ANGLO-SAXON COLLECTION THE BEQUEST OB" Professok of Ekgush Litkraxxtre ix the coenel,l university 18Z0-1911 Cornell University Library BR749 .L75 1841 Antiquities of tiie Anglo-Saxon church, b olin 3 1924 029 259 210 THE ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. BY THE REV. JOHN LINGARD. The First American, from the Second London Edition. PHILADELPHIA: PUBLISHED BY M. FITHIAN, 61 NORTH SECOKD STBEET. The Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, hy the Rev. Dr. Lingard, is highly approved by us, and strongly recommended. Given under our hand at Philadelphia, on the Feast of St. Gregory the Great, in the year of our Lord, 1841. j- Francis Patrick Kekrice, Bp., &c. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1841, by M. FiTHIAN, in the Office of tlie Cleric of the District Court of tbe Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 8TERE0TTFED BT L, JOHNSON, PBILADELFHIA. PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION, The merited and long established celebrity of Dr. Lingard as a writer and an historian, is, of itself, sufficient to commend to public notice any of the productions of his pen ; but, independ- ently of this consideration, the subject of the present volume possesses much in it to claim the peculiar attention of the American reader. Whatever concerns the origin, or is connected with the early history, of the Saxon conquerors of England, cannot be devoid of iriterest for their descendants, however separated by place from the scenes in which they acted such prominent parts. The Antiquities, too, of the Anglo-Saxon Church will be found a most important and useful branch of study for the general scholar ; and almost an indispensable acquisition for the theo- logical student ; as many of the controversies which, unfor- tunately, divide the Christian world at this day, have either direct reference to the doctrines and discipline of the early Saxon Church, or derive considerable light from a knowledge of its principles and institutions. Such a guide, then, as Dr. Lingard, whcise qualifications for the inquiry are unquestioned, and whose character for integrity is unimpeached, cannot but afford most desirable assistance to such as wish to examine for themselves the momentous ques- tions that form the subject of religious investigation. Dr. Lingard is not here, however, a polemic, but an antiquary; 3 4 PEEFACE. and the calm and dispassionate manner in -which he treats of facts and doctrines, which have so often formed the subject of much angry controversy, is the best guarantee we can have, that truth alone has ever been the object he had in view ; and that the fullest reliance may be placed in the conclusions at which he haS aigrived. It will be seen that all his statements are sustained by copious references to original authorities, by means of which the learned reader will be enabled to ascend to the sources of the author's information, and form his own judg- ment of the justness of his inferences. In presenting, then, " The Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church*' to the people of the United States, the publisher hopes that he will be found to have added to their means of literary enjoyment, and, at the same time, contributed some- what to their moral and religious improvement. THE PREFACE. The history of the Anglo-Saxon Church has exercised the in-, dustry of sfeveral writers, whose researches and discoveries have been rewarded with the approbation of the public. It is not my wish to encroach upon their labours. With patient and meritorious accuracy they have discussed and detailed the foundationsjof churches, the succession of bishops, the decrees of councils, and the chronological series of events. Mine is a more limited attempt, to describe the ecclesiastical polity, and religious practices of our ancestors; the discipline, revenues, and learning of the clerical and monastic orders; and the more important revolutions which promoted or impaired the pros- perity of the Anglo-Saxon Church. Of these subjects I am not ignorant that some have been fiercely debated by religious polemics. The great event of the Reformation, while it gave a new impulse to the powers, imbittered with rancour the writings of the learned. Con- troversy pervaded every department of literature : and history, as well as the sister sciences, was alternately pressed into the service of the contending parties. By opposite writers the same facts were painted in opposite colours : unfavourable cir- cumstances were carefully concealed, or artfully disguised; and the men, whom the Catholic exhibited as models of virtue, and objects of veneration, the Protestant condemned for their interested zeal, their pride, their ignorance, and their superstition. I will not deny, that the hope of acquiring additional information has induced me to peruse the works of these partial advocates. A 2 5 PREFACE. But if I have sometimes listened to their suggestions, it has been with jealousy and caution. My object is truth; and in the pursuit of truth, I have made it a religious duty to consult the original historians. Who would draw from the troubled stream, when he may drink at the fountain head ? It may, perhaps, be expected that I should offer an apology for the freedom with which I have occasionally noticed the mistakes of preceding historians. It is certainly an ungracious, but, I think, a useful office. On .almost every subject, the public mind is guided by the wisdom or prejudices of a few favourite writers; their reputation consecrates their opinions: and their errors are received by the incautious reader as the dictates of truth. On such occasions, to be silent is criminal; as it serves to perpetuate deception : and to contradict, without attempting to prove, may create doubt, but cannot impress con- viction. As often, therefore, as it has been my lot to dissent from our more popular historians, I have been careful to fortify my own opinion by frequent references to the sources from which I have derived my information. No writer should ex- pect to obtain credit on his bare assertion: and the reader, who wishes to jndige for himself, will gratefully peruse the quotations, with which I have sometimes loaded the page. To the Anglo-Saxon extracts, when their importance seemed to demand it, is subjoined a fiteral translation. The knowledge of that language, though an easy, is not a common acquire- ment. If I am not deceived fcy a natural, butj I trust, venial par- tiality, the subject which I have undertaken to elucidate, is in itself highly curious and interesting. The Anglo-Saxons were, originally, hordes of ferocious pirates. By religion, they were reclaimed from savage life, and raised to a degree of civiliza- tion, which, at one period, excited the wonder of the other nations of Europe. The following pages are destined to de- PREFACE. 7 scribe the nature and the practices of that religion, the duties and quaUfications of its ministers, and the events which con- firmed its influence over the minds of its professors. Sueh researches, whatever may be the nation to which they refer, are pleasing to an inquisitive reader. When they relate to our own progenitors, they will be perused with additional interest. I must, however, acknowledge, that I am far from being satisfied with the performance. On several subjects, my informa- tion Jhas been necessarily incomplete., -After the revolutions of more than a thousand years, the records of Anglo-Saxon antiquity can exist only in an imperfect and mutilated state. If much has been j)reserved, much also has been lost. To QoUect and unite the scattered fragments, has been my wish aad en- deavour ; but in despite of every exertion, many chasms will be discovered, which it was impossible to supply; If the deficiency of the materials be not admitted as a sufiicient apology, the reader must accuse the skill of the artist : his industry, he trusts, may defy reproof; and on it he rests his only claim to com- Qie^dation. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Christianity introduced into Sriiain— Conquests of the Saxom— Their Conversion — Conduct of the Missionaries— Controversies respecting Easter. A. D. PagB Christianity introduced into Britain ------ 17 180 Conversion of Lucius - -------18 305 Dioclesian's persecution of the Christians •---■• ib. 430 Heresy of Pelagius -19 The Saxons ,.-.--.--- j6, 449 Their first arrival under Hengist ------- 20 Their conquest ---------- t6. Zedl of Gregory the Great for their conversion - - - - 21 He purchases Anglo-Saxon slaves ------ ib. 596 Sends Augustine with several other missionaries - - - - 22 Augustine's first interview with Ethelbert, - - - ' - - 23 He preaches to the Kentish Saxons ------ ib. Moderation of the missionaries -------24 Conversion of the kingdom of Essex ------ i6. 627 of Edwin, king of Northumbria - - - - 25 633 He is killed in battle - 26 635 Victory and succession of Oswald --.-.. fj. Mission of Aidan ,- - - -- - - - -27 631 Conversion of the East-Angles ib. 634 of the West-Saxons - - - ^ - - - -2S 653 of the Mercians 29 678 - of the South-Saxons ..-----30 General conduct of the missionaries ------ ib. Their labours and merit --32 Barbarism of the Anglo-Saxons before their conversion - - 33 Their improvement after their conversion -• - - - - ib. Dispute respecting the time of-^ Easter . .... 36 the ecclesiastical tonsure ----- 37 652 Termination of the disputes - 38 2 9 10 CONTENTS. CHAPTER II. Extensive Jurisdiction of St. jlugustine — Archbishops of Canterbury — York— Lichfield' — Number of Bishoprics — Election of Bishops — Episcopal Monasteries — Institution of Parishes — Discipline of the Clergy — Celibacy. A. D. Page 598 Augjistine'? jurisdiction over the Saxons - .... 40 over the Britons • - - - - ib. 603 They reject his authority ........43 605 He dies --..-..-...43 613 Slaughter of the British monks --..... jj. Archbishops of Canterbury ..-.--.44 735-: of York ,-j 785 of Lichfield j-j' Multiplication of bishoprics ----..,. aq Election of bishops ------...,•}_ Bishops chosen in synods ---.-...47 nominated by kings ..... --48 Anglo-Saxon clergy ---49 Episcopal monasteries ---.....gg Education of the clergy ---......fj 700 Establishment of parishes --52 Discipline of the clergy ---...../j Celibacy of the clergy --------53 CHAPTER III. Revenues of the Clergy — Donations of Landr—Volwntary Oblations TVMes— Church Dues — Right of Jhylum — Peace i^thA Church — Romescot. Donations of land -..-.....59 Immunities ---..-....gQ Causes of benefactions --------61 Restraints ---..-....go Voluntary oblations --------.63 Tithes g^ Plough-alms .-......__-. Kirk-shot .-----.... .7 - to. Leol^shot • ' • - - ib Soul-shot --.-.«..._.. Right' of sanctuary . - - . . - . -'-«J Extraordinary sanctuaries -. -67 Peace of the church ■.....*.._ gg Benefactions to foreign churches """■-- 68 354 of Ethelwulf j.j_ Romescot .----.... .," to. CONTENTS. 11 CHAPTER IV. Origin of the Monastic Institute — Jnglo-Saxon Monks — Of- St. Gregory — Of St. Columba — Of St. Benedict — Vows of Obedience — Chastity — Poverty — Posses- sions of the Monks — Their Mtention to the Mechanic Arts — To Agriculture — T^eir Hospitality — Their Charity. A. D. Page Origin of the monastic institute - - - - - - -71 Its diffusion -.--,....„ 73 Monks established by St. Gregory ...... 74 697 Introduced by St. Augustine . - . - . . . . 75 565 Monks of St. Columba, at Icolmkille ...... i6. 635 Introduced into Northumbria ....... tJ. Their discipline .....76 529 Monks established by St. Benedict ...... j6. Their discipline ..........77 661 They are introduced by St. Wilfrid 79 674 — — ^-^— -— by St. Bennet Biscop ib. The order is rapidly diffused -.--... 80 640 Anglo-Saxon nuns in France - . - - - - -81 650 Convents erected in England .......82 Double monasteries ......... jj. Monastic vows -.....-..-84 ■ of obedience .------- {b. i^ of chastity -.-....-85 660 History of Edilthryda -...----. iJ, Renunciation of property ....----87 Change of the ancient discipline ..--.-- 88 704 Origin of secular monasteries - - • - - " -. - 89 False notions of the monastic institute - - - -•- -90 Use of monastic wealth -------.92 Improvement of architecture ........92 Magnificence of the churches 94 Improvement of the mechanic arts - - - - - - - ib. ■ of 'agriculture .......95 Charitiesof the monks ........9G 1000 of Leofrio, abbot of St. Albans ----- 97 1010 of Godric, abbot of Croyland ------ ih. CHAPTER V, *•• Government of the Anglo-Saxon Church — Episcopal Synods — Wational Councils- Supremacy of the Popes — 7%ey establish Metropolitan Sees — Confirm the Elec- tion of Archhishops — Reform Abuses — And receive Appeals. Episcopal synods - .......99 Provincial and national councils -- - - - - -100 Their decrees enforced by the civil power ----- 101 12 CONTENTS. A. D. PagB Supreme jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff - - - - -102 He establishes metropolitical sees - - - - - -104 Confirms the election of the archbishops ... - - 105 Enforces the observance of the canons - - . . - 106 Sends legates into England -------- 107 Receives appeals ..-..-..- 108 History of St. Wilfrid 109 678 He is deposed 110 Appeals to Rome - X - " " " " ' " - «*• 679 Papal sentence ..-...--- Ill Wilfrid persecuted ..------- «6. 686 He is restored 112 691 Banished 113 703 His second appeal -'s^'- - - - - - - -114 705 And final restoration - - - - - - - - -115 CHAPTER VI. Religious Practices of the Jtngh-Saxons — 7%eir Sacraments — The Liturgy — Communion — Confession — Penitential Canons — Mitigation of Penance — Mso- lution. Sacraments of the Anglo-Saxons ..... 118 Liturgy •. 120 Communion ........-- 122 Breviary or course ........ 123 Latin service ....-...-. 124 Confession ----------- 125 680 Penitential canons .-...---- 126 Mitigation of penance --------- 127 Absolution 129 CHAPTER VIL Euchological Ceremonies — Benediction of the Anglo-Saxon Knights — Of Marriages — Ordinations of the Clergy — Coronation of Kings— Dedication of Churches, Benediction of knights ---..... 130 1050 History of Hereward - 131 Marriages ..---. 132 Maniage settlements -.--.... 133 ceremony .---..... 134 Consecration of virgins -.-..-.. 135 Ordinations .......... 137 of deacons ........ 139 of priests ...----.. 140 — — of bishops ........ 141 CONTENTS. 13 A. D. Page Coronation of kings - - - - 142 Coronation ceremony - - - 143 Dedication of churches ....... 145 798 of Winoheloomb 147 CHAPTER Vm. Origih cf Prayers for the Dead — Associations for that purpose — Devotions per- formed for the Dead — Ftmeral Ceremonies — Places of Sepulture. Prayers for the dead ..------. 148 Associations for that purpose 149 991 History of Brithnod 151 993 History of Alwyn 152 Works of charity 153 Devotions - - ------- i6. Preparation for death - - - - - - - - -155 Manner of burial -- 157 Places of burial ----.-.--. 158 Elevation of dead bodies - .-.-.-. 159 1104 Opening of the tomb of St. Cuthbert 160 CHAPTER IX. Veneration a/nd invocation of the Saints — Relics — Miracles — Pictures and Images —Pilgrimages — Travels of St. Willihald — Ordeals. Invocation of the saints - - - - - - - -163 Foreign saints ..-. 154 Native saints ---------- 165 Festivals of the saints - -- 167 Relics 169 Miracles - - - - 170 Pictures and images - - 172 787 Councils of Nice and Frankfort 174 Pilgrimages ---------- 176 731 Willibald's travels to the Holy Land 177 Pilgrimages to Rome ---181 Ordeals 184 CHAPTER X. Literature of the Anglo-Saxons — Learning of Theodore and Adrian — Libraries — Theology Classics — Logic — Arithmetic — Natural Philosophy — Learned Men — St. Aldhelm — Bede — Alcuin. Learning of the Anglo-Saxons ------- 188 679 Theodore and Adrian 189 Libraries --. 190 B 14- CONTENTS. A. D. Page Study of Theology 191 Study of the classics -.....--193 of poetry -----...-- 193 of rhetoric --.-...-. 194 of logic .-.------. 195 of numbers --.-.-.-- 196 of natural philosophy -------- jj. Bede's system of nature - - - - - - - -197 The planets and fixed stars -------- i6. Astrology -----200 The tides 201 Meteorology ........ .-ib. 719 Account of St. Aldhelm .---.--.204 735 of Bede ib. 810 of Alcuin --.-----. 206 CHAPTER XI. Descents of the Danes — Destruction of Churches and Monasteries — Prevalence of Ignorance and Immorality — Efforts to restore the Clerical and Monastic Orders, Decline of learning ----.-... 212 Exhortations of Alcuin - - - - - - - - -213 The Danes - • - ih. 793 They destroy the abbey of Lindisfame - - - - - -214 Invasion of Ragnar Lodbrog ------- 215 866 of his sons ,-- -216 867 They ravage Northumhria- ....... n, 867 Nuns of Coldingham 217 870 Destruction of Croyland 218 ^^—^— of Medeshamstede - - 220 of Ely 222 878 Victories of Alfred 223 Ferocity of the people -------- 224 Ignorance - ----.-..--t6. Degenerjicy of the clergy ---.---- 226 Extinction of the monastic order ------- 228 , Convents of nuns --------- 230 CHAPTER XII. Restoration of Ecclesiastical Discipline — St. Dunstan — He is raised to the See of Canterbury — Beproves Edgar— Opposes the Pontiff — Restores the Monks- Council of Calne. 930 Birth of St. Dunstan 234 He is introduced to court -------- tJ. Becomes a monk - - - - - - - . - ib, . CONTENTS. 15 A. D. Page Dunstan is made abbot of Glastonbury - - - - . 335 956 Offends Edwin 236 956 Is banished 237 960 Is recalled 238 961 Is made archbishop of Canterbury ...... 239 Reproves Edgar ...--..... ib. Opposes the pontiff ......... 240 Reforms the clergy ...---... 241 963 Oswald expels the clergy from Worcester ..... 242 963 Ethelwold expels them from Winchester ..... 243 Canons in favour of the monks ...... 246 Concord of the English monks ...,.-. 247 Restoration of learning ----.... 248 ^Ifric's translations and homilies ---.... iJ. Discipline of the clergy ....-.-. 250 978 Council of Calne -----..--252 1011 Sack of Canterbury ..-254 1012 Martyrdom of St. Elphege 255 CHAPTER XIII. AEisions of the Anglo-Saxom — St. WilUbrord — St. Boniface— St. Willehai— St, Sigfrid in Sweden— Conversion of Denmark— Of Norway, 675 St. Wilfrid preaches in Friesland -....-. 258 686 Ecgbert plans the foreign missions -...-. 259 690 St. Willibrord converts the Frisians .-.-.. 260 692 Martyrdom of the two Ewalds tJ. Associates of St. Willibrord 261 St. Boniface * - - 263 719 He preaches in Germany .-.----. 263 724 Procures associates from England ------ 264 744 Reforms the clergy of France - - - - - - -265 755 Is martyred 266 772 St. WUlehad preaches to the northern Germans . - - . 267 1000 St. Sigfrid preaches in Sweden .------ H, 1019 Anglo-Saxon missionaries in Denmark -----. 268 Conversion of St. Olave, king of Norway- . - - . ih. 1037 Anglo-Saxon missionaries in Norway -...-- »6. NOTES. 854 Ethelwulf s donation to the church (A) 269 Definition of a good Christian (B) - 270 Anglo-Saxon moneys (C) - - - 272 Double monasteries (D) ,..----- 279 Miscellaneous remarks on the monks (E) - - - - - 280 16 CONTENTS. A. D. Page Saxon buildings (F) 384 Relaxation of discipline (G) ------- 286 Supremacy of St. Peter (H) 387 747 Henry's account of the council of Cloveshoe (I) . . - 388 Carte's account of St. Wilfrid (K) ------ 390 Monasteries at Lindisfarne (L) ------- 393 Organ at Winchester (M) -------- 393 Belief respecting the eucharist (N) ------ 394 Imposition of public penance (O) - - 304 Coniinnation ---------- 306 On the coronation of princes (O) ------- jj. Menologies of the Anglo-Saxons (P) - - . . 308 On images (Q) ---------- 3x1 Latin versions of the Scriptures (R) - , - - - . . 312 Anglo-Saxon pronunciation of Greek (S) ■-.--. 313 Anglo-Saxon poetry (T) -------- 315 Alcuin's epitaph (U) - - -.- - - - - . 317 Account of Elgiva and Ethelgiva (V) - - - - -318 Church at Winchester (X) -----... 331 Anglo-Saxon Alphabet ----..--. 333 The Lord's Prayer in Saxon -------. 334 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHUECH. CHAPTER I. Christianity introduced into Britain — Tlie conquests of the Saxons — Their conversion ; — Conduct of the Missionaries — Controversies respecting Easter. At the commencement of the Christian era, Britain was the principal seat of the Druidical superstition. By whom, and at what period, the natives were converted to Christianity, are sub- jects of interesting but doubtful inquiry.' If we may believe the testimony of an ancient and respectable historian, they were indebted for this invaluable blessing to the zeal of some among the first disciples of Christ.^ The names of the missionaries he thought proper to omit : but the omission has been amply sup- {)lied by the industry of more modern writers. With the aid of egends, traditions, and conjectures, they have discovered that St. Peter and St. Paul, St. Simon and St. James, severally preached in Britain ; and that, after their departure, the pious undertaking was continued by the labours of Aristobulus, and Joseph of Arimathea.^ To notice the evidence which has been ' For the time, we are often referred to the words of Gildas, (tempore, ut scimus, sum- mo Tiberii Caesaris. Gild, de excid. Brit. edit. Bertram, p. 71 ; ) but a diligent perusal win show that the writer alludes to the first preaching of the gospel in the Roman em- pire, not to the conversion of B.ritain. 2 See Eusebius, (Dem. Evang. 1. i. c. 7,) who informs us, that the apostles not only preached to the nations on the continent, but passed the ocean and visited the British isles, (Tir^ TW aiKBtvov TrugehSsiv ra-f t*5 ncCkx/Asia,; B§sTTaKJc«j nn-xs-) Theodoret appears to as- sert the same, though his words may admit a wider interpretation. 0( ii nfttrifoi ahiiK X /zmv Tst Va/utuKs aM.a km — ZgerTnyxs — i^nr&au tk a-TcwfoSsms tsj nyxs meTrairm Theod. tom. iv. p. 610. 3 The original testimonies are carefully collected by Usher, (De Brit. Eccl. primord. p. 1 30.) The Catholic polemics were anxious to prove that the British church was founded by St. Peter, (Parsons, Three conver. vol. i. p. 7, fol. 1688. Broughton, Bccles. Hist. p. 68. Alford, Annal. tom. i. p. 26. 39. 49,) and the Protestant objected with equal zeal the rival pretensions of St. Paul, (Godwin, De prim. Brit, conver. p. 5. Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. p. 37.) The former relied on the treacherous authority of Metaphrastes : the latter on the ambiguous and hyperbolical expressions of a few more ancient writers. 3 B 2 17 18 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHUHCH. adduced in support of these fables, would be superfluous. In an age of less discernment, they could hardly obtain credit : in the present they may be deservedly neglected. If it be true that, at this early period, any of the Britons em- braced the doctrine of the gospel, we may safely proftounce their number to have been inconsiderable, and must look to some later epocha for the more general diffusion of religious knowledge. By the native writers we are referred to the reign of Lucius, a British prince, who is conjectured to have been the third in de- scent from Caractacus, and to have inherited a portion of the authority, which Claudius had formerly bestowed upon that hero.'* Though educated in the errors of paganism, he had im- bibed, according to their account, a secret reverence for the God of the Christians ; and was at last encouraged by the favourable edict of the Emperor Aurelius, to solicit the spiritual aid of Eleu- therius the Roman pontiff.* Two clergymen, Fugatius and Damianus, were commissioned to second the pious wishes of the prince ; their zealous exertions were rewarded with the most rapid success ; and the honourable title of apostles pf Britain was secured to them by the gratitude of their disciples.* Of the subsequent history of the British church, but few par- ticulars can be gleaned from the works of the ancient writers. The first event which claims our notice is the persecution raised against the Christians by the policy, or the superstition, of Dio- clesian. He had committed the government of the island to Constantius; and that prince, though he abhorred the cruel policy of enforoing perjury and dissimulation, by the fear of tor- ments, dared not, in the subordinate station of Caesar, to refuse the publication of the imperial edict, or to prevent the inferior magistrates from indulging their private hatred against the enemies of the gods. If the British church had to lament, on this occasion, the weakness of several among her children, who yielded to the impulse of terror, she could also boast of the courage of many, who braved the fury of their adversaries, and grasped with joy the crown of martyrdom. At their head our ancestors were accustomed to revere the s^aints, Alban, the proto- '< He was the great-grandson of Arviragus, whose identity with Caractacus was formerly suggested by Alford, (torn. i. p. 35,) and hac since been ably maintained by Dr. Milner, (Hist, of Winch, vol. i. p. 29.) The objections of Cressy, (Hist p. 23,) and of Stillingfleet, (Orig. p. 29,) may be easily repelled, or eluded. '' The conversion, and even the existence of Lucius, have been questioned hy the skepticism of some writers. But that the Christain faith was publicly professed in Britain, before the close of the second century, is clear from incontestible authority,; (Tert. cont. Jud. p. 189, edit. Regalt. Orig. hom. vi. in Luc, hom. vi. in Ezech.;) and that Lucius was the person to whom their ancestors owed this advantage, is the general assertion of the British writers. I can see no reason why their evidence should be re- fused, till it be opposed by the equal testimony of other historians. « Nennius, p. 108, edit. Bert. Ang. Sac. vol. ii. p. 667. Were not the Triads a very questionable authority, a dangerous competitor might be produced in Bran, the supposed grandfather of Caractacus. See Triad 35. HERESY OF PELAGIITS. 19 niartyr of Britain, and Julius and Aaron, citizens of CaerleonJ But Constantius was not long the silent spectator of cruelties "which he condemned : within two years he was vested with the imperial purple ; and", from that moment, he placed the Christians under his protection, and returned the sword of persecution into its scabbard.' In a remote corner of the west, the Britons had scarcely heard of the controversies which agitated the oriental churches. But they lent a more willing ear to the doctrines of their countryman Pelagius ; and his disciples, armed with syllogisms and distinc- tions from the logic of Aristotle, confounded the simplicity, though they could not pervert the faith of their pastors. The rapid pro- gress of error alarmed the zeal of the orthodox clergy ; and the Roman pontiff, or the bishops of Gaul, or perhaps both, com- missioned St. G-erraanus of Auxerre, and St. Lupus of Troyes, to support the declining cause of catholicity.' They met the disciples of Pelagius in the synod of Verulam : the day was spent in unavailing debate ; in the evening a miracle confirmed the arguments of Germanus ; and his opponents declared themselves proselytes to his doctrine. The missionaries returned in triumph to their dioceses ; but they were scarcely departed, when the ex- ploded opinions were preached with renewed activity, and the bishop of Auxerre was compelled to resume his apostolic functions. His labours, however, were repaid with the most complete suc- cess. The partisans of error disappeared before him ; and Pe- lagiginism was eradicated from the island." But the satisfaction, which the Britons expressed at this event, was clouded by sub- sequent misfortunes: a foreign and more formidable enemy arose ; and, after a long and doubtful struggle, the religion, with the government of the natives, sunk beneath the persevering efforts of the Saxons. The Saxons, in the commencement of the second century, were a small and contemptible tribe on the neck of the Cimbrian Chersonesus :'*.in the fourth, they had swelled into a populous and mighty nation, whose territories progressively reached the Elbe, the Weser, the Ems, and the Rhine.'^ Their favourite occupation was piracy. A body of Franks, stationed by the ' Gild. p. 72, 73. Bed. Hist. 1. 1, c. vii. s Euseb. vit. Const I. 1, c. xvi. For the date of this persecution, an. 305, see Smith, (Bed. Hist, appen. p. 659.) s An. 429. From whom Germanus received his mission, is an unimportant question, which has. been warmly but fruitlessly discussed. By Constantius (Vit. Germ. I. 1, c. xix.) it is ascribed to the Gallic prelates ; by Prosper (Chron. ad. an. 429, lib. adv. collat. c. xli.) to Pope Celestine. 10 Vit. Ger. 1. 11, c. i. ^'Em rov iu/}(iya 'ms Ki/^Cfimt x^ff""""'''- Ftol, in quar. Europ, tab. That Ptolemy wrote before the middle of the second century, appears from the latest of his observa- tions, which were made in the year 139, (Encycl. method. Physique, tom. i. p. 305.) '2Amra. Marcel. 1. 37. Ethelwerd. 1. 1, f. 474, edit. S^vile. 20 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. emperor Probus on the coast of Pontus, had seized a Roman fleet, and steering unmolested through the Bosphorus and the Mediterranean sea, had reached in safety the shores of Batavia. Their successful temerity awakened the adventurous spirit of the neighbouring nations; who, though they were ignorant of the art of navigation, though they possessed neither the patience nor the skill to imitate the construction of the Roman vessels, boldly de- termined to try their fortune on the ocean. In light and narrow skiffs, the intrepid barbarians comnjitted themselves to the mercy of, the winds and waves ;'^ the commerce of the provincials re- warded their audacity, and increased their numbers; and, in the midst of every storm, the Saxon squadrons issued from their ports, swept the neighbouring seas, and pillaged with impunity the unsuspecting coasts of Gaul and Britain. When the Emperor Honorius recalled the legions from the defence of the island, the natives, who had often experienced the desperate valour of the Saxons, solicited their assistance against their ancient enemies the Picts and the Scots. Hengist, with a small band of merce- naries, accepted the proposal:" but the perfidious barbarian turned the sword against his employers, and the possession of Kent was the fruit of his treacherj''. The fortune of Hengist stimulated the ambition of other chieftains. Shoals of new ad- venturers annually sought the shores of Britain ; and the natives, though they defended themselves with a courage worthy of a more prosperous issue, were gradually compelled to retire to the steep and lofty mountains which cover the western coast. By this memorable revolution, the fairer portion of the island, from the wall of Antoninus to the British channel, was unequally divided among eight independent chieftains." The other bar- barous tribes, that dismembered the Roman empire, exercised the right of victory with some degree of moderation ; and, by incor- porating the natives with themselves, insensibly learned to imi- tate their manners, and to adopt their worship. But the natural ferocity of the Saxons had been sharpened by the stubborn re- sistance of the Britons. They spared neither the lives nor the habi- tations of their enemies ; submission was seldom able to disan;n their fury ; and the churches, towns, and villages, all the works of art, and. all the remains of Roman grandeur, were devoured by the flames." But while they tVms indulged their resent- 's Cui pelle salum suloare Britannum Lucius, et assuto glaucum mare findere lembo. Sid. Apol. carm. 7, ad. Avit, •1 Ann. 449. "Anxious for the honour of his countrymen, Goodall attempts to prove, that ihe conquests of the Saxons were bounded by the river Tweed. See his introduction to Scottish history prefixed to Fordun's Scotichronicon, (Edin. 1759, p. 40.) 'S Confovebatur de mari usque ad mare ignis, orientali sacrilegorum manu exagge- latus, et firiitimas quasque civitates agrosque populans, qui non quievit accensus, donee cunctam pene exurens insula superficiem rubra occidentalem trucique oceanum lingua delambcret. Gild. p. 85. Gildas was an enemy and a Briton. He may have exag- ZEAL' OF GREGORY FOR THE CONVERSION OP BRITAIN. 21 ment, they dried up the more obvious sources of civil and reli- gious improvement. With the race of the ancient inhabitants disappeared the refinements of society, and the knowledge of the gospel : to the worship of the true God succeeded the impure rites of Woden ; and the ignorance and barbarism of the north of Germany were transplanted into the most flourishing pro- vinces of Britain. It was once the boast, or the consolation of the Greeks, that, if they had been subdued by the superior fortune of Rome, Rome in her turn had yielded to them the empire of learning and the arts." The history of the fifth and sixth centuries presents an almost similar revolution. The fierce valour of the northern bar- barians annihilated the temporal power of Rome ; and the reli- gion of Rome triumphed over the gods of the barbarians. Scarcely had the Saxons obtained the undisputed possession of their conquests, when a private monk conceived the bold, but benevolent design, of reducing these savage warriors under the obedience of the gospel. Gregory, on whom the veneration of posterity has bestowed the epithet of the great, had lately re- signed the dignity of Roman prefect, and buried in the obscurity of the cloister all his prospects of worldly greatness. While he remained in this humble station, he chanced to pass through the public market at the moment in which some Saxon slaves were exposed to sale. Their beauty caught the eye of the fervent monk ; and he exclaimed, with a pious zeal, that forms so fair ought no longer to be excluded from the inheritance of Christ. Impressed with this idea, he repaired to the pontiff, and extorted from him a reluctant permission to quit his monastery, and an- nounce the gospel to the barbarous conquerors of Britain. But the people of Rome were unwilling to be deprived of a man whose virtues they adored. Their clamours retarded his depart- ure; and his subsequent elevation to the papal throne compelled him to abandon the design." Gregory, however, still kept his eyes fixed on Britain. The absence of his personal exertions he could easily supply by those of other missionaries; and, from his high station in the church, he might direct their operations, and second their endeavours. The patrimony of St. Peter, in Gaul, was at this period adminis- tered by the presbyter Candidus. To him he gave an extraordi- nary commission to purchase a competent number of Saxon ♦ gerated the crueltieg of the invaders ; but the substance of his narrative is corroborated by the Saxon chronicle, (p. 15,) and by the subsequent tenor of the Saxon history. " Grsecia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes Intulit agresti Latio. — Hon. 18 Bede 1. ii. p. 78. I see no reason to dispute the truth of this anecdote, on the ground that it is not mentioned by foreign vfriters. Bede asserts, that he received it "traditione majorum ;" and no nation could be more interested than the Saxons to pre- serve the memory pf the accident nrhich led to their conversion. See also the Saxon homily in nat. St. Greg. p. 11. 18, edit, Elstob. 22 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. slaves under the age of eighteen, and to send them with sure guides to Rome, where they might be educated under his eye, and at his expense.^^ It was'his intention to raise them, at a con- venient time, to the priesthood, and to employ them in the con- version of their countrymen. But their progress was slow ; and his zeal was impatient. After a short interval he resolved to try the courage of his monks, ignorant as they were of the language and manners of the barbarians. Having selected the most learned . and virtuous of the community, he explained to them his views, elevated their hopes with the pjospect of eternal rewards, and confirmed their consent with his apostolical benediction. Ani- mated by the exhortation of the pontiff, the missionaries tra- versed with speed the' north of Italy, and arrived at the foot of the Gallic Alps : but the enthusiasm which they had imbibed in Rome, insensibly evaporated during their journey; and, from the neighbourhood of Lerins, they despatched Augustine, their superior, to Gregory, to explain their reasons for declining so un- promising and so dangerous an enterprise. But the pontiff was inflexible. He exhorted, conjured, commanded them to proceed ; he solicited in their favour the protection of the princes and pre- lates of the Franks; he begged of the Gallic clergy to depute some of their body to be their interpreters and associates ; and at last, after a long and tedious suspense, received the welcome news, that they had landed in safety on the isle of Thanet. It was the year five hundred and ninety-seven. Of the Saxon kingdoms, that of Kent was the most ancient, and the best disposed to receive the truths of the gospel. The immediate descendants of Hengist seem not to have inherited the martial virtues of that conqueror, but, by cultivating the arts of peace, they had endeavoured to excite a spirit of improve- ment among their subjects. The example of their neighbours, the Franks, who had embraced the Christian faith, taught them to view with less partiality the worship of their ancestors ; and from the prosperity of that apostate people they might infer, that victory was not exclusively attached to the votaries of Woden. Bertha, daughter to Charibert, king of Paris, was married to their sovereign : she practised the rites of the gospel in the heart of their metropolis ; and the saintly deportment of Liud- hard, the prelate who attended her, reflected a lustre on the faith which he professed. From the epistles of St. Gregory it appears, that these an,d similar causes had awakened a desire of religious knowledge among the inhabitants of Kent, and that application for instruction had been made to the prelates of the Franks; whose apathy and indolence are lashed by the severe but merited animadversions of the pontiff.^ 19 Greg. Ep. I. v. ep. 10. =» Bed. Hist. 1. i. p. 61. Malm, de Reg. 1. i. c. i. f. 4, edit. Savile. Greg. Ep. 1. v. ep. 58, 59. ■ AUGUSTINE PREACHES TO THE KENTISH SAXONS, 23 It was at this favourable period that Augustine reached the isle of I'hanet, and despatched a messenger to inform the Saxon king, that he was arrived from a distanli.country, to open to 'him and -his subjects the gates of eternal happiness. Probably the mind of Ethelbert^ had been prepared by the diligence of his queen. He consented to hear the foreign priests : but fearful of the secret influence of magic, deternained to g!ve them audience in the open air. Elated with this faint gleam of success, the mis- sionaries-approached the appointed place in the slow and solemn pomp of a religiou^ procession : before them was borne a silver cross,*and a portrait of Christ ;' and the air resounded with the anthems which they changed, in alternate choirs, praying for the conversiop of the pagans. Ethelbert listened with attention to the discourse of Augustine : his answer was reserved but humane. Though he expressed no inclination to abandon the worship of his forefathers, he acknowledged that the offers of the missionary were plausible, and praised the charity, which had prompted strangers to undertake so perilous a journey, for the advantage of an unknown people. He concluded with an assurance of his proteQj,ion as long as they chose to remain in his dominions.^* Without the walls of Cante;:bury, the queen had discovered the ruins of an ancient church, built by the Britons in honour of St. Martin. By her orders it had been repaired, and given to the Bishop Liudhard : it was now transferred to the use of the missionaries, whose efibrts she seconded with all her influence. The "patronage of the sovereign insured the respect of the sub- jects ; and curiosity led numbers to view the public service, and learn the religious tenets of the strangers. They admired the solemnity of their worship ; the pure and sublime morality of their doctrine ; their zeal, their austerity, and their virtue. In- sensibly ,the prejudices of the idolaters wore away ; and the priests of Woden began to lament the solitude of their altars Ethelbert, who at first maintained a decent reserve, ventured to prqfess himself a Christian ; and so powerful' was his example, that ten thousand Saxons followed their prince to the waters of baptism.^^ From the natural ferocity of the Saxon character, there was rea- son to fear that the royal convert, in the fervour of proselytism, might employ the flames of persecution to accelerate the progress of Christianity. But his teachers were actuated by motives more 21 Bed. I. i. p. 61. Horn. Sax. in nat. St. Greg. p. 33 — 34. Gosceline pretends to give us the very speech of Augustine ; but it was probably composed for him by that writer, (Ang. Sac. torn. ii. p. 59.) From the Saxon homily we learn, that on this and similar occasions, the French clergymen served as interpreters. Anb he J'up.h fiEjia pealj-toba mvu& bam cyninje ■] hip leobe Dobej- pojib bobobe. j>. 33. 22 Bade 1. i. c. 26. The joy of the pontiff prompted him to impart his success to Eulogius, the patriarch of Alexandria. In solemnitate Dominicse nativitatis plus quam decern raillia Angli ab eodem nunciati sunt fratre et co-episcopo nostro baptisati. (Ep. Greg. I. vii. ep. 30. Smith's Bed. app. viii.) 24 ANTIQUITIES OF THE AT>fGLO-SAXbN CHURCH. congenial to the, mild spirit of the gospel : and with a moderation which is not always the associate of zeal, sedulously inculcated that the worsUp of man, to be grateful to the Deity, must- he the spontaneous dictate of the heart; and that the obstinacy of the idolater was to be overcome, not by the swofd of the magistrate, but by the labours of the missionary.^' These lessons they had imbibed from the mouth of the pontiff ; arid they were frequently inculcated in his letters. In obedience to his instructions, the weakness and prejudices of thS converts were respected? ; the de- serted temples of Woden were converted into Chri^iail churches ; and the national customs gradually adapted to the offices of reli- gion. Hitherto the Saxons had been accustomed to enliven the solemnity of their Worship by the merriment of the table. The victims which had bled on the altars of the gods, furnished the principal materials of the feast 5 and the praises of their warriors were mingled with the hymns chanted inhonour of the Divinity. Totally to have abolished this practice, might have alienated their minds from a religion, which forbade the most favourite of their amusements. . By the direction of Gregory, similar enter- tainments were permitted on the festivals of the Christian, mar- tyrs ; tents were erected in thfe vicinity of the church ; and as soon as the service was concluded, the converts were exhorted to indulge with sobriety in their accustomed gratifications, and return their thanks to that Being, who showers down his bless- ings on the human race.^ From Kent the knowledge of the gospel was speedily ttans- mitted to the neighbouring and dependent kingdom of Essex. Saberct, the reigning prince, received with respect the Abbot Mellitus, and invited him to reside in his metropolis.''* But the prospect of the missionary closbd with the death of his patron. The three sons of Saberct, who were still attached to the worship of their ancestors/bursting into the church during" the lime of sacrifice, demanded a portion of the consecrated bread, which Mellitus was distributing to the people.^^ The bishop (he had been lately invested with the episcopal dignity) dared to refuse ; and banishment was the consequence of his refusal. He joined his brethren in Kent : but they were involved in equal difiicul- ties. After the death of Bertha, Ethelbert had married a second wife. His son Eadbald was captivated with her youth and beauty ; at his accession to the throne he took her to his bed ; and when the missionaries ventured to remonstrate, abandoned a religion which forbade the gratification of his passion. Dis- " Bed. 1. i. e. 36. Horn. Sax. in nat. St. Greg. p. 36. ''* For this condeficension, which was copied from the practice of the first Christian missionaries, (Mosh. Hist. Eocl. saec. ii. p. 3, c. iv. not.) the pontiff has been chastised by the puritanical zeeil of Dr. Henry, (vol. iii. p. 194.) He asserts, that it introducej the grossest corruptions into the Christian worship. But to accuse, is easier than to piDve : and Henry has prudently forgotten to specify the nature of these corr3ptions. 2s An. 604. se'Bed, 1. ii. c. 5. CONVERSION OP EDWIN. 25 heartened by so many misfortunes, Mdlitus, with Justus of Ro- chester., retired into Gaul.^ Laurentius, the successor of St. Augustine, had determined to follow theit example ; but spent the night before his i|itended departvlre:in the church of St. Peter. At break o%day he repaired to the palace ; discovered to the king the marks or stripes on his shoulders 5 and assured him, that they had beon inflicted by the hands of the apostle, as the reward of his cowardice. Eadbald was astonished and confounded. He expressed ^ his willingness .to remove the causes of discontent ; disrhissed his father's widow from his bed; and recalled the fugitive bishops. His subsequent conduct proved the sincerity of hi§ conversion: and Christianity, supported by his , influence, soon assumed an ascendancy which it ever after maintained.^^ From the south, the knowledge of the gospel passed to the most northern of the Saxon nations. Edwin, the powerful king of Northumbria, had asked and obtained the hand of Edilberga, the daughter of Ethelbert : but the ^eal of her brother had stipu- lated that she should enjoy the free exercise of her religion, and had extorted from the impatient suitor a promise, that he would impartially examine the credibility of the Christian faith. With these conditions Edwin 'complied, and alternately consulted the Saxon priests and Paulinus, a bishop who had accompanied the . queen. Though the arguments of the missionary were enforced by the entreaties- of. Edilberga, the king was slow to resolve; and two years were spent in anxious" deliberation. At length, attended by Paujinus, he entered the great council of the nation} requested the advice of his faithful Witan ; and exposed the rea- sons which induced him to prefer the Christian to the pagan wor- ship.^' Colffi, the high priest of Northumbria, was the first to reply. It might have been expected, that prejudice and interest would have armed him with arguments against the adoption of a foreign creed: but his attachment to paganism had been weakened by repeated disappointments, and he had learned to despise the gods, who had neglected to reward his services. That the religion which he had hitherto taught, was useless, he attempted to prove from his own misfortunes ; and avowed his resolution to listen to the reasons, and examine the doctrine of Paulinus.. He was followed by an aged thane, whose discourse offers an interesting picture of the simplicity of the age. "When," said he, " king, you and your ministers are seated at table in the depth of winter, and the cheerful fire blazes on the hearth in the middle of the hall, a sparrow, perhaps, chased by the wind and snow, enters at one door of the apartment, and escapes by the other. During the moment of its passage, it enjoys the wanj:ith ; when it is once departed, it is seen no more^. Such is =' Ann. 625. Both Justus and Mellitus became afterwards archbishops of Canter- bury. , . " 28 Id, 1, ii. c. 6. 2sAn.'637. ' 4 c 26 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. ihe nature of man. During a few years his existence is visible : but what has preceded, or whaf will follow it, is concealed from the view of mortals; If the new religion offeir any information on these important subjects, it must be worthy of our atten- tion.'"" To these reasons the other members assented. Pauli- nus was desired to explain the principal articles of the Christian faith : and the king expressed his determination to embrace the doctrine of the missionary. When it was asked, who would dare to profane the altars of Woden, Coiffi accepted the danger- ous office. Laying aside the emblems of the priestly dignity, he assumed the dress of a warrior : and, despising the prohibitions of the Saxon superstition, mounted the favourite charger o'f •Edwin. By those who were ignorant of his motives, his conduct was attributed to a temporary insanity. But he disregarded their claAurs, proceeded to the nearest temple, and, bidding defiance to the gods of his fathers, hurled his spear into the sacred edifice. It stuck in the opposite wall-;^* and, to the surprise of the trem- bling spectators, the heavens were silent, and the sacrilege was unpunished. Insensibly they recovered from their fears, and, encouraged by the exhortation of Coiffi, burnt to the ground the temple and the surrounding groves.** From so favourable a be- ginning, the missionary might have ventured to predict the entire conversion of the nation : but he could not calculate the numer- ous chances of war; and all the fruits of his labours were speedily blasted by the immature death of the king, Edwin was sl^jn as he bravely fought against Penda king of Mercia, and Csedwalla king of the Britons. During more than twelve months, the victors pillaged the kingdom of Northiimbria without opposi- tion ; Edilberga, her children, and Paulinus, were compelled to seek an asylum in Kent ; and the converts, deprived of instruc- tion, easily relapsed into their former idolatry. The history of the Sa:xon kingdoms is, marked with the most rapid vicissitudes of fortune. Oswald and Eanfrid were the sons of Adelfrid, the predecessor of Edwin. In the mountains of Scot- land they had concealed themselves from the jealousy of that prince ; and had spent the time of their exile in learning, from the monks of Hii, the principles of the gospel. After the victory of the confederate kings, they returned to Northumbria. Eanfrid was treacherously slain in a parley with Csedwalla: Oswald determined to avenge the calamities of his family and country. With a small, but resolute band of followers, he sought the army =" Bed. I. ii. c. 13. ^' This circumstance is not to be found in the Latin copies of Bede ; but it has been preserved by King Alfred in his version. Da pceaC he mib hip ppepe ^ hit pcicobe paej-c^ oil Kam heajije. Bed. Hist. Sax. p. 517. '^ Alcuin has celebrated the fame of Coiffi in his poem on the church of York. O nimium tanti felix audacia facti ! Polluit ante alios quas ipse sacravcrat aras, — v. 186 ' MISSION OF AIDAN. 27 of the enemy, and discovered it negligently encamped. in the neighbourhood of Hexham. A of oss of wood was hastily erected by his« oMer, and the Saxons, prostrate before 'it, earnestly im- plored the pi'oteetion of the God of the Christians. From prayer they rose to , battle, and to victory. Cssdwalla was slain ; his army was dispersed ; and the conqueror ascended without a rival the throne of his ancestors.