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Cornell University Library 
 JK 1758.B6 
 
 Essentials of Americanization, 
 
 3 1924 014 468 262 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924014468262 
 
Essentials of Americanization 
 
ESSENTIALS OF 
 
 AMERICANIZATION 
 
 BY 
 
 EMORY S. BOGARDUS, PH.D. 
 
 PROFESSOR AND HEAD OF DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY 
 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA 
 
 author of Introduction to Sociology and 
 Essentials of Social Psychology 
 
 1919 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA PRESS 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
Copyright 1919 
 
 University of Southern California Press 
 
 Published July 1, 1919 
 
 Jesse Ray Miller 
 
 University of Southern California Press 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
DEDICATED TO 
 RUTH MILDRED BOGARDUS 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PART ONE 
 Americanization and American Traits 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. The Scope of Americanization 11 
 
 II. American Traits: Liberty and Self-Reliance . . 23 
 
 III. American Traits: Union and Co-operation . .33 
 
 IV. American Traits: Democracy and the Square Deal 41 
 V. American Traits: Internationalism and Brotherhood 59 
 
 VI. The Racial History of Americanism . . . .67 
 
 PART TWO 
 
 The Native-Born and American Traits 
 
 VII. The Average American 77 
 
 VIII. The American Indian . .... 94 
 
 IX. The Negro 103 
 
 X. The Appalachian Mountaineer .... 117 
 
 PART THREE 
 The Foreign-Born and American Traits 
 
 XI. The North European Immigrant 127 
 
 XII. The South European Immigrant .... 140 
 
 XIII. The Slavic Immigrant . . ... 147 
 
 XIV. The Hebrew Immigrant 159 
 
 XV. The Asiatic Immigrant 167 
 
 XVI. The Mexican Immigrant ... .179 
 
 PART FOUR 
 Methods of Americanization 
 
 XVII. Americanization: The Native-Born .... 185 
 
 XVIII. Americanization: The Foreign-Born . . . 195 
 
 XIX. Americanization: The Foreign-Born (cont.) . . 207 
 
 APPENDIXES 
 
 A. Brief Original Statements of American Ideals . . 227 
 
 B. Suggestions to Speakers on Americanization . . 257 
 
 C. Problems in Americanization 267 
 
 D. Selected Readings 277 
 
 Index 295 
 
PREFACE 
 
 To Help Win the War for Democracy is the 
 main purpose of this book. The overthrowing of 
 the Prussian autocracy was one vital phase of the 
 struggle for democratic principles. The perfecting 
 of our American democracy is another important 
 aspect of this world-wide problem. That this volume 
 will assist the cause of democracy, in some small 
 way, is the hope of the author. 
 
 The Federal government has directed our atten- 
 tion officially to the subject of Americanization. 
 Through the recently established Division of Amer- 
 icanization, the entire country is being organized for 
 that work. To aid in this splendid undertaking is 
 the second aim of the writer. 
 
 There are many private and semi-public organi- 
 zations which are carrying on unrelated plans of 
 assimilation. In the activities of some of these or- 
 ganizations, Americanization is receiving a narrow- 
 minded and autocratic expression. It will fail 
 wherever it denies the validity of comprehensive 
 and fundamental principles. We dare not base it 
 chiefly on compulsion. We must make it attractive 
 and magnetic and just. To help meet this need is 
 the third leading purpose which has caused the 
 writing of this treatise. 
 
 This volume is based on the experiences of living 
 in Chicago at Northwestern University Settlement, 
 
10 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 which is surrounded by thousands of representatives 
 of thirty leading races from all parts of the world; 
 it is an outgrowth of subsequent immigration inves- 
 tigations; it is an expression of experiences gained 
 from teaching foreign-born laborers ; it is a result of 
 teaching the subject of "Americanization and Immi- 
 gration" to university students during the past 
 seven years. 
 
 Emory S. Bogardus. 
 
 University of Southern California. 
 February 21 , IQIQ. 
 
ESSENTIALS OF AMERICANIZATION 
 PART ONE 
 
 AMERICANIZATION AND AMERICAN 
 TRAITS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 The Scope of Americanization 
 
 Americanizati on is the educational process of uni- 
 fying both native-born and foreign-born Americans 
 in"peTfe ct~suppor t of the principles of liberty, union, 
 democracy, and brotherhood. It selects and pre- 
 serves the best qualities in our past and present 
 Americanism; it singles out and fosters such traits 
 of the foreign-born as will contribute to the welfare 
 of our people. The native-born, like the newcomers, 
 must experience the process of Americanization. 
 The former have twenty-one years (politically) to 
 reach the goal; the latter, five years. The former 
 have the social advantage of being born into an 
 American environment; the latter, the social dis- 
 advantage of having to break with habits and cus- 
 toms arising out of sacred but alien associations. 
 The former in the years of youth and leisure are 
 surrounded in the home and school by American 
 teachings; the latter are obliged oftentimes to learn 
 
12 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 a new language and new customs in the mature years 
 of life, handicapped by long hours of routine 
 labor and despite little positive encouragement and 
 sympathy. 
 
 The current emphasis upon Americanization had 
 its origin in 1914 when the European War started 
 and a renaissance of nationalism occurred. Amer- 
 icanization Day had its beginning on July 4, 1914, 
 in Cleveland, Ohio; it was fathered by the "sane 
 Fourth committee." In 1915 at least 150 cities ob- 
 served Americanization Day. In that same year, 
 the National Americanization Committee was or- 
 ganized by the Committee for Immigrants in Amer- 
 ica for the purpose of furthering a nationalization 
 movement that would unify the various peoples in 
 the United States. 
 
 In 1918, the government undertook specific 
 Americanization work. In the Department of the 
 Interior, the Bureau of Education outlined an 
 Americanization program which has been endorsed 
 and furthered by the National and State Councils 
 of Defense and which has resulted in the appoint- 
 ment of county Americanization councils, and of 
 regional directors under the supervision of the 
 Division of Americanization of the Bureau of 
 Education. 
 
 The Americanization movement, however, has 
 not gone forward satisfactorily. 1 Lack of under- 
 
 *At the Conference on Americanization which was called by the 
 Secretary of the Interior and held in Washington, D. C, on April 
 3, 1918, it was reported that six Federal departments and many 
 semi-public and self-appointed organizations were sending out com- 
 munications on Americanization. The situation, however, is being 
 
Scope of Americanization 13 
 
 standing and interest has blocked the highways to 
 action; pseudo-patriotic utterances have prevented, 
 frequently, clear thinking upon the subject. The 
 facetious statement that there are "fifty-seven va- 
 rieties" of Americanism is not altogether ground- 
 less. Since the declaration of war in 1917, some of 
 the elements of Americanism have disappeared, a 
 few of the elements have united into ugly con- 
 glomerates, while others have exhibited the qual- 
 ities of solid ores carrying pure American qualities. 
 Americanization is being defined in certain places 
 with total disregard of its true foundations, the 
 principles of genuine Americanism, and without 
 realization that it is not to be confined to European 
 immigrants alone. Historic slogans and battle cries 
 are uttered glibly or hurled with fervor upon crowds 
 whose feelings are likely to explode in applause 
 more or less automatically; basic, rational principles 
 of American progress are often ignored. More- 
 over, myopically to Americanize the immigrant 
 from Europe and to feel thereby that the heights 
 and breadths of Americanization have been reached 
 reveals a pitifully small concept of the theme. The 
 following definitions of Americanization are entirely 
 unsatisfactory : 
 
 (a) Americanization means teaching English and civics to 
 foreigners in order to enable them to secure naturali- 
 zation papers. 
 
 remedied. In January, 1919, the Division of Americanization an- 
 nounced that Americanization work had been apportioned between 
 said Division and the Bureau of Naturalization. Moreover a fur- 
 ther co-ordination of Americanization agencies is being effected by 
 the Federal Division. 
 
14 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 (b) Americanization is virtually a patronizing program 
 based upon the ignorance of the foreigner and upon 
 the superiority of the native-born. 
 
 Commendable interpretations of Americanization 
 are given herewith : 
 
 (a) Americanization is an entering into the spirit of our 
 country. 
 
 (b) Americanization teaches the duty of the host, not less 
 than the duty of the newcomer. 
 
 (c) Americanization means helping the foreigner to ac- 
 quire an American standard of living and an Amer- 
 ican loyalty. 
 
 (d) Americanization means giving the immigrant the best 
 America has to offer and retaining for America the 
 best in the immigrant. 
 
 (e) Americanization is that branch of political science 
 dealing with the assimilation and amalgamation of 
 diverse races in equity into an integral part of Amer- 
 ican national life. 
 
 (f) Americanization is the uniting of new with native- 
 born Americans in fuller common understanding and 
 appreciation to secure by means of self-government the 
 highest welfare of all. 
 
 (g) Americanization means to "form a more perfect 
 Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, 
 provide for the common defense, promote the gen- 
 eral welfare and secure the blessings of Liberty." 
 
 Americanization must begin at home. Americans 
 must enter upon a new understanding of the prin- 
 ciples of Americanism; they must unifiedly accept 
 the tasks of translating these standards into mu- 
 
Scope of Americanization 15 
 
 tually advantageous actions and into helpful atti- 
 tudes toward the strangers within our gates. The 
 alien cannot be compelled to love America; only 
 love begets love. The practice for decades of call- 
 ing the immigrant "names," of applying unpleasant 
 epithets to races, of looking askance at the Slav as 
 a "Hunkie," at the Jew as a "Sheeny," at the Italian 
 as a "Dago," cannot be overcome by mere changes 
 in phrasing. Rectification of the wrongs done and 
 alleviation of the disagreeable feelings aroused 
 must go deeper. Through constructive attitudes 
 toward and dealings with the immigrant, the aver- 
 age American can do more in the promotion of 
 Americanization than by any other method. By re- 
 lieving the immigrants from contact with diseases 
 caused by unsanitary housing, from suffering due to 
 malnutrition, from the hopeless combat with the 
 mounting cost of living, from the withering glance 
 of race prejudice or class scorn, we can best ad- 
 vance the cause of American democracy. We must 
 no longer be content to sing national songs imper- 
 fectly remembered; we must become clear-headed, 
 socialized personifications of the noblest phases of 
 Americanism. A program for educating the foreign- 
 born in terms of unselfish national loyalty must be- 
 gin with the native-born; the latter must set the 
 highest examples of public service; they must lead 
 the way by first inaugurating, in the words of Presi- 
 dent Wilson, "a process of self-examination, a 
 process of purification, a process of rededication." 2 
 
 2 Frorn address delivered before the Citizenship Convention, 
 Washington. D. C, July 13, 1916. 
 
16 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 They must renounce any remaining forms of ego- 
 centric doctrines, such as, money before public wel- 
 fare, or profits at any human cost. 
 
 Americanization begins with an examination of 
 American traits and ends with the perfecting of an 
 assimilation movement that includes young and old, 
 white, yellow, red, and black, native-born and 
 foreign-born. We may consider the "Mayflower" 
 Compact as the initial statement of Americanism, 
 the Declaration of Independence, Washington's ad- 
 dresses, and Lincoln's speeches as illustrations of 
 the intermediary transitions, and President Wilson's 
 current addresses as the latest revision. But Amer- 
 icanism is more a matter of the present than of the 
 past, and of the future than of the present. It has 
 four fundamental sets of characteristics : liberty and 
 self-reliance, union and co-operation, democracy and 
 the square deal, internationalism and brotherhood. 
 
 Our national purposes must be clearly stated, 
 spread everywhere, and accepted throughout the 
 land. In taking the far-reaching step of making our 
 nation telic, of declaring definite national aims, and 
 of projecting our future purposes we must make 
 choices in harmony with world welfare. It will be 
 necessary continually to shun the paths which lead 
 to the broad, spectacular road of autocracy, im- 
 perialism, ambition for world-domination, injustice 
 in dealing with weak nations, classes, or persons. It 
 will be a continual struggle to maintain ourselves 
 upon the narrow, rugged road of national self- 
 abnegation, of the "square deal" to weak and strong 
 alike, of championing the rights of mankind. 
 
Scope of Americanization 17 
 
 The first group to respond to Americanization, 
 then, must be the native-born Americans. With 
 American principles understood by all native Amer- 
 icans and stated in terms ranging from personal to 
 world-wide democracy, Americanization can go for- 
 ward. When war was declared between the United 
 States and Germany, there were Americans of na- 
 tive birth who acted as though they were thinking 
 of the impending conflict in terms of individual gain 
 and were asking themselves the question, not "How 
 can I serve my nation most unselfishly?" but "What 
 is there in it for me?" There were persons who 
 looked upon the manufacturing of munitions of war, 
 the building of ships and aircraft as so many op- 
 portunities for piling up profits. There were others 
 who thought of strikes, sabotage, direct action in 
 blocking war manufactures as emergency oppor- 
 tunities for demanding higher wages. 
 
 A second, small but important, group which must 
 be included in our program of Americanization is 
 that composed of the original Americans — the In- 
 dians. Numbering more than 250,000, they have 
 become a broken, dispirited, and defeated people; 
 they are not an integral part of our present-day 
 American life ; their best qualities have not been 
 utilized in the making of America. They have 
 much to offer that we need in the building of a 
 strong American type. 
 
 A third group, large and portentous, comprising 
 11,000,000 black folk, must have a place in our 
 Americanization activities. Although the Negroes 
 are native-born, speak the English language, and 
 
18 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 have adopted the rudimentary cultural standards of 
 the white people, they have lived long in the land 
 without adequate economic and educational oppor- 
 tunities, and they have not reached a level where 
 they fully appreciate Americanism. They have been 
 the victims of such an extensive segregation move- 
 ment, following the days of slavery and reconstruc- 
 tion, that a startling degree of stupid misunderstand- 
 ing and blind race prejudice has been fanned, at 
 times, to flames. The Negro problem is the leading 
 race question in the United States today. It under- 
 lies the welfare of the nation; it demands the salu- 
 tary leavening influences of an adequate American- 
 ization spirit. 
 
 Then there is another portion of our native 
 population which comes within the scope of Amer- 
 icanization — the Appalachian mountaineers. The 
 undeveloped mountain peoples of Appalachia, pos- 
 sessing a patriotism of the eighteenth century type 
 and a daily thought-life that runs even farther back, 
 are distinctly removed in many ways from our 
 twentieth century American ideals. A strong, socially- 
 minded, democratically-realized America cannot be 
 constructed until the two million or more mountain- 
 isolated natives come into harmonious participation 
 in the personal, national, and international move- 
 ments of the day. 
 
 The red American Indian, the black African, and 
 the white mountaineer — all native Americans — must 
 be given an education which will enable them to 
 understand and to translate twentieth century Amer- 
 icanism into normal attitudes and activities. Each 
 
Scope of Americanization 19 
 
 group has excellent traits to contribute to Amer- 
 ica; thus far each has been prevented from 
 bringing his best gifts to and receiving the best 
 stimuli from America. 
 
 At this point, we turn from the native to the 
 foreign-born. There are about 15,000,000 Euro- 
 pean-born immigrants in the 'United States (esti- 
 mated, 1919). Under the belief that the melting- 
 pot process has been assimilating the European 
 immigrants satisfactorily, reputable Americans have 
 rested content. Hundreds of thousands of adult 
 aliens, however, have been working in mines, mills, 
 and factories, and living in tenements or under 
 "boarding-boss" conditions without becoming Amer- 
 icanized. When war was declared in 1917 and the 
 United States needed the individual and whole- 
 hearted loyalty of all her peoples, many of the 
 foreign-born from -across the Atlantic responded 
 with disturbing reluctance. They had known Amer- 
 ica, not at her best, but at her worst. In 1918 in 
 one factory alone in New York City there were 700 
 employees making uniforms for the soldiers of the 
 United States, of which number not one could speak 
 English. It was reported that there were 40,000 
 men in the first draft who did not know enough 
 English to understand the simplest army orders; 
 that there were half a million men and women in 
 New York City alone who could not speak, read, 
 or write English; that there was a total of about 
 three million adult immigrants in this country who 
 could not understand or speak English; that there 
 were nine million adults who were reading almost 
 
20 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 exclusively the foreign language newspapers. Over- 
 crowded slums, temporary shacks whose filthiness 
 had become permanent, the twelve-hour day and the 
 seven-day week, working and living conditions that 
 were unsanitary and destructive of moral living, the 
 open saloon — these were the leading factors that 
 had been "Americanizing" many European immi- 
 grants. 
 
 The foreign-born from Eastern Asia present spe- 
 cial problems. Seventy years after their first advent, 
 they remain, as a rule, unfitted into the mosaic of 
 American life. In our Chinese legislation, we have 
 publicly stamped skilled and unskilled Chinese, ir- 
 respective of their personal character and poten- 
 tiality, as unworthy persons in freedom's land. We 
 have seemed to want them only for their economic 
 value. Because excellent methods have been out- 
 lined for protecting us from a flood of Chinese im- 
 migrants, and for treating China in this matter as 
 a self-respecting nation, our racial and wholesale 
 condemnation of the Chinese puts us in an essen- 
 tially unAmerican light before the new Chinese 
 Republic. China is still in the swaddling clothes of 
 democracy and is beholding with wondering eyes 
 America's, interpretation of democracy in her deal- 
 ing with Chinese immigrants. 
 
 The Japanese in our country, with a few excep- 
 tions, are an unAmerican portion of our popula- 
 tion. Not only were they not being Americanized, 
 but their mother country was being alienated by our 
 treatment of the fundamental issues until the devel- 
 oping exigencies of the European War caused the 
 
Scope of Americanization 21 
 
 dissatisfactions temporarily to be laid aside. Cali- 
 fornia, justly desirous of protecting herself against 
 a large Japanese immigration, passed a land law in 
 1913 which put immigrants from Japan — a nation 
 of recognized standing among the nations of the 
 world, and in the war against Germany to become 
 one of America's allies — upon a plane of forbidden 
 land-ownership, while it left aliens from fifth-rate 
 nations, such as Turkey, upon the higher level of 
 permissible land-ownership. Our Americanization 
 program must provide valid national solutions of 
 the questions arising out of Japanese immigration. 
 
 Another racial problem in the United States has 
 recently developed sinister aspects. Mexicans, rep- 
 resenting in general a low economic, social, and 
 political level, have been brought into our country in 
 large numbers to meet unskilled labor needs in the 
 Southwestern States: California, Arizona, New 
 Mexico, and Texas. Many are transient; but grow- 
 ing numbers are settling permanently in the United 
 States. No large-scale movement is on foot to help 
 either group of Mexicans to understand us or to 
 adopt our higher mode of living. The Mexican 
 immigrants are relatively an uneducated class who 
 are not learning to love our country. On occa- 
 sion, they even become suspicious of our ways and 
 motives. Because of the proximity of their home- 
 land and of the delicate international relations be- 
 tween Mexico and the United States, the scope of 
 our sympathetic Americanization vision must be ex- 
 tended to include the Mexican immigrant. 
 
 The hour has struck for a clear, concrete under- 
 
22 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 standing of American traits and for an educational 
 movement which will interpret America's ideals in 
 deeds as well as words to every inhabitant of our 
 country, from youthful to aged, and from native to 
 foreign-born. The time has come for an Amer- 
 icanization program that will transform the polygot, 
 heterogeneous elements of the nation into a Unified 
 as well as a United States. 
 
 America must know herself; she must take stock 
 of her human resources, losses, and gains ; she must 
 plan her future. But in making her human inven- 
 tory and in determining consciously her destiny, she 
 must beware of the footsteps of Prussian autocracy. 
 She must transform her imperfect democracy, not 
 into another strong nation-state after the manner of 
 Prussian leadership, but into a perfected democracy 
 dedicated to the task of pushing forward the prin- 
 ciples of democracy throughout the world. 
 
 Genuine Americanism emanates, not from a profit- 
 eering, "patrioteering" type of nationalism, but 
 from an understanding of all the multifarious and 
 dissident racial and individual elements in our na- 
 tion, and from a loyalty to the nation which is open, 
 public-spirited, progressive, and planetary. Amer- 
 icanization is the process of enabling all inhabitants 
 of America to live democratically with each other 
 and with the world. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 American Traits: Liberty and Self-Reliance 
 
 An Americanization program cannot be promul- 
 gated until common agreement is reached in regard 
 to the meaning of American traits. The "fifty-seven 
 varieties" of Americanism must be analyzed; their 
 constructive elements must be unified; the rest must 
 be discarded. We, the current makers of Amer- 
 icanism, need to become thoroughly grounded in its 
 history and nature. The four groups of American 
 traits which will be presented in this chapter and the 
 three chapters which immediately follow are these : 
 (1) liberty and self-reliance; (2) union and co- 
 operation; (3) democracy and the square deal; and 
 (4) internationalism and brotherhood. 
 
 Liberty and self-reliance have constituted the 
 most striking aspects of American life and character. 
 It was these traits which dominated the 120 men 
 who braved the sailing vessel perils of an unknown 
 Atlantic and took up settlement in 1608 on the 
 James River, courageously facing malaria, Indian 
 hostility, gaunt famine, and rampant death. Since 
 the migration of the Virginia colonists was moti- 
 vated in part by the desire to seek the reported fabu- 
 lous wealth and the new lands of America, the lib- 
 erty-loving spirit did not come politically to the 
 front until 1618 when the Virginians secured the 
 
24 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 right to elect their own legislative assembly and thus 
 to establish representative government in America. 
 The initial representative assembly in America, 
 chosen by the free colonists of Virginia, convened on 
 July 30, 1619 — the same year in which twenty-one 
 Negro slaves were introduced into Virginia. 
 
 The migration of the Pilgrims was primarily the 
 outgrowth of the desire for moral and religious 
 liberty. The Americanism of the "Mayflower" cov- 
 enanters sprang from an indomitable desire for 
 liberty — liberty to establish a new form of worship. 
 It was from a church that the Pilgrims started on 
 the long journey to America. From the church to 
 the harbor of Delft Haven the procession was led 
 by John Robinson, who carried an open Bible on 
 his hands and who read the following Divine injunc- 
 tion : "Get thee out of thy country, and from thy 
 kindred and from thy father's house, unto the land 
 that I will show thee; and I will make of thee a 
 great nation; and in thee shall all the families of 
 the earth be blessed." 
 
 The Pilgrims and Puritans alike sought religious 
 liberty. Out of this search grew the constitutional 
 provision that religious beliefs shall prevent no one 
 from governmental preferment. According to the 
 first amendment to the Constitution, Congress is for- 
 bidden to make any law prohibiting the free exer- 
 cise of any religion or prohibiting the establish- 
 ment of any religion. Thus, religious liberty was 
 guaranteed. 
 
 In his Farewell Address, Washington designated 
 religion and morality as necessary corner stones for 
 
Liberty and Self-Reliance 25 
 
 the political structure, even though the church and 
 the government were to be kept separate. The 
 United States has demonstrated to the Old World 
 for many scores of years that religion can thrive 
 and can permeate the nation without the interven- 
 tion of government and of a State church. Puritan 
 morality, also, has contributed vitally to Amer- 
 ican life. Although too rigid, the moral discipline 
 enjoined by Puritanism served to curb the lower hu- 
 man instincts which lead to self indulgences and 
 social enervation. Religious liberty and moral 
 stamina have become outstanding American traits. 
 It was out of the search for religious freedom by 
 the Pilgrims that there arose in New England in the 
 seventeenth century the demand for a government 
 based on the principles of individual liberty and 
 popular sovereignty. Throughout the succeeding 
 century and in colony after colony, liberty became 
 the dynamic watchword. It reached tangible ex- 
 pression in various ways — strikingly so through the 
 New England town-meeting. Newcoming immi- 
 grants served as fresh reserves in building up the 
 spirit of the new Americanism. In the decades fol- 
 lowing the year 1710, thousands of Ulstermen 
 (or Scotch-Irish) brought a soul-stirring passion for 
 freedom. When the Liberty Bell, symbolizing 
 eighteenth century Americanism, was recast in 1753, 
 it bore a message which proclaimed the earnest and 
 common wish, not only of the people of Philadel- 
 phia and of the central colonies, but of all the 
 colonists, namely: "Proclaim liberty throughout all 
 
26 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof." 1 Liberty 
 became the swelling chord which was to free a 
 people from arbitrary rule. 
 
 Then appeared in Virginia the impassioned 
 spokesman of incipient Americanism, Patrick Henry, 
 who gave a larger meaning to the concept of liberty 
 and who united the heart-yearnings of the colonists. 
 In 1765, he uttered a daring public warning to King 
 George to beware of his inordinate desire for po- 
 litical domination. In March, 1775, the delegate 
 from Hanover County arose to speak in a small 
 rural church in the midst of a Virginia wilderness; 
 it was he who was to give the country its watch- 
 word, to give it at the critical hour, and to give 
 it brilliantly. With absolute fearlessness, Patrick 
 Henry declared that "war is inevitable," and 
 piercing the misty future he pointed out the basis 
 of ultimate victory, when he asserted that his coun- 
 trymen "armed in the holy cause of liberty are in- 
 vincible." With consuming passion, he exclaimed 
 that "life is not so dear, nor peace so sweet, as to 
 be purchased at the price of chains and slavery." 
 Then, towering in conscious strength — a standard- 
 bearer of the Most High — he hurled forth the call 
 to arms, and issued his world-wide and time-long 
 challenge, the unconditional demand: "Give me lib- 
 erty, or give me death I" 
 
 That personification of the spirit of liberty, elec- 
 trified the old church, leaped the boundaries of 
 
 'The fact that the words inscribed upon the Liberty Bell were 
 taken from Leviticus XXV :10, again illustrates the religious in- 
 terest of the founders of America. 
 
Liberty and Self-Reliancc 27 
 
 Virginia, sent a thrill through distant Concord and 
 Lexington, vaulted the Atlantic, shook the throne of 
 the British Empire, and won the undying allegiance 
 of LaFayette, Kosciuszko, and patriots everywhere. 
 It drew forth heroes all the way from the planta- 
 tions of the Carolinas to the sugar-camps of Ver- 
 mont; it united Massachusetts and Virginia; it gave 
 the inspiration which welded together the hetero- 
 geneous colonial pioneers of freedom and laid the 
 foundations for the establishment of the American 
 Union. 
 
 In the following year, the democratic and peace- 
 loving pen of Thomas Jefferson formulated in im- 
 mortal but abstract terms the principles of freedom 
 which Patrick Henry had painted in burning colors. 
 To Jefferson, liberty meant equality before the law 
 of the land; it connoted a freedom which guaran- 
 teed to individuals equal redress of wrongs done and 
 equal opportunity to change the laws which define 
 what is right. Concerning his successful attack 
 in the Virginia House of Burgesses upon the opera- 
 tion of the law of primogeniture, Jefferson de- 
 clared that his purpose was not to further an aris- 
 tocracy of wealth, of more harm and danger than 
 benefit to society, but to encourage the rise of an 
 aristocracy of virtue and talent which nature has 
 wisely and equally scattered throughout all strata 
 and conditions of society. 2 
 
 Jefferson's Declaration of Independence empha- 
 sizes rights, or abstract Right, as being more power- 
 ful than harsh, immutable, colossal Might. Might 
 
 'John T. Morse, Jr., Thomas Jefferson, p. 39. 
 
28 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 which operates so unbrokenly in the physical world, 
 so ruthlessly in nearly all phases of animal life, so 
 barbarously in the world of primitive peoples, so 
 unblushingly among feudal lords and imperial kings, 
 found open and portentous challenge in the Declara- 
 tion of Independence. Henceforth, Might must 
 bow to Right, autocratic to civil authority, and 
 heartless decrees of inherited pomp to the free exer- 
 cise of the intelligence of the common people. 
 
 The pre-eminent leader in Revolutionary Amer- 
 ican life was Washington. His name will forever 
 shine as the commander-in-chief of the army of 
 American Independence; his generalship under the 
 most adverse circumstances is beyond comparison. 
 On July 3, 1775, he was the commander-in-chief of 
 an army of about 18,000 men — men who were with- 
 out guns, equipment, training, organization, esprit 
 de corps. By the winter of 1777-1778, the men 
 whom he had organized into an American army, 
 had suffered heartsickening defeats, had given up 
 several cities, including New York, and had gone 
 into winter quarters at Valley Forge, starving and 
 bleeding. But Washington's noted equipoise of 
 character and his love of independence, supported 
 by liberty-imbued colonists and European friends, 
 finally won the victory for America. 
 
 The central ideal of Americanism in Revolution- 
 ary days was Liberty. 3 It was a liberty which meant 
 the freedom of the American people from inter- 
 ference by any foreign power and which guaranteed 
 the happiness and security of the individual citizen, 
 
 'D. J. Hill, Americanism: If hat It Is, p. 15. 
 
Liberty and Self-Reliance 29 
 
 as opposed to the glorification of the nation-state. 
 The life, liberty, and property of the individual, 
 for the first time in the history of the world, were 
 placed under the protection of law, which was to 
 govern the activities of rulers themselves — this was 
 the original contribution of the American mind to 
 political theory. 4 
 
 In addition to religious and moral liberty, to 
 political liberty, an industrial liberty was introduced 
 by Benjamin Franklin. To the concept of Amer- 
 icanism, Franklin made his unique contribution in 
 the role of "Poor Richard." The teachings of 
 "Poor Richard" have been powerful factors in con- 
 ditioning the practical every-day ideals of Americans. 
 "They moulded our great-grandparents and their 
 children; they have formed our popular traditions; 
 they still influence our actions, guide our ways of 
 thinking, and establish our points of view, with the 
 constant control of acquired habits which we little 
 suspect. 'Poor Richard' has found eternal life by 
 passing into the daily speech of the people." 5 "Poor 
 Richard" has been pronounced "the revered and 
 popular schoolmaster of a young nation during its 
 period of tutelage." He is the personification of 
 thrift — a self-reliant thrift by which our forefathers 
 laid the foundations of our material welfare, our 
 individual success, and of national prosperity. 
 
 The ideals of liberty and of self-reliance are used 
 inseparably in this chapter. If there is a distinction, 
 it exists because liberty has been so frequently used 
 
 'Ibid, p. 27. 
 
 "John T. Morse, Jr., Benjamin Franklin, p. 22. 
 
30 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 in a political sense, while self-reliance has been given 
 an industrial connotation. The American has been 
 an individualist even more in the industrial than in 
 the political field. He has not hesitated — unless in 
 some instances in recent years — to swing the axe, to 
 follow the plough, to span the continent, to project 
 the sky-scraper. He has become a man of action 
 and a personification of la vie intense— -the stren- 
 uous life. As Emerson has indicated, the average 
 American has walked on his own feet, worked with 
 his own hands, and spoken from his own mind. 
 
 The American has been unafraid to develop blis- 
 tered or calloused hands; he has not been ashamed 
 of the insignia of honest toil. He has worshipped 
 the man who is doing things, who is achieving, who 
 is climbing the ladder of success. Moreover, he has 
 thrown off his coat, set his jaws, drawn his belt taut, 
 and plunged upward, round after round. 6 The 
 American youth has been perennially stimulated by 
 the dream of becoming President of the United 
 States, knowing that such a distinction was possible 
 to any American of honesty and of sufficient ability. 
 Lincoln is a favorite among Americans because he 
 rose through his own consistent efforts to the heights 
 of fame and service from the depths of poverty and 
 obscurity. Roosevelt's powerful appeal to Amer- 
 icans developed chiefly from his independence of 
 judgment, fearlessness of statement, and strenuous- 
 ness of attack. Daring to show his teeth in the pres- 
 
 "Unhappily, such self-reliance occasionally has developed a de- 
 gree of social impudence. 
 
Liberty and Self-Reliance 31 
 
 ence of special privilege, he won a place among 
 America's immortals. 
 
 The American has been willing to try anything 
 once — trusting to his own versatility to get out of 
 unforeseen predicaments. Strange and harsh cir- 
 cumstances have challenged his spirit of self-reliance 
 until inventions have burst forth from his mind in 
 all directions and enabled him to defy and over- 
 come the forces of ocean, land, and air. The an- 
 nual output of inventions in the United States prob- 
 ably excels that of all other countries of the world 
 combined. Under the American's inventive touch, 
 the telegraph and the telephone have been devel- 
 oped until persons can converse without the aid of 
 wires and in ordinary tones across the continental 
 expanse between New York and San Francisco. The 
 phonograph has been evolved until skilled musicians 
 in a concert hall are baffled to tell whether an ar- 
 tist's voice is proceeding from the artist himself or 
 from the wonder-producing machine beside which 
 he stands. The overland train has reached the per- 
 fected combination of the untiring speed of the 
 carrier pigeon and the comforts of a palatial home. 
 Seen by only a few Americans, experimenting meth- 
 odically in an unspectacular laboratory, Thomas A. 
 Edison is easily one of America's greatest citizens. 
 Supporting the liberty-loving and self-reliant leaders 
 from Franklin to Edison, from Washington to 
 Roosevelt and Wilson, an innumerable company of 
 humble American fathers and mothers have lived 
 and worked, heroically opening a new continent and 
 bequeathing magnificent and multitudinous oppor- 
 
32 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 tunities for self-development to their children. 
 
 Self-direction — this has been the American's 
 rugged desire. Behind an over-emphasis upon com- 
 mercialism is not a sodden nature but a self-initia- 
 tive run wild. Behind ugly lynch-procedure is not 
 wanton brutality so much as the rash attempt to 
 render justice oneself without waiting for the slow 
 procedure of law. 
 
 The rewards to self-reliance and self-initiative in 
 America have often defied computation. Conse- 
 quently, a boundless optimism has run riot. If de- 
 feated, the American gathers together his frustrated 
 forces and begins over again. Everywhere the 
 American's face has shown with the reflection of the 
 rising sun of expectation. Everywhere the Goddess 
 of Liberty has held aloft her precious torch of lib- 
 erty and self-reliance. Everywhere the Liberty Bell 
 has pealed forth its notes of freedom. Everywhere 
 the independent and sturdy figure of Uncle Sam is 
 revered. Everywhere Americanism has stood for 
 self-expression, self-direction, self-perfection. If 
 these ideals have become somewhat tarnished, let 
 Americans unite in restoring to them their original 
 lustre. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 American Traits: Union and Co-operation 
 
 In the life-work of Washington and Jefferson the 
 struggle for liberty was inseparably bound with the 
 contest for union ; Washington and Jefferson fought 
 for both liberty and union — union as a means 
 of guaranteeing liberty. At the beginning of the 
 struggle for union, Alexander Hamilton stood forth 
 with unfaltering boldness. His work will be epito- 
 mized in introducing the achievements of Washing- 
 ton as the first President of the United States. 
 
