< una enroscada sierpe . . . tenia un venablo en las manos . . . con una gran cuchilla de agudo y luciente acero forjada con que se mostraba tan briosa y tan gallarda, que basto a. detene: su vista la furia de mis soldados, etc." \ 12. In the typical romance of adventure, dreams and portent: of various kinds are of frequent occurrence. "We saw that it wa so in the case of Theagenes and Charihleaj in the Aeneid wonder and omens are just as common, and it must have contributed ii those features, also, to the make-up of the travel-yarn. To giv a few examples, cf. Eneida, Vol. I, p. 24, Dido sees the image o her dead husband in her dreams; p. 67, Aeneas sees Hector; p 140, Dido is disturbed by visions in her dreams; p.' 91, a flam plays about the hair and temples of Ascanius ; p. 100, the miracl of Polydorus; p. 104, an ominous earthquake; p. 118, Helenu prophesies to the Trojans; p. 175, Aeneas is urged to flee b; a divine messenger; p. 286 ff., Anchises prophesies to Aeneas For a detailed discussion of all the miraculous elements in th Aeneid, cf. Professor Franz Kunz, Bealien in Virgils Aeneii "Programmarbeit" (K K. Staats-Ober-Gymnasium zu "Wienei Neustadt) "Wiener-Neustadt, 1895, and Heinze, op. cit., p. 306 ff. Persiles, p. 613, col. 2, Periandro's dream, and the vision c 548 Appendices. Auristela ; p. 645, prophesy concerning the banishment of the moriscos; p. 656, col. 2, Soldino foretells events; p. 669, col. 1, the painting of "personajes ilustres que estaban por venir"; cf. also article II, p. 26, for further- examples in the Per sites. 13. Finally the use of the word fortuna, the spirit of which was explained in article II, p. 27 as dominating the career of the chief personages of a romance of adventure, must be considered. Though it was used frequently in Heliodorus, it is even more common in Virgil and thus helps to lend the Aeneid an atmosphere which differs little in its features of adventure, at least, from the Theagenes and Chariklea and the Persiles. Eneida, Vol. I, p. 42 : "que por trabajos varios y tormentos | De igual fortuna he sido yo arrojada;" p. 55: "Yo triste, a quien fortuna ha asi abatido''; p. 74: "Siendo fortuna al buen principio pia," and "vamos por do muestra | Camino de salud fortuna diestra" ; p. 89 : "que contento | Podia Fortuna darme que bastase?"; p. 92: "O bajo, o alto la Fortuna ruede | Nunca de ti jamas podra apartarme." Dozens of examples could be added. Fortuna in the sense of storm also occurs, p. 37 : "al mar volvamos Siciliano | De do nos arrojo fortuna insana." In the Persiles Fortuna with her wheel is personified on p. 567, col. 1, and p. 629, col. 1 ; other examples of a common usage are, p. 576, col. 1 : "la nuestra hasta hoy contraria fortuna ; p. 577, col. 1 : "si ... la fortuna no me desfavorece" ; p. 582, col. 1 : "para que viese si la fortuna te habia llevado a su poder" ; p. 594, col. 1: "el punto en que le ha levantado la fortuna"; cf. also, p. 585, col. 2 : "miserables son y temerosas las fortunas del mar." The use of the word is very common in the rest of Cer- vantes's works as well as in Spanish literature before his time. One is therefore led to the conclusion that fortuna is probably an inheritance from those classics which became known during the Kenaissance, for it is especially common from the end of the fifteenth century on. Virgil's Fama (bk. IV), Eneida, Vol. I, p. 150 ff., with many tongues, is mentioned in the Persiles, p. 618, col. 2 : "los verdaderos . . . amantes en quien la fama ocupa sus lenguas." On p. 606, col. 2, the figure of Diligencia which "antes pareciera Fama" is described as having alas all over her body. Virgil distinctly says plumae, but the Spanish Eneida, Vol. I, p. 151, has "quantas plumas tiene en cuerpo y alas, and Cervantes may have recalled only the latter. Cornell University Library PQ 6327.P5S32 Studies in Cervantes 3 1924 027 656 556