^' As he piously attributed his suc- cess to the favour of Heaven, he immediately bent his attention to the concerns of religion, and solicited a supply of missionaries from his former instructors. . Gorman was sent, a monkiof a severe and unpliant disposition ; who, disgusted with the igno- rance and barbarism of the Saxons, speedily returned, in despair to his monastery. As he deseribed to the confraternity the diffi- culty and dangers of the mission, " Brother," exclaimed a voice, " the fault is yours. You exacted from the barbarians more than their weakness could bear. You should have first stooped to their ignorance, and then have raised their minds to the sublime maxims of the gospel." This sensible rebuke turned every eye upon the speaker, a private monk of the name of Aidan : he was selected to be the apostle of the Northumbrians.; and the issue of his labours justified the wisdom of the choice. As soon as he had received the episcopal ordination, he repaired to the court of Oswald. His arrival was a subject of general exultation ; and the king condescended to explain in Saxon the instructions which the missionary delivered in his native language. But the suc- cess of Aidan was owing no less to his virtues than to his preach- ing. The severe austerity of his life, his profound contempt of riches, and his unwearied application to the duties of his pro- fession, won the esteem, while his arguments convinced the understanding of his hearers. Each day the number of prose- lytes increased ; and, within a few years, the church of Nor- thumbria was fixed on a solid and permanent foundation.^^ The East- Angles were indebted for their conversion to the zealous labours of Felix, a Burgundian prelate. In the com- mencement of the seventh century, their monarch, Redwald, had invited to his court the disciples of St. Augustine, and received from them the sacrament of baptism. Yet he abjured not the worship of his country; and the same temple was sanctified by the celebration of the Christian sacrifice, and polluted by tjie immolation of victims to the gods of paganism.'' His son Eorp- wald was more suicere in his belief: but the merit of firmly establishing the Christian worship was, by his death, transfeirred to his successor, Sigebert, who, during a long exile in Gaul, had imbibed with the knowledge of the gospel a profound veneration for, the monastic institute. ' No sooner had he ascended the 33 Bed. I. iii. c. 1—2. Ann. 635. ' 34 Bed. I, iii. c. 3— .5. 3' Bed. I. ii. c. 15. 'Hume (Hist. p. 32. Millar, 4°; 1762) inadvertently ascribes the apostasy of Redwald to his son Eorpwald. » 28 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHTJHCH. throne, than Felix, commissioned fey Honorius of Canterhury, requested permission to instruct his subjects. He was received ■with welcome, and fixed his residBnce at Dunwich, the capital of the kingdom.3s gy t^e united eiforts of the king and the mis- sionary, the knowledge of Christianity was rapidly diffused ; and, the better to eradicate ignorance and idolatry from the higher classes of the people, a public school was instituted after the model of that at Canterbury." Having shared for a time the cares and splendour of royalty with Egeric, a near relation, Sigebert retired to a monastery to prepare himself for death. But his repose was disturbed by the invasion of a foreign enemy. A formidable body of Mercians had penetrated into the heart of the country ; the misfortunes of the campaign were ascribed to the want of conduct or of valour in Egeric ; and the East- Angles clamorously demanded the aged monarch, who had so often led them to victory. With reluctance he left his cell to mix in the tumult and dangers of the field. On the day of battle, when arms were offered him, he refused them as repugnant to the monastic profession, and with a wand directed the operations of the army. But the fortune of the Mercians prevailed : both the kings were slain ; and the country was abandoned to the ravages of the conquerors. Yet, under the pressure of this calamity, the converts persevered in the profession of tlieir religion ; and Felix, within the seventeen years of his mission, had the merit of re- claiming the whole nation from the errors of paganism. While Christianity was thus making a rapid progress in the kingdoms of the north and east, a new apostle appeared on the southern coast, and announced the tidings of salvation to the fierce and warlike inhabitants of Wessex.^^ His name was Bi- rinus. Animated with a desire of extending the conquests of the gospel, he had obtained from Pope Honorius a commission to preach to the idolatrous tribes of the Saxons. By a fortunate 36 Anna 631. s' The situation and design of this school have heen the subject of much controversy between the champions of the two universities. The origin of Cambridge was formerly derived by its partisans from Cantaber, a Spanish prince, who was supposed to have landed in Britain in the reign of Gurguntius, about 400 years before the Christian era, (see Caius De Ant. Cant. p. 30—60 ;) and the Oxonians, not to yield to their oppo- nents, claimed for their first professors, the philosophers whom Brutus had brought with him more than a thousand years before that period, (Assertio Antiq. Oxon. p. 1. London, 1568.) Antiquity so remote, was too ridiculous to obtain credit: both con- tracted their pretensions ; and Sigebert was selected for the founder of Cambridge, Alfred the Great for that of Oxford. The war, however, was still continued, and the most emi- nent scholars joined either party, as their judgment or partiality directed. Without engaging. in the dispute, I may be allowed to observe, that there appears no reason to believe, with the advocates for Oxford, that the school of Sigebert was designed only to teach the rudiments of grammar, or, with their opponents, that it was established at Cambridge. Bede tells us, that it was formed in imitation of the school at Canterhury, in which all the sciences known at that period were studied ; and Smith has made it highly probable that it was situated either at Scaham or Dunwich. See Smith's Bede App.p.721.. 28 Ann. 634. CONVERSION or THE MERCIANS. 29 concurrence of circumstanpes, he had scarcely opened his mis- sion, when Oswald of Northumbria arrived at.the co4jrt of Kine- gils, and demanded his daughter in marriage. The arguments of the missionary were powerfully seconded by the influence-of the suitor;- The princess and her father embraced with docility the religion of Christ ; and the men of Wessex were eager to conform to the example of their monarch. Success expanded the views of Birinus : from the capital he removed to Dorches- ter, a city on the confines of Mercia ; and flattered himself with the expectation of converting that extensive and populous king- dom. But Mercia was destined to receive the faith from the pious industry of the Northumbrian princes ; who were eminently instrumental in the dissemination of Christianity among the nu- merous tribes of their countrymen. Peada, the son of Penda, king of Mercia, had offered his hand to the daughter of Oswiu, the successor of Oswald : but the lady spurned the addresses of a pagan ; and the passion of the prince induced him to study the principles of her religion. His conversion was rewarded with the object of his affections. To those who doubted his sincerity, he replied that no consideration, not even the refusal of Alcfleda, should ever provoke him to return to the altars of Woden : but an argument more convincing than mere professions was the zeal with which he procured four Northumbrian priests to in- struct the Mid die- Angles, whom he governed as king during the life of his father. Even Penda himself was induced to grant his protection to the missionaries ; and though he refused to yield to their exhortations, he treated with contempt such of his sub- jects as had enrolled themselves among the Christians, and yet retained the manners of pagans. Within a few years the fortune of war annexed the crown of Mercia to that of Northumbria, and Diuma, a missionary, was raised to the episcopal dignity. The converts were true to the faith Which they had embraced ; and retained it with enthusiasm, after they had thrown off the yoke, and replaced the sceptre in the hands of their native princes. The zeal of Oswiu was not satisfied with one royal proselyte; and his solicitations prevailed on Sigebert, the Bast Saxon monarch, to receive the sacred rite of baptism.^' The men of Essex supported the character of their fathers. Like them they embraced the Christian faith, and like them apostatized. A dreadful pestilence, which they attributed to the vengeance of Woden, induced them to rebuild the altars, and restore the wor- ship of that deity. Jaruman, bishop of Mercia, was alarmed : with haste he repaired to the kingdom of Essex ; and by his preaching and authority confirmed the faith of the wavering, and refuted the errors of the incredulous.'"' -s An. 653. ' ^0 Bed. 1. iii. c, 30. C2 30 Al^TIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. The inhabitants of Sussex were, the most barbarous of the Saxon nations, and the last that embraced the profession of Chris- tianity. Unmoved by the example of their neighbours, whom they branded with the infamous name of apostates, they long resisted the repeated efforts of the jnissionaries ; but their obsti- nacy was induced to yield to the superior zeal or superior ad- dress of St. Wilfrid, a Northumbrian prelate. Expelled from his diocese by the intrigues of his enemies, he wandered an honourable exile among the tribes of the south, when Edilwalch, the king of Sussex, who had been lately baptized, invited him to attempt the conversion of his subjects. Wilfrid had travelled through most of the nations on the continent; to the advantages of stu4y he had joined those of observation and experience ; and while his acquirements commanded the respect, the improve- ments which he introduced conciliated the esteem of the barba- rians. His first converts' were two hundred and fifty slaves, whom, together with the isle of Selsey, he had received as a present from the munificence^ of Edilwalch.'" On the day of their baptism, they were unexpectedly gtatified with the ofier of their liberty from their generous instructor, who declared that they ceased to be his bondsmen from the moment in which they became the children of Christ. The liberality of Wilfrid was felt and applauded : numbers crowded to his sermons ; and those who were not convinced by his reasons, were silenced by the authority of the king. Within the space of five years he firmly established the Christian worship in Sussex : and after hisj de- parture the wants of the mission were supplied by the pastoral care of the bishops of Winchester.^^ ' ," Thus in the space of about eighty years was successfully com- pleted the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons; an enterprise, which originated in the charity of Gregory the Great, and was unremittingly continued by the industry of his disciples, with the assistance of several faithful co-operators from Gaul and Italy. Of the conduct which they pursued, and the arguments which they employed, a few particulars may be collected from the works of the ancient writers.^' They, were instructed most carefully to avoid every offensive and acrimonious expression ; to inform the judgment without alienating the affections ; and to display on every occasion the most disinterested zeal for the wel- fare of their disciples.'** The great and fundamental truth of 11 An. 678. ' «2 Compare Bede (I. iv. c. 13, v. c. 18. 28) with Eddius (vit. WUf. c. 40) and Hun- tingdon, (I. iii. f. 19S, int. scrip, post Bed.) 1' Daniel, bisiiop of Winchester in a letter to St. Boniface, enumerates the argu- ments, which were thought the best calculated to convince the pagans, (J!p. Bonif. p. 78, edit. Serrar.) The letters of the pontiffs to the Saxon Itings, (Wilk. con. vol. i. p. 12. 30. 34,) and some passages of Bede^His. 1. ii. c. 13, I. iii. c. 22) may also be con- sulted. » '" Non quasi inaultando vol iiiitando eos, sed placidc et magna niodrratione. Ep. Dan. ibid. GENERAL CONDUCT OF THE MISSIONARIES. 31 the unity of God was the first lesson which they sought to in- culcate. The statues "of the ,gods could not, they observed, be fit objects of adoration; since whatever excellence they pos- sessed was .derived from the nature of the materials, and the in- genuity of the artist :"" and from the successive generation of the German deities they inferred, that none of them could be the first great cause, from whpse fecundity all other beings 'received their existence.^' If they were the dispensers of every bless- ing, why, it was asked, were their votaries confined to the bar- ren and frozen climate of the north, while the warmer and more fertile regions were. divided among those who equally despised their promises and their threats 'i'" If Woden were the God of war, why did victory still adhere to the standards of the tribes, which had trampled on his altars and embraced the faith of Christ ? To the incoherent tenets of paganism they opposed the great truths of revelation ; , the fall and redemption of man, his future judgment, and endless existence during an eternity of happiness or misery. For the truth of these doctrines, they ad- verted to the consent of the powerful and polisSied nations, which had preferred them to their ancient worship ; to the ra- pidity with which, in defiance of ev^ry obstacle, they had spread themselves over the earth, and to the stupendous events by which their diffusion ■n^as accompanied and accelerated.^' Nor did they hesitate to appeal, like the apostles, to the miracles, which deposed in favour of their mission ; and the supernatural powers with which they believed themselves to be invested, at- tracted the notice of Gregory. His zeal rejoiced at the triumphs of tha^ospel : but his virtue was alarmed for the humility of his disciples. In a long letter to Augustine, he earnestly exhorted him to reflect on the nothingness of man in the presence of the Supreijie Being; to shut his ears to the subtle suggestions of vanity; and to be convinced that the wonders, which accom- panied his preaching, were wrought by God, not to reward the merits of those who were only humble instruments in the hand of Almighty power, hut to display his mercy to the Saxons, and to attract their minds by sensible proofs to the knowledge of salvation.*^ In 6ne respect the missionaries ventured to deviate from the example of thoge who had preceded them in their sacred functions. 4s Bed. I. ii. c. 10, t iii. c. 22. ^^ Quositbet ab aliis geneiatos concede eos asserere, ut saltern modo hominum natos deos et deaa potius homines quam^eos fuisse, et csepisse, qui ante non erant, probes. Ep. Dan. ibid. ^7 Cum Christiani fertiles . terras, vini oleique feraces cseterlsque opibus abundantes possideant provincias, paganis frigore semper rigentes tejras reliquerunt. Ibid. See a similar argument in Bede, (I. ii. c. 13.) • ' . . . ■■s Inferenda qnoque ssepius eis est orbis auctoritas Christiani. Ep. Dan. ibid. ^s Quidquid de faciendis signis acceperis velaccepisti, haec. non tibi sed illis deputes donata pro quorum tibi salute collata sunt. Kp.'Greg. ad Aug. apud Bed, 1. i. c, .31. Wilk. con. vol. i. p. 10. 32 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. Though the first preachers of Christianity rapidly extended their conquests through every;"class of Roman subjects/almost three centuries elapsed before they presumed to attempt the conversion of the emperors. But at the period ojf the' Anglo-Saxon mission the circumstances were changed. The rulers of the barbarous nations had proved themselves not insepsible to the truths of the gospel ; and the influence of their example had been recently demonstrated in the conversion of the Franks, the Visigoths, and the Suevi. Hence the first object of the missionaries, Roman, Gallic, or Scottish, was invariably the same, to obtain the patron- age of the prince. His favour itisured, his opposition prevented their success.*" Yet let not malignity judge lightly of their merit. If virtue is to be estimated by the effort which it requires, they will be entitled to no ordinary degree of praisfe. They abandoned the dearest connexions of friends and country ; they exposed themselves to the caprice and eruefty of unknown barbarians : they voluntarily embraced a life of laborious and unceasing exertion, without any prospect 0/ temporal emolument, an'd with the sole view of civilizing the m'anners, and correcting the vices of a distant and savage people. If they neither felt nor prov9ked the scourge of persecution, they may, at leastj claim the merit of pure, active, and disinterested virtue : and the fortunate issue of their labours is sufBcient to disprove the opinion of those who imagine that no church can be firmly established, the foundations of which are not cemented with the blood of martyrs.*' In the judgment of a hasty or ^prejudiced observer, the faults of the disciple are frequently transferred to the master: ai^d the facility with which the natives of Essex relapsed into idolatry after the death of Saberct, and those of Northumbria after the fall of Ed- win, has encouraged a suspicion that the missionaries were more anxious to multiply the number, than to enlighten the minds of their proselytes. It should, however, be remembered that the teachers were few, the pupils many, and their ignorance extreme. Uijder such difliculties, the rapid, though temporary success of Mellitus and Paulinus bears an honourable testimony to their zeal : nor should it excite surprise, if, after their unfortunate expulsion, the converts, without the aid of instruction, or the support of the civil power, gradually returned to their former worship. To. these two instancies may be successfully opposed the conduct of all'the M On this subject see the remarks of Macquer (Abr6g6 chronologique ie I'histoire ecclesiastique, vol^i. p. 612, an. 1768,) who unfortunately adduces the conduct of Csed- walla, to prove that the converts were .Christians only'in name, and still retained all the vices of paganism. B^t Cffidwalla was neither a Saxon nor a convert. He was a British prince, whom njftional animosity urged to wreak his vengeance on the vanquished Northumbrians. ■ ^' I shall not pollute these pages with the abuse which, about two centuries ago, re- ligious bigotry so lavishly bestowed on the apostles of the Saxons. If the reader's taste lead him to such offal, he may peruse the works of Bayle, (Cent. 8, c. 85. Cent. 13, c, 1,) of Parker, (Ant. Brit. p. 33— 46,J and of Fox, (Acts and Mon. torn. i. p. 107.) BARBARISM OP THE A^fGI.0-3AX0NS. 33 Other Saxon nations, in which Christianity, from its first admis- sion, maintained a decided superiority. To object, that they yielded without conviction,^ is to venture an assertion that cer- tainly is not countenanced- by the abstinacy with which men adhere to their rehgious prejudices; and is sufficiently contradicted by the reserve with which Ethelbert listened to the instructions of yltigustine, by the Idng resistance of Edwin to the a/guments of 'Paulinus, and by the tardy but sincere conversions of Peada, prince of Mercia, and Sigebert, king of Essex. But the claim of -the missionafies to the gratitude, may be best deduced from the improvement, of their disciples ;' and whoever wishes justly to estimate their merit, will carefully compare the conduct of t^e Christian with that of the pagan Saxons. By the ancient writers, the Saxons are unanimously classed with the most barbarous of the nations which invaded and dis- membered the Roman empire.'^- Their valour was disgraced by its brutality. To the services they generally preferred the blood of their* captives; and the man whose life "they condescended to sparfe, was taught to coHsider perpetual servitude as a gratuitous favour." , Among themselves, a rude, and imperfect system of legislation intrusted to private revenge the punishment of private^ injuries ; and the ferocity of their passions continually multiplied these deadly and hereditary fetids. Avarice and the lust of sen-^ sual enjoyment had extinguished in their breasts some of the first feelings of nature. The savages of Africet may traffic with Europeans for the negroes whom they have seized by treachery, or captured in open war: but the more savag^onquerors of the Britons sold, without scruple, to the merchants of the continent, their countrymen, and even their own children.'^ Their religion was accommodated to their manners, and their manners were perpetuated by their religion. In their theology they acknow- ledged no sin but cowardice, and revered no virtue but courage. 'Their gods they appeased with the blood of human victims. Of a future life their notions were faint and wavering : and if the' soul were fated to survive the body, to quaff ale out of the skulls of their enemies was to be the- great reward of the virtuous : to lead a fife of hunger and inactivity the endless punishment of the wicked." Such were the pagan Saxons. But their ferocity soon yielded to the exertions of the missionaries, and the harsher features of their origin were insensibly softened under the mild influence of the gospel. In the rage of victory they learned to respect the ^2 Julian, de laud. Constan. p. 116.- Sidon. 1. yiii. ep. 9. Zozim. I. iii. p. 147. *3 Altissiniffi gratisB stabat in loco. Gild. p. ST. ^^ Familiari, says Malmesbury, (de reg. 1. i. c. 3,) ac pene ingenita consuetudine, adeo nt non dut)|j;arent arctissimas necessitudines Bub praetextu minimoium comiuodo- rum distiahere. ^ 5' Two passages in Bede (I. ii. c. 13. 1. iii. u. 30) will almost justify a doubt whether they believed any ftiture state at all. a 34 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHITHCH. rights of humanity. Death or slavery'was no longer the fate of the conquered Britons : by their submission they were incor- porated with the victors; and their Uves and property were protected by the equity of their Christian conqu-erors.^ The' acquisition of rehgious knowledge introduced a new spirit of legis- lation : the presence of the bishops and superior clergy improved the wisdom of the national councils ; and laws were framed to punish the more flagrant violations of morality, and prevent the daily broils which harassed the peace of society. The humane idea, that by baptism all men become brethren, contributed to meliorate the condition of slavery, and scattered the seeds of that liberality which gradually undermined, and at length abolished so odious an institution. By the provision of the legislature the freedom of the child was secured from the avarice of an unnatu- ral parent; and the heaviest punishment was denounced against the man who presumed to sell to a foreign master one of his countrymen, though he were a slave or a malefactor.^^ But by nothing were the converts more distinguished than by their piety. The conviction of a future and endless existence beyond the grave elevated their minds and expanded their ideas. To pre- pare their souls for this new state of being, was to many the first object of their solicitude: they eagerly sought every source of instruction, and with scrupulous fidelity practised every duty which the3r*had learnt.^^ Of the zeal of the more opulent among the laity, the numerous churehes, hospitals, and monasteries which they founded, are a sufficient proof: and the clergy could boast with equal truth of the piety displayed by the more emi- nent of their order, and of the nations instructed in the Christian faith by the labours of St. Boniface and his associates.™ In the clerical and monastic establishments, the most sublime of the gospel virtues were carefully practised: even kings descended from their thrones, and exchanged the sceptre for the cowl.^" Their conduct was applauded by their contemporaries : and.the moderns, whose supercilious wisdom affects to censure it, must at least esteem the motives which inspired, and admire the reso- lution which completed the sacrifice. The progress of civilization. 6« See the laws of Ina, 33, 24. 32. 46, (Wilk. leg. Sax. p. 18. 20. 22.) ^' Though this inhuman custom was severely forbidden by different legislators, (Wilk. leg. Sax. p. 17. 93. 107. 138,) it was clandestinely continued long after the Norman codquest, (Ang. Sac. vol, ii. p. 258. Malm, de reg. 1. i. c. 8. Girald. de expug. Hiber. 1. i. c. 18.) 58 See Bede (1. ii. c. 17, I. iii. c. 26, 1. iv. „. 3. Ep. ad Egb. Ant. p. 311,) and the tes- timony of St. Gregory. Gens Anglorum prave agere metuit, ac totis desideriis ad aster- nitatis gloriam pervenire eoncupiscit, (Moral. 1. xxvii. c. 8. Ep. 1. ix. 58.) 's The Old Saxons, the Francs, the Hessians, and the Thuringians were converted by St. Boniface ; the inhabitants of Westphalia by St. Swibert ; the Frisians and the Hollanders by St. Wilfrid and St. Willibrord; the nations north of the Elbe by St. Willehad, See Walker's translation of Spelman'a Alfred, (prosf. not.) ^0 According to Walker, (ibid.) three and twenty Saxon kings, and sixty queens and children of kings, were revered as saints by our ancestors. DISPUTE RESPECTING THE TIME OF EASTER. 35 kept equal pace with the progress of religion : not only the useful but the agreeable arts were introduced ; every species of know- ledge which could be attained, was eagerly studied ; and during the gloom of» ignorance which overspread the rest of Europ,e, learning found, for a certain period, an asylum among the Saxons of Britain.^' To this picture an ingenious adversary may, indeed, oppose a very different description. He may collect the vices which have been stigmatized by the zeal of their preachers, and point to the crimes which disgraced the characters of some of their monarchs. But the impartial observer will acknowledge the impossibility of eradicating at once the fiercer passions of a whole nation ; nor be surprised if he behold several of them relapse into their former manners, arid, on some occasions, unite the actions of savages with the profession of Christians. To judge of the advantage which the Saxons derived from their conversion, he will fix his eyes on their virtues. They were the offspring of the gospel ; their vices were the relics of paganism. It was fortunate for the converts, that, during the seventh cen- tury, the peace of the western church was seldom disturbed by religious controversy. Though their teachers came from differ- ent and far distant countries, they were unanimous in preaching the same doctrine ; and it was for several centuries the boast of the Saxons, that heresy had never dared to erect its standard within the precincts of their church. In points of discipline, national partiality would .prompt each missionary to establish the practice of his own country ; though Gregory, with a lauda- ble liberality of sentiment, exhorted his disciples to despise the narrow prejudices of education, and carefully to select from the customs of different churches, whatever was best calculated to promote the general interests of virtue and religion.^^ But all were not animated with the spirit of the pontiff. The Scottish monks had been taught to respect as sacred every institution, which had been sanctioned by the approbation of their ances- tors ; while the Eoman missionaries contended, that the customs of an obscure and sequestered people ought to yield to the con- sentient practice of the principal Christian churches. Each party pertinaciously adhered to their own opinion ; and the controversy was conducted with a violence which threatened to destroy the fabric, that had been erected with so much labour and perse? verance. Yet the great objects, which called forth the zeal, and divided the harmony of these holy men, regarded not the essen- tials of Christianity : they were confined to, 1, the proper tirtie 6' See the chapter on the learning of the Saxong. 62 Novit fratemitas tua Romanfe EccIesiK consuetudinem, in qua se meminit nutritam. Sed mihi placet, sive in Romana, sive in Galliarum, seu in qualibet ecclesia aliquid in- venisti, quod plua omnipotenti Deo possit placere, soUicite eligas, et in Anglorum ecclesia institutione praoipua, qua de mulfis ecclesiis colligere potuisti, infundas. Bed, 1. i. c. 27, interrog. 2. 36 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHrRCH. for the celebration of Easter, and, 2, the most approved method of wearing the ecclesiastical tonsure. 1, The festival of Easter, instituted in honour of the resurrec- tion of Christ, has always been considered as the principal of the Christian solemnities. To reduce the different churches of the east and west to uniformity in the- celebration of this great event, was an object which engaged the attention of the prelates assembled in the council of Nice : and as the commencement of the Paschal time depended on astronomical calculation, it was determined that the patriarch of Alexandria should annually consult the philosophers of Egypt, and communicate the result of their researches to the Roman pontiff; whose duty it was 4d hotify the day of the festival to the more distant churches. Unfortunately, the Roman agreed not with the Alexandrian method of computation ; a different cycle of years was employ- ed ; and the limits of the equinoctial lunation were affixed to dif- ferent days. Hence arose an insuperable obstacle to the uni- formity required by the council ; and it not unfrequently hap- pened, that while the western Christians were celebrating the joyous event of the resurrection, those of the east had but just commenced the penitential austerities of Lent.^^ Weary of the disputes occasioned by this difference of computation, the Roman church about the middle of the sixth century adopted a new cycle, which had been lately composed by Dionysius Exiguus, and which, in every importa-nt point, agreed with the Egyptian mode of calculation.^^ But the British churches, harassed at that period by the Saxons, and almost precluded from communicating with Italy, on account of the convulsed situation of the continent, were unacquainted with this improve- ment,°' and continued to use the ancient cycle, thotigh their ignorance of its application caused them to deviate widely from the former practice of the Roman church.^' Hence it happened S3 The cycle of the Alexandrians contained nineteen years, that of the Romans eighty-four : according to the former the equinoctial new moon could nbt occur sooner than the eighth of March, nor later than the fifth of April, while the latter afiBxed these limits to the fifth of March and the third of April. Hence it happened in the year 417, that Easter was celebrated at Eome on the 25th of March, and at Alexandria on the 22d of April. Smith's Bed. ap. n°. 9, p. 697, 698. ^^ It contained 95 years, or five Egyptian cycles. 8* This is the reason which Bede assigns for their adhesion to the old method. Utpote quibus longe extra orbem positis nemo synodalia Paschalis observantise decreta porrexerat. L. iii. c 4. 68 On this circumstance the prejudice of party has endeavoured to build a wild and extravagant system. Because the British Christians of the seventh century differed from the Roman church in the time of celebrating Easter, it has been gratuitously as- sumed that they were Quartodecimans : that of consequence their fathers were of the same persuasion ; and ultimately that the faith was planted in Britain by missionaries, who were sent not from Rome, but from some of the Asiatic churches. The truth or falsehood of the latter hypothesis is of little consequence ; yet it is certain that the Britons in the time of St. Augustine were not Quartodecimans, as they observed Eastei on the fourteenth day of the moon, only when that day happened to be a Sunday ; (Bed. I. iii. c. 4. 17 :) and that their ancestors were not Quartodecimans is no less certain, if DISPUTE RESPECTING THE ECCLESIASTICAL TONSURE. 37 that, during the sixth and seventh centuries the British Christians scattered along the western coasts of the island, observed in the computation of Easter a rule peculiar to themselves : and when it was asked how they, buried in an obscure corner of the earth, dared to oppose their customs to the unanimous voice of the Greek and Latin churches, they boldly but ignorantly replied, that they had received them from their forefathers, whose sanc- tity had been proved by a multitude of miracles, and whose doctrine they considered as their most valuable inheritance. 2. When once the spirit of controversy has taken possession 6f the mind, the most trifling objects swell into considerable magnitude, and are pursued with an ardour and interest, which cannot fail to excite the surprise, perhaps the smile, of the indif- ferent spectator. Of this description wa;s the- dispute respecting the proper form of the eccleisiastical tonsure, which contributed to widen the separation between the Roman and Scottish mis- sionaries. The former shaved the crown of the head, which was surrounded by a circle of hair, supposed to represent the wreath of thorns, forced by the cruelty of his persecutors on the temples of the Messiah: the latter permitted the hair to grow on the back, and shaved in the form of a crescent the front of the head. Each party was surprised and shocked at the un- canonical appearance of the other. The Romans asserted that their tonsure had descended to them from the prince of the apostles, while that of their adversaries was the distinguishing mark of Simon, Magus and his disciples.^^ The Scots, unable to refute the confident assertions of their adversaries, maintained, that their method of shaving the head, however impious in its origin, had been afterwards sanctified by the virtues of those who had adopted it.^' The arguments of the contending parties serve only to prove their ignorance of ecclesiastical antiquity. During the first four hundred years of the Christian era, the clergy were not distinguished from the laity by any peculiar method of clipping the hair : and the severity of the canons pro- ceeded no farther than the prohibition of those modes, which were the offspring of vanity and effeminacy.''^ The tonsure originated from the piety of the first professors of the monastic any ciedlt be 4ne to Eusebius, (Hist. 1. v. c. 23,) to Socrates, (1. v. c. 21,) to Constantine in his letter to the bishops, (Eus. 1. iii. c. 14,) and to the subscriptions of the British prelates to the council of Aries (Spel. Cone. p. 40. 42.) I should not omit that Goodall (ad Hist. Scot, introd. p. 66. Iteith's Catal. of Scot. Bishops, pref. p. vii.) asserts that the Scots employed the same cycle, and observed Easter on the same day as was cus- tomary in the Roman church previous to the council of Nice. He founds his opinion' on the ancient paschal table published by Bucher, in which the festival is fixed on the fourteenth day of the moon for the years 316 and 320. 67 Bed. 1. iii. c. 25. v. c. 21. 68 Numquid, says Colman, patrem nostrum Golumbam, et successores ejus divinis paginis contraria sapuisse vel egisse credendum esf! quos ego sanctos esse non dubitans, semper eorum vitam, mores, et disciplinam sequi non desisto. Bed. 1. iii. c. 25. 59 Dcflua cfflsaries compescitur ad breves capillos. Pruden. Tnii ^TRfamiv, 13. 38 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. institute. To shave the head was deemed by the natives of the east a ceremony expressive of the deepest affliction : and was adopted by the monks as a distinctive token of that seclusion from worldly pleasure, to which they had voluntarily condemned themselves. When, in the fifth century, the most illustrious of the order were drawn from their cells, and raised to the highest dig- nities in the church, tlfey retained this mark of their former pro- fession ; the new costume was gradually embraced by the clergy; and the tonsure began to be considered, both in the Greek and the Latin church, as necessary for admission into the number of ecclesiastics. It was at this period that the circular and semi- circular modes of shaving the head were introduced. The names of their authors were soon lost in oblivion; and succeed- ing generations, ignorant of their real origin, credulously attri- buted them to the first age of Christianity.™ Such were the mighty objects, which scattered the seeds of dissension in the breasts of these holy men. The merit of re- storing concord was reserved for the zeal and authority of Oswiu, king of Northumbria. As that province had received the doctrine of the gospel from the Scottish missionaries, their influence was predominant with the prince and the majority of the people ; but his queen, Eanfled, who had been educated in Kent, and his son Alchfrid, who attended the lessons of St. Wilfrid, eagerly adhered to the practice of the Roman church. Thus Oswiu saw his own family divided into opposite factions, and the same solemnities celebrated at different times within his own palace. Desirous to procure uniformity, he summoned the champions of each party to meet him at Whitby, the monastery of the Abbess Hilda, and to argue the merits of their respective customs in his presence. The conference was conducted with freedom and decency. To Wilfrid was intrusted the defence of the Roman, to Colman, bishop of Lindisfarne, that of the Scottish missionaries. Each rested his cause on the authority of those from whom the disci- pline of his church was supposed to be derived : and the king concluded the discussion by declaring his conviction, that the institutions of St. Peter were to be preferred before those of St. Columba. This decision was applauded by the courtiers : and of the Scottish monks many ranged themselves under the banners of their adversaries ; the remainder retired in silent discontent to their parent monastery in the isle of Hii.'^ The termination of this controversy has subjected the success- ful party to the severe but unmerited censures of several late historians. They affect to consider the Scottish monks as an injured and persecuted cast : and declaim with suspicious vehe- '0 See Smith's Bed. app. n" ix. According to an ancient book of canons quoted by Usher, the semicircular tonsure was first adopted in Ireland. (Ush. Ant. Brit. c. 17, p. 924.) " Bed. 1. iii, c. 25, 26. An. 604. ~ TERMINATION OF THE DISPUTES. 3& mence against the haughty and intolerant spirit of the Roman clergy J* But, if uniformity was desirable, it could only be ob- tained by the submission or retreat of one of the contending par- ties : and certainly it was unreasonable to expect that those, who observed the discipline which universally prevailed among the Christians of the continent, should tamely yield to the pretensions of a few obscure churches on the remotest coast of BritainJ^ The charge of persecution is not warranted by the expression of the original writers, who give the praise of moderation almost exclusively to the Romans. Bede has recorded the high esteem in which Aidan and his associates were held by the bishops of Canterbury and Dunwich ; and observes that through respect to his merit, they were unwilling to condemli his departure from the universal discipline of the Catholic church.^* The letters which the Roman missionaries wrote on occasion of this contro- versy, uniformly breathe a spirit of meekness and conciliation ; and prove that the writers rather pitied the ignorance, than re- seated the obstinacy of their opponents." But historic truth will not permit equal praise to be given to the conduct of the Scottish and British prelates.' When Daganus, a Caledonian bishop, arrived at Canterbury in the days of Lawrence, the successor of St. Augustine, he pertinaciously refused to eat at the same table, or even in the same house with those, who observed the Roman Easter f^ and St. Aldhelm assures us that the clergy of Demetia carried their abhorrence of the Catholic discipline to such an ex- treme, that they punished the most trivial conformity with a long course of penance, and purified with fanatic scrupulosity every utensil, which had been contaminated by the touch of a Roman or a Saxon priest." We may wonder and lament that for objects of such inferior consequence men could suspend their more im- portant labours, and engage in acrimonious controversy: but candour must admit that of the two parties, the Romans had the better cause, and by their moderation deserved that victory which they ultimately obtained.'^* i; 72 Henry, Hist, of Brit. vol. iii. p. 204. Rapin, vol. i. p. 71. 73 Numquid universali, quse per oibem est, ecclesise Christi, eorum est paucitas uno de angulo extremaa insute prseferenda. Wilf. apuil Bed. 1. Iii. c. 25. Abo 1. ii. c. 19. 7^ Bed. ibid. 7S Bed. 1. ii. c. 4. 19. Wilk. Cone. torn. i. p. 36. 40. Ep. Bonif. 44, p. 59. 78 Bed. 1. ii. c. 4. 77 Apist. Aldhel. ad Geron. Eegcm, inter Bonifac. ep. 44, p. 59. See also Bede, 1. ii. c. 20. Mat. West, ad an. 586. 7s Smith's Bed. app. viii. ix. 40 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. CHAPTER II. Extensive jurisdiction of St, Augustine— Archbishops of Canterbury— York— lich- field — Number of Bishoprics — Election of Bishops — Episcopal Monasteries — Insti- tution of Parishes — Discipline of the Clergy — Celibacy'. Episcopal authority is coeval with Christianity. The pleni- tude of the priesthopd, which, its divine Founder had commu- nicated to the apos&s, was by them transmitted to the more learned and fervent of their disciples. Under the appropriate title of bishops, these ministers presided in the assembly of the faithful, delegated to the inferior clergy a discretionary portion of their authority, and watched with jealous solicitude over the interests of religion..^ Wherever Christianity penetrated, it was accompanied with the episcopal institution : and the anomalous existence of a church without a bishop was a phenomenon re- served for the admiration of later agqs. Faithful to the practice of his predecessors in the conversion of nations, Augustine was careful to receive, within the first year of his mission, the epis- copal consecration from the hands of the Galilean prelates. At the same time he consulted his patron respecting the future economy of the rising church, Gregory, whose zeal already predicted the entire conversion of the octarchy," commanded it to be equally divided into two ecclesiastical provinces, in each of which twelve suffragan bishops should obey the superior ju- risdiction of their metropolitan. London and York, which under the Romans had possessed a high pre-eminence over the other cities of the island, were selected for the archiepiscopal sees ; and the precedency of their prelates was ordered to be regulated by the priority of their consecration. But a flattering distinction was granted to the superior merit of Augustine. The general government of the mission was still intrusted to his hands ; and the northern metropolitan with his suffragans was directed to listen to his instructions, and to obey his orders ^ From the Saxons the pontiff extended his pastoral solicitude to the Britons. The long and unsuccessful wars which they had waged against their fierce invaders, had relaxed the sinews of ecclesiastical discipline; and the profligate manners of their * Hip nama, says .(Elfric, ij- jecpeben Episcopus, p ly oj:epi"ceapi- jenb. p he opejij-ceapije pymle hip unbepj'eobban. Ep, ^Elf. apud Wilk.Leg. Sax. p. 167. ^ At this time the Saxon conquests were divided between eight chieftains or kings ; but as Bernicia and Deira were soon united to form the kingdom of Northumbria, there appears no reason why the word heptarchy should be rejected, as applied to a later period. 3 BeJe 1. i. c. 29, Augustine's, jurisdiction over the britons. 41 clergy were become, if -we may credit the vehement assertions of Gildas, an insult to the sanctity of their profession. More anxious to enjoy the emoluments, than to discharge the duties of their station, they purchased the dignities of the church with presents, or seized them by force ; and the fortunate candidate wa§ more frequently indebted for his success to the arms of his. kindred, than to the justice of his pretensions. Indolence had in- duced a passion for ebriety and excess ; the patrimony of the poor was sacrificed to the acquisition of sensual gratifications ; the most solemn oaths were sworn and violate^ with equal facility j and the son, from the example of his father, readily imbibed a contempt for clerical chastity.'' So general and unfavourable a character may, possibly, excite the skepticism of the reader ; but the picture is drawn by the pencil of a countryman and contem- porary ; and, though the colouring may occasionally betray the exaggeration of zeal, there is no reason to doubt that the outline is faithful and correct. Gregory lamented, and sought to remedy these disorders ; and, treading in the footsteps of his predecessor, Celestine, who two centuries before had appointed the monk Palladius to the government of the Scottish church,' invested Augustine with an extensive jurisdiction over all the bishops of the Britons.® To these degenerate ecclesiastics the superintend- ence of a foreign prelate, distinguished by the severe regularity 1 Ep. Gild. edit. Gale, p. 23, 24. 38. 'AdScotosin Cliristum credentes ordinatur a Papa Celestino PaMaiAma et primus episcopus mittitur. Prosp. in Chron. an. 431. What is the meaning of primus episcopus? Was Palladius the first, who appeared among the Scottish Christians with the episcopal character, as Fordun supposes after Higden, (Hist. 1. iii, ii. 8, p. 113, edit, riaminio,) or was he the first in authority among the Scottish prelates, as seems to have been the opinion of the continuator of Fordun, and of the ancient bishops of St. An- drews ; who, though they exercised the authority, assumed not the title of metropolitans, but styled themselves ^primi episcopi Scotorum ? (See Keith's Catalogue of Scottish Bishops, pref. p. iii. Goodall ad Hist. Scot, introduc. p. 65.) In either sense Celestine appears to have conceived himself authorized to invest his missionary with authority over a foreign church. 6 Bed. 1. i, c. 27. This has been considered as a wanton invasion of the rights of the British churches. That it was warranted by precedent is cleai from the last note ; nor would it be a difficult task to prove that the Britons were always subject to the jurisdiction of the Roman see. While they formed a part of the western empire, they must have been on the same footing with the other provinces ; and from the language of Gildas we may infer, that after their separation, they still continued to acknowledge the superior authority of the pontiff. He informs us that the British ecclesiastics, who had not sufficient interest at home to obtain the richest benefices, crossed the seas and traversed distant provinces with costly presents, in order to obtain the object of their am- bition ; and then returned in triumph to their native country. Prosmissis ante solicite nuntiis, transnavigare maria terrasque spatiosas transmeare non tarn piget quam delectat, ut talis species comparetur. Deinde cum magno apparatu repedantes sese patris ingerunt, violenter manus sacrosanctis Christi sacrifices extensuri. (Ep. Gild. p. 24.) As the -power of the emperors was then extinct, this passage must mean that the British clergymen carried their disputes before the tribunal of some foreign prelate , who, undoubtedly, was the bishop of Rome. For who else possessed either the right or the power to control competitors, who either declined the jurisdietion, or appealed fron: the decision of their own metropolitan ? To this argument Stiilingfleet has opposed an angry but evasive answer. (Orig. Brit. p. 363.) 6 d3 42 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. of his conduct, offered no very pleasing .prospect : and when they reflected, that tQ acknowledge his authority was to subject their church to the control of the Saxon hieraehy, their pride was alarmed, and they determined to refuse all connexion with him/ The difficulty of the attempt did not, however, damp the ardour of Augustine. He acted with a vigour proportionate to the confidence which Gregory had reposed in his zeal ; and, by the influence of Ethelbert, prevailed on some of the British pre- lates to meet him near the confines of their country. From the morning till night he laboured to effect an accommodation; his exhortations, entreaties, and menaces- were ineffectual ; but a miracle is said to have subdued their obstinacy, and a promise was extorted that they would renew the conference on a future day. The promise was observed ; but not till they had consult- ed a neighbouring hermit famed for sanctity and wisdom. His answer betrays their secret apprehensions, and shows that the independence of their church was the chief object of their solici- tude. He advised them to watch jealously the conduct of the missionary : if he rose to meet them, they might consider him as a man of a meek and unassuming temper, and securely listen to his demands : but if he kept his seat, they should condemn him of pride, and return the insult with equal pride.' On the appointed day seven bishops, accompanied by Dinoth, abbot of Bangor, re- paired to the conference.^ Augustine had arrived before them : he did not rise at their approach ; and the advice of the hermit was religiously obeyed. To facilitate their compliance the mis- sionary had reduced his demands to three : that they should ob- serve the orthodox computation of Easter ; should conform to the Roman rite in the administration of baptism ; and join with him in preaching the gospel to the Saxons. Each request was refused, and his metropolitical authority contemptuously rejected. " Know, then," exclaimed the archbishop, in the anguish of dis- appointed zeal, "know, that if you will not assist me in pointing out to the Saxons the ways of life, they, by the just judgment of God, will prove to you the ministers of death." They heard the prophetic menace, and departed.'" ' See the verses of a Saxon poet transcribed by Whelock (p. 114:) but see them in the original ; for the Latin version has been enriched with the prejudices of the trans- lator. 8 Bed. I. ii. c. 2, p. 80. 9 Whether Dinoth possessed the gift of tongues may with reason be doubted : that he could not mistake the title of the British metropolitan is evident. His supposed answer to Augustine, which Spelman and Wilkins have honoured with a place in their editions of the Ei.glish councils, is said to betray its origin by the modernism of its language, and the anachronism respecting the see of Caerleon. The forgery was detected by Turber- ville, (Manual, p. 460,) and defended by Stillingfleet and Bingham, (Stil. orig. Brit p. 360. Bing. vol. i. p. 348.) '"As Bede, when he enumerates the~demands of Augustine, omits the recognition of his authority, some Catholic writers have maintained that it was not mentioned, and of consequence was not rejected. Their opinion is, however, expressly refuted by Bede SLAUGHTER OF THE BRITISH MONKS. 43 Augustine did not long survive this unsuccessful attempt, and his prediction was supposed to have been verified within eight years after his death." Edelfrid, the warlike and pagan Icing of Northumbria, had entered the British territories, and discovered the army of his opponents near the city of Chester. Diffident of their own courage, they had recourse to spiritual weapons ; and a detachment of more than twelve hundred monks from the monastery of Bangor occupied a neighbouring eminence, whence, like the Jewish legislator, they were expected to regulate by their prayers the fate of the contending armies. As soon as they were descried, " if they pray," exclaimed the king, " they also fight against us ;" and led his troops to the foot of the hill. Broc- mail, who had been intrusted with its defence, fled at the ap- proach of the Saxons; the monks were slaughtered without mercy; and of the whole number no more than fifty were able to regain their monastery.'