 With steadfast loyalty to the need of establish- 
 ing a political union, Hamilton lived and spoke and 
 wrote — always ably — until his chief, and ours, in his 
 Farewell Address, incorporated a panegyric in its 
 behalf. The difficulties which faced Hamilton were 
 grave. The liberty which the freedom-loving colo- 
 nist sought was for the individual and the individual 
 colony. Each colony was reluctant to join with the 
 other commonwealths even in a loose and tem- 
 porary confederation. The Articles of Confedera- 
 tion made Congress a constitutional body and in- 
 cluded the principle of equality of representation. 
 It was only after several years of convincingly un- 
 satisfactory experiences with a confederation that 
 recognition was given to the Hamiltonian idea of a 
 union. Under the name of "Publius," and in 
 
34 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 a series of essays, known as "The Federalist," 
 Hamilton advocated the formation of the Union. 
 Through a brilliant series of debates, he succeeded 
 in swinging his own pivotal state of New York into 
 line; whereupon the fruits of victory began to ap- 
 pear. In the preamble of the Constitution of the 
 United States, the need of establishing "a more 
 perfect Union" was given first place. The change 
 from a confederacy to a federalcy gave the Union 
 a rank equal in importance to that of liberty in our 
 history. To guarantee opportunity for the liberty, 
 development, and expression of human personalities, 
 a union was necessary. 
 
 Hamilton helped not only to inaugurate the 
 Union, but to secure its firm establishment. By his 
 financial acumen, he made certain the success of the 
 national government. He created a public credit, 
 supplied circulating media and financial machinery, 
 revived business and aided in transforming a paper 
 Constitution into a document with a system and a 
 government behind it. 1 Hamilton put Nationalism 
 into Americanism. 
 
 The super-champion in the establishment of the 
 American Union was Washington. He laid the 
 national foundations without the aid of a throne, 
 of an aristocracy, or of a caste. In the Farewell 
 Address, he focused public attention upon the neces- 
 sity of supporting the Union, and declared to the 
 American people that the Union is a main pillar in 
 the edifice of their real independence, the support 
 of their safety, tranquility, and prosperity at home, 
 
 *H. C. Lodge, Alexander Hamilton, p. 132. 
 
Union and Co-operation 35 
 
 of their peace abroad, and above all else, of that 
 liberty which they so highly prized. 
 
 It was not in the spirit of a partisan that Wash- 
 ington worked, for he tried faithfully to draw to- 
 gether the leading representatives of the political 
 parties of the day in the management of the gov- 
 ernment. He urgently warned against the sinister 
 influence of partisan politics. He consistently be- 
 lieved in the Union, not as an end in itself, but as 
 a necessary means for guaranteeing the liberties of 
 the individual as set down in the laws of the people. 
 Washington rose to fame as the pre-eminent leader 
 of the forces of liberty; he rounded out his career 
 in his later years by taking the leading role in estab- 
 lishing the Union. 
 
 In his initial inaugural address, Thomas Jefferson 
 mentioned first the importance of individual liberty 
 before the law and of equal opportunity in changing 
 the law. He then proceeded to stress the absolute 
 need for a union of the states, for preserving the 
 general government in its whole constitutional vigor 
 for the sacred preservation of the public faith. 2 
 
 The struggle in behalf of the Union went forward 
 into the nineteenth century; the Union was cham- 
 pioned by Webster and opposed by Hayne and Cal- 
 houn. Should an over-emphasis upon the ideal of 
 Liberty and its political corollary, States' Rights, or 
 a strengthening of the Union and of federal control 
 prevail? In the Senate of the United States and 
 
 'Jefferson modified this emphasis by acknowledging the rights of 
 the state governments as the most competent administrators of do- 
 mestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican 
 tendencies. 
 
36 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 at the zenith of his greatness, Webster repudiated 
 the probable results of making primary a States' 
 Rights theory. He prayed that he might never see 
 the sun in the heavens shining on "the broken and 
 dishonored fragments of a once glorious Union; on 
 states dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on a land 
 rent with civil feuds, or drenched it may be in fra- 
 ternal blood!" Then rising to the height of his 
 political power and patriotic sagacity, amid the si- 
 lence of an awe-inspired Senate, he declared for 
 "that other sentiment, dear to every American 
 heart, — Liberty and Union, now and forever, one 
 and inseparable." 
 
 However, a hungry-hearted and sorrow-burdened 
 Lincoln was necessary before the whole nation was 
 ready to accept Washington's earnest solicitation 
 and Webster's pronouncement. The work of the 
 great compromiser, Henry Clay, availed nothing. 
 By 1858, the advocates of individual slavery and of 
 States' Rights had openly defied the abolitionists and 
 supporters of the Union. 3 
 
 On June 16, 1858, at Springfield, Illinois, Abra- 
 ham Lincoln asserted that "this government cannot 
 endure permanently half slave and half free" ; he 
 declared that "a house divided against itself cannot 
 stand." Again, the appeal was to the Union, not as 
 an end for purposes of national glorification ; but for 
 
 'We may here note the ultimate anomalous combinations: the 
 adherents to slavery, an anti-liberty custom, demanded that the 
 principle of liberty be applied to the states in their relation to the 
 federal government; the abolitionists, speaking in behalf of free- 
 dom urged the supremacy of the Union as an antidote to State 
 liberty. 
 
Union and Co-operation 37 
 
 the safeguarding of the liberties of the individual 
 and for the widest, most consistent expression of 
 personality. Upon this basis, the Civil War was 
 fought and won. Neither the ideal of Liberty nor 
 of Union alone remained triumphant. Liberty with- 
 out Union would wreck itself on the rocks of anar- 
 chism; Union without Liberty would suffer the fate 
 of a Prussianized state. Together they stand: two 
 essential foci of the ellipse of democracy. Individual 
 liberty in our nation is granted to the degree that it 
 operates in ways consistent with the public welfare; 
 the Union is given power up to the point where it 
 is in danger of cutting short the expression and 
 development of personality. 
 
 Union in government has its corollaries in the 
 social phases of American life. Our people started 
 out with a common possession of civilized standards 
 and aptitudes, which were socially inherited from 
 Europe. While divisions have often threatened 
 American life, yet the underlying cultural inheritance 
 of civilized ideals has served as a basic cement. 
 Unto the original racial stock that came from West- 
 ern Europe, other racial elements from all parts of 
 the world have been added. The melting pot early 
 began to boil; it has never ceased. While a distinct 
 American race in the biological sense has not yet 
 developed, articulate American traits in the social 
 meaning have been produced. Out of the antagonis- 
 tic characteristics of English and Irish, of Scotch 
 and German, of Scandinavian and Italian, of Slav 
 and Jew has come a remarkable spirit of funda- 
 mental unity. In a generation or two, former differ- 
 
38 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 ences and old prejudices disappear and the races are 
 united in laboring together and in looking forward. 
 Millions of immigrant children have been molded 
 by the American public school system into a per- 
 sonification of a common American loyalty. 
 
 Union of the whole people in the support of con- 
 servation has assumed tangible proportions under 
 the directing hands of Pinchot, Roosevelt, and 
 Hoover. When America was asked to feed half 
 the world, a food administrator in whom the peo- 
 ple had confidence was chosen to devise the neces- 
 sary ways and means and to instruct (not command) 
 the people. Then, without bread or meat cards, 
 without police enforcement, almost all Americans 
 responded effectively. The wealthy were asked to 
 conserve most; the poor felt the food regulations 
 least. In the spring and summer of 1918 when vast 
 additional quantities of wheat were needed for the 
 Allies, Mr. Hoover called the managers of the lead- 
 ing hostelries of the country and the dining car con- 
 ductors of the chief railroad companies to Wash- 
 ington, explained to them the situation, and re- 
 quested that all cease to serve white wheat bread to 
 their patrons until the need in Europe should be 
 relieved by the new wheat crop. Unanimous co- 
 operation was secured. All ceased to serve white 
 bread, explaining the situation on printed cards to 
 the clientele, who accepted the conditions. Thus, 
 building upon voluntary action of the people, rather 
 than upon compulsion, the United States Food Ad- 
 ministration secured a co-operation so widespread 
 
Union and Co-operation 39 
 
 and united that the lives of our European Allies 
 were saved to the cause of democracy. 
 
 The American proclivity for forming co-operative 
 organizations is omnipresent. At the suggestion of 
 a new idea in almost any line of thought, someone 
 appoints a committee which draws up a constitution 
 and by-laws, and immediately the machinery of the 
 new organization begins to turn. The window of 
 the ticket office opens and immediately the crowds 
 "line up." Capital has established powerful and 
 colossal organizations. Three million laboring men 
 are now (1919) unionized under the leadership of 
 one man — Samuel Gompers. The fact that our 
 church life, school and college life, business and in- 
 dustrial life are all over-organized, or that conflicts 
 between capital and labor are impending should not 
 blind anyone to the fact that there is a splendid de- 
 gree of co-operative spirit in America. 
 
 A thousand illustrations might easily be given 
 which would prove, despite political animosities and 
 industrial strife, the underlying unity of Americans. 
 The reaction of our people, when they were once 
 aroused to the impending dangers, in the recent na- 
 tional emergency is the most timely case in point. 
 With surprising unanimity the American people, al- 
 though reared in the lap of a laissez faire social 
 philosophy and hardened by a doctrinaire individual- 
 ism, accepted the principle of conscription. The co- 
 operative spirit of Americans of high and low estate 
 was attested by the unprecedented support of the 
 Red Cross and Liberty Loan "drives." With one 
 colossal bound, America responded in April, 1917, 
 
40 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 to President Wilson's appeal to make the world safe 
 for democracy. 
 
 Best of all, the spirit of union and co-operation is 
 symbolized in the Stars and Stripes. With parallel 
 bars of red and white for the original union of 
 thirteen colonies, with crystal stars in a common field 
 of blue for the unity of today's forty-eight common- 
 wealths; with red for the militant spirit of liberty 
 and self-reliance, with white representing not only a 
 democratic blending of the prismatic colors but of 
 the varied-tempered personalities of the nation, with 
 blue for the "true blue" spirit of fraternity and 
 brotherhood — with all these together, the Stars and 
 the Stripes, the Red, White, and Blue, the result is 
 the most expressive symbol of political union and 
 social co-operation that the world has known. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 American Traits : Democracy and the Square 
 
 Deal 
 
 The third golden thread that has been woven 
 into the fabric of Americanism is democracy, which 
 is "the square deal" incorporated not only into the 
 political, but into the entire woof of life. Democracy 
 was introduced to the world by the city-states of 
 Greece, given trenchant meaning in the teachings of 
 early Christianity, extended by the Magna Charta, 
 re-vitalized by the Protestant reformers, accorded 
 unprecedented leeway in new America. Here it has 
 developed from humble but sturdy beginnings, has 
 made advances in spite of aristocratic prejudices, 
 has become nationalized, pan-Americanized, and 
 internationalized. 
 
 Shortly before landing, the Pilgrim Fathers for- 
 mulated a statement of the ideals they proposed to 
 serve. While these beginnings of American ideals 
 may be traced in their origins to English, French, 
 and Dutch developments of thought, and even to the 
 Grecian democracies, it is also significant that the 
 "Mayflower" Compact was drawn up nearly thirty 
 years before the adoption of the "Agreement of the 
 People" in the time of Cromwell; that it was signed 
 seventy years previous to the appearance of the 
 "Treatises on Government" by John Locke, which 
 
42 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 contained an argument in support of the doctrine of 
 the sovereignty of the people ; and that it antedated 
 the Contrat social of Rousseau by 142 years. 
 
 The "Mayflower" Pilgrims agreed to unite in "a 
 civil body politic." This organization of the peo- 
 ple was to be a means, not an end; it was to enact 
 such just and equal laws from time to time, "as shall 
 be thought most meete and convenient for ye gen- 
 eral good of ye Colonie, unto which we promise all 
 due submission and obedience." It was an instru- 
 ment in the hands of the people to be used for the 
 benefit of this self-same people. It decreed that 
 law, and not the arbitrary and capricious will of the 
 king, should be the basis of government. The con- 
 tent and spirit of law was to be measured by "ye 
 general good of ye Colonie," i. e., by public welfare. 
 
 Democracy in America has swung back and forth 
 between abstract equality on one hand and prac- 
 tical fraternity on the other. According to the 
 "Mayflower" covenant, the Pilgrim Fathers desired 
 democracy chiefly for their own small group. 1 From 
 a more or less intolerant, bigoted, and microcosmic 
 desire for democracy for the members of a religious 
 group to a world-must-be-made-safe-for-democracy 
 ideal is a long, long journey. Nevertheless it is the 
 distance which has been traversed in America be- 
 tween December 21, 1620, and April 2, 1917; it is 
 the ground which has been covered between the days 
 of the localized democracy of the Pilgrims and of 
 the world-wide democracy of President Wilson. 
 
 *The "Puritans" proper held an even more circumscribed view of 
 democracy than the Separatist Puritans, or "Pilgrims." 
 
Democracy and the Square Deal 43 
 
 The intervening decades have witnessed the vacil- 
 lating but increasingly successful experiments in the 
 United States to adapt and to interpret the prin- 
 ciples of democracy in the deepening and enlarging 
 spheres of individual, national, pan-American, and 
 international activities. 
 
 By the close of the Revolutionary period, democ- 
 racy had been given common currency in terms of 
 political equality — equality of rights of individuals 
 before the law. It had come to signify the suprem- 
 acy of civil law, made by the people, over the rule 
 of military authority, expressed autocratically. It 
 meant the sovereignty of the people in contrast to 
 the supremacy of kings, the free exercise of the in- 
 dividual intellect in matters of government without 
 interference by arbitrary power, the founding of 
 governmental authority on the consent of the gov- 
 erned and determined by the voice of the majority, 
 and the protection of the fundamental needs of the 
 individual — life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
 ness. These early principles culminated in the life- 
 work of Thomas Jefferson, "the first prophet of 
 American democracy." He advocated democracy, 
 through a jealous care of the right of election by the 
 people; democracy, through absolute acquiescence in 
 the decisions of the majority; democracy, through 
 maintaining the supremacy of the civil over the 
 military authority, reducing the latter to a well- 
 disciplined militia; democracy, through rendering 
 equal and exact justice (chiefly political) to all men 
 of whatsoever state or persuasion, political or 
 religious; democracy, through diffusing information 
 
44 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 and arraigning all abuses at the bar of public reason. 
 
 In 1823, President James Monroe, acting in line 
 with the previous declarations of John Quincy 
 Adams and having the sympathetic support of the 
 English statesman, George Canning, flung out a new 
 challenge to the world when he asserted that not 
 only the United States but Central and South Amer- 
 ican commonwealths were, henceforth to be pre- 
 served inviolate for experiments in democracy. 
 Under the protecting influence of the Stars and 
 Stripes, democracy was placed on trial in both 
 Americas — free from further intervention or coloni- 
 zation by the autocratic governments of the Old 
 World. President Monroe pointed out that the 
 political systems of the European powers were es- 
 sentially different from government in America and 
 that therefore "we should consider any attempt on 
 their part to extend their system to any portion of 
 this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and 
 safety." Further, we could not look upon any inter- 
 position for the purpose of oppressing the inde- 
 pendent Central and South American democracies, 
 "or controlling in any manner their destiny, by any 
 European power in any other light than as the mani- 
 festation of an unfriendly disposition toward the 
 United States." 2 
 
 In those daring words, Europe was informed that 
 henceforth the Americas were to be left free from 
 European autocratic influence, in developing the 
 spirit of democracy. 
 
 'James D. Richardson, (compiler), Messages and Papers of the 
 Presidents, 11:218. 
 
Democracy and the Square Deal 45 
 
 While this evolution is today far from a success- 
 ful culmination, the United States has succeeded in 
 maintaining effectively its political guardianship over 
 democratic efforts in the sister American republics. 
 Both Europe and Asia have cast envious eyes toward 
 Central and South America. Even a war between 
 Great Britain and the United States over boundary 
 lines between Venezuela and British Guiana seemed 
 imminent, after Great Britain had refused to submit 
 the question to arbitration; but President Cleveland 
 in clear, staunch defense of the Monroe Doctrine in- 
 timated his readiness to employ military force, and 
 thereby sent a profound tremor of respect for the 
 Monroe Doctrine throughout England, which caused 
 her to reverse her decision and to decide to submit 
 to arbitration. As a result, the Monroe Doctrine 
 acquired a more real meaning than it had ever before 
 possessed. Our defense of American democracies 
 was thereby changed from a threat to action. 
 
 Through manipulation and intrigue in Mexico, 
 Germany almost succeeded in 1917 in alienating that 
 republic from pan-American loyalty. Through per- 
 fidy and secret machinations in the United States, 
 Germany likewise was nearly successful in confound- 
 ing democracy in our own republic. Fortunately, 
 democracy in the United States has righted itself; 
 and in the republics to our south, it has taken on 
 new life because of the Monroe Doctrine, of Cleve- 
 land's brave support of that doctrine, and of the 
 entry of the United States into the world war for 
 democracy. The extension of the principle of 
 democracy bids fair to continue, undisturbed by 
 
46 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 European intervention, in the twenty-two American 
 republics. 
 
 The days of Monroe were followed by increased 
 suffering, due to the disturbing thorn of slavery in 
 the side of democracy. The situation became 
 acute under the piercing and prodding examinations 
 of the abolitionists — William Lloyd Garrison, Wen- 
 dell Phillips, John Greenleaf Whittier, Henry Ward 
 Beecher, Harriet Beecher Stowe, John Brown. 
 These persons uttered a message which in composite 
 form constituted virtually a second Declaration of 
 Independence. 
 
 When the first Declaration was drafted, the white 
 race alone had been included. The black race was 
 then considered as representing a distinctly lower 
 type. The idea did not occur that the Negro might 
 be potentially on the same plane as the Caucasian 
 and eligible to the same rights. Time, however, 
 brought forth new conceptions. The black man was 
 seen to be as human as the white man. The incon- 
 sistency of slavery in the land of democracy smote 
 many exponents of democracy to silence and raised 
 the voices of her most fearless champions in per- 
 sistent protest. 
 
 The Kansas-Nebraska bill, the Dred Scot deci- 
 sion, the historic house-divided-against-itself speech 
 of Lincoln at Springfield brought the main issue 
 clearly before the nation. It was Lincoln who pro- 
 claimed that our democracy could not "endure per- 
 manently half slave and half free." The division 
 over slavery finally rent the nation; but even at the 
 darkest hours of the contest, Lincoln audaciously 
 
Democracy and the Square Deal 47 
 
 announced that all persons held as slaves in the 
 rebellious South were "then henceforth and forever 
 free"; that their freedom would be recognized and 
 maintained by the government and enforced by the 
 army and navy; and that this act of emancipation 
 was warranted by the Constitution — a new inter- 
 pretation of the Constitution involving an extension 
 of the concept of democracy. 
 
 Then came the memorable Gettysburg Speech, en- 
 shrining the Union dead in the flag of a new free- 
 dom which included Negro as well as Caucasian, 
 re-defining a Union whose power to hold itself to- 
 gether was never again to be questioned, and basing 
 democracy upon a government "of the people, by 
 the people, and for the people." Thus, Lincoln not 
 only created a new freedom and saved the Union, 
 but gave the country a higher ideal of democracy. 
 
 In the decades following the close of the Civil 
 War, the Westward Movement culminated. Days 
 of material advancement and national prosperity 
 came, halted briefly by the panic of 1873. Indus- 
 trial and business organizations multiplied rapidly 
 and grew in power and affluence. The effect upon 
 democracy was tremendous and portentous. No less 
 an American than Ralph Waldo Emerson in an ad- 
 dress on "The Fortune of the Republic" in 1878, 
 said: 
 
 "In this country with our practical understanding, 
 there is, at present, a great sensualism, a headlong 
 devotion to trade and to the conquest of the con- 
 tinent, — to each man as large a share of the same 
 as he can carve for himself, — an extravagant con- 
 
48 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 fidence in our talent and activity, which becomes, 
 whilst successful, a scornful materialism. . . . The 
 American marches with a careless swagger to the 
 height of power, very heedless of his own liberty 
 or of other peoples', in his reckless confidence that 
 he can have all he wants, risking all the prized char- 
 ters of the human race, bought with battles and 
 revolutions and religion, — gambling them all away 
 for a paltry, selfish gain." 
 
 By 1890, however, a new democratic conscience 
 was beginning to develop. It was a conscience that 
 opposed the evils of the new material prosperity and 
 power; it manifested itself frequently in hate and 
 attack. Muck-raking flourished — the predecessor of 
 the social survey of today. Individuals, without a 
 sense of solidarity, of brotherhood, and of social 
 responsibility, but stirred by the joint declarations 
 of muck-rakers, expressed themselves in angry op- 
 position to the Beef Trust, the Oil Trust, the Steel 
 Trust. The Prohibition movement, which was in the 
 Carrie Nation stage, was typical of much of the 
 social procedure of the times. Many leading Amer- 
 icans still manifested the characteristics of Buffalo 
 Bill. 
 
 The apex of the emphasis upon materialistic 
 power was reached in the closing years of the nine- 
 teenth century. At that time, also, came the climax 
 of the imperialistic tendencies of the nation. The 
 war with Spain caused American patriotism to be- 
 come inflated, egotistic, spectacular, imperialistic. 
 Many individuals still proclaimed the ideal, "My 
 country, right or wrong." Representative Amer- 
 
Democracy and the Square Deal 49 
 
 icans dreamed of the future United States as a vast 
 world empire. Many persons believed that it was 
 the manifest destiny of their country to release one 
 small nation or group of peoples after another from 
 political bondage and to add them to the possessions 
 of the United States. 
 
 Materialism and imperialism were the most in- 
 sidious foes of American democracy at the dawn of 
 the twentieth century. In speaking of these dangers, 
 Royal Dixon said that "the threatened dawn of 
 plutocracy, the threatened wreck of the entire 
 morale of the republic in graft, dishonesty, and 
 money tyranny, led us to discover one sin after an- 
 other until we were disgusted with ourselves as a 
 nation." 3 In this same connection, Elihu Root 
 raised the question : "Have selfish living and fac- 
 tional quarreling obscured the spiritual vision of 
 our country?" Mr. Dixon's comment upon this 
 phase of American life is worthy of attention : "Let 
 us concede the distinction that lies in speed, size, 
 show, invention, adaptability, and ready cash ; but let 
 us admit that we have not kept these things in their 
 place ; that we have been prone to worship them, to 
 place them above family honor, national honor, 
 above church, creed, art, letters, music." 4 
 
 The United States has passed safely through the 
 perils of materialistic machinations and the dangers 
 of imperialistic desires. After becoming president 
 in 1901 Theodore Roosevelt defied the entrenched 
 giants of political and economic power, inaugurated 
 
 'Americanization, pp. 32, 133. 
 'Ibid., p. 184. 
 
50 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 the conservation movement, 6 proceeded to upset es- 
 tablished special privilege, and re-defined democracy 
 in terms of "the square deal for everybody." 
 
 In taking a stand against autocracy, Roosevelt 
 urged that the United States support unflinchingly 
 the right "whenever the right is menaced by the 
 might which backs wrong." 6 With this doctrine, 
 Roosevelt coupled a military preparedness interpre- 
 tation of Americanism. The only way that the 
 United States can oppose successfully the wrong 
 which is urged forward by might, is to put over 
 against it the right that is also supported by might. 
 Instead of putting national safety first, Roosevelt 
 stood for national honor and duty first. 7 
 
 Roosevelt's idea of Americanism as stated in his 
 Knights of Columbus Speech (1915) contains three 
 elements: (1) the establishment of a common lan- 
 guage — the English — for all Americans; (2) the 
 increase of our national and social loyalty by the 
 development of "a citizenship which acknowledges 
 no flag except the flag of the United States and 
 which emphatically repudiates all duality of intention 
 or national unity"; and (3) "an intelligent and 
 resolute effort for the removal of industrial and 
 social unrest, an effort which shall aim equally at 
 securing every man his rights and to make every 
 man understand that unless he in good faith per- 
 
 "At the request of Gifford Pinchot. 
 
 'Fear God and Take Your Own Part, p. 55. 
 
 'Inaugural Address, March 4, 1905. 
 
Democracy and the Square Deal 51 
 
 forms his duties he is not entitled to any rights 
 at all." 8 
 
 President Woodrow Wilson represents the tenets 
 of Jeffersonian and Jacksonian democracy. His 
 party heritage gave promise that he would advance 
 the cause of democracy. His most ardent admirers, 
 however, did not suspect the degree to which he 
 would go in extending the domain of popular rule. 
 On April 2, 1917, before both Houses of Congress 
 assembled together, he declared that "the world 
 must be made safe for democracy." Nothing 
 smaller than the world is hereafter to be the labora- 
 tory of democracy. "Our globe has shrunk too 
 small for democratic and autocratic states to subsist 
 together, nor can Ocean herself constrain them in 
 separation." 9 
 
 President Wilson, reading aright America's mind 
 and speaking in line with America's developing con- 
 ception of democracy, has bade defiance in his now 
 classic phrase to the strongholds of political autoc- 
 racy the world around. Monroe is out-Monroed. 
 The conception of democracy that was held by the 
 Pilgrim liberty-seekers was a doctrine applicable pri- 
 marily to themselves alone. From that mustard 
 seed, the plant has grown until its branches are now 
 to protect all of earth's inhabitants. From democ- 
 racy for one hundred persons to democracy for the 
 
 'It was in Roosevelt that H. G. Wells (Future in America, 
 p. 253) found an epitome of America's strong and weak points. 
 The first include (1) force, (2) sustained courage, (3) integrity, 
 and (4) open intelligence; the latter embrace (1) undisciplined 
 hastiness, (2) unfairness, (3) prejudices, and (4) frequent errors. 
 
 'H. B. Alexander, "Americanism," New Republic, January 5, 
 1918, p. 271. 
 
52 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 seventeen hundred million people of the world — 
 such is the unfolding of the conception of democracy 
 in the minds and hearts of Americans. 
 
 The entrance of the United States into the Euro- 
 pean War has given rise to a renaissance of democ- 
 racy and of the square deal that will shake down not 
 only the thrones of political but of other types of 
 autocracy as well. The analysis of American de- 
 mocracy is proceeding apace; several phases are 
 assuming clear outlines. 
 
 ( 1 ) The best known type is political democracy, 
 which regards political life as possessing two foci: 
 one, the individual; the other, the nation-state. The 
 latter exists to safeguard and to encourage the de- 
 velopment of personality. The individual's liberty 
 ends when it conflicts with the welfare of the nation- 
 group. Political democracy views the nation-state 
 as the totality of legalized relations instituted for 
 the benefit of the citizenry. While it recognizes in- 
 herited inequality, it tries to guarantee that inherited 
 equality shall be preserved in all the circumstances 
 of life. 
 
 In the United States today, there is a conflict be- 
 tween a republican democracy and a democratic 
 democracy. In these terms, there is no special refer- 
 ence to political parties. According to the theory of 
 a republican democracy, individuals who are elected 
 to office are specialists and are expected to vote as 
 their judgment dictates. In a democratic democ- 
 racy, the elected representatives are expected to 
 represent the judgments of their constituents. The 
 first-mentioned method includes the Aristotelian and 
 
Democracy and the Square Deal S3 
 
 aristocratic concept of government by the best few 
 individuals. The other procedure is purely demo- 
 cratic in principle and implies that the average citi- 
 zen is able to express his independent judgment on 
 all public questions and that he keeps his political 
 representatives informed in regard to his beliefs on 
 legislative questions. One method throws the actual 
 determination of legislation into the hands of a tem- 
 porarily aristocratic few, who will be tempted to 
 act secretly and autocratically. The other modus 
 operandi puts public decisions into the hands of the 
 common people who may not have the education or 
 the inclination to decide independently and regu- 
 larly upon public problems, many of which are 
 highly technical. The tendency in the United States 
 is toward a dualistic use of these two forms of po- 
 litical procedure, whereby complex technical ques- 
 tions are left to the specialists, while broad, funda- 
 mental issues are referred to the common people 
 for decision. 
 
 (2) Religious democracy has always been a 
 fundamental principle of American life. It includes 
 the right to worship as one's conscience and judg- 
 ment dictate without compulsion from others or 
 from the state. One person's religious views have 
 equal standing with those of every other person. 
 Religious groups, however, have often clung to 
 undemocratic beliefs, attitudes, and methods of 
 organization. 10 
 
 "Cf. L. H. Hough, "The Preacher and the Forces of Democracy," 
 Meth. Review, January-February, 1918. 
 
54 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 (3) Ethical democracy in our country signifies 
 that there is one right for all men everywhere, and 
 that there is "one ultimate standard of righteousness 
 for all the world." 11 In 1884, Lowell, the foremost 
 American at that time, proclaimed Christ the first 
 true ethical democrat who ever lived. 12 The wealthy 
 and the poor, the distinguished and the unknown are 
 tested in America at the bar of public opinion by 
 the same high standards of right and wrong, that is, 
 by the ethical standards set by Christianity. 
 
 (4) Personal democracy gives adequate oppor- 
 tunity for the development of all the individual and 
 the social phases of personality. It involves an ac- 
 curate evaluation of all of one's powers and a well- 
 balanced, consistent expression of them. It is es- 
 sential to the pursuit of happiness as found in the 
 free self-expression of the socio-rational personality. 
 
 (5) Intellectual democracy represents the prin- 
 ciple that "all men have it in them to respond to 
 the ultimate intellectual meanings of life and that 
 the best of culture should be made the possession of 
 all the people." 13 While it does not deny mental 
 differences, and would not reduce all people to a 
 level, it believes that all the permanently significant 
 ideas can be brought within the reach of all poten- 
 tially capable individuals. It holds that all in- 
 dividuals should be able to think independently and 
 to make individual judgments upon the leading ques- 
 tions of the day. It declares that all the people 
 
 "ibid. 
 
 "Address at Birmingham, England, October 6, 1884. 
 "L. H. Hough, loc. cit. 
 
Democracy and the Square Deal 55 
 
 should have access to the best and the most useful 
 knowledge that is available. 
 
 The ideal of intellectual democracy in America is 
 a nation of people, all of whom are well-grounded 
 in the fundamental principles of individual and 
 social living; broad in sympathies and vision; cour- 
 ageous yet kind ; always achieving something for the 
 weal of the race. To this end, the United States 
 is officially spending $500,000,000 annually, employ- 
 ing 500,000 teachers, educating 20,000,000 indi- 
 viduals and building and socializing the public school, 
 the most democratic institution in America. 
 
 In an intellectual democracy, education per se 
 gives no one a right to feel a superiority over his 
 fellow citizens. It gives one a sane and kindly 
 vision which impels him to help others to obtain the 
 same educational advantages which he has enjoyed. 
 It does not permit him to use his education to play 
 "smart tricks" upon his fellow beings, to exploit the 
 unsophisticated, or to parade his superiority before 
 the public. It increases his sense of obligation to 
 help solve public problems. 
 
 (6) Industrial democracy is based on "the or- 
 ganization of the forces of the world about human 
 values and not about things." It is opposed to an 
 aristocracy of wealth. It believes that a financial 
 autocracy and a political autocracy are equally bad 
 and that the former must follow the downfall of the 
 latter. It declares that wealth is power — social 
 power. The most vital principles of industrial 
 democracy that are being worked out in America are 
 as follows: 
 
56 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 (a) Human values are more important than 
 material values. 
 
 (b) Property must never be used so that it 
 blights the lives of individuals. 
 
 (c) The ideal situation is not equality of pos- 
 session, but equal right by labor to obtain food, air, 
 clothing, and the physical amenities of life. 
 
 (d) A reputation for honest dealing, for giving 
 a dollar's worth for a dollar, for permanently pleas- 
 ing and not repeatedly cheating the customer, for 
 paying the employee not as low wages as he will 
 take but as much as he earns. 
 
 (7) Social democracy means the socialization of 
 all of the opportunities of life. Conservation of 
 life and health, democratization of education, so- 
 cialization of the production and consumption of 
 economic goods are the fundamental elements. 14 
 
 Social democracy involves acting together. The 
 development of personality is the goal, but this evo- 
 lution must keep within the lines set by the common 
 good. There will be classes, but no one class shall 
 rule. 15 There will be class divisions but no insur- 
 mountable barriers between them. There will be a 
 kingdom, not of "kings," but of men. All the mem- 
 bers of the group will share largely in the oppor- 
 tunities for developing the best personalities. 16 
 
 Social democracy is well illustrated in a letter that 
 has just come to hand from one of the wounded 
 heroes of the Argonne. It is stated that in the 
 
 "Cf. W. Weyl, The New Democracy, p. 320. 
 "J. J. Roche, Life of J. B. O'Reilly, (quoted by W. M. Talbot, 
 Americanization, p. 2). 
 "Cf. J. H. Tufts, Our Democracy, p. 268. 
 
Democracy and the Square Deal 57 
 
 trainloads of soldier boys who have been speeding 
 homeward across the plains of our country "there is 
 no mention of the Mayflower, no hint of ancestor 
 worship, no reference to antecedents, no questioning 
 about present financial or social status. If a fellow 
 is a good scout and a square shooter, he is at once 
 admitted into the great fraternity." 
 
 (8) Spiritual democracy releases the highest 
 spiritual potentialities of man. His individual and 
 social life flourish where his spirit is free. America 
 is beginning to take time to give her spiritual life its 
 rightful place. 
 
 Out of suffering is born spiritual democracy. 
 W. L. Stidger tells of a lad who went through the 
 battle of Belleau Wood. He came out, but ter- 
 ribly wounded. His face was ugly to look upon. 
 "I may look awful," he said, "but I'm a new man 
 inside. What I saw out there in the woods made 
 me different, somehow. I saw a friend stand by his 
 machine-gun, with a whole platoon of Germans 
 sweeping down on him, and he never flinched. He 
 fired that old gun until every bullet was gone and 
 his gun was red-hot. I was lying in the grass where 
 I could see it all. I saw them bayonet him. He 
 fought to the last against fifty men, but thank God, 
 he died a man; he died an American. I lay there 
 and cried to see them kill him, but every time I 
 think of that fellow it makes me want to be more 
 of a man. When I get back home I'm going to give 
 my life to some kind of Christian service. I'm going 
 to do it because I saw that man die so bravely. If 
 
58 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 he can die like that, in spite of my face, I can live 
 like a man." 
 
 These types of democracy are in process of de- 
 velopment in the United States. It is safe to say 
 that the complete ideal in no case has been attained, 
 but the ideals as a class indicate the nature and di- 
 rection of the strivings of the American people. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 American Traits: Internationalism and 
 Brotherhood 
 
 The element of internationalism in Americanism 
 received its initial recognition by Washington and 
 Jefferson, who agreed that America should advance 
 her commercial interests throughout the world 
 but politically should hold herself aloof from en- 
 tangling alliances. In any transactions that might 
 arise with foreign powers, she should deal honestly 
 and in good faith. Her main interest in those early 
 days was in national self-building. 
 
 Monroe added a new factor. He pointed out 
 that our political aims and structure were different 
 from the prevailing types in Europe at that time — 
 and thus gave a somewhat different reason for 
 American aloofness. He went further and defined 
 a type of political protectorate for the United 
 States to assume over the democracies to her south. 
 She was to safeguard them against any encroach- 
 ments by European autocracies. She was not to 
 meddle in European situations, and in return, the 
 European nations were to refrain from meddling 
 with the affairs of any of the American republics. 
 
 This principle was invoked in 1845 and 1848 by 
 Polk and in 1870 by Grant. In 1865-1866, it was 
 used to cause the French to withdraw from Mexico. 
 In 1895, Cleveland clothed the Monroe Doctrine 
 
60 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 with new power and asserted that he would use our 
 army and navy in its support if necessary. Great 
 Britain reluctantly consented to respect our will in 
 the Venezuela controversy. 
 
 In the administration of McKinley, another phase 
 of our internationalism made itself manifest. Spain 
 had long oppressed the Cubans. The situation was 
 rapidly growing worse and the international con- 
 science of the United States was slowly beginning to 
 express itself, when the destruction of the "Maine" 
 precipitated war. As a result, a weak people was 
 freed from the tyranny of Spain. The Philippines 
 were acquired and introduced to the principles of 
 self-government. 
 
 Roosevelt contributed to our internationalism 
 when after asserting that we have been forced into 
 relations with the other nations of the earth, he 
 proclaimed that "no weak nation that ever acts man- 
 fully and justly should ever have cause to fear us, 
 and no strong power should ever be able to single 
 us out as a subject for insolent aggression." 1 As a 
 strong nation we must not wrong others nor allow 
 others to wrong us. We shall be right first and then 
 keep our whole might ready to defend ourselves. 
 
 Ex-President Taft in his efforts in behalf of 
 The League to Enforce Peace has represented the 
 opinions of large numbers of Americans in regard 
 to international ideals. The plan of the American 
 League 2 supports a league of nations in which all 
 
 'The Inaugural Address, March 4, 190S. 
 
 'Address of William H. Taft at Montreal, Canada. September 
 28, 1917. 
 
Internationalism and Brotherhood 61 
 
 agree : ( 1 ) that legal international controversies 
 shall be heard and decided by a court; (2) that 
 controversies not to be settled on principles of law 
 shall be submitted to a commission of conciliation 
 for recommendation of a settlement; (3) that the 
 united forces of the nations of the League shall 
 resist any nation which begins war before the quar- 
 rel has been submitted to one tribunal or the other, 
 and has been decided. The plan is to enforce peace 
 until after the peaceable procedure has taken place 
 and the decision rendered. It is urged that the de- 
 liberation and the accompanying delay will prevent 
 almost all wars. The American League has not 
 wished to attempt too much for fear that the nations 
 will be unwilling to curb their individual powers 
 extensively. 
 
 The "treaty plan" of internationalism inaugurated 
 by William J. Bryan proceeded on the basis that 
 the United States should make treaties with all the 
 nations of the civilized world to the effect that every 
 dispute of every kind shall, before hostilities begin, 
 be submitted to an international tribunal for inves- 
 tigation and report. The plan substituted treaties 
 for a league and moral suasion for compulsion. 
 
 President Woodrow Wilson has stood for a 
 League of Nations which has strong attractive 
 characteristics. He has not stressed a league to 
 enforce peace so much as a league which will attract 
 all nations into it. These nations will then abide by 
 the League's rules of order and of progress and 
 thus secondarily they will guarantee the peace of 
 the world. His internationalization of democracy 
 
62 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 makes America a world factor in the struggle for 
 democracy instead of a world force for imperial 
 dominion. He has proclaimed America to be a 
 spirit of unselfish good will among the nations of 
 the world. He has responded to Emerson's call for 
 men of original perception and action, "who can 
 open their eyes wider than to a nationality, — 
 namely, to considerations of benefit to the human 
 race, — can act in the interest of civilization." 3 
 
 To liberty for the individual, union for the nation, 
 democracy within the nation, President Wilson has 
 openly and forcefully declared for an organization 
 of the friendship of the world. The United States 
 will consider world problems no longer from a 
 selfish national viewpoint, but from the standpoint 
 of world welfare. The independence of the United 
 States is not a selfish thing, for her own national 
 use. 4 A patriotic American is defined as a person 
 who wants to share the liberty and rights he enjoys 
 in America with the whole world, who wants his 
 nation to keep its promises to other nations to its 
 own hurt, and who is never prouder of the Stars 
 and Stripes than when it means to other nations as 
 well as to himself a symbol of hope and liberty. 5 
 America will achieve her highest mission when all 
 the world shall know that she puts human rights 
 
 'From "The Fortune of the Republic." 
 
 'Address at Independence Hall, July 4, 1914. Compare the state- 
 ment of the President at the State Dinner in Buckingham Palace, 
 December 27, 1918, when he said: "America does love freedom, 
 and I believe that she loves freedom unselfishly." 
 
 "Address to the Daughters of the American Revolution, Wash- 
 ington, D. C, October 11, 1915. 
 
Internationalism and Brotherhood 63 
 
 above material and all other rights and "that her 
 flag is the flag not only of America but of humanity. 6 
 In speaking to recently nationalized citizens, Presi- 
 dent Wilson has given the paradoxical injunction, 
 "not only always to think first of America, but al- 
 ways, also, to think first of humanity." 7 America's 
 cause is not confined to the American continent, but 
 is nothing less than the cause of humanity itself. 8 
 No American should feel any exhilaration in belong- 
 ing to America, if he does not feel that she is "some- 
 thing more than a rich and powerful nation." 9 
 
 In defining American ideals in terms of making the 
 world safe for democracy and of organizing the 
 friendship of the world, the President has pushed 
 Americanism to its highest expression. 10 From now 
 on, the United States has no selfish national ends to 
 serve. She desires no conquest and no dominion. 
 She seeks no indemnities for herself and no material 
 compensation for the sacrifices which she shall so 
 freely make in fighting the battles of democracy. 
 She is but "one of the champions of the rights of 
 mankind.'.' 11 
 
 Imperialistic machinations in behalf of the United 
 States have been set at rest by President Wilson. 
 
 'ibid. 
 
 'Address at Convention Hall, Philadelphia, May 10, 1915. 
 
 "Address to the Daughters of the American Revolution, ibid. 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 10 On January 3, 1919, while speaking in the Chamber of Deputies 
 at Rome, President Wilson uttered a statement which should rank 
 with the world's greatest principles when he declared that our task 
 is "to organize the friendship of the world." This idea had been 
 elaborated five days earlier on December 30, 1918, in an address 
 in Free Trade Hall, Manchester, England. 
 
 "Address to Congress, April 2, 1917. 
 
64 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 He has publicly and officially stated that the United 
 States does not seek to spread her ideals by first 
 making political conquests, but that she has reversed 
 this notorious policy which has been in vogue in the 
 world from the days of Xerxes to Wilhelm II. 
 Americanism today means that the United States is 
 to proceed in the direction of world usefulness and 
 brotherhood by sacrificing without stint or end to 
 help any people anywhere in the fight of right 
 against might and of democratic control against 
 autocratic domination. The only empire to which 
 she aspires is that which exists in the minds and 
 hearts of grateful peoples. Furthermore, the lead 
 that has been taken by the United States in announc- 
 ing the policy of having no selfish national ends to 
 serve will be followed by all self-respecting nations. 
 No nation of standing will dare to fall far behind 
 the example set by the United States in matters of 
 international polity. 
 
 Internationalism and world brotherhood are syn- 
 onymous; they include a willingness on the part of 
 the nations to speak frankly to one another; they 
 involve an agreement not to stand too much on 
 national pride; they imply a desire to consider all 
 issues fairly; they connote a world spirit of friend- 
 ship; they embrace the wish to live together peace- 
 ably; they constitute the bases of a world social 
 structure, or a League of Nations — such is the 
 latest interpretation of Americanism by President 
 Wilson. Internationalism as a phase of American- 
 ism is still in an incipient stage. Its various forms 
 have been briefly described in the foregoing para- 
 
Internationalism and Brotherhood 65 
 
 graphs. The final choice involves the exercise of 
 common sense, hard thought, and a broad vision. 
 The United States is called upon to decide whether 
 ( 1 ) to form permanently defensive and offensive 
 alliances with specific countries, (2) to co-operate 
 temporarily in the future with this or that country 
 or group of countries long enough to attain a speci- 
 fied worthy object, or (3) to take part in a League 
 of Nations, or in some other type of world or- 
 ganization or world society. 
 
 It is almost certain, however, that our inter- 
 nationalism as far as it has been developed means 
 that America shall lead the nations "in making hu- 
 man life safer, human endeavor loftier, human 
 suffering less cruel, human toil more equitably re- 
 warded, and human fraternity more real, more 
 noble, and more sincere." 12 It means leading the 
 world in a just organization of the nations that shall 
 safeguard all the social values that are found in 
 nationalism and at the same time protect the na- 
 tions from the worst forces that exist in any of them 
 or any combination of them. 
 
 From liberty-loving and self-reliant Americanism 
 to a world-loving and international Americanism is 
 a broad sweep. Both extremes must be preserved 
 inviolate and made continually to swing around the 
 solid core of a co-operative and democratic nation- 
 state. Both extremes lead to fatal weaknesses. The 
 first, by itself, tends towards anarchism, autocracy, 
 or materialism. The latter, by itself, becomes fanci- 
 ful, visionary, and impracticable. The two extremes 
 
 U D. J. Hill, Americanism: What It Is, p. 191. 
 
66 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 have served to form with the inner core of Amer- 
 icanism a utilitarian idealism. Utility is almost an 
 omnipresent standard in America. At times, it is true, 
 we have paid a marked deference to material success. 
 Americans have been commercial, however, rather 
 than material in many of their activities. Behind 
 the struggles for wealth have been sound hearts and 
 clear minds. The overemphasis upon utilitarian 
 tests has been disturbing but far from fatal. Sooner 
 or later, whenever the crisis has come, the under- 
 lying idealism of the Americans has come to the 
 surface with an alacrity and a strength that has set 
 the nation right and surprised the world. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 The Racial History or Americanism 
 
 It is proper to close Part I with a statement of 
 the racial elements of Americanism. Such an ac- 
 count will fittingly introduce Part II in which it is 
 proposed to present some of the cultural back- 
 grounds of the leading racial groups which have 
 migrated to America. 
 
 It may be asserted that originally there were no 
 native races on the American continent. The hu- 
 man race appeared first on the Euro-Asiatic con- 
 tinent. At an early date, peoples of Mongolian 
 types migrated to America either by way of Europe 
 when Europe and America were connected by land, 
 or by way of the Pacific Ocean — having drifted 
 across — or, more probably, by way of Alaska when 
 Asia and Alaska were connected by land. The 
 original pioneers became the ancestors of the 
 "mound-builders," who in turn were probably the 
 ancestors of the American Indians. The first inhabi- 
 tants of the territory now known as the United 
 States were the early ancestors of the Indians. 
 
 About 1000 A. D., daring representatives of the 
 Scandinavian races became the second discoverers of 
 America. They were not ready, or not able, to make 
 settlements. After having been discovered by un- 
 known Mongolians, and by Scandinavians, America 
 
68 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 was discovered the third time by Italian and Spanish 
 navigators under the leadership of Columbus. It 
 was these voyagers who opened America to Euro- 
 pean advancement and civilization. In this connec- 
 tion the first settlements were made by Spanish 
 colonists — the second racial group (after the Mon- 
 golian) to become established in America. Being 
 southerners, they settled in Florida, New Mexico, 
 and California. They founded the first and oldest 
 European towns in the United States — St. Au- 
 gustine, Florida (1598); Chamita, New Mexico 
 (1598) ; and Santa Fe, New Mexico (1605). 
 
 The English were the third race to settle per- 
 manently within the present boundaries of our na- 
 tional domain. Their early settlements in 1607, 
 1620, 1630 laid the foundations of those deter- 
 mining influences which gave the United States its 
 characteristic tendencies. 
 
 The French established trading posts in the Mis- 
 sissippi River region, following the explorations of 
 La Salle, in 1782. This territory remained in 
 French hands until 1803, the year of the Louisiana 
 Purchase. The Huguenots, the Puritans of France, 
 came to America in the seventeenth century, settling 
 chiefly in South Carolina, Virginia, and New York. 
 
 The Hollanders set up trading posts along the 
 Hudson River in the decade following the explora- 
 tion in. 1609 of that river and established a colony 
 which came into the hands of the English in 1664. 
 
 In 1619, a few Negroes were brought to America 
 by a Dutch trading-vessel. The traffic increased 
 with the succeeding years. In 1790, the Negro 
 
Racial History 69 
 
 population of the country was 757,000, or 19 per 
 cent of the entire population — a higher percentage 
 than has since obtained. With the decreasing per- 
 centage, however, there has occurred a steady in- 
 crease in absolute numbers until the race in this 
 country now numbers 11,000,000. 
 
 The Swedes settled on the Delaware River in 
 1638, entered into conflicts with the Dutch, and 
 finally became an English colony. This group 
 represented the second Scandinavian movement to 
 America. After the close of the Civil War the 
 third, largest, and final Scandinavian migration 
 began. 
 
 The Germans came from the Palatinate region in 
 1682 and the subsequent years at the behest of the 
 agents of William Penn; Germantown was their 
 chief settlement. The German migration, however, 
 culminated in 1854 and 1882. 
 
 The Scotch-Irish migrated in the first half of the 
 eighteenth century, and constituted the largest in- 
 flux of any race to America in that century. They 
 came chiefly to Philadelphia and Baltimore. They 
 moved westward into the unsettled portions of Penn- 
 sylvania, crossed the mountains into Ohio, Kentucky, 
 and Tennessee, and thence into the Middle West. 
 Others of their numbers traversed the valleys into 
 the Appalachian mountains and became the leading 
 ancestors of the present-day southern mountaineers. 
 
 During the early years of the Republic, immigra- 
 tion averaged less than 10,000 per year. It is cer- 
 tain that not over 250,000 immigrants came to the 
 
70 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 United States during the entire period between 1776 
 and 1820. 
 
 The first actual figures of immigration are for the 
 year 1820. In that initial annual statement, the 
 coming of 8,385 immigrants is recorded. The 
 United Kingdom furnished 6,024 of the number; 
 968 came from Germany; 371, from France; and 
 139, from Spain. Some significant comparisons may 
 be made between these figures and the tables for 
 such a year as 1914 when over 1,218,000 immi- 
 grants arrived. 
 
 The first marked rise in immigration occurred in 
 1827 and 1828, following a commercial depression 
 in England. In 1842, the number of immigrants 
 reached 104,565— the first time that the 100,000 
 level had been attained. The year 1854 marks the 
 culmination of a high tide which was not exceeded 
 until nearly twenty years later. In that year, 
 427,853 immigrants arrived. 
 
 The leading causes of this large immigration 
 were two-fold. The potato famine and the eco- 
 nomic oppression in Ireland in 1846 and in the 
 succeeding years caused a large Irish emigration. 
 In 1851, 272,240 Irish are recorded as coming to 
 the United States. This number of Irish immigrants 
 has not been equaled in any single year since. The 
 other cause of increased immigration to the United 
 States was the political revolutions in the German 
 provinces which began in 1848. In 1854, 215,009 
 Germans came, a number that has been exceeded 
 in a single year but once, namely, in 1882. In 1854, 
 over 87 per cent of the total immigration came from 
 the two sources, Irish and German. 
 
Racial History 71 
 
 Immigration reached a low point in 1862, shortly 
 after the beginning of the Civil War. Up to 1850, 
 immigrants came to the United States in sailing 
 vessels. As late as 1864, the majority were still 
 coming in sailing vessels, but in 1865 the majority 
 migrated in steamships. With the change from sail- 
 ing vessels to steamships as means of transporting 
 immigrants, American-owned ships lost first place in 
 carrying immigrants. 
 
 In 1873, a total of 459,803 immigrants landed. 
 The completion of the first transcontinental railroad 
 in 1869, the opening up of the West, and the return- 
 ing prosperity after the war, were the causes of the 
 influx which reached its height in 1873. It was at 
 this time that the immigration of the Scandinavians 
 began in a marked fashion. Then came the panic 
 of 1873 which resulted in decreased immigration. 
 
 In 1882, the immigration figures mounted higher 
 than ever — to 788,992. A part of this increase 
 must be ascribed to the renewed persecutions of the 
 Hebrews in Russia in 1882. As a result, large 
 numbers of Hebrews migrated to the United 
 States. Immigration from Russia was nearly four 
 times as great in 1882 as in the preceding year. 
 Scandinavian immigration shows a considerable in- 
 crease at this time. The development of Minne- 
 sota, the Dakotas, and the adjoining states was the 
 strong attraction to the Scandinavians. An appeal 
 upon similar grounds brought over many thou- 
 sands of German immigrants. German immigra- 
 tion reached its greatest height in 1882. 
 
72 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 The year 1882 is remarkable in immigration his- 
 tory for many other reasons. It marks a shifting 
 in the sources of immigration: (a) from western 
 Europe to eastern and southern Europe; (b) from 
 countries with representative institutions and popu- 
 lar governments to countries under the control of 
 absolute monarchs; (c) from lands where educa- 
 tion was more or less universal to lands where il- 
 literacy prevailed; (d) from races chiefly Teutonic 
 to races chiefly Italic, Slavic, and Semitic; and (e) 
 from Protestant sources to Catholic sources. The 
 year also marks the passage of the first Chinese 
 Exclusion Act and the adoption of the first inclusive 
 federal immigration law. 
 
 After 1882, the number of immigrants again 
 diminished and reached the low point of 334,203 
 in 1886. The numbers increased to the year 1893, 
 but decreased with the industrial depression of 1894 
 to 1898. The numbers fell to 229,299 in 1898. 
 Then came returning prosperity with a rise in im- 
 migration that exceeded the million mark for the 
 first time in the history of the country in 1905, when 
 1,026,499 immigrants arrived. The increase con- 
 tinued and in 1907 the unprecedented number of 
 1,285,349 immigrants came to the United States. 
 The figures exceeded a million again in 1910, 1913, 
 and 1914. The figures for 1915 fell to about 
 340,000 as a result of the European War, and to 
 110,000 in 1918 following the entry of the United 
 States into the war. 
 
 A study of the immigration statistics for a more 
 or less typical year such as 1914 shows noteworthy 
 
Racial History 73 
 
 facts. It should be stated that the immigration 
 figures apply to the fiscal year ending June 30th of 
 the given year and not to the calendar year. The 
 "high" months for immigration are the spring and 
 autumn months. January and the midsummer 
 months are the "low" months. 
 
 In 1914 when 1,218,480 immigrants were re- 
 corded, over 250,000 immigrants came from each of 
 three countries, namely, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and 
 Russia. The other European countries, offered no 
 close competition; the next in numerical order were 
 England, Greece, and Germany — each sending about 
 the same number, 35,000. From the standpoint of 
 races, as distinguished from the countries from 
 which the immigrants come, the Italians ranked 
 first (296,414); the Hebrews, second (138,051); 
 the Poles, third (122,657); the Germans, fourth 
 (79,871) ; and the English, fifth (51,746). 
 
 The intended future residence by states of the 
 aliens who were admitted shows that over 600,000 
 went to three states — New York, Pennsylvania, and 
 Illinois. In other words, the great current of im- 
 migration was pouring into the already overcrowded 
 centers of population. The figures concerning the 
 place of intended future residence in the United 
 States speak forcefully of the need of distribution 
 measures. In 1914 alone, 344,663 aliens went to 
 New York, chiefly New York City. 
 
 In 1914, the aliens admitted were divided between 
 the two sexes in the proportion of about two to one, 
 nearly 800,000 being males. The influx of this 
 over-proportion of males, year by year, cannot have 
 
74 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 other than serious social results. In regard to ages, 
 it is to be noted that nearly 1,000,000 aliens of the 
 1,218,480 were between the ages of 14 and 44. 
 Other things being equal, it is a great asset to the 
 country that such a high percentage of immigrants 
 belongs to the productive years of life. 
 
 It is stated that in a normal year, more alien im- 
 migrants in the strict meaning of the term are ad- 
 mitted to the United States than are admitted to 
 all other countries of the world combined. During 
 the years immediately preceding 1914, it appears 
 that more persons migrated from the United States 
 for the purpose of residing in other countries than 
 migrated from any other nation, not excepting Italy, 
 Austria-Hungary, or Russia. Instead of hard times 
 tending to cause the immigrants to go west as for- 
 merly, hundreds of thousands have returned to their 
 European habitations. 
 
 In 1914, 303,338 aliens residing in the United 
 States left this country with the intention of making 
 their permanent residence elsewhere. Thus the 
 figures of immigration which are ordinarily given do 
 not in reality indicate the annual gain in population 
 as a result of immigration. The aliens who emi- 
 grate belong primarily to the Italian, Polish, 
 Magyar, Russian, and Croatian races. The North 
 European races and the Hebrews rank low in the 
 emigration figures. 
 
 The alien in this country has been much criticized 
 for sending and carrying back to Europe his savings 
 which in the total amounts to many millions of dol- 
 lars annually. But to send or to carry savings to 
 
Racial History 75 
 
 the old country cannot be considered unjust to the 
 United States. For every dollar sent or carried to 
 Europe, more than a dollar's worth of productive 
 labor has been expended in the United States by the 
 immigrant. It is true, however, that if that dollar 
 were invested in this country, the United States 
 would have not only the results of productive labor 
 but also the benefits to be gained from the use of 
 the capital derived from the immigrant's savings. 
 This country can afford to offer inducements where- 
 by the immigrant will change his mental attitude 
 and will prefer to make his investments here. 
 
 The time is coming (if it has not already ar- 
 rived), however, when the United States cannot 
 admit the immigrant who comes simply to make 
 money and then to return home. If he is to be ad- 
 mitted, he must come as a home-seeker and a future 
 citizen as well as a laborer. Perhaps the time has 
 come when we can admit only a few hundred thou- 
 sand selected immigrants per year. We reached the 
 point years ago where we could no longer admit 
 freely all who desired to come. We are unable to 
 remain an asylum for the oppressed of other races 
 and nations. Our own free land is exhausted, our 
 industrial opportunities do not prevent us from 
 facing the serious problems of unemployment from 
 time to time, our poor in increasing numbers are 
 being recruited from our own native-born popula- 
 tion — as a result of our own economic and social 
 maladjustments. It is our plain duty and oppor- 
 tunity to build up our economic and social order on 
 scientific principles and to advance the Americaniza- 
 
76 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 tion of the immigrants who are already in the coun- 
 try. When our socio-economic processes operate 
 soundly and when our Americanization program 
 reaches throughout the nation, we shall be able again 
 to invite immigration. 
 
PART TWO 
 
 THE NATIVE-BORN AND AMERICAN 
 TRAITS 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 The Average American 
 
 The term "average American" is here used to in- 
 clude all native-born Americans except three dis- 
 tinct native groups, viz., the American Indians, the 
 Negroes, and the Appalachian mountaineers. Aver- 
 age Americans are the persons to whom one would 
 ordinarily say an Americanization program does 
 not apply. At first thought it would seem that 
 normal Americans are already Americanized, and 
 that Americanization should start from them, not 
 with them. Americanization, on the other hand, is 
 the process of adopting the principles of American- 
 ism, and all native-born, as well as the foreign-born, 
 must experience this process, which requires time and 
 patient learning. Some of the foreign-born citizens 
 have reached a higher point on the scale of Amer- 
 icanism than some native citizens. Moreover, not 
 all normal Americans understand and live the prin- 
 ciples of Americanism to an equal degree. 
 
78 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Americans vary in type from the highly loyal, 
 national-minded, socialized person to the mean 
 wretch who preys upon his kind and society, or to 
 the gilded "gentleman" who moves in the best cir- 
 cles, but at heart is a moral reprobate, or a profiteer. 
 Every average native is moving either upward or 
 downward on the graded scale of Americanism. 
 Some persons are improving the quality of our na- 
 tional life ; others are degrading our precious stand- 
 ards. All Americans can be truer Americans. 
 
 1. Americans must lead the way sincerely, nobly, 
 and democratically if others are to follow. If the 
 American Indians are to become enthusiastic in their 
 loyalty to the United States, they must not be al- 
 lowed to suffer from economic exploitation, or from 
 short-sighted Americanism ; they must get their con- 
 ception of American standards from large-hearted, 
 broad-minded American leaders. If American Ne- 
 groes, who compose one-tenth of our armies abroad 
 and at home, and of our total population, are to be- 
 come a strong link in our national chain, they must 
 not get their Americanism through lynch procedure 
 and rabid race prejudice, but from Americans who 
 understand fully the problems of racial assimila- 
 tion. If the Appalachian mountaineers are to come 
 forth from their eighteenth century life into twen- 
 tieth century Americanism, the invitation must not 
 come tardily in the wake of the blunt, crushing pene- 
 trations of commercialism, but through the sym- 
 pathetic and painstaking efforts of public educators. 
 If the European alien within our gates is to con- 
 tribute his life and ideals to the melting-pot, he must 
 
The Average American 79 
 
 be protected from unscrupulous "bosses," agents, 
 "padrones," soap-box orators, and be given at the 
 work-bench, in the street-car, and everywhere a daily 
 interpretation of an Americanism ringing with the 
 principles of liberty, union, democracy, and brother- 
 hood. If the Asiatic immigrant is to be inducted into 
 the body politic, the leaders in charge must not be 
 narrow-minded American "patrioteers," but large- 
 gauge, world-visioned American patriots. Nothing 
 on the part of Americans but a consistent day-by-day 
 attitude begotten of love will so effect the unAmeri- 
 can native or alien that he will naturally and will- 
 ingly give up his former life, break home ties if 
 necessary, and assume the responsibilities of whole- 
 hearted citizenship in our democracy. 
 
 Attorney George L. Bell of the State Commission 
 of Immigration and Housing of California reports, 
 by way of illustration of unfortunate American prac- 
 tices, a colonization scheme in the Sacramento Val- 
 ley. The sales agents made a special effort to in- 
 duce immigrants to purchase land in lots of from 
 twenty to thirty acres. The value of the land was 
 represented in advertisements and by oral state- 
 ments in the most glowing terms. Exaggeration and 
 misrepresentation were common. As a result, "150 
 families, mostly immigrants, were induced to pay 
 from $100 to $150 an acre for this land. Three 
 years of fruitless labor went by, life-savings were 
 lost, and worst of all, confidence in America was 
 shattered." Upon investigation, it was found that 
 the land was "honeycombed with hardpan." The 
 soil experts of the University of California are re- 
 
80 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 ported by Attorney Bell as finding that, at the most, 
 the land was worth only from $15 to $20 an acre, 
 and that no one could possibly make a living on 
 these twenty or thirty acre lots. Mr. Bell observes : 
 
 "This is only one of some 500 land fraud cases 
 that have been handled by the State Immigration 
 Commission. It shows that we exploit immigrants 
 even in their attempt to get back to the land — the 
 place where many wise students of the problem 1 say 
 they must be, before our immigrant problem is 
 solved." 
 
 Another type of traditional American attitude, 
 which must be changed, is found in the experiences 
 of a certain California mining company. 
 
 "The manager began to notice a restlessness 
 among the 5000 South Austrian employes. They 
 were Croatians but he did not know that. The un- 
 rest grew. He could discover no real cause for it 
 and began to fear real trouble. He thought the 
 I. W. W. had been at work somehow and he sent for 
 the United States marshal and asked that help be 
 ready on call. The Immigration Commission offices 
 up in San Francisco heard of the stir, and wired to 
 wait, for they would send down an interpreter who 
 spoke the language of the men. The interpreter 
 arrived and announced that he intended to live 
 among the men and find out just what all the noise 
 was about. The company objected on the ground 
 that it was dangerous and that his life wouldn't be 
 
 "'Americanization as a Necessity to National Defense." pamphlet 
 published by the California State Commission on Immigration and 
 Housing, no date. 
 
The Average American 81 
 
 worth a cent. He answered, 'But you forget that 
 these are my own people, and I understand them.' 
 He found a bunk in a lodging house. At the end 
 of the second day he reported to the company that 
 the row was the result of a feverish debate, in which 
 the whole camp was involved, as to where the new 
 capitol for the new republic of Jugo-Slavia should be 
 located 1 The management said, 'What we needed 
 was not the United States marshal to keep order, but 
 an interpreter to help us understand the men'." 2 
 
 2. Additional democratization of Americans is 
 necessary because so many Americans misunderstand, 
 take a snobbish attitude toward, or look down upon 
 the foreigners. We do not realize that these same 
 foreigners see our faults and look down upon us be- 
 cause of certain of our ways. The situation is ex- 
 plained by the statement that the average American 
 thinks of the immigrant in terms of a laborer and 
 the average immigrant thinks of the American in 
 terms of a "boss." The truth of the matter is that 
 the immigrant possesses countless good qualities 
 which the American does not suspect and the Ameri- 
 can has ideals and traits of which the immigrant 
 personally does not learn. President Wilson struck 
 the needed key-note when he said : "No amount of 
 dwelling upon the idea of liberty and of justice will 
 accomplish the object we have in view, unless we 
 ourselves illustrate the idea of justice and of lib- 
 erty." 3 
 
 'National Conference of Social Work, Proceedings of, 1918, Kan- 
 sis City, pp. 449, 450. 
 
 "Address at the Citizenship Convention, Washington, D. C, July 
 13, 1916. 
 
82 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 We are slow to study and to comprehend the full 
 meaning of democracy. As a nation, we are demo- 
 cratic; but as James Russell Lowell said, "Few peo- 
 ple take the trouble of trying to find out what de- 
 mocracy really is." 4 Even many loyal Americans 
 have thought it fitting to reverse the President's dic- 
 tum and declare that "democracy must be made safe 
 for the world." Other Americans have questioned 
 the merits of democracy in time of a national 
 emergency such as war. All such doubters need to 
 remember that the war between the United States 
 and Germany was one between an imperfect democ- 
 racy and a highly perfected autocracy. The latter 
 had been consciously and purposely building up its 
 system for centuries; the former began only in re- 
 cent years to analyze its national purposes and to 
 perfect itself on the basis of those purposes. 5 Ameri- 
 canizing average Americans means, in part, that they 
 shall analyze democracy and build up a purposeful 
 nation on that basis. 
 
 The question has been raised by our diplomat and 
 historian, David Jayne Hill, whether we have made 
 our land a democracy in our laws and in our admin- 
 istration of them. 6 "We have concentrated our at- 
 tention upon our material conduct until we have been 
 hypnotized by it." 7 We need to re-examine our Am- 
 ericanism. Americanization itself means a process of 
 self-examination by native Americans in regard to 
 
 'Address at Birmingham, England, October 6, 1884. 
 "Cf. R. Dixon, Americanixation, pp. 44ff. 
 'Americanism: What It Is, p. 78. 
 "Ibid., p. 205. 
 
The Average American 83 
 
 the principles which they profess, according to Presi- 
 dent Wilson. 8 As Americans, we are asked by the 
 President, to purify and re-dedicate our declarations 
 of democracy. We need to see clearly "where we 
 are adhering to and where we are departing from 
 just and equal democratic laws." 9 
 
 3. In the normal times of peace, many Ameri- 
 cans have become notorious for taking little interest 
 in their government and in public welfare, sometimes 
 through sectionalism, and sometimes through 
 thoughtlessness and unconscious selfishness. Mrs. 
 Mary K. Simkhovitch of Greenwich House, New 
 York City, cites the example of a New Englander 
 who is first a New Englander and only very secondar- 
 ily a citizen of the United States. 10 Mrs. Simkho- 
 vitch believes that the colonial hyphenated Ameri- 
 can has perhaps as little understanding of Ameri- 
 canism as has a member of any other hyphenated 
 group; and in her work on the East Side, she has 
 come to believe, also, that the average immigrant is 
 a more ardent patriot, even under adverse conditions 
 than the plain American of colonial stock. 11 
 
 Because of our lack of interest in governmental 
 matters, unworthy politicians have prospered and 
 true statesmen have been unjustly caricatured. The 
 chief evil in this country was pronounced by Mr. 
 Roosevelt to be the lack of sufficiently general ap- 
 preciation of the responsibility of citizenship. 12 Con- 
 
 8 Address at Citizenship Convention, op. cit. 
 
 "D. J. Hill, op. cit., p. 78. 
 
 "The City Worker's World in America, p. 188. 
 
 a Ibid., p. 191. 
 
 "Fear God and Take Your 0<wn Part, p. 104. 
 
84 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 sequently, a whole brood of evils have hatched. As 
 enumerated by Mr. Roosevelt, these are: (1) un- 
 fair business methods, (2) the misused power of 
 capital, (3) the unjustified activities of labor, (4) 
 "pork-barrel" legislation, and (5) graft among pow- 
 erful politicians. 13 
 
 When the United States declared war in 1917, 
 there were undoubtedly many native Americans who 
 thought of the war, not as an opportunity to serve 
 the country or the cause of democracy, but who 
 asked themselves, "How can I better myself econom- 
 ically?" or "How can I personally gain something 
 out of the war spirit?" In defiance of patriotic needs, 
 profiteering spread its ugly tentacles, and labor 
 strikes and "direct action" were boldly advocated. 
 Too often the aim has been : What can I get out of 
 the government? Too rarely has the question been 
 raised: What can I do for my country? 
 
 Americanization implies a development of stead- 
 fast interest on the part of the American in his polit- 
 ical representatives. It means that public office must 
 be given an air of dignity in the eyes of both the 
 native-born and the foreign-born. The conception of 
 public office in America according to our kindly critic, 
 Mr. James Bryce, falls below its true worth and 
 dignity. 1 * The average voter frequently neglects to 
 cast the ballot. He rarely keeps his legislative rep- 
 resentatives informed as to his belief on important 
 issues, unless he is the votary of a "special interest," 
 when he importunes too much, urging the support 
 
 "Ibid. 
 