^ himself, (neque se ilium pro Archiepiscopo habituros. p. 80.) But are we thence to conclude, with other writers, that the Britons also disavowed the supremacy of the pon- tiff? The inference will not convince the incredulity of those who know how freijuently prelates in communion with the see of Rome, have objected to the papal mandates in points of local discipline. As a recent instance may be mentioned, the conduct of the French bishops with respect to the cdncordat between Pius VII. and Bonaparte. ' ' There can be little doubt that the death of Augustine should be fixed to the year 605, and the battle of Chester to 6 13. See lianghorn, p. 145.149. Smith'sBed. p. 81,not. 29. '^Bed. p. 81. About five hundred years after this event, the fabulous Geoffry of Monmouth, anxious to exalt the character of his forefathers at the expense of their con- querors, attributed the massacre of the monks to the intrigues of St. Augustine, and King Ethelbert ; and his account was adopted by the incautious credulity of two obscure his- torians. Grey and Trivet, (Langhorn, p. 159.) But religious are more powerful than national prejudices. The story was improved by the reformed writers, and the arch- bishop was represented as departing in sullen discontent from the conference, and ex- horting the Saxon princes to efface with the blood of his adversaries the insult which had been offered to his authority. (See Bale, cent. 13, c. 1. Parker, p. 48, God. p. 33, and a crowd of more modern writers, whose zeal has re-echoed the calumny.) But this heavy accusation is supported by no proof, and is fully refuted by the testimony of Bede, who refers the massacre of the monks to its true cause, their appearance in tlie field of battle ; and expressly declares that it occurred long after the death of Augustine, (ipso Augustino jam multo ante tempore ad coelestia regna sublato. Bed. p. 81. To elude the force of this passage, Bishop Godwin has boldly asserted that it was added to the original text of Bede by the officious solicitude of some admirer of the missionary. He does not, indeed, desire us to believe him "without aiming at any proof," as Mr. Reeves inadvertently asserts; (Hist, of the Christ. Church, vol. i. p. 354:) but rests his opinion principally on the absence of the passage from the Saxon version by King Alfred. (God. p. 33.) He should, however, have observed that the royal translator frequently abridged the original, and omitted entire lines, when they were not necessary to complete the sense. Thus, for example, in the sentence preceding the controverted passage, he has not translated the account of Brocmail*s flight, nor, in the sentence which follows it, the date of the ordination of .Tustus and Mellitus. (See Smith's edition of Alfred's version, p. 504.) Whelock is another writer, who has attempted to prop up this baseless calumny. (Hist. Eccl. p. 114.) It were easy to expose the inaccuracies into which his zeal has hurried him : but every candid reader will admit, that if there be any reason to doubt the true meaning of Alfred's version, it will be more prudent to consult the original of Bede, than the commentaries of controvertists. As to the Latin MSS., they uniformly attest the authenticity of the suspected passage. It even occurs in that of More, written within two ye^rs from the death of Bede, and probably transcribed from the original copy of the venerable historian. Smith's Bede, pref. and p. 81, not. 6. 44 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. The system of ecclesiastical polity which Gregory had dictated to the missionaries, was never effectually carried into execution. Paulinus had indeed been consecrated for the see of York : but he was compelled to retire before he had completed the conver- sion of the nation ; and the Northumbrian prelates for more than a century aspired to no higher rank than that of bishops. Augustine himself preferred Canterbury to London ; and the metropolitical dignity was secured to the former by the rescripts of succeeding pontiffs. Its jurisdiction at first extended no farther than the churches founded by the Roman missionaries." But at the death of Deusdedit, the sixth archbishop, the presbyter Wig- hard was chosen to succeed him, and sent to Rome by the kings of Kent and Northumbria, to receive the episcopal consecration from the hands of the pontiff, and to consult him respecting the controversies which divided the Saxon bishops. During his residence in that city he fell a victim to the plague ; and Vitalian, who then enjoyed the papal dignity, seized the favourable moment to place in the see of Canterbury a prelate of vigour and capacity. The object of his choice was Theodore of Cilicia, an aged monk, who, to the severest morals, added a perfect knowledge of ecclesi- astical discipline. Him he invested with an extensive jurisdiction, similar to that which Gregory had conferred on St. Augustine. At his arrival the new metropolitan assumed the title of arch- bishop of Britain, and was acknowledged as their immediate superior by all the Saxon prelates. The authority which he claimed was almost unlimited ; but the murmurs of opposition were silenced by the veneration that his character inspired, and by a new decree of Pope Agatho in favour of the see of Canter- bury. After his death, different bishops attempted to assert their independence; and the successors of St. Augustine had more than once to contend with the ambition of their suffragans. The first who dared to refuse obedience was Egbert, bishop of York, and brother to the king of Northumbria. Depending on the ancient regulation of St. Gregory, and supported by the influence of his brother, he appealed to the pontiff; and a papal decree severed from the immediate jurisdiction of the Kentish metropoli- tan, all the bishoprics situated to the north of the Humber." His success roused the hopes of a more dangerous antagonist. The great prerogatives of Canterbury were an object of jealousy to Offa, the haughty and powerful king of Mercia. He thought it a disgrace that his prelates should profess obedience to the bishop of a tributary state ; and resolved to invest the ancient see of Lichfield with the archiepiscopal dignity. Janbyrht of Canter- bury was not wanting to himself i-n this controversy. He entreated and threatened : he employed the influence of friends and of presents : he adduced the decrees of former popes, and " BeiJe, 1. iv. c. 3. '■• Chron. Sax. An. 735. Malm, de Pont. 1. iii. f. 153. MULTIPLICATION OF BISHOPRICS. 45 pleaded the prescription of two centuries in favour of his church. But the power of OfTa was irresistible. His design was approved by the prelates of an English council, and their approbation was confirmed by a rescript of the Roman pontiff. The bishops of Mercia and East-AngJia acknowledged the authority of the new metropolitan ; and the archbishop of Canterbury, condemned to lament in silence the diminution of his revenue and authority, reluctantly contented himself with the obedience of the bishops of Rochester, London, Selsey, Winchester, and Sherburne. But the triumph of the Mercian was not of long continuance. Within nine years Kenulf ascended the throne, and, actuated either by motives of justice,or by the desire of reconciling to his government the inhabitants of Kent, expressed his willingness to restore to the church of Canterbury that pre-eminence which it originally enjoyed. The most formidable obstacle arose from a quarter where it had been least expected. Leo, who was then invested with the papal dignity, refused to alter a regulation which, at the general petition of the Saxon nobility and clergy, had been esta- blished by his predecessor. To' overcome the opposition of the pontiff, it required an embassy from the king, and a journey to Rome by the archbishop, Ethelward. But his consent was no sooner obtained, than it was joyfully received by the Saxon pre- lates, and the metropolitan of Lichfield descended to the subordi- nate station of a suffragan." The event of this contest proved honourable and useful to the see of Canterbury; and so firmly established its precedency, that it has since borne, without suffer- ing any considerable injury, the revolutions of more than ten centuries.^^ The first Saxon dioceses were of enormous extent, and gene- rally commensurate to the kingdoms in which they were esta- blished. The jurisdiction of the see of Winchester stretched from the frontiers of Kent to those of the Cornwall Britons : a single bishopric comprised the populous and extensive province of Mercia ; and the prelate who resided sometimes at York,.some- times in Lindisfarne, watched over the spiritual interests of all the tribes of Saxons and Picts, who dwelt between the Humber " For this controversy consult Wharton, (Ang. Sac. vol. i. p. 429, 430. 460,) the Saxon chronicle, (an. 785,) and Wilkins, (p. 153. 160, 164—7.) '6 From the original grants it is evident that the great authority conferred on St. Au- gustine and Theodore was meant to expire at their death. (Bed. p. 70. 160. Wilk. p. 41.) Yet their successors often claimed, and sometimes exercised a superiority over all the neighbouring churches. From numerous records it appears that the bishops of Scotland, and even of Ireland, frequently repaired to Canterbury, for the sacred rite of consecration, (Wilk. p. 373, 374. Ang. Sac. vol. i. p. 80, 81:) and though the majority of the Welch prelates continued to profess obedience to the bishop of St. David's, yet those of Landaff, who disputed the archiepiscopal dignity with the possessors of that see, rather than submit to their adversaries, acknowledged the authority of the English me- tropolitan. Their celebrated bishop, Oudoceus, with the approbation of Mouric, king of Glamorgan, had been ordained by St. Augustine; and his successors were careful to observe a practice which had been sanctioned by hia example. Langhorn, p. 137. Usher de prim. p. 85. Ang. Sac. vol. ii. p. 673. 46 ANTIQUITIES or THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. and the friths of Forth and Clyde. No powers of any individual were adequate to the government of dioceses so extensive ; and Theodore, from the moment of his arrival in England, had formed the design of breaking them into smaller and more proportionate districts. But few men can behold with pleasure the diminution of their authority or profit i and the duty of transmitting unim- paired to future ages the dignity which they enjoyed, would fur- nish the reluctant prelates with a specious objection against the measures of the primate. Theodore, however, secure of the protection of the holy see, pursued his design with prudence and with firmness. The contumacy of Winfrid, the Mercian bishop, he chastised by deposing him from his dignity, and successively consecrated five other prelates for the administration of his extensive diocese :'' and when Wilfrid of York had incurred the resentment of his sovereign, the king of Northumbria,he improved the opportunity, and divided into four bishoprics the provinces of that kingdom. The conduct of Theodore was imitated by his immediate successor, and, within a few years after his death, the number of Saxon bishops was increased from seven to seventeen." This augmentation was not, however, sufficient to satisfy the spiritual wants of the people ; and the venerable Bede zealously laments that, in the great and populous diocese of York there were many districts which had never been visited by their Bishop, and thousands of Christians, whose souls had not received the Holy Spirit by the imposition of his hands." To remgve so alarming an evil, this enlightened monk earnestly but ineffectu- ally proposed that the original plan of Gregory the Great should be completed; that the church ofNorthumbria should be intrusted to the separate administration of twelve prelates ; and that the new episcopal sees should be fixed in some of the rich but nomi- nal monasteries, which covered and impoverished that kingdom.^" The election of bishops has frequently been the subject of con- troversy between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. As long as the professors of the gospel formed a proscribed but increasing party in the heart of the Roman empire, each private church observed without interruption the method .established by its founder. But after the conversion of Constantine, when riches and influence were generally attached to the episcopal dignity, " Bed. I. iv. c. 6. Aug. Sac. vol. i. p. 423, not. '° They were, in Kent, Canterbury anci Rochester; in Essex, London ; in East-An- glia, Dunwish and Helmham ; in Sussex, Selsey ; in Wessex, Winchester and Sherburne ; in Mercia, Lichfield, Leicester, Worcester, and Sydnacester ; in Northumbria, York, Hexham, Lindisfarne, and Whithern. '9 Bed. ep. ad Egb. p. 307. '° Habito majore concilio et consensu pontificali simul et regali, prospiciatur locus aliquis monasteriorum ubi sedes episcopalis fiat .... Quod enim turpe est dicere, tot sub monasteriorum nomine hi, qui monachicse vitas prorsus sunt immunes, in suara ditionem acceperunt, ut omnino desit locus ubi filii nobilium aut emeritorum militum possessionem accipere possint. Bed. ibid. p. 309. The nature of these nominal or lay monasteries will be explained in one of the following chapters. ELECTION OF BISHOPS. 47 the freedom of canonical election alarmed the jealousy of the imperial court ; the prince often assumed the right of nominating to the vacant sees ; and the clergy were compelled to submit to a less, rather than provoke by resistance a more dangerous evil. However, the occasional exercise of the imperial claim was chiefly confined to the four great patriarchal churches of Antioch, Alex- andria, Constantinople, and Rome : and of the eighteen hundred dioceses which the empire comprised, the greater part enjoyed, till the irruption of the barbarians, the undisturbed possession of their religious liberties. But the Saxon church in its infancy / was divided among seven independent sovereigns, ignorant of ecclesiastical discipline, and impatient of control. Their im- petuosity was not easily induced to bend to the authority of the canons ; and their caprice frequently displayed itself in the choice and expulsion of their bishops. Of this a remarkable instance is furnished by the conduct of Coinwalch, king of Wessex. Agil- bert, a Gallic prelate, whom his industry and talents had re- commended to the notice of the king, was appointed by him to succeed Birinus, the apostle of that nation. But the influence of the stranger was secretly undermined by the intrigues of Wini, a Saxon ecclesiastic of engaging address and more polished ac- cent ; and after a decent deiay, the foreign bishop received from Coinwalch an order to surrender to the favourite one-half of his extensive province. Opposition was fruitless : and Agilbert, rather than subscribe to his own disgrace by retaining a mu- tilated diocese, retired from the kingdom of Wessex, and left his more fortunate antagonist in possession of the whole.^' But Wini in his, turn experienced the caprice of his patron. On some motive of disgust he also was compelled to abdicate his see, and an honourable but fruitless embassy was sent to Agilbert to solicit him to return. Similar instances which occur during the first eighty years of the Saxon church, show the inconstant humour and despotic rule of these petty sovereigns: and the submission of the prelates proves, that they were either too irresolute to despise the orders, or too prudent to provoke the vengeance of princes, whose power might easily have crushed the fabric, which they had reared with so much difficulty and danger. By Theodore the discipline of the Saxon church was reduced to a more perfect form. The choice of bishops was served to the national synods, in which the primate presided, and regulated the process of the election.^^ Gradually it devolved to the clergy of each church, whose choice was corroborated by the presence and acclamations of the more respectable among the laity." But ^' Unde ofiensus graviter Agilbertas, quod hoc ipso inconsulto ageret Rex, rediit Galliatn. Bede, 1. iii. c. 7. 22 Compare Wilkins, (p. 46,) Bede, (1. iv. c. 28, v. c. 8. 18,) and the letter of Wald- har, bishop of London, (Smith's Bede, p. 783.) 23 Electio prssulum et abbatum tempore Anglorum penes clericos et monachns erat. Malm, de Pont. 1. iii. f. 157. Plegmund of Canterbury was chosen oj; Dobe anb 48 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. the notion? of the feudal jurisprudence insensibly undermined the freedom of these elections. As it was dangerous to intrust the episcopal power to the hands of his enemy, the king forbade the consecration of the bishop elect, till the royal consent had been obtained : and as the revenues of the church were origi- nally the donation of the crown, he claimed the right of investing the new prelate with the temporalities of his bishopric. As soon as any church became vacant, the ring and crosier, the emblems of episcopal jurisdiction, were carried to the king by a deputation of the chapter, and returned by him to the person whom they had chosen, with a letter by which the civil officers were order- ed to maintain him in the possession of the lands belonging to his church.^ The claims of the crown were progressive. By degrees the royal will was notified to the clergy of the vacant bishopric under the modest veil of a recommendation in favour of a particular candidate : at last the rights of the chapter were openly invaded ; and before the fall of the Anglo-Saxon dynasty we meet with instances of bishops appointed by the sovereign, without -vyaiting for the choice, or soliciting the consent of the clergy.^' The ministers of the public worship in the infancy of the Saxon church were divided into two classes, the clergy and the monks ; who, as they were at first united by their common desire to con- vert the barbarians, were afterwards rendered antagonists by the jealousy of opposite interests. The companions of St. Augustine, when he departed from Rome, were Italian monks : but during his journey he was joined by seveiral of the Gallic clergy, to whose labours and preaching, as thet/ alone spoke the Saxon language, he was greatly indebted for the success of his mis- oj: eallen hlj* hallechen, (Chron. Sax. p. 90:) ^dnoth of Dorchester, tam cleri quam populi votis, (Hist. Rames. p. 343. 447,) Adulph of York, omnium consensu et voluntate regis et episcoporum, cleri etpopulorum. (Ccen. Burgen. hist. p. 31.) The archbishop of Canterbury is said to have retained the right of nominating to the see of Rochester. Selden, not. ad Eadmer. p. 144. 24 Ingulf, p. 32. 39. 63. A letter written by Edward the Confessor on one of these occasions is preserved in the history of Ely, p. 513. 2' A multis itaque annis retroactis nulla electio prselatorurS erat mere libera et cano- nica : sed omnes dignitates tam episcoporum quam abbatum per annulum et baculum R«gi3 curia pro sua complacentia conferebat. Ing. p. 63. The royal nomination, how- ever, was not always successful. Egelric, appointed by Edward to the archbishopric of York, was refused by the canons, and compelled to retire to the church of Durham. (Coen. Burg. hist. p. 45. Simeon says he was opposed by the clergy of Durham, p. 167.) That the right assumed by the_ crown was often exercised to the disadvantage of religion, became the subject of frequent complaint under the Saxon princes, (Chron. Sax. p. 157. 162, Ingulf p. 63. Sim. Dun. p. 166;) but after the Norman conquest the abuse grew intolerable ; and the first ecclesiastical dignities were prostituted by William Rufua to the highest bidder. At last the pontiffs interfered, and reclaimed the ancient freedom of canonical election. This gave birth to the celebrated dispute con- cerning investitures, which has furnished many writers with a favourite theme, the ambition of the Roman bishops. In treating it, they whimsically declaim against the ignorance of the higher clergy at that period, and vet condemn the oi^ly measure which could remedy that evil. ANGLO-SAXON CLERGY. 49 sion.^* The economy of the rising church soon demanded his attention : and, desirous to imitate the discipUne of other Christian countries, he placed his monks in a convent without the walls of Canterbury; and intrusted the duty of his cathedral to the clergy who,.had accompanied him from Gaul.^'' Scarcely, however, was the archbishop dead, when (if we may give credit to a sus- picious charter) the partiality of Ethelbert attempted to disturb the order established by his teacher, and permission was obtained from the pontiff to introduce a colony of monks, who might either supersede, or assist the former canons.^' But if this plaij were in contemplation, there is reason to believe it was not executed-. Long after the death of Ethelbert, we discover the clergy in pos- session of Christchurch ; nor were they compelled to yield their benefices to the superior power of the monks before the com- mencement of the eleventh century .^^ The motives which actuated Augustine, probably induced many of the other prelates to establish communities; of clergy for the service of their cathedrals. St. Aidan, indeed, seems to form an exception. Lindisfarne, which he had chosen for his resi- dence, was regulated after the model of the parent monastery in the isle of Hii ; and both the bishop and his clergy practised, as far as their functions would permit, the same religious observ- ances as the abbot and his monks. But the apology which Bede offers for the singularity of the institution, is a sufficient proof, that it had been adopted by few of the other prelates ;^° and the many regulations, which occur in the acts of the Saxon coun- cils, respecting the conduct and the dress of the canons, shew that order of men to have been widely diffused through the different dioceses of the heptarchy.'^ '5 Compare the 38th and 59th epistles of St. Gregory, (ep. I. v.) with Bede's History, (1. i. c. 27, inter. I, 2.) See also Alford, ann. 598, and Stillingfleet's answer to Cressy, p. 271. 2' See Spelman, (Cone. vol. i. p. 1 1 6,) the bull of Eugenius IV. to the canons of the Lateran, (Pennot. de canon. 1. ii. c. 14,) and Smith, (Floras hist. p. 36.3.) 38 Quod postulasti concedimus, ut vestra benignitas in Monasterio Sancti SaWatoris monachorum regulariter viventium habitationem statuat. Ep. Bon. iv. ad Ethel, apud Spel. vol. i. p. 130. 29 See the charter of Ethelred to the monks after he had expelled the canons. (Wilk. Con. p. 282. 284.) Stillingfleet shows that, notwithstanding the introduction of the monks, the clergy still possessed several prebends in that church as late as the reign of Henry the Second. (Ans. to Cressy, p. 290.) 30 Neque aliquis miretur . . . revera enim ita est . 1 . . Ab Aidano omnes loci ipsius antistites usque hodie sic episcopale exercent ofiicium, ut regente monasterium Abbate, quem ipsi cum concilio fratrum elegerint, omnes presbyteri, diaconi, cantores, lectores, cseterique gradus ecclesiastici, monachicam per omnia cum ipso episcopp regu- 1am servant. Bed. vit. Cuth. c. xvi. 3' Wilk. torn. J. p. 101. 147. 286. Tom. iv. app. p. 754. See alfeo the letter of St. Boniface addressed to the Saxon bishops, priests, deacons, canons, clerks, abbots, monks, &c. (Ep. Bonif. 6, edit. Ser.) Eugenius IV. ascribes the introduction of canons to the order of St. Gregory. Beatissimus Gregorius Augustino Anglorum episcopo, velut plantationem sacram in commisso sibi populo preecepit insdtut Bulla Eug. IV. paud Pennot. cit. Smith Flores, p. 363. 7 E 50 ANTIQUITIES OF THE AmGLO-SAXON CHtJRCH. Under the general appellation of canons our ancestors com- prised the ecclesiastics, who professed to regulate their conduct by the decrees of the councils, and the statutes of the ancient fathers. ^^ In almost every episcopal see," contiguous to the cathediral, was erected a spacious buiWing, which was distin- guished by the name of the episcopal monastery, and was de- signed for the residence of the bishop and his clergy.^* The original destination of the latter was the celebration of the di- vine service, and the education of youth : and, that they might with less impediment attend to these important duties, they were obliged to observe a particular distribution of their time, to eat at the same table, to sleep in the same dormitories, and to live constantly under the eye of the bishop, or, in his absence, of the superior whom he had appointed.'^'' But they retained the power of disposing of their own property ; and in this respect the canonical ditfered essentially from the monastic, profession.^* Their numbers were constantly supplied from the children who were educated under their care, and the proselytes, who, dis- gusted with the pleasures or the troubles of the world, requested to be admitted into their society. Among them were to be found the descendants of the noblest families, and Thanes, who had governed provinces, and commanded armies.^ A severe pro- bation preceded their admittance into the order : nor did they receive the tonsure from the hands of the bishop, till their con- duct had been nicely investigated, and the stability of their voca- tion satisfactorily proved." These communities were the principal seminaries for the edu- cation of the clergy. Though each parish-priest was constantly attended by a certain number of inferior clerks, who were or- ^^ Candnes dicimus regulas, quas sancti patres constituenint, in quibus scriptum est, quomodo canonici, id est, clerici regulares vivere debent. Excerp. Egb. Archiep. p. 101. Aa Northumbria was principally converted by the Scottish missionaries, the clergy wero there known by the Scottish-name of Culdees, (Colidei or Keledei, from Keile servus, and Dia Deus, Goodall, introd. ad Hist. Scot. p. 68.) In the cathedral church of York they retained this appellation as late as the eleventh century. (Monast. Ang. vol. ii. p. 36S.) This circumstance alone is sufficient to refute the strange notion of some modern Scottish writers, that the Culdees were a kind of presbyterian ministers, who rejected the authority of bishops, and differed in religious principles from the monks. Goodall has demonstrated from original records, that they were the clergy of the cathe- dral churches who chose the bishop, and that all their disputes with the monks regarded contested property, not religious opinions. See preface to Keith's Catalogue of Bishops, p. viii. *■ ''' Atford, the learned annalist, has incautiously sanctioned the vulgar error that a monastery necessarily implies a habitation of monks, (Alf. torn. iii. p. 182.) The distinction of clerical and monastic monasteries is repeatedly inculcated in our Saxon writers, (Wilk.p.86, 100.160. Oale,f), 481.) It was equally known in other nations. See the epistle of St. Ambrose to the church of Vercelli, (1. iii.) the life of St. Augus- tine by Possidius, (c. xi.) the sermons of St. Augustine, (de diversis, 49, 50,) the coun- cil of Mentz, (c. 20,) and Historia de los Seminarios clericales, (en Salamanca, 1778, p. 6—14.) 34 Bed. 1. i. u. 27. Wilk. p. 147. 293. s« Cone. Aquisgran. I. can. 115. s« Hoved. an. 794. 796. Wilk. p. 226, xiii. " wilk. p. 98. EDUCATION OF THE CLERGY. 51 dered to listen to his instructions, and were occasionally raised to tfie priesthood ; yet it was from the episcopal monastery that the bishop selected the most learned and valuable portion of his clergy. With the assistance of the best masters, the young ec- clesiastics were initiated in the diiferent sciences which were studied at that period : while the restraint of a wise and vigilant discipline withheld them from the seductions of vice, and inured them to the labours and the duties of their profession. Aqcord- ing to their years and merit they were admitted to the lower orders of the hierarchy : and might, with the approbation of their superior, aspire at the age- of five-and-twenty to the rank of deacon, at thirty, to that of priest.^^ But it was incumbent on the candidate to prove, that no canonical impediment forbade his promotion ; that he was not of spurious or servile birth ; that he had not been guilty of any public and infamous crime ; ahd, if he had formerly lived in the state of wedlock, that neither he nor his wife had been married more than onci'e.^^ From |he moment of his ordination he was bound to obey the commands of his bishop ; to reside within the diocese; to limit the exercise of his functions according to the directions of hi? superior ; and to serve with fidelity the church in which he might be placed.^ But though he was thus rendered dependent on the nod of his diocesan, that prelt^e was admonished to temper the exercise of his authority with mildness and discretion, and to recollect, that if, in the discharge of the episcopal duties, he was the superior, on other occasions he was the colleague of his priests.'" In the infancy of the Saxon church, the scanty supply of mis- sionaries was unequal to the multiplied demands of , the people intrusted to their care. The bishop either followed the court and preached according to his leisure and opportunity ; or fixed his residence in some particular spot, whence, attended by his clergy, he visited the remoter parts of the. diocese. Churches were not erected except in monasteries, am the more populous -towns ; and the inhabitants of 'the country depended for instruction on the casual arrival of priests, whom charity or the orders of their superiors induced to undertake these obscure and laborious jour- neys. Bede has drawn an interesting picture of the avidity with which the simple natives of the most neglected cantons were ac- customed to hasten, on the first appearance of a missionary, to beg his'benediction, and Usten to' his instructions :*^ and the cele- brated St. Cuthbert frequently spent whole weeks and months in performing the priestly functions, amid the most mountainous and uncultivated parts of Northumbria.^^ The inconvenience 38 Wilk. p. 106, 107. 39 Id. p. 85. It was necessary, as will be proved hereafter, that his wife should be dead, or have consented to a perpetual separation. "O Id. p. 43. 83. 102. 105. 127. 171. *i Id. p. 103. 42 Bed. 1. iii. c. 26. is Bed. vit. Cuth. c. 9, 16. 52 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. of this de,sultory method of. instructicra was soon tliscovered ; and Honorius of Canterbury is said to have first fofftied the plan of distributing each diocese into a proportionate number of parishes, and of allotting each to the care of a resident dergyaian/^ But the autl^ority is doubtful ; and the attempt, if.it were made, was probably confined to the territories of the Kentish Saxons. To Archbishop Theodore belongs the merit of extending it to the neiglibouring churches, from which it was gradually diffused over , the, remaining dioceses. That prelate exhorted the thanes to erect and endow, with the permission of the sovereign, a com- petent number of churches within the precincts of their estates ; and, to stimulate their industry, secured to them and their heirs the rigTit of patronage.""^ Thus. the ecclesiastical distribution of each diocese into parishes, was conformable to the civil division of the province into manors : but as many of these were of great extent, to accommodate the more distant inhabitants, orato- ries were erected, which, though at first subordinate to the mother church, were frequently, with the concurrence of the bishop, emancipated from their dependence, and honoured with the parochial privileges.'"' . Theodore, however, was careful not to deprive the bishop of that authority which was necessary for the government of the his clergy. Though the right of advowson was vested in the patron, the powers of institution and deprivation were reserved unimpaired to the diocesan.'"' Besides the regulations which that prelate might think proper to publish in his annual visitation, twice in the year the parish priests were compelled to attend the episcopal synod, to give an account of their conduct, and to re- ceive the orders of their superior.'*' They were admonished that to preach the pure doctrine of the gospel, and to eradicate the lurking remains of idolatry, were among the most important of their obligations.*', Each Sunday they were to explain in Eng- lish that portion of the Scripture which was read during, the mass, and to devote a part of their time to the instruction of their parishioners in the truths and duties of Christianity.™ Through veneration to the holy husel, the .victim of salvation whom they '''' Godwin de prassul. p. 40. ^' Smith's Bede, p. 189, not. Whelock's Bed. p. 399, not. Spelman's Councils, p. 158, The bishops appear to have ceded the right of advowson to the lay proprietor on these conditions ; that he should build a church and habitation for the clergyman, should assign a certain portion of glebe land towards his support, and should grant him the tithes of his estate. If the thane afterwards built anothfer church, and the bishop permitted it to have a burial-ground, the incumbent might claim one-third of the tithes ; otherwise he was to be supported at the expense of the patron. This I conceive td be the meaning of the many regulations in Wilkins, p. 103. 245. 300. 302. «Ibid. 1' Wilk. p. 103. Kxiii. 105, Ivii. "8 Id. p. 146, i. iii. "» Id. p. 96, viii.— xii. 1 50, xijr. »° Id. p. 102, iii. vi. 134, xiii. 135, xv. DISCIPLINE OF THE CLERGY. 53 believed to be immolated on their altars," the church, the vest- ments, and the sacred vessels were ordered to be kept clean, and to be treated syith respect/^ The sick were particularly recom- mended to ^their care. They were frequently to visit them, to hear their confessions, to carry them the eucharist, ahd to anoint them with the last unction.''^ In the tribunal of penance, an in- stitution which formed the most difficult of their functions, they were advised to weigh with discretion every circumstance, that they might apportion the punishment to the crime*: and,.in order to assist their judgment, were frequently to consult, and scrupu- lously to observe the directions of the penitentiary.*'' They were exhorted to be satisfied with the revenue of their churches; and the severest censures awaited the priest, who presumed to de- mand a retribution for the discharge of his functions." Every dissipating amusement and indecorous employment was forbid- den. They could neither accept of civil offices, nor engage in the speculations of commerce. The tumultuous pleasures of the chase and of public diversions they were exhorted to despise as derogatory from their character, and to employ their leisure hours in the study of theology, and the exercise of manual labour. Their dress was to be plain but decent : free from the ornaments of fashionable vanity; and conformable to the severity of the canons.'^ To bear arms was strictly forbidden ; but arms were always worn by the Saxon as a token of his freedom, and the number of statutes by which they were prohibited, is a proof of the diffusion and obstinacy of this national prejudice." The obvious tendency of these laws was to enforce the duties, and to uphold the sanctity of the priestly character. But there was another regulation, the general expediency of which will not be so universally admitted. From the gospel and the epis- tles of St. Paul, the first Christians had learned to form an exalted notion of the merit of chastity and continency.'* In all, they were revered : from ecclesiastics, they were expected. To the latter were supposed more particularly to belong that voluntary renunciation of sensual pleasure, and that readiness to forsake parents, wife, and children, for the love of Christ, which the Sa- viour of mankind required in the more perfect of his disciples :*" and this idea was strengthened by the reasoning of the apostle, who had observed, that while the married man was necessarily ^' Sacrificinm victims salutaris. Bed. 1. iv. c. 28. 52 Wilk. p. 107, c. 219, xxvi. i " Id. p. 60, vii. 102, xx. 103, xxi. xxii. 127, xv. "Id. 115, i. 125, i. 236, ix. " Id. p. 102, xii. 104, xl. 146, lii. Burials were excepted from this law. See chap- ter iii. *« Id. p. 99, xxviii. 102, xiv. xvi. xviii. 112, clix. 124, vii. viii. 138, 139. " Id. p. 102, xvii. 112, civ. clxi. *8 Mat. xix. 10. 1 Cor. vii. " Luk. xiv. 36. E 2 54 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGI,0-SAXON CHURCH. solicitous for the concerns of this worlds the unmarried was at liberty to turn his whole attention to the service of God."" Hence it was inferred that the embarrassments of»wedlock were hostile to the profession of a clergyman. His parishioners, it was said, were his family ; and to watch over their spiritua;! welfare, to in- struct their ignorance, to console them in their afflictions, and to relieve them in their indigence, were expected to be his constant and favourite occupations.^^ But though the first teachers of Christianity were accustomed to extol the advantages, they do not appear to have imposed the obligation of clerical celibacy. Of those who had embraced the doctrine of the gospel, the ma- jority were married previously to their conversion. Had they been excluded from the priesthood, the clergy would have lost many of its brightest ornaments : had they been compelled to separate from their wives, they might justly have accused the severity and impolicy of the measure."^ They were, however, taught to consider a life of continency, even in the married state, as demanded by the sacredness of their functions-:'' and no sooner had the succession of Christian princes secured the peace of the church, than laws were made to enforce that discipline, which fervour had formerly introduced and upheld. "'' The regulations of the canons were supported by thie authority of the emperors : by Theodosius, the priest who presumed to marry, was deprived of the clerical privileges ; by Justinian, his children were decla- red illegitimate." Insensibly, however, the Greek and Latin churches adopted a diversity of discipline, which was fi:nally established by the council in Trullo. 'Both of them indulged the inferior clerks with the permission to marry: though that mar- riage, until it was dissolved by the natural death of the wife, or interrupted by her voluntary retreat into a convent, was an effectual bar to their future promotion. But by the Greeks they were only forbidden to aspire to the episcopal dignity ; by the severity of the Latins they were excluded from the inferior orders of sub-deacon, deacon, and priest.' The reader who is more conversant with modern than with ancient historians may not, perhaps, be disposed to believe that the discipline of the Latins was ever introduced into the Saxon church. He has, probably, been taught, that "the celibacy of the clergy was first enjoined by the popes in the tenth century, and not adopted by our ancestors till five hundred years after their 60 1 Cor. vii. 32, 33. 6' The validity of this inference is maiatained in the veiy act of parliament which licenses the marriages of the clergy. 2 Ed. vi, c, 31. «2 Hawarden, Church of Christ, vol. ii. p. 405. 410. Ed. 1715. 63 Orig. Horn. 23 in Lib. Num. Euseb. Dem. Evan. 1. i. c. ^* See the councils of Elvira, (can. 33,) of Neociesarea, (can. 1,) of Ancyra, (can. 10,) of Carthage, (con. 2, can 2,) and of Toledo, (con. 1, can. 1.) «' Ne legitimes quidem et proprios esse eos, qui ex hujusmodi inordinata constupra- tione, nascuntur, aut nati sunt. Leg. 45, cap. de epis. ct cler. CELIBACY OF THE CLERGY. 55 conversion : that the, Saxon bishops and parochial clergy, like those of the present' church of England, added to the care of their flocks that of their wives and children : and that even the mo- nasteries of monks were in reality colleges of secular priests, who retained the choice, without quitting the convent, either of a mar- ried or a single life.""^ But after a patient, and, I think, impar- tial investigation, I hesitate not to say that the marriages of the ancient Saxon clergy must be classed with those imaginary beings, which are the offspring of credulity or prejudice. Had they been permitted, they would certainly have claimed the no- tice of contemporary writers, and have been the object of synod- ical regulations : but to search for a single trace of their existence in the writings of contemporaries^ or the regulations of synods, will prove an ungrateful and a fruitless labour." Every monu- ment of the first ages of the Saxon church which has descended to us, bears the strongest testimony that the celibacy of the clergy was constantly and severely enforced. Of the discipline esta- blished by the Roman missionaries, every doubt must be removed by the answer of St. Gregory to St. Augustine, according to which, only the clerks who had not been raised to the highest orders, and \*'ho professed themselves unable to lead a life of continency, were permitted to marry f^ and the consentient practice of the northern Saxons is forcibly expressed by Ceolfrid, the learned abbot of Weremouth,^' by Bede, in different passages of his writ- ings,™ and by Egbert, the celebrated archbishop of York, in his excerpta.^^ In many of the canons which are acknowledged to have been observed by their successors, it is either evidently sup- 66 See Tindall's Rapin, (torn. i. p. 80,) Burton's Monasticpn'Eboracense, (p. 30,) Hume, (Hist. c. ii. p. 28,) and Henry, (Hist. vol. iii. p. 215.) 67 Among the writers, who contend that the Saxon clergy were permitted to marry, I. am acquainted with no one besides Inett, who has ventured to appeal to any contem- porary authority. He refers his reader to Theodore's penitentiary, which was published by Petit with so many interpolations that it is impossible to distinguish the original from the spurious matter, (Inett, vol. i. p. 124.) "The words in the penitentiary are these : Non licet viris fceminas habere monachas, neqtie foeminis viros : tamen non destruamus illud quod consuetudo: est in hac terra. (Pcen. p. 7.) But this passage, if genuine, «peaks not of the clergy nor of marriage: and .probably alludes to the secular or double monasteries, which will be afterwards described, and in which it sometimes happened that communities of monks or nuns were subjected to the government of per- sons of a different sex. This custom the canon disapproves, though it dares not abolish it. 68 Si qui sint clerici extra sacros ordines constituti, qui se continere non possunt, sortiri uxores debent. Bed. Hist. 1. i. c. 27. 68 Carnem suam cum vitiis et concupiscentils crucifigere oportet eos qui - - - gradum clericatUB habentes arctioribus se necesse habent pro domino continentite fraenis astrin- gere. Ep. Ceolf. ad Naiton reg. apud Bed. 1. v. c. 21. '0 Sine ilia castimonise portione, quse ab appetitu copulse conjugalis cohibet, nemo vel saccerdotium suscipere vel ad altaris potest ministerium consecrari ; id est, si non aut virgopermanserit, aut contra uxoriae conjunctionis foedera solvent. Bed. de taber. 1. iii. c. 9. See also his commentary on St. Luke, c. 1. J I Clerici extra sacros ordines constituti, id est, nee presbyteri nee diaconi sortiri in- ores debent; sacerdotes autem nequaquam uxores ducant. Exc. Egb. apud Wilk. p. 112, can.'clx. 56 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. posed '= or openly commanded." The sentence of degradation is pronounced against the priest or deacon who shall jpresume to marry :'* and the ecclesiastic who had separated from his wife to receive the sacred right of ordination, and had returned to her again, was condemned to a penitential course of ten or seven years.''* An improvement was made on the severity, of the fathers assembled in the great council of Nice, and even female relations were forbidden to dwell in the same house with a priest.''^ During more than two hundred and fifty years from the death of Augustine, these laws respecting clerical celibacy, so galling to the natural propensities of man, but so calculated to impart an elevated idea of the sanctity which becomes the priest- hood, were enforced with the strictest rigour : but during part of the ninth, and most of the tenth century, when the repeated and sanguinary devastations of the Danes threatened the destruction of the hierarchy no less than of the government, the ancient ca- nons opposed but a feeble barrier to the impulse of the passions: and of the clergy who escaped the swords of the invaders, seve- ral scrupled not to violate the chastity which at their ordination they had vowed to observe. Yet even then the marriage of priests was never approved, perhaps never expressly tolerated, by the Saxon prelates f and as often as a transient gleam of " Wilk. p. 103,'xxxi.- " Irobej- pacepbaf . "] biaconap. "] oj'pe Urobef Seopaj* Se on rjobej- cemple Irobe Semjan pcylon. •] hahjbom. •] halij bee hanblijan. tta j-cylon j-y.mble hypa clsennypf e healban. "God's priciBts and deacons, and God's other servants, that shovdd serve in God's temple, and touch the sacrament and the holy books, the; shall always observe their chastity." Poenit. Eg. p. 133, iv. 74 Irip mBej-j-e ppeofC o]>]'e biacoh pipige. ^Solijonhy-pahabei". "If priest or deacon marry, let them lose their orders." Ibid. i. and p. 134, v. But deposition was the only punishment : the marriage was not annulled. It was only ia the twelfth century that holy orders were declared to incapacitate a person for marriage. Pothier, Traite du Contrat de Marr. p. 135. 75 Lrip hpylc jehabob man. bipceop o^ye maepj-e ppeopc ofj'e munuc oj'^e biacon hip jemaeccan haepbe aep he jehabob paepe. •] %a pop Lrobep lupon hij poplec. ■] Co habe penj. ■] hiz Sonne epc pyl')'an cogaebepe hpyppbon Suph haemeb bmj. paepce aelc be hip enbebypbnyppe. ppa hic bupan appicen yp be manpliCe. "If any man in orders, bishop, priest, monk, or deacon, had his wife, ere he were ordained, and forsook her for God's sake, and received ordination, and they afterwards return together again through lust, let each fast according to bis order, as is written above with respect to murder." Ibid. p. 136. 76^1conDobep %eope beonclaennyppe Dobe beopijanpcyle, yp popboben j5 he najjop ne hip majan ne olJepne pipman pop nanep peopcep ttmjon inne mib him naebbe, ^ilaep he ftuph beoplep copnunje baep on jepinjije. Ibid. p. 134, vi. " The only semblance of a proof that these ntarriages were tolerated, occurs in the regulations for the clergy of Northumbria, published about the year 950, and designed, as I conceive, to direct the officers in the bishop's court. IJip ppeopc cpenan poplsece. -] o}>pe nime. ana)»ema pic. "If a priest forsake his CELIBACY OF THE CLEEGr. 57 tranquillity invited them to turn their attention to the restoration of discipline, the prohibitions of former synods were revived, and the celibacy of the clergy was recommended by paternal exhort- ations, and enforced by the severest penalties.'' To calculate the probable influence of this institution on the population of nations has frequently amused the ingenuity and leisure of arithmetical politicians ; of whom many have not hesi- tated to arraign the wisdom of those by whom it was originally devised, and of those by whom it is still observed. Yet, in de- fiance of tiieir speculations, several Catholic countries continue to. be crowded with inhabitants ; and to account for the scanty popu- lation of others we need only advert to the defects of their con- stitution, the insalubrity of the climate, the establishment of foreign colonies, and barrenness of a parched and effete soil.''' Neither is it certain that to increase the number of inhabitants is, in all circumstances, to increase the resources of the state j but it is evident that, the man, who spends his life in promoting the interests of morality, and correcting the vicious propensities of his fellow-creatures, adds more to the sum of public virtue and of public happiness- than he whose principal merit is the number of his children. If it be granted that the clerical functions are of high importance to the welfare of the state, it must also be acknowledged that, in the discharge of these functions, the immar- lied possesses great and numerous advantages over the married clergyman. Unencumbered with the cares of a family, he may dedicate his whole attention to the spiritual improre- ment of his parishioners: free from all anxiety respecting the future establishment of his children, he may expend with- out scruple the superfluity of his revenue, in relieving the dis- tresses of the sick, the aged, and the unfortunate. Had Augus- tine and his associates been involved in the embarrassments of marriage, they would never have torn themselves from their homes and country, and have devoted the best portion of their lives to the conversion of distant and unknown barbarians. Had their successors seen themselves . surrounded with numerous families, they would never have founded those charitable esta- blishments, nor have erected those religious edifices, that testify the use to which they devoted their riches, and still exist to re- concubine and take another, let him be accursed." (Wilk. p. 219, xxxv.) This by some is explained to imply a permission to keep one concubine, provided she be put on the same footing as a wife ; but others, with greater probability, conceive the curse to be directed against him, who having put away one concubine at the requisition of the bishop, had aftervrards taken another. '8 See Wilkins, p. 214,_L 225, viii. 229, Ix. 233, xxxi. 250, v. vi. 268, xiL 286, i. 293. 301, vi. From the severity of the thirty-first canon, published in the reign of Edgar, Johnson is convinced that it must have been composed, by St. Dunstan. The learned translator had probably forgotten that it was composed two centuries before and published by Archbishop Egbert. Compare Wilk. p. 136, with p. 233, xxxi. '3 See on the last cause a curious dissertation, 1^ the Abbe Mann. Transactions of Acad, of Sciences at Manheim, vol. vi., 8 58 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANHLO-SAXON CHURCH. proach the parsimony of succeeding generations.^" But it was not from the impolicy of the institution, that the reformers attempted to justify the eagerness with which they emancipated themselves from its yoke." They contended that the law of_ clerical celibacy was unjust, because it deprived man of his natural rights, and exacted privations incompatible with his natural propensities. To this objection a rational answer was returned : that to accept the priestly character was a matter of election, not of necessity-: and that he, who freely made it the object of his choice, chose at the same time the obligations an- nexed to it. The insinuation that a life of continency was above the power of man, was treated with the contempt which it de- served. To those, indeed, whom habit had rendered the obse- quious slaves of their passions, it might appear, with reason, too arduous an attempt: but the thinking part of mankind would hesitate before they sanctioned an opinion which was a libel on the character of thousands, who, in every department of society, are confined by their circumstances to a state of temporary or perpetual celibacy. CHAPTER III. Revennes of the Clergy — Donations of Land — Voluntary oblations — Tithes — Church Dues — Right of Asylum — Peace of the Church — ^Romescot It is a maxim of natural equity, consecrated by the uniform practice of the wisest as well as the most illiterate nations, that the man whose life is devoted to the service, should be sup- ported at the expense of the public. As the ministers of religion are engaged in the exercise of functions the most beneficial to society, they may with justice claim a provision, which shall be sufficient to remove the terrors of poverty, and permit a close 80 " He that hath wife and children," saith Lord Bacon, " hath given hostages to fortune : for they are impediments to great enterprises either of virtue or mischief. Certainly the best works, and of the greatest merit for the pviblic, have proceeded from the unmarried or the childless man, which both in affection and means have married and endowed the pnbltc. . . . Unmarried men are best friends, best masters, best servants .... A single life doth well with churchmen : for charity will hardly water the ground, where it must first fill a pool." Bacon's Essays, p. 17, London, 1696. A Roman philosopher was of the same opinion. Vita conjugalis altos et generosos epiritos frangit, et a magnis cogitationibus ad humillimas detrahit. Seneca. 