 "The American Commonwealth, Vol. II, Chap. XCVIII. 
 
The Average American 85 
 
 of given measures, which may be directly opposed 
 to public welfare. 
 
 We are prone to heap abuse upon public officials 
 — even chief executives — especially if they belong 
 to a political party different from our own. Extreme 
 partisanship undermines Americanism. Some news- 
 paper cartoons of our officials crush out respect for 
 the incumbents, for the offices, and even for the gov- 
 ernment itself in the eyes of both citizens and aliens. 
 
 4. Americanization of average Americans in- 
 volves more unification than we now have in matters 
 of race, ideals, standards of democracy. We do not 
 yet have a definite American race ; we are still racial- 
 ly diversified, speaking many languages and harbor- 
 ing a large variety of racial customs. In our 
 thinking on national and world issues, we are heter- 
 ogeneous. The long, cold winters of North Dakota 
 produce different attitudes from those stimulated in 
 the humid regions of South Carolina. Accumulations 
 of private wealth strengthened by an inheritance 
 system are responsible for a gulf between the capi- 
 talistic and the laboring classes so wide that when 
 either group speaks the other is likely to misunder- 
 stand. Americanization is a process which will build 
 up a common basis of understanding for conserva- 
 tives and liberals, and for the orthodox and dissen- 
 ters in all phases of our national life. 
 
 5. Another need for the Americanization of 
 average Americans is found in our lack of conserva- 
 tion of national resources. The reckless cutting 
 down of the best timber in magnificent forests and 
 the wholesale burning of natural gas in order to ap- 
 
86 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 propriate the underlying oils, have been stopped to 
 a large degree, but the wearing out of adolescents in 
 mills, a needless waste of adults in hazardous occu- 
 pations, tremendous expenditures of money and en- 
 ergy for fashion-luxuries go on. In 1917, we were 
 manufacturing as many as 850 styles of shoes. In 
 1913, we spent more money for "sodas" and ice 
 cream than in support of the church; twice as much 
 money for tobacco, and five times as much money for 
 liquor as for the church. 15 Note the following head- 
 lines in newspapers as illustrations of the current 
 
 need for conservation: "Mrs. H wears $35,000 
 
 coat," "Banquet given in honor of Monkey," "Half 
 
 Million Dollars in Jewels on Mrs. A at Ball," 
 
 "Bequeaths Valuable Property to Pet Bulldog." 
 
 The immigrant is astounded at the reckless expen- 
 ditures in America. Paralyzed, he beholds an Amer- 
 ican youth nonchalantly pull a ten dollar bill from 
 his vest pocket and toss it on the counter in paying 
 for a five-cent package of chewing gum. The immi- 
 grant is more thrifty than the native-born. In the 
 years preceding the European War, the immigrant 
 was saving and sending to Europe hundreds of mil- 
 lions of dollars annually — savings from meagre 
 wages. Present-day Americans need to return to the 
 principles of thrift that were taught by Franklin. 
 
 6. Americanization of Americans must provide 
 for increased emphasis upon quality and thorough- 
 ness, and decreased stress upon quantity and speed. 
 
 "Compare the statement made as recently as 1918 by Royal 
 Dixon in his book on Americanization (p. 35) that Americanism 
 has been confounded by the existence of every conceivable kind of 
 abuse of human liberties. 
 
The Average American 87 
 
 Dispatch and bigness and noise were not always 
 American idols; in recent decades, these tendencies 
 have developed. During the visit of the writer to 
 the automobile section at the San Francisco Exposi- 
 tion, the salesmen of almost all the best automobiles 
 were only moderately busy or else were lounging 
 about. At one side of the building, however, there 
 was considerable commotion and a large crowd of 
 people. There was a slowly moving long platform 
 upon one end of which automobile parts were being 
 thrown, and at the other end of which every eight 
 minutes a chauffeur jumped into a fully assembled 
 automobile, gave a "honk, honk," and amid the 
 plaudits of the onlookers, drove merrily out of the 
 building, and disappeared from view. Unfortunate- 
 ly, not all speed in America has in it the qualitative 
 advantages for the common people that is repre- 
 sented in the rapid-fire manufacture of Ford motor 
 cars. 
 
 Unworthy forms of speed are illustrated by the 
 get-rich-quick schemes of the hour, by the neuras- 
 thenic chase after new fashions, by the educational 
 curricula for giving students a smattering of knowl- 
 edge in several vital fields simultaneously, by the 
 kaleidoscopic dash via automobile to snatch a few 
 hours of nerve-wrecking amusement at a pleasure 
 resort. 
 
 In play as well as in work American speed is com- 
 mon. We have developed in recent years the unfor- 
 tunate habit of rushing at thirty miles an hour to 
 places of recreation and amusement, trying one arti- 
 ficial and excitement-dealing device after another in 
 
88 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 rapid succession, and then dashing for home at thir- 
 ty-five miles, arriving there more tired than when we 
 started. Such habits preclude the possibilities of 
 securing natural and needed relaxation and recre- 
 ation from one's leisure hours. 
 
 The deification of bigness in American business 
 life is presented by Booth Tarkington in The Tur- 
 moil. Herein is depicted a character to whom big- 
 ness alone is the source of happiness. Bigness, how- 
 ever, is often developed at the expense of human 
 welfare — this is the indirect theme of the story. As 
 Americans we are prone to worship the tallest sky- 
 scrapers, the largest bank-accounts, the fastest base- 
 runners. 
 
 With this bigness and speed there is frequently the 
 strident accompaniment of noise. Fortunately, how- 
 ever, we have reacted against mere noise as a means 
 of celebrating the Fourth of July. Nevertheless 
 temporary recidivism expressed itself on November 
 11th, 1918, the day of the signing of the armistice. 
 The people did not have the advantage which comes 
 from organization; they acted spontaneously. Spon- 
 taneity, however, is supposed to reveal real attitudes. 
 At any rate, the most striking phase of the celebra- 
 tion was the noise, the tin-can noise, the raucous 
 noise of cacophonous, competitive voices. Our high 
 appraisal of virile morality and courageous patriot- 
 ism is offset in part by a weakness for size, speed, 
 and noise. If America is to progress, she must 
 return to her pristine emphasis upon quality and 
 quietness. Mere bigness, rapidity, and loudness in 
 themselves lead to degeneration. 
 
The Average American 89 
 
 If America is to make a strong appeal to the 
 immigrant, quality and thoroughness must be con- 
 tinuously enthroned. The incoming immigrant can- 
 not understand the rapid pace in America. He fails 
 to grasp the tenor of the statement: "Time is 
 money." In his previous habitat, time had never 
 been commercialized. Upon arrival in this country 
 he moves leisurely; his mind likewise jogs along. 
 Then he becomes inoculated with the germ of Amer- 
 ican "hustle," and enters upon the asthenic pace. 
 
 On arrival, the newcomer to our land is dazzled 
 by the splendor of America. But as he proceeds in 
 a jangling street-car through narrow streets and 
 past dingy buildings to the East Side in New York 
 and takes up his abode in a six-story dumb-bell type 
 of tenement, and begins to sell cabbages from a push- 
 cart, he awakens from his bewilderment and asks 
 the meaning of it all. He is at a loss to explain the 
 juxtaposition of illimitable wealth and grievous mis- 
 fortune. He cannot adjust his mind to the co- 
 existence of elegant mansions and the dark caves, 
 sans sunshine, which are called tenements. 16 He 
 wants to know if there isn't a worm at the heart of 
 it all. He is amazed that generous America is so 
 callous in the presence of so much revolting misery. 
 
 7. Another native tendency which real Ameri- 
 canism must counteract is the decreasing influence 
 of the home. America developed and grew apace 
 out of a sound and not infrequently austere home 
 
 16 The reader will find in An American in the Making by M. E. 
 Ravage, a refreshing and good-natured presentation of the reac- 
 tions of the immigrant to various American methods. 
 
90 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 life. The child felt the disciplining hand of parent 
 and developed a respect for fundamental virtues. 
 Today persuasion has been substituted for compul- 
 sion, but the persuading often degenerates into sup- 
 plicating and importuning. As a result parental 
 discipline is breaking and consideration of the wishes 
 of elders is being ignored. Immigrant parents suf- 
 fer unspeakable chagrin because of the disrespectful 
 attitude of their children who are learning their 
 first lessons in American manners. A generation is 
 rising in our large cities without proper ballast. 
 
 Decreasing respect for the sanctities of marriage 
 and an increasing divorce rate are deleterious ten- 
 dencies. When marriage is considered merely as a 
 civil contract to be made or broken at will, a nation 
 is in greater peril than if an armed force were at its 
 gates. 
 
 The increasing homelessness of Americans is 
 startling in the extreme. In an average American 
 city an average family cannot afford a home. It is 
 cheaper to rent than to own. The larger the city 
 the less feasible is home ownership. We are already 
 upon times in new America when the majority of 
 our urban residents are homeless — in the sense of 
 being unable to live in homes which they own or 
 for which they are paying. The situation is pathetic 
 in regard to immigrants who look toward free 
 America for homes. The percentage of foreign- 
 born wage-earners in our industrial cities who are 
 home-owners is twice as great as the percentage of 
 the native-born in this class. It is a sad fact that the 
 native-born have given up the hope, while the 
 
The Average American 91 
 
 foreign-born are trying against insuperable odds to 
 acquire a home and to cultivate the sense of owner- 
 ship. Surely we do not want to make of America 
 a nation of lordly palaces with servant races begging 
 for floor-space on which to "pitch their gypsy tents." 
 
 For the well-to-do American, apartment-house 
 life with a minimum of home life and a maximum 
 of indulgent pleasures is becoming a widespread 
 movement. Children mingle in stairways and alleys, 
 or walk or run the streets without maternal super- 
 vision. Idle, unsupervised hours lead to indifference, 
 delinquency, recklessness. All these proclivities are 
 undermining the home as an American institution. 
 Any nation which would survive must preserve a 
 sound family life. 
 
 8. The twentieth century in America has seen 
 not only a sloughing off of outworn religious forms, 
 but an open disregard for the church and the sanc- 
 tities of religion. Fundamental American ideals, 
 however, have always included the religious element. 
 It was the Pilgrim Fathers who said that they had 
 undertaken the voyage to America "for ye glory of 
 God and advancement of ye Christian faith." It 
 was from the Old Testament that the inscription 
 was taken for the Liberty Bell. It was Washington 
 who held that religion is an indispensable support 
 to political prosperity and that patriotism is in vain 
 if it subvert this great pillar of human happiness; 
 that the security for life, reputation, property is 
 nowhere to be found if the sense of religious obliga« 
 tion be cut off ; and that it is doubtful if even moral- 
 ity can be maintained without religion. It was Lin- 
 
92 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 coin who declared that "this nation under God, shall 
 have a new birth of freedom." It was President 
 Wilson who in setting the nation at war against 
 autocracy and for democracy asserted : "God help- 
 ing her, she can do no other." 
 
 Colossal efforts are being put forth by the various 
 religious bodies. The Protestants are awake and 
 pushing forward their work but have not yet suc- 
 ceeded in delivering a religious message in a way 
 that wins the immigrants of the last thirty years in 
 large numbers. The Roman Catholic Church has 
 found the nature of its organization changing and 
 weakened in unexpected ways. Many of its mem- 
 bers, such as the Czecho-Slovaks, have broken away 
 in large numbers and formed free-thinking societies. 
 The effect of America upon the child of the orthodox 
 Jew is well-known. America frequently de-Judaizes 
 the Jew without Christianizing him. The appeal 
 of socialism to him is oftentimes greater than that of 
 Christianity. 
 
 In spite of surface drifts, the American is funda- 
 mentally religious at heart. Even beneath the crude 
 exterior of the illiterate immigrant there are dynam- 
 ic religious impulses. Americanization means a 
 purifying and socializing of the religious beliefs of 
 native Americans; it also connotes a wholesome, 
 constructive, and broad-minded appeal to the relig- 
 ious disposition of the immigrant, who will respond 
 and contribute mightily to the spiritual nature of 
 America. 
 
 In conclusion, Americanization of average Ameri- 
 cans involves the rebirth of all our fundamental vir- 
 
The Average American 93 
 
 tues. Average Americans must become pace-setters 
 of all that is good and true and that is civically and 
 socially dynamic in America's vision. The immi- 
 grant is more than ready to contribute his share in 
 this process. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 The American Indian 
 
 In the United States, today, there are nearly 
 300,000 Indians, who represent a race once in pos- 
 session of America. They are more nearly Simon- 
 pure American than any race in our country. But 
 what has been the history of their contact with 
 our Americanism? 
 
 The English colonists, according to A. B. Hart, 
 sought to make slaves of the Indians. 1 But the red 
 man could not understand slavery — his pride for- 
 bade. Conquest, extermination, and racial death, 
 therefore, became his sad fate. 2 The Indian lived 
 in the pretended nobility of his origin. 3 He loved 
 his out-of-door hunting life as the distinguishing 
 trait of his race; he had no desire to give up his 
 standards for what he considered the unsatisfactory 
 status of civilization. He despised the "paleface" 
 and scorned a race which in his judgment had suc- 
 cumbed to the monotonous and tedious discipline of 
 labor. He felt "an unsurmountable disgust for the 
 methods the Europeans used in attaining their su- 
 periority." 4 
 
 'National Ideals Historically Traced, p. 48. 
 
 'Ibid. 
 
 "A. de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, I:340ff. 
 
 'Ibid, p. 349. 
 
The American Indian 95 
 
 The psychical and social differences between the 
 red and the white man were so great that mutual 
 misunderstandings continually arose. The Indian 
 disdained to make the gigantic leap from Indianism 
 to Europeanism ; he honestly doubted its worthwhile- 
 ness. The newcomers, on the other hand, failing to 
 appreciate the problems of raising a people of hunt- 
 ing proclivities to the markedly different plane of 
 civilization, alienated the good will of the Indian. In 
 its turn, the Indian's brutal method of warfare 
 aroused the hatred of Americans. The Indians lost. 
 They withdrew, following the trails of the wild ani- 
 mals which had made the chase an Indian institution. 
 Exhausted by famine, struggling to keep up a desul- 
 tory warfare, the Indian retreated over the hills 
 and across the plains. By 1818, "the currents of 
 civilization had flowed around the Indian tribes, 
 leaving them on detached reservations." 5 
 
 The Indians were nomadic, without a knowledge 
 of agriculture. When they endeavored to imitate 
 the Americans and tilled the soil, they were unable 
 to succeed in the contest with their trained American" 
 competitors. 6 . Unskilled in agriculture, and lacking 
 the encouragement of sympathetic instructors in the 
 fields, they met discouragement and defeat in this 
 their chief attempt to copy the ways of civilized man. 
 
 Until recent decades the attitude of our govern- 
 ment toward the Indian failed to measure up to the 
 standard set by Washington, who said: "We are 
 more enlightened and more powerful than the Indian 
 
 "Hart, op. at., p. 56. 
 
 °Cf. de Tocqueville, op. cit., 1:352. 
 
96 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 nations, we are therefore bound in honor to treat 
 them with generosity." 7 In commenting in 1842 
 upon this pronouncement, de Tocqueville, pointed 
 out that this virtuous and high-minded policy had not 
 been followed, and declared that "the rapacity of 
 the settlers is usually backed by the rapacity of the 
 government." 8 While he charged the Federal Gov- 
 ernment with treating the Indians "with less cupidity 
 and rigor" than did the individual settler, yet he held 
 that the policies of both the Federal and state gov- 
 ernments were alike "destitute of good faith." 9 The 
 states obliged the Indians to retreat, and the Federal 
 government through its promises and resources, 
 facilitated that retirement. 10 For decades the effects 
 of European civilization and the methods of the 
 newcomers instead of gently raising the Indians to a 
 civilized level made them more disorderly and less 
 civilized than they were before. 11 Increasing fric- 
 tion between the races reached its height in the nine, 
 teenth century and involved enormous losses in men 
 and money. By the year 1866, our government had 
 spent $500,000,000 in fighting the Indian. 12 
 
 In Grant's Administration, the military methods 
 gave way to the assimilative program; "the peace 
 policy" was inaugurated. The effective introduction 
 
 'Washington's deep concern that complete justice be done the 
 Indian may be seen in each of his annual messages to Congress. 
 'It/id., 1:355. 
 'Ibid., 1:357. 
 "Ibid., 1:340. 
 u Ibid. 
 
 U F. A. McKenzie, "The Assimilation of the American Indian,'' 
 /inter. Jour, of Sociology, XIX:763. 
 
The American Indian 97 
 
 of the new and constructive program is largely due 
 to the good judgment and foresight of the first 
 Board of Indian Commissioners, who believed that 
 through the living together of the two races assim- 
 ilation would result. 13 The Indian wars ended; In- 
 dian education began. 
 
 The intention of the government to act fairly 
 toward the Indian has assumed definite form; large 
 sums of money have been appropriated and used — 
 to the extent of $4,000,000 annually for Indian edu- 
 cation and related work. Individual holdings of 
 land have been granted, with citizenship an accom- 
 paniment of such holdings. Churches and privately 
 organized associations have become increasingly 
 active. 
 
 What is the present status of the American Indian 
 in regard to the processes of assimilation and Amer- 
 icanization? Despite the changed policy of our gov- 
 ernment, the Indian as a race is not being American- 
 ized. To a large extent the Indians have been settled 
 on poor farm lands in the arid belts. They live 
 under the fear that the reservation rights will be 
 taken away and the reservations thrown open to set- 
 tlement by white people. When they hear the words, 
 
 My country 'tis of thee, 
 
 Sweet land of liberty, 
 
 Of thee I sing: 
 
 I love thy rocks and rills, 
 
 Thy woods and templed hills, 
 
 "Ibid., p. 764. 
 
98 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 they grow sad and weep together. It suggests the 
 songs of their own free days. 14 They, too, love life, 
 liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 
 
 The citizenship status of the Indian has been un- 
 certain, for he has been granted citizenship rights in 
 one state and denied them in another, even though 
 he has possessed the same capabilities and degree of 
 development in both states. 15 His property rights 
 have been unsatisfactorily defined. A limited prop- 
 erty status has been granted the Indian since the 
 days of Helen Hunt Jackson who wrote : "The In- 
 dian is the only human being within our territory 
 who has no individual right in the soil." 16 George 
 Wharton James is authority for the statement that 
 the treaties of California euchred the Indians out of 
 their lands, 17 and that the evictions of the Indians 
 were far worse than the evictions of the Irish in Ire- 
 land. 18 It has been pointed out by Mr. James that 
 no native Indian can file upon any public land in 
 California, while foreigners may do so after taking 
 out their first papers, and that there are, for exam- 
 ple, several thousand homeless Indians in California 
 who need small homesteads and cabins from which 
 they cannot be evicted. 
 
 Our education of the Indian has not met his needs. 
 His children who have gone away from home to be 
 educated find that they cannot return and make use 
 of their knowledge of highly civilized methods; the 
 
 M S. K. Humphrey, The Indian Dispossessed, p. 8. 
 
 "McKenzie, op. at., p. 766. 
 
 a A Century of Dishonor, p. VI. 
 
 "From an unpublished lecture. 
 
 "The description of the evictions in Ramona are pronounced true. 
 
The American Indian 99 
 
 hiatus is too great. They have been educated away 
 from their parents. 19 As a class they must remain 
 away; or if they return, they must fall back into the 
 old ways. Education must be carried on in the In- 
 dian communities themselves and whole families 
 gradually and patiently instructed in rising from a 
 hunting stage to an agricultural level of civilization. 
 Race leadership must be fostered. 
 
 Little attempt has been made to give the Indian an 
 opportunity to contribute his best qualities to present- 
 day Americanism. These characteristics may be 
 briefly cited. He has the highest type of physical 
 courage, inherited physique, and endurance to con- 
 tribute to our current American life. 
 
 He possesses the gift of silence. To him, silence 
 is the sign of a perfect equilibrium; and indicates 
 absolute poise of body, mind, and spirit. 20 He is a 
 Stoic in the face of great danger. 
 
 The Indian is a lover of the out-of-doors. He 
 represents a style of simple living to which modern 
 Americans are trying to return in their emphasis 
 upon living and sleeping in the open. 
 
 He possesses an unassailable sense of personal 
 liberty and love of justice. He has a bold and as- 
 piring spirit, like that of his emblem, the American 
 eagle, which we have borrowed. 21 He is brave, fear- 
 less, and true to his plighted faith. 22 
 
 "Every individual when he returns to live in his former habitat 
 feels the strength of this tendency. 
 
 2 °C. A. Eastman, The Soul of the Indian, p. 89. 
 
 "Eastman, The Indian Today, p. 168. 
 
 "Ci. H. B. Whipple in Preface of H. H. Jackson's A Century of 
 Dishonor. 
 
100 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 The Indian is noted for his generosity. He sets 
 no price upon his property or labor, according to 
 Charles A. Eastman, 23 and his generosity is only lim- 
 ited by his strength and ability. In every public 
 ceremony, public giving is a part. His religion for- 
 bade the enjoyment of luxury. "Let neither cold, 
 hunger, nor pain, nor the fear of them; neither the 
 bristling teeth of danger, nor the very jaws of death 
 itself, prevent you from doing a good deed," said 
 an old chief to a scout who was seeking game to re- 
 lieve a starving people. 24 To the Indian, he is 
 wealthiest who gives most; with us, who keeps 
 most. 25 To the Indian, "Land is as free as the water 
 he drinks; proprietorship continues only so long as 
 the land is tilled or otherwise in use." 28 
 
 The Indian has given us the names of four of the 
 five Great Lakes, of countless townships and coun- 
 ties, and of one-half of our states, for example, 
 Massachusetts (blue hills), Connecticut (long 
 river), Dakota (allied people), Wyoming (great 
 plains), Utah (mountain home). These and related 
 facts have slipped almost entirely from our con- 
 sciousness. Many Americans have quite forgotten 
 the Indian's connection with America — a point which 
 is illustrated by the following incident. 27 An Eastern 
 woman, after spending the winter in Arizona, said 
 that the climate was splendid but that she did not 
 
 "The Indian Today, p. 89. 
 "Ibid., p. 115. 
 
 a W. N. Hailmann, in M. M. Butler's Education in the United 
 States, 11:961. 
 "Loc. cit. 
 3, E. A. Steiner, Nationalizing America, p. 14S. 
 
The American Indian 101 
 
 like the people — there were too many foreigners. 
 Upon being asked what foreigners she found so 
 numerous in Arizona, she replied: "Oh, the In- 
 dians." 
 
 As soon as the American people really understand 
 the Indian problem, they will insist upon justice to 
 the Indian as the basis for an Americanization pro- 
 gram. Our attitude will no longer be like that of 
 an attorney general of the United States who, when 
 asked to make a special inquiry in regard to an In- 
 dian case, exclaimed, "God forbid," and accompa- 
 nied the fervid response by extending his palms, as 
 if pushing away an unwelcome suggestion. 28 
 
 We must not fail to provide generously out of our 
 abundance for these original possessors of our land. 
 We must offer an educational program that will 
 slowly transform the Indian from the hunting to the 
 agricultural stage of development. We cannot af- 
 ford to neglect the valuable gifts that the American 
 Indian can yet make to current Americanism. 
 
 Lydia Huntley Sigourney has described the In- 
 dian's welcome to the Pilgrim Fathers in the follow- 
 ing words : 
 
 When sudden from the forest wide 
 
 A red-browed chieftain came, 
 With towering form, and haughty stride, 
 
 And eye like kindling flame : 
 No wrath he breathed, no conflict sought, 
 
 To no dark ambush drew, 
 But simply to the Old World brought 
 The welcome of the New. 
 
 "F. E. Leuepp, The Indian and his Problem, p. 2. 
 
102 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Then, by way of contrast, the poet has depicted the 
 Indian's present low estate and how he is without a 
 welcome in the mansions that have been builded on 
 land that he once possessed: 
 
 Thou gav'st the riches of thy streams, 
 
 The lordship o'er thy waves, 
 The region of thine infant dreams, 
 
 And of thy father's graves, — 
 But who to yon proud mansions, piled 
 
 With wealth of earth and sea, 
 Poor outcast from thy forest wild, 
 
 Say, who shall welcome thee? 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 The Negro 
 
 The American Negro is of composite racial ori- 
 gin; he represents the black Guinea Negroes of the 
 West Coast, the Bantus, Sudanese, and captives 
 from wild interior tribes. He came chiefly from 
 equatorial Africa where great heat and humidity 
 prevail, and where nature is profligate in coarse 
 foodstuffs. The climate favors indolence and sup- 
 presses ambition, exertion, and initiative. The over- 
 energetic individuals are cut off ; the indolent survive, 
 and become the parents of the successive genera- 
 tions. The abundance of raw foods makes exertion 
 unnecessary in order to secure a living. Natural fac- 
 tors combine to discourage ambition, intellectual 
 effort, and progress, and to foster lethargy and men- 
 tal retrogression. 
 
 Further, the equatorial regions are noted for the 
 prevalence of diseases and pestilences of innumerable 
 variety. Ignorance of hygienic laws and of medical 
 rules combines with disease tendencies to create an 
 excessively high infant and general mortality rate. 
 Those tribes with a normal birth-rate — in an Amer- 
 ican sense — soon die out. Only those groups survive 
 in whose members the sex instinct assumes a greatly 
 exaggerated expression. 
 
104 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Additional light is cast upon the Negro problem 
 in the United States by considering the Negro's en- 
 vironmental situation under American slavery. The 
 results of the slave system parallel the effects of 
 equatorial influences. Under that regime, any 
 Negro who manifested individuality, a mind of his 
 own, and self-will was punished. If he ran away or 
 otherwise remonstrated against the oppressive 
 phases of slavery, he was put in chains. Slavery 
 offered no special incentive for doing an unusual 
 amount of work in a day. For the mass, there was 
 nothing but an atmosphere of mental oppression. 
 The slave system, therefore, tended to eliminate any 
 members of the race whose ambition and self-will 
 had survived the rigorous weeding out process in the 
 ancestral tropical home. The unambitious and 
 mediocre survived and reproduced the race. 
 
 The Negro in America was compared in 1835 
 with the Indian by our sympathetic French critic, 
 de Tocqueville : 
 
 "These two unhappy races have nothing in com- 
 mon; neither birth, nor features, nor language, nor 
 habits. Their only resemblance lies in their misfor- 
 tunes. Both of them occupy an inferior rank in the 
 country they inhabit; both suffer from tyranny; and 
 if their wrongs are not the same, they originate, at 
 any rate, with the same authors. 1 
 
 "The Negro, who is plunged in this abyss of evils, 
 scarcely feels his own calamitous situation. Violence 
 made him a slave, and the habit of servitude gives 
 him the thoughts and desires of a slave; he admires 
 
 'Democracy in America, 1:338. 
 
The Negro 105 
 
 his tyrants more than he hates them He con- 
 forms to the tastes of his oppressors, adopts their 
 opinions and hopes by imitating them to form a part 
 of their community. Having been told from infancy 
 that his race is naturally inferior to that of the 
 whites, he assents to the proposition and is ashamed 
 of his own nature." 2 
 
 After the belated but magnificent proclamation of 
 freedom to the slaves occurred the gigantic political 
 blunder of giving the Negroes the right of suffrage 
 when they were utterly unprepared to exercise it, 
 when 90 per cent of their number was illiterate, un- 
 educated, and unable to appreciate the meaning of 
 the simpler principles of government, and when such 
 enfranchisement gave them political power over the 
 educated South. One of the inevitable results was 
 a state of anarchy, which lasted as long as the more 
 highly developed race was subordinated. 
 
 Another unfortunate result was an accentuation of 
 race prejudice. Under slavery, social contacts be- 
 tween whites and blacks were frequent and on the 
 basis of friendly and established relationships. But 
 freedom brought the separation of the races, fric- 
 tion, misunderstanding, and increase of race preju- 
 dice. It appears that the Negro is less popular to- 
 day in the South than he was thirty years ago. 
 
 The Negro population of 4,400,000 in 1860 has 
 increased to 11,000,000 In 1919. It is now three 
 times the total population of the country when 
 Washington was inaugurated; it is far larger than 
 the present population of Canada. While the abso- 
 
 2 Ibid., pp. 339, 340. 
 
106 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 lute numbers have steadily increased, the percentage 
 of Negroes to Caucasians has decreased. In 1790, 
 the percentage was 19; in 1860, it was 14; while in 
 1910, it had decreased to 10.6. This decrease and 
 these percentages do not represent the full situation 
 in the South. In Mississippi, 58.5 per cent of the 
 total population in 1910 was colored; while in 
 Washington County of that state with a population 
 of 50,000, about 45,000 were colored. The major- 
 ity of the inhabitants of South Carolina are black, 
 while Georgia, Alabama, and Florida are nearly 
 one-half colored. 
 
 The Negro has made long strides in overcoming 
 illiteracy. When emancipated, at least 90 per cent 
 of the race was unable to read and write. By 1890, 
 the percentage had fallen to 56.8; in 1900, it had 
 reached 47.3; and in 1910 it was 30.5. To have 
 lowered their illiteracy record from 90 to 30.5 per 
 cent in fifty years in a praiseworthy achievement. 
 
 In the industrial field, the black man's advance has 
 been noteworthy. It is estimated that the Negroes 
 own or are paying for 20,000,000 acres, or 32,000 
 square miles of land, in the United States — an acre- 
 age equal to the combined area of Massachusetts, 
 Vermont, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. As ten- 
 ant farmers they are cultivating an additional 40,- 
 000,000 acres. They own taxable property to the 
 amount of $500,000,000, or $45 per capita. These 
 figures are large, for only fifty years ago the Negro 
 owned practically no property and possessed little 
 knowledge of methods of acquiring property. The 
 Negro in the United States is credited with having 
 
The Negro 107 
 
 established 100 insurance companies and 65 banks. 
 The business men of the race have organized a 
 National Negro Business Men's League. 3 In view 
 of the countless obstacles, the industrial and business 
 achievements of the Negro are remarkable. 
 
 The mass of the race still live, however, in a state 
 of poverty. The percentage of pauperism is very 
 high. The race suffers from a lack of industrial edu- 
 cation, a low economic status in the midst of a higher 
 industrial civilization, and a scarcity of appropriate 
 stimuli. 
 
 The criminal records of the race are also high. 
 The Negro racially represents a set of lower cultural 
 standards than the Caucasian. From the level of 
 higher standards, many moral acts on the lower 
 levels are considered illegal and immoral. Another 
 element in this untoward situation is the fact that 
 two races of different standards are living in the 
 same territory. Wherever such a condition exists, 
 the lower moral strata of the higher race tend to 
 contaminate the whole lower race. There is no 
 doubt that on his cultural plane, the Negro is as 
 moral as is the Caucasian on a higher level of devel- 
 opment. Raise the Negro to the civilization status 
 of the Caucasian and his criminality would compare 
 favorably. 
 
 Intermixture of races is taking place illegally. 
 About one-third of the black race contains white 
 
 'A novel business establishment of the race is the Negro Doll 
 Company of Nashville, Tennessee. The Negro doll is described as 
 "a neat, prim, well-dressed, well-behaved, self-respecting doll." It 
 is hoped that the colored doll will have the effect of "instilling in 
 Negro girls and in Negro women a feeling of respect for the race." 
 
108 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 blood, in varying degrees. The intermixture is 
 greatest in the border states and least in the Black 
 Belt. The amalgamation takes place under legally 
 and socially abnormal conditions. As a result, there 
 is a vast cauldron of evil, vice, and crime continually 
 boiling up in the life of the American people ; Ameri- 
 canism is thereby irreparably damaged. 
 
 Negro migration to the Northern states has al- 
 ways constituted a problem, but in recent years the 
 circumstances have grown worse. The South needs 
 the labor of the Negro ; she suffers industrially from 
 his departure. In the North, the Negro's problems 
 of adjustment are manifold. The members of the 
 race tend to congregate frequently in segregated 
 districts of vice, where their disease-rate and death- 
 rate run excessively high. The war accelerated 
 Negro migration to the North. The high wages 
 have been the attractive feature, but competition 
 with th'e labor unions has been baleful. The war 
 resulted also in raising several pertinent questions in 
 the Negro's mind; chief of which is this: "If I am 
 good enough to fight for democracy 'over there,' am 
 I not good enough to be treated democratically here 
 at home?" 
 
 From the standpoint of Americanization, what is 
 the Negro problem? In the first place, the leaders 
 of the race are divided into two camps. Booker T. 
 Washington was the chief representative of one divi- 
 sion, while W. E. B. DuBois is the best known 
 spokesman of the opponents. Washington believed 
 that the race problem consisted, primarily, in making 
 the Negro an industrially efficient worker. In this 
 
The Negro 109 
 
 way, he will become of indispensable service to his 
 neighbor and community. Washington's dictum was 
 that race prejudice decreases as economic efficiency 
 increases. When the Negro fills well the basic occu- 
 pations he may aspire to higher positions. While 
 Washington believed in all types of education, he 
 stressed industrial instruction as the most vitally 
 needed by the race as a group. When the Negro 
 succeeds in industrially independent ways, white 
 people will forget his color, and race prejudice will 
 gradually die out. If his industrial success means 
 that he displaces white labor, then race prejudice will 
 be increased. 
 
 In matters of social interest, Washington took 
 the attitude that the white and black races should 
 remain separate like the fingers of the hand. 4 The 
 announcement of this principle in 1897 at Atlanta 
 raised a storm of protest on the part of many col- 
 ored people. While Jim Crow regulations, such as 
 separate cars and waiting rooms reduce race fric- 
 tion, they are humiliating to the Negro. The Negro 
 leader always strongly advised his people that before 
 demanding social recognition, they should do things 
 in a material and mental way for which to be recog- 
 nized. Industrial unity and social separateness, 
 thus, became Washington's doctrine. 
 
 The opposing division of the Negro race has been 
 lead by W. E. B. DuBois and others. Professor 
 Kelly Miller, while highly appreciative of Booker T. 
 Washington's viewpoint and efforts, leans to DuBois' 
 
 'Up from Slavery, Chap. XIV. 
 
110 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 side of the question. 6 Dr. DuBois holds that the 
 Negro problem consists in removing the white man's 
 prejudice against the black race. He asks that all 
 pre-judgments against the Negro be removed and 
 believes that then the Negro will prove himself 
 capable and worthy. The prejudice against the 
 Negro results in isolation both ways; the Negro is 
 cut off from the best of Caucasian culture; and the 
 Caucasian is prevented from understanding the 
 Negro. The following excerpts present Dr. DuBois' 
 point of view. 
 
 "The humblest white employee knows that the bet- 
 ter he does his work the more chance there is for 
 him to rise in business. The black employee knows 
 that the better he does his work the longer he may 
 hope to do it; he cannot often hope for promotion. 
 
 "Thus the white young man starts in life knowing 
 that within some limits and barring accidents, talent 
 and application will tell. The young Negro starts 
 knowing that on all sides his advance is made doubly 
 difficult if not wholly shut off by his color. 
 
 "Why deride the Negro race for not producing 
 scholars when a few decades ago it was denied the 
 use of letters? Why expect great Negro statesmen 
 where Negroes are not allowed to vote?" 8 
 
 Among Southern white people, the attitude of 
 Thomas Nelson Page is typical. Mr. Page believes 
 that the Negro problem centers in the fact that the 
 old feelings of affection that existed between many 
 members of the two races before the Civil War have 
 
 'Race Adjustment. 
 
 'The Philadelphia Negro, Chap. XIV. 
 
The Negro 111 
 
 now passed away and been supplanted by indiffer- 
 ence, lack of understanding, and even by hostility. 
 Mr. Page states that the hostility toward the Negro 
 in the South is due to the fact that the younger gen- 
 eration of the Negroes has been taught that they 
 are the social equals of the white man, and that they 
 are always trying to prove that teaching in every 
 way except the right, that is, by genuine worth and 
 work. 7 It is thus the contention of Mr. Page that 
 the Negro is primarily at fault and must change. 
 
 Mention may be made here of the Clansman, or 
 the Birth of a Nation, a motion picture film which 
 deals in large part with the Negro problem. This 
 film is unfair to Negroes because it shows them at 
 their worst in their relations with the white race. 
 While the harrowing illustrations of the actions of 
 individual Negroes undoubtedly represent actual 
 happenings, they present the darkest phases of 
 Negro life. They exhibit the meanest phases of 
 Negro activities during the Reconstruction period. 
 Only a few glimpses of the worthy side of the Negro 
 are shown. The Clansman gives historical half- 
 truths. Its vivid representations in picture form ap- 
 peal directly to the emotions, engender race hatred, 
 and re-open healed sores. As Uncle Tom's Cabin 
 shows the white race in its worst treatment of the 
 black race, so the Clansman presents the black man 
 in his worst attitudes toward the white man. 
 
 Northern white people have said that the Negro 
 problem rests in the failure of the Southerner to 
 perceive that he has a great unfulfilled social re- 
 
 *The Negro: The Southerner's Problem. 
 
112 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 sponsibility to meet in behalf of the black man. 
 "The simple truth is that there is a white problem 
 linked with the Negro problem and that both of 
 them must be solved together." 8 A new social atti- 
 tude is needed by the Southern white people, namely, 
 to assist the Negro to help himself up. 9 The South, 
 as a whole, can advance only when all the inhabi- 
 tants are brought to high levels of efficiency, and 
 when all are successful and progressing. In matters 
 of law and order, in the fields of health and of up- 
 right living, the entire South is dependent upon the 
 character and welfare of the humblest citizen. If 
 sections of the South are degraded, the contamina- 
 tion will weaken the whole mass. The Negro prob- 
 lem in the United States first centered in slavery, 
 then in reconstruction, then in disenfranchisement, 
 and recently in segregation, but always in race preju- 
 dice. 
 
 What should an Americanization program include 
 that will help solve the Negro problem? First, there 
 must be wholesale education along agricultural, in- 
 dustrial, and trade lines for the mass of the Negro 
 race, and higher educational provisions for the 
 members of the race who are fitted to undertake ad- 
 vanced studies. This educational program must 
 include instruction in the questions of personal worth 
 and social responsibility, and give that broad train- 
 ing of mind and spirit which will produce large num- 
 bers of Negro leaders for the race. In this move- 
 
 'P. L. Haworth, America in Ferment, p. 146. 
 
 "Cf. George Elliott Howard, "The Social Cost of Southern Race 
 Prejudice," Amer. Jour, of Sociology, XXII:577-93. 
 
The Negro 113 
 
 ment, all must participate, white and black, North 
 and South, the Federal government, and state gov- 
 ernments. Booker T. Washington estimated that 
 although the Negro constituted about 1 1 per cent of 
 the population of the country, his children received 
 the benefit of only about 2 per cent of the school 
 funds. The Negro must be given his proportionate 
 share of educational attention. The problem affects 
 the welfare of the entire nation and its solution must 
 be worked out as a national undertaking. 
 
 A second line of procedure is to keep the ballot 
 open to the Negroes who are ready to exercise its 
 prerogatives. In 1868, the mistake was made of not 
 educating the Negro for assuming civil responsibili- 
 ties and for exercising the right of suffrage. But 
 when he can pass tests of citizenship similar to those 
 to which aliens submit, he should be given the ballot. 
 
 Today we face the anomalous situation of having 
 drafted the Negro into the army and of considering 
 him good enough to lay down his life for the count- 
 try, but not good enough to be trained to vote. In 
 a perfected democracy all the individuals who 
 may be called upon to give up their lives for their 
 country ought to be trained to a level that fits them 
 for a vote in the republic. 
 
 "Do you vote?" a Negro in Louisiana was asked. 
 "I done passed up politics long ago," he replied, "I 
 got property enough to qualify, but it's unhealthy." 
 This incident illustrates several phases of the prob- 
 lem of educating the Negro for voting and of keep- 
 ing the vote open to him when he is prepared for it. 
 
114 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 A third set of suggestions involves undermining 
 race prejudice. Each race is prone to see the faults 
 and to overlook the best qualities in other races. 
 There is need for a renaissance of the attitude of 
 recognizing true worth wherever it shows itself, 
 irrespective of "race, color, or previous condition of 
 servitude." The Negro's latest demonstrations of 
 worth have come to light since the declaration of 
 war in 1917. At the National Conference of Social 
 Work held in Kansas City in 1918, James W. John- 
 son 10 pointed out that for every 100 colored citizens 
 called in the first draft, 36 qualified for service, 
 while out of every 100 white citizens, 25 qualified. 
 Further, a lower percentage of Negroes than Cau- 
 casians were rejected for tuberculosis, for alcohol- 
 ism, for flat-footedness, and for feeble-mindedness. 
 
 During the sixteen months following the declara- 
 tion of war in April 1917, in addition to the colored 
 victims 11 of the East St. Louis race riots, 84 
 Negroes were lynched in sixteen different states 
 of the Union. 12 Concerning lynchings President 
 Wilson has said that "every one of them has been a 
 blow at the heart of ordered law and humane jus- 
 tice." 13 Again: "How shall we commend democ- 
 racy to the acceptance of other peoples, if we dis- 
 grace our own by proving that it is, after all, no 
 protection to the weak?" 14 Race prejudice in so far 
 
 ""'The Changing Status of Negro Labor," National Conference of 
 Social Work, 1918, pp. 385ff. 
 "Numbering 175. 
 "Survey, August 3, 1918, p. 511. 
 
 "Presidential statement on "Mob Violence," July 26, 1918. 
 "Ibid. 
 
The Negro 115 
 
 as it manifests itself in lynchings in a land "where 
 the courts of justice are open and the governments 
 of the States and the Nation are ready and able to 
 do their duty" is undemocratic. Every person who 
 assists in a lynching is a betrayer of Democracy, 15 
 according to the President. 
 
 Unfortunately the movement to segregate whites 
 and blacks in cities is being enforced by ordinance. 
 Further, rural race segregation is developing. It 
 was James Bryce who asked how could "the haughty 
 assertion of superiority by the whites and the sup- 
 pressed resentment of the more advanced among the 
 colored people, be prevented from ripening into a 
 settled distrust and hostility?" 16 Mr. Bryce answered 
 his own question by asserting that race prejudice 
 might be treated successfully by an application of 
 the principles of the Gospel." 
 
 As the Negro rises on the scale of industrial suc- 
 cess and of social worth, he must take care not to 
 assume a haughty, boastful, or superior attitude, if 
 he would do his part in stifling race prejudice. His 
 achievements will speak more constructively for him 
 than oratory or argument can do. The white man, 
 likewise, needs to show continuously an attitude of 
 good feeling and a spirit of helpfulness toward the 
 Negro. In his dealings with the black man, he can- 
 not afford as an American to act unjustly or unneces- 
 sarily to arouse resentment. 
 
 By nature, the Negro is affectionate, teachable, 
 willing. He possesses a talent for public speaking 
 
 u lbid. 
 
 "The American Commonwealth, vi:529. 
 
 "Ibid., p. 564. 
 
116 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 and a remarkable love of music. Almost the only 
 outlet for the musical ability of a Negro young person 
 is the vaudeville and other inferior types of theatres 
 — institutions which pull a Negro down rather than 
 help him up. He is "exasperatingly cheerful under 
 the worst conditions"; he has a saving sense of 
 humor; he fights well for his country and is highly 
 loyal. He is singularly susceptible to improvement, 
 open to religious suggestion, and carries with him 
 the genius of a long-suffering virtue. 18 "He has ac- 
 cepted the tongue, the religion, the literature, and 
 the standards of his former masters." 19 
 
 We need to develop the habit of appreciating the 
 Negro's good traits, of helping him to help himself 
 up the educational highways, and of keeping the 
 ballot open to him when he is qualified to use it. 
 And he, on the other hand, must center his attention 
 upon achievement, and upon showing himself a 
 worthy American. 
 
 M A. B. Hart, National Ideals Historically Traced, p. SO. 
 "Ibid., p. 65. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 The Appalachian Mountaineer 
 
 There are between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000 
 mountaineers in the United States whose environ- 
 ment precludes their contact with progress. The 
 chief group of these Americans is located in Appa- 
 lachia, "one of the landlocked areas of the globe, 
 more English in speech than Britain itself, more 
 American by blood than any other part of America, 
 encompassed by a high-tensioned civilization, yet 
 less affected today by modern ideas, less cognizant 
 of modern progress, than any other part of the 
 English-speaking world." 1 Appalachia is 500 miles 
 long by 200 miles wide, or nearly as large as the 
 New England states and New York combined. It 
 comprises over 200 mountain counties, and includes 
 perhaps 100,000 square miles of territory. It begins 
 at the southern boundary of Pennsylvania, extends 
 through West Virginia, and includes the mountain- 
 ous sections of Maryland, Virginia, North and 
 South Carolina, Eastern Tennessee, Eastern Ken- 
 tucky, Northern Georgia, and Northern Alabama. 
 The people are of Scotch, Scotch-Irish, Anglo-Sax- 
 on, Swiss, and Palatinate German types, and of Cav- 
 
 1 H. Kephart, Our Southern Highlanders, p. 380. The total num- 
 ber of the Appalachian mountaineers is estimated by Mr. Kephart 
 at 4,000,000 (p. 311). 
 
118 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 alier and Huguenot ancestry. They are, according 
 to President W. G. Frost of Berea College, "our 
 contemporary ancestors." They are the descendants 
 chiefly of Scotch-Irish and Scotch colonists who 
 straggled into the Appalachian fastnesses and set- 
 tled down while time went on. They are anthro- 
 pological survivals of colonial days. They repre- 
 sent a larger proportions of "Sons" and "Daugh- 
 ters" of the American Revolution than any other 
 people in the United States. 2 
 
 The mountaineers of Appalachia may be divided 
 into three classes: the advanced, the normal, and 
 the degenerate. 3 The advanced type live in the cul- 
 tivated valleys that are in direct contact with civili- 
 zation. They have established many prosperous 
 cities. It is this class that produced "Stonewall" 
 Jackson, Daniel Boone, Presidents Andrew Jackson 
 and Abraham Lincoln. The normal mountaineer is 
 in a belated state. He has come, however, from a 
 good stock, and his backwardness is due not to lack 
 of ability, but to lack of stimulation. To him the 
 chief place in this chapter will be given. Then there 
 is the degenerate in the mountains who in many ways 
 is like the "poor white trash" of the lowlands. He 
 corresponds to the lowest social strata in our cities. 
 
 In mountain regions many peculiar social customs 
 are sometimes discovered. Elizabeth W. Klingberg 
 describes interestingly a large family in Appalachia 
 in which the youngest two children were without 
 
 a W. G. Frost, "Our Contemporary Ancestors in the Southern 
 Mountains," Atlantic Mon., 83:311ff. 
 'Cf. S. T. Wilson, "The Southern Mountaineers, pp. 19ff. 
 
The Appalachian Mountaineer 119 
 
 "given" names. It was impossible to enroll them in 
 school. When the teacher visited the home, the 
 mother gave the almost incredible explanation that 
 all the names she knew or liked had been given to 
 the older children and that she had been totally un- 
 able to provide names for the youngest two. In this 
 home, there was no scrap of reading matter, no 
 Bible, almanac, or school book.* 
 
 Carpets on the floors of the single-room cabins 
 are rare. A piece of cloth placed in a tin of grease 
 serves the purposes of a lamp. Chickens sometimes 
 serve as money; the "face value" of a hen is said to 
 be about three yards of calico. Eggs are used in 
 making change. 
 
 Privacy and delicacy are uncommon. Little scien- 
 tific medical knowledge is available. Diseases such 
 as trachoma are prevalent. In 1916, it was reported 
 that in one county — Knott County, Kentucky — 
 three state parties, Democratic, Republican, and 
 Progressive, had planks in their platforms asserting 
 that they would fight trachoma in that county 
 through governmental action. 
 
 From the daily speech of the Southern moun- 
 taineers, hundreds of words have been gathered 
 which have been obsolete since about the sixteenth 
 century or have survived only in the dialects of 
 England. 5 Some of these words possess a decided 
 Chaucerian flavor. Sample terms are "smilingest," 
 "talkingest," "knittingest," "jail-house," "Bible- 
 
 *South Atlantic Quarterly. October, 1915. 
 
 °S. S. MacClintock, "The Kentucky Mountaineers and their 
 Feuds," Amer. Jour, of Sociology, VII :27. 
 
120 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 book," "nap o' sleep," "creek o' land." "To be 
 angry" means in certain localities to be ambitious; 
 "worritted," to be tired; and "flower pot," any kind 
 of a bouquet. The quaint methods of expression 
 and the independent attitude of mind are indicated 
 in the following statements : 
 
 "Wal, I reckon things is about evened up in this 
 world. You've been everywhere and seen every- 
 thin', but I kin spin." 
 
 "We uns that cain't read or write have a heap of 
 time to think, and that's how we know more than 
 you all." 
 
 At a teacher's institute held a few years ago in 
 Leslie County, Kentucky, one of the teachers failed 
 to spell correctly every one of fifty words taken 
 from a college paper, and could not form the letter 
 "Z". 6 The typical preachers are uneducated; they 
 must be "called"; they must preach without prepara- 
 tion. Salaried ministers are considered an abomina- 
 tion unto the Lord. The preaching is dogmatic, hor- 
 tatory, and dramatic. Various Baptist denomina- 
 tions are the most common types of religious bodies; 
 Methodists and Presbyterians are also found. 
 
 The mountaineers' conception of the country at 
 large, of current Americanism, of international is- 
 sues is "shadowy and attenuated. As to what is 
 going on in the world of affairs, they have practically 
 no conception." 7 National problems, ordinarily, are 
 so far remote from the daily thinking of the average 
 mountaineer that these vital affairs rarely enter the 
 
 'Ibid., p. 18. 
 'Ibid., pp. 380ff. 
 
The Appalachian Mountaineer 121 
 
 range of his interests. According to Margaret W. 
 Morley, 8 the average woman cannot tell who is 
 president of the United States. A visitor to the 
 mountain fastnesses from Chicago or Washington or 
 Atlanta is called a "furriner." 9 . A person from Eu- 
 rope may be called "outlandish." When Mr. 
 Bryan returned from his trip around the globe, a 
 mountaineer referred to the Nebraskan as having 
 "kem back from the other world." In time of na- 
 tional war, the mountain people are ready to volun- 
 teer. Their emotions are quickly aroused. Their 
 records as fighters are replete with deeds of bravery, 
 from the battle of King's Mountain to the present 
 time. In the Civil War they furnished 100,000 vol- 
 unteers for the Union armies. Their patriotism is 
 of the eighteenth century colonial type. They love 
 liberty and freedom. They possess the characteris- 
 tics of a fundamental social democracy. Social castes 
 are almost unknown; "I'm as good as you are," is 
 the prevailing standard. 
 
 The family and the clan are perhaps the outstand- 
 ing social units. An offense to one member of the 
 clan is considered an offense to all members. The 
 causes of these feuds are manifold. ( 1 ) Blood rela- 
 tionship is the bond of social solidarity; there is no 
 neutral ground. (2) The people possess the Buf- 
 falo Bill type of fighting spirit which is a character- 
 istic of pioneering in the wilderness. The heavily- 
 loaded pistol hangs ever ready at the hip, while the 
 dangerous Winchester is a common possession. (3) 
 
 'The Carolina Mountains, p. 195. 
 'Kephart, op. at., p. 17. 
 
122 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Overlapping land claims frequently result in tem- 
 porary disputes that culminate in bloody feuds. In 
 Kentucky, the land titles are more confused than in 
 any other American state, because of overlapping 
 land grants that have been made. (4) Sheriffs and 
 other representatives of the law frequently favor 
 one side or the other in a feud. Consequently, the 
 individual feudist acquires the habit of administering 
 justice — as he sees it — on his own initiative. (5) 
 A man who refuses to participate in a feud and to 
 fight for his clan is ostracized by his own group. 
 (6) There is a lack of steady, organized work and 
 a consequent abundance of time which leads to idle- 
 ness. Jealousies and personal enmities quickly arise, 
 and conversation and small talk take precedence 
 over work. 
 
 The mountaineer has been frequently alienated 
 from whole-hearted adoption of Americanism be- 
 cause of the exploitation of the natural resources of 
 his mountain fastnesses by commercial enterprise. 
 He has been startled by the screaming of steam 
 whistles and the booming of dynamite. He has 
 watched the best trees of the forests fall and float 
 away on the streams. He has seen the rivers 
 dammed and their forces transformed into units of 
 colossal power. He has been dazed "by electric 
 lights, non-plussed by speaking wires, awed by vast 
 transfers of property, incensed by rude demands. 
 Aroused, now, and wild-eyed, he realizes with sink- 
 ing heart that here is a sudden end of that Old Dis- 
 pensation under which he and his ancestors were 
 born, the beginning of a New Order that heeds him 
 
The Appalachian Mountaineer 123 
 
 and his neighbors not a whit." 10 In addition to the 
 suddenness of the commercial invasion, there is its 
 mercenary and ruthless character. The words of a 
 Northern lumberman are reported by Horace Kep- 
 hart, as follows : "All that we want here is to get the 
 most we can out of this country, as quick as we can, 
 and then get out. 11 This dispossession of the moun- 
 taineer is unAmerican in the best sense of the term. 
 What contributions can the highlander make to 
 Americanism? He is noted for his independence of 
 spirit and his pride. He has been unable to fall 
 back upon others for help; he has had to cultivate 
 his own resourcefulness at every turn. He is natur- 
 ally as proud of his success as well as of his moun- 
 tain habitat. An old settler from the mountains of 
 Northern California visited San Francisco some 
 years ago after having been away from that city for 
 several decades. The village which he had last 
 seen in 1857 had grown into a dazzling city. He 
 was shown the urban marvels and was expected to 
 exclaim in terms of wonder and amazement by the 
 proud urbanite who conducted him about. Instead, 
 in a spirit of ennui, he merely replied, "Wal, I 
 reckon things have changed some since I was here 
 before." He was anxious to return to his mountain 
 environment with its (to him) superior advantages. 
 A mountain woman who visited rural friends in Ohio 
 was glad to return to her mountain home, whereupon 
 she exclaimed: "Law sakes, there warn't nary a hill 
 fer me to land my eyes up aginst." 
 
 "Kephart, of. cit., p. 381. 
 "Ibid,, p. 383. 
 
124 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 The independence and pride of the mountaineer 
 are shown in many ways. He admires the estab- 
 lished order; and "to change it, is fairly impious." 
 He scorns the strangers who boast about modern 
 improvements. "Shrewdly he observes them in their 
 relations to each other : 
 
 'Each man is some man's servant, 
 Every soul is by some other's presence quite dis- 
 crowned.' 
 
 Proudly he contrasts his ragged self: he who has 
 never acknowledged a superior, never has taken or- 
 ders from living man, save as a patriot in time of 
 war." 12 He refuses to carry an umbrella; such an 
 act he considers "queer." He will suffer severe 
 pain without flinching. He hides his emotions; his 
 feelings are subliminal. He scorns luxury as being 
 effeminate. 
 
 Typical mountain peoples are hospitable and obli- 
 ging to a surprising degree. They welcome frank 
 and kindly treatment; they are quick to resent an air 
 of patronizing condescension. 13 They are reticent, 
 but very sensitive. When once aroused they speak 
 bluntly and without fear of consequences. Their 
 honesty is unquestioned. Moral stamina is charac- 
 teristic of these "butternut-jeansed, rawhide-booted, 
 and calico-sunbonnetted people." They possess 
 strong physiques, iron constitutions, unjaded nerves, 
 
 "Ibid., p. 381. 
 
 "The reader should consult the descriptions of mountain life in 
 the novels of John Fox, Jr. 
 
The Appalachian Mountaineer 125 
 
 and an indifference to luxury 14 — all valuable social 
 assets. 
 
 Americanization of the Appalachian inhabitants 
 involves moving them forward two centuries on the 
 dial of civilization and of Americanism. "Time has 
 lingered in Appalachia." 15 The people are unac- 
 quainted with civilization ; they constitute sound ma- 
 terial for the Americanization process. They must 
 be released from their shackles of ignorance. They 
 must be freed from their blood-feuds. Their loyalty 
 which is high in view of their isolation must be put 
 in tune with current American ideals. For the reason 
 that they and the nation have grown apart, they 
 must receive the sympathetic attention of the nation. 
 
 They must be protected from inbreeding and the 
 resultant degeneracy that is found in many mountain 
 regions. They must be educated industrially, freed 
 from their poverty, and enabled to possess the full- 
 ness of their localities. Education must be extended 
 widely and without stint by Federal, state, and local 
 appropriations. The regular day schools and indus- 
 trial and trade schools must be established wher- 
 ever mountain people live. Model farms are needed 
 in every mountain county. Traveling teachers would 
 be able to work a revolution. Citizenship work is a 
 necessity. The training of leaders from their own 
 numbers is one of the greatest needs — leaders to 
 show the way agriculturally, industrially, domestic- 
 
 "E. C. Seraple, The Influences of a Geographic Environment, 
 p. 601. 
 
 "H. Kephart, Our Southern Highlanders, p. 18. 
 
126 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 ally, patriotically. The result of this Americaniza- 
 tion program would be the training of good farmers, 
 good housewives, good mechanics, good patriots and 
 Americans. 
 
PART THREE 
 
 THE FOREIGN-BORN AND AMERICAN 
 TRAITS 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 The North European Immigrant 
 
 The North European immigrant includes the 
 English, the Celt, the Scandinavian, the Dutch, and 
 the German. These peoples came as colonists and 
 immigrants and gave Americanism its fundamental 
 trend. 
 
 The English stand at the head of the group in 
 their influence upon America. They have given us 
 our language. In the way that form circumscribes 
 and gives direction to tendencies ; so the English lan- 
 guage has exerted a widely unsuspected influence 
 upon our American life. By using that language, we 
 have been led unconsciously to the storehouses of 
 thought, literature, and customs of the English peo- 
 ple with their millennium of national experiences. 
 
 Our fundamental social institutions have come 
 from the English. Our attitudes toward the family 
 and the school originated in large part in England. 
 Our political and legal institutions are English. 
 England gave us our first ideas concerning civil 
 liberty and the doctrine of the consent of the gov- 
 
128 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 erned. Our standards of right and wrong and our 
 religious conceptions are of British development. 
 
 The English colonist and immigrant have con- 
 tributed great intellectual powers to our American 
 life. As their language has brought to us the rich- 
 ness of Greek, Latin, Celtic, and Anglo-Saxon ele- 
 ments; so their race has contributed to our type an 
 amalgamation of Celtic, Norman-French, and Anglo- 
 Saxon traits. They have brought more bodily vigor, 
 endurance and constitutional energy than any other 
 group of immigrants. 
 
 Their psychical gifts include decision and nerve- 
 energy and independence in thought and action. 
 "Each man walks, eats, drinks, shaves, dresses, ges- 
 ticulates, and in every manner acts and suffers with- 
 out reference to the bystanders," except to be care- 
 ful not to interfere with them. Each new comer 
 from England is an island in himself. 1 He is self- 
 contained. He brings a towering degree of self- 
 assurance. "Of all persons, the Englishman stands 
 firmest in his shoes." 
 
 His social contributions to American life include 
 an emphasis upon plain dealing, a habit of matching 
 plain force with plain force, a reluctance to run away, 
 a desire to die game. He has brought to our shores 
 an admiration for custom and propriety. He likes 
 those customs "whereof the memory of man runneth 
 not back to the contrary." He is fastidious in want- 
 ing things done in good form. He prides himself on 
 the exactness of his clothing and equipage. He has 
 stood for individualism and conservatism. He ad- 
 
 "R. W. Emerson, English Traits, p. 104. 
 
The North European Immigrant 129 
 
 mires you if you are decided in your own opinions 
 and tender toward honored customs. He possesses 
 an anomalous element in his democratic character as 
 evidenced by the homage he pays to wealth and to 
 the laws of inheritance, in his tolerance of an an- 
 tiquated House of Lords and a king stripped of po- 
 litical power. 
 
 The Englishman's self-restraint is especially notice- 
 able when compared with American volubleness. His 
 stoical self-control contrasts with American enthu- 
 siasm. His conservatism is clearly delineated 
 when thrown upon the screen of American adapt- 
 ability. An English publisher hesitates to accept a 
 manuscript in an entirely new field, while an Ameri- 
 can publisher will not consider a manuscript unless 
 it represents a new realm of thought. An Ameri- 
 can officer visited a tailor shop in London in order to 
 have the pocket in his military coat altered. The 
 English tailor after examining the coat replied: "It 
 can't be done." "But," said the officer, "do you 
 know what an American tailor would do ? He would 
 examine the pocket and say: 'Be seated; it'll be 
 ready for you in twenty minutes.' " 
 
 Americanization should include a program for the 
 development of a better understanding by Ameri- 
 cans of their English heritage. In our schools, we 
 are taught concerning our wars against England; 
 our hatred for the Red Coats of Revolutionary days 
 stays with us. We are rarely taught our indebted- 
 ness to the English, that we were a part of England 
 politically for two centuries — a longer period than 
 that of our existence as a separate nation. We for- 
 
130 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 get that we are the children of England in social 
 ideals more than of any other people. "Take away 
 from America all that is English within her and she 
 would be a wilderness again." 
 
 Our likemindedness is shown by the fact that her 
 colony, Canada, and we have lived side by side for 
 many years in peace without establishing or thinking 
 of establishing large standing armies and bristling 
 fortresses. Canada and the United States have given 
 the world an actual exhibition of that future day 
 when nations shall live in such a condition of agree- 
 ment that even defensive armaments will not be 
 needed. Canada and the United States have per- 
 sonified a new type of international relationship. 
 
 On the other hand, the modern Englishman within 
 our borders can do much to further a better under- 
 standing. He must be careful to conceal his idiosyn- 
 cracies. Too many English travelers in the United 
 States have impressed us as dudes or snobs. By them 
 we have been prone, unfortunately, to judge all Eng- 
 land. 
 
 Our Celtic immigrants have brought to America 
 the characteristics of one of the oldest stocks of 
 Europe. Caesar made reference to the lively traits 
 of one of the early Celtic tribes. The Middle Ages 
 are replete with Celtic activities. By the seventeenth 
 century the Celts had become divided into politically 
 and religiously antagonistic groups, e. g., the Scotch, 
 Welsh, and Irish. In American pioneer days 
 the Scots, or Scotch-Irish, played the chief Celtic 
 role; in the nineteenth century, the coming of the 
 
The North European Immigrant 131 
 
 Irish millions was the leading Celtic event in Amer- 
 ica. 
 
 The Scots who came to the United States in such 
 large numbers in the eighteenth century, originally 
 lived in Scotia, "a lowland pocket of territory" in 
 southwest Scotland. They represented an amalga- 
 mation of Caledonians or Picts, Britons, Irish, Nor- 
 wegians, Angles, Saxons, and Danes. In 1610, large 
 numbers moved to Ulster, the northern province of 
 Ireland, to occupy the lands of the Irish which had 
 been confiscated by English and Scottish lords at the 
 request of James I (of England), who wished to 
 transform Catholic Ireland into a Protestant Scot- 
 land. By the year 1700, the Ulstermen had devel- 
 oped extensive woolen and linen manufactures. 
 These industries were suddenly cut off by the enact- 
 ing of Irish legislation at the behest of the British 
 crown, which forbade the exportation of woolen and 
 linen goods from Ireland. A few years later the 
 one hundred year leases that the Scots held on the 
 Ulster lands began to expire. For the new leases, 
 the Irish overbid the Scots and left them landless. 2 
 Heavy emigration resulted. Large numbers came 
 annually to the American colonies. As these Scots 
 came from Ireland, they became known in America 
 as Scotch-Irish. Finding Congregationalism the es- 
 tablished state church in Massachusetts, they mi- 
 grated to Pennsylvania and adjoining colonies. 
 Later, they moved into Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, 
 and Illinois. Wherever they went, they became pio- 
 neers, darers, doers, men of action. They have con- 
 
 2 J. R. Commons, Immigrants and Races in America, pp. 3 Iff. 
 
132 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 tributed more than has any other race to that type 
 known as the pioneer, or western, American. 
 
 The Scotch-Irish brought with them the spirit of 
 democracy as developed in the Scotch kirk, a hatred 
 of autocratic political domination, and an iron will. 
 Will power is their leading contribution to Ameri- 
 can life. In war, exploration, and government their 
 leaders have been many and noted. They have 
 played an honored and integral role in the develop- 
 ment of the United States. 
 
 Irish immigrants began to come to the United 
 States in large numbers about 1846. The failure 
 of the potato crop and English economic oppression 
 combined to throw Ireland into a state of starvation. 
 The operation of underlying causes made the Irish 
 people peculiarly helpless in the presence of the 
 potato famine. Landlord greed had reduced them 
 to a low economic level. The hundreds of thousands 
 of cattle, sheep, and other live-stock, and other hun- 
 dreds of thousands of bushels of grain that were 
 shipped from Ireland during the famine would have 
 been sufficient to have prevented the disaster, but 
 Ireland had no self-government and was unable to 
 put an embargo on these large quantities of food. 
 
 In 1851, the immigration to the United States of 
 the Irish reached a quarter of a million, its highest 
 point. Immigration continued, however, in the sub- 
 sequent decades, but in diminished numbers. Irish 
 immigration to the United States has totaled about 
 5,000,000, a figure larger than that represented by 
 English immigration and exceeded only by the Ger- 
 
The North European Immigrant 133 
 
 man, and a number larger than the present popula- 
 tion of Ireland. Boston and New York have been 
 pronounced the largest Irish cities in the world. 
 
 The Irish immigrant has come from a land where 
 he has been a man without a country, where he could 
 not improve the premises which he leased without 
 having his rent raised, and where he has been a 
 strong nationalist and has wanted home rule. In 
 America, he has forged ahead into positions of lead- 
 ership in city wards and labor unions. He has had 
 large representation among ward "bosses" and strike 
 leaders. Moreover, he has reached high rank in his 
 ability to govern. When Mayor John P. Mitchel 
 and the members of his cabinet came to Chicago, and 
 were the guests of the City Club at luncheon, Mr. 
 Henry Bruere, the only member of the Mayor's 
 official family present who was not an Irishman, de- 
 clared that to govern one's self was godlike, but to 
 govern others was Hibernian. Further, a city school 
 superintendent is reported as saying: "Of two ap- 
 plicants, I take the teacher with an Irish name, be- 
 cause she will have less trouble with the problem of 
 discipline and she will 'hit it off' better with the par- 
 ents and the neighborhood." 
 
 Because of his conventional temperament, he has 
 entered readily into the existing American institu- 
 tions. His imagination is a valuable asset. He is 
 quick to appreciate the feelings of others. He is a 
 good newspaper reporter, actor, and public speaker. 
 He stirs the hearts of the people. The Irishman has 
 lent a greatly needed optimistic quality to American 
 life. His lively good nature, quick wit, and illogical 
 
134 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 humor have given a wholesome tone to otherwise a 
 too serious Americanism. 
 
 The Irish immigrant has shown his strongest men- 
 tal characteristic to be a striking disregard for cir- 
 cumstances. 8 Anything or anybody who arouses his 
 wrath, feels his oncoming rush. He is a fighter, but 
 is far better on an offensive than an a prolonged de- 
 fensive. Quick in action, he lands, if tripped, on 
 his feet. His ability is available at the moment, 
 wherever he is. His main gifts to Americanism are 
 his generosity, joviality, quickness in wit and action. 
 
 The Scandinavians have sent more than 2,000,000 
 of their numbers to America. They represent the 
 European race which first discovered America. 
 While the Norsemen came a millenium ago, and 
 while Scandinavians arrived in Colonial days, it was 
 not until the steamship became common that Scandi- 
 navian immigration assumed definite proportions. 
 The advertising of the agents of the steamship com- 
 panies, the unsuccessful Dano-Prussian war of 1866, 
 and an industrial depression in Norway combined in 
 starting many emigrants for America. The move- 
 ment culminated in 1883. 
 
 Scandinavia has sent many trained artisans, but 
 chiefly farmers and unskilled workers. Minnesota, 
 the Dakotas, and Wisconsin have been their leading 
 destinations. The Scandinavian immigrant carried 
 to America his love for education. Because of his 
 insignificant percentage of illiteracy, he has soon 
 learned English, and has been assimilated readily. 
 
 'E. A. Ross, The Old World in the Ne<w, pp. 40ff. 
 
The North European Immigrant 135 
 
 He has become assimilated in less time than any 
 other non-English speaking immigrant. In many 
 localities the second generation is scarcely distin- 
 guishable from ordinary American-born children. 
 