8< It is amusing to hear the reasons assigned by Bale for his union with the faithful Dorothy. Scelestissimi antichristi characterem illico abrasi, et ne deinceps in aliquo essem tarn dctestabilis bestiae creatura, uxorem accepi Dorotheam fidelem, divins huic voci auscultans ; qui se non continet, nubat. Baleus de seip. Cent, viii, c. ult. DONATIONS OF LAND. 59 attention to the discharge of their duties : but the manner in which this provision should be secured, is a subject of pohtical discussion, and has always varied according to the exigence of circumstances, the manners of the people, and the method of public instruction. The present chapter will attempt to inves- tigate the principal sources, from which the support of the Anglo- Saxon clergy was originally derived. The civil and religious revolutions of more than ten centuries have occasioned many important alterations : yet the more lucrative of the ancient institutions are still permitted to exist. Though the zeal of the first reformers execrated the doctrines, it was not hostile to the emoluments of popery : and their successors are still willing to owe their bread to the liberality of their Catholic ancestors. I. As donations of land were the usual reward with which the Saxon princes repaid the services of their followers, they naturally adopted the same method of providing for the wants of their teachers : and in every kingdom of the heptarchy some of the choicest manors belonging to the crown were separated from its domain, and irrevocably allotted to the church. Ethel- bert, of Kent, as he was the first of royal proselytes, stands the foremost in the catalogue of royal benefactors. He withdrew his court from Canterbury to Reculver, and bestowed on the missionaries the former city and its dependencies : with propor- tionate munificence he founded the episcopal see of Rochester ; and as soon as Saberct, king of Essex, had received the sacred rite of baptism, assigned, in conjunction with that prince, an ample territory for the support of the Bishop Mellitus and his clergy.* The other Saxon monarchs were emulous to equal the merit of Ethelbert ; and the fame of their liberality has been transmitted to posterity by the gratitude of the ecclesiastical historians. Kinegils, of Wessex, gave the city of Dorchester to his teacher, Birinus ; and from his son and successor, Coinwalch, the church of Winchester received a grant of all the lands within the distance of seven miles from the walls of that capital.^ The isle of Selsey, containing eighty -seven hides, together with two hundred and fifty slaves, was bestowed by Edilwalch, of Sussex, on the missionary, St. Wilfrid ;* and the wealth of the ancient Northumbrian prelates sufficiently attests the munificence of Oswald and his successors. Nor were the episcopal churches the sole objects of their liberality. In proportion to the diffusion of Christianity, parishes were established, and monasteries erected. In every parish a certain portion of glebe land was assigned towards the maintenance of the incumbent ; and each monastery possessed estates proportionate to the number of its inhabitants. As landed property was the great source of civil distinction I Bed. 1. i. c. 33, 1, ii. c. 3. Monast. vol. i. p. 1 8. Ang. Sac. vol. i. p. 333. = Ang. Sac. vol. i. p. 190. 288. 3 Bed. I. Iv. u. 13. 60 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. among our ancestors, the principal of the clergy were thus raised to an equality with the temporal thanes, admitted into the great council of the nation, and vested with an authority, which ren- dered them respectable even in the eyes of those who still adhered to the rehgion of their forefathers. The piety of the converts was seldom content with the mere donation of their property : and the value of the present was generally enhanced .by the immunities which they annexed to it. The tenure of lands among the Anglo-Saxons had been esta- blished on nearly the sartie principles as in the other northern na- tions : and each estate subjected its proprietor to the performance of several duties to its superior lord. But most of the clerical and monastic possessions were soon discharged from every servile and unnecessary obligation.* By a transition easy to the, human mind, they were considered as the property, not of man, but of God ; and to burden them with the services which vassals were compelled to render to their superiors, Avas deemed a profanation and a sacrilege. A just distinction, however, was drawn between the claims of individuals and those of the public : and while the former were cheerfully abandoned, the latter were strictly exact- ed from the ecclesiastical no less than the lay proprietor. To re- pair the roads and bridges, to contribute towards the maintenance of the fortifications, and to furnish an equitable proportion of troops in the time of war, were services so essential to the na- tional prosperity, that from them no exemption could be granted. Such was the solemn declaration of Ethelbald, king of Mercia : * but other princes were not always guided by the same policy, and, unless some charges of ancient dates have been fabricated in more modern times, we must believe that several monasteries were emancipated from every species of secular service, and per- mitted to enjoy the protection, without contributing to the exi- gencies of the state.® In addition to these immunities, others, equally honourable in themselves, and more beneficial to the public, were enjoyed by the principal of the clerical and monastic bodies. The king, who erected a church or monastery, was urged by devotion, some- times perhaps by vanity, to display his munificence : and the distinctions, which he lavished on its inhabitants, seemed to reflect a lustre on the reputation of their founder. The superior was frequently invested by the partiality of his benefactor, with the civil and criminal jurisdiction : and throughout the domain annexed to his church, he exercised" the right of raising tolls on the transport of merchandise, of levying fines for breaches of the peace, of deciding civil suits, and of trying offenders within his < Wilk. p. .^7. 60. . « Wilk. p. 100. Spel. p. 527. Lei. Collect, vol. ii. p. 54. 6 See the charters of Ina, (Wilk. p. 80,) of Witlaff, (ibid. p. 177,) of Bertull, (ibid, p. 183,) and of Edward the Confessor, (ibid. p. 318.) CAUSES OP BENEFACTIONS. 61 courtsJ These important privileges at the same time improved his finances, and peopled his estates. The authority of the cleri- cal was exercised with more moderation than that of the secular thanes : men quickly learned to prefer the equity of their judg- ments to the hasty decisions of warlike and ignorant nobles ; and the prospect of tranquillity and justice encouraged artificers and merchants to settle under their protection. Thus, while the lay proprietors reigned in solitary grandeur over their wide but unfruitful domains, the lands of the clergy were cultivated and improved ; -their villages were crowded with inhabitants ; and the foundations were laid of several among the principal cities in England. That spirit of liberality which distinguished the first converts, was inherited by many of their descendants. In every age of the Saxon dynasty we may observe numerous additions made to the original donations : and the records of different churches have carefully preserved the names and motives of their bene- factors. Of many the great object was to support the ministers of religion, and by supporting them to contribute to the service of the Almighty. Others were desirous to relieve the distresses of their indigent brethren ; and with this view they confided their charities to the distribution of the clergy, the legitimate guardians of the patrimony of the poor.^ A numerous class was composed of thanes, who had acquired opulence by a course of successful crimes, and had deferred the duty of restitution, till the victims of their injustice had disappeared. These were frequently induced, towards the decline of life, to confer, as a tardy atonement, some part of their property on the church : and when they had neglected it, their neglect was generally compen- sated by the pious diligence of their children and descendants.' To these motives may be added, the want of heirs, the hope of obtaining spiritual aid from the prayers of the clergy, gratitude for the protection which the church always offered to the unfor- tunate, and a wish to defeat the rapacity of a powerful adversary; all of which contributed in a greater or less degree to augment the possessions of the ecclesiastics. Had the revenue arising from these different sources been abandoned to the judgment or caprice of the incumbents, it might frequently have been abused ; and the abuse would probably have relaxed the zeal of their benefactors. But this evil had been foreseen, and, in some measure, prevented by the wisdom of Gregory the Great. Ac- cording to a constitution, which that pontiff sent to the mission- aries, the general stock was divided into four equal portions.'" ^ Gale, p. 318. 320. 323. 490. 512. Wilk. p. 80. 177. 256. e Wilk. p. 19. 102, ». 228, Iv. Ivi. 9 This is the meaning of the terms which so frequently occur in the ancient charters, " pro remedio, salute, redemptione animse meae et priorum, antecessorum meorum." 10 Bed. 1. i. c. 27. F 63 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHUKCH. Of these, one was allotted to the bishop for the support of his dignity ; another was reserved for the maintenance of the clergy ; a third furnished the repairs of the church and the ornaments of religious worship ; and the last was devoted to the duties of charity and hospitality. It formed a sacred fund, to which every man who suffered under the pressure of want or infirmity was exhorted to apply, without the fear of infamy or the danger of a repulse. In estimating the riches of the Saxon clergy, a hasty observer may adopt the most exaggerated calculation. But if there were many circumstances which favoured, there were also many which retarded their aggrandizement : and each list of benefac- tions may be nearly balanced by an opposite catalogue of losses and depredations. 1. The liberality of their friends was shackled by the restraints of the law. As the ecclesiastical estates were emancipated from the services, with which secular tenures were encumbered, and belonged to a body whose existence was per- petual, every donation of land to the church proved a loss to the crown, and was considered as invalid, until a charter of confirma- tion had been obtained from the piety, or purchased from the avarice of the prince.** 2. The easy concession of former kings frequently appeared unreasonable to their successors, whose necessities were more pressing, or whose veneration for the church was less indulgent. Sometimes with, often without the pretext of justice, they seized the most valuable manors belong- ing to the clergy, and, sensible of their power in this world, de- spised the threats of future vengeance which their predecessors had denounced against the violators of their charters. The first, who thus invaded the patrimony of the church, were Ceolred of Mercia, and Osred of Northumbria. The former perished sud- denly ; the latter fell by the hands of his enemies : and though their fate was ascribed to the anger of Heaven, it did not always deter succeeding princes from copying their example. "* 3. The rapacity of the monarch often stimulated that of the nobles, who viewed with a jealous eye the wealth of the clergy, and consider- ed the donations of their ancestors as so many injuries offered to their families. Whenever the favour of the sovereign, or the anarchy in which the Saxon governments were frequently plunged, afforded a prospect of impunity, they seldom failed to extort by threats, or seize by violence, the lands which were the objects of their avarice.*' 4. The prelates themselves often con- tributed to the spoliation of their sees. They assumed a right of granting to their friends and retainers a portion of lands, to be holden by them and their heirs during a certain number of years, and after that period to revert to the church : but their successors " See Gale, p. 322. 326, 327. " See Wilkins, torn. i. p. 89. 93. '8 Ibid. p. 100. 144. RESTRAINTS. 63 always found it difficult to recover what had thus been alienated, and were generally compelled either to relinquish their claims, or to continue the original grant in the same family." 5. War was another source of misfortune to the church. Its property was indeed guarded by the most terrific excommunications: but in the tumult of arms, spiritual menaces were despised ; and if some princes respected the lands of the clergy, others ravaged them without mercy, and reduced the defenceless incumbents to a state of absolute poverty. So exhausted was the see of Roches- ter by the devastations of Edilred, king of Mercia, that two suc- cessive bishops resigned their dignity, and sought from the charity of strangers that support which they could not obtain in their own diocese." From the whole history of the Saxon kingdoms it is evident that the temporal prosperity of the church depended on the character of the prince who swayed the sceptre. If he de- clared himself its patron, the stream of wealth flowed constantly into its cofiers : if he were needy and rapacious, it presented the most easy and expeditious means to satisfy.his avarice. During the revolutions of each century, it alternately experienced the fluctuations of fortune : and the clergy of the same monastery a,t one time possessed property more ample than the richest of their neighbours ; at another were deprived of the conveniences, per- haps even of the necessaries of life. II. Besides the produce of their lands, the clergy derived a considerable revenue from the voluntary oblations of the people. During the three first centuries of the Christian era, the church could not boast of the extent of her possessions : but the fervour of her more wealthy children supplied the absence of riches, and by their daily liberality she was enabled to support her ministers, maintain the decency of reUgious worship, and relieve the neces- sities of the indigent. However adequate this resource might proveduring the time of persecution, the clergy naturally wished for a provision of a less precarious tenure, which should remain when the fervour of their disciples had subsided; and their wishes were speedily realized by the numerous estates which they re- ceived from the bounty of the Christian emperors. This import- ant alteration might diminish, but it did not abolish the oblations of the people ; they still continued to ofl'er at the altar the bread and wine for sacrifice ; and the treasury of each church was frequently enriched by valuable presents of every description." The liberality of the Saxon converts did not yield to that of their brethren in other countries. The custom of voluntary oblations was adopted in the southern provinces at the recommendation i* Several curious charters of this description are printed in Smith's Beds, (app. xxi.) and a Catalogue of them is preserved by Wanely, (Ant.litt. Septen. p. 355.) 15 Bed. Hist. 1. iv. c. 2. 16 See a remarkable instance in Ingulf, (p. 11.) " Bingham, vol. i. p. 185. 64 • ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. of the Roman missionaries; in the northern it was introduced by the Scottish monks. Though it does not appear tg 'Jiave been commanded by any legislative authority, it was preserved in its ancient vigour as late as the close of the .tenth century. At that period the pious Christian (so we learn from Archbishop ^Ifric) was accustomed "to repair on each Sunday with his offering to the church, and to implore by his prayers and alms the blessing of Heaven on all the people of God."" It must be evident, that a revenue which thus depended on the means and the disposition of the people, was of a very fl.uctuating nature : but, while the offerings of the poor could only have been considerable by their number, those of the rich were frequently of the highest value. In the inventories of different churches we constantly meet with gold and silver vases, the richest silks, vestments, gems, and paintings; and the display of these ornaments on the more solemn festivals, gratified the piety, and awakened the emulation of the spectators. III. But the principal resource of the parochial clergy was the institution of tithes. Under the Mosaic dispensation the faithful Israelite had been commanded to distribute the tenth of his annual profits among the ministers of the altar; his example was spontaneously imitated by the more devout of the Christian laity; and when a legal provision was called for by the rapid increase of the clergy, the establishment of tithes was adopted as the least oppressive mode by which it could be raised. In the sixth and seventh centuries, this offering, which, in its origin, had been voluntary, began to be exacted as a debt in almost every Chris- tian country; and the practice of the more fervent during the preceding ages was conceived to justify the claim. If we may believe a royal legislator, the payment of tithes among the Sax- ons was as ancient as their knowledge of the gospel, and intro duced by St. Augustine, together with the other practices common to the Christians of that period.*^ But men are not often prompted to make pecuniary sacrifices from the sole motive of duty: and, as the number of the clergy was small, and their wants were liberally supplied by the munificence of the converted princes, it is probable, that for several years their pretensions were generally waived, or feebly ehforced.^" The institution,- however, of paro '' CDib heopa opjiunjura cuman to ^aepe mseppan j-ymble ny-f j-e . . . pop eal Irobej- pole ftinjien ffisfep je mib heopa jebebum je mib heopa aelmej-j-an. Wilk. torn. i. p. 273. " See the ninth law of Edward the Confessor, (Wilk. p. 311.) I am sensible that this alone is not sufficient to make the establishment of tithes coeval with the profession of Christianity in this country : but it is strengthened by the testimony of St. Boniface of Mentz, and Egbert of York, who, in the course of the eighth century, speak of them as of an old regulation. See Wilkins, p. 92. 102. 107, and note (A) at the end of the volume. 21 Thus Alcuin dissuaded a missionary in Germany, placed in similar circumstances, from enforcing the payment of tithes. Ale. ep. apud Mabil. vet. analec. p. 400. PLOUGH-ALMS. 65 chial chur(5hes, imperiously required an augmentation of the number of pastors ; and, to^ptovide for their support, the pay- ment of tithes was, before the close of the eighth century, severely commanded by civil and ecclesiastical authority in the council of Calcuith.^^ The regulations which were then adopted, at the recommendation of th^ papal legates, received many improve- ments from the piety or the policy of succeeding legislators. The obligation was declared to extend to every species of annual produce, even to the profits' of 'merchandise and of military ser- vice f^ and, that avarice inight not shelter itself under the pretext of ignorance, the times of payment were carefully ascertained, the festival of Pentecost for the tithe of cattle, and that of Michael- mas or All-saints for the tithe of corn. \ Censures and penalties were denounced against the man who presumed to withhold the property of the church. His produce of the year was divided into ten equal parts, of which one was given to the minister, four were forfeited to the proprietor of the land, and four to the bishop : and the execution of this severe law was intrusted to the vigi- lance of those who were to profit by it, the curate, the lord of the manor, the bishop's reeve, and the "king's reeve.^ IV. Whether it was that this resource proved inadequate, or that the clergy- were unwilling to surrender the advantages which they derived from the piety of the people, several other charities were converted into obligations, and enforced by the canons of the chuirch and the laws of the prince. 1. Within fifteen days after the festival of Easter, a donation, probably of one silver penny for every hide of arable land, was exacted under the ap- pellation of plough-alms, as an acknowledgment that the distri- bution of the seasons was in the hands of the Almighty, and to implore his blessing on the future harvest.^'' 2. At the feast of St. Martin, a certain quantity of wheat, sometimes of other grain, was offered on the altar as a substitute for the oblations of bread and wine which were^formerly made by the faithful, as often as they assisted at the sacred mysteries. It was distinguished by the name oikirk-shot, and was assessed according to the rate of the house inhabited by each individual at the preceding Christ- mas. By the laws of Ina, whoever refused to pay it, was amerced forty shillings to the king, and twelve times the value of the tax to the church : Eind during the next three centuries, though the latter of these penalties remained stationary, that which was paid into the royal treasury progressively increased, till it aijnounted to three times the original sum.'' 3. Thrice in the year, at Can- dlemas, the vigil of Easter, and All-saints, was paid the leat-shof, 21 Wilk. p. 149. 22 Id. p. 107. 278. *■ 23 Id. p. 245. 288. 302. 24 Id. p. 203. 288. 295. 302. 2' Id. p. 59. 302. It was sometimes paid in fi)wb at Christmas, Spel. Glos. p. 135. 9 F 2 66 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHUKCH. or a certain quantity of wax, of the value of one silver penny for each hide of land. The object of this institution was to supply the altar with lights during the celebration of the divine service.^^ 4. The only fee which the parochial clergy were permitted to demand for the exercise of their functions, was the soul-shot, a retribution in money for the prayers said in behalf of the dead. By different laws it was ordered to be paid while the grave remained open, and to the clergy of that church to which the deceased had formerly belonged." The aggregate amount of all these perquisites composed in each parish a fund, which was called the patrimony of the minster, and which was devoted to nearly the same purposes as the revenues of the cathedral churches. After two-thirds had been deducted for the support of the clergy and the repairs of the building, the remainder was assigned for the relief of the poor and of strangers. In a country which offered no convenience for the accommodation of travel- lers, frequent recourse was had to the hospitality of the curate : and in the vicinity of his residence a house was always open for their reception, in which, during three days, they were provided with board and lodging at the expense of the church.'' The Saxon princes, as they endowed the church with a plenti- ful revenue, were also careful to dignify it with the privileges which it enjoyed in all other Christian countries. Of these the principal Avas the right of sanctuary ; an institution, which, how- ever prejudicial it may prove under a more perfect system of legislation, was highly useful in the ages of anarchy and barbar- ism. Its origin is lost in the gloom of the most remote antiquity. The man who fled from the resentment of a more powerful ad- versary, was taught by his fears to seek protection at the altars of the gods ; and the Jewish legislator selected by the divine ap- pointment six cities of refuge, in which the involuntary homicide might screen himself from the vengeance of his pursuers. As 25 Wil. p. 203. 388. 302. The wax-shot, which, according to Inett, (vol. i. p. 121,) is still paid in some parts of England, is probably a relic of this ancient custom. =? Id. 288. 302. 28 Id. 102, 103. 253. "We are frequently told, that at this period the clergy were so intent on their own interest, that they seemed to have " comprised all the practical parts of Christianity in the exact and faithful payment of tithes," and the other dues of the church. Hume Hist, c. 2. p. 57. Mosheim Hist. Sac. vii. par. 2, c. iii. To misrepresent is often a more easy task than to collect information. The Saxon clergy appear both to have known and taught the pure morality of the gospel. Their preachers sedulously inculcated that the first of duties was the love of God, and the second the love of our neighbour. Irobj-pellice bebobu uf l8epal». "] mynja]'. JJaec pe eallum mobe ■] eallum mfejene. aejiepc Irob lupian •] pujiftian. •] j-ySfean iijte nexcan lupian •] healban j-pa ppa up pylpe. Reg. Oan. apud Waul. p. 49. It were too long to transcribe the original passages, but who- ever is conversant with the works of Bede, Boniface, and Alcuin, with the Saxon homi- lies, and ihe Liber Legum ecclesiasticarum, (Wilk. p. 270,) must acknowledge that the ingcriiiity of the most learned professor of the present day would find it difficult to im- prove llie moral doctrines which were taught to our forefathers. See note B. RIGHT or SANCTUARY. 67 soon as Constantine the Great had enrolled himself among the professors of the gospel, the right of asylum was transferred by the practice of the people from the pagan to the Christian tem- ples : the silence of the emperors gradually sanctioned the inno- vation ; and by the Theodosian code, the privilege was extended to every building designed for the habitation, or the use of the clergy .^^ To this decision of the imperial law the Saxon converts listened with respect, and their obedience was rewarded by the numerous advantages which it procured. Though religion had softened, it had not extirpated the ancient ferocity of their cha- racter. They continued to cherish that barbarous prejudice, which places the sword of justice in the hand of each individual, and exhorts him to punish his enemy without waiting for the more tardy vengeance of the law.^" As their passions frequently urged them to deeds of violence, this system of retaliation was productive of the most fatal consequences. The friends of each party associated in his defence ; family was leagued against family; and in the prosecution of these bitter and hereditary feuds, innocence too often suffered the fate which was due to guilt. On such occasions, the church offered her protection to the weak and the unfortunate. Within her precincts they were secure from the resentment of their enemies, till their friends had assembled, and either proved their innocence, or paid the legal compensation for their offence.^' It should however be observed, that the right of asylum, though it retarded, did not prevent the punishment of the guilty .^^ After a certain time the privilege expired. The three days allotted by the laws of Alfred were successively extended to a week, to nine days, and lastly to an indefinite period, which might be shortened or protracted at the discretion of the sovereign : but when it was elapsed, the fugi- tive, unless he had previously satisfied the legal demands of his adversaries, was delivered to the officers of justice.^' Neither were the churches open to criminals of every description. The chance of protection was wisely diminished in proportion to the enormity of the offence. The thief who had repeatedly abused,- at last forfeited the benefit of the sanctuary : and the man who had endangered the safety of the state, or violated the sanctity of religion, might legally be dragged from the foot of the altar to 23 The motive of this extension was the indecency of permitting the fugitive to remain for several days and nights in the church. Haiic autem spattii latitadinem ideo indulgemus, ne in ipso Dei templo et sacrosanctis altaribus confugientium quenquam mane vel vespere cubare vel pernoctare liceat. Cod. Theod. 1. ix. tit 45. 30 This prejudice was so inveterate among some of the northern nations, that, by the Salic law, every member of a family who refused to join his brethren in the pursuit of vengeance, was deprived of his right of inheritance. Henault, Abreg. Chron. vol. i. p. 118. 31 Wilk. Leg. Sax. p. 15, v. 35, ii. iii. 32 Templorum cautela, says Justinian, non nocentibus sed laesis datur a lege. Novel. 17, c. 7. S3 Wilk. Leg. Sax. p. 35, ii. 36, v. 110. 68 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. receive the punishment of his crime.^^ There were, however, a few churches which claimed a proud pre-eminence above the others. To them their benefactors had accorded the extraor- dinary privilege of securing the life of every fugitive, how enor- mous soever might be his guilt, and of compelling his prosecutor to accept in lieu of his head a pecuniary compensation. Among these may be numbered the churches of York, Beverley, Ram- sey, and Westminster ;" but none could boast of equal immuni- ties with the abbey of Croyland. The monastery, the island, and the waters which surrounded it, enjoyed the right of sanctuary ; and a line of demarcation, drawn at the distance of twenty feet from the opposite margin of the lake, arrested the pursuit of the officers, and insured the safety of the fugitive. Immediately he took the oath of fealty to the abbot, and the man of St. Guthlake might laugh in security at the impotent rage of his enemies. But if, without a written permission, he presumed to wander beyond tiie magic boundary, the charm was dissolved ; justice resumed her rights ; and his hfe was forfeited to the severity of the laws. When the monastery was rebuilt, after its destruction by the Danes, Edred offered to revive the ancient privilege in favour of his chancellor, Turketul ; but it was declined by the hoary statesman, who considered the ordinary right of asylum as equally •beneficial to the public, and less liable to abuse.^^ The peace of the church was an institution of a similar nature, and adopted by the clergy, in order to mitigate the ferocity of their countrymen. To devote to the work of vengeance the days which religion had consecrated to the worship of the Almighty, they taught to be a profanation of the blackest die. At their solicitation, peace was proclaimed on each Sunday and holiday, and during the penitential times of lent and advent : every feud was instantly suspended ; and the bitterest enemies might meet and converse without danger under the protection of the church. The same indulgence was extended to the man who quitted his home to assist at the public worship, to obey the summons of his bishop, or to attend the episcopal synod or national council. Covered by this invisible segis, he might pursue his journey in security ; or if his enemy dared to molest him, the presumption of the aggressor was severely chastised by the. resentment of the laws." Sensible of the benefits which they derived from these institutions, the weak and defenceless naturally looked for pro- tection to the church : its ministers were caressed and revered ; and the gratitude of their clients was frequently testified by nu- merous and valuable donations.^' SI Ibid. p. 198, -vi. "■ Spelman's Gloss, voce Fridslol. Monast. Ang. vol. i. p. 60. 236. ss Wilk. Con. p. 176. 181. Ingulf, p. 40. S7 Leg. Sax. 109, 110. 197 *s This circumstance has encouraged some writers to attribute these institutions to the avarice of the clergy. But the real cause of their adoption was their utility. Not only the churches, hut also palaces of the kings, and the houses of their officers BENEFACTIONS OF ETHELWULF. 69 But England was not the only theatre on which the Saxon kings and nobles displayed their regard for the ministers of re- ligion. In their frequent pilgrimages to the tombs of the apos- tles, they were careful to visit the most celebrated churches on the continent, and to leave behind them numerous evidences of their liberality. Before the close of the eighth' century, the monastery of St. Denis, in the neighbourhood of Paris, was pos- sessed of extensive estates on the coast of Sussex :^' to the pre- sents of the Saxon princes, several of the churches, originally established in Armorica by the fugitive Britons, were indebted for their support:*" and the munificence of Alfred has been gratefully recorded by the archbishop of Rheims ; that of Canute by the canons and monks belonging to the two great monasteries in St. Omer's.*' But Rome was the principal object of their liberality. The imperial city was no longer the mistress of the world. More than once she had been sacked by the barbarians : the provinces from which she formerly drew her subsistence, had submitted to their arms; her walls were insulted by the frequent inroads of the Saracens ; and the popes, with the nu- merous people dependent on their paternal authority, were fre- quently reduced to the lowest distress. By the Saxon princes, the a,ffection, which St. Gregory had testified for their fathers, was gratefully remembered. They esteemed it a disgrace that the head of their religion should suffer the inconveniences of want, and each succeeding king was careful, by valuable dona- tions, to demonstrate his veneration for the successor of St. Peter, and to contribute a portion of his wealth to support the govern- ment of the universal church. The munificence of Ethelwulf is particularly described by Anastasius, an eyewitness. During the year of his residence in Rome, he spread around him with profusion the treasures which he had brought from England. To the pontiff, Benedict III., he gave a crown of pure gold, weighing four pounds, two cups and two images of the same precious metal, a sword tied with pure gold, four Saxon dishes of silver-gilt, a rochet of silk with a clasp of gold, several albs of white silk with gold lace and clasps, and two large curtains of silk, embroidered with gold. In the basilic of St. Peter he dis- tributed presents of gold to the clergy and nobility of Rome ; and gratified the people with a handsome donative iu pieces of sil- ver.*^ But these were occasional charities ; the Romescot was perpetual. During a long period anterior to the Norman con- possessed the privilege of sanctuary. The king's peace, like that of the church, was granted to all who were engaged in his service, or travelling on the four great roads, or employed on the navigable rivers. Leg. Sax. p. 199. .'3 Dublet, Ant. St. Dion, apud Alf. torn. ii. p. 650. 656. *o Malm, de ^ont. 1. v. p. 363. 41 Wise's Asser. p. '126. Encom. Emma, p. 17.3. *2 Anast. Biblioth. de vitis Pontif. v. i. p. 403. For the names and destination of these and similar presents, see Domenico Gcorgi, de liturgia Romani Pontificis, vol. i. 70 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. quest, a silver penny was annually paid by every family pos- sessed of land or cattle to the yearly value of tliirtj?^ pence, and the general amount was carefully transmitted to the Roman pon- tiff. The origin of this tax is involved in considerable obscurity. If we may credit the narration of later historians, it was first established by Ina, king of Wessex, about the commencement of the eighth century ; was afterwards extended by Offa of Mercia, to all the shires of that populous nation ; and at last, by the command of Ethelwulf, was levied in all the provinces of the Saxons. But this fair and well-connected system will vanish at the approach of criticism. If Ina was the original author of the Romescot, it will be difficult to account for the obstinate silence both of Bede, who particularly relates his devotion towards the Roman see, and of every other historian that wrote during the five following centuries. The claims of Offa and Ethelwulf are more plausible. Offa, who was accustomed to ascribe the suc- cess of his arms to the intercession of St. Peter, had promised from himself and his successors a yearly pension of three hundred and sixty mancuses to the church of the apostle ; and this pro- mise was confirmed by a solemn oath in presence of the papal legates.*' That he faithfully performed his engagement, we know from the best authority : that it was gradually neglected by the princes who succeeded hirn, is highly probable. Under Kenulf, to whom he left the sceptre of Mercia, the original sum appears to have dwindled to one-third of its former amount j"** and after his death no vestige of its payment can be discovered before the pilgrimage of Ethelwulf. That prince, during his residence in Rome, revived, with a few variations, the charitable donation of Offa ; and a perpetual annuity of three hundred mancuses was granted to the pontiff, to be appropriated in equal portions to the church of St. Peter, that of St. Paul, and the papal treasury." During the concLuests of the Danes it was probably forgotten ; but Alfred had no sooner subdued these formidable enemies, than he was careful to execute the will of his father : the royal alms (such is the expression of the Saxon Chronicle) were each year conveyed to Rome ; and soon after, in the reign of Edward, we meet with the first mention of the Romescot as an existing regulation.'" From these premises it were not, per- haps, rash to infer, that the Peter-pence should be ascribed to The crown and images were probably suspended over the tomb of St Peter, (id. p. 243 :) the dishes (Gabathse) were used to receive the offerings at mass, (id. p. 91 :) the cur- tains of silk embroidered with gold, (vela de fundato,.id. p. 372,) were employed in the church on great festivals. ■*- See the letter of Leo III. in Anglia sacra, (vol. i. p. 461.) The money was to be expended in relieving the poor, and furnishing lights for the church. The want of oil for this purpose was often lamented by the popes. Cum neque oleum sit nobis pro luminaribus ecclesiie juxta debitum Dei honorem. Ep. Steph. VI. Basil. Imper. apud Walker, p. 7. A mancus contained thirty pence, or six Saxon shillings. (See note C.) " Wilk. Con. p. 164, 165. " Asser. p. 4. '"' Leg. Sax. p. 52. ORIGIN OF THE MONASTIC INSTITUTE. 71 the policy of Ethel wulf or his immediate successors, who, by this expedient, sought to raise the money which they had engaged to remit to the holy see.- By later legislators it is frequently mentioned, and severely enforced. The time of payment is li- mited to the five weeks which intervene between the feast of St. Peter and the first of August ; and the avarice of the man who may attempt to elude the law, is ordered to be punished by a fine of thirty pence to the bishop, and of one hundred and twenty shillings to the king.*^ From a curious schedule extracted from the register of the Lateran, by the order of Gregory VII., it ap- pears that the collection of the tax was intrusted to the care of the bishops of each diocese, and that the entire sum amounted at that period to something inore than two hundred pounds of Saxon money.*' CHAPTER IV. Origin of the Monastic Institute — Anglo-Saxon Monks — Of St. Gregory — Of St. Columba — Of* St. Benedict — Vows of Obedience— Chastity — Poverty — Possessions of the Monks — Attention to the Mechanic Arts — To Agriculture — Their Hospitality — Their Charities. In the conflict of rival parties, men are seldom just to the merit of their adversaries. When the reformers of the sixteenth century rose in opposition to the church of Rome, they selected the monastic order for the favourite object of their attack, and directed the keenest shafts of satire against the real or imaginary vices of its professors. For near three hundred years the lesSons of these apostles have been re-echoed by the zeal of their disci- ples : with the name of monk, education usually associates the ideas of fraud, ignorance, and superstition : and the distorted portrait which was originally drawn by the pencil of animosity and fanaticism, is still admired as a correct and faithful likeness. If, in the following pages, monachism appear dressed in more favourable colours, let not the writer be hastily condemned. Truth is the first duty of the historian ; and the virtues of men deserve to be recorded no less than their vices. The object of the present chapter is, to investigate the origin of the monastic profession ; to distinguish the different tribes of the Anglo-Saxon monks ; and to delineate the leading principles of their religious discipline. The subject is curious ; and the important part, *' Ibid. p. 114. <8 Apud Selden, Analect. p. 73. 72 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. which the order formerty bore on the theatre of the world, will confer an interest on the inquiry.* During the three first centuries of the Christian era, the more fervent among the followers of the gospel were distinguished by the name of Ascetes. They renounced all distracting employr ments ; divided their time between the public worship and their private devotions ; and endeavoured by the assiduous practice of every virtue, to attain that sublime perfection, which js de- lineated in the sacred writings. As long as the iniperial throne was occupied by pagan princes, the fear of persecution concurred with the sense of duty to invigorate their efforts : but when the sceptre had been transferred to the hands of Constantino and his successors, the austerity of the Christian character was insensi- bly relaxed ; the influence of prosperity and dissipation prevailed over the severer maxims of the gospel ; and many, under the assumed mask of Christianity, continued to cherish the notions and vices of paganism. The alarming change was observed and lamented by the most fervent of the faithful, who determined to retire from a scene so hateful to theit zeal, and so dangerous to their Virtue : and the vast and barren deserts of Thebais were soon covered with crowds of anachorets, who, jmder the guidance of the Saints Anthony and Pachomius, earned their scanty ntieals with the sweat of their brows, and, by a constant repetition ojf prayers, and fasts, and vigils, edified and astonished their less fervent brethren. Sudi was the origin of the .monastic institute. Its first professors were laymen, who condemned the lax morali- ty of their contemporaries, and aspired to practise in the solitude of the desert, the severe and arduous virtues of their forefathers. They lived in small communities, of which a proportionate number obeyed the paternal authority of a common superior. To obtain admission, no other qualifications were required in the postulant, than a spirit of penitence, and a desire of perfectidn. As long as these continued to animate his conduct, he was care- fully exercised in the diiferent duties of the monastic profession : if he repented of his choice, the gates were open, and he was at liberty to depart., But the number of the apostates was small : the virtue of the greater part secured their perseverance ; and it was not till after the decline of their original fervour, that irrevocable vows were added by the policy of succeeding legis- lators.^ ' The latest writer on this subject is Mr. Fosbrooke, who compiled his two volumes on the rnanners and customs of the monks and nuns of England, " to check that spirit of monachism and popery which has lately been revived." Perhaps with many the benevolence of the intention may atone or the asperity of the execution : but it can scarcely apologize for the republication of calumnies, which have been often refuted by the more candid of the Protestant historians. ,See Brown Willis on Mitred Abbeys, with the preface by Hearne, in Leland's Collectanea, vol. vi. p. 51. 2 Bingham, vol. i. p. 243. Fleury, Hist. 1. vi. c. SO. Droit Eccles. c. xxi. By his brethren and countrymen, the clergy of France, Fleury has, for almost a century, been DIFFUSION OF THE MONASTIC INSTITUTE. 73 From Egypt the monastic institute rapidly diffused itself over the neighbouring provifices, and the west was eager to imitate the example of the east. At the commencement of the fifth century, colonies of monks were -planted in every corner of the empire ; and the , conversion of the northern barbarians pro- digiously increase'd their numbers. The proselytes admired the austere virtues of the institute ; and considered its professors as a class of superioij-beings, the friends and favourites of the Deity. No, sooner was a monastery erected, than it was filled with crowds, who either wished to preserve, within the shelter of its walls', their innocence from seduction ; or sought to efface, by tears of repentance, the excesses of a profligate life. The opu- lent and powerful fancied that, by promoting the interests, they participated in the merits of the order : and the most vicious flattered themselves, that they might make some atonement for their past offences, by contributing to support a race of men, wI\oge lives were devoted solely to the* service of their Creator. In proportion as the order increased, it was divided and subdi- vided without end. Every .abbot, who had founded a monastery, assumed the liberty of selecting or forming for his monks, such regulatiotos'as his judgment preferred; the simplicity of the Egyptian model was improved or disfigured by the additions of posterior and independent legislators; and though the more prominent features of each family bore a striking resemblance, a tjiousand different tints nicely discriminated them from each other. That this freedom of choice, which was exercised by the cenabites of the continent, had been refused by the Saxon monks, and that they universally belonged to the Benedictine institute, has been warmly maintained by learned and respectable anti- quaries.' But their opinion is not supported by suflicient au- thority: and the Benedictine institute has justly acquired too high a reputation, to be reduced to the necessity of pirating the eminent characters of other orders. I shall, therefore, confine myself to our ancient writers. With the Ught which they afford, numbered among the most eminent pf the CatholJb writers : by an English critic, in a late publication, he has been pronounced little better than a disguised infidel. Which are we most to admire, their blindness or his sagacity t Compare vol. i. of the History of the Christian Church, p. liv. xvi, with vol. iii. p. 317. 3 Reyner, in his Apostolatus Benedictinorum in Anglia, is, like other genealogists, often fancifuVand -sometimes extravagant. In the Saxon church he can discover nothing but Benedictine monks. The Italian missionaries were Benedictine' monks ; the Gallic missionaries were Benedictine monks ; the Scottish missionaries were, or imme- diately, became Benedictine monks. Each writer of eminence, and each prelate of dis- tinguished sanctity, the religious of every convent, and the clergy of every cathedral, were all Benedictine monks. (Apost.Bened. p. 1 — 203.) The merit of patient reading and extensive erudition, Reyner might justly claim : but a natural partiality urged him to display the ancient honours of his order, and his judgment was the slave of his par- tiality. He was succeeded by Mabillon, an antiquary of equal learning, and superior discernment, who selected the principal arguments of Reyner, and endeavoured to strengthen them by the addition of several passages from ancient and unpublished manuscripts. See Mabil. prief. Ssc. 1, Bened. Vet. Analec. p. 499. 10 a 74 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHtTRCH. we may still pierce through the gloom of eieven intervening centuries ; and discover among our ancestors three grand divi- sions of the monastic profession, in the disciples of, 1, St. Gregory, a, St. Columba, and, 3, St. Benedict. 1. Among the patrons of monachism, a distinguished place is due to Gregory the Great, whose piety prompted him to gxchange the dignity of Roman prefect for the cowl of a private monk, and whose merit drew him from the obscurity of liis cell to seat him on the throne of St. Peter. In Sicily his ample patrimony supported six separate families of monks: and the remainder of his fortune was devoted to the endowment of the great monas- tery of St. Andrew's in Rome. After such important services, he might with propriety assume the office of legislating for those who owed their bread to his liberality: and from the scattered hints of ancient writers we may safely collect, that the regula- tions which he imposed on his monks, were widely different , from the statutes of most other religious orders.'' The time which they dedicated to manual labour, he commanded to be employed in study; and while they claimed the merit of con- ducting their lay disciples through the narrow path of monastic perfectiouj he aspired to the higher praise of forming men, who by their abilities might defend the doctrines, and by their zeal extend the conquests of the church.* Of these the most eminent were honoured with his friendship, and enjoyed a distinguished place near his person. They attended him in his embassy to the capital of the east : they were admitted into his council at his elevation to the pontificate ; and they supplied him with mis- sionaries, when be meditated the conversion of the Saxons. Augustine was proud to copy the example of his father and mstructor. To the clergy who officiated in his cathedral, he asso- ciated several of his former brethren, as his advisers and com- panions : and for the remainder he erected a spacious monastery, which, as far as circumstances would permit, was an exact copy of its prototype in Rome. Of the spiritual progeny of this es- tablishment we have no accurate history. That the neighbouring convents received their first inhabitants from Canterbury, and carefully observed the regulations of the parent monastery, is highly probable : whether, at any later period, previously to the reform of St. Dunstan, they abandoned their ancient rule, and ') See Broughton, Memorial, p. 231. But have not the Benedictine writers strenuous- ly claimed this pontiff as a member of their institute \ I shall only answer that I have patiently perused the dissertations of Eeyner, (Apost. p. 107,) and Mabillon, (Anal. vet. p. 499,) and am still compelled to think with Baronius, (An. 681, viii.) Broughton, (Mem. p. 244,) Smith, (Flores Hist. p. 81,) Henschenius and Papebroche, (Act San. torn. 2 Mart. p. 123,) Thomassin, (De vet. et nov. Discip. 1. iii. c. 24,) Basnage, (Anna), anno 581,) and Gibbon, (vol. iv. p. 457,) that their claim is unfounded. See also Sandini, Vit. Pontif. vol. i. p. 203. ' The institute of St. Gregory seems to have been an attempt to unite, as much as possible, the clerical with the monastic profession. Bergier, Diction. Theol. art Com- munaute. ' MONKS OP ST. COLUMBA. 75 adopted the Benedictine institute, is a subject of more doubtful, but unimportant controversy.