 The Scandinavian's demeanor is quiet, he sings in 
 a minor key, and his folk-song possesses the dreami- 
 ness of the Orient.* He is slow to anger; he is not 
 easily moved by fiery eloquence, he does not indulge 
 in street rioting as a means of righting political 
 wrongs. A shrewd lawyer who is defending law- 
 breakers tries to keep the Scandinavian out of the 
 jury box. 
 
 The Danish immigrant is the Southerner of Scan- 
 dinavia. He comes from a nation of farmers, who 
 are among the best trained and most intellectual 
 agriculturists of the world. He is a strong advocate 
 of rural education, a rural press, and rural political 
 organizations. He comes from a country in which 
 the farmer constitutes the ruling class, and the dom- 
 inant element in Parliament. His is a heritage which 
 is democratic industrially as well as politically, which 
 denies the rights of special privilege, and which be- 
 lieves in a government operated by the producers. 5 
 
 Swedish immigrants are singularly homogeneous. 
 Their home center is gregarious Stockholm. Theirs 
 is a people which has given a generally-beloved and 
 sweet-voiced Jenny Lind to music, a Strindberg to 
 literature, and a Nobel to invention and philan- 
 thropy. Co-education and out-of-door life have 
 given their daughters a combination of sturdiness 
 
 4 E. A. Steiner, On the Trail of the Immigrant, p. 113. 
 "F. C. Howe, The High Cost of Living, p. 107. 
 
136 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 and femininity. Swedish immigrants have brought 
 to America the ways of a genteel ancestry. 
 
 The Norwegian is the product of a more rigorous 
 climate than is his Swedish cousin. 6 He is more re- 
 served, more austere in religion, less demonstrative, 
 and less advanced culturally. But when stimulated 
 and aroused, he goes farther ahead and is more ag- 
 gressive in improving his opportunities. 
 
 The Norwegian immigrant has "the high spirit of 
 a people which has never known the steam-roller of 
 feudalism." He could order the king off the land, 
 if he so desired. He has been described as "a big, 
 rough uncultured child of nature" ; he has come from 
 stony and water-soaked lands which have yielded him 
 a bare existence. His life in the home land has been 
 one of toil and brooding, without comfort except 
 that of his steadfast religious faith. His race has 
 produced Ibsen and Bjornson: the former has in- 
 fluenced profoundly not only Scandinavia but conti- 
 nental Europe, England, and America ; the latter has 
 been so beloved that the mention of his name to his 
 countrymen is "like running up the national flag" of 
 Norway. 
 
 The Dutch have wielded an American influence 
 far in excess of their numerical strength in our coun- 
 try. They contributed to English civilization before 
 they influenced America, and thus indirectly — 
 through the English — we are indebted to them. In 
 the days of Henry VIII, the people of Holland were 
 more advanced in many things than the English or 
 
 'Rom, op. cit., pp. 8 2 IF. 
 
The North European Immigrant 137 
 
 the French and were influencing in constructive ways 
 the immediate ancestors of many of the colonists. 
 
 In New Amsterdam itself a certain cosmopolitan- 
 ism prevailed which was characteristic of the Neth- 
 erlands. Life in New Amsterdam is described as 
 being gracious and free and broadly tolerant. The 
 Dutch colonists stood for educational progress ; they 
 established an educational system in New Amster- 
 dam as early as 1621. Both sexes received an edu- 
 cation. For that early day men and women pos- 
 sessed a unique type of equality. Neither party was 
 married to the other. Each was married with the 
 other. 7 Sometimes the marriage contract provided 
 that the wife and husband should inherit absolutely 
 from the other. Marriage was established upon a 
 kind of mutuality. 
 
 They sponsored freedom of the ballot and fair 
 play in all things. Not the least part that they have 
 played in American development is their role in 
 founding New York City. They have contributed 
 leaders to American life, for example, General 
 Philip Schuyler and Presidents Van Buren and 
 Roosevelt. 
 
 The first German migration to this country oc- 
 curred in 1682 and the succeeding years, as a result 
 of the activities of William Penn and his agents. 
 At this time, Germantown, Pennsylvania, was set- 
 tled by Pietists, Tunkers, Schwenkfelders, Mennon- 
 ites, and other seekers for religious freedom. 
 
 *Cf. A. W. Calhoun, A Social History of the American Family, 
 Vol. I, p. 167. 
 
138 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 The next German migration came between 1848 
 and 1855. After the Napoleonic wars, militaristic 
 German governments assumed increased autocratic 
 powers. At the same time the growth of the uni- 
 versities fostered the rise of liberalism, which in 
 1848 broke forth in open conflict with the military 
 regime. The trumph of the former was brief; the 
 latter soon made liberalism untenable ; literally, mil- 
 lions of people migrated. In 1854, 215,000 Ger- 
 man immigrants came to the United States. This 
 figure has been exceeded by the Germans but once, 
 namely, in 1882. Following the successes in the 
 Franco-Prussian war, Prussian militarism acquired 
 additional power, which together with the economic 
 opportunities in the United States explains the high 
 tide of German immigration of the period centering 
 about 1882. In the opening years of the present 
 century the majority of German immigrants was 
 coming from outside the boundaries of Germany — 
 chiefly from Austria-Hungary. Over 6,000,000 Ger- 
 mans have migrated to the United States. 
 
 The German immigrant brought a doctrine of 
 personal liberty. The outstanding individual of the 
 1848-1855 liberalists was Carl Schurz who attained 
 the rank of major general in the Civil War, the po- 
 sition of minister to Spain, and of secretary of the 
 interior in the cabinet of President Hayes. The 
 movement of liberals to America has produced bit- 
 ter opponents of special privilege in property, such 
 as many of the Socialist Party leaders in this country. 
 
 The German immigrant of the nineteenth century 
 attracted attention to himself because of his unre- 
 
The North European Immigrant 139 
 
 mitting industry and thrift. He entered early upon 
 agricultural pursuits; he pushed into the Middle 
 West where he reaped substantial returns for his 
 labors. His business success in America has also 
 been noteworthy. It has been due, not to taking 
 chances, but to steady plodding. He has taken fewer 
 chances "in the lottery of life than his enterprising 
 Scotch-Irish or Yankee neighbor." Unfortunately, 
 his success has led him, frequently, into a gross ma- 
 terialism. His contributions to business advance in 
 America are attested by the mention of names, such 
 as Schwab, Stetinius, Heinz, Spreckles, Busch, Stu- 
 debaker, Hershey, Gunther, Kohlsaat, Knabe, Stein- 
 way, Bausch and Lomb. The German immigrant of 
 the nineteenth century, as well as his children, in 
 nearly every case, has repudiated and condemned the 
 militaristic, autocratic, perfidious ruling class in Ger- 
 many, which, having educated the German people in 
 false doctrines, turned them into armies for the dom- 
 ination of the world. 
 
 The North European has been the backbone of 
 Americanism. But not all of his best traits have yet 
 found expression and not all of his energy and ability 
 has been turned to improving the quality of our 
 American democracy. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 The South European Immigrant 
 
 The French, Spanish, and Portuguese, the Ital- 
 ians, and the Greeks are the races which are here 
 included in the term, South European immigrant. 
 The South Slavs will be discussed in the following 
 chapter. 
 
 Although the French began to migrate to Amer- 
 ica in the days of La Salle and Louis XIV, French 
 migration to this country has always been small in 
 numbers. The Huguenots who came in colonial days 
 were a select class of manufacturers and merchants. 
 They were enterprising and educated. They have 
 furnished able American leaders such as Mr. John 
 Jay and General Francis Marion. 
 
 Nineteenth and twentieth century migration from 
 France has included, chiefly, skilled and professional 
 people. Very few peasants have come direct from 
 France. Our relations with and indebtedness to 
 France have been of a military, diplomatic, and 
 cultural nature, rather than of an immigration char- 
 acter. The French influence in America has ra- 
 diated from the philosophic trinity of Truth, Equal- 
 ity, and Justice. 
 
 From Canada, many peasants have come, largely 
 to the New England states. The French-Canadians 
 entered the mills or engaged in the fishing industry 
 
The South European Immigrant 141 
 
 in New England. Because economic opportunities 
 have proved disappointing, the return migration to 
 Canada of the French Canadians has been large. 
 
 The Spanish, long a migrating people, have never 
 come to the United States in large numbers. They 
 have gone to Mexico, the Central, and the South 
 American republics, and to the islands of the adjoin- 
 ing seas. The Spanish have penetrated our South- 
 ern States from Florida to California. Early Span- 
 ish settlements were established in territory which 
 is now a part of continental United States. The 
 influence of these pioneering efforts has been great 
 and still remains — especially in matters of religion, 
 architecture, amusements. In recent decades, mi- 
 gration from Spain has been very small. 
 
 The immigration of Portuguese has raised prob- 
 lems out of proportion to the small numbers which 
 have come. Portuguese have rarely migrated hither 
 direct from Portugal, but from the Cape Verde, 
 Azores, and even from the Hawaiian Islands. One 
 of their chief settlements is at New Bedford, Massa- 
 chusetts. Their standards of living are, as a rule, 
 low. Illiteracy of the Portuguese is high; in 1913, 
 it was 62 per cent. Segregation is common; Ameri- 
 canization and naturalization are taking place slowly. 
 
 Americans do not know the average Italian. 
 Americans have studied the Italy of fine arts, of 
 palaces, or cathedrals, but not the people of Italy. 
 Our ignorance of Italians is astounding in view of 
 the fact that for years Italy sent us a quarter of a 
 million of her citizens annually, and that in New 
 
142 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 York and Brooklyn there are more Italians than in 
 Rome. To many Americans, the Italian is nothing 
 more than a vender of fruits, a hand organ grinder, 
 or a devotee of macaroni. We forget that he comes 
 from a country that has three times led the world; 
 first, politically; second, religiously; and third, in- 
 tellectually. We forget that it was a man of this 
 race who discovered our continent, and that it was 
 another man of his race whose name our continent 
 bears. The Italian comes from a stock that has 
 produced world leaders, e. g., Columbus, Marco 
 Polo, Garibaldi, Mazzini, Titian, Dante, Michael 
 Angelo. 
 
 The North Italian is more advanced than the 
 South Italian and Sicilian. In proportion to his num- 
 bers, illiteracy is one-third as large, his school at- 
 tendance is twice as great, he employs twice as many 
 teachers and librarians, he publishes five times as 
 many books, and buys one-half as many lottery tick- 
 ets as his Southern neighbors. 1 He earns higher 
 wages, acquires citizenship sooner, is less turbulent, 
 less criminally inclined, less transient than the South 
 Italian and Sicilian immigrant. 
 
 Three-fourths of the large Italian immigration to 
 the United States has come from South Italy and 
 Sicily where the people have suffered long from 
 economic oppression, low wages, and exorbitant 
 taxes. The birth-rate in Southern Italy is very high 
 and the density of population is exceeded in only a 
 few places on the globe. 
 
 To the ordinary Sicilian, law and order have been 
 
 *E. A. Ross, The Old World in the New. p. 98. 
 
The South Euro£ean Immigrant 143 
 
 symbolized commonly by the tax collector and the 
 policeman. In Sicily, consequently, the peasant has 
 often taken the law into his own hands. It has been 
 said that to avenge one's wrongs one's self has been 
 a part of Sicilian honor. Upon arrival in our coun- 
 try, the Sicilian is naturally distrustful of law and 
 government. The American representatives of our 
 government need to give the newcomers from Sicily 
 and South Italy sympathetic impressions. Fear, 
 dread, and suspicion of governmental officers need 
 to be allayed as a first step in furthering the Ameri- 
 canization process. 
 
 Through his great love of art, and especially of 
 music, the Italian immigrant has much to contribute 
 to Americanism. He is very human. He is easily 
 pleased and easily disappointed. He is always 
 ready to inconvenience himself in order to do a good 
 turn for some one else. He has a large sense of 
 personal dignity. His good humor under stress of 
 adversity is noticeable. But how far have we availed 
 ourselves of these potentialities which are so much 
 needed for the development of a well-rounded group 
 of American traits. 
 
 A few years ago, in Ohio, an Italian mining camp 
 came to have the reputation conveyed by the term, 
 "Little Hell." 2 A veteran of the Civil War, learn- 
 ing of the nature of the labor camp, secured a talking 
 machine, some records, bearing selections from Ca- 
 ruso and Tetrazzini, and some popular Italians airs, 
 and going to the camp, set the phonograph in mo- 
 tion. He saw no "Little Hell," but "radiant faces 
 
 "Peter Roberts, The New Immigration, p. 274. 
 
144 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 and appreciative souls." He was welcomed by warm 
 hearts that were thankful for the sunshine that he 
 had brought. "The music opened the camp," re- 
 ports Dr. Peter Roberts, "and the old veteran of the 
 Civil War won one of his most glorious battles when 
 he brought that group of Italians into greater sym- 
 pathy with America and Americans by the power 
 of song." 
 
 What is true of Americanizing Italians through 
 the appeal of art and of music, particularly, applies 
 to other races which have more to offer America in 
 the way of the beautiful and artistic than America 
 possesses to give them. The new Americanism must 
 not allow the mirth and song that the Italian and 
 other immigrants possess to be crushed out in Amer- 
 ica by crowded tenements, unsanitary labor camps, 
 and in the humdrum of daily toil. 3 
 
 The Greek immigrant comes from Socrates' land. 
 It was recently pointed out that the editors of two 
 Greek dailies published in New York City bore the 
 names of Solon J. Ulastos and Socrates Xanthaky. 
 Thus, Solon and Socrates are at work even today 
 molding the lives of young Greeks. 4 
 
 The modern Greek is a direct descendant of an- 
 cient and glorious Greece. He is prone to indulge in 
 the luxury of taking pride in his nation's wonderful 
 achievements in centuries past. The opportunities 
 for advancement in the United States, however, soon 
 overcome the tendency of the Greek immigrant to 
 rely overmuch on his racial heritage. 
 
 'Ibid., p. 277. 
 
 'Thomas Burgess, Greeks in America, pp. 67, 68. 
 
The South European Immigrant 145 
 
 The passionate, quick-tempered, excitable nature 
 of the Greek often causes misunderstanding in 
 America. Where there are two Greeks, there are 
 often three opinions. 6 Loud talking, excited gesticu- 
 lations, and a general commotion that seemingly will 
 end fatally often prove to be nothing more than a 
 friendly kind of conversation. Disorderly conduct 
 on the part of Greeks is often due to their excita- 
 bility. 
 
 The most significant Greek settlements in our 
 country are in Chicago, New York, and Lowell. Sec- 
 tions of these and other cities are as Greek as Athens 
 itself. The large preponderance of men — often 
 there are not more than a few hundred women to 
 several thousand men — creates moral problems. Ab- 
 sence from the influence of women and of home is 
 an unfavorable condition. 
 
 In our large cities, the Greeks have captured sev- 
 eral of the smaller forms of business. Shoe-shining 
 establishments, fruit stores, candy kitchens, ice-cream 
 parlors, restaurants, and hotels represent the busi-. 
 ness institutions through which the Greeks are meet- 
 ing the minor wants of our urban populations. In 
 America, the Greek gains economically, but often 
 loses in health and domesticity. 
 
 The Greek brings to America valuable traits. He 
 possesses a courtesy and hospitality that we Ameri- 
 cans rarely show. His courtesy is born of centuries 
 of world-renowned culture. The Greek's love of 
 drama, music, and other fine arts is marked. But as 
 yet, America has taken no general steps to preserve 
 
 "H. P. Fairchild, Greek Immigration to the United States, pp. 20ff. 
 
146 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 these traits or to add them to and develop them as a 
 part of Americanism. It is pathetic to listen to a 
 group of Greeks in prison, whiling away an after- 
 noon, singing to the accompaniment of a guitar. 
 
 The Greek in America is a "natural-born" patriot. 
 His loyalty to the cause of freedom is magnificent. 
 "We are natural patriots," said a Greek to the 
 writer. "For five hundred years we lived under the 
 sword of despotic Turkey," continued my friend, 
 "and we know what freedom in America means. 
 The American, having always lived in a land of free- 
 dom, does not appreciate its advantages the way we 
 Greeks do." 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 The Slavic Immigrant 
 
 Slavs in America may be classified in five groups : 
 Poles, Russians, Ruthenians, Czecho-Slovaks and 
 Serbo-Croatians. Other immigrant races related to 
 the Slavs, which will be discussed briefly in this chap- 
 ter, are the Magyars, Lithuanians, Finns, Bulgarians, 
 and Rumanians. The Poles have come to America 
 in larger numbers than any other Slavic group. The 
 Russian immigrants, relatively small in numbers, are 
 important because of Russia's internal situation and 
 international position. The Ruthenians are South 
 Russians who have migrated chiefly from Hungary. 
 The Czecho-Slovaks are the westernmost division of 
 the Slavic Peoples. The Serbo-Croatians are the 
 South Slavs who live in Southern Austria-Hungary 
 and in the Balkan states. 
 
 Polish history is a rehearsal of one of Europe's 
 greatest tragedies. The Poles were historically an 
 enterprising, war-like race who built up an empire 
 that was idealistic, that twice defeated Asiatic hordes 
 which attempted to overrun Europe, and that at one 
 time held an authoritative place in the councils of 
 Europe. 
 
 Like other Slavs, the Pole is an extremist in tem- 
 perament. As the individual, so the state. In the 
 eighteenth century, Poland was comprised of several 
 
148 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 million peasants and a few hundred thousand nobles, 
 with no middle class, except as the Jews might be 
 so considered. Internal dissensions between the 
 widely divergent classes became rife and laid the 
 country open to invasion on the part of greedy, land- 
 hungry, autocratic neighbors. In the closing years 
 of the eighteenth century Poland fell before the 
 plotting of three imperial robbers, Frederick the 
 Great of Prussia, Catherine the Second of Russia, 
 and Maria Theresa of Austria. From 1815 to 1831 
 a new kingdom of Poland existed under the su- 
 zerainty of the Czar. But Poland was again 
 crushed by the heel of Russian autocracy. 
 
 Poland was unable to rise again until 1918. In 
 1914, her divided territories were under control of 
 Prussia, Russia, and Austria, respectively, and in a 
 state of political spoliation; her people had been re- 
 duced to a state of political slavery, and industrial 
 servitude. Because of these straits, the opportunities 
 offered by America have drawn hundreds of thou- 
 sands of Poles across the Atlantic. 
 
 Russian Poland is one of the most fertile regions 
 of Europe, and one of the richest corn-growing 
 districts of the world. In 1914, its chief city, War- 
 saw, had become the Birmingham and Sheffield of 
 the Russian Empire. 1 But there was no self-govern- 
 ment and even the use of the Polish language was 
 forbidden. Russian Poland was a country in which 
 there were approximately 10,000,000 Poles pinned 
 to Russia by the sword. 2 
 
 'L. E. Van Norman, Poland, p. 124. 
 'Ibid., p. 126. 
 
The Slavic Immigrant 149 
 
 Austrian Poland, or Galicia, with a population of 
 about 5,000,000 in 1914, has been the only section 
 of former Poland where the native language had not 
 been suppressed. Its two leading cities are Cracow 
 and Lemberg. The former is said to be the most 
 characteristically Polish city in the world, with its 
 magnificent cathedrals and the University of Cracow 
 which shortly before the outbreak of the European 
 War had celebrated its 5 00th anniversary; the latter 
 is the center of the free-thinking liberals. Indus- 
 trially and educationally backward, the Austrian 
 Poles have never developed any special degree of 
 loyalty to Austria. 
 
 In Prussian Poland, with Posen as its chief city, 
 the 4,000,000 Poles were being gradually Prussian- 
 ized, until the Polish language was suppressed and 
 the lands of the Poles expropriated by the Prussian 
 authorities. These and other arbitrary acts on the 
 part of the government aroused the Poles to the 
 fact that they were being Prussianized. Their hatred 
 for Prussia developed rapidly. In 1914, the Polish 
 situation had become the most serious internal Prus- 
 sian problem. Polish newspapers in Prussia were 
 reported to be maintaining two sets of editors, one 
 to go to jail for writing seditious articles, and the 
 other to go on duty ad interim. 5 Polish Catholic 
 priests were reported as teaching that even the good 
 Lord does not understand German. 4 
 
 Then came the War — and another Polish tragedy. 
 These people of an honored but dismembered em- 
 
 "W. I. Thomas, "The Prussian-Polish Situation," Amer. Jour, of 
 Sociology, XIX:635. 
 *Ibid., p. 627. 
 
ISO Essentials of Americanization 
 
 pire, living under oppressive conditions, were com- 
 pelled to fight in behalf of their hated overlords 
 and against their own Polish brethren. The Prus- 
 sian and Austrian Poles were pitted, despite their 
 wills, against the Russian Poles. Moreover, this 
 intra-racial struggle had to be fought on their own 
 Polish soil and at the expense of the destruction of 
 their homes and property. Today, it is authorita- 
 tively said that scarcely a child under five years of 
 age is alive in Russian Poland. 
 
 The outstanding trait of the Pole is his love of lib- 
 erty. The role of the Polish knights of liberty is 
 almost interminable. The Pole is not simply a de- 
 fender of liberty; but boldly goes in search of op- 
 portunities to fight successfully for the cause. Wit- 
 ness Kosciuszko and Pulaski who came to help in the 
 war for freedom in America. The latter gave his 
 life in our behalf; and the former, years of valiant 
 service for the sake of American independence. 
 When Kosciuszko fell wounded while leading the ill- 
 fated Poles in one of their uprisings against the Rus- 
 sian tyrants, the English poet, Campbell, gave im- 
 mortality to the leading Polish characteristic in the 
 words : 
 
 Freedom shrieked when Kosciuszko fell. 
 
 What patriot of any fatherland has ever raised a 
 question so significantly loyal as that of the Polish 
 Kraszevski who asked: "Can Heaven really be so 
 grand as to make us forget Poland?" 
 
 At a banquet in New York City a few years ago, 
 a Polish patriot declared: "Where liberty is, there 
 
The Slavic Immigrant 151 
 
 is my country." But a younger Pole more accurately 
 expressed the Polish spirit, when he asserted: 
 "Where liberty is not, there is my country." The 
 Pole fights not simply for Polish liberty, but for the 
 cause of liberty anywhere. He will travel half way 
 around the earth rather than miss an opportunity to 
 fight for freedom. 
 
 Polish love of art stands out strongly. In the 
 field of music, Chopin's iconoclastic ideas cry out the 
 tragedy of Poland. Paderewski, famous as a pianist, 
 is greater as a Polish patriot. Then there is Madame 
 Sembrich, of whom one critic has said: "She has 
 as perfect a voice as has ever been heard on earth 
 and used in connection with as perfect a technique," 
 and Madame Modjeska, whose dramatic art was 
 characterized by purity of aim and great force. In 
 the field of scholarship, the leading figure is that of 
 Nicolaus Koppernigh; and in letters, Henry Sien- 
 kiewicz, who out-towers all others in the place that 
 he made for himself in the hearts of his countrymen 
 of all three sections of dismembered Poland. 
 
 Where are the Poles in America? They are in 
 the steel mills, the shops, and the mines, where 
 they have borne opprobrious names patiently. Amer- 
 ica is unappreciative of the potentialities of Polish 
 immigrants. 
 
 The Russian in America comes from Northern 
 Russia, or Great Russia, the capital of which has 
 been, successively, Moscow and Petrograd. The 
 Great Russian possesses two strong but anomalous 
 characteristics. He is noted for his laborious pa- 
 
152 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 tience, great tenacity, and enduring strength. Cli- 
 matic selection has developed in him a strong phy- 
 sique and the correlative mental traits of patience 
 and tenacity of purpose. On the other hand, the 
 Russian manifests a fatalistic attitude which rests 
 upon an underlying spiritual faith and finds satisfy- 
 ing solace in the belief that "God wills it," whenever 
 the defeats of life overwhelm the individual. 
 
 Many Russian immigrants in America formerly 
 belonged to various persecuted religious sects in 
 Russia. Some of these sects were opposed to mili- 
 tarism; after the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) 
 the immigration to America began. One of their 
 greatest disappointments in our country is caused by 
 the disintegrating effects of American life upon the 
 family as a social institution. Their family life is 
 patriarchal. When the children slip out from paren- 
 tal control and develop suddenly into pert young 
 Americans without respect for their elders, the reac- 
 tions of the parents toward the United States are 
 unfavorable. 
 
 It is difficult for the Russian immigrant to under- 
 stand our hurrying, restless attitude. His first reac- 
 tion has been described as follows: 
 
 "Oh, I cannot live here, I am always late 1 Every- 
 body runs ahead! The crowd on the street is so 
 restless I Why are they hurrying so?" 5 
 
 And his ultimate conclusion, if he thinks through 
 the problem, is "that all the work of humanity should 
 
 'Maria Moravsky, "The Greenhorn in America," Atlantic A/on., 
 Nov., 1918, p. 663. 
 
 'Ibid., p. 669. Cf. E. A. Ross, Upheaval in Russia, Chaps. 
 VI, XI-XIV. 
 
The Slavic Immigrant 153 
 
 be not a hurried job, undertaken for money, but a 
 free, joyous, and thoughtfully slow Creation." 6 
 
 The Ruthenians, who were migrating to the 
 United States at the rate of 30,000 annually in the 
 years preceding 1914, are Russians. In Southern 
 Russia, they are known as Little Russians. In those 
 regions of Southern Russia which border on Aus- 
 tria-Hungary, they are called Ukrainians (Ukraine 
 means "the border"). In Austria-Hungary they 
 have been nicknamed "Ruthenians," because of their 
 ruddy complexion. They are the Southerners of the 
 Russian peoples. They are "children of a more" 
 genial climate," more indolent and less enterprising, 
 more imaginative and less positive, more independent 
 and less co-operative than the Great Russian. 
 
 Among their ancestors were the Cossacks (the 
 famous cavalry of the Czars), who were the Kazaks 
 (riders, or robbers) of the Middle Ages with a 
 communistic and semi-military life. The Little Rus- 
 sians, or Ruthenians, contrary to the implications of 
 their name, are slightly taller than the Great Rus- 
 sians. Ruthenian immigrants to America have come 
 chiefly from Austria-Hungary whence they are glad 
 to get away from oppression. 
 
 The Czechs, known to us popularly as the Bohe- 
 mians, and Moravians, constitute the intellectual van- 
 guard of the Slavic race. The Bohemians are the 
 leaders, the Moravians the middle group, while the 
 Slovaks represent a low state of economic develop- 
 ment. 
 
 Bohemia, a diamond-shaped province, is "the 
 brightest jewel in the Austrian crown" because of its 
 
154 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 interesting population. Surrounded on three sides 
 by Germany, it has been subject to German infiltra- 
 tion and influence. But recent decades have wit- 
 nessed a remarkable change of attitude in Bohemia 
 toward Germany. Widespread currents of unfavor- 
 able reaction had set in by the year 1900; in the 
 University of Prague the use of the German lan- 
 guage had given way to an extensive use of the 
 Czech language. 
 
 Bohemians are liberty-loving. They have ob- 
 jected strongly to Austrian domination. What Wash- 
 ington is to the United States, Luther to Germany, 
 Tolstoi to Russia, and Garibaldi to Italy, John Hus 
 is to Bohemia. Hus sacrified his life for his convic- 
 tions concerning liberty, before any of the other 
 leaders whose names are cited above. He was the 
 pioneer among Reformation heroes. To the Bohe- 
 mians, he is not known as a Protestant reformer, but 
 as a heroic exponent of civil and political freedom. 
 
 Bohemians are nominally Catholics. Upon ar- 
 rival in America, they become the least faithful of 
 the adherents of the Church of Rome. They swing 
 to the extreme, as an expression of their desire for 
 liberty; they form free-thinking societies and pro- 
 fess semi-atheistic principles. Socialism is strong 
 among them here, as it is in Bohemia, where several 
 years ago the movement had reached proportions 
 where it was strong enough to support two antago- 
 nistic parties, the national and the international. Bo- 
 hemians in America are found not uncommonly in the 
 skilled trades in which they have organized strong 
 labor unions. 
 
The Slavic Immigrant 155 
 
 The artistic ability of the Bohemian is noticeable. 
 The race receives too little recognition in this connec- 
 tion, for it has produced a composer of first rank, 
 Dvorak; a soprano of the purest type, Emmy Des- 
 tinn; and a violinist of world fame, Kubelik. How 
 many Dvoraks, Destinns, and Kubeliks are lost to 
 America and the world because we allow the Bohe- 
 mian's abilities to go undiscovered in our free land, 
 no one realizes. 
 
 The Moravians who live in the province that bor- 
 ders Bohemia on the east are closely similar to the 
 Bohemians, but not as highly developed. Still fur- 
 ther east, in Hungary, lies that undefined Slovakland 
 where the meagre hill country is occupied by the 
 Slovaks. The natural resources are scant and the 
 political pressure rigorous by the Hungarian rulers. 
 When less than two score years ago, the Slovaks 
 learned of the possibilities of America, migration 
 became the rule. A low economic status and Hun- 
 garian restrictive measures held the movement of 
 population in check. 
 
 The Serbo-Croatians include the Servians, Croa- 
 tians, Slovenians, Slavonians, Dalmatians, Bosnians, 
 Herzegovinians, and Montenegrins. The different 
 names indicate territorial rather than racial divisions. 
 The currently used term, Jugo-Slavs, or South Slavs, 
 includes practically these same sub-groups. 
 
 Some of the finest specimens of physical manhood 
 that have come to the United States in the past fifty 
 years are found among Serbo-Croatian immigrants. 
 The Dalmatians, for example, are often six feet in 
 
156 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 height, well built, and possessed of an enduring 
 physique. 
 
 The Serbo-Croatians profess various religious 
 faiths, including the Roman Catholic, the Greek 
 Catholic, the Mohammedan. The religious divisions 
 explain in part the sub-group feuds and dissensions 
 which exist among the Serbo-Croatians in the home- 
 land and which in America easily burst into flames. 
 Superstition abounds among them. Wife-beating is 
 a custom. The women are engaged continually in 
 bearing or nursing children. 7 Rugged strength and 
 crude morality are the outstanding characteristics. 
 
 The Magyars, Mongolian in origin, live on an 
 island, as it were, surrounded by Slavs. They number 
 10,000,000 and are described as "astute politicians 
 and dashing military leaders," but careless in busi- 
 ness as the Slavs who surround them. 8 The Jews, 
 on the other hand, have acquired the positions of 
 business control ; no other country has turned over its 
 financial life to the Jews as largely as Hungary. At 
 the time that the Mongolian Magyars were im- 
 posing their political leadership and their language 
 upon the subject races, they in turn had been gradu- 
 ally adopting the social customs and manners of their 
 Slavic environment. They are less stolid and more 
 high-strung than the Slav. Their best-known leader 
 and exponent of democracy was Louis Kossuth. 
 
 The Lithuanians, belonging to the Aryan stock, 
 have lived for centuries north of Russian Poland in 
 the territory bordering on the Baltic Sea. They 
 
 'Cf. E. A. Steiner, On the Trail of the Immigrant, pp. 187ff. 
 'J. R. Commons, Races and Immigrants in America, p. 81 ; cf. 
 Reports of the Immigration Commission, V:94ff. 
 
The Slavic Immigrant 157 
 
 number about 4,000,000. Courland is their chief 
 city. Their political history became at one time a 
 part of the history of Poland through intermarriage 
 of the royal houses. Racially, however, the Lithua- 
 nians and Poles are quite different. The Lithuanians 
 have suffered from Russian tyranny, but by virtue of 
 living in a region partly covered by forests and 
 swamps, they have been able to maintain their an- 
 cient customs and racial traits. Upon learning of 
 America, they migrated hither in large numbers. 
 More than 700,000 Lithuanians are in the United 
 States. 
 
 The Finns, another of our important immigrant 
 groups, are historically Mongolian. Centering at 
 Helsingfors, they have served as a buffer between 
 Russia and Sweden, and in 1918 they were being 
 used as a catspaw by Germany. Wrested from 
 Sweden in 1809 by Russia, governed by Russia in a 
 remarkably democratic manner during the nine- 
 teenth century, the Finns in 1901 suddenly found 
 themselves stripped of all self-government privileges. 
 The Russian language was substituted for the Fin- 
 nish and the Swedish languages. The Finnish army 
 was abolished and its members scattered throughout 
 the Russian army divisions. With this imposition 
 of autocratic measures, the Finns began to migrate, 
 large numbers coming to the United States. The 
 Finns are democratically inclined. Equal suffrage 
 was established long ago in Finnland and socialism 
 was extensively received. 
 
 The Rumanians are descendants of Roman sol- 
 diers who were stationed on the Danube. They are 
 
158 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 of more nervous temperament than the Slav, whom 
 they closely resemble in other particulars. The 
 Bulgarians, although of Mongolian stock, likewise 
 have become Slavic in type and customs. 
 
 The Slav, in conclusion, is humanity in the rough. 
 The Slavic immigrant comes to America from one 
 of the youngest races politically in Europe. He 
 has scorned business activities as being undignified. 
 He is unaccustomed to and unconvinced by Western 
 ideas and appliances. He has struggled long and 
 blindly toward the light of political freedom and 
 industrial democracy. In America, we know him in 
 the mass and far from his best. He learns of Amer- 
 ica's way, oftentimes and first, through the fore- 
 man's curses and the populace's epithets. Between 
 Slavism in America and Americanism at its' best is 
 a broad, deep chasm which must be bridged by 
 Americanization efforts. 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 The Hebrew Immigrant 
 
 Of the 12,000,000 Hebrews in the world, 1 ap- 
 proximately 2,000,000 live in the United States, 
 2,000,000 in Austria-Hungary, and 5,000,000 in 
 Russia. The Hebrew population of New York City 
 is estimated at 1,000,000, the largest congregation 
 of Jews in one place in the world. New York City 
 has a Jewish population today equal to that of ten 
 Palestines. When one person of every five people in 
 New York City's population of five million is a Jew 
 and when the race is prominently represented in 
 every community in the United States, it becomes 
 necessary for Americans to study the history of the 
 race, the reactions of the individual Jew to Ameri- 
 can life, and his potential genius. 
 
 Heber, or Eber, is a term which signifies the 
 farther bank of a river. The Hebrews were named, 
 perhaps, from the fact that they came from the far- 
 ther bank of the Euphrates. The popular designa- 
 tion, Jew, is derived from the Hebrew word Jehu- 
 dah, or Judah, son of Jacob. The name has had a 
 religious significance. 2 The Hebrew language is 
 read and written by many Jewish men and some 
 Jewish women, but it is rarely spoken. Yiddish is 
 
 'Estimated. 
 