^ 2. Eight-and-forty" years after the arrival of Augustine on the coast of Kent, Oswald, king of Northumbria, requested a supply of missionaries from the Scottish monks. Columba, of the royal race of the Neils in Ireland, by his preaching and miracles had converted the barbarous inhabitants of Caledonia ; and the gratitude of his proselytes recompensed his labours with the donation of the isle of Icolmkille, one of the smallest of the Hebrides.'' His memory was long cherished with every testi- mony of veneration by the northern nations. The customs which his approbation had sanctified in their eyes, were, with pious obstinacy, perpetuated by his disciples : his monastery was selected for the sepulchres of the kings of Ireland, Scotland, and Norway ;' and the provincial bishops, though in their episcopal functions they preserved the superiority of their order, in other points submitted to the mandates of the abbot, as the legitimate successor of Columba : a singular institution, of which no other example is recorded in the ecclesiastical annals.' From this monastery came Aidan, the successful apostle of Northumbria. During the course of his labours, the missionary Kept his eyes fixed on his patron, Columba; and after his exam- ple, requested permission to retire from the court, and fix his residence in some lonely island, where his devotions might not be interrupted by the follies and vices of men. His petition was granted. Lindisfarne, at a small distance from the Northum- brian coast, was peopled with a colony of Scottish monks; and in their company the bishop spent the hours'which were not devoted to the exercise of the episcopal functions. His immediate successors were the zealous imitators of his conduct; and from the monastery of Aida'n, the institute was rapidly diffused through the kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira, Mercia and East-Anglia. 5 The rule of St. Gregory was observed at Canterbury till the year 630, according to the testimony of Pope Honorius, (vestram dilectionem sectantem magistri et capitis sui St. Gregorii regulam. Bed. 11. 18.) The privilege of choosing their own abbots, a claim which distinguished the Benedictines, is said to have been granted to the monks by Adeodatus, in 673, (Wilk. p. 43.) But this charter may be reasonably suspected, as the archbishop continued after that period to nominate the superiors of all the monasteries in the kingdom of Kent. (Ibid. p. 57.) At the distance of four hundred years, King Ethelred introduced Benedictine monks into the cathedral, and in the Saxon copy of the charter, which he gave on that occasion, is made to say that they were of the same description as the companions of St. Augustine, (op ftaene bypne be pej- Aujurcinur hibep co bpohce. Wilk. p. 282. Mores Comment, de M\S. p. 88.) It is however observable, that in the Latin, which, from the signatures, appears to have been the authentic copy, this passage is not to be found, (Wilk. p. 284. Mores, p. 84.) ' Bed. 1. iii. c. 3. Chron. Sax. p. 21. An. 560. 8 See Buchanan, (Eerum Scotic. 1. i. p. 28.) A chart of the island is given in the title page of Pinkerton's Vit. antiq. Sanctorum in Scotia. 9 Bed. 1. iii. c. 4. That Columba acknowledged himself inferior to bidiops, is evi- dent from his life by Adomnan, (1. i. e. 45, ed. Pirikerton, p. 93.) /6 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. The rule which was followed by these disciples of Columba, has not been transmitted to us by Ruy Latin writer : and the Irish copies which have been preserved, are written in a language, that has hitherto eluded the skill of the most patient antiquary." But Bede, in different parts of his works, has borne the iriost honourable testimony to their virtue. With a glowing pencil he displays their patience, their chastity, their frequent meditation on the sacred writings, and their indefatigable efforts to attain the summit of Christian perfection. They chose for their habi- tation the most dreary situations : no motives but those of charity could draw them from their cells ; and, if they appeared in public, their object was to reconcile enemies, to instruct the ignorant, to discourage vice, and to plead the cause of the unfortunate. The little property which they enjoyed was common to all. Poverty they esteemed as the surest guardian of virtue : and the bene- factions of the opulent they respectfully declined, or instantly employed in relieving the necessities of the indigent. One only stain did he discover in their character, an immoderate esteem for their forefathers, which prompted them to prefer their own customs to the consent of all other Christian churches : but this he piously trusted would disappear in the bright effulgence of their virtues.'^ 3. While the disciples of Gregory in the south, and those of Columba in the north, were labouring to diffuse their respective institutes, the attention of the continental Christians was called to another order of monks, who gradually supplanted all their competitors, and still exist in Catholic countries, distinguished by their learning, their riches, and their numbers. For their origin they were indebted to the zeal of Benedict, a native of Norcia, who, in the commencement of the sixth century, to avoid the con- tagious example of the Roman youth, buried himself, at the age of fourteen, in a deep and lonely cavern, amid the mountains of Subiaco. Six-and-thirty months the young hermit passed in this voluntary prison, unknown to any except his spiritual director, a monk of an adjacent monastery : but a miracle betrayed him to the notice of the public ; his example diffused a similar ardour around him : and his desert was quickly inhabited by twelve confraternities of monks, who acknowledged and revered him as their parent and legislator. But the fame of Benedict awakened the jealousy of his neighbours. Their calumnies compelled him to quit his solitude, and he retired to the summit of mount Cassino, in the ancient territory of the Volsci. There he spent the re- mainder of his years in the practice of every monastic virtue, and the possession of those honours which that age was accustomed to confer on superior sanctity. To his care the patricians of Rome intrusted the education of their children ; his cell was 10 Usher, Brit. eccl. antiq. p. 919. " Bed. Hist. 1. iii. c. 17.26. DISCIPLINE OF THE BENEDICTINE MONKS. 77 visited by the most distinguished personages, who soUcited his benediction ; and Totila, the haughty conqueror of Italy, con- descended to ask the advice, and trembled at the stern reproof of the holy abbot. During the two centuries which had elapsed since the retreat of St. Anthony into the desert, the monks had gradually degenerated from the austere virtue of their founders : and Benedict com- posed his rule, not so much to restore the vigour, as to prevent the total extinction of the ancient discipline. " The precepts of monastic perfection," says the hjimble and fervent legislator, " are contained in the inspired writings : the examples abound in the works of the holy fathers. But mine is a more lowly attempt to teach the rudiments of a Christian life, that, when we are acquainted with them, we may aspire to the practice of the sublimer virtues.'"^ But the admirers of monachism were not slow to appreciate the merit of his labours. From Gregory the Great his rule obtained the praise of superior wisdom ;*' and the opinion of the pontiff was afterwards adopted or confirmed by the general consent of the Latin church. In distributing the various duties of the day, Benedict was careful that every moment should be diligently employed. Six hours were allotted to sleep. Soon after midnight the monks arose to chaunt the nocturnal service ; during the day they were summoned seven times to the church, to perform the other parts of the canonical office : seven hours were employed in manual labour ; two in study ; and the small remainder was devoted to the necessary refection of the body." Their diet was simple but sufficient : twelve, perhaps eighteen ounces of bread, a hemina of wine," and two dishes of vegetables, composed their daily allowance. The flesh of quadrupeds was strictly prohibited : but the rigour of the law was relaxed in favour of the children, the aged, and the infirm. To the colour, the form, and the quality of their dress, he was wisely indifferent; and only recommended that it should be adapted to the climate, and similar to that of the labouring poor. Each monk slept in a separate bed ; but all lay in their habits, that they might be ready to repair, at the first summons, to the church. Every thing was possessed in com- mon: not only articles of convenience, but even of necessity, were received and resigned at the discretion of the abbot. No brother was allowed to cross the threshold of the monastery without the permission of his superior: at his departure he requested the prayers of the community : at his return he lay prostrate in the 12 Reg. St. Ben. c. 73. 13 St. Greg. Dial. 1. ii. c. 36. " Reg. St. Ben. c. 8. 16. 48. " The exact measure of the hemina is unknown. It has been the subject of many learned dissertations by the Benedictine writers. See Nat. Alex. torn. v. p. 462. Mabil. Stec. Bened. iv. torn. i. p. cxvi. g2 78 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANULO-SAXON CHURCH. church, to atone for the dissipation of his thoughts during his absence. Whatever he might have seen or heard without the walls of the convent, he was commanded to bury in eternal silence.^* The favour of admission was purchased with a severe pro- bation. On his knees, at the gate, the postulant requested to be received among the servants of God : but his desires were treated with contempt, and his pride was humbled by reproaches. After four days his perseverance subdued the apparent reluctance of the monks : he was successively transferred to the apartments of the strangers and of the novices ; and an aged brother was commissioned to observe his conduct, and instruct him in the duties of his profession. Before the expiration of the yeaj, the rule was read thrice in his presence; and each reading was accompanied with the admonition, that he was still at liberty to depart. At last, on the anniversary of his admission, he entered the church, and avowed, before God and the community, his determination to spend his days in the monastic profession, to reform his conduct, and to obey his superiors. The solemn engagement he subscribed with his name, and deposited on the altar." The legislator who wishes to enforce the observance, must punish the transgression of his laws. But in apportioning the degree of punishment, Benedict advised the superior to weigh not only the nature of the offence, but the contumacy of the of- fender. There were minds, he observed, which might be guided by a gentle reprimand, while others refused to bend to the severest chastisement. In his penal code he gradually proceeded from more lenient to coercive measures. The inefficacy of pri- vate admonition was succeeded by the disgrace of public reproof: if the delinquent proved insensible to shame, he was separated from the society of his brethren ;" and the continuance of his obstinacy was rewarded with the infliction of corporal pimish- ment. As a last resource, the confraternity assembled in the church by order of the superior, and recommended, with fervent prayer, their rebellious brother to the mercy and grace of the Almighty. He was then expelled ; but the gates of the convent were not shut to repentance. Thrice the returning sinner might expect to be received with kindness in the arms of an indulgent father : but the fourth relapse filled up his measure of iniquity, and he was ejected forever." From mount Cassino and the desert of Subiaco, the Benedic- tine order gradually diffused itself to the utmost boundaries of 16 Reg. 39, 40. 22. 33. 67. " Ibid. c. 58. '8 This was termed excommunication ; but the culprit, during his confinement, was often visited and consoled by the senipetis, id est, seniores sapientcs, (Ben. Reg. c 27.) Does not this passage unfold the mystery which antiquaries have discovered in the Scmpectffl of Croyland 1 '9 St. Ben. Reg. c. 23—29. MONKS INTRODUCED BY ST. WILFRID. 79 the Latin church. The merit of introducing it to the knowledge of the Saxons, was claimed by St. Wilfrid.^" That prelate, in his pilgrimage to the tombs of the apostles, had conversed with the disciples of St. Benedict ; and though he had been educated in the Scottish discipline at Lindisfarne, he bore a willing tes- timony to the superior excellence of their institute. Having after- wards obtained a copy of the Benedictine rule, he established it in the monasteries which were immediately dependent on him, and propagated it with all his influence through the kingdoms of Northumbria and Mercia. Of the success of his labours we may form an estimate from the thousands of monks, who, at the time of his disgrace, lamented the loss of their guide and bene- factor.2' Yet the zeal of Wilfrid was tempered with prudence. If he preferred the foreign institute, he was not blind to the merit of the discipline previously adopted by his countrymen : many customs which experience had shown to be useful, and antiquity had rendered venerable, he carefully retained; and by amalgamating them with the rule of St. Benedict, greatly improved the state of monastic disciplined^ Contemporary with Wilfrid, and the companion of his youth, was Bennet Biscop, the celebrated abbot of Weremouth. At the age of five-and-twenty he quitted the court of his friend and patron, Oswiu, king of Northumbria, and directed his steps to the capital of the Christian world. His intention was to em- brace the monastic profession : but he wished previously to visit the places in which it was practised in the highest perfection. With pious curiosity he perused the rules, and observed the manners of seventeen among the most celebrated foreign mo- nasteries ; thrice he venerated the sacred remains of the apos- tles at Rome ; and two years he spent among the cloistered inhabitants of the small isle of Lerins, who gave him the reli- gious habit, and admitted him to his vows. At the command of Pope Vitalian, he accompanied Archbishop Theodore to Eng- land, as his guide and interpreter ; and was intrusted by him with the government of the monks of Canterbury. But this office he soon resigned : his devotion led him again to the Vatican ; and the labour of his pilgrimage was amply repaid with what he considered a valuable collection of books, paint- ings, and relics. At his return, he was received with joy and veneration by Egfrid, king of Northumbria, and obtained from '^ Nonne ego curavi, qnomodo vitam monachorum secundum regulam 8. Benedict! patris, quam nuUus iGi prior invexit, constituerem 1 Wilfrid apud Edd. c. 45. 2' Multa millia. Edd. c. 21. 22 Revertcns cum regula Benedict! instituta ecclesiarum Bei melioravit. Edd. c. 14. In the regulations drawn up by St. Dunstan, (Apost Bened. app. par. 3, p. 80,) and the letter of St. Ethelwold to the monks of Egnesham, (Walney's MSS, p. 110,) may be seen several of the customs peculiar to the ancient Saxon monks. St. Wilfrid, instead of leaving to his disciples the choice of their future abbot, as was ordered by the Bene- dictine rule, chose him himself, and ordered them to obey him. Edd. Vit. Wilf. c. 60 61. See also Butler's SS. Lives, March 13. 80 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANOLO-SAXON CHUKCH. the munificence of that prince, a spacious domain near the mouth of the river Were^ on which he built his first monastery, dedi- cated in honour of St. Peter. The reputation of Bennet quickly multiplied the number of Ms disciples ; another donation from the king enabled him to erect a second convent at Jarrow, on the southern bank of the Tyne ; and so prolific were these two establishments, that, within a few years after the death of the foimder, they contained no less than six hundred monks.^ Of the discipline to which he subjected his disciples, the rule of St. Benedict probably formed the groundwork : the improvements which he added were the fruit of his own observation djaring his travels, and of his constant attention to the welfare of his mo- nasteries.^^ From his labours, the most valuable benefits were derived to his countrymen. By the workmen whom he pro- cured from Gaul, they were taught the arts of making glass, and of building with stone : the foreign paintings with which he de- corated his churches, excited attempts at imitation : and the many volumes, which he deposited in the library of his monas- tery, invited the industry, and nourished the improvement of his monks. Bennet contributed more to the civilization of his coun- trymen, than any person since the preaching of the Roman mis- sionaries : and his memory has been with gratitude transmitted to posterity by the venerable Bede, in the most pleasing of his works, the Lives of the Abbots of Weremouth. While the Benedictine order was thus partially established in the kingdom of Northumbria, its interests were espoused with equal or greater zeal in the more southern provinces, by Aid- helm, bishop of Sherburn, and Egwin, bishop of Worcester. The former introduced it into his thrpe monasteries of Malmsbury, Frome, and Bradanford f^ the latter erected a magnificent abbey at Evesham, in which, by the order of Pope Constantine, he placed. Benedictine monks, whose institute was scarcely known in that province.^^ Their example was imitated by many of their brethren, who, according to their fancy or their judgment, adopted in a greater or less proportion the foreign discipline. 23 Bed. Vit. abbat. Wirem. p. 293. 2'' That he adopted the regulation of St. Benedict with respect to the election of the abbot, is certain from Bede, (ibid. p. 298,) and the next century, Alcuin recommended to the monks, the frequent study of the rule St. Benedict, (Ale. ep. 49.) Hence Ma- billon contends, that the monks of Weremouth were Benedictines. (Anal. vet. p. 506.) But the adoption of one regulation is not a sufficient proof: and the homily of Bede, on the founder of this monastery, will justify a suspicion, that the Benedict, whose rule was recommended, was not the Italian, but the Saxon abbot. Bennet himself seems to ascribe the discipline which he established, to his own observations. Ex decern quippa et septem monasteriis, quse inter longos mea3 crebrse peregrinationis discursus optima comperi, hsec universa didici, et vobis salubriter observanda contradi^, (Bed. ibid. p. 277.) 2« Anno 675. Malm, de Pont. 1. v. p. 344. 353. 356. Aldhelm says of St Benedict, Primo pui statuit nostrse certamina viUb Qualiter optatam teneant coenobia formam. De Laud. virg. in Biblioth. Pat. vol. viii. 28 QuiB minus in illis partibus habetur. Bulla Cons, apud Wilk. p. 71, an. 709. ANGLO-SAXON NUNS IN PKANCE. 81 The different gradations of the monastic hierarchy, as it exists at present, its provincials, generals, and congregations, were thea unknown : and each abbot legislated for his own subjects, uncon- trolled by the opinion, or the commands of superiors. But the rule of St. Benedict, besides other claims to their esteem, con- tained one regulation, which united the suffrages of the whole monastic body. Formerly the right of nominating to the vacant abbeys had been vested in the bishops of each diocese v^'' but the legislator of Subiasco saw, or thought he saw, in this practice, the source of the most grievous abuses ; and made it essential to his rule, iftiat the superior of each monastery should be chosen by the suffrages of its inhabitants.^^ This regulation, so flatter- ing to their independence, was eagerly accepted by the monks of every institute, and was opposed with equal warmth by se- veral of the bishops, who considered it as an infringement of their ancient rights. But the episcopal order contained within its bosom the avowed protectors of the monastic state ; and the contested privilege was soon confirmed by the decrees of popes, and the charters of princes.^' But monasteries were not inhabited exclusively by men : the retirement of the cloister appears to have possessed peculiar at- tractions in the eyes of the Saxon ladies. The weaker frame, and more volatile disposition of the sex, seemed, indeed, less adapted to the rigour of perpetual confinement, and the ever recurring circle of vigils, fasts, and prayers : but the difficulty of the enter- prise increased the ardour of their zeal: they refused to await the erection of convents in their native country: crowds of females resorted to the foreign establishments of Faremoutier, Chelles, and Andeli ; and the former of these houses was suc- cessively governed lay abbesses of the royal race of Hengist.^" But before the close of the seventh century, the southern Saxons could boast of several fervent communities of nuns under the guidance of Eanswide, Mildrede, and Ethelburge, princesses no less illustrious for their piety, than for their birth. In Northum- bria, at the same period, the abbess Heiu, the first lady among the northern tribes, who put on the monastic veil, governed, under the patronage of the bishop Aidan, a small and obscure convent at Hereteu, or the isle of the hart.'^ She was succeeded by Hilda, whose family, virtue, and abilities reflected a brighter 2' Thus St. Aldhelm was appointed by the bishop ofWinchester, pro jure tuncepis- coporum. Malm, de Reg. 1. i, c. 2, f. 6. Gale, 344. Apost. Ben. p. 30. Wilk. p. 57. 86. t^ 28 Ben. Reg. t. 64. This, and the other monastic exemptions, were successively granted by the pontiffs, to secure the monks from the oppressive conduct of certain bishops. Yet there were many, who considered the remedy as more pernicious than the disease. See St. Bernard, (De Consid. 1. iii. c. 4,) and Richard, archbishop of Can- terbury, (Ep. Pet. Blesen. ep. 68 :) also Fleury, (Discours viiL c. 13.) 28 Wilk. Con. p. 44. 49. 71. 74. Gale, 311. 345. 353.. '» Anno 640. Bed. 1. iii. c. 8. 3' Hartlepool, id. 1. iv. t. 23. H 82 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. luster on the institute. Hilda was allied to the East- Anglian and Northumbrian princes ; her advice was respectfully asked and followed by kings and prelates ) and to her care Oswiu com- mended his infant daughter ^Ifleda, with a dower of one hun- dred hides of land.^^ Enriched by the donations of her friends, she built at Whitby a double monastery, in one part of which a sis- terhood of nuns, in the other a confraternitj'- of monks, obeyed her maternal authority. Among her disciples she established that community of goods, which distinguished the first Christians at Jerusalem ; and whatever they possessed, was considered as the common property of all. Their virtue has been attested by the venerable Bede : and no less than five of the monks of Whit- by were raised to the episcopal dignity^, during the life of their foundress.^^ From Northumbria the institute was rapidly dif- fused over the kingdom of Mercia. The reader will perhaps have been surprised, that a society of men should be subject to the spiritual government of a woman. Yet this scheme of monastic polity, singular as it may now ap- pear, was once adopted in most Christian countries. Its origin may be ascribed to the severity with which the founders of reli- gious orders have always prohibited every species of unnecessary intercourse between their female disciples and persons of the other sex. To prevent it entirely was impracticable. The func- tions of the sacred ministry had always been the exclusive privi- lege of the men : and they alone were able to support the fatigues of husbandry, and conduct the extensive estates, which many convents had received from the piety of their benefactors. But it was conceived that the difficulty might be diminished, if it could not be removed : and with this view, some monastic legislators devised the plan of establishing double monasteries. In the vicinity of the edifice, destined to receive the virgins who had dedicated their chastity to God, was erected a building for the residence of a society of monks or canons, whose duty it was to officiate at the altar, and superintend the external economy of the community. The mortified and religious life, to which they had bound themselves by the most solemn engagements, was supposed to render them superior to temptation : and to re- move even the suspicion of evil, but they were strictly forbidden to enter the enclosure of the women, except on particular occa- sions, with the permission of the superior, and in the presence of witnesses. But the abbess retained the supreme control over the monks, as well as the nuns : their prior depended on her choice, and was bound to regulate his conduct by her instruc- '2 Oswiu had vowed to consecrate his daughter to the service of God, if he were suc- cessful in his war against Penda. Bed. I. iii. c. 34. The Terrs centum et viginti familiarum, are translated by Alfred, hunb r pelprig hlba. (JE\{. vers. p. 556.) The hide contained 120 acres. Hist. Elien. p. 472. 481. " Bed. 1. iii. u. 24. 1. iv. u. 23. DOUBLE MONASTERIES. 83 tions.^^ To St. Columban this institute was indebted for its pro- pagation in France ; and from the houses of his order, which were long the favourite resort of the Saxon ladies, it was proba- bly introduced into England. During the two first centuries after the conversion of our ancestors, the principal nunneries were established on this plan : nor are we certain that there ex- isted any others of a different description." They were held in the highest estimation : the most distinguished of the Saxon female saints, and many of the most eminent prelates, were edu- cated in them : and so edifying was the deportment of the greatest part of these communities, that the breath of slander never pre- sumed to tarnish their character. The monastery of Coldingham alone forms an exception. The virtue of some among its inha- bitants was more ambiguous : and an accidental fire, which was ascribed to the vengeance of Heaven, confirmed the suspicions of their contemporaries, and has transmitted to posterity the knowledge of their dishonour.^^ The account was received with the deepest sorrow by St. Cuthbert, the pious bishop of Lindis- farne : and in the anguish of his zeal, he commanded his disci- ples to exclude every female from the threshold of his cathedral. His will was religiously obeyed ; and for several centuries no woman entered with impunity any of the churches, in which the body of the saint had reposed." ' But notwithstanding the mis- fortune at Coldingham, and the disapprobation of Cuthbert, the institute continued to flourish, till the ravages of the pagan Danes levelled with the ground the double monasteries, together with every other sacred edifice which existed within the range of their devastations.^' S'' As I am not acquainted with any writer who has professedly treated this subject, I have been compelled to glean a few hints from the works of the ancient historians. An establishment of nearly a similar nature existed at Hemiremont, in Lorraid, till it was swept away by the torrent of the French revolution. See note (D.) 2' That the monasteries of Faremoutier, Chelles, and Andeli, were doijble, appears from Bede, (1. iii. c. 8,) and is proved by Broughton, (Mem. p. 343.) Among" the Saxons, the principal at least were of the same institute : Whitby, (Bed. 1. iv. c. 33, Vit. Cuth. c. 24,) Berking, (Id. c. 7,) Coldingham, (Id. c. 25,) Ely, (Id. c. 19,) Wen- lock, (Bonif. ep. 21, p. 29,) Kepandun, (Gale, p. 243. Wigor, p. 568,) and Winburn, (Mab. saec. 3, Vit. St. Liob. p. 246.) See also Bed. 1. iii. c. xi., and Leland's Collec- tanea, (vol. iii. p. 117.) At Beverley, a monastery of monks, a college of canons, and a convent of nuns, obeyed the same abbot. Mong. Ang. vol. i. p. 170. Lei. Coll. vol. iii. p. 100. 36 Bed. 1. iv. c. 25. 3' Sim. Dunel. Hist. Ecc. Dun. p. 102. For the accommodation of the women, a new church was built, and called the green kirk. Ibid. A similar regulation was observed in several of the monalsteries of St. Columban, in France. See Butler's SS. Lives, Sept. 5. Mab. pref. 1, saec. 3, cxxxvii. S8 Another order of religious women, whose existence, it seems, had long been for- gotten, was descried by one of our most learned antiquaries. Spelman had observed that the Saxons always made a distinction between Nonna and Monialis in Latin, and Nunna and Mynekin in their own language : whence he inferred, that the latter must have been the wives of married clergymen, by whose enemies they had been branded with the name of mynekin, from minne, a Gothic word of no very decent signification. (Spel. Con. p. 529. Wilk. Con. p. 894.) It were difficult to err more egregiouslyi 84 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. Such were the different religious orders which, as far as I can discover, were introduced among the Anglo-Saxons. In the dis- tribution of time, the arrangement of fasts and prayers, and the subordinate parts of interior discipline, they were distinguished from each other : but all equally adopted the three engagements, which are still considered as essential to the monastic institute : 1, An unlimited submission to the lawful commands of their superiors ; 3, A life of perpetual celibacy ; and, 3, A voluntary renunciation of private property. 1. In the language of monastic discipline, the most important of the virtues, which are not absolutely imposed on every Chris- tian, is obedience.^' The natural perversity of the human will is considered as the source of every moral disorder; and to prevent it from seeking forbidden gratifications, it should resign the right of deciding for itself, and be taught to submit on all occasions to the determination of another. He who aspires to the praise of a true religious, ought, according to the patriarch of the western monks, to place at the disposal of his superior all the faculties of his mind, and all the powers of his body.^° In the rule which St. Dunstan promulgated for the observance of the Anglo-Saxon monasteries, may be seen the extent to which this maxim was carried. It regulates not only the more important points, but descends to the minutest particulars ; requires the permission of the superior for the most ordinary actions of life ; and severely condemns the brother who, on any occasion, shall presume to determine for himself, without having asked and obtained the advice, or rather the command of his abbot.*' The obedience which is required must be prompt and cheerful : it comprises the decisions of the judgment no less than the resolves of the will :*^ but it admits of one exception. When the commands of From the excerpta of Egbert of York we learn, that the mynekins were women, " who had consecrated themselves to God, who had vowed their virginity to God, and who were the spouses of Christ." %e Iiobe fylpum beo)> jehaljobe. -^ hypa jehac Ijrobe jehacan habbaj?. Wilk. p. 134, xi. be Irobe )*ylpura bepebbob bij? to bjiybe. Ibid. p. 136. be Dobep bjiyb bif ge- hacen^ Ibid. p. 131, xviii. The truth is, that the mynekins were so called from the Saxon " munuc," because they observed the rule of the monks, while the nuns observed the rule of the canons. This distinction is clearly marked in the Codex Constitutionum in the Bodleian Library, in which the mynekins are classed with the monks, and ordered to practise the same duties ; and the nuns are classed with the priests, and com- manded like them to observe chastity, and live according to their rule. R]hc IJ" p mynecena mynpcejilice macian. epne j-pa pe cpaebon aepoji be munecan. — Rihc ip p pjieoptap ■;] epen pel nunnan jiegolhce lib- ban ■] clseanyppe healban. Cod. Jun. 121. ss Tota monachorum vita in simplicitate consistit obedientiae. Alcuin. ep. 59. '"> Quibus nee corpora sua nee voluntates licet habere in propria potestate, Reg. S. Bened. c. 33. ■" NuUus quippiam quamvis parum sua et quasi propria adinventione agere prssu- mat. Apost. Bcned. app. par. 3, p. 92. ■•2 Reg, St. Columb. o. 1. Reg. St. Bened. c. 5. Ibid. c. 5. 7. MONASTIC VOWS OF CHASTITY. 85 the superior are contrary to the law of God, the monk is exhorted to throw oif the shackles of obedience, and boldly to hazard the ■towns and vengeance of his abbot, rather than incur the dis- pleasure of the Almighty.*^ 2. To obedience was added the strictest attention to chastity. The high commendations with which this virtue is mentioned in the inspired writings, had given it a distinguished place in the esteem of the first Christians. As early as the commencement of the second century, we discover numbers of both sexes, who had devoted themselves to a life of perpetual celibacy ■,'^* and their example was eagerly followed by the founders of the mo- nastic institute, whose successors, to the present day, bind them- selves in the most solemn manner to observe it with scrupulous exactitude. To the Saxons, in whom, during the tide of conquest, the opportunity of gratification had strengthened the impulse of the passions, a life of chastity appeared the most arduous effort of human virtue : they revered its professors as beings of a na- ture in this respect superior to their own ; and learned to esteem a religion which could elevate man so much above the influence of his inclinations. As they became acquainted with the maxims of the gospel, their veneration for this virtue increased : and who- ever compares the dissolute manners of the pagan Saxons, with the severe celibacy of the monastic orders, will be astonished at the immense number of male and female recluses who, within a century after the arrival of St. Augustine, had voluntarily embraced a life of perpetual continency. Nor was the pious enthusiasm confined within the walls of convents : there were many who, in the midst of courts, and in the bonds of marriage, emulated the strictest chastity of the cloister. Of these, Edil- thryda may be cited as a remarkable example. She was the daughter of Anna, the king of the East-Angles, and, at an early period of life, had bound herself by a vow of virginity. But her secret wish was opposed by the policy of her friends, and she was 3ompelled to marry Tondberct, Ealdorman of the Girvii. Her entreaties, however, moved the breast of her husband ; and compassion, perhaps religion, prompted him to respect her chas- tity. At his death she retired to a solitary mansion in the unfre- quented isle of Ely : but her relations invaded the tranquillity of her retreat, and ofl'ered her in marriage to Egfrid, the son of the king of Northumbria, a prince who had scarcely reached his fourteenth year. Notwithstanding her tears, she was delivered ■•s Admonendi sunt subditi, ne plus quam expedit, sint subjecti. St Greg, apud Grat. 2, q. 7, can. 57. 44 St. Just. Apol. 1, c. 10. Athenag. Leg. c. 3. Yet the sagacity of Mosheim has discovered, that this practice owed its origin not to the doctrine of the gospel, but to the influence of the climate of Egypt. (Mos. Sasc. ii. p. 2, c. 3, xl. Sac. iii. p. 2, c. 3.) If this be true, we must admire the heroism of its present inhabitants, who in their harems have subdued the influence of the climate, and introduced the difficult practice of polygamy, in lieu of the easy virtue of chastity, H 86 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHUKCH. to the care of his messengers, and conducted a reluctant victim to the Northumbrian court. Her constancy, however, triumphed over his passion : and after preserving her virginity during the space of twelve years, amid the pleasures of the palace, and the solicitations of- her husband, she obtained his permission to take the veil in the monastery of Coldingham.'"' Absence revived the affection of Egfrid : he repented of his consent ; and was prepar- ing to take her by force from her convent, when she escaped to her former residence in Ely. After a certain period, her reputa- tion attracted round her a sisterhood of nuns, among whom she spent the remainder of her days in the practice of every monastic duty, and distinguished by her superior fervour and superior humility.''' To secure the chastity of their disciples, the legislators of the monks had adopted the most effectual precautions which human ingenuity could devise. The necessity of mortifying every irregular inclination was inculcated both by precept and ex- ample. The sobriety of their meals, and the meanness of their dress, perpetually recalled to their minds, that they had renounced the world and its concupiscence, and had dedicated their souls and bodies to the service of the Deity. They were commanded to sleep in the same room: and a lamp, Avhich was kept burning during the darkness of the night, exposed the con- duct of each individual to the eye of the superior. The gates of the convent were shut against the intrusion of strangers : visits of pleasure and even of business were forbidden : and the monk, whom the necessities of the community forced from his cell, was constantly attended, during his absence, by two companions.*' To the precautions of prudence were added the motives of reli- gion. The praises of chastity were sung by the poets, and extolled by the preachers : its votaries were taught to consider themselves as the immaculate " spouses of the Lamb ;" and to them was promised the transcendent reward, which the book of the Apocalypse describes as reserved for those " who have not beendefiled with women." Butwhere thousands unite in the same pursuit, it is impossible that all should be animated with the same spirit, or persevere with equal resolution. Of these recluses there undoubtedly must have been some, whom passion or seduction prompted to violate their solemn engagement : but the unsullied <' Notwithstanding the prohibition of Hutchinson, (Hist, and Ant. of Durham, p. 17,) I have ventured on the authority of Bede, (Hist 1. iv. t. 19. 2.5,) to place Edil- thryda at Coldingham. •>« Ibid. Hist. Eliensis, p. 597. Hume observes (Hist. c. 1, p. 31) that Egfrid died without children, because his wife refused to violate her vow of chastity. He should, however, have added, that the king, at the time of their separation, was only twenty-six years of age, that he married a second wife, and that he lived with her fourteen years. Egfrid came to the throne in 670, separated from Edilthryda in 671, and was killed in battle in 685. Compare Bede, (1. iv. c. 19. 26,) with the Saxon Chronicle, an. 670. 673. 679. <' Wilk. Cone. p. 97. 100. Apost. Bened. app. par. 3, p. 78, 79. RENUNCIATION OF PROPEKTr. 87 reputation of an immense majority contributed to cast a veil over the shame of their weaker brethren, and bore an honourable testimony to the constancy of their own virtue, and the vigilance of their superiors. 3. A voluntary renunciation of property was the third condi- tion, required from the proselyte to the monastic state. The Saviour of mankind had denounced the severest woes against the worldly rich ; and to his approbation of a life of poverty was originally owing the establishment of monachism. Anthony, a young Egyptian, who had lately succeeded to an extensive estate, was prompted by curiosity or devotion, to enter a church during the celebration of the divine worship. " Go, sell that thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in hea- ven," were the first words which met his ear. He considered them as the voice of Heaven directed to himself; sold all his pro- perty; distributed the price to the poor; and retired into the desert of Thebais. His reputation soon attracted a considerable number of disciples ; and the profession of poverty was sanctified in their eyes by the conduct of their teacher. With the monastic institute this spirit was diffused through the western empire : and the same contempt of riches which distinguished the anachorets of Egypt, was displayed by the first monks of Britain. Wealth they considered as the bane of a religious life : the donations of their friends, and tVie patrimony of their members, were equally refused : and the labours of husbandry formed their daily occu- pation, and provided for their support."' The same discipline was anxiously inculcated by each succeeding legislator. St. Benedict informed his followers, that "they would then be truly monks, when, like their fathers, they lived by the work of their hands :" and St. Columban exhorted his disciples to fix their eyes on the treasure reserved for them in heaven, and to believe it a crime not only to have, but even to desire, more than was absolutely necessary upon earth."''' <8 Aug. Sac. torn. ii. p. 645, 646. "3 Tunc vere Monachi sunt, si labore manuum vivnnt sicut patres nostri. St. Ben. Reg. c. 48. Non solum superflua eos habere damnabile est, sed etiam velle. Dum in coelis multum sint habituri, parvo extremae necessitatis censu in terns debeiit esse con- tent!. St. Colum. Reg. c. 4. He also composed verses in praise of poverty, some of which I shall transcribe, as a specimen of his poetic abilities. O nimium felix parens, cui sufficit usus. Corporis ut curam moderamine temperet sguo, Non misera capitur cscaque cupidine rerum ; Non majora cupit quam quae natura reposcit; Non lucri cupidus numrais marsupia replet ; ; Nee molles cumulat tinearum ad pabula vestes. Pascere non pingfui procurat fruge caballos ; Nee trepido doluit tales sub pectore curas ; Nc subitis pereat coUecta pecunia flammis, Aut fracta nurnmos rapiat^ fur improbus area. Vivitur argento sine, jam sine vivitur auro. 88 ANTIQUITIES 01' THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. The ancient discipline was long observed in the east : but the ■western monks gradually departed from its severity, and the departure was justified by the prospect of greater advantage. The numerous irruptions of the barbarians had, in several pro- vinces, swept away the principal part of the clergy, and the duty of public instruction devolved on the monks, whose good fortune had preserved them from the general devastation/" As, to per- form their new functions with decency and advantage, a certain fund of knowledge was necessary, the pursuit of learning began to be numbered among the duties of the cloister; and the drud- gery of manual labour was exchanged for the more honourable and more useful occupation of study. Monasteries were now endowed with extensive estates, adequate to the support of their inhabitants : and their revenues were constantly augmented by the liberality of their admirers. Yet the profession of poverty was not resigned. By the aid of an ingenious though not un- founded distinction, it was discovered that it might still subsist in the bosom of riches ; and that each individual might be destitute of property, though the wealth of the community was equal to that of its most opulent neighbours. Monastic poverty was de- fined to consist in the abdication of private property : whatever the convent possessed was common to all its members : no indi- vidual could advance a claim in preference to his brethren : and every article, both of convenience and necessity, was received from the hands, and surrendered at the command of the abbot." These notions the Saxon monks received from their instructors. To refuse the donations of their friends would have been to injure the ^prosperity of the brotherhood: and each year conducted new streams of wealth to the more celebrated monasteries. Many, indeed, were left to languish in want and obscurity, but there were also many whose superior riches excited the envy of the Nudi nascuntur, nudos quos terra receptat Divitibus nigri reserantur limina ditis : Pauperibusque piis coelestia regna patescunt. Ep. Hunaldo. discip. apud Massingham, p. 411. '1 The first who admitted the monks to holy otders, was St. Athanasius, patriarch of Alexandria. (Sandini Vit. Pont. p. 118, not. 7.) Siricius shortly after decreed that such monks should be aggregated to the clergy, as were fitted by their morals and edu- cation for the clerical functions. (Quos tamen morum gravitas, et vitae ac fidei institutio sancta commendat. Siricii Epist. ad Himer. Terrac. c. 13.) The devastations of the barbarians caused them to be more frequently employed in the public ministry : and when the propriety of this innovation was questioned in the commencement of the seventh century, Boniface IV. called a council at Rome, and defended the interests of the monks. See the acts in Smith's appendix to Bede, p. 717. *•' It appears, however, from many instances in the Saxon records, that though the private monks were destitute of property, the abbot, if he were the founder, considered the monastery and its dependencies as his own, and disposed of them by his testament If the heir was a monk, he became the abbot; if a layman, he received the revenue, and was bound to maintain the monks. See Eddius, (Vit. Wilf. c. 60, 61,) Wilkins, (Cone, p. 84. 144. 172.175,) Leland, (Collect, vol. i. p. 298,) and the charters in the appendix to Smith's edition of Bede, (p. 764.) OEIGIN OF SECULAR MONASTERIES. 89 covetous, and the rapacity of the powerful. The extensive do- mains which Oswiu gave to the Abbess Hilda, have been already noticed. Egfrid, one of his successors, displayed an equal mu- nificence in favour of the Abbot Bennet Biscop.*^ When the property of the rich abbey of Glastenbury was ascertained, by order of the king of Mercia, it was found to comprise no less than eight hundred hides :" and in the enumeration of the differ- ent estates belonging to the monks of Ely, are mentioned morfe than eighty places, situated in the neighbouring counties of Cam- bridge, Suffolk, Norfolk, Essex, Hereford, and Huntingdon." The estates of the monks, like those of the clergy, were libe- rated" from all secular services : and the hope of participating ifl so valuable a privilege, gave occasion to a singular species of fraud, which cast a temporary but unmerited stain on the reputa- tion of the order. We learn from Bede, that in the reign of Aldfrid, king of Northumbria, certain noblemen had expressed an ardent desire to consecrate their property to the service of religion. By the influence of friends and presents, the consent of the sovereign was obtained; and the ecclesiastical privileges were confirmed to them by ample charters, subscribed with the signatures of the king, the bishops, and the principal thanes." But their secret motives were betrayed by the sequel of their conduct : and the advantages, not the virtues of the profession, proved to be the object of their pursuit. They quitted not the habits nor the pleasures of a secular life : but were content to assume 'the title of abbots, and to collect on some part of their domain a society of profligate and apostate monks. The wife also was proud to copy the example of her husband ; and her vanity was flattered with the power of legislating for a sisterhood of females as ignorant and dissipated as herself. The success of the first adventurers stimlilated the industry of others. Each succeeding favourite was careful to procure a similar charter for his family : and so universal was the abuse, that the venerable Bede ventured to express a doubt whether, in a few years, there would remain a soldier to draw the sword against an invading enemy.*^ That respectable priest, in the close of his ecclesiastical history, dedicated to KingCeolwulf, hints in respectful terms his opinion of these nominal monks ; but in his letter to Archbishop Egbert, he assumes a bolder tone, and, in the language of zeal and detestation, insists on the necessity of putting a speedy period to so infamous a practice.*' But the secular abbots were nume- 52 Bed. 1. iii. c. 34. Hist Abbat. Wirem. p. 294, 395. " Malm. Antiq. Glast. p. 314, 315. S"" Hist.Elien.p.510. For the motivesofthese donations see the preceding chapter p 80 '5 Anno 704. , »->»■■• «6 Decet prospicere ne, rarescente copia militia secnlaris, absint qui fines nostrbs a barbarica incursione tueantur omnino deest locus, ubi filii nobilium aut emerito- rum militum possessionem accipere possint. Bed. Ep. ad Egb. p. 309 " Bed. Hist. 1. V. c. 24. Ep. ad Egb. Ant. p. 309. 312. ' * 12 h2 90 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. reus and powerful, and existed in the other kingdoms no less than in that of Northunibria. It was in vain that Bade denounced them to his metropolitan , and that the synod of Cloveshoe attri- buted their origin to avarice and tyranny :*' they survived the censures of the monk, and the condemnation of the synod ; their monasteries were inherited by their descendants ; and for their extirpation the Saxon church was indebted to the devastations of the pagan Danes in the succeeding century/' It is against the wealth and immunities of the monks that their enemies have directed the fiercest of their attacks. Wit and malignity have combined to expose the riches which sprung ffom the profession of poverty, and the distinctions which re- warded the vow of obedience. From the discipline of the cloister its votaries are supposed to have acquired the science of fraud and superstition ; the art of assuming the garb of sanctity, to amuse the credulity of the people, and of prostituting to private advantage the most sacred institutions. In investigating the manners of a class of men who lived in a remote period, it is always difficult to restrain the excursions of the fancy: but if passion be permitted to guide the inquiry, possible are frequently substituted for real occurrences ; and what might have been the guilt of a few individuals, is confidently ascribed to the whole body. If, in the theology of the monks, " to patronize the order was esteemed the first of virtues," if they taught that "the foun- dation of a monastery was the secure road to heaven, and that a bountiful donation would, without repentancCj elface the guilt of the most deadly sins,'"'" they were undoubtedly the corrupters of morality, and the enemies of mankind. But of these doctrines no vestige remains in their writings, and we have yet to learn from what source their modern adversaries derive the important information. If they had consulted the venerable Bede, he would have taught them that " no ofiiering, though made to a monastery, could be pleasing to the Almighty, if it proceeded from an impure conscience ;'"^ from the council of Calcuith, they =8 Wilkins, p. 95. '9 Most of the modern writers, who attempt to describe the Saxon monks, are careful to consult the invective of Bede against the secular monasteries. But, unfortunately, they are unable to distinguish the real from the pretended monks ; and scrupulously ascribe to the former every vice with which he reproaches the latter. (See Inett, Orig. Sax.vol. i. p. 137. Biog. Britan. art. Bede. Henry, Hist vol. iii. p. 299.) Inett has even discovered, from Bede's letter to Archbishop Egbert, that, on account of the gene- ral depravity of the monks, those who were desirous to have their children educated virtuously, were obliged to send them abroad. (Inett, ibid.) After a diligent perusal of the same letter, I may venture to assert that it does not contain the most remote allusion to such a circumstance. In reality, the true monasteries were, at this period, filled with men of the strictest virtue; and Bede's complaints were directed only against the noble- men, who made themselves abbots, in order to obtain the monastic privileges, and against their followers, who, without practising the duties, assumed the name and the dress of the monks. i5» Hume, Hist. p. 42. 77. Sturgcs, Reflect, on Popery, p. 31. Hen. vol. iv. p. 299. " Bed. Ep. ad Egb. p. 312. FALSE NOTIONS OP THE MONASTIC INSTITUTE. 91 might have learnt that "repentance was then only of avail,when it impelled the sinner to lament his past offences, and restrained him from committing them again ;"^* and in the acts of the synod of Cloveshoe,they might have seen how repugnant such interested morality was to the genuine doctrine of the Saxon church. " The man," say the prelates, " who indulges his passion, in the confidence that his charities i^^'ill procure his salvation, instead of making an acceptable offering to God, throws himself into the arms of Satan.'"' Alms, indeed, were enumerated by the monks among the most efficacious means of disarming the justice of the Almighty: and in this opinion they were supported by the clear- est testimonies of the inspired writings.*'' But they did not point out their own body as the sole, or the principal object of charity. To the penitent, who was anxious to make his peace with heaven, they proposed works of public utility. They exhorted him to repair the roads and erect bridges; to purchase the freedom of slaves; to exercise the duties of hospitality ; and to clothe and support the distressed peasants, whom the broils of their petty tyrants often reduced to the lowest state of wretchedness.'* If, among these different objects, frequent donations were made to ythe religious houses, the impartial reader will consider them as proofs rather of their merit than their avarice. For men, however vicious they may-be, are seldom blind to the vices of their teachers. The malignity of the human heart is gratified with discovering the defects of those who claim the reputation of superior virtue. Had the monks been, as they are so frequently described, an indolent, avaricious, and luxurious race, they would never have commanded the confidence, nor have been enriched by the bene- factions of their countrymen. It is at the commencement of rehgious societies, that their fervour is generally the most active. The Anglo-Saxon monks of the seventh century, were men, who had abandoned the world through the purest motives ; and whose great solicitude was to practise the duties of their profession. They had em- braced a life,, in appearance at least, irksome and uninviting. Their devotions were long ; their fasts frequent ; their diet coarse and scanty. For more than a century wine and beer were, in the manastery of Lindisfarne, excluded from the beverage of the monks ; and the first mitigation of this severity was introduced in favour of Ceolwulf, a royal novice.^^ The discipline, which St. Boniface prescribed to his disciples at Fulda, he had learned in England ; and from it we may infer, that the Saxon Benedicr 5' Admissa deflere, et fleta in postmodum non admittere. Wilk. Con. p. 181. *' Sua Deo dare videntur, (sed) seipsos diabolo per flagitia dare non dubitantur. Id. p. 98, xxvi. Cloveshoe was probably Abingdon, (Stevens's Translation of Bed. p. 892] not.) It was originally called Seusham, or Seukesham, (Lei. Itiner. vol. ii. p. 43 ix' p. 33.) ' «^ Dan. iv. 34. Mutt. xxiv. 35. Luc. xi. 14. " Wilk. p. 140. 236. 6« Hcved. anno 748, 92 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. tines, whose institute was less austere than that of the Scottish coenobites, were men of the strictest abstinence. They refrained from the use of flesh, wine, and beer, refused the assistance of slaves, and with their own hands cultivated the deserts which surrounded them."' The voluntary professors of a life so severe and mortified, ought certainly to be acquitted of the more sordid vices ; and if they consented to accept the donations of their friends, we may safely ascribe that acceptance to lawful and honourable motives. The truth of this observation will be ex- emplified in the conduct of the first abbots of Weremouth. They were descended from the noblest families in Northumbria; and their monastery was endowed with the most ample revenues. Yet they despised the vain distinctions of rank and wealth ; as- sociated with their monks in the duties of the cloister, and the labours of husbandry ; and in their diet, their dress, and their accommodations, descended to a level with the lowest of their dis- ciples. Their riches were not devoted to the encouragement of idleness, or the gratification of sensuality : but by their liberality, foreign artists were invited to instruct the ignorance of their countrymen ; paintings and statues were purchased for the deco- ration of their churches ; and their library was enriched with the choicest volumes of profane and sacred literature. The last care of Bennet, their founder, was directed to these objects. He had a brother, whose avarice would have grasped at the govern- ment, and whose prodigality would have quickly exhausted the treasury of the abbey. Him he conjured the monks to banish from their thoughts ; to permit neither authority nor affection to influence their suffrages; and to elect for his successor the worthiest, though he might be the youngest and most ignoble brother in the monastery;** The conduct of the abbots of Weremouth, was the conduct of almost all the superiors of religious societies at this period. To erect edifices worthy of the God whom they adored, to imitate the solemnity of the Roman worship, and to arrest by external splendour the attention of their untutored brethren, were the prin- cipal objects of their ambition : and in the prosecution of these objects, they necessarily accelerated the progress of civil as well as religious improvement. 1. The architecture of the Saxons, at the time of their conversion, was rude and barbarous. They lived amid ruins, which attest the taste of a more civilized people : but their ignorance beheld them with indifference, and their in- dolence was satisfied with the wretched hovels of their ancestors. The first impulse was communicated by the missionaries, who <>' Viros striclffl abstinenti:B ; absque came et vino, absque sicera et servis, propiio manuum suarum labore Contentos. Ep. Bonif. p. 211. In these points they seem to have improved on the original rule of St. Benedict. See note (E). 68 Bede, VitsE Abbalum Wirem. passim. Homilia in natal. Divi. Benedicti. op. torn, vii. col.'464. MAGNIFICENCE OF THE CHURCHES. 93 constructed churches for the accommodation of their converts. Those built by the Scots were of oaken planks, those by the Romans of unwrought stone. Both were covered with reeds or straw. But when the Saxons, in their visits to the tombs of the apostles, had seen the public buildings of other countries, they blushed at the inferiority of their own ; and resolved to imitate what they had learned to admire. The considerations of labour and expense were'^despised; aiid every art, which that age con- nected with the practice of architecture, was introduced or improved. Walls of polished masonry succeeded to the rough erections of their ancestors ; the roofs of their churches were protected with sheets of lea:d ; lofty towers added to the size and appearance of the building : and, to the astonishment of the un- travelled multitude, windows of glass admitted the light, at the same time that they excluded the wind and rain."^ The names of those, to whom the more southern nations were indebted for these improvements, are unknown :™ but in the north, the labours of St. Bennet and St. Wilfrid have been gratefully recorded by contemporary historians. The neighbouring churches of Were- mouth and Jarrow established the reputation of the former, and were long the admiration of his countrymen.'^ The efforts of the latter were more numerous, and more widely diffused. His first attempt was to repair and beautify the cathedral church of York, which had been originally built by Edwin of Northumbria ; and now, after the short interval of forty years, was rapidly has- tening to decay. By his instructions the walls were strengthen- ed, the timber of the roof was renewed, and a covering of lead opposed to the violence of the weather. From the windgws he removed the lattices of wood, and curtains of linen, the rude contrivances of an unskilful age ; and substituted in their place the more elegant and useful invention of glass. The interior of the church he cleansed from its impurities, and washed the walls with lime, till they became, according to the expression of his biographer, whiter than the snow.'^^ His success at York was a fresh stimulus to his industry, and at Rippon he raised a new church, which was built from the foundations according to his design. We are told that the masonry was nicely polished, that rows of columns supported the roof, and that porticoes adorned each of the principal entrances.'^^ The monastery at Bfexham was the last and most admired of his works. The height and length of the walls, the beautiful polish of the stones, the number of the columns and porticoes, and the spiral windings, which led to m Edd. Vit. Wilf. c. 14. '" St. Aldhelm was probably active in this pursuit. Malmesbury tells us, that one of the churches built by him was superior to any other in England. Gale, p. 349. " Bade, p. 295. ''Super nivem dealbavit. Edd. Vit Wilf. c. 16. See also Malm, de Pont. I. iii. "Edd. c. 17. 94 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHDRCH. the top of each tower, have exercised the descriptive powers of Eddius, who, after two journeys to the apostoHc see, boldly pro- nounced that there existed not, on this side of the Alps, a church to be compared with that of Hexham J'' It is, indeed, probable that these buildings, which once excited raptures in the breasts of their beholders, would, at the present day, displease by the absence of the symmetry and taste. But we should recollect, that they were the first essays of a people emerging from bar- barism, the rudiments of an art which has been peyfeeted by the labours of succeeding generations. The men by whose genius, and under whose patronage they were constructed, were the bene- factors of mankind, and might justly claim the gratitude not only of their contemporaries, but also of their posterity." 3. The interior of these edifices exhibited an equal spirit of improvement, and a superior display of magnificence. Of the spoils which their barbarous ancestors had wrested from a more polished people, a considerable portion was now dedicated to the service of the Deity ; and the plate and jewels, which their piety poured into the treasuries of the principal churches, are repre- sented of such immense value, that it is with reluctance we assent to the testimony of contemporary and faithful historians. From them we learn that, on the more solemn festivals, every vessel employed in the sacred ministry was of gold or silver; that the altars sparkled with jewels and ornaments of the precious metals; that the vestments of the priest and his assistants were made of silk, embroidered in the most gorgeous manner; and that the walls were hung with foreign paintings, and the richest tapestries.'^ In the church of York stood two altars, entirely covered with plates of gold and silver. One of them was also ornamented with a profusion of gems, and supported a lofty crucifix of equal value. Above were suspended three ranges of lamps, in a pharus of the largest dimensions." Even the books employed in the offices of religion were decorated with similar magnificence. St. Wilfrid ordered the four gospels to be written with letters of gold, on a purple ground, and presented them to the church of Rippon in a casket of gold, in which were enchased a number of precious stones." Of these ornaments some had been purchased from foreign countries; many were executed by the industry of native artists. In their convents the nuns were employed in the elegant works of embroidery: in the monasteries the monks practised the different mechanical arts. The ironsmith, the joiner, and the '^Id. c. 22. "See note (F.) '8 Bed. p. 295. 297. 299. 300. Edd. Vit. Wilf. c. 17. Ale. de Pont. v. 1224. 1266. 1488. " Ale. ibid. V. 1488. The pharua was a contrivance for suspending lights in the church. Georgi, de Liturg. Rom. Pont. vol. i. p. Ixxix. '8 Edd. c. 17. Bed. L v. c. 19. If the reader wish to see other accounts of the magnificent furniture of their chgrchcs, he may consult the Monasticon, vol. i. p. 40. 104. 165. 222. IMPROVEMENT OF AGKICULTURE. 93 goldsmith, were raised by their utility, to a high degree of con- sequence among their brethren; their professions were ennobled by the abbots and bishops, who occasionally exercised them; and these distinctions contributed to excite emulation, and accelerate improvement.''' 3. While the mechanic trades thus flourished under the patron- age of the richer ecclesiastics, the more important profession of agriculture acquired a due share of their attention. The estates of the lay proprietors were cultivated by the compulsory labours of their theowas or slaves : but in every monastery numbers of the brotherhood were devoted to the occupation of husbandry ; and the superior cultivation of their farms quickly demonstrated the difference between the industry of those who worked through motives of duty, and of those whose only object was to escape the lash of the surveyor.'" Of the lands bestowed on the monks, a considerable portion was originally wild and unculti- vated, surrounded by marshes,^or covered with forests. They preferred such situations for the advantage of retirement and con- templation ; and as they were of less value, they were more freely bestowed by their benefactors." But every obstacle of nature and soil was subdued by the unwearied industry of the monks. The forests were cleared, the waters drained, roads opened, bridges erected, and the waste lands reclaimed. Plenti- ful harvests waved on the coast of Northumbria, and luxuriant meadows started from the fens of the Girvii.'^ The superior cultivation of several counties in England, is originally owing to the labours of the monks, who, at this early period, were the parents of agriculture as well as of the arts. '9 Bede, p. 296. St. Dunstan worked in all the metals ; (Ang. Sac. toI. ii. p. 94 :) he made organs (Gale, p. 324) and bells. (Monast. vol. i. p. 104.) St. Ethelwold prac- tised the same trades as his instructor. Ibid. By a law published in the reign of Ed- gar, but probably transcribed from a more ancient regulation, every priest was com- manded " to learn some handicraft, in order to increase knowledge, co eacan laeTie." Wilk. p. 225. 80 From the Domesday survey, Mr. Turner observes, that the church lands were in a higher state of cultivation than those of any other order of society. Vol. iv. p. 205. 81 Bede, p. 128. 144. 156. 164. Several monasteries took their names from their situations, as Atbearwe, in the forest, (Bed. p. 144 ;) Ondyrawuda, in the wood of the Deiri, (Bed. p. 183 ;) Croyland, boggy land, (Ing. p. i. ;) Thorney,the island of thorns, (Hug. Cand, p. 3 ;) Jarrow or Gyrvum, a fen, (Id. p. 3.) 82 The coast of Northumbria was cultivated by the monks of Coldingham, Lindis- farne, Bambrough, Tinmouth, Jarrow, Weremouth, Hartlepool, and Whitby: the marshes of the Girvii were drained and improved by the monks of Croyland, Thomey, Ely, Ramsey, and Medhamsted. This fenny region, the theatre of monastic industry, extended the space of 68 miles, from the borders of Suffolk to Wainfleet in Lincoln- shire, (Camden's Cambridgeshire.) After the lapse of so many centuries, there is reason to fear, that a very considerable part of it will be again lost to cultivation, by re- peated inundations. In the years 1795, 1799, and 1800, about 140,000 acres were under water. " Two or three more floods," says Mr. Young, " will complete the ruin : and 300,000 acres of the richest land in Great Britain will revert to their ancient pro- prietors, the frogs, the coots, and the wild ducks of the region." Annals of AgricttUure, 1804. 96 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. If the monastic bodies thus acquired opulence for themselves, they were not insensible to the wants of the unfortunate. The constant exercise of charity and hospitality had been indispensa- bly enjoined by all their legislators. Within the precincts of each, monastery stood an edifice, distinguished by the Greek name of Xenodochium, in which a certain number of paupeirs received their daily support, and which was gratuitously opened to every traveller who solicited relief. The monks were divided into classes, of which each in rotation succeeded to the service of the hospital. The abbot alone was exempted. To confine his at- tendance to particular days was repugnant to his other and more important occupations : but he was exhorted frequently to join his brethren in the performance of this humble and edifying duty. To the assistant monks it was recommended to shut their ears to the suggestions of pride and indolence ; to revere the Saviour of mankind in the persons of the poor, and to recollect that every good otfice rendered to them, he would reward as done to himself.^' Severity and impatience were strictly forbid- den : they were to speak with kindness, and to serve with cheer- fulness : to instruct the ignorance, console the sorrows, and alleviate the pains of their guests : to attach the highest import- ance to their employment ; and to prefer the service of the in- digent brethren of Christ, before that of the wealthy children of the world.^* The legislator who framed these regulations, must have been inspired by the true spirit of the gospel ; to execute them with fidelity, required men actuated by motives superior to those of mercenary attendants ; and humanity will gratefully cherish the memory of these asylums, erected for the support of indigence and misfortune.*' But it was in the time of public distress, that the charity of the monks was displayed in all its lustre. In their mutual wars the Saxon princes ravaged each others' territories without mercy ; and, after the establishment of the monarchy, the devastations of the Danes frequently reduced the natives to the extremity of want. Agriculture was yet, except among the monastic bodies, in its infancy. The most plentiful years could scarcely supply the general consumption, and as often as an unfavourable season stinted the growth, or a hostile invasion swept away the produce s'St. Matt. c. xxv.v. 40. 8' Nee pauperibna aeterni Christi vicarius tardus ac tepidns ministrare diiferendo desistat, qui celer ac fervidus divitibus caducis ministrando occurreie desiderat Apost. Bened. app. par. 3, p. 92. es When the humanity of Louis XVI. induced him to improve the state of the public hospitals in France, a member uf the academy of sciences was sent to inquire into the manner in which similar establishments were conducted in this country. At his return he gave to the English hospitals that praise which they so justly merit: but observed, that to render them perfect, two things were wanting, the zeal of the French curates, and the charity of the hospital nuns. " Mais il y manque deux choses, nos cures et nos hospitalieres." Bergier, Art. Hopitaux. , CHARITIES OF LEOrKIC AND GODRIC. 97 of the harvest, famine, with its inseparable attendant, pesti- lence, was the necessary result. On such occasions the monks were eager to relieve the wants of their countrymen ; and who- ever is conversant with their writers, must 'have remarked the satisfaction with which they recount the charitable exertions of their* most celebrated abbots. Among these, a distinguished place is due to Leofric, the tenth abbot of St. Albans.*" To> erecj a church, which in magnificence might equal the dignity of the abbey, had been the favourite project of his two immediate, predecessors. The ruins of the ancient Verulam had been ex- plored ; the necessary materials had been prepared; the treasury was filled with the dohations of their friends ; and a profusion of gold and silver vases proved the extent of their resources. Leofric, in the vigour of manhood, succeeded to their riches and their projects : and his hopes were gratified with the prospect of erecting an edifice, which would transmit his name with honour to posterity. But the public calamity soon dissipated the flatter- ing illusion. The horrors of famine depopulated the country,, and his heart melted at the distress of his brethren. He cheer- fully resolved to sacrifice the object of his ambition ; the granaries of the monastery were opened to the sufi'erers ; the riches of the treasury were^expended for their relief; the plate reserved for his table was melted down ; and, as a last resource, he ventured to sell the precious ornaments destined for the use and decora- tion of the church." Of his monks there were several, who murmured at the liberality of their abbot ; but they were careflil to conceal their avarice beneaththe mask of piety. Whatever had been once consecrated to the service of God, could not, they observed, without impiety, -be alienated to profane purposes. Lfeofric meekly but truly replied, that the living were to be pre- ferred to the inanimate temples of God : and that to support the former was a work of superior obligation to the decoration of the latter. His conduct was applauded: and his opponents were condemned to silence by the voice of the public.^^ In the same rank with Leofric, we may place Godric, the abbot of Croyland. His monastery, situated in the midst of deep and extensive marshes, offered a secure asylum to the crowds that fled from the exterminating swords of the Danes. Though his treasury had been lately pillaged by the officers of the crown ; though S wein, the chieftain of the barbarians, threat- ened him with his resentment ; Godric listened not to the sugges- tions of terror or of prudence, but received the fugitives with open arms, consoled them in their loss, and associated them to his own fortunes. During several months Croyland swarmed S5 An. 1000. 8' Some jewels and' eameos were excepted, for whiek he could find no Durchaser Mat. Paris, p. 995. 88 Ibid. 13 I 98 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. with Strangers, who were accommodated and supported at his expense. The cloisters and the choir were reserved for his own monks, and those of the neighbouring monasteries : the fugitive clergy chose for their residence the body of the church : the men were lodged in the other apartments of the abbey ; and the women and children were placed in temporary buildings erected in the cemetery'. But the most vigilant economy was soon compelled to sink under the accumulated expenses. The anxie't^ of the benevolent abbot was daily increased by the suspieions of Ethelred, and the menaces of Swein ; and in his anguish he was heard to envy the fate of those whom he had follojved to the grave. A last expedient remained, to solicit the friendship of Norman, a powerful retainer of Duke Edric ; and the grant of a valuable manor for the term of one hundred years, secured the protection of that nobleman. While he lived, Croyland enjoyed tranquillity ; but the estate was unjustly retained by his descend- ants, and recovered by the abbey.'" CHAPTER V. Government of the Anglo-Saxon Church — Episcopal Synods — National Councils — Supremacy of the Popes — They establish Metropolitan Sees — Confirm the Elec- tion of the Archbishops — Keform Abuses — And receive Appeals. The origin and nature of ecclesiastical government have, in modern ages, been the subjects of numerous and discordant theories. But in the sixth and seventh centuries, when the Anglo-Saxons embraced the doctrine of the gospel, the churches of the east and west obeyed one common constitution ; and, in every Christian country, a regular gradation of honour and authority cemented together the great body of the clergy, from the lowest clerk to the pontiff who sat in the chair of St. Peter. To reject, or to improve this plan of government, were projects which never engaged the attention of our ancestors. The igno- rance of the converts reposed with confidence on the knowledge of the missionaries : and the knowledge of the missionaries taught them to revere as sacred those institutions, which had been sanc- tioned by the approbation of antiquity. Hence the ecclesiastical polity of the Anglo-Saxons, as soon as circumstances permitted it to assume a consistent form, appeared to have been cast in the same mould as that of the other Christian nations. I. The con- cerns of each diocese were regulated by the bishop in his annual synods : H. A more extensive power of legislation was exercised sKInguIf. f. 507. An. 1010. See note (G). EPISCOPAL SYNODS. 99 by the provincial and national councils ; III. And these, in their turn, acknowledged the superior control of the Roman pontiffs. I. The Anglo-Saxon bishops, in their respective dioceses, exercispd the -episcopal jurisdiction according to the direction of the canons : and few instances are preserved in history, of either clerk or layman, who dared to refuse obedience to their legi-' timate authority. Twice in the year, on the calends of May and November, they summoned their clergy to meet them in the episcopa,l synod. Every priest, whether secular or regular, to whose administration a portion of the diocese had been intrusted, was commanded to attend : and his disobedience was punished by a pecuniary fine, or by suspension from his functions during a determinate period.* As the subjects of their future discussion involved the interests of religion, and the welfare of the clergy, each member was exhorted to implore by his prayers, and deserve by his conduct the assistance pi the Holy Spirit. With this view, they were commanded to meet together, and travel in company to the episcopal residence ; to be attended by the most discreet of their clerks ; and carefully to exclude from their retinue every person of a light or disedifying deportment.'' Three days were allotted for the duration of the synod ; and on each day, the general fast was only terminated by the conclusion of the session. At the appointed hour, they entered the church in order and silence ; the priests were ranged according to their seniority; below them sat the principal among the deacons ; and behind was placed a select number of laymen, distinguished by their superior piety and wisdom. The bishop opened the synod with an appropriate speech, in which he promulgated the decrees of the last national council ;^ explained the regulations which he deemed expedient for the reformation of his diocese ; and exhorted the members to receive with reverence the mandates of their father and instructor. He did not, however, prohibit the freedom of debate.'' Each individual was requested to speak his senti- ments without restraint ; to offer the objections or amendments which his prudence and experience might suggest ; to expose the difficulties, against which he had to struggle in the government of his parish ; and to denounce the names and crimes of the public sinners, whose contumacy refused to yield to the zeal of their pastor, and defied the censures of the church.' ' Wilk. Con. vol. i.p. 820, xliv. vol. iv. p. 784. s Id. vol. i. p. 225, iv. 266, iv. ' Id. p. 98, XXV. Of the discourses spoken by the bishops on these occasions, two are still preserved; one of which is supposed to have been composed by jElfric, the author of the Saxon homilies, the other by jEIfric, afterwards archbishop of York, (Wilk. Leg. Sax. p. 153. 161.) Wilkins imagines they were collected from the rule of St. Benedict : but a diligent comparison will show that they were formed after the admonitio synodalis of the Roman pontifical, which has been accurately published by Georgi. De laturg. Rom. Pont. vol. iii. p. 425. * Wilk. vol. iv. p. 785. ' Id. vol. i. p. 22.5, v. vi. 100 ANTIQUITIES OT THE ANGLO-SAXON CHITRCH. It had been the wish of St. Paul, that his converts should pre- fer, for the decision of their disputes, the assembly of the saints to the tribunal of a pagan magistrate : the ancient fathers, the in- heritors of his spirit, had commanded, that the controversies of the clergy should be withdrawn from the cognisance of the secular judges, and committed to the wisdom and authority of their eccle- siastical superiors/ The synod, as soon as the plan of reform had been adjusted, resolved into a court of judicature ; every clerk, who conceived himself aggrieved by any of his brethren, was admitted to prefer his complaint, and justice was adminis- tered according to the decisions of the canons, and the notions of natural equity. But the testimony and recriminations of the contending parties might have scandalized their weaker brethren ; and, during these trials, every stranger was prudently excluded from the debates. On their re-admission, they were publicly invited to accuse, before the assembly of his peers, the clergy- man who had notoriously neglected the duties of his profession, or dared to violate the rights of his fellow-citizens: and, if a prosecutor appeared, the parties were heard with patience, and judgment was pronounced. The business of the meeting was then terminated : the bishop arose, made a short exhortation, gave his benediction, and dissolved the assembly.' IL The many and important advantages which must have arisen from synods thus organized and conducted, were felt, and duly appreciated by the Anglo-Saxon prelates : but the superior dignity and superior authority of the national councils have chiefly claimed the notice, and exercised the diligence of histo- rians. The right of convoking these assemblies was vested in the archbishop of Canterbury ; but in the exercise of this privilege he was directed, not only by the dictates of his own prudence, but sometimes by the commands of the pope, more frequently by the decrees of the preceding council.' At his summons the bishops repaired to the appointed place, accompanied by the abbots, and the principal ecclesiastics of their dioceses ; who, though they pretended to no judicial authority, assisted at the deliberations, and subscribed to the decrees.' Of these assemblies the great objects were, to watch over the purity of faith, and the severity of discipline ; to point out to the prelates and the pa- rochial clergy the duties of their respective stations ; to reform 6 Id. vol. iv. p. 785, 786. ' Ibid. * After York became an archbishopric, eacli of the metropolitans convoked, on cer- tain occasions, the bishops of their respective provinces. 9 See Wilklns, Con. p. 61. 94. ife?. -169. Respecting the council of Calcuith, Henry informs us, (and he affects to consider the information as highly important, Hen. vol. iii. p. 24J.,) that in the preamble to the canons, it is said to have been "called in the name, and by the authority of Jesus Christ, the supreme head of the church." Were the assertion true, I know not what inference he could justly deduce from it : but unfortunately it is one of the pious frauds, into which his zeal sometimes betrayed him. The paBsapje is not to be found in any edition of the acts of the council. Seo Spelman, (p. 327,) and Wilkina, (p. 169.) CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL POWER UNITED. 101 the abuses, which the weakness of human nature insensibly introduces into the most edifying communities ; and to regulate whatever concerned the propriety and splendour of the public worship. The selection of the subjects of discussion appears to have been intrusted to the wisdiDm of the metropolitan, who com- posed a competent number of canons, and submitted them to the judgment of his brethren.*" Their approbation imparted to thecn the sanction of laws, which bound the whole Saxon church, and were enforced with the accustomed threat of excommunication against the transgressors. But it was soon discovered, that the dread of spiritual punishment operates most powerfully on those who, from previous habits of virtue, are less disposed to rebel ; and that it is necessary, among men of strong passions and untutored minds, to oppose to the impulse of present desire, the restraint of present and sensible chastisement. With this view the bishops frequently solicited and obtained the aid of "the civil power. Whenever the witena-gemot, the council of the sages, was assembled, they were careful to improve the favourable opportunity; to call the public attention to the more flagrant violations of ecclesiastical discipUne ; and to demand that future transgressors might be amenable to the secular tribunals. To the success of these applications the statutes of the Saxon coun- cils bear ample testimony.** So early as the reign of Ethelbert, the laws of Kent had guarded the property of the church with the heaviest penalties ;*^ and the zeal of his grandson, Earcon- bert, prompted him to enforce with similar severity the observ- ance of the canonical fast of Lent." Persuaded of the neces- sity of baptism by the instructions of his teachers, the legislator of-Wessex placed the new-born infant under the protection of the law, and by the fear of punishment stimulated the diligence of the parents. The delay of a month subjected them to the penalty of thirty shillings : a,nd if, after that period, the child died without having received the sacred rite, nothing less than the forfeiture of their property could expiate the ofl'ence." To relapse into the errors of paganism, provoked a still more rigorous punishment. The sincerity of the convert was watched with a suspicious eye ; and the man that presumed to ofi'er sacrifice to the gods, whom he had previously abjured, besides the loss of his estate, was condemned to the disgrace of the pillory, unless he was redeemed by the contributions of his "> Among the constitutions of the Anglo-Saxon metropolitans, is preserved a code of laws, which St. Odo appears to have selected from the canons of preceding synods. (Wilk. p. 212.) It has been particularly noticed by Henry, as characteristic of the haughty spirit which he is pleased to ascribe to that prelate, (Hen. Hist. vol. iii. p. 264.) But from what lexicographer had the historian learned that ammonemus regem et principes, means, " I command the king and the princes 1" It is a singular fact that Henry's short version of ten lines is disgraced by four blunders, each of which is cal- culated to enforce the charge of arrogance against the archbishop. '1 Wilk. Con. p. 56. 58. 60. Leges Sax. passim. i" Vl'ilk. Con. p. 29. An. 605. " Bed. 1. iii. c. 8. An. 640. " Leges Sax. p. 14. An. 693. I2 103 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. friends." By degrees, these penal statutes were multiplied, till there scarcely remained a precept of the decalggue., the overt transgressiop of which was not punish.able by the civillaw. But of nothing were the Saxons more jealous than of the honour of their women. Every species of insult which could be offered to female chastity, was carefully enumerated ; the degrees of guilt were discriminated with accuracy ; and the chastisement was proportioned, to the nature of the offence, arid the dignity of the injured person. '° The fines arising from these ecclesiastical crimes were paid into the treasury of the bishop, and to his prudence was intrusted the administration of the money : but he was strictly commanded to devote it to the relief of the poor, the repairs of decayed churches, and the education of those who had destined themselves to the ministry of the altar." III. From the history of the evangelists we learn that, among the companions of Jesus, Peter A<^as particularly distinguished by his heavenly Master.'^ That precedency of honour and jijrisdic- tion, which has been denied to him by tji^ skepticism of modern polemics, was readily conceded by the more docile piety of 'our ancestors : whose sentiments are plainly and forcibly recorded in the works of their most celebrated writers. " The prince of the apostles, the shepherd of all believing nations, the head- of the chosen flock, and the first pastor of the church," are the titles by which they commonly describe him :'' and to him they are care- ful to attribute, as " a peculiar privilege, the power to bind, and " Ibid. p. 11. Heall'panTe sometimes means the pillory, sometimes a legal com- pensation instead of the punishment. '5 Ibid. p. 2, 3, 4. 6, et passim. If the clergy were assisted by the power of the civil magistrate, the civil magistrate in return was rnuch indebted to the superior knowledge of the clergy. It was by the persuasion, and with the assistance of the missionaries, that the first code of Saxon laws was published by Ethelbert, "juxta morem Romanorum." Bed. 1. iL c. v. From the time of their conversion, the study of the Roman jurisprudence appears to have been a favourite pursuit with the clergy. St. Aldhelm visited the school at Canterbury, that he might learn, " legum Romanorum jura, et cuncta jurisconsultorum, secreta." (Ep. Aldhel. apud Gale, p. 341 ;) and Bede speaks of the code of Justinian as of a work well known to his ^ countrymen. (Bed. Chron. p. 28, anno 567.) To this study was necessarily added that of the ecclesiastical canons ; and the knowledge of each must have given the clergy a great superiority, both as legislators in the witena- gemot, and as magistrates in the different courts, at which it was their duty to attend. Alfred the Great, in his laws, seems to ascribe the substitution of pecuniary compensa- tion in the place of corporal punishment, to the advice of the clergy, who taught that mercy rather than revenge should distinguish the penal code of a Christian people. (Leg. Sax. p. 33.) It is, however, diiBcuIt to reconcile this assertion with the testimony of Tacitus, who observed, several centuries before, that such conipensations were common among the nations of Germany. Levioribus delictis, pro modo, poena : equorum peco- rumque numero convicti multantur : pars multse regi, vel civitati, pars ipsi qui vindica- tur, vel propinquis ejus exsolvitur — Luitur enim etiam homiciditim certo armentorum ac pecorum numero, recipitque satisfactionem universa domus. Tac. German, c. 12. 21. " Leges Sax. p. 124. 'sMatt. x. 2; xvi. 18, 19; xvii. 26. Mark iii. 16. .Luc. v. 10; vi. 4 ; xxii. 32. John i. 42 ; xxi. 15—19. " Primi pastoris ecclesiee, principis apostolorum. Bed. 1. ii. c. 4. Horn, in vig. St. And. torn. vii. col. 409. Eallum jeleapullum leobum lapeop ~] hypbe. SUPREME JURISDICTION 01" THE ROMAN PONTIFF. 103 the monarchy to loose in heaven and on earth.'"" Nor did they conceive the dignity which he enjoyed, to have expired at his death. ^ The same motives, to which was owing its original es- tablishment,*pleaded.for its continuance; and the high preroga- tives of Peter were believed to descend to the most remote of his ■successors. . The bishop of Rome was pronounced to be " the first of Christian bishops ; the church of Rome, the head of all Christian churches.""' Impressed with these notions, the Anglo-Saxons looked up to the pontiff with awe and reverence ; consulted him respecting the administration of their church ; and bowed in respectful silence to his decisions. His benediction they courted as the choicest'of blessings :^^ and to obtain it, was one of the principal motives which drew so many pilgrims to the threshold of the Vatican. No less than eight Saxon kings," besides crowds of noblemen and pre- lates, are recorded to have paid their homage in person to the representative of St. Peter: and those who were deterred by reasons of policy, or the dangers of the journey, were yet careful to solicit by their ambassadors, and to deserve by their presents, the papal benediction." Highly as they prized' his friendship, so they feared his enmity. The dread of his resentment struck terror into the breasts of the most impious : and the threat of his malediction was the last and strongest rampart which weak- ness could oppose to the rapacity of powerl The clergy of each church, the monks of each convent, sought to shelter themselves under his protection : and the most potent monarchs, sensible that their authority was confined within the narrow limits of their o^vn lives, solicited, in favour of their religious foundations, the interference of a power, whose influence was believed to extend to the most distant ages. Of the bulls issued at their request by different popes, several have descended to posterity,"' Horn, apud Whelock, p. 395. Quem dominus Jesus Christus caput electi sibi gregis Etatuit. Ep. Alcuini Ganbaldo Archiep. apud Canis. Ant. Lect. torn. ii. p. 455. Pastor giegis dominici. St, Aid. de Vir. p. 361. 20 Ipse potestatem ligandi et monarchiam solvendi in coelo et in terra felici sorts et peculiar! privilegio accipere promeruit. Ep. St. Aldhelmi Gerontio Regi inter Bonif. ep. 44, p. 61. These quotations would not have loaded the page, had not several emi- nent virriters asserted, that the Anglo-Saxons were ignorant of the primacy of St. Peter. See note (H) at the end of the volume. 2> Cum primum in toto orbe pontiiicatum gereret Bed. Hist, 1. ii. c. 1. Totius ecclesiffi caput eminet eximium. Bed. Horn, in nat. D, Bened. vol. vii. p. 464. Caput ecclesiarum Christi. Alciiin. apud Canis. torn, ii, p. 455, 22 See the epistles of Alcuin to the popes Adrian and Leo. Canis. torn. ii. p. 418, 419. 53 Cseadwalla, Ina, Offa, Kenred, Offa, Siric, Ethelwulph, and Canute. 24 Hanc henedictionem omnes, qui ante me sceptro praefuere Merciorum, meruerunt ab antecessoribus tuis adipisci. Hanc ipse humilis peto, et a vobis, o beatissime, impe- trare cupio. Ep. Kenulphi,)8eg. Leoni pap, apud Wilk, p. 164. See also p. 40. 165. Chron. Sax, p, 86. 89,, 90. 2« They may be read in the collections of the Anglo-Saxon councils by Spelmanand Will^ins. Several of them have not escaped the suspicion of antiquaries. But, if it could even be proved that none extant are genuine, there is sufficient evidence that it was customary to obtain such charters, from the very commenceniant of the Saxon 104 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. and are conceived in terms the best calculated to strike with reli- gious awe the minds of those who are predisposed to receive such impressions. In them the pontiff usually asserts the authority which he exercises as successor to the prince of the apostles ; separates from the communion of the faithful the violators of his charters ; and threatens their contumacy with the punishments that befell Dathan, and Abiron, and Judas, the betrayer of the Lord. But the confirmation of royal grants and monastic privi- leges was the least important part in the exercise of the papal prerogative. By his authority the pontiff — 1st, Established, ex- tended, or restricted the jurisdiction of the archiepiscopal sees; 2d, Confirmed the election of the metropolitans ; 3d, Enforced the observance of canonical discipline ; 4th, And revised the decisions of the national councils. 1. In relating the changes which affected the jurisdiction of the Anglo-Saxon metropolitans; it will be necessary to recapitu- late what has been already noticed in a preceding chapter. The first ecclesiastical division of the Octarchy was made, not by the missionaries, but by Gregory the Great, who, in the plenitude of his authority, fixed with precision the number of the metropoli- tans, and of their suffragans. When subsequent events had prevented the execution of. his plan, the apostolic see was again consulted, and by Vitalian all the Saxon prelates were subjected to the archbishop of Canterbury ; by Agatho their number was limited to eleven.^"* At the distance, however, of sixty years, Gregory III. restored the metropolitical jurisdiction to the church of York ; and Adrian, not long after, at the solicitation of the king of Mercia, raised the see of Lichfield to the same dignity. Though the superiority of the new primate was borne with re- luctance by his former equals, none of them dared to refuse him the respect due to his rank ; but submitted in silence to the papal mandate, till Leo III,, at the urgent request of Kenulf, the suc- cessor of Offa, rescinded the decree of his predecessor.*' These instances may sufiice to show, that the powers of the Anglo- church. (See Eddius, Vit. Wilf. c. 49,) Bede, (Vit. Abbat. Wirem. p. 295. 300,) and the council of Calcuith, (Wilk. p. 147, viii.) 26 Wilk. p. 46. 2' Anno 803, It will require some share of ingenuity, in those who affect to assert the independence of the Anglo-Saxon church, to elude the strong language in which the bishops of the council of Cloveshoe relate the conclusion of this business. " Ipse apostolicus Papa, ut audivit et intellexit quod injuste fnisset factum, statim sui privi- legii auctoritatis preeceptum posuit, et in Britanniam mi^it, et precepit, ut honof St Au- gustini sedis integerrime redintegraretur." The conduct of Pope Adrian they ascribe to misinformation. " Insuper cartam a Romana sede fnissam per Hadrianum papam Se pallia et archiepiscopali sede in Licedfeldensi monasterio,'cum consensu et licentia domni Jipostolici Leonis papse prsscribimus aliquid valere, quia per subreptionem et male blandam suggeationem adipiscebatur." Wilk. p. 167. In Spelman's Councils these passages are omitted : but they have been restored by Smith (Bed. app. p. 787) and Wilkins, (Con. p. 167.) On this subject may also bo consulted the letter of Kenulf, king of Morcia, and the two answers of Pope Leo. Id. p. 1 64. Ang. Sac. vol. i, p. 460. ELECTION OP ARCHBISHOPS CONFIRMED. 105 Saxon metropolitans were regulated by the superior authority of the pontiff; and that every alteration in their jurisdiction was introduced by his order, or confirmed by his approbation. 2. The pallium was an ecclesiastical ornament,.: the use of which was exclusively reserved to the metropolitans. Its origin is involved in considerable obscurity ; but at the period in which our ancestors were converted, no archbishop was permitted to perform the most important of his functions, till he had obtained it from the hands of the pontiff. As soon as Augustine had re- ceived the episcopal consecration, he was careful to solicit this ornament from his patron Gregory the Great ; his example was religiously imitated by all succeeding metropolitans, both at Can- terbury and York ; and with the pallium they received a con- firmation of the archiepiscopal dignity :^ whence, in the language of the court of Rome, they were usually styled the envoys of the holy see.'' Before the primate elect could obtain this badge of his dignity, he was required to appear at Rome, and to answer the interrogations of the pontiff: but Gregory and his immediate successors excused the Saxon metropolitans from so laborious a journey, and generally sent the pallium by the messengers, who carried the news of their election.^" Later pontiffs were, how- ever, less inda.ilgent. To prevent the highest ecclesiastical preferment's from being occupied by men of noble bir^, but disedifying morals, it was resolved to reciall the former exemp- tions, and to subject every candidate to an examination in pre- sence of the pope, before he could obtain the confirmation of his election. To this regulation the Saxon archbishops reluct- antly submitted ; and a second grievance was the consequence of their submission. According to the received notions of the northern nations, they blushed to approach the throne of their superior, without a present :" but the sums, which at first had been received as gratuitous donations, were gradually exacted as a debt ; and the increasing demand was followed by loud and repeated complaints. During the pontificate of Leo IIL, the Saxon prelates, in a firm, but respectful memorial, urged the indults of farmer popes to their predecessors ; and requested that the' paUium might be granted to their primates, withoi;it the fa- 28 Idcirco amraonemus Brithwaldum praesulem eanctaa Cantuariomm eGclesia3,,quem auctoritate principis apostolorum Archiepiscopum ibidem confiimavimus, Ep. Joan. Pap. apud Edd. c. 53. 29 This title is given to Archbishop Brlthwald by his own messengers. Sancti Brith- waldi Cantuariorum ecclesiae et totius Britanniae archiepiscopi, ab hac apostolica sede emissi. Edd. c. 51. Yet Brithwald was a Saxon, and owed his election to the clergy of Canterbury. '■ ~ 30 Wilk. Con. p. 32. 35. Chron. Sax. p. 61. 69. ^2. 5' During the middle ages, men bad scarcely any notions of government, which were not'derived from the feudal jurisprudence. Its principles not only formed the basis of civil polity, but were also gradually introduced into 'the ancient system of ecclesiastical discipline. To this source it were easy to trace most of the new customs which were adopted during that period. 14 106 ANTIQUITIES Or THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. tigue of a journey, or the expense of a present.'^ The petition was unsuccessful; repeated precedents gave a sanction to the obnoxious custom ; and the bishops at last desisted from a fruit- less opposition.^^ After the lapse of two centuries, the hopes of their successors were awakened by the pilgrimage of Canute the Great to the tbmbs of the apostles. The king pleaded with warmth the cause of his prelates ; the reluctance of the Romans yielded to the arguments of a royal advocate ; and the •pontiff contracted his claims to the personal attendance of future me- tropolitans.^^ 3. To preserve the purity of the Christian worship, and to en- force the observation of canonical discipline, were always consi- dered by the popes as the most important of their duties. With this view they frequently demanded from the Saxon prelates an ex- position of their belief, and admonished them to reform the abuses which disfigured the beauty of their church. As early as the year six hundred and eighty, when the rapid progress of Monothelitism alarmed the zeal of the orthodox pastors, Agatho had summoned the archbishop of Canterbury and his suffragans to attend a council at Rome :^* but the length of the journey, and the necessities of their dioCeses, were admitted as a legiti- mate excuse ; and in lieu of their presence in the synod, the pon- tiff consented to accept a public profession of their faith. John, abbot of St. Martin's, was selected as papal-legate on this occa- sion : and shortly after his arrival, Theodore and his suffragans assembled at Hethfield, and declared their adhesion to the decrees of the five first general councils, and to the condemnation of Mo- nothelitism by Martin the First. The legate subscribed with the bishops, and received a copy of the acts, which he forwarded to Rome.^s From the faith, the inquiries of the popes were soon directed to the manners of the Saxons. While Theodore lived, the vigi- lance of his administration supported the vigour of ecclesiastical discipline : but under his more indulgent, or less active successors, it was insensibly relaxed, till the loud report of Saxon immoral- ity aroused the patriotism of St. Boniface, and provoked the ani- madversions of Zachary, the Roman pontiff. The missionary, 3' Wilk. Con. p. 166. Ann. 801. 33 Chron. Sax. p. 126. 129. 152. 3< Wilk. Con. p. 298. Ann. 1031. 35 Sperabamus de Britannia Theodorum confamulum et coepiscopum nostrum, mag- nffi insulae Britannise archiepiscopum et philosophum, cum aliis qui ibidem hactenua demorantur : et hac de causa concilium hue usque distulimus. Ep. Agath. ad Imp. apnd Bar. ann. 680. Malm, de Pont. 1. i. f. 112. Spelman conjectures this council to have been that of Constantinople, but his mistake is corrected by the accuracy of Alford. Tom. ii. p. 368. ^^ Intererat hulc synodo, pariterque Catholicte fidei decreta firmabat vir venerabilis Joannes .... Volens Agatho Papa, sicut in aliis provinciis, ita etiam in Britannia, qualis esset status ecclesise ediscere, hoc negotium reverentissimo Abbati Joanni in- junxit. Quaiiiobrem collecta ob hoc synodo, inventa est in omnibus fides inviolata CathoUca, datumque illi exemplar ejus Romam perferendum. Bed. 1. iv. t. 18. ADRIAN SENDS LEGATES INTO ENGLAND. 107 from the heart of Germany, the theatre of his zeal, wrote in terms of the most earnest expostulation to the principal of the Saxon kings and prelates: the pontiff commanded Archbishop Cuthbert and'liis suffragans, under the penalty of excommunication, to oppose tjie severity of the canons to the corrupt practices of the times. His injunctions were cheerfully obeyed ; the fathers of the council of Cloveshoe professed their readiness to second the zeal of the supreme pastor; and thirty canons of discipline were published for the general reformation of the bishops, clergy, monks, and laity." The successors of Zachary inherited the vigilance of their pre- decessor. Forty years had not elapsed, when Adrian deemed it expedient to sei;d the bishops of Ostia and Tudertum to Britain, with a code of laws for the use of the Anglo-Saxon church. The legates were received with respect by the clergy and laity. At their request two synods were assembled, one in Mercia, the other in Northumbria; twenty canons were published; and a solemn promise was received from each bishop, that he would cause them to be faithfully observed in his diocese.