 2 In this chapter, the terms Hebrew and Jew will be used inter- 
 changeably. 
 
160 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 the vehicle of conversation. It is a dialect which is 
 sixteenth century German in its elements, with an 
 admixture of the language of the country from which 
 the given group of Jewish people come. Thus, 
 among Russian Jews, Yiddish is perhaps 60 per cent 
 German of the sixteenth century type and 40 per 
 cent Polish or Russian. It is a dialect with few char- 
 acteristics of a language. 
 
 The Hebrews have always been a migrating peo- 
 ple. Out of Mesopotamia they came originally, and 
 settled for a time in Palestine. 3 Into Egypt they 
 moved, and back again into Palestine under the 
 leadership of their "exalted father," Abram. Three 
 world religions trace their origins to Abraham 
 (father of a multitude), as Abram came to be 
 known, namely, Judaism, Christianity, and Moham- 
 medanism." Thus, the name of Abraham is known 
 and honored today more extensively even that that 
 of Christ. 
 
 Into Egypt a second time, the race migrated. This 
 time Moses, the world's first great labor leader, ap- 
 peared to champion the cause of his people who had 
 become industrial slaves and to direct them back to 
 Palestine. In Palestine, their adopted home, the 
 Hebrews developed a marked intellectuality, a pro- 
 found spirituality which gave birth to Christianity, 
 and an ethical code which has affected and molded 
 Western civilization. Along with these constructive 
 tendencies, there arose an excessive individualism 
 which laid the nation open to internal dissension and 
 foreign invasion and conquest. The fall of Jerusa- 
 
 "Genesis, Chap. XII. 
 
The Hebrew Immigrant 161 
 
 lem did not occur, however, until Christianity had 
 been founded and a new group of forces set in mo- 
 tion which have won the allegiance of Europe and 
 America. 
 
 In the early centuries of the Christian Era, the 
 Jews began to migrate anew. In the Middle Ages, 
 we find them wandering throughout Europe, and 
 congregating in Frankfort in larger numbers than 
 elsewhere in the West. 
 
 Never having been agriculturists, but possessing 
 a keenness of perception born of migration, the Jews 
 seized the opportunities thrown open to them by the 
 Catholic Church when it forbade the taking of usury, 
 or interest in the current sense of the term, to mem- 
 bers of the church. Outside the church, the Jews 
 alone had the ability to develop the business of 
 money-lending. Further, under the reign of feu- 
 dalism the Jews had no rights except such as they 
 might secure by bribing the feudal lords with money. 
 Consequently and willingly, the feudal autocrats used 
 the Jews as sponges to draw large sums of money 
 from the already overtaxed masses. To get money 
 to pay the necessary bribes, the Jews themselves 
 engaged in sharp practices and extortions. Driven 
 to the limits of financial stress by the domineering 
 lords, the Jews resorted to all types of financial trick- 
 iness in their dealings with the peasantry. In their 
 ignorance, the people laid the blame for their op- 
 pressive conditions upon the Jews. But today, it is 
 noteworthy, when modern Jews live for a time in an 
 environment of fair play, they shake off question- 
 
162 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 able financial methods and take a place among the 
 most trusted members of the community. 
 
 With the awakening of the people in Europe in 
 the time of the Renaissance, and the overthrow of 
 the feudal kings, the Jews lost their means of buy- 
 ing self-protection. They were without rights. They 
 were dependent on the mercy of the people which 
 was nil. They became the victims of the preju- 
 dices of the masses. Consequently, the people ex- 
 pelled the Jewish race from various lands, begin- 
 ning in England in 1290. The Jews were expelled 
 in 1390 from France, and in 1493 and 1495 from 
 Spain and Portugal. 
 
 In Teutonic Europe, however, political confusion 
 obtained, feudal sovereigns remained in control, and 
 the Jews continued to secure protection. Poland, 
 in her anxiety to increase her population, invited the 
 exiled Jews thither. As a result, the Jews congre- 
 gated in the Germanic and Polish regions. When 
 Poland was subdivided in the closing years of the 
 eighteenth century, it contained the largest Jewish 
 population of the world. 
 
 Then rose capitalism. With the development of 
 business enterprise and the coming of the capitalistic 
 regime, colossal opportunities opened, which the 
 Jews with their centuries of financial training were 
 quick to appreciate and to seize. By capitalism, the 
 Jew was freed. In 1791, he was emancipated in 
 France; in 1849 and 1858 in England; in 1860 and 
 1870 in Italy. In Spain and Russia, the Jew is still 
 "in bondage." In Russian Poland his lot has 
 been especially pitiful. He has tried to eke out an 
 
The Hebrew Immigrant 163 
 
 existence, while being crushed betwen the fiendish 
 persecutions of the state and the church above him, 
 and of the infuriated and ignorant peasants beneath. 
 He has been compelled to live in the Pale of Settle- 
 ment — 25 specific provinces out of 89 in Russia. 
 Then in 1882, he was practically driven from the 
 rural districts and villages within the Pale, and 
 obliged to huddle in certain sections of the cities, or 
 to live in cages within a cage. 
 
 For centuries the Jew has practically controlled 
 the garment industry in Russia. In the Ghetto in 
 Rome a century ago 75 per cent of the Jews were 
 tailors. This racial habit has led the Jew into the 
 garment trade in the United States and especially in 
 New York City, where today he holds a practical 
 monopoly of the manufacture of men's clothing. 
 
 In the name of Christianity in Russia, the Jews 
 during a "pogrom" have suffered reckless destruc- 
 tion of property and have seen their children and 
 aged parents murdered cruelly before their helpless 
 eyes. The very name of Christian causes Russian 
 immigrants to shudder. When they arrive in Amer- 
 ica their loyalty to Judaism is pronounced. They 
 consider their own the oldest of all widely accepted 
 religions and are likely to feel insulted when at- 
 tempts are made to "convert" them to a newer re- 
 ligion, such as Christianity. To revile Judaism, they 
 remind us, is to strike at the parent of Christianity. 
 Unfortunately, the effect of America upon many 
 Jews is that of de-Judaizing them without Christian- 
 izing them. "'My father prays every day; I pray 
 once a week; and my son never prays," is the state- 
 
164 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 ment of a Boston Jew, which illustrates the effect of 
 America upon the Jew's attitude toward religion. 
 "You don't need to worry," said the leader of a 
 group of Jewish lads to the director of the club from 
 the Young Men's Christian Association, who was 
 afraid that the boys might think that he would try 
 to win them to accept Christianity, "we are all so- 
 cialists." For many Jews, America has thrown 
 their Jewish faith into disrepute without giving 
 them a religious substitute. As a result, many have 
 turned to intellectual socialism. 
 
 Another striking characteristic of the Jewish im- 
 migrant is his intellectual tendencies. This Hebrew 
 trait has had a long history. Its origin is found in 
 the patriarchal days of the Old Testament when 
 special attention to the education of the children in 
 the home had become an established custom. The 
 migrations of the Jew from country to country have 
 sharpened his wits and stimulated his intellect. His 
 experiences under oligarchal rule and with the ex- 
 igencies of continuous poverty have driven him to a 
 wide-spread interest in and acceptance of socialism. 
 When given an opportunity, his mental development 
 is rapid. He attacks the "heavyweights" in econom- 
 ics and sociology with rapacious glee. He furnishes 
 scholars in all branches of learning. 
 
 The Jewish immigrant exhibits a remarkable phy- 
 sical vitality and endurance. The birth-rate is high, 
 and the death-rate is surprisingly low, even in 
 squalid tenement districts. His length of life is 
 much greater than that of the average American. 
 His longevity is due, first, to the operation of the 
 
The Hebrew Immigrant 165 
 
 law of biological selection. Only those individuals 
 with marked endurance have been able to survive 
 the dangers of a death-dealing environment; the 
 race has descended from those who have stood the 
 endurance test imposed by rigorous living condi- 
 tions. The self-control of the Hebrew, in the sec- 
 ond place, explains his longevity. Temperance and 
 sobriety are correlative racial traits. His sanitary 
 meat inspection and other hygienic customs, in the 
 third place, are fundamental factors. A fourth 
 reason is found in his sound home life. The interest 
 of the parents in the care and training of the chil- 
 dren gives them a favorable start in life. America 
 today needs to go to school to the Jewish immigrant 
 and make use of his methods of building up deep 
 family affections, loyalty, and stability. 
 
 The Jewish immigrant shows a special interest 
 in problems of social amelioration. 4 His race has 
 been noted for its humanitarian activities. Abraham 
 showed a socialized spirit in his dealings with Lot. 
 Moses led the first labor strike in the world. Amos, 
 Hosea, the Isaiahs cried out bravely against social 
 injustice. Seven out of the ten commandments are 
 rules of social conduct. The Founder of Christian- 
 ity made the love of man a test of one's love of 
 God. 
 
 The orthodox Jews plan to re-establish them- 
 selves in Palestine when the promised "Messiah" 
 comes. The "national" Zionists possess political 
 
 'In the United States the Jews have developed the best philan- 
 thropic organizations that we have. Modern criminology has been 
 founded by Lombroso, and "scientific" socialism by Marx, 
 
166 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 aspirations and expect to re-establish the Jewish na- 
 tion. The "socialist" Zionists look forward to the 
 creation of a socialist state in Palestine. 
 
 The Jew in America is what "centuries of perse- 
 cution and oppression" have made him. Though 
 generally defeated, he keeps on silently and defense- 
 lessly. He rarely turns back. Though generally 
 suffering, he keeps on steadfastly. Though van- 
 quished from time to time, he gathers up his scat- 
 tered forces and pushes on. Though defeated again 
 and again he has had the unique distinction of seeing 
 his conquerors, proud kingdoms and mighty em- 
 pires, crumble into humble dust. He ever rises with 
 "eternal suffering" and "untiring patience" to con- 
 front his contemporaries with his hitherto insoluble 
 problems. 6 
 
 Many Americans understand nothing of the Jew- 
 ish immigrant's history. We are totally unac- 
 quainted with his problems or we would not call him 
 opprobrious names. In America, the Jew has found 
 political liberty, economic opportunity, and intellec- 
 tual freedom, but he is losing his religion which has 
 kept him "alive, isolated, and protected as a race." 
 This loss may mean his racial disintegration. The 
 Americanization of the Jew must proceed upon the 
 basis of an understanding of his vicarious sufferings 
 and unsullied aspirations. 
 
 'Adapted from a quotation from L. E. Van Norman, Poland, 
 pp. 263, 264. 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 The Asiatic Immigrant 
 
 Representatives of five Asiatic races have mi- 
 grated to the United States. From Western Asia, 
 the Syrians and Armenians have come ; from South- 
 ern Asia, the Hindus; and from Eastern Asia, the 
 Chinese and the Japanese. 
 
 The Syrian immigrant is a relative of the Hebrew. 
 He is descended from the Semitic branch of the 
 Caucasian people. Syrian migration to America was 
 stimulated by the Centennial Exposition in 1876 
 when olive wood and other carved articles from 
 Syria were introduced to the curio-fascinated public. 
 Upon arrival in this country, the Syrian immigrant 
 usually becomes a peddler, and later, sets up a small 
 store. He belongs to the Christian faith, generally 
 of the Greek Catholic type. His thirst for knowl- 
 edge has been noted by many observers. He pos- 
 sesses the "Oriental memory." His intelligence is 
 attested by the fact that a few years ago a popula- 
 tion of 70,000 Syrians in the United States were 
 supporting ten Arabic newspapers and magazines in 
 this country. 
 
 The Armenian immigrant traces his ancestry to a 
 primitive branch of the Aryan stock. For his form 
 
168 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 of Christianity he claims a greater age than that of 
 the Church of Rome. He has suffered indescribable 
 persecutions, because of his loyalty to Christian be- 
 liefs. As in the case of the Syrian and the Hebrew, 
 the horrors of persecution have cut deep into his na- 
 ture. He is suspicious of strangers until their trust- 
 worthiness has been absolutely established. 
 
 The East Indian, or Hindu, began to migrate to 
 the United States about 1900. By 1906, the annual 
 figures exceeded one thousand. The small numbers 
 were more than offset by the strange appearance, 
 the peculiar customs, and the very low standard of 
 living. The Hindus were so different from us and 
 on such a manifestly lower plane of culture that it 
 seemed as though assimilation was practically impos- 
 sible. An unusually strict interpretation of our im- 
 migration laws was invoked. By virtue of their low 
 industrial status and of their obvious difficulty in 
 securing employment, it appeared that a large per- 
 centage of them would soon need to receive public 
 aid. It was decided that the Hindu immigrants 
 come within the scope of the clause, "liable to be- 
 come a public charge," and hence a large percentage 
 has been debarred. Consequently, Hindu immi- 
 gration practically ceased. When the Hindu has 
 applied for citizenship, the courts have disagreed 
 over the question of racial origin. Many East In- 
 dians are of Caucasian lineage, and admissible; 
 others are of Mongolian descent, and apparently 
 ineligible to citizenship. The question of eligibility 
 to citizenship needs to be clarified and put upon the 
 
The Asiatic Immigrant 169 
 
 basis of individual merit and worth, rather than left 
 upon the uncertain and accidental grounds of racial 
 origin in prehistoric days. 
 
 The Chinese first migrated to this country about 
 1849, attracted by the prospects of work in the gold 
 fields. Many thousands were imported by American 
 mine-owners and other employers. They were used 
 in large numbers in railroad construction, e. g., in 
 building the western end of the first transcontinental 
 railroad, which was completed in 1869. The high- 
 tide year was 1882, when 39,000 Chinese came. At 
 that time, about 130,000 Chinese were already here. 
 
 By 1882, however, a strong aversion to the 
 Chinese had developed. They were charged with 
 working for such low wages that Americans with 
 their higher standard of living could not compete 
 with them. Organized labor opposed them, because 
 their presence in industry hindered the rise of or 
 even lowered prevailing standards of living. They 
 came without families and hence tended to degener- 
 ate. Immorality and gambling among them flour- 
 ished. They returned to their own country after 
 accumulating small sums of money; hence, they had 
 no special interest in America except to earn money. 
 They were exceedingly slow to assimilate, maintain- 
 ing their language, religion, and other Chinese cus- 
 toms with tenacity. Their intermarriage with Amer- 
 icans was not feasible. There was danger that vast 
 hordes would come. 
 
 Gradually, the anti-Chinese activities increased. 
 The importation of Chinese coolie labor was for- 
 
170 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 bidden in 1876. In 1882, immigration of Chinese 
 labor, skilled and unskilled, was prohibited for a 
 period of ten years. In 1892, this act was continued 
 for ten years longer; in 1902, it was extended indefi- 
 nitely. Further, in 1882, the Chinese on the basis 
 of race alone were declared ineligible for citizenship. 
 
 According to the census of 1910, there were 71,- 
 000 Chinese in the United States as compared with 
 89,000 in 1900. The decrease is marked. In rail- 
 road maintenance work, the Chinese have been dis- 
 placed by the Japanese, Mexicans, Italians ; in agri- 
 culture, they have given way before the more aggres- 
 sively active Japanese. There are still many Chinese, 
 located in towns and cities, who are conducting small 
 stores and laundries. 
 
 Is the Chinese problem in the United States set- 
 tled? Probably so, as long as China remains a sec- 
 ond-class nation. But recent events cast a shadow 
 upon our Americanism. The same class of people 
 who demanded the exclusion of Chinese labor on 
 the Pacific Coast a few years ago were in 1918 when 
 under stress of a shortage of labor, asking that Chi- 
 nese laborers be admitted for stipulated periods of 
 time, or so long as they have economic value to us. A 
 disdainful attitude for the Chinese when they are 
 not needed industrially and a cordial invitation when 
 they are an economic asset puts the nation in a wrong 
 light from the standpoint of China, and lends color 
 to the charge that America is commercialized. 
 
 Further, when China becomes a powerful nation 
 among the peoples of the globe, she will no longer 
 acquiesce in being singled out as a nation whose citi- 
 
The Asiatic Immigrant 171 
 
 zens, because they bear the name of Chinese, are 
 debarred. No matter how worthy a Chinese laborer 
 may be — skilled, Christian, gentlemanly — he is ex- 
 cluded from entry and from citizenship. But an- 
 other laborer with fewer qualifications, e. g., from 
 Mohammedan Turkey would be admitted. We can- 
 not afford to allow our Americanism to fall below 
 our professions of just and equal treatment to all na- 
 tions and races. Least of all, must China, our sister 
 republic, be singled out in this way — at a time when 
 she is trying to educate her people to a recognition 
 of the superiority of democracies over autocracies. 
 We cannot afford, it is true, to be overrun with 
 Chinese immigrants, and especially of the unskilled 
 laboring group. We can admit only that number 
 from any race which we can assimilate within a 
 reasonable time. Let the test for admission be high 
 and on the basis of individual fitness to become 
 American citizens, and then treat the representatives 
 of all people alike and democratically. The stand- 
 ards for admission may be placed high enough so 
 that we should not be flooded by any class of unde- 
 sirable immigrants. But the exclusion of the Chinese 
 from the United States on the adventitious fact of 
 race, deliberately naming them, in view of present 
 ethnological opinion, is hardly fair, or truly Ameri- 
 can. 
 
 The Japanese represent a mixed race that is 
 scarcely more than fifty years removed from feudal- 
 ism. The four main islands of Japan are mountain- 
 ous and volcanic. Of the total area only 25 per cent 
 is open to cultivation. This cultivable territory, one- 
 
172 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 fourth the size of California, is feeding a population 
 of 50,000,000 people. Several crops must be raised 
 annually upon the same land, and woman labor, a 
 seven-day labor week, and intensive agriculture must 
 prevail in order to meet the enormous demand for 
 food. 
 
 Japan possesses few natural resources. Her sup- 
 ply of iron, coal, and oil is almost nil. "Japan is a 
 land without a surplus of anything except raw silk 
 and brains." Besides pottery making, cotton spin- 
 ning has been developed, but even the raw materials 
 for cotton spinning must be imported. Agriculture 
 has been an exalted occupation while commerce and 
 trading have been treated with contempt — especial- 
 ly by the Samurai, the former military leaders of 
 Japan. Commerce, bargaining, business, prevarica- 
 tion, and lying were considered as synonymous terms. 
 To tradesmen it became honorable to lie in business. 
 The traders who lied best succeeded most. It is 
 thus easy to understand how Japanese immigrants 
 in America in their business agreements have not 
 always been trustworthy. But agriculture was free 
 from "the sordid phases of commerce." Under the 
 policy of exclusion, Japan was obliged to become 
 self-sufficient. She faced famine unless the fields 
 were cultivated assiduously; agriculture thus became 
 a highly respected occupation. 
 
 Upon arrival on our Pacific coast with the preva- 
 lence of extensive farming and with valuable land 
 not intensively utilized, the Japanese immigrant im- 
 mediately makes use of the wide-open opportunities. 
 He naturally employs his home customs, namely, in- 
 
The Asiatic Immigrant 173 
 
 tensive farming, woman labor, long hours, a seven- 
 day labor week. Because of these methods and of 
 having a living standard that is lower than ours, the 
 Japanese are able to drive out all competitors. 
 Moreover, they write to their relatives and friends 
 of the almost untouched (to them) agricultural re- 
 sources of America. The desire to come hither be- 
 comes strong on the part of Japanese farmers. 
 
 Japanese immigrants came to the United States 
 as early as 1869. The annual figures reached 100 
 in 1886, 1000 in 1891, and 10,000 in 1910. The 
 census of 1910 shows that there were 72,000 Jap- 
 anese in this country at that date, including 42,000 
 in California. The largest numbers are engaged 
 in farming, truck-gardening, domestic service, small 
 businesses, canning, and railroad maintenance. 
 
 According to the report of the recent Federal Im- 
 migration Commission, the Japanese have shown 
 considerable capacity for adopting American cus- 
 toms. 1 They make earnest efforts to learn English, 
 and they rank well as students. 
 
 The dislike for the Japanese assumed concrete 
 expression in 1906 when the San Francisco school 
 board attempted to segregate the Japanese school 
 children. Shortly afterward the prejudice against 
 the Japanese showed itself in the boycott of the 
 Japanese restaurants in San Francisco. Recognizing 
 the opposition to the Japanese on the part of Cali- 
 fornia, the Federal government made an arrange- 
 ment with Japan known as the "gentleman's agree- 
 ment." According to this plan, Japan agreed to 
 
 "Volume 23. 
 
174 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 issue passports "only to such residents in this coun- 
 try (the United States) as were returning here, or 
 were parents, wives, or children of residents of this 
 country, or had already secured a right to agricul- 
 tural land." 2 This agreement has been faithfully 
 kept by the Japanese government, which wishes the 
 Japanese to migrate, not to the United States, but 
 westward to the mainland of Asia. Governmental 
 influence in Japan has been thrown against migration 
 to the United States. 
 
 In the legislature of the State of California in 
 1913, more than thirty bills were introduced, which 
 were directed against the Japanese. The chief of 
 these bills was the one which rigidly restricted the 
 holding of land, through either purchase or lease by 
 aliens ineligible to citizenship. Without mentioning 
 the Japanese by name, the bill affected them chiefly. 
 President Wilson sent his Secretary of State, Mr. 
 Bryan, to California to ask the legislature to delay 
 action until the Federal government would have time 
 to adjust the difficulties by negotiating with Japan. 
 
 But Governor Johnson replied and the legislature 
 agreed that "an emergency exists which we would 
 be blind if we did not see." Accordingly the bill was 
 re-shaped and passed. The question may be raised, 
 Did an "emergency" exist? A study of the condi- 
 tions in California at the time legislative action was 
 taken fails to show the existence of an emergency 
 so dangerous that it had to be met before the Federal 
 
 "Travelers, officials, merchants, teachers, and students are also 
 permitted to enter. There is a large number of wives and "picture 
 brides" who have immigrated. They are laborers and potential 
 mothers. 
 
The Asiatic Immigrant 175 
 
 government could arrange a solution with Japan 
 upon the basis of international justice and the wel- 
 fare of California and the nation. 
 
 Japan protested against the anti-Japanese land 
 law because the discrimination against the Japanese 
 violated the spirit of the "gentleman's agreement." 
 Our government replied that in this matter it had 
 no jurisdiction. One of the states of the Union had 
 passed a law offending another nation and the Fed- 
 eral government was helpless. Our government is 
 thus put in a strange position : it makes an agreement 
 or a treaty with another nation; one of our forty- 
 eight states can pass a law directly opposed to the 
 spirit of that agreement or treaty; the other nation 
 protests ; and our government replies that it is practi- 
 cally helpless. "The most important piece of legisla- 
 tion still waiting to be done in this country is the 
 enactment of a law or laws, by constitutional amend- 
 ment if necessary, that will put international affairs 
 in the hands of the nation," declares James A. B. 
 Scherer. 3 
 
 The discriminatory alien land law should be re- 
 pealed and non-discriminatory legislation substituted 
 for it. The law should be made to apply to all 
 aliens alike. 
 
 The Japanese situation in America also involves 
 a change in our naturalization laws. We base citi- 
 zenship qualifications, in part, upon the unscientific 
 element of color. Moreover, we apply the color test 
 unscientifically, for we admit the color extremes, 
 white and black, and exclude the intermediate ele- 
 
 "The Japanese Crisis, p. 115. 
 
176 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 ments. We now know that every race is a combina- 
 tion of several races and that it is impossible to 
 state where one race begins and another ends. The 
 same principle is true when applied to color. A bet- 
 ter test for admission to citizenship is that of individ- 
 ual potentiality, worth, attitudes, ability. Modern 
 psychological studies and tests have made it possible 
 to define our standards in personal terms, and at the 
 same time to safeguard our nation and the individual 
 states against an influx of masses of undesirable im- 
 migrants. It thus becomes possible to repeal dis- 
 criminatory admission laws, land ownership laws, 
 and naturalization laws. 
 
 California is right in her desire not to be over- 
 come by Asiatic hordes, but her solution of the prob- 
 lem is myopic. It ignores Japan's willingness to 
 accede to the fundamental desire of California. It 
 overlooks America's request for an open door in 
 Asia and equality of opportunity for our citizens 
 with that accorded to citizens of "the most favored 
 nation." 4 
 
 Our test for admitting immigrants can no longer 
 be determined by our sympathies or our prejudices, 
 but by considerations of personal fitness and interna- 
 tional justice. It has been proposed by Mr. S. L. 
 Gulik, that we admit immigrants from any nation not 
 to exceed 5 per cent of those here and assimilated, 
 from the given nation. 6 Such a standard would admit 
 annually only a small proportion of the Japanese 
 
 'Americans are not allowed to own land in Japan. But the law 
 there is applied to all aliens alike. 
 
 'Described at length in American Democracy and Japanese Citi- 
 zenship, Chap. VIII. 
 
The Asiatic Immigrant 177 
 
 who are now coming in under our present objection- 
 able laws. Mr. Gulick's test would be fair to Japan 
 and actually lessen Japanese immigration, thus pro- 
 tecting California and the other interested states. 
 The interests of California would be better con- 
 served than at present and our Federal government 
 would be put in a position of acting justly and demo- 
 cratically toward a neighboring nation. It is possible 
 for Americanism to acquire such a flavor that it will 
 incur the increasing suspicion of the nations of the 
 Far East or to stress elements which will foster 
 the good will and co-operation of Japan and China. 
 May the latter tendency prevail. 
 
 The solution of the Asiatic problem in America 
 involves nothing less than an appreciation of the re- 
 lation of the East to the West, such as is found in 
 the following classic statement by Inazo Nitobe : G 
 
 "It is said that the genius of the East is spiritual, 
 mystical, psychical, and that of the West is material- 
 istic, actual, physical ; it is said that the forte as well 
 as the fault of the East is religion and sentiment, 
 and that of the West science and reason; it is said 
 that the East delights in generalization and univer- 
 sal concepts, and the West in particulars and special 
 knowledge; that the one leans to philosophy and 
 ideas, and the other to practice and facts ; that Ori- 
 ental logic is deductive and negative, and Occidental 
 logic is inductive and positive. It is also said that 
 in political and social life, solidarity and socialism 
 characterize the East, and individualism and liberty, 
 the West; it is said again that the Asiatic mind is 
 
 "The Japanese Nation, pp. 11, 12. 
 
178 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 impersonal and rejects the world, whereas the 
 European mind is personal and accepts the world. 
 The strength of Europe lies in the mastery of man 
 over nature, and the weakness of Asia in the mas- 
 tery of nature over man. In the land of the morn- 
 ing, man looks for beauty first and writes his flighty 
 thoughts in numbers; in the land of the evening, 
 man's first thought is for utility and he jots down his 
 observations in numerals. He who watches the set- 
 ting sun, pursues whither it marches, and his watch- 
 word is Progress and his religion is the cult of the 
 future. He who greets the effulgent dawn is there- 
 with content and cares not for its further course, 
 but rather turns in wonderment to the source whence 
 it came, hence his religion is the cult of the past. The 
 matin disposes man to contemplation, the vesper 
 hour to reflection. In the East man lives for the 
 sake of life ; in the West man lives for the means of 
 living." 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 The Mexican Immigrant 
 
 In the Southwestern states, "the Mexican prob- 
 lem" has developed with rapidity since 1900. Be- 
 cause the Mexican immigrants represent the peon, 
 or the mixed and least developed classes of Mexico, 
 because they come from scenes of current oppression 
 and revolution, because of the delicate internation- 
 al relations of the United States and Mexico, be- 
 cause of the untoward living conditions of the Mex- 
 ican immigrants in the United States, and because 
 of the chasm of misunderstanding which exists be- 
 tween Americans and Mexicans, no Americanization 
 program is complete which does not include the 
 Mexican immigrant problem. 
 
 Of Mexico's population of 10,000,000, it is esti- 
 mated that 19 per cent are white (Spanish), 43 per 
 cent are mixed bloods (Spanish and Indian with 
 Negro admixture), and 38 per cent are native In- 
 dians. The process of amalgamation — mixture of 
 races — is gradually taking place. Unlike the situa- 
 tion in the United States, the Indians are not dying 
 out as an isolated race, but are contributing their 
 qualities to a new Mexican race of Spanish and In- 
 dian origins. But a mixed race, living at the same 
 time and in the same locality as the parent races al- 
 ways confronts a hard struggle. Recognition is re- 
 luctantly given to it; taunts and cries of shame are 
 
180 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 heaped upon it. Mexican immigration to the United 
 States is composed largely of these mixed bloods. 
 
 Socially, there are in Mexico but two classes : the 
 rich, who are few in numbers, comprising less than 
 10 per cent of the population; and the poor, repre- 
 senting more than 90 per cent of the people. The 
 rich are very wealthy, possessing large landed 
 estates; the poor are living in conditions of squalor 
 and ignorance. They live in adobe, or clay, houses 
 with thatched roofs, dirt floors, and frequently a 
 single room. It is this class which is being brought 
 into the United States as immigrant labor. Centuries 
 of oppression have broken the spirit and nearly de- 
 stroyed the self-respect of this peon class. 
 
 The leading American agencies which have sought 
 Mexican laborers are the railroad companies whose 
 representatives have brought thousands of peons 
 across the border. The Mexicans come with the 
 idea of returning shortly; hence, the problems aris- 
 ing from a transient labor supply are common. They 
 work as section hands and as unskilled laborers in 
 railroad shops. Large numbers go into the farm- 
 ing districts as seasonal laborers. Between seasons 
 they return across the border, or drift about the 
 country, or hang around improvised "plazas" in idle- 
 ness. The chief centers of Mexican immigrant popu- 
 lation are in Southern California, Arizona, New 
 Mexico, and Southern Texas. 
 
 In our towns and cities, the Mexicans live in 
 "shacks" or house-courts. 1 The living conditions of 
 
 'The reader is referred to the present writer's article in the 
 American Journal of Sociology, XXII:391-99. 
 
The Mexican Immigrant 181 
 
 the Mexicans in the City of Los Angeles, where 
 30,000 are congregated, 2 maybe taken as illustrative 
 of the Mexican immigrant situation. Of the 30,000 
 Mexicans in Los Angeles, 60 per cent live in two- 
 room habitations and 25 per cent in one-room dwell- 
 ings. The average rent paid for a two-room habita- 
 tion is from six to nine dollars per month. The hab- 
 itations are built of wood or adobe and front upon 
 an inner yard which is not well drained, and which 
 contains pools of water for a time after rains. In 
 the inner yard are the wash-tubs and often the toilets, 
 which are used in common. 
 
 Sixty per cent of the population are men. Seventy- 
 five per cent still use candles for lighting purposes, 
 only a small percentage burn gas, and none use elec- 
 tricity. Saloons and access to liquor have demoral- 
 ized the Mexican more than has any other factor. 
 The Mexican laborer is often shiftless and thrift- 
 less ; his past environment has not stimulated him to 
 be otherwise. Illiteracy runs high, perhaps over 50 
 per cent. Again, the chief responsibility rests upon 
 the environment which has failed to train the Mexi- 
 can and his ancestors. He is brought into our coun- 
 try as an unskilled laborer, works irregularly and 
 seasonally, lives in unhealthy and unAmerican ways, 
 and after drifting about, may settle in the United 
 States permanently. When the average American 
 sees him, the worst effects of his centuries of oppres- 
 sion are evident and his best qualities are hidden. 
 
 What is the United States doing to develop in 
 him a love for our country? The question is equally 
 
 2 An estimate. 
 
182 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 vital, whether he stays with us, or returns to Mexico. 
 Unfortunately, little is being done in an organized 
 way to increase the love of the immigrant Mexican 
 for the United States. 8 To allow him to live in un- 
 American conditions, without doing anything in a 
 large-scale way for his welfare will not make a good 
 American citizen of him, if he stays; and will not 
 increase his respect for the United States, if he re- 
 turns to Mexico. He is paid wages, but left to be- 
 come a victim of shiftlessness or of revolutionary 
 and anarchistic tendencies.* 
 
 When approached by Americans who are inter- 
 ested in him, not for the labor he can perform, but 
 for the possibilities of development which he pos- 
 sesses, he reveals a longing and an ambition to 
 strive for the higher things of life. Neighborhood 
 school teachers and settlement workers who have 
 really come to understand the Mexicans, speak as a 
 unit in praise of them and of their fine potentialities. 
 A small Mexican girl said to a housing inspector 
 in Los Angeles: "When people pass by in their 
 autos, we feel ashamed for them to see us living in 
 these old shacks. Can't you make the boss fix 
 them?" This girl who was attending the public 
 school had become acquainted with girls who had 
 better homes than her own, and she was sad, be- 
 cause she could not have the pleasure of inviting her 
 schoolmates to her home. 
 
 "Many public school teachers, on their own initiative, and settle- 
 ment and religious workers are helping to educate the Mexican 
 immigrant and to give him the American point of view. 
 
 'For a further explanation of this point, see the article by J. 
 Blaine Given, the Survey, Aupust 3, 1918, pp. 491-93. 
 
The Mexican Immigrant 183 
 
 Shall the children of Mexican immigrants — chil- 
 dren who will grow up to be American citizens — be 
 reared in shacks, without adequate home care, with- 
 out play space, without protection from habitations 
 infected with tubercle baccilli, without proper nutri- 
 tion, without being safeguarded from the vices lurk- 
 ing in dark alleys and streets? 5 An Americaniza- 
 tion program for Mexican immigrants includes a 
 wholesale extension of the attitude of helpfulness 
 toward and of understanding of them, the estab- 
 lishment of wholesome living conditions for them, 
 and public adoption of the home teacher method of 
 taking constructive American ideas and standards 
 into all their habitations and changing these into 
 places fit for the rearing of American children. 
 
 "Bishop J. J. Cantwell in an address before the California State 
 Conference of Social Agencies, (April, 1917), expressed the belief 
 that it is necessary to do more for the Mexican than allow him to 
 live in the barn with the horse and cow. 
 
PART FOUR 
 METHODS OF AMERICANIZATION 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 Americanization: The Native-Born 
 
 The nature of American traits has been stated; 
 the main facts upon which to base an Americaniza- 
 tion program have been presented. Americanism 
 has been denned as a group of principles signified by 
 four sets of terms; liberty and self-reliance, union 
 and co-operation, democracy and the square deal, 
 internationalism and brotherhood. The cultural 
 backgrounds and personal attitudes of the leading 
 native-born and foreign-born groups living in Amer« 
 ica have been analyzed. 
 
 Americanization is the process of unifying all 
 peoples residing in the United States in support of 
 the set of ideals which constitute Americanism. 1 
 The central core of Americanization consists in the 
 methods for working out a perfected democracy 
 in our country. The attainment of this goal in- 
 volves a thorough understanding of a democratic 
 attitude in all its phases, organized methods of in- 
 
 'See the initial pages of Chapter I for a statement of the various 
 definitions of Americanization. 
 
186 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 struction which will reach our entire population 
 concerning the full meaning of democracy, and con- 
 scious and continuous everyday efforts on the part 
 of Americans to realize in their living the principles 
 of a perfected democracy. 
 
 For many years, Germany knew definitely the 
 principles upon which she wished to stake her fu- 
 ture. She labored methodically to instil these prin- 
 ciples into the minds of all her people through the 
 governmentally controlled educational system. 
 Through semi-socialistic programs of building up 
 the welfare of the common people, she developed 
 an inordinate degree of group loyalty, or patriotism. 
 She established a consciously planned and highly 
 perfected autocracy. 
 
 Upon the basis of an opposite type of principles, 
 democratic in nature, the United States is strug- 
 gling forward, but with her aims not always clearly 
 defined or understood. Consequently the imperfec- 
 tions in our democracy have been many and the 
 wastage appalling. Our efforts to attain a democ- 
 racy have often been made unconsciously, inchoate- 
 ly, and spasmodically. The time has now arrived 
 when we should set about the task through educa- 
 tional methods of consciously constructing a state, 
 not upon the theory that might is right, or that 
 "der Staat ist Macht," but upon the contrary ground 
 that right is might and that human personality is 
 sacred. Instead of the individual existing, being 
 fed, and being trained for the state, the state must 
 exist and prosper for the development of the largest 
 freedom of human personalities that is compatible 
 
The Native-Born 187 
 
 with group progress. "From an imperfect to a 
 perfected democracy" must be our slogan. 
 
 The work of the United States Food Adminis- 
 tration under the direction of Mr. Herbert Hoover 
 serves as an excellent illustration of the problem 
 involved in perfecting an imperfect democracy. 
 When the first rules of the Food Administration 
 were announced, the democratic principle was 
 adopted of invoking the free response and co-oper- 
 ation of the people. Two obstacles stood in the 
 way : ( 1 ) that of informing all the people prompt- 
 ly; and (2) that of overcoming the imperfect spirit 
 of democracy existent in the country. A phase of 
 the first problem was the lack of a common language 
 and the inability of millions of our people to read 
 at all. Newspaper media, thus, could not be used 
 with entire effectiveness. With a score or more of 
 languages being used in each of the large cities, 
 with a total of eight million foreign language read- 
 ers who could not read English, with nearly three 
 million illiterate adults, the first need of an Ameri- 
 canization program stood out with blazing clearness, 
 namely, to teach all the people to read, and to read 
 a common language, the English. 
 
 The second difficulty was the tendency of many 
 people to show a lack of confidence in the Food 
 Administration, to question its rules, to whine 
 against the enforcement of its requests, and worst 
 of all, to violate secretly its regulations. The need 
 for a socialized national spirit was never so urgent. 
 If all the people could have visualized with suffi- 
 cient clearness the food needs of the Allies and the 
 
188 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 way in which our Food Administration was plan- 
 ning to meet that need, the response would have 
 been so immediate and so overwhelming that the 
 world would have known that at last a highly per- 
 fected democracy had been established on earth. 
 As it was, the reliance of the Food Administration 
 upon the democratic principle of voluntary co-oper- 
 ation was so successful that the necessary food was 
 conserved and delivered to the Allies in a way that 
 amazed the world. 
 
 Another democratic principle for which the Food 
 Administration has successfully stood is that "most 
 is required of those most able to give." Wealthy 
 and well-to-do people were asked to conserve and 
 to give, while those at or below the mere existence 
 level were not urged so strongly. 
 
 By the opposite token, suppose that no one had 
 respected the regulations from the Food Adminis- 
 tration, what would have occurred? The alterna- 
 tive measure would have been compulsion, resort 
 to heavy punishments, and the use of the autocratic 
 principle. In a time of national crisis, there are 
 but two ways open, voluntary co-operation, or gov- 
 ernmental compulsion. The choice lies with the peo- 
 ple and is based upon their underlying attitude of 
 mind — if they live in a democracy. If the reaction 
 to large national needs is prompt and universal, a 
 perfect democracy has been attained. But such a 
 reaction means that the masses have all had the ad- 
 vantages of education and have acquired a socialized 
 viewpoint through education, 
 
The Native-Born 189 
 
 The first step in our Americanization plan may 
 now be stated. The need of a Department of Edu- 
 cation in our national government, with a repre- 
 sentative in the Cabinet is undeniable. The welfare 
 of cattle and swine has long had representation at 
 the President's table of counselors, but the educa- 
 tion, unification, Americanization, and socialization 
 of our people are still without a direct spokesman in 
 the cabinet. Education, which releases and develops 
 the spiritual forces of a democracy, is still taken 
 care of by a Cabinet member who at the same time 
 must burden his mind with several other important 
 phases of national life. 
 
 Granted the establishment of a Department of 
 Education, the building up of a Bureau of Ameri- 
 canization within that department would naturally 
 follow. In the past, the Americanization work has 
 been left in the hands of several division directors 
 at Washington, with a natural lack of unity, con- 
 tinuity, and hence of adequate success. 
 
 At the present writing (February, 1919), there 
 is an Americanization Division under the supervi- 
 sion of the Bureau of Education (Department of 
 the Interior). The Division is directed by Fred 
 C. Butler. A sixteen page monthly publication was 
 established by the Division in September, 1918. In 
 January, 1919, co-ordination of the work of the 
 Americanization Division and of the Bureau of Nat- 
 uralization was effected. The activities of the for- 
 mer will center upon the general education and as- 
 similation of the foreign-born; the jurisdiction of 
 the latter will be confined to the foreign-born who 
 
190 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 have signified an intention to become citizens. It is 
 the plan of the Director of Americanization to 
 name regional directors and to organize the states 
 and the communities. With the establishment of a 
 Department of Education, the work of Americani- 
 zation could be honored by the creation of a special 
 Bureau. 
 
 One of the first tasks of a Bureau of Americani- 
 zation would be to make a careful survey of the 
 history and nature of Americanism. The construc- 
 tive principles thus far worked out in American 
 history must be determined, the character of pres- 
 ent-day American ideals must be analyzed, and the 
 more certain tendencies outlined. America must 
 consciously direct her progress, on the basis of past 
 and present experiences and future outlook, along 
 democratic and socialized lines. And as every prac- 
 tical business man projects his business policy into 
 the future and then works to that end, so must 
 American standards be projected and followed up. 
 
 To that end, we must all be educated. The pub- 
 lic schools, the churches, the press, and motion pic- 
 tures are the leading media for carrying the details 
 of the principles of Americanism to the people. 
 Americanization must begin, in the first place, with 
 the average American. The rank and file of the 
 native-born are not versed in the full history or 
 meaning of our ideals of liberty, union, democracy, 
 and brotherhood. The teaching of American his- 
 tory must be revised to set forth first of all the 
 evolving principles of democratic American life. 
 The study of American literature must be made 
 
The Native-Born 191 
 
 from the standpoint of the principles of democracy ; 
 and then required of every public school pupil. 
 American literature is an excellent mirror of the 
 rise and growth of our spirit as a nation. Let us 
 place side by side the "Mayflower" compact and 
 President Wilson's Message to Congress on April 
 2, 1917, and note and teach the growth in America's 
 conception of democracy. 
 
 Our whole system of public and private instruc- 
 tion should be permeated with such corollaries of 
 democracy as : 
 
 1. No private gain at the expense of the 
 
 public welfare. 
 
 2. The social necessity of sound family 
 
 life. 
 
 3. The potential equality of races. 
 
 4. The harmfulness and hatefulness of 
 
 race-prejudice. 
 
 5. Not, my country, right or wrong; but, 
 
 my country always in harmony with 
 the principles of social justice. 
 
 6. As the individual and the family subor- 
 
 dinate themselves to national needs, 
 so the nation must subordinate itself 
 to international needs. 
 
 In the next place, Americanization must not 
 overlook the situation of the American Indian. 
 After the Americanization of average Americans, it 
 is logical that attention be given the original Amer- 
 icans. It was the Indian's misfortune that his cul- 
 ture was so different from ours that the assimilation 
 
192 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 processes could not operate naturally. The alterna- 
 tive has taken the form of misunderstandings and 
 antagonisms. Race pride has been rampant — mu- 
 tually. Extermination of the weaker by the strong- 
 er race has been taking place, under the blind opera- 
 tion of natural laws. A consciously and wisely 
 directed program can stem this untoward tide, and 
 halt and modify the processes of nature. Educa- 
 tion can be taken by the government to the Indians 
 in their homes. By sympathetically and patiently 
 building upon and modifying the Indian's culture 
 and by bridging, in this way, the chasm between the 
 Indian's civilization and ours, the Indian can be 
 saved to Americanism. Our entirely different cul- 
 ture must not be given him or his children in isolated 
 and bulky sections. Education must assist the In- 
 dian in making a gradual change from the hunting 
 stage to the agricultural stage of civilization. He 
 must also be given a uniform political status. His 
 possibilities of religious growth are excellent, for 
 he already believes in a Great Spirit and immortal- 
 ity, but the methods must be evolutionary and not 
 revolutionary. A genuinely social recognition must 
 be afforded him. The distance between Indian and 
 American civilization must be bridged, not by the 
 domination of the weaker by the stronger race, but 
 by the union of the two civilizations, in which are 
 combined all the good qualities of both: the result 
 will be a set of newer and better American standards. 
 In regard to the American Negro, Americaniza- 
 tion must eliminate the hiatus between the Negro's 
 level of culture and ours. Then must come an alle« 
 
The Native-Born 193 
 
 viation of the prejudice due to differences in ap- 
 pearance and status. Education will raise the 
 Negro from an untrained level through agricultural 
 efficiency, domestic training, industrial and trade 
 skill to the higher levels of thought and action. 
 With this progress, the Negro must inhibit any de- 
 sires to boast that he may have. Even rightful 
 desires of that kind must be suppressed, if he would 
 contribute his share to the dying out of race preju- 
 dice. He must allow his personal worth and social 
 achievements to speak their vital message to the 
 white race. The choice of the lesser evil must be 
 made, namely, to allow many Negro achievements 
 to go unnoticed by prejudiced eyes rather than to 
 aggravate race prejudices by boasting. 
 
 Americanization of the Negro places a burden 
 upon the whole nation, upon white as well as black, 
 upon North and South. Whenever Negroes strug- 
 gle honestly and in good faith up through the mists 
 of an unorganized culture and over the rocks of a 
 strange and at times unsympathetic higher order — 
 as they all must be taught to do — the white man 
 everywhere and always must translate the spirit of 
 "the square deal" into action. 
 
 The task of Americanizing the Appalachian moun- 
 taineers is to advance them from the eighteenth or 
 nineteenth century to the twentieth century intellec- 
 tually. They must likewise be educated in regard 
 to their understanding of Americanism. Agricul- 
 tural, domestic, and religious education must be car- 
 ried into the mountain regions in large-scale ways. 
 Let the mountaineer be stimulated to transform his 
 
194 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 own environment instead of startling him into dis- 
 trust by the predatory whistles of an outside civili- 
 zation, which has come, he thinks, to upset com- 
 pletely his established order and to destroy his 
 home, leaving in its wake the disheveled remains of 
 hastily dismantled forests. Americanization of the 
 highlander means socializing his intense individual- 
 ism. Again, education — socialized, of course — will 
 be the instrument. When the mountaineer learns to 
 use modern appliances, to develop his environmental 
 resources, and to build complex social institutions, he 
 will become more American. Education will bring 
 him into accord with the present levels of American 
 life and at the same time enable him to develop his 
 mountain domains himself, which will give him a 
 sense of partnership in the spirit of America. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 Americanization: The Foreign-Born 
 
 There are two groups of the foreign-born, the 
 Asiatics and the Europeans, which must be consid- 
 ered in the light of Americanization. The relation 
 of the first-mentioned peoples to Americanization 
 has been indicated in detail in Chapter XV. By 
 way of re-statement it may be said here that the 
 presence of the Oriental in America raises the prob- 
 lem of bringing together two civilizations which in 
 many ways are opposite in character. An added 
 perplexing element is that of international compli- 
 cations. At this point, Americanization no longer 
 involves chiefly intra-national issues, but takes on an 
 international import. It must be based on no short- 
 sighted type of Americanism. Our admission, land- 
 ownership, and naturalization laws must all be re- 
 vised and rewritten on the basis of treating all self- 
 respecting foreign peoples alike, and of guarantee- 
 ing our own protection by making the standards 
 high, and by putting them on the basis of personal 
 merit, and of assimilative ability. 
 
 Americanization of the European immigrant may 
 well begin in the steerage. 1 The "old type" of steer- 
 
 "There are those who advocate consular inspection and certifica- 
 tion of persons who are fit to enter America, but the plan involves 
 serious practical difficulties of operation. 
 
196 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 age with its humanly unfit sanitary conditions should 
 be prohibited. 2 All immigrants should be allowed 
 to come only in the "new type" of steerage, where 
 living conditions are fairly satisfactory. In the "old 
 type" of steerage, the immigrants are subjected to 
 an environment so unhealthful and at times so im- 
 moral for a period of ten to fifteen days as to form 
 the worst possible introduction to America. No- 
 where on earth are human beings housed under such 
 vile conditions. 
 
 With the adoption of the "new type" of steerage 
 as the universal means of immigrant conveyance to 
 America, provisions should be made for federal in- 
 spectors, both men and matrons, to travel in the 
 steerage of all immigrant carrying ships. Talks and 
 illustrated lectures concerning America, the lan- 
 guage, the nature and value of American money, 
 types of work in America should be given. The im- 
 migrant will thus take a long stride toward under- 
 standing America. He will be able to protect him- 
 self against exploitation when he arrives here. He 
 will be helped to make the necessary adjustments 
 and assisted in adopting American principles. 
 
 The "contract" labor rules for admission of im- 
 migrants should be changed. The Canadian rules 
 are superior to ours. Instead of following the prin- 
 ciple of debarring aliens who apply for admission 
 in consequence of labor agreements, "oral, written, 
 or printed, expressed or implied, to perform labor 
 in this country of any kind, skilled or unskilled," we 
 
 *A first-hand, authentic description of the "old type'' steerage is 
 given in the Reports of the Immigration Commission, Volume 37. 
 
The Foreign-Born 197 
 
 should adopt the Canadian principle of admitting 
 only those skilled and unskilled immigrants who 
 have promise of work. At present they suffer from 
 periods of unemployment; or they must perjure 
 themselves in order to be admitted. An immigrant 
 may of course swear that he has no promise of work 
 even when such promise came in a letter from Amer- 
 ica from a brother or other close relative. In fact, 
 if he comes on the strength of such assurance, as 
 large numbers do come, he must swear that he has 
 no promise, and thus perjure himself, in order to be 
 admitted at all. But what an unfortunate situation 
 is created. The immigrant, thus at the very intro- 
 duction to American life, is indirectly taught to dis- 
 respect our American laws. To require a promise 
 of work from unskilled and skilled laborers would 
 create problems, but these could be handled by the 
 Commission General of Immigration, in ways simi- 
 lar to the successful Canadian methods. A national 
 uniform minimum wage law would go far toward 
 protecting the immigrant against innocently agree- 
 ing to work for less than living wages in this country. 
 In the reports of the Immigration Commission, 
 an important incident is described, which shows the 
 difference between the Canadian and our laws in re- 
 gard to the promise of work requirement for admis- 
 sion. An immigrant applied for admission to the 
 United States at Quebec. He had been told in a 
 letter from his brother in one of the Western states 
 that the brother could probably get him a job if he 
 would come. On the strength of this assurance, he 
 came, and so informed the immigration official, who, 
 
198 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 doing his duty, enforced the contract labor clause 
 and debarred the man from entry. The man then 
 went to the Canadian immigration station in Quebec 
 and applied for admission to Canada. When asked 
 if he had had any promise of work in Canada, he 
 promptly replied in the negative. And the Canadian 
 officer, enforcing the Canadian rule that any one 
 without promise of work should not be admitted, re- 
 fused the man entry to Canada. In one case, the 
 man was debarred because he had work "in sight" ; 
 in the other, because he did not. Both methods are 
 beset by evils to be sure, but the Canadian is un- 
 doubtedly the better. 
 
 In general, the requirements for admission to 
 America should be made upon the uniform basis of 
 the personal worth and potential ability of the appli- 
 cant and upon opportunities for him to become as- 
 similated and Americanized readily. Mr. S. L. 
 Gulick's idea of admitting from a given nationality 
 only a small percentage — perhaps five per cent — 
 each year of those from that nationality who are 
 already in America and assimilated appears to be a 
 satisfactory principle. The time has come — in nor- 
 mal years — when we cannot admit to America all 
 who wish to enter. We have so many poor of our 
 own, and our economic order is not working so justly 
 that we can admit all the poor and oppressed who 
 wish to migrate hither. We can open our gates only 
 to that number annually which we can assimilate 
 and Americanize — otherwise Americanism will be 
 subject to disintegration from forces operating 
 within. If there are, for example, 1,000,000 Italian 
 
The Foreign-Born 199 
 
 men here and none are assimilated, then we cannot 
 afford to admit others. But if they are all assim- 
 ilated, then we shall be able to Americanize, per- 
 haps, 50,000 men per year from Italy. This prin- 
 ciple is based upon the fact that an immigrant always 
 comes to his own people racially or nationally, in 
 this country. If they are not Americanized, his 
 chances in that direction are slim; but if they have 
 become Americans, he will become so in a short 
 time. 
 
 In the rough, the literacy test works fairly well 
 as a rule of admission, for it debars those who are 
 most likely to be exploited, to suffer industrial acci- 
 dents, to earn inadequate wages, to fall into poverty, 
 and to remain unassimilated. On the other hand, 
 the literacy test is not a criterion of personal worth, 
 of potential ability, or of ultimate capacity for 
 Americanization. It is a test, primarily, of lack of 
 educational opportunities in the given European 
 province in which the alien was reared. It acts as a 
 penalty for not having had educational advantages. 
 These objections are so vital that it seems that more 
 scientific tests of admission should be substituted for 
 the mere ability to read. Educational psychologists 
 have prepared standardized tests for getting at one's 
 mental keenness and for showing one's potential 
 mental ability. As soon as these tests may be ap- 
 plied to large numbers of individuals quickly, they 
 should be substituted for the crude literacy test. 
 
 Our Americanization program must provide for 
 government protection of immigrants within the 
 country. Federal inspectors^ — both sexes^should 
 
200 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 be placed on immigrant trains. Federal immigration 
 halls are needed in our large immigrant cities, where 
 the railroads might be required to deliver immi- 
 grants and where immigrants might stay at least 
 twenty-four hours, without charge, if need be, and 
 where directions would be given them in locating 
 relatives. In connection with the Federal immi- 
 gration halls, Federal labor exchanges should be 
 operated, so that immigrants on first arrival, or 
 later, might be assisted in getting industrially ad- 
 justed. 
 
 Federal distribution of immigrant labor must be 
 promulgated. To leave aliens to congregate in 
 large "slum" districts is tantamount to nullifying the 
 assimilation processes. The "slum" is the worst 
 possible Americanization school. There the immi- 
 grant sees America at her worst, and there the Amer- 
 ican casts pitying if not disdainful eyes at the immi- 
 grant. Immigrants resent being treated as a menag- 
 ery of "lower brethren from below the zoological 
 line." Adequate distribution of the alien would 
 give him daily contacts with some of the best things 
 in America and regularly with the average phases 
 of American life, rather than with the baneful 
 phases. 8 Industrial adjustments would speedily fol- 
 low the proper distribution of immigrants, and pro- 
 cesses of assimilation would automatically be speed- 
 ed up. For many years, immigration has flooded 
 
 'An impracticable but interesting plan that has been mentioned 
 in this connection, is to establish a zone of a hundred miles' radius 
 around the largest ports of entry and to admit no alien who cannot 
 show a railroad ticket to some point outside the given zone. 
 
The Foreign-Born 201 
 
 the already overcongested urban centers of popula- 
 tion; but a governmental policy of distribution, sup- 
 ported by educational measures, would in time solve 
 many of our most serious immigration problems. 
 
 New life and content need to be put into the 
 naturalization process. The five years preceding 
 naturalization are often not a period of real prepa- 
 ration for citizenship. Oftentimes, the immigrant 
 lives and works in crowded conditions without being 
 noticed or encouraged by the best Americans,, strug- 
 gles ultimately through the naturalization process, 
 and becomes a citizen without proper fixation of 
 American principles and attachments. The natural- 
 ization standards may well be raised, but some of 
 the hardships of becoming naturalized are totally 
 unnecessary and unwise and should be removed. It 
 is often necessary for the alien to appear in court 
 four times, twice in filing his papers of intention and 
 twice in getting the final documents. Both times he 
 must have the same two witnesses. The loss of 
 wages to himself and to his witnesses is a significant 
 matter. Wages ought not to be cut off when the 
 employee is absent for purposes of naturalization. 
 Some courts hold night sessions for the benefit of 
 the immigrant — a method which should be extended. 
 Likewise, the bureaus of naturalization might well 
 hold night sessions. 
 
 Upon receiving his naturalization papers, the 
 immigrant should be made to swell with pride and 
 to vow to himself to contribute something to Ameri- 
 can ideals. The Americanization Day plan should 
 be extended and standardized. Upon one day 
 
202 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 each year — perhaps the Fourth of July — all persons 
 who have become citizens within the past twelve 
 months and who live in a given community should 
 come together at a public meeting, where leading 
 citizens might extend the right hand of American 
 citizenship to them, when speeches of a patriotic 
 nature might be given by both old and new citizens, 
 when all might join in patriotic singing, and when 
 the new citizens might feel the virile pulsations of 
 the heart of America.* 
 
 Our unscientific methods are shown in the way in 
 which suffrage was granted to the women of New 
 York. There were over 200,000 women in that 
 state who were made citizens merely because their 
 husbands were naturalized. Practically none of 
 these women had received any training for citizen- 
 ship. At least 100,000 of these new women citizens 
 do not speak English. Many are unable to read or 
 write. Very few are fitted to vote on national is- 
 sues. The rational process of preparing persons 
 to exercise the privileges of suffrage was ignored. 
 A foreign-born woman should become an American 
 citizen in her own thoughts and ideals, and not sim- 
 ply by marrying a man who is an American. Amer- 
 ican ideals need to be carried to foreign-born moth- 
 ers in their own habitations. Real Americanization 
 is as important for the adult foreign-born women 
 
 'Americanization Day ceremonies give a new and wholesome 
 content to our hitherto often meaningless and noisy Fourth of 
 July "celebrations." They have been successfully conducted in 
 many American cities. It has been well suggested that the native- 
 born who have become citizens during the twelve months preceding 
 the Americanization Day should join in the exercises. 
 
The Foreign-Born 203 
 
 as for the men, but the night school and the school- 
 in-industry do not reach the foreign-born mothers. 
 Again, we arrive at the conclusion that American 
 standards must be carried into the homes of the for- 
 eign-born by visiting teachers who are furnished by 
 the public school system. And again, it becomes 
 clear that there is a great need for a corps of ade- 
 quately paid teachers who shall make the teaching 
 of foreigners a permanent vocation. 
 
 The opportunities for American patriotic socie- 
 ties are magnificent. The Daughters of the Ameri- 
 can Revolution have begun to establish clubs for 
 foreign-born children. The Sons of the American 
 Revolution have published leaflets to present Amer- 
 ican ideals to the immigrants. The full possibilities 
 have not yet been realized. What more pa- 
 triotic work could be undertaken by a patriotic so- 
 ciety than the devotion of its energy and money to 
 the development of American ideals in the hearts 
 and minds of everyone who lives in the United 
 States? What a splendid opportunity exists for our 
 patriotic societies to join with the many national 
 alliances of the foreign-born in America in the pro- 
 mulgation of a nation-wide devotion to the princi- 
 ples of liberty, union, democracy, and brotherhood ! 
 
 The Americanization program must co-ordinate 
 and augment the Americanizing activities that al- 
 ready have been undertaken by public and private 
 agencies. The work of various Federal agencies, 
 of the public schools, the churches, the settlements, 
 and of many private associations has not been uni- 
 fied. Experimental plans must be inaugurated and 
 
204 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 fostered, and successful plans should be put into 
 practice widely. Immediate and widespread adop- 
 tion should be given promising measures, for exam- 
 ple, the plan that the Young Men's Christian Asso- 
 ciation had actually begun to put into operation when 
 the European War broke out. Groups of Y. M. C. A. 
 workers were to be stationed at European points of 
 embarkation to assist immigrants to get started for 
 America, and to extend an American welcome. In 
 the steerages of the ships were to travel other groups 
 of Y. M. C. A. Workers who were to assist and give 
 preliminary instructions to the immigrant. At the 
 American ports of entry were to be located a third 
 contingent of workers, upon immigrant trains a 
 fourth, and at interior industrial centers a fifth group. 
 Thus, immigrants could travel from the European 
 ports to an interior American city under the continu- 
 ous protection and assistance of the Young Men's 
 Christian Association. 
 
 Another excellent plan was the lecture course on 
 Americanization that was given by the Immigration 
 Department of the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
 tion of San Francisco in the summer of 1918. The 
 lecturers on Americanization were not the native- 
 born but the foreign-born leaders. The Jugo-Slav, 
 Greek, Japanese, Italian, Jewish, Russian, Portu- 
 guese, Armenian, and Scandinavian races were thus 
 represented. As exceptions, the speakers for the 
 Chinese and the Mexicans were Americans. The 
 chief interest was not what these foreign-born 
 groups needed from America but what they pos- 
 sessed of value that they could build into American- 
 
The Foreign-Born 205 
 
 ism. The philanthropic desire to help the poor im- 
 migrant is reported as being "refreshingly absent." 5 
 Its place was taken by the immigrants' desire to be 
 self-reliant and to give as well as to receive. The 
 impression grew that even Americans who had been 
 talking of Americanization might profitably give 
 more of their time "to broadening the minds of our 
 American adults and children," until no one was left 
 who conceived Americanization as an imposition of 
 our set of ideas upon the racial groups who come to 
 us to give and to share. It became apparent that a 
 phase of Americanization consists of "a distillation 
 of the purest ideals of all those peoples who come to 
 us." 5 
 
 Another splendid idea is represented by the Amer- 
 ican House, Cincinnati. This unique institution was 
 formerly a saloon, where immigrants were ex- 
 ploited; it has now become a club house for immi- 
 grants where Americanization automatically takes 
 place, under the direction of such Americans as R. 
 J. Condon, George Eisler, and other public-spirited 
 citizens of Cincinnati. The institution is worthy of 
 being developed throughout the United States. 
 
 The social settlements in America have stood 
 forth like isolated Statues of Liberty in oppressive 
 urban districts, and have personified the spirit of 
 true Americanism to the freedom-hungry children 
 of the Old World. Many churches have carried 
 the principle of human brotherhood in practical 
 
 "All Americanization work should leave out the patronizing tone 
 toward the immigrant. 
 'See the Survey, August 24, 1918, p. 596. 
 
206 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 ways to the immigrants and have demonstrated that 
 Christianity has in its spirit the power to solve all 
 race and immigration problems. If America were 
 to appeal to the spiritual and religious nature of 
 the immigrants to the degree that she has appealed 
 to their physical abilities in the development of her 
 natural resources, they would undoubtedly respond 
 in a manner that would add tremendously to the 
 spiritual backbone of America. 
 
 One of the greatest tasks, perhaps the greatest, 
 of Americanization is to overcome race prejudice. 
 Each racial unit develops the unscientific belief that 
 it is the superior race — and each race is wrong. Sci- 
 entific data indicate that all races are potentially 
 more or less equal, that present racial differences 
 are due largely to the variations in the cultural and 
 climatic environment, and that there is an essential 
 unity of races. Race prejudice causes one to over- 
 look the weaknesses of one's own race and to mag- 
 nify those of other races. It blinds its victims to 
 the best qualities of other races, it calls the doctrine 
 of human brotherhood mere moonshine, and it par- 
 alyzes the processes of assimilation. Race prejudice 
 against the foreigner, race prejudice between racial 
 groups in America, and race prejudice of the for- 
 eign-born against the native-born must all be over- 
 come. 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 
 Americanization: The Foreign-Born (Cont.) 
 
 The most important of all measures in behalf of 
 the immigrant is education. The immigrants should 
 have the opportunity of realizing the importance of 
 being able to use the English language. It should 
 become common knowledge that the foreign-speak- 
 ing but uneducated immigrant is exploitable raw 
 material, and that he is often exploited until he 
 cannot pull himself out of his lowly condition. 
 When he learns English, he reaches a level where 
 he can assist himself. 
 
 The present educational provisions are far from 
 adequate. Although there are about 2,500,000 il- 
 literate adult immigrants in the country, there never 
 have been at most more than 50,000 in the night 
 schools at a given time. Further, only 60 per cent 
 of the adults who enroll in night classes are induced 
 to stay as long as 20 nights; only 10 per cent re- 
 main 60 nights. 
 
 In the two school years of 1914-1915 and 1915- 
 1916, the writer directed an intensive study of 140 
 representative adult immigrants in the night schools 
 of Los Angeles. 1 Seven university students 2 who 
 
 "The complete results were published in the Western Journal of 
 Education, August, 1917. 
 
 'These students were Messrs. R. E. Pollick, Ross Hodson, Errol 
 P. Jones, and the Misses Irene Mills, Cecilia Irvine, Bessie Hoag- 
 land, and Blanche Hood. 
 
208 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 were teaching adults in the night schools secured 
 the data. 8 
 
 The following questionnaire was used : 
 
 1. Sex? Race? Age? Occupation? 
 
 2. How much public education did you receive 
 in the home country? How much private education? 
 
 3. Why did you come to the United States? 
 To Los Angeles ? 
 
 4. How many years have you lived in the 
 United States ? In Los Angeles ? 
 
 5. What political party do you favor? Have 
 you taken out first papers? Second papers? 
 
 6. What is your religious attitude ? 
 
 7. How was your attention called to the night 
 school ? 
 
 8. Why are you attending the night school? 
 
 9. How may the night school be improved? 
 
 10. What is the attitude of your employer to 
 the night school? 
 
 11. How may others be interested in the night 
 school ? 
 
 12. What would you do in the evening if not in 
 the night school? 
 
 'The facts which are herein tabulated and analyzed were se- 
 cured indirectly from the immigrant by the teacher, e. g., while 
 the teacher was giving the adult pupil personal instruction in Eng- 
 lish or civics, he or she secured the facts and the pupil's viewpoint 
 upon the questions which are discussed in this paper. It frequentlv 
 took the investigator a month to secure the answers to all the ques- 
 tions from a given pupil and to verify these answers through the 
 use of the cross-question method. 
 
The Foreign-Born 209 
 
 Of the 140 immigrants, 103 were men and 37 
 were women. The majority of the entire group be- 
 longed to three racial groups, namely : Italian (33), 
 Serbo-Croatian (24), and Mexican (23). The re- 
 mainder included Germans (7), Jews (6), English- 
 men (6), Greeks (4), Magyars (3), Negroes (3), 
 Spaniards (3), Russians (2), Poles (2), Bohem- 
 ians (2), and others of mixed racial parentage 
 (22). 
 
 Table I. Public and Private Education in 
 Home Country 
 
 No. of Immigrants No. of Immigrants 
 Receiving Public Receiving Private 
 Years Education Education 
 
 None 45 125 
 
 1 year or less 11 7 
 
 2 years 12 
 
 3 years 11 
 
 4 years 16 
 
 5 years 5 
 
 6 years 19 
 
 7 years 8 
 
 8 years 6 2 
 
 9 years or more 4 
 
 No answer 3 1 
 
 Total 140 140 
 
 The ages varied from 15 to 40. The modal, or 
 most common, ages, were 24 and 25 years. The 
 classification by occupation gives the following re- 
 sults: skilled (52), unskilled (50), housework (19), 
 business (6), clerical (5), agriculture (4), student 
 
210 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 ( 1 ) , and unclassified (3 ) . It will be noted that the 
 unskilled workers compose more than two-thirds of 
 the entire group. In the skilled class were found 
 machinists, painters, carpenters, shoemakers and 
 tailors. The business group refers chiefly to ped- 
 dlers of fruit, and pool hall owners. The housework 
 section is composed, of course, of the women immi- 
 grants. 
 
 Table I shows that over one-third of the entire 
 group had received no public or private education in 
 the home countries. Very few had received an edu- 
 cation equivalent to that given in the American 
 grade schools. 
 
 Table II. Reasons for coming to the 
 United States and to Los Angeles 
 
 Numbers to Numbers to 
 Reasons United States Los Angeles 
 
 Economic 66 41 
 
 Came with relative 21 34 
 
 Came to relative 18 30 
 
 As an adventure 12 
 
 To escape compulsory mili- 
 tary service 11 
 
 For educational reasons 5 1 
 
 For climatic and health 
 
 reasons 1 17 
 
 Unclassified 6 1 
 
 Total 140 140 
 
 The various reasons for coming to the United 
 States and Los Angeles are given in Table II. The 
 
The Foreign-Born 211 
 
 economic reason (to make more money) is an out- 
 standing factor. The immigrants who migrated 
 with relatives include many who came as children 
 and adolescents. 
 
 Seventy-two, or about one-half, had lived in this 
 country five years or less, and the remaining num- 
 ber, 68, had been in the United States more than 
 five years. One hundred and six had lived in Los 
 Angeles five years or less; 34, more than five years. 
 
 Table III. Political Attitude. 
 
 Political Attitude Number 
 
 Indifferent 62 
 
 Interested, but non-partisan 27 
 
 Democrat 12 
 
 Socialist 10 
 
 Republican 4 
 
 Progressive 2 
 
 Refused to answer 12 
 
 Miscellaneous 11 
 
 Total 140 
 
 Table III affords another surprise — in the fact 
 that nearly one-half of the entire number was quite 
 indifferent to political and governmental matters. 
 Those persons who are listed under the attitude of 
 "interested, but non-partisan" represent a group who 
 are in the process of becoming real citizens. They 
 have had their interest in our American govern- 
 ment definitely aroused, but are still perplexed with 
 reference to taking a stand which would seem to 
 commit them regarding party issues. In the third 
 
212 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 group are those who have become somewhat familiar 
 with political matters and are avowedly party men 