^* But during the invasions of the Northmen, the feeble restraint of the law could not arrest the rapid decline of discipline, and, for almost a cen- tury, the voice of religion was drowned in the louder din of war. The return of tranquillity called forth the zeal of Pope Formosus. He had determined to sever the Saxon bishops from the commu- nion of the holy see : but his anger was appeased by the repre- sentations of Archbishop Plegmund ; and he contented himself with an exhortatory=.epistle, in which he complained, that, by the negligence of the prelates, the superstitions of paganisrri had been permitted to revive, and several dioceses been left, for a con- siderable period, destitute of pastors. After the lapse of fourteen " The letter of Zachary is thus described in the prooemiura to the acts of the coun- cil. Scripta toto orhe venerandi pontificis, Domni Apostolici papse Zachariee, in duabus chartis in medium prolata sunt, et cum magna diligentia, juxta quod ipse apostolica sua auctoritate praecepit, et manifeste recitata, et in nostra quoque lingua apertius interpre- tata sunt. Quibus namque scriptis Britanniee hujus insulae nostri generis accolas fami- liariter praemonebat, et veraciter conveniebat, et postremo amabiliter exorabat, et hoBC omnia contemnentibus et in sua pertinaci raalitia permanentibus anathematis sententiani proculdubio proferendam insinuabat. Wilk. Con. p. 94. Language so forcible might have appalled a less sturdy polemic : but the sagacity or temerity of Dr. Henry has selected this very council to prove that the Saxon church rejected the papal supremacy. The curious reader may turn to note (I) at the end of the volume. ^8 The mission of these legates, as well as of the abbot John, has escaped the philo- sophic eye of Hume, who assures us that Ermanfroi, bishop of Sion, three centuries afterwards, was the first legate who ever appeared in the British Isles. (Hume, Hist. t. iv. p. 182.) Carte indeed observed them, but at the same time discovered, from a vague expression in the Saxon chronicle, that, instead of being invested with any authority, their only object was to renew the ancient correspondence between the two churches, (Carte, Hist. vol. i. p. 270.) This idea is satisfactorily refuted by their despatches to the pontiff. Scripsimus capitulare de singulis rebus, et per ordinem cuncta disserentes auribus illorum pertulimus, qui cum omni humilitatis subjectione, clara voluntate tam admonitionem vestram quam parvitatem nostram amplexantes, spoponderunt se in omnibus obedire. Wilk. Con. p, K6, 108 AKTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. years, both the bishops of Wessex died ; and Plegmund seized the favourable opportunity to content the desires of the pope. He convened his suffragans, and divided the kingdom into five smaller districts. His conduct was approved at Rome ; and he consecrated, on the same day, no less than seven bishops, five for the sees lately erected, and two for the vacant churches of Selsey and Dorchester.^* 4. In every rational system of legislation, the errors, which may arise from the ignorance or corruption of the inferior officers of justice, should be corrected by the greater wisdom, and supe- rior authority of the higher courts of judicature. In the Christian church the Roman pontiffs were considered as the principal guardians of the canons ; and from the earliest antiquity they have claimed and exercised the right of reviewing the causes of those bishops, who appealed to their equity frona the partial de- cisions of provincial or national synods.'*" The first of the Saxon prelates, who invoked in his favour the protection of the holy see, was Wilfrid, the celebrated bishop of York.*^ The history of his appeals has been related by two classes of writers, as opposite in sentiment as distant in time : by contemporary histo- rians, who lament the causes which rendered them necessary, and hail the success with which they were attended: and by modern polemics, who condemn them as the unwarrantable attempts of an ambitious - prelate to preserve his own power, by sacrificing the religious liberties of his countrymen. The clamorous warmth of the latter opposes a curious contrast to the silent apatjiy of the former: and a diligent comparison will justify the conclusion, that the present champions of the independence of the Anglo-Saxon church are actuated by motives which never guided the pens of ,the more ancient writers. In the remainder of this chapter, I shall attempt to clear the history of -Wilfrid from the fictions, with which modern controversy has loaded it :^^ my ss The reader, who is no stranger to the chronological diiEculties, with which this event has tortured the ingenuity of antiquaries, will have observed that, while I admit the epistle of Fbrmosus to be genuine, I reject as fabuIous.a part of the narrative con- tained in Malmsbury, and the register of Canterbury. (Wilk. Con. p. 199. 200.) I ascribe the epistle to Formosus, not merely on their authority, but principally on that of Eadmer, who, during the dispute respecting the precedency of Canterbury, in the com- mencement of the twelfth century, appears to have consulted the ancient records of that church, and tohave discovered this letter and some others among a greater number, which age had rendered illegible. Eadm. nov. 1. v. p. 128, 1 29. The consecration of the seven bishops could not have occurred before the year 910, when Fridestan, one Of their number, is recorded in the Saxon chronicle to have taken possession of the see of Winchester. (Chron. Sax. p. 102.) As Asser, bishop of Sherburne, died only that year, and Denulf, of Winchester, in the preceding, (Ibid. Wigorn. ann. 909,) it follows that the story of the kingdom of Wessex having been without a bishop during seven years, is a fiction, which was probably invented to explain the origin of the complaint contained in the letter of Formosus. "o Natalis Alex. Hist. Eccl. sipc. iv. diss, xxviii. prop. 3. ■" Anno 678. ■I' Among the historians, who have disputed with each other the merit of defaming this prelate, the pre-eminence is justly due to Carte, whose laborious volumes have HISTORY or ST. WILFRID. 109 vouchers will be Eddius, the individual companion of his fortunes, and Bede, his contemporary and acquaintance : and the import- ance of the subject will, I trust, form a satisfactory apology for the length of the narration. Egfrid, king of Northumbria, had married ^dilthryda, a princess, whose invincible attachment to the cloister has been noticed in the preceding chapter. Wearied with the .constant solicitations of his wife, he referred her to Wilfrid, whom he had honoured with a distinguished place in his friendship, and endea- voured by the most seducing promises to allure to his interest. But his hopes were disappointed. After mature deliberation, the bishop approved the choice of the queen ; and the king's displea- sure was the reward of his approbation. From the court iEdil- thryda retired to a convent ; and Egfrid called to his throne another princess, named Ermenburga. The levity of the new queen was not calculated to efface the memory of her predeces- sor ; her haughtiness, extortion, and prodigality, excited discon- tent ; and the zeal of Wilfrid induced him to expostulate with her on the impropriety of her conduct. He had done no more than his duty required : but the pride of Ermenburga was wounded ; she vowed to be revenged ; and Egfrid, whose mind was already alienated, consented to be the minister of her resent- ment.*^ The see of Canterbury was, at this period, filled by Theodore, a prelate whose ardour for the improvement of the Saxon church, sometimes hurried him beyond the limits which the canons had prescribed to the exercise of the metropolitan authority. At the invitation of Egfrid, he visited the court of Northumbria. What secret proposals he might receive from the king, we can only con- jecture :*" but he had always avowed a desire to multiply the num- ber of the Saxon bishoprics, and the present was a moment the furnished a plentiful source of misrepresentation to the prejudice or negligence of suc- ceeding writers. With the aid of a few scattered hints, in the works of three obscure authors, of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, (Gervase, Stubbs, and Richard of Hexham,) and of many gratuitous suppositions created by his own fancy, he has suc- ceeded in forming a narrative most unfavourable to the character of W^ilfrid. He had other, and more authentic documents before him, in the writings of Bede and Eddius. But of these he asserts, that the first has shown his disapprobation of Wilfrid by his silence : and that to Eddius no credit can be given, because he was chaplain to the injured prelate. It may, however, be observed, that Bede has made more frequent mention of Wilfrid, than, perhaps, of any olher person, (Bed. 1. iii. c. 13. 2,5. 28 ; 1. iv. c. 2, 3. 5. 12. 13. 15, 16. 19. 23. 29 ; I. v. c. 11. 19;) and that Eddius wrote at a time when thousands were alive to convict him of falsehood, had he been guilty of it. If Bede was silent, and Eddius concealed the truth, where did Carte discover it "t ■'s For the origin of the dissension between Egfrid and Wilfrid, compare Bede, (Hist. I. iv. t. 19,) Eddius, (Vit. Wilf c. 24,) Eadmer, (Vit. Wilf. apud Mabil. c. 34,) and the monk of Ely, (Ang. Sac. vol. L p. 598.) ■''' Eddius insinuates, (Vit. c. 24,) and Malmsbury asserts, (De Pont. I. iii. f, 149,) that Theodore was bribed by the presents of Egfrid. But it is not probable that the charge could be proved, as Wilfrid thought proper to abandon it in his petition to the pontiff. Edd. Vit. u. 29. K 110 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. most propitious to his design. By his own authority, Avithout the concurrence, withbut even the knowledge ofWilfrid, he divided the extensive diocese of York into three portions, and immediately conferred them on three bishops, whom he consecrated for the occasion." The ejected prelate received the news with astonish- ment. He hastened to the court, exposed the injustice of the partition, and reclaimed in his favour the aid of the canons. But his remonstrances were heard with contempt ; the flattery of the courtiers applauded his disgrace ; and, as a last resource, he ap- pealed, by the advice of some of the bishops, to the justice and authority of the apostolic see.^' Had Theodore been educated in the same school with our modern writers, he would have laughed at the simplicitj'^ of Wil- frid, and the impotence of his appeal. But he was acquainted with the decisions of the canons ; and his anxiety to preoccupy the ear of the pontiff, was more expeditious than the dihgence of the deposed bishop, who, by the inclemency of the season, was detained in Friesland, and spent the winter in preaching to the pagans the truths of the gospel. With the return of spring he resumed his journey ; -and, at his arrival in Rome, was informed that his pretensions had been already notified and opposed by the monk Ccenwald, the envoy and advocate of the archbishop. Agatho summoned a council to his assistance ; and the bishops of the suburbicane churches, with the priests and deacons of Rome, to the number of fifty, assembled to judge the cause of the Anglo-Saxon prelates. Before this court Wilfrid appeared with the dignity of conscious innocence. He called on the members to do justice to an injured and persecuted bishop, who, from the extremities of the earth, had been compelled to invoke the equity of the successor of St. Peter. Could his adversaries impeach his moral conduct ? Could they point out in his administration a single instance, in which he had violated the holy canons ? Yet had he been expelled from his diocese, and had seen it parcelled out, and bestowed on three intruded prelates. Of the motives which had induced the metropolitan to treat him with such ^* It has been said that Lindisfarne, the ancient residence of the Scottish bishops, was left open for the acceptance of Wilfrid; (Wharton, Ang. Sac. vol. i. p. 693. Carte, Hist. vol. i. p. 348 :) but this opinion is positively contradicted by Eddius, (Vit. c. 34,) and by Bede, (Hist. 1. iv. c. 13.) •"s Cum consilio coepiscoporum suorum. Ed. Vit. c. 34. In Carte's romance, the whole blame of this transaction is laid on the ambition of Wilfrid, who is accused of opposing the execution of the ninth canon of the council of Herutford, concerning the division of the larger dioceses. But as it might be objected, on the authority of Bede, that this canon was not approved ; he eludes the difficulty, by affirming with Wharton, that the passage in the ecclesiastical historian is a forgery, probably of the monks, who hoped, by this expedient, to purify the character ofWilfrid. (Carte, Hist. vol. i, p. 346, note.). If on a mere conjecture we are bound to credit so malicious an accusation, at least we may be allowed to admire the ingenuity of the man, who could so artfully interpolate every manuscript, that the spurious passage cannot be distinguished from the text in any, not even in that which was written before, or immediately after the death of Bede himself. See Smith's Bede, prsef and p. 149. WILFRID PERSECUTED. IH harshness, it was not for him to judge. Theodore was the envoy of the holy see : he respected his character; and did not presume to condemn his conduct. As for himself, his great anxiety had been to secure the peace of the Anglo-Saxon church : he had not raised a clamorous opposition, but had withdrawn in silence from the violence of his enemies, and thrown himself with con- fidence on the justice of the holy see. The judgment of that see he now implored : and in its decision, favourable or unfavour- able, he should willingly and respectfully acquiesce.''^ With the answer and recriminations of Coenwald we are not acquainted. The cause was patiently and impartially discussed: and the judgment of the synod condemned the irregularity of his expulsion, though it seemed to approve the policy of the parti- tion. It was ordered that Wilfrid should be restored to the diocese of which he had been unjustly deprived : but that he should, in conjunction with the other bishops, select from his own clergy a certain number of prelates, to assist him in the government of so extensive a diocese. To this decision was annexed the sentence of suspension against the clergyman, of excommunication agaijjst the laic, that should presume to oppose its execution.'*' A copy was delivered to Wilfrid, who remained some months in Rome, assisted with one hundred and twenty- five bishops at a second council, subscribed to the decrees, and bore testimony to the catholic belief of the Britons, Saxons, Picts, and Scots, who inhabited the northern provinces of the two British islands.^^ But the enmity of Egfrid and Ermenburga was too violent to listen to the dictates of justice, or to be subdued by the terrors of a papal mandate. In his journey to Rome, Wilfrid had with difficulty escaped the many snares which, by their direction, had been laid for his life : at his return, he was apprehended by their order, and committed to prison. During a confinement of nine months, the influence of threats and promises was alternately employed to extort a confession, that the decision of the pontiff had been forged by his friends, or purchased by presents.™ But his constancy defeated every artifice ; and his liberation was at last granted to the earnest prayer of the abbess Ebba, provided he would promise never more to set his foot within the territories of Egfrid. With a sigh Wilfrid subscribed the harsh condition ; and, retiring from Northumbria, solicited the protection of Brith- wald, nephew to the king of Mercia. That generous nobleman granted him a small estate, on which he built a monastery for "' Ed. c. 29. "■s Ibid. c. 31. The success of Wilfrid is attributed by Inett (History p. 101) to the absence of his accusers. Yet it appears from undeniable authority, that not only Coenwald, but several others were present. Prsesentibus ejus contrariis, qui a Theodoro et Hilda abbatissa ad eum accusandum hue prius convenerant. Epist. Joan. pap. apud Eddium, c. 52. «Ed. c. 51. Bed. 1. V. c. 19. *» Edd. u. 33. 35. 112 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHUECH. himself and the faithful companions of his exile. But the emis- saries of Egfrid discovered his retreat ; and Wilfrid, rather than endanger the safety of his friend, fled into the kingdom of Wes- sex. At this distance he might have hoped to elude the notice of his enemies : but Irmenigild, the queen of Wessex, and the sister of Ermenburga, had imbibed the sentiments of the North- umbrian princess ; and the fugitive bishop, after having sought in vain an asylum among his Christian countrymen, was com- pelled to intrust his safety to the honour and compassion of a pagan people. Edilwalch, king of Sussex, received him with Welcome ; pitied his misfortunes ; and swore to protect him against the open violence, or the secret intrigues of the court of Northumbria.^' Wilfrid soon repaid the hospitality of his royal patron. By his preaching he converted numbers of the idolaters to the faith of. Christ ; by his superior knowledge he instructed them in the arts of civilized life. A continued drought for three years had exhausted the sources of vegetation ; and the horrors of famine frequently urged the barbarians to put an end to their miserable existence. From the venerable Bede we learn, that in bodies of forty or fifty persons, they frequently proceeded to the nearest cliff, and there, linked in each others' arras, precipitated themselves into the waves. Their distress excited the compassion of their guest, who, observing that the sea and the rivers abounded with fish, taught them the art of making nets, and of drawing from the waters a plentiful supply of food.*^ For these services Edilwalch bestowed on him the isle of Selsey : where he was often visited by Cedwalla, an exile of the royal race of Cerdic. The similarity of their fortunes endeared him to the prince : who, when he had ascended the throne of his fathers, invited Wilfrid to his court, granted him a fourth part of the isle of Wight, and raised him to a dis- tinguished place in his councils." But the banishment of Wilfrid was now hastening to its conclusion. Theodore, as he had been the first to inflict, was also the first to repair the injury. Before his death he condemned the injustice of his former conduct, solicited a reconciliation, and wrote in favour of the exiled bishop to the kings of Mercia and Northumbria. Of these letters, one is still extant. In it the primate urges the obedience due to the pontiff"; bears testimony to the merit of Wilfrid, his innocence, his patience, and his zeal; and entreats the king to grant this last reqiiest to his friend and father, ready to sink into the grave."* Theodore did not live to witness the effect of his exhortations, and his death was speedily followed by that of Egfrid. The ' " Edd. c. 39, 40. " Ibid. u. 40. Bed. 1. iv. c. 13. "Edd. t. 41. Bed. 1. iv. c 16. " Edd. c. 42. WILFRID RESTOKEB. 113 Northumbrian prince fell in battle, and with him expired the in- flupnce of Ermenburga. Aldfrid, the new king/* cheerfully con- sented to receive the exile under his protection, gave him im- mediate possession of the church of Hexham, and shortly after restored to him the sees of Lindisfarne and Yorlc^" During five years he again possessed the administration of his extensive- diocese : but they were years of anxiety and distress. His op- ponents 'still formed a powerful party; and though they yielded for the present, they eagerly watched a more favourable moment. Their secret wishes were soon gratified by the attachment of Wilfrid to his monastery of Rippon. During his exile, many of its manors had been seized by his enemies ; and when he re- claimed them, the palace resounded with complaints against his restless temper and insatiable ambition. Aldfrid lent a willing ear to these suggestions; and a plan was readily formed to pre- cipitate the fall of the bishop. Wilfrid unexpectedly received a royal summons to surrender the monastery into the hands of his sovereign, that it might be converted into an episcopal see^ and bestowed on another prelate. His enemies had, probably, reckoned on his disobedience. He had always discovered a marked predilection for this abbey. It had been given to' him by Alchfrid, thfe friend and patron of his youth : its revenues had been increased by his industry; the magnificence of the buildings was the fruit of his liberality and genius; and the monks, the first in the north who had professed the rule of St. Benedict, revered him as their father and benefactor. Urged by these motives, he ventured to refuse ; and Aldfrid punished his refusal by reviving the obsolete regulations of Theodore, which had first disturbed the tranquillity of the Northumbrian church. Wilfrid saw with terror the ascendancy of his enemies; and, re- tiring from the unequal contest, sought an asylum in the kingdom of Mercia. His flight stimulated the exertions of his enemies. Brithwald, the successor of Theodore, was induced to join the 55 By most writers- Aldfrid is considered as the same person with Alchfrid', the former friend of Wilfrid. But this opinion cannot, I think, be reconciled with the testimony of Bede. That historian uniformly names the one Alchfrid, and the other Aldfrid. Of the former he asserts that he was the son of Oswiu, and brother of Egfiid f of the latter that he was illegitimate, but thought to be the son of Oswiu. (Bed. I, iv. c. 22. Vit. St Cuth. c. 26>) Alchfrid died before Egfrid, as the latter left neither children nor brother behind him. (Ibid.) Aldfrid was at that time studying among the Scottish monks. (Ibid.) Neither can it be said that Alchfrid had been expelled from his ter- ritories by his brother, and compelled to conceal himself till his death. For Bede asserts that the exile of Aldfrid was voluntary, and occasioned by his love of knowledge. Ob amorem sapientiae spontaneum passus exilium. (Vit. St. Cuth. c. 24. See also Bede, 1. iii. c. 34; iv. 26; v. 19.) 56 See Eddius, (c. 44,) whose account is corroborated by the testimony of Bede. (Sedem suam et episcopatum, ipso rege invitante, rccepit. Hist. F. v. c. 19.) Cuthbert of Lindisfarne resigned. (Bed. Vit. Cuthb. c. 36.) If Bosa of York, and John of Hexham, did not follow his example, they were deposed. (Smith's Bede, app. xix.) Richard of Hexham, Stubb, and some later writers, have supposed that York was never restored to Wilfrid. See Smith, ibid. 15 K 2 114 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. victorious party, and to summon a council in- Northumbria. But experience had taught them to fear a second appeal to the judg- ment of the pontiff; and to wrest this powerful weapon from the hands of 'Wilfrid, became the great object of their politics. He was invited to the synod. " Justice," said the messenger, " shall be done to all your claims, provided you promise to abide by the decision of yoiir metropolitan." " It is my duty and my wish," replied the wary prelate, " to abide by the decision of my metro- politan, if that decision he not contrary to the holy canon, and the previous declarations of the apostolic see." The assembly presented a scene of noise and confusion. The voice of Wilfrid was drowned in the clamours of his adversaries ; his contumacy was pronounced worthy of the severest punishment ; and as a last and unmerited favour,. he was offered the monastery of Rip- pon, provided he would engage to confine himself within its pre- cincts, and to resign, from that day, the exercise of the episcopal authority. This harsh resolve roused the spirit of the injured prelate. "What!" he indignantly exclaimed, "shall I, who have spent my whole life in the service of religion ; I, to whom my country is indebted for the knowledge and practice of the canonical observances, tamely subscribe my own degradation, and, though unconscious of guilt, confess myself a criminal ? No, if justice be denied me here, I appeal to a higher tribunal; and let the man who presumes to depose me from the episcopal dignity, accompany me to Rome, and prove his charge before the sovereign pontiff." This bold reply exasperated Aldfrid, who threatened to commit him to the custody of his guard : but the bishops interposed, observing, that to violate the safe conduct which had been granted, would fix an indelible stigma on their proceedings.^^ The scene of the controversy was now transfer- red from Northumbria to the court of John, the Roman pontiff. Wilfrid appeared in person ; the cause of his opponents was in- trusted to a deputation of monks, selected by the care of the metropolilfan. If we may judge from the number and duration of the pleadings, both the accusation and defence were conducted with spirit and perseverance. Seventy times the contending parties repeated or enforced their respective arguments, in the presence of the pontiff; and four months elapsed before their eagerness would permit him to pronounce his sentence.** That " Edd. c. 44, 45. '8 Ingenious writers sometimes amuse themselves with filling up the chasms of history, and incautiously deceive the credulity of their readers with the fictions of their own imagination. Of the charges exhibited against Wilfi^d, Eddius has preserved no more than one; that he had refused to submit to the judgment of his metropolitan. (Edd. c. 51 .) But Henry has supplied the deficiency, on the authority, as he pretends, . of Eddius himself. From him we learn, that the bishop was also accused of " refusing to subscribe to the synods of Hertford and Hatfield, and of appealing to a foreign judge, which, by the laws of England, was a capital crime." He had also thought proper to compose an answer for Wilfrid to the first of these charges ; " that he was willing to subscribe to these synods as far as they were agreeable to the canons of the church FINAL RESTORATION OF WILFRID. 115 sentence was most honourable to the innocence of Wilfrid. But the infirmities of age (he had now reached his seventieth year) admonished him to terminate the tedious contest : two journeys to Rome, and twenty years of exile, had taught him to value and de- sire the enjoyment of tranquillity; and he proposed a compromise, which, while it resigned to his competitors thelarger portion of his diocese, secured to himself the possession of his two favourite monasteries of Rippon and Hexham. The moderation of these terms obtained the approbation of the pope, who recommended them to the notice and endeavours of the primate. Brithwald received the papal mandate with respect, and professed a ready obedience to its contents: but Aldfrid was inflexible. "My brothers," he replied to Wilfrid's messengers, whose friendship he had formerly prized, and whose character he still respected, " ask for yourselves, and you shall not be refused. But ask not for Wilfrid. His cause has been judged by myself, and the archbishop, the envoy of the apostolic see : nor will I change that judgment for the writings, as you call them, of that see." But the death of the king soon revived the hopes of the bishop, and deprived his rivals of their most powerful protector. Osred, an infant, was placed on the vacant throne : and the reins of government were intrusted to the hands of the ealdorman Be- rectfrid. Encouraged by the change, the primate invited the Northumbrian chieftain's to meet him at Nid. The synod was opened by the lecture of the papal mandate, which, for the satisfaction of the secular thanes, was translated into the Anglo- Saxon tongue : the abbess iElfleda, the depository of the secrets of her brother, declared, that the restoration of Wilfrid had been the last request of the dying monarch : and the thanes, by the mouth of Berectfrid, testified their hearty concurrence. John and Bosa, the opponents of the bishop, were confounded by this unexpected declaration. After a feeble resistance, they pru- dently yielded to the torrent, and the ratification of the compro- mise restored tranquillity to the church of Northumbria.'^ of Eome, and the will of the pope :'' but to the second he appears to have been unable or unwilling to form any reply. (Henry, vol. iii. p. 219.) Such fables can claim no other merit than that of injuring the character of Wilfrid, and of supporting the fa- vourite hypothesis of the independence of- the Anglo-Saxon church. To truth or probability they have small pretensions. That Wilfrid should refuse to subscribe to the synod of Hertford, to which he had already subscribed by his legates, (Bed. Hist. 1. iv. c. 5,) or to that of Hatfield, which only published a profession of faith, (Id. 1. iv. c. 17,) will not be readily believed ; but that Aldfrid and his bishops should send depu- ties to Eome, to accuse a prelate of the capital crime of appealing to Rome, is an idea which outrages probability. Ficta smt proxima veris. Nee quodcumquei volet, poscat sibi fabulacredi. 55 Ed. c. 52 — 58. See also note (K.) About the same time, Egwin, bishop of Wor- cester, appealed to Rome with equal success. Wilk. Con. p. 72. From this period, the use of appeals was established in the Anglo-Saxon church : and among the laws col- lee^ by the industry of Archbishop Egln'rt, for the clergy of York, is preserved a canon, in which their legality is formally recognised. Ihid. p. 104, xllx. 116 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. Such was the conclusion of this long and tedious controversy. The cause of Wilfrid was the cause of justice : and the triumph which his perseverance obtained, added to the reputation, and proved the utility, of the supreme jurisdiction of the pontiff.^" CHAPTER VI. Religious Practices of the Anglo-Saxons — Their Sacraments — The Liturgy — Commu- nion — Confession — Penitential Canons — Mitigation of Penance — Absolution. The ecclesiastical history of the northern, forms a remarkable contrast with that of the oriental Christians. In the east, the zeal of the orthodox pastors was, during several centuries, em- ployed in opposing the attempts of numerous and often successful innovators : in the north, the voice of religious discord was but seldom heard, and as speedily silenced.^ Of this difference the cause may be traced to the opposition of theirnational characters. The eastern Christians were a polished people, whose natural penetration had been sharpened by the disputes of philoso- phers, and the logic of Aristotle. Not content to believe the truths, they attempted to explore the mysteries of the gospel ; they summoned to their aid the faint light of reason, and the 50 At Ihe conclusion of this chapter, it may perhaps be asked, why I have omitted to notice the spiritual jurisdiction, which modern writers have sometimes bestowed on the Anglo-Saxon kings. My answer must be, that I did not choose to assert that of which no solid proof can be adduced. Whatever could be said in its favour, has been said long since by Sir Edward Coke, (fifth part of reports :) but neither the authority nor the arguments of that great lawyer have subdued my incredulity. The whole tenor of the Anglo-Saxon history shows, that the spiritual jurisdiction was considered as the exSIu- sive privilege of the bishops, and that their kings were proud to uphold and enforce it with their temporal authority. " It is the right of the king," says Wihtred, king of Kent, (anno 693,) " to appoint earls, ealdormen, shire-reeves, and doomsmen ; but it is the right of the archbishop to rule and provide for the church of God." Eyrijaj' j-ceolan peccan eoplaf . ■] ealbjiap-men. pcijii-jieuan. ■] bomej-- menn. "] apcebifcop j-ceal Irobej- gelafunge pip j-ian "] paeban. Wilk. Con. p. 57. See also p. 91. 148. 212. Bed. Hist. I. iv. c. 5. 17, ep. ad Egb. Ant. p. 310. Ale. ep. ad Athelhard, apud Wilk. p. 160. Leg. Sax. p. 146, 147, i. ii. Sim. Dunel. inter. X. Scrip, p. 78. The king, indeed, is sometimes called the Vicar of Christ : but the old homilist informs us, that this title was given to him, because it was his duty to defend with his army the people of Christ, from the evil designs of their enemies. Daec he hi healban fceolbe mib ttssp folcef pulcume pi% ypele menn. ~1 on reohcenbe hepe. Whelock, p. 151. In the book of constitu- tions it is said, that the king ought to be as a father to his people, and in watchfulness and care, the vicar of Christ, as he is called. Epifcenum cyninje gebyjiaS ppiSe jiihce. JJ he yy on pa;bep j-ceeIc cpij-cena f eobe. •] on paejie •] on peapbe EpifCej- jej-pelija. eal fpahe gecealb ly. Leg. Sax. p. 147. ' The disputes between the Roman and the Scottish missionaries in England ^rove, that though they differed in some points of discipline, they agreed in all the articles of their belief. See chapter 1. EELIGIOTTS PRACTICES OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 117 doubtful lessons of the ancient sages ; and from the monstrous union of the doctrines of philosophy with the tenets of Chris- tianity, engendered those errors, which so long disiigured the beauty of the ancient church. But the converts among the northern nations were more simple, and less inquisitive : without suspicion they acquiesced in the doctrines taught by their mis- sionaries ; and carefully transmitted them as a sacred deposit to the veneration of their descendants. When Athelhard, arch- bishop of Canterbury, demanded from the prelates in the council of Cloveshoe, an exposition of their belief, they unanimously answered : " Know, that the faith which we profess, is the same as was taught by the holy and apostolic see, when- Gregory the Great sent missionaries to our fathers."" I shall not, therefore, fatigue the reader with a theological investigation of the doc- trines which formed "the creed of the Anglo-Saxons. The de- scription of their religious practices is better calculated to arrest attention, and gratify curiosity : and from them their belief may be deduced with less trouble, and with equal accuracy.^ 2 Notum sit paternitati tUE, quod sicut primitus a sancta Romana, et apostolica sede, beatissimo papa Gregorio dirigente, exarata est, ita credimus. Wilk. p. 162. Anno 800. The profession of faith, which St. Swithin, bishop of Winchester, made to Arch- bishop Ceolnoth, is drawn up in the same manner. Illam rectam et orthodoxam fidem, quam priores patres nostri devote servaverunt, cum omni humilitate et sincera devo- tione, sicut prajdecessores mei ipsi sanctse sedi Dorobemensis eoclesijE subjuncti sunt, semper servare velle humiliter per omnia profiteer. Textus Roffen. p. 269. Anno 852. In the monk of Winchester, this profession begins thus. Ego Swithunus, monachus, servulus servorum Dei, confiteor tibi, reverendissime pater Celnode Archie- piscope, continentiam meam, quam prius in professione monachili expressi, et dilec- tionem, &c. Hence he infers that St. Swithin was a monk, (Ang. Sac. vol. i. p. 203 :) the inference is admitted by the Bollandists, (Jul. torn. i. p. 325 ;) and by Mabillon he is boldly ranked among the saints of the Benedictine order. (Act. S. S. Bened. saec. 4, torn. ii. p. 69.) It is a matter of little consequence. But there is reason to believe that the words in italics were artfully added to the original. In the more ancient copy in the Textus Roffensis, the profession begins thus : Ego Swithunus, humihs vernacu- lus servorum Dei, confiteor tibi Celnothe Archiepiscope, continentiam meam, et dilee- tionem, &c. Tex. Kof. p. 269. 3 Yet how shall I pursue this inquiry, without entangling myself in the webs of con- troversy 1 It was once the belief of Protestant writers, that the Anglo-Saxon church, from its infancy, was polluted with the damnable errors of popery. Angustinus ad Anglo-Saxones papisticis traditionibus initiandos apostolus primus mittebatur : intro- duxit altaria, vestes, missas, imagines, &c. &c. Bale, cent. 13, c. 1. Praeter pontificum traditiones et humana stercora, (a very delicate expression !) nihil attulit. Id. cent. 8, u. 85. Csercmoniarum profecto hie fuit, Romanoruraque rituum non Christianse fidei aut divini verbi apostolus Anglis, eosque Romanes ac pontificios potius quam Chiistia- nos aut evangelicos agere docuit. (Parker, Ant. Brit. p. 35.) But this opinion has been shaken by the efforts of several eminent Saxon scholars, who have ascribed to their favourite study the important discovery, that our forefathers were true and orthodox Protestants. (See Whelock's Bede, passim. Hick's Letters to a Roman Priest, c. iii. Elstob, Saxon homily, pref.) It must be acknowledged, that to their industry SaXon literature is much indebted ; but the ardour of discovery seems to have improved their fancy at the expense of their judgment: and a reader must be credulous indeed, to be- lieve with them, that a translation of the Pater noster, and of a few books of Scripture, an exposition of the apostle's creed without any mention of purgatory, an observation that God alone is to be adored, and that the body of Christ, though it be really present in the -eucharist, is there after a spiritual and not a corporal manner, are proofs suffi- cient to establish the existence of a Protestant church more than ten centuries ao-o. 118 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHUKCH. I. The religion of the Anglo-Saxons was not a dry and lifeless code of morality. A spiritual worship, unincumbered with ritual observances, has been recommended by philosophers, as the most worthy of man, and the least unworthy of God : but experience has shown, that no system of belief can long maintain its influence over the mind, unless it be aided by external ceremonies, which may seize the attention, elevate the hopes, and console the sorrows of its professors. Among our ancestors, religion constantly in- terested herself in the welfare of her children : she took them by the hand at the opening, she conducted them with the care of a parent, to the close of life. 1. The infant, within thirty days from his birth, was regenerated in the waters of baptism. As a descendant of Adam, he had inherited that malediction, which the parent of the human race had entailed on all his posterity. To cleanse him from this stain, he was carried to the sacred font, and interrogated by the minister of religion, whether he would renounce the devil, his works, and his pomps, and would profess the true 'faith of Christ. The answer was returned by the mouth of his sponsor ; he was plunged into the water ; the mysterious words were pronounced; and he emerged, a member of the church, a child of God, and heir to the bliss of heaven.'' 2. As he advanced in'-^age, the neophyte was admitted to participate of the celestial sacrifice. In the eucharist he received the body and blood of his Redeemer : and the mystic union bound him to his duty by stronger ties, and gave him a new pledge of future happiness.* 3. Should, however, his passions seduce him from the fidelity, which he had solemnly vowed to observe, penance still offered an asylum, where he might shelter himself from the ■" Before baptism, the child was pinpullSujih Abamej' pojijaejebnej'j'e : after baptism he became Dobej* man ■] Doftep beajin. Horn. Sax. apud Whe- lock, p. 64. For the renunciation of Satan, and the obligations of the sponsor, (one only seems to have been admitted,) see the council of Calcuith, (Wilk. p. 146,) and the Anglo-Saxon sermon on the Epiphany, (Whelock, p. 180.) From an omission in this sermon, Whelock has rashly inferred, that the ceremonies of the Roman ritual were unknown to our ancestors. Bat there is sufficient evidence of the contrary. The in- sufHation is mentioned by Bede, (I. v. c. 6.) the salt by ,the Saxon pontifical, (Martene, vol. i. p. 38,) the unctions with oil on the breast and between the shoulders, and with chrism on the crown of the head, are noticed by Archbishop jElfric, (Leg. Sax. p. 173,) and the whole process is described by Alcuin, in his treatise to Adrian, on the cere- monies of baptism. Duchesne, oper. Ale. par. 11. Immediately after baptism the child was ordered to receive the eucharist ; the crown of his head was bound with a fillet, which was not removed for the seven following days ; and during the same time he was constantly clothed in white. (In albis. Bed. 1. v. c. 7, unbep cpipraan. .iElfred, ibid.) On each of these days he was carried to the mass, and -received the communion. Anb hygmanbepe comaej'j'an ftec liyj beon jehuj-lobe ealle fa vii bajaj- ]>a hpile hij unfpogene beo]^. ^Ifrici ep. inter Leg. Sax. p. 172. The true meaning of this passage has escaped the penetration of Wilkins, whose translation should be corrected from the writings of the ancient ri- tualists. ' Eucharistia corpus et sanguis est Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Synod. Calcuth, apud M'ilk. p. 169, ii. Sacrificium coeleste. Bed. 1. iv. u, 14. SACRAMENTS. 119 anger, and regain the favour of his Creator. These were styled the three great sacraments, by which the' souls of men were purified from the guilt of sin:^ there remained four others, which, though of inferior necessity, were considered as highly useful to the Christian, amid the dangers to which he was ex- posed in his pilgrimage through life. 4. At an early period he was presented to the bishop, and, by the imposition of his hands, received the spirit of wisdom and fortitude, to direct and support him in the combat with his ghostly enemies.'' 5. If his inclina- tion led him to the ecclesiastical state, the sacred rite of ordina- tion imparted the graces whi'ch were necessary for the faithful discharge of the clerical function.^ 6. If he preferred the bond of marriage, his marriage^was sanctified by the prayers of the church, and the nuptial benediction.' 7. But the bed of death was the scene in which the religion of the Anglo-Saxons appear- ed in her fairest form, attended with all her consolations, the friend and the guardian of man. At that moment, when every temporal blessing slips from the grasp of its possessor, the minis- ter of Christ approached the expiring sinner ; awakened^his hopes by displaying the infinite mercy of the Redeemer ; listened with an ear of pity to the history of his transgressions ; taught him to bewail his past misconduct ; and^ in the name of the Almighty, absolved him from his sins. As the fatal moment drew nigh, the extreme unction prepared his soul to wrestle for the last time with the enemies of his salvation. The directions of St. James were religiously observed : the prayer of faith was read over the dying maos; and his body was anointed with consecrated oil.^" To conclude the solemn ceremony, the eucharist was administer- ed, as a viaticum or provision for his journey to a better world.** sDpeo healice 'Sinj jepecce Irob mannura to claenj-ung. An ij- pullhuc. Ofeji if huj-el haljunje. Dpibbe ly baebboc mid gej'picennyj-j'e ypeljia baeba. ■] mib bigencge jobjia peojica. " Three holy things God has appointed for the purification of man. The first is baptism ; the second, the holy communion ; the third, penance, with a cessation from evil deeds and the practice of good works." Sermo Cath. apud Whel. p. 1 80. ' Bed. vit. Cuth. c. 29, p. 251, c. 32, p. 253. Hom. in psal. xxvi. torn. viii. col. 558. Eddius, vit. Wilf. c. xviil. p. 60. Wilk. Con. p. 252, xvii. Leg. Sax. p. 167, xxxv. Theod. Poenit. par. i. c. 4. 8 Ed. vit. Wilf. c. xii. p. 57. Wilk. Con. p. 95, vi. 265, i. slGid. p. 106,xc. 217, viii. The bond of marriage was deemed indissoluWe. Not even adultery could justify a second marriage before the death of one of the parties. See the tenth canon of the council of Herutford. Bed. 1. iv. c. 5. Anno 683. '0 Wilk. Con., p. 127, xv. 229, Ixv. Ixvi 1 1 Id. ibid. Bed. Hist. 1. iv. u. 14. 23. Vit. Cuth. c. 39. He thus describes the death ofSt. Cuthbert: Ecce sacer residens antistes ad altar, Pocula degustat vita, Chrislique supinum Sanguine munit iter, vultusque ad sidera et almas SustolUt gaudens palmas, animamque superiiis Laudibus intentam Ifetantibus indidit astris. Bed. vit. Cuth. p. 286. 130 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. Thus consoled and animated, he was taught to resign himself to the will of his Creator, and to await with patience the stroke of dissolution. II. Among tKe various forms of Christian worship, the prece- dency is justly claimed by the eucharistic sacriiice. By every religious society, which dates its origin from the more early ages, its superior dignity and efficacy has always been acknowledged : and in the liturgies of the most distant nations we constantly dis- cover it the same, if not in appearance, at least in substance. la the arrangement of the "ceremonies, "and the composition of the prayers, different models were followed by different churches : but amid these accidental variations, the more important parts, the invocation, the consecration, the fraction of the host, and the com- munion, were preserved with religious fidelity.'^ By Augustine and his associates, the mass was celebrated at Canterbury, after the* Roman method. But in their journey to Britain, they had observed the different rites of the Gauls ; and were careful to consult their patron, respecting the cause of this diversity. The answer of the pontiff evinces a liberal mind. Though the refor- mation of the Roman liturgy had obtained a considerable share of his attention, he neither urged the superior excellence of his own labours, nor condemned the rituals' of other churches : but advised his disciples to consult the usages of different nations, and to select from each whatever was most conducive to the honour of the Deity. But the judgment of Augustine naturally preferred the discipline to which he had been accustomed : the Roman liturgy was established in the churches founded by his labours ; and was spontaneously adopted by the converts of the Scottish missionaries." Felix, who wrote very soon after Bede, describes the death of St Guthlake in almost the same words. Extendens manus ad altare, munivit se communiune corporis et sanguinis Christi, atque elevatls oculis ad coelum, exteusisque manibus, animam ad gaudia perpetUEe exultationis emisit. Felix, vit. St. Guth. in Act, S8. April, torn. iii. p^ 48. For the viaticum they were accustomed to preserve the encharist, and renew it every fortnight. (Bed. 1. iv.c. 24, and JElfric's charge to the clergy. Leg. Sax. p. 159.) Though the sick communicated under the form of bread alone, (Ibid, and p. 172,) yet it was still called the viaticum of the body and blood of Christ: (compare two passages in Bed. ibid. p. 1 57, 158.) The place in which the eucharist was preserved was a box or tabernacle, ( JSlfric, ibid.) which appears to have been fixed on an altar in the church, and occasionally adorned with green leaves or flowers. Quam fronde coronant, Dum buxis claudunt pretiosse munera vitiE. Eihelwold, de SS. Lindis. c. liv. p. 314, Note (L). '2 The numerous mistakes of former writers on this important subject, have been cor- rected by Renaudot, in his collection of the oriental liturgies. The principal differences are in the preparatory part of the sacriiice : but in the canon, besides the particulars mentioned in the text, they all contain the preface or thanksgiving, the commemoration of the living and the dead, and the Lord's Prayer. Renaud. vol. i. disser. p. xx. '^ With the Gregorian chant, the whole of the Roman liturgy appears to have been adopted by the churches of the north. Bed. 1. iv. c. 18. If the liturgies of the Italian and Scottish missionaries were not exactly similar, the difference must have been un- important, as it does not appear to have been mentioned in the disputes which divided LITURGY. 121 From the works of the Anglo-Saxon writers we may learn the profound veneration with which they had been taught to view this sacred institution. Whenever they mention it, the most lofty epithets, the most splendid descriptions display their senti- ments. It is " the celebration of the most sacred mysteries, the celestial sacrifice, the oblation of the saving victim, the renova- tion of the passion and death of Christ."" To assist at it' daily, they consider as a practice of laudable piety ; to be present on every Sunday and holiday, they pronounce a duty of the strictest obligation." Of all the resources which religion oifers to appease the anger of God, it is declared to be the most efficacious : its influence is not confined to the living: it releases from their bonds the souls of the dead.'° Impressed with these sentiments, all were eager to join in the oblation of the sacrifice, and no cost was spared to testify, by external magnificence, their inward veneration. The decorations of the church, the voices of a numerous choir, the harmony of musical instruments," the blaze- the two parties. Cuminius (anno 657) and Adamnan (anno 680) were abbots of the- monastery, from which the Scottish missionaries were sent, and spealt of the mass in the same terms as the Roman writers. Cuminius calls it, sacrificale mysterium, sacra sancti sacrificii mysteria, (Cumin, edit. Pinkerton, p. 29. 33 :) and in the language of Adamnan, to celebrate the mass, is sacra consecrare mysteria, Christi corpus ex more oonficere, (Adam. edit. Pink. p. 93. 172.) The general conformity oiP the ancient Roman, Gallic, Gothic, and other western canons, with the present Roman canon, is diown by Georgi, de Litur. Rom. pont. vol. iii. p. xli. "i Bed. 1. ii. c. v. 1. iv. c. 14. 22. 28. Vit. Cuth. p. 242. Vit. Abbat. Wirem. p. 302. Ep. Bug. ad Bonif. p. 45. Sermo de Sac. apud Whel. p. 474. IS Sunnan bsej if fpife healice Co peopj'ian , . . Buran pham jebypije j5 he nybe pajian pcyle. bonne moc he ppa jiiban f pa Jiopan .... on Sa jepab ;p he hiy maepfan jehyjie. "Sunday is most holily to be kept .... but if it happen that a man must of necessity travel, he may ride or sail, but on condition that he hear mass." Wil^. Con. p. 273. 's Bed. 1. iv. c. 22. Sermo de efficacia sanctae Misro, apud' Whelock, p. 319. Sermo de Sacrif. p. 475-. " The 'Anglo-Saxons were passionately fond of music, and, after their conversion, the national taste displayed itself iri the public worship. To attain an accurate knov»a ledge of the Gregorian chant, was deemed an object of high importance : masters were eagerly selected from the disciples of the Roman missionaries ; and John, prascentor of St. Peter's in Rome, was long detained in England for the same purpose, (Bed. Hist. 1. ii. c. 20, iv. c. 2. 18, v. 20.) Of the proficiency of the Saxons, we are not informed. That they entertained a high opinion of themselves is certain : but so did the Gallic singers of this period, though they were objects of ridicule to those of Italy ; quia bibuli gutturis barbara feritas, dum , inflexionibus et repercussionibus mitem nititur edere cantil'enam, naturali quodara fragore, quasi plaustra per gradus confuse sonantia, rigidas voces jactat, sicque audientium animos, quos mulcere debuerat, exasperanda magis ac obstrependo conterbat. Joan. diac. vit. Greg, 1. ii. c. 7. Organs were admitted into the Saxon churches at an early period. The first person in the west by whom they were employetl, is said by Platina, though with some hesitation, to have been Vitalian the Roman pontiff, (Plat, in Vital.) If we credit his account, we may suppose that they were introduced into England by Theodore and Adiian, whom that pope sent to instruct our ancestors. At least it is certain, that they were known by St. Aldhelm aa early as the close of the seventh century. In his poem de laudibus virginitatis, he tells the admirer of mus^e, who despises the more humble sounds of the harp, to listen to the thousand voices of the organ.' 16 L 132 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. of the lamps and tapers, the vestments of the officiating minister and his attendants, all concurred to elevate the soul, and inspire the most lively sentiments of devotion. At the prayer of conse- cration it was believed, that the Saviour of mankind descended on the altar, the angels stood around in respectful silence," the spotless Lamb was immolated to the eternal Father, and the mys- tery of man's redemption was renewed." At length the sacrifice was consummated: apart of the consecrated elements was received by the priest ; the remainder was distributed among those whose piety prompted them to approach to the holy table. The discipline of the church has often been compelled to bend to the weakness of her children. To communicate, as often as they assisted at the sacred mysteries, was a practice introduced by the fervour of the first Christians : and, during several centu- ries, each omission was chastised by a temporary exclusion from the society of the faithful.^ But with the severity of their morals, their devotion to the eucharist insensibly declined; frequency of communion was left to the choice of each individual ; and the precept was confined to the three great festivals of Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide.^^ Still, however, in many churches, the spontaneous devotion of the fervent preserved some vestiges of the ancient discipline : but their example made no great im- Maxima millenis auscultans organa flabria Mulceat auditum ventosis follibus iste, Quamvis auratis fulgescant csteia capsis. — Bib. Pat. t. viii. p. 3. (This passage was first discovered by Mr. Turner, vol. iv. p. 447.) About sixty years afterwards, Constantino, the Byzantine emperor, sent to Pepin an organ of excellent workmanship, which has erroneously been supposed to be the first among the Latins. It is thus described : Quod doliis ex sere conflatis, follibusque taurinis per fistulas sereas mire perfiantibus, rugitu quidem tonitrui boatum, garruUtatem vero lyrs vel cymbali dulcedine cosquabat. (Monac. Gallon, vit. Caroli mag. c. 10.) The French artists were eager to equal this specimen of Grecian ingenuity : and so successful were their efforts, that in the ninth century the best organs were made in France and Germany. Their superiority was acknowledged by John VIII. in a letter to Anno, bishop of Freisingen, from whom he requested an organ, and a master for the instruction of the Koman musicians. Frecamur ut optimum organum cum artifice, qui hoc moderari, et facere ad omnem modulationis efiicaciam possit, ad instructionem musicae discipline, nobis aut deferas aut mittas. Cit. Sandini in vit. Pont. vol. i. p. 241. Soon ^er this period thay were common in England, and constructed by English artists. They appear to have been of large dimensions : the pipes were made of copper, and fixed in frames, that frequently were gilt. (Aldh. ibid. Gale, p. 266. 420.) In the poems of Wolstan, a monk of Winchester, occurs a minute description of the great organ in that cathedral. Of its accuracy there is little reason to doubt, as the poem is dedicated to St. Elphege, the person by whom the organ was erected. It will be found in note (M). 18 Halija englaf %2ep abucan hpeajipia]'. Leg. eccl. Wilk. p. 300. 19 Daegpamhce bij> hij* bjiopunge jeebnipeb ftujih jejiinu Kaej- haljan huf lej* aec baejie haljan maerran. "Daily is bis passion renewed by the mystery of the holy husel at the holy mass." Sermo de Sac. apud Whel. p. 474. Missarum solemnia celebantes, corpus sacrosanctum, et pretiosum agni san- guinem, quo a peccatis redempti sumus, denuo Deo in profectum nostrs salutis immo- lamus. Bed. hom. in vig. Pas. torn. vii. col. 6. Vit. St Cuth. p. 242. 20 Can. Apost. 10. Con. Ant. can. 2. Bona, rerum liturg. 1. i. c. 13. *i Synod. Agath. can. 18. BKEVIARY OR COURSE. 123 pression on the majority of the Anglo-Saxons, whose piety was satisfied with an exact observance of the more recent regulation. In justification of their reserve, they urged the sublime dignity of the sacrament. To them the modern doctrine, that the eucha- charist is the mere manducation of the material elements, in commemoration of the passion of the Messiah, was entirely unknown. They had been taught to despise the doubtful testi- mony of the senses, and to listen to the more certain assurance of the inspired writings : according to their belief, the bread and wine, after the consecration, had ceased to be what their external appearance suggested; they were become, by an invisible opera- tion, the victim of redemption, the true body and blood of Christ.^'' But how, they asked, could sinful man presume, of his own choice, to introduce his Redeemer within his breast? Was it not less hazardous, and more respectful, to remain, on other occasions, at an awful distance, and to communicate on those festivals only, when his temerity might be excused by his obedi- ence ? This reasoning, however, did not satisfy the zeal of the venerable Bede, who condemned an humility which deprived the soul of the choicest blessings, and asserted his conviction, that many among his countrymen, in every department of life, were, by their superior virtue, entitled to partake of the sacred myste- ries on every Sunday and festival in the year."' The sentiments of the pious monk inspired the bishops at the synod of Cloveshoe, and each pastor was commanded to animate the devotion of his parishioners, and to display in the strongest light the advantages of frequent communion.^ In addition to the Roman liturgy, the Anglo-Saxon church had adopted the Roman course or breviary."' Of this compila- '' biyJUCan hi beo]' jeyepene hlap •] pm eejjjeji je on hipe je on ppaecce. ac hi beo)» poflice aepceji iJsejie haljunje Epipcej" hohama ~\ hip blob, buph japrlice jepinu. " Without (externally) they seem bread and wine both in appearance and ia, taste ; yet they be truly, after the con- secration, Christ'sbody and his blood, through a ghostly mystery." Sermo in die Pas. apud Whel. p. 470. See note (N). 2' Cum sint innumeri innocentes .... qui absque ullo scrupulo controversis, omni die dominica, sive etiam in natalitiis sanctorum apostolorum sive martyrum, quomodo ipse in sancta Romana et Apostolica ecclesia fieri vidisti, mysteriisraelestibus communi- carc valeant. Bed. Epis. ad Egbert, p. 311. 2< Syn. Clov. apud Wilk. p. 98, xxiii. Anno 747. =s The Roman course had been gres^tly improved by the care of St. Gregory. It was introduced into England by the missionaries; and was ordered to be used in all churches by the synod of Cloveshoe. (Wilk. Con. p. 96, xiii. 97, xv. xvi.) But the decree of this synod seems not to have been observed in the kingdom of Northumbria. At least the monks of Lindisfarne, on some occasion, adopted the office composed by St Bene- dict, and it was retained by the clergy who succeeded them. (Sim. Dunel. edit. Bed- ford, p. 4. He seems to attribute it lo St. Aidan, which is evidently a mistake.) When St. Dunstan restored the monastic order, after the devastations of the Danes, he intro- duced the Benedictine office with a few additions, but allotted a particular exception to the festival of Easter and its octave, during which he ordered the monks to adopt the same service as the clergy, in honour of St. Gregory. Septeni horaj canonicie a mona- 124 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. tion the principal part had been selected from the psalms of David and the writings of the prophets, which abound with the sublimest effusions of religious sentiment. But the fetigue of uniformity was relieved by a competent number of lessons, ex- tracted from the books of the Holy Scriptures, the works of the ancient fathers, and the acts of the most celebrated martyrs : and the different portions of the oiB.ce were terminated by prayers, of which the noble and affecting simplicity has been deservedly admired. The service of each day was divided into seven hours, and at each of these the clergy were summoned to the church to sing, in imitation of the royal prophet, the praise of the Creator."' The layman was exhorted, but the ecclesiastic was commanded to assist. Of this difference the reason is obvious. The clergy were the representatives of the great body of Christians : they had been liberated from all secular employments, that they might attend, with fewer impediments, to their spiritual functions: it was therefore expected that, by their assiduity, they would com- pensate for the deficiencies of their less fervent brethren; and by their daily supplications avert the anger, and call down the bless- ings of the Almighty. Both the mass and the canonical service were performed in Latin. For the instruction of the people, the epistle and gospel were read, and the sermon was delivered in their native tongue : but God was always addressed by the ministers of religion in the language of Rome. The missionaries, who, from whatever country they came, had been accustomed to this rite from their infancy, would have deemed it a degradation of the sacrifice, to subject it to the caprice and variations of a barbarous idiom ; and their disciples, who felt not the thirst of innovation, were proud to tread in the footsteps of their teachers. The practice has been severely reprobated by the reformed theologians : but it was for- tunate for mankind, that the apostles of the northern nations were less wise than their modern critics. Had they adopted in the liturgy the language of their proselytes, the literature would probably have perished with the empire of Rome. By preserving the use of the Latin tongue, they imposed on the clergy the necessity of study, kept alive the spirit of improvement, and transmitted to future generations the writings of the classics, and the monuments of profane and ecclesiastical history. in. In every system of worship, the means of atonement for sin must form an essential part. The first professors of the gospel believed that the Messiah, by his voluntary suflferings, had chis in ecclesia Dei more canonicorum, propter anctoritatem beati Gregorii celebranda sunt. Concor. Monach. apud Reyner, app. par. iii. p. 89, 90. The custom continued till the conquest, when the Norman, Lanfranc, who probably felt less veneration for the apostle of the Saxons, ordered it to be abolished. Constit. Lanfran. apud Wilk. torn. i. p. 339. 28 They were called the uht or rnorning-song, prime-song, under-song, midday-song, none-song, even-song, and night-song. Wilk. p. 97. 253. CONFESSION. 125 paid to tHe divine justice the debt contracted by human guilt : but at the same time they taught, that the application of his merits to the soul of man was intrusted to the ministry of those to whom he had imparted the power of binding and of loosing, of forgiving and retaining sin.^'' To exercise with discretion this twofold jurisdiction, it was necessary to learn the prevarications and disposition of the penitent: and from the earliest ages we behold the faithful Christian at the feet of his confessor, acknow- ledging in public, or in private, the nature and number of his transgressions.^^ With the doctrine of the gospel, the practice of confession was introduced among the Saxons by the Roman and Scottish missionaries.^* They were taught to consider it not merely as a pious observance, which depended on the devotion of each individual, but as an indispensable obligation, from which nothing could release the sinner but the impossibility of the per- formance. The law by which it was enforced, was construed to extend to every class of Christians: to bind the highest eccle- siastic no less than the meanest layman.^" The sinner, who was desirous to regain the favour of his offended God, was directed to approach the feet of his confessor with humility and com- punction, and after professing his belief in the principal truths of Christianity, to unfold all the crimes with which hie had con- taminated his conscience, by deed, by word, and by thought.^' S' John XX. 22, 23. 28 Denis de St. Marthe, traits de la confession. Dailli made thirty feeble attempts to disprove the antiquity of this practice. They may be seen in Bingham, vol. ii. p. 2i9, 29 But was not auricular confession unknown to the Scottish monks, and their proselytes 1 Henry (vol. iii. p. 208) has boldly asserted the affirmative : but he was misled by the authority of Inett, to copy whose mistakes he often found a more easy task, than to consult the original writers. The words of Inett are these : " Theodore endeavoured to introduce auricular confession, a usage which, according to the account that Egbert, archbishop of York, g\ves of it in the beginning of the next cen- tury, was unknown to the English, converted by the Scots and Britons." Inett, Hist, of the English Church, vol. i. p. 85. Reader, if you consult the work of Egbert for this account, you will consult in vain. On the introduction of confession, and the manners of the English converted by the Scots and Britons, he is silent : but he observes that, from the time of Theodore, the faithful had been accustomed, during the twelve days before Christmas, to prepare themselves for communion by fasting, confession, and alms', (Egb. de instit. eccl. Wilk. p. 86:) and this observation has been coiiverted, by the imagination of Inett, into an assertion, that before the time of Theodore they were ignorant of the practice of confession. That, however, it was taught by the Scottish monks to their converts, is evident from the zeal of St. Cuthbert, who, long before the arrival of Theodore, spent whole months in preaching, and receiving the confessions of the people, (Bed. Hist. I. iv. c. 27. Vit. Cuth. c. 9. 16 :) and that they adopted it in their own country, may be proved from the conduct of St. Coiumba, the founder of the Abbey ofHii, (Adomnan vit. Colum. p. 71. 80. 89,) from the penitentiary of Cuminius, the fifth of his successors, (Mab. vet. anal. p. 17,) and the confession of the Scottish monk related by Bede, (1. iv. c. 25.) "" DeppciJ' cfm]> ymbe tpelp monaj?. p selc maan j-ceael hip pcpipt gepppecan. -] Dobe -^ hip pcpipcehip jylcap anbetcan »a »e he jepopce. "The time of duty comes every twelve months, when every man shall speak to his confessor, and avow to God and his confessor all ie sins which he has committed." Egb. peniten. apud Wilk. p. 141. " iElce pynne mon pceal hip pcpipce anbeccan. Kana fta he l2 126 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. To conclude this humiliating ceremony, he declared his deter- mination to amend his life, and adjured his confessor to bear testimony in the day of judgment, to the sincerity of his repent- ance.^^ In the language of Catholic theology, the priest is said to pre- side in the tribunal of penance, as a judge, whose duty it is to pronounce sentence on the accused according to his demerits. But so numerous and so nicely discriminated are the gradations of human guilt, so complicated the circumstances which aggra- vate or lighten its enormity, that to apportion with accmacy the punishment to the oifence, will frequently confound the skill of the most able and impartial casuist. Theodore^ however, whether he confided in his superior abilities, or yielded to the necessity of directing his less enlightened brethren, attempted the difficult task, and published a penitentiary, or code of laws, for the impo- sition of sacramental penance. In it he ventured to deviate from the letter of the ancient canons, whose severity bears testimony to the fervour of the age in which they were framed, and adopted the milder discipline of the Greek church, in which he had im- bibed the rudiments of theological science. The success of his endeavours stimulated the timidity of his brethren : and the peni- tentiaries of Egbert, archbishop of York, and of several other prelates, claim a distinguished place among the ecclesiastical records of Saxon antiquity .^^ Fasting was the principal species of punishment which they enjoined : but its nature and duration were determined by the mahgnity of the offence. The more pardonable sins of frailty and surprise might be expiated by a seppe jepperaede. o]'f e on popbe. oJ'J'e on peopce. o^]>e on 5e]>ohce. "Every sin man shall to his confessor declare, that he ever committed, either in vford, or in work, or in thought" Liber Leg. eccl. apud Wilk. p. 276. 32 Wilk. p. 231. Whelock is positive that the practice of the Saxons was the same as that of the present established church. They advised, but did not command confession. (Whel. Hist. Eccl. p. 215, 216, index, art. confessio.) The very homilies which he published, might have taught him the contrary. I shall transcribe two passages. Delome up IaepaJ> p halije jeppic p pe pleon co J'am lacebome pojjpe anbaecnypp upe pynna. Fopfan pe ellep ne majon been hale bucon pe anbetijan hpeopienbe p pe co iinpihce byban %uph jymelypce. ^Ic popjipenyppe hyhce ip on faepe anbecnyppe. -] ]>eo anbecnyppe ip Se enjia lacebome upa pynna. mib Kaepe po]»an caebbote. "The Holy Scripture fre- quently teaches us to flee to the medicine of true confession of our sins : because we cannot otherwise be healed, except we confess with sorrow what we have unright- eously done through negligence. All hope of forgiveness is in confession. Confes- sion with true repentance is the angelic remedy of our sins." Whel. p. 341. 343. Bitoblice ne bejyc nan man hip pynna popppenyppe sec Irobe bucon he hi pumum Iiobep men jeanbecce •] be hip borne jebece. "Truly no man will obtain forgiveness of his sins from God, unless he confess to some of God's ministers, and do penance according to his judg- ment." Sermo de poenit, apud Whel. p. 423. " They may be seen in Wilkins, vol. i. p. 115. 225 ; vol. iv. p. 751, and the Codex canonum et constitutionum MSS. Jun. 121. ^ MITIGATION OF PENANCE. 127 less rigorous fast of ten, twenty, or thirty days : but when the crime was of a blacker dye, when it argued deep and premedi- tated malice, a longer course of mortification was required, and one, five, seven years, or even a whole life of penance, was deemed a cheap and easy compensation. So dreary a prospect might have plunged the penitent into despair or indifference : but his fervour was daily animated by the hopes and fears of religion : his past fidelity was rewarded by subsequent indul- gences ; and the yoke was prudently lightened the longer it was worn. After a certain period, to the severe regimen of bread and water, succeeded a more nutritious diet, which excluded only the flesh of quadrupeds and fowls : and the fasts that originally had comprised six, were gradually contracted to three or fewer days in the week.^'' To these regulations, when they were first enjoined, the sanctity of their authors, and the fervour of the proselytes insured a ready obedience. But nature soon learned to rebel ; necessity introduced several mitigations ; and the ingenuity of the penitents discovered expedients to elude or mitigate their severity. When the sinner had delayed his conversion, till he was alarmed by the near approach of death, it was idle to enjoin him many years of peiiance : and he was rather advised, according to the com- mand of the Holy Scriptures, to redeem his sins with works of mercy, and to commute the fasts of the canons for donations to the church, and to the poor. An idea so consonant to the maxims of Saxon jurisprudence, was eagerly adopted, and insensibly im- proved' into a perfect system, which regulated with precision, according to the rank and wealth of the penitent, the price at which the fast of a day, a month, or a year, might be lawfully redeemed. This indulgence, which had originally been confined to the dying, was claimed with an equal appearance of justice by the sick and the infirm ; and was at last extended to all, whose constitutions or employments were incompatible with the rigour of a long and severe fast.^* By the rich it was accepted with gratitude ; but to the poor it offered an illusory boon, which only aggravated the hardships of their condition. To remove the invidious distinction, a new species of commutation was adopted. Archbishop Egbert, founding his decision on the authority of Theodore, intrusted it to the prudence of the con- fessor, to enjoin, when the penitent pleaded infirmity or inability, a real equivalent in prayers or money. Thus a new system of canonical arithmetic was established ; and the fast of a day was taxed at the rate of a silver penny for the rich, or of fifty pater- nosters for the illiterate, and fifty psalms for the learned.^* That these compensations would accelerate the decline of the primi- ^* Ibid, passim. 35 See the chapter, hu reocman moc hiy paej-can alypan. Wilk. Con. vol. i. p. 237. '5 Wilk. p. 11.5, 140. 237. 128 ANTIQUITIES OP THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. tive fervour, was foreseen and lamented by the bishops : and the fathers of the council of Cloveshoe made a vigorous but fruitless attempt to uphold the ancient discipline. " It is necessary," they observe to the Sa;xon clergy, " that the enjoyment of fqr* bidden pleasure should be punished by the §ubtractio» of lawful gratifications. "Alms 'and prayers are undoubtedly fiseful, but they are designed to be the auxiliaries, not the substitutes of fasting.'"^ The torrent, however, Avas irresistible ; and the con- demhed indulgences were gradually sanctioned, first by the silence, afterwards by the approbation of their successors. There was another, and a more singular innovation, whieh equally provoked, and equally survived their censure. Among a powerful and turbulent nobility, it was not difficult to discover men, whose ofl&nces were so numerous, that to expiate them according to the letter of the canons, would require a greater number of years, than could probably fall to the lot of an^-indi^t, vidual. Sinners of this description were a'dmonished to distrust- so precarious a resource ; to solicit the assistance of their friends,,; and to relieve their own insolvency by the vicarious payment^ of others. In obedience to this advice, they recommended them- selves to the prayers of those who were distinguished by the austerity and sanctity of their lives ; endeavour^fl by numerous benefits- to purchase the gratitude of the monks and clergy ; and by procuring their names to be enrolled among the members of the most celebrated monasteries, indulged the hope of partaking in the merit of the good works performed by those societies. But it was not long before a system, which offered so much accommodation to human weakness, received considerable im- provements ; and men were willing to persuade themselves that they might atone for thgir crimes by substituting in the place of their Own, the austerities of mercenary penitents.^^ It was in vain that the council of Cloveshoe thundered its anathemas against their disobedience : the new doctrine was supported by the wishes and the practice of the opulent ; and its toleration was at length extorted, on the condition, that the sinner should undergo, in person, a part at least of his penance. The thane, who determined to embrace this expedient, was commanded to lay aside his arms, to clothe himself in woollen or sackcloth, to walk barefoot, to carry in his hand the staff of a pilgrim, to maintain a certain number of poor, to watch during the night in the church, and, when he slept, to repose on the ground. ,. At his summons, his friends and dependents assembled at his castle : " Id. p. 98. Anno 747. 38 Nuper, say the bishops assembled at Cloveshoe, quidam dives petens rcconcilia- tionem pro magno quodam facinore suo citius sibi dari, afGrmavit idem hefas juxta aliorum promissa in tantum esse expiatum, ut si deinceps vivere posset trecentorum annorum nuroerum, pro eo plane his satisfactionum modis, per aliorum scilicet psalmo- diam, et jejunium, et eleemosynam persolutum esset, excepto illius jejunio, et quamvis ipse utciimque vel parum jejunaret. Ibid. p. 99. , ABSOLUTION. 129 they also assumed the garb of penitence : their food was confined to bread, herbs, and water: and these austerities were continue, till the aggregate amount of their fasts equalled the number spe- cified by the canons. Thus, with the assistance of one hundred and twenty associates, an opulent sinner might, in the short space of three days, discharge the penance of a whole year. But he was admonished that it was a doubtful and dangerous experi- ment : g,nd that, if he hoped to appease the anger of the Al- mighty, he must sanctify his repentance by true contrition of heart, by frequent donations to the poor, and by fervent prayer.^' How long this practice was tolerated, I am ignorant : but I have met with no instance of it, posterior to the reign of Edgar. While the penitent thus endeavoured to expiate his guilt, he looked forward with anxiety to the day which was to terminate his -labours, and restore him to the common privileges of the faithful. At the expiration, often before the expiration of his penance, he sought again the feet of his confessor, and solicited the benefit of absolution. But he was previously interrogated respecting his present dispositions, and the fidelity with which he had observed the injunctions of the canons. If his- reply proved satisfactory, if the amendment of his .conduct evinced the sincerity of his professions, the priest applauded his obedience, exhorted him to persevere,' and, extending his hand, pronounced over him the prayer of absolution. " The Almighty God, who created the heavens, the earth, and every creature, have mercy on thee, and forgive thee all the sins which thou hast committed from the time of thy baptism till this hour, through Jesus Christ our Lord.""" The joy of the penitent was complete. Confident that he was now restored to the favour of Heaven, he arose, assisted at the sacrifice of the mass, and sealed his reconciliation by receiving the body and blood of Christ, the sacrament of sal- vation, and the pledge of a glorious immortality. 39 See the chapter, Be mihcijum mannum : Wilk. p. 238. *° Se Selmihciga Dob J'e jej-ceop heopnap "] eojiJ>an C. ealTe je- fceajrCa jemiltpa J^e. ■] bo fe pppjy-pnyj-j'e ealjia JJinpa py-nna ]>e Jjuseppe jepojihceyc ppam pjiem^e ^mnep tpipcenbomej- o]? ^IJ- Clbe. MSS. Cott. Tib. A. 3. Did the Saxon Christians attach much import- ance to this rite of absolution? If we may beUeve Carte, (Hist. vol. i. p. 241,) and Henry, (Hist. vol. iii. p. 208,) they did not: but when they submitted to the ceremony of confession, their object was to team the decision of the penitentiary, not to obtain absolution. Alcuin, however, who may be supposed to have known the doctrine of bis countrymen as accurately as any modern historian, was of a different opinion. He informs us, that confession was necessary, because, without it, absolution could not bo obtained. Si peccata sacerdotibus non sunt prodenda, quare in sacramentario recon- ciliationis orationes scripts sunt? Quomodo sacerdos reconciliat, quern peccare non novit? Sacerdotes a Deo Christo cum Sanctis apostolis ligandi solveivdiqne potestatem accepisse credimus. Ale. ep. 71, edit. Duchesne. Ant. lect. Canisii, vol, ii, p. 416. " The sinner," says the Saxon homilist, " who- conceals his sins, lies dead in the gravt ; but if with sorrow he confess his sins, then he rises from the grave like Lazarus, at the command of Christ, and then shall his teacher unbind him from eternal punishment, as the apostles unbound the body of Ijazarus. JEic f yiljrult man ^e hip *17 130 ANTIQUITIES Or THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. CHAPTER VII. Euchological Ceremonies — Benediction of the Anglo-Saxon Knights — Of Marriages- Ordinations of the Clergy — Coronation of Kings — Dedication of Churches, I. The superstition of paganism had peopled the earth with gods ; and the sea and the air, every stream, grove, and fountain, possessed its peculiar and tutelary deity. The folly of the gnostics embraced the opposite extreme. In their eyes, the visi- ble creation was the work of the power of darkness : and the saint was frequently compelled, by the unhappy condition of his existence, to an involuntary co-operation with that malevolent being, whom hb professed to abhor. To combat these contra- dictory but popular errors, to teach her children that all things were created by the wisdom, and might be directed to the service of the Almighty, the Christian church was accustomed, from the earliest ages, to invoke, by set forms of prayer, the blessing of Heaven on whatever was adapted to the divine worship, or the support and convenience of man. In this respect her conduct was an exact copy of that which God had recommended to the Jewish legislator ; and was justified by the doctrine of the apos- tle, that " every creature of God is good, being sanctified by the word of God, and by prayer.'" From the sacramentary of Gelasius, these forms of benediction had passed to the sacra- mentary of St. Gregory ; and from that work they were tran- scribed into the rituals of the Anglo-Saxon church. The greater part of them would, perhaps, rather fatigue the patience, than interest the curiosity of the reader : these I shall therefore omit, and principally confine myself to the description of such, as had for their object to implore the divine blessing on the different states of society.. 1. That there existed among our ancestors from the earliest times, a species of knighthood or military distinction, which was afterwards commuted for the more splendid and romantic chivalry of later ages, has been satisfactorily proved by a recent historian.^ But at first it was a mere civil institution, unknown fynna bebijlaf. he \i6 beab on bypjene. ac gip he hip pynna jeanbecce ftnph onbpyp.bnypj'e. Konne jaej' he op ^aepe byjijene. ppa ppa Lazapup bybe ba ba Epipc hine apipan het. Sonne pceal pe lapeop hine unbinban pjiam %ani ecan pite ppa ppa fta apopcoli lichamlice Lazapum alypbon. Whel. p. 405. Also Wilk. p. 125. 127. 229. 238. See note (O.) ' 1 Tim. c. iv. V. 4, 5. 2 Mr. Turner, Hist, of Ihe Angl. Pax. vol. iv. p. 171, BENEDICTION OP KNIGHTS. 131 among the rites of ecclesiastical worship.^ Religion was the daughter of peace: she abhorred the -deeds of war; and refused to bless the arms which were destined to be stained with human blood. But in the revolution of a few centuries, the sentiments of men were altered. To unsheath the sword against the enemies of the nation ; to protect by force of arms the church, the widow, and the infant, were actions which humanity approved : the warrior, who hazarded his life in such laudable pursuits, de- served the blessing of Heaven ; and before the extinction of the Saxon dynasty, we behold the order of knighthood conferred with all the pomp of a religious ceremony. The youth, who aspired to this honour, was taught to repair on the preceding day to a priest, to confess his sins with compunction of heart, and to obtain the benefit of absolution. The succeeding night he spent in the church ; and by watching, devotion, and absti- nence, prepared himself for the approaching ceremony. In the morning, at the commencement of the mass, his sword was laid on the altar. After the gospel, the priest read over it the prayer of benediction, carried it to the knight, and laid it on his shoulder. The mass was then continued ; he received the eucharist, and from that moment was entitled to the rank and privileges of a legitimate miles.'' For this account we are indebted to the pen of Ingulph, where he relates the exploits of an Anglo-Saxon soldier, whose valour deserved and obtained the honour of knighthood. His name was Hereward. In his youth, the turbulence of his temper had alienated the affections of his family ; and by Edward the Con- fessor he was banished, at the request of his father, from his native country. In Northumberland, Cornwall, Ireland, and Flanders, the, bravery of the fugitive was exerted and admired ; his fame soon reached the ears of his countrymen ; the martial deeds of Hereward formed the subject of the most popular bal- lads; and his family were proud of the man whom they had formerly persecuted. When William the Conqueror landed in England, he returned to the defence of his country ; and at the head of his followers avenged the injuries which his mother had received from the invaders. It was at this period that he repaired to Peterborough, to obtain from the abbot Brand, his uncle, the ' It seems originally to have been conferred by the sovereign, and perhaps the more distinguished among the thanes, Alfred the Great is said by Malmsbury to have knighted his grandson Athelstan, 'while he was yet a child. Quern etiam prasmature militem fecerat, donatum chlamyde coccinea, gemmato balteo, ense Saxonico, cum vagina aurea. Malm, de Reg. p. 49. ^ Ingulf p. 70. I have not met with any Anglo-Saxon ritual, which mentions the prayer used on this occasion. In a MS. copy of the Sarum missal wvitten long after the conquest, it is as follows : — Deus concede huir famulo tuo, qui sincero corde gladio se primo nititur cingere militari, ut in omnibus c;alpa tuse virtuiis sit prntectus: et sicut David et Juilith contra gentis .'^UcE ho-^-tcs fnrtitudinis poteniiam ef victoriam tribuisti : ita tuo auxilio munitus conim liostiiim suroum sffivltiam victor ubiquc existat, et ad saiicts ccclesise tutchjm pruficiat. AmBn. 132 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. belt of knighthood." But the sequel proves, that Hereward was little better than a barbarian. His hatred to the Normans was incapable of distinguishing between friend and foe. His uncle died: Turold, a Norman, was appointed to s-ucceed him; and though Hereward had sworn fealty to the abbey, though the monks were his countrymen, and had been his benefactors, he determined to enrich himself by the plunder of their church. As the gate could not easily be forced, his impatience set fire to the nearest houses ; he burst through the flames, despised the fears and supplications of the brotherhood, and carried off the riches of the monastery. The spoils, which he thus sacrilegiously ac- quired, and the conflagration of the town and abbey, of which only the church and one apartment remained standing, are described with lamentations by the historians of Peterborough.® Courage appears to have supplied the place of every other virtue in the estimation of this Anglo-Saxon knight : and he is, unfor- tunately, the only one who has been transmitted to posterity in that character. II. The importance of conjugal fidelity was understood, and enforced by the ancient Saxons, even before their conversion to Christianity. The jealousy of the husband guarded with severity the honour of his bed ; and the offending wife was frequently com- pelled to be herself the executioner of his vengeance. With her own hands she fastened the halter to her neck ; her strangled body was thrown into the flames ; and over her ashes was sus- pended the partner of her guilt. On other occasions he delivered her to the women of the neighbourhood, who were eager to avenge on their unfortunate victim, the honour of the female character. They stripped her to the girdle, and scourged her from village to village, till she sunk under the severity of the punishment." But if the justice of the Saxons was inexorable to the disturbers of connubial happiness, they indulged them- selves in a greater latitude of choice than was conceded to the more polished nations, whom the wisdom of civil and religious legislators had restrained from marrying within certain degrees of kindred. The son hesitated not to take to his bed the relict of his deceased father-: nor was the widow of the dead ashamed to accept the hand of the surviving brother.^ These illicit unions shocked the piety of the first missionaries ; and to their anxious inquiries, Gregory the Great returned a moderate and prudent answer. He considered the ignorance of the Saxons as deserv- ing of pity rather than severity ; commanded the prohibition of marriage, which was regularly extended to the seventh, to be ' Ing. ibid. In the .council of London, held by St. Anaelm, in 1 108, this Anglo- Saxon custom was abolished, and the abbots were forbidden to confer the dignity of knighthood. Willc. Con. lom. i. p. 382. ' Hug. Cand. p. 48. Chron. Sax. p. 176. 1 Ep. St. Bonif. ad Ethellialil. apud Wilk. p. 88. •- Bd. apud Wilk. p. 20. MARRIAGE SETTLEMENTS. 133 restricted to the first and second generations; and advised the missionaries to separate the converts who were contracted within these degrees, and exhort them to marry again, according to the ecclesiastical canons.' The indulgence of the pontiff alarmed the zealots of Italy; and in a letter to Fehx, bishop of Messina, he condescended to justify his conduct, on the ground, that every possible concession ought to be made to the former habits of the proselytes ; and that it was his intention to restore the ancient discipline, in proportion as the necessity for its suspension de- creased.'" By the Saxon prelates, the will of the pontiff was understood, and gradually obeyed. In the eighth century, mar- riages within the fourth degree were strictly forbidden : and by the commencement of the eleventh, the prohibition was extended to the sixth." At this point it remained stationary till the Nor- man conquest. The age at which marriage might be lawfully contracted, was fifteen years in males, and fourteen in females.^^ As the pecu- niary compensations, with which the Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence abounded, were frequently levied on the relatives of the delin- quent, the suitor was compelled to obtain the consent, not only of the lady, but also of her family, and to give security by his friends, that "he desired to keep her according to the law of God, and as a man should keep his wife." The pecuniary arrange- ments next engaged their attention. That the parents bestowed any -part of their property on their daughter at her marriage, is not, I believe, hinted by any ancient writer ; but there can be no doubt that, at their death, she was equally entitled with the other children to a share in the succession. At first, however, the whole burden was laid on the shoulders of the husband ; and in the language of the Anglo-Saxon laws, he is said to buy, and her parents are said to sell to him, his wife. In a meeting with her forspeaker, he fixed the morgan-gift, or present which he intend- ed to make her for having accepted his offer ; assigned a suffi- cient provision for the maintenance of the children ; and deter- mined the value of her dower, if she were to survive him. That dower, adds the law, if they have issue, should be the whole, if they have not, the half of his property." The matrimonial pur- chase was now concluded. The bridegroom gave securities for the performance of the several articles; and the family of the bride engaged to deliver her to him, whenever they should be required. Three days before the day appointed for the consummation of the marriage, the bride and bridegroom, attended by their nearest 3 Bed. Ibid. '» Ep. Gri'g. ad Fe!. apud Smith, app. p. 685. 11 Wilk. Coil. p. 121.301. 12 PtEiiit. E?b. p. 120, xxvii. " Leges Eadmundi, inter T,eg. Sax. p. 75. M 134 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. relatives, presented themselves at the porch of the church, that the "priest might confirm their union by the blessing of God, in the fulness of prosperity."''' In his presence they mutually pledged their faith to each other ;" a ring was blessed and put on her finger; and the priest invoked the Almighty "to look down from Heaven on the holy contract, and pour his benedic- tion on the parties; to bless them as he blessed Tobias and Sarah; to protect them from all evil, grant them peace, and enrich them with every blessing, to the remission of sin, and acquisition of eternal life."" He then led them into the church to the chancel. The nuptial mass was celebrated : before the canon they pros- trated themselves at the lowest step of the altar ; and a purple veil was suspended over their heads. As soon as the pater noster had been recited, the priest turned towards them, and repeated the prayer of benediction. " God, who by thy power didst create all things out of nothing, and having made man to thy own likeness, didst form woman from the side of man, to show that no separation should divide those who were made of one flesh ; God, who by so excellent a mystery didst consecrate the nup- tial contract, making it a figure of the sacrament of Christ and thy church; God, by whom woman is joined to man, and a blessing has been granted to marriage, which was not taken away either by the punishment of original sin, or the waters of the deluge ; look down, we beseech thee, on this thy servant, who begs to be surrounded with thy protection. May the yoke of marriage be to her a yoke of peace and love : may she marry faithful and chaste in Christ : may she imitate the holy women who have gone before her. Let her be lovely as Rachel in the eyes of her husband ; wise as Rebecca ; long lived and faithful as Sarah. May she remain true, obedient, and bound to one bed. May she fl.ee all unlawful engagements, and, by the power of discipline, strengthen her weakness. Make her fruitful in her offspring, reputable and virtuous in life. Grant that she may arrive at the rest of the saints, and the kingdom of heaven : that she may live to a good old age, and see the children of her child- ren to the third and fourth generation, through Christ, our Lord. Amen."" At the Conclusion of the prayer they arose, gave each other the kiss of peace, and received the eucharist. On the third " Ibid. '* I have not been able to discover the form of vfords, in which the marriage contract was expressed by the Anglo-Saxons. The most ancient formula, with which I am acquninted, occurs in the constitutions of Richard de Marisco, bishop of Durham, in the beginning of the thirteenth century. At that time the bridegroom was accustomed to say : " I take thee. N, for my wife." To which the bride rejoined : " I take thee, N, for my husband." Const. Rich, de Maris, apud Wilk. torn. i. p. 582. '" Ritual. Dunel. MS. A. iv. 19, p. 53. This ritual is very ancient, and contains on inlerlineary version, which appears to be written by the same person who wrol« the iriterlineary version in the Durham book of Gospels, (British Mus. Nev. D. 4.) If this be true, the ritual most have been in u.se before the close of the seventh century. '■ Ibid. p. 52. CONSECRATION OP VIRGINS. 135 day they returned to the churcli, assisted, without communicat- ing, at the mass, and from that hour Uved together as husband and wife.'* III. " He that giveth his virgin in marriage, doeth well ; but he that giveth her not in marriage, doeth better," was the in- spired decision of an apostle.*^ If the Anglo-Saxon church was careful to invoke the graces of Heaven, on the matrimonial union, she was not less liberal of her benedictions to the virgins, who had preferred an immortal spouse, and resolved to dedicate their chastity to God. The consummation of their sacrifice was con- ducted with the most impressive solemnity. Monks and nuns might profess their obedience to a particular monastic rule in the hands of the abbot or abbess : but the consecration of a virgin was considered of greater importance ; it was exclusively re- served to the ministry of the bishop,^" and attached to the princi- pal festivals of the year ; and at Easter, the Epiphany, and on the feasts of the apostles, in the presence of the people, before the altar, and at the feet of the chief pastor, the voluntary victim renounced the pleasures of the world, that she might obtain a future but immortal crown.^' The eagerness of youth was, how- ever, repressed by the wisdom of the church; the votary was commanded to wait till the stability of her determination had been proved by experience ; and, that she might not afterwards accuse her caprice or temerity, her solemn vow was retarded till she had reached her twenty-fifth year.^^ On the appointed day, the habit appropriated to her profession was blessed by the bishop. When he commenced the office of the mass, she dressed herself in a private room ; and, at some period before the offer- tory, was introduced into the church, and led to the foot of the altar. Turning towards her, in a short address he explained the nature of the sacrifice, which it was her intention to make, and admonished her of the obligations which it imposed. If she still persisted, he inquired whether her determination had been sanc- tioned by the consent of her parents ; and having received a satisfactory answer, placed his hands upon her heac^ and pro- nounced the prayer of consecration.^ " Be thou blessed by the Creator of heaven and earth, the Father, God omnipotent, who has chosen thee like the holy Mary, mother of our Lord Jesus Christ, to preserve pure and imniaculate the virginity, which thou hast promised before God, and his holy angels. Persevere therefore in thy resolution ; preserve thy chastity with patience ; and keep thyself worthy to receive the crown of virginity." " Be thou blessed with every spiritual blessing by God, the ■» Wilk. p. 131, xxi. 's 1 Cor. vii. ."JS. 20 Mart. 1. ii. c. vi. p. 111. Spicil. torn. ix. p. 54. 2' Excerp. Egb. apud Wilk. p. 106, xcii. 22 Td. Fbid. xciii. 2< Martene de Rit. 1. ii. c. 6, p. U2. 136 ANTIQUITIES OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH. Father, the Sou, and the Holy Ghost, that thou may remain pure, chaste, and immaculate. May the spirit of wisdom and under- standing, the spirit of counsel and fortitude, the spirit of know- ledge and piety, the spirit of the fear of the Lord, rest upon thee. May he strengthen thy weakness, and confirm thy strength. May he govern all thy actions, purify thy thoughts, and enrich thee with every virtue. Have always before thy eyes Him whom one day thou wilt have for thy judge.- Make it thy care, that when thou shalt enter the chamber of thy spouse, he may meet thee with joy and kindness ; that when the dread- ful day shall come, which is to reward the just and punish the wicked, the avenging flame may find nothing in thee to burn, but the divine mercy may find much to reward. Serve thy God with a pure heart, that thou may hereafter be associated to the one hundred and forty thousand virgins, who follow the Lamb, and sing a new canticle : and may he bless thee from heaven, who vouchsafed to descend upon earth and redeem mankind by dying on a cross, Christ Jesus, our Lord." The bishop then placed the consecrated veil on her head with these words : " Receive, daughter, this covering, which thou maji'est carry without stain before the tribunal of Christ, to whom bows every knee of things in heaven, on earth, and under the earth." As he finished, the church rang with the acclamations of the people, who cried, amen. The mass was continued, she received the holy communion, and at the conclusion the bishop once more gave her his benediction. " Pour forth, Lord, thy heavenly blessing on this thy servant, our sister, who has hum- bled herself under thy hand. Amen. Cover her with Ihy pro- tection. Amen. May she avoid all sin, know the good things prepared for her, and seek the reward of thy hfeavenly kingdom. Amen. May she obey thy commandments', by thy grace resist the impulse of passion, and beair in her hand the lamp of holi- ness. Amen. May she deserve to enter the gates of the hea- venly kingdom, in the company of the wise and chaste. Amen. May he grant this, whose empire remains for eternity. Amen. The blessing of God, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, remain with thee here, and forever. Amen."^ By this ceremony she was said, in the language of the time, to have been wedded to Christ.^' She was called the bride of Christ,''^ and as her spouse could not die, the engagement which '* This account is taken from tlie pontifical of Archbishop Egbert, transcribed by Martene, ibid. p. 116. The original MS. is now in the library of St. Genevieve at Palis. It is described in nearly the same manner in Kit. Dunel. MS. p. 30 : and in the Anglo-Saxon pontifical which was preserved at Jumiege, Mart. p. 120. The consecration of a widow was performed with less ceremony. The veil was placed on her head privately by a priest, with the same words as above, ibid, and Martene, p. 146. a-'^Dobe pylpiim bej>ebbob. PcEnit. Egb. p. 136. 2f Myneceiie %e Dobcj- bpyb \)\\ jeliacen. Id. ibid. p. 131. ORDINATIONS. 137 she had contracted was deemed irrevocable by the laws both of the church and the state. Each violation of chastity subjected her to a course of penance during seven years :^^'jand if she pre- sumed to marry, the marriage was declared invalid ; and the parties were excommunicated, ordered to separate, and to do penance during the remainder of their lives.^^ Should they elude the execution of this regulation, anpther law deprived her of her dower after the death of her reputed husband, pronounced her children illegitimate, and rendered them incapable of inheriting the property of their father.^' IV. Under the Mosaic dispensation, God himself had conde- scended to describe the various rites, by which Aaron and his sons should be consecrated to his service : in the infancy of the Christian church, a more simple ceremohy appears to have been taught by Christ to his apostles, and the dignity and grace of the priestlfood were conferred by prayer and the imposition of hands.^° While the number of the converts was small, a single minister was, in many places, sufficient to perform all the duties of religious worship : but with the increase of the faithful, and the influx of wealth, a more numerous and splendid establish- ment was adopted ; and a regular gradation of office conducted the young ecclesiastic ftom the humble station of porter to the more honourable rank of deacon, priest, or bishop. In each order his fidelity underwent a long probation: but his persever- ance was rewarded with promotion ; and at each step a new ordination reminded him of his additional obligations, and in- voked in his favour the benediction of Heaven. In the Anglo- Saxon church the clergy was constituted after the Roman model : and the hierarchy consisted of porters,lectors, exorcists, acolythists, subdeacong, deacons, and priests. The seventh order (that of the priesthood) was subdivided into two classes, of bishops, who pos- sessed it in all its plentitude, and of priests, whose ministry was restricted to the exercise of those functions, which, from their importance and frequent recurrence^ demanded the assistance of numerous co-operators. "The bishop and the priest," says ^Ifric in his charge to theclergy, " both belong to the same order : but one is superior to> the other. Besides the functions which are common to- both, it is the office of the bishop to ordain, to confirm, to bless the holy oils, and to dedicate churches : for it would be too- much if these powers had been comrauuicated-to all priests.'"' • s' Id. p. 118, xiH. 28 Id. p. 131, Kviir.. Conci C^cuith. p. 149, xvi. 29 Leg. eccles. ^Elfrid^p. 192, vk. so 1 Tim. iii. 14. 31 ^Ifric. ep. ad Wulfsin. inter Leg. Sax. p. 155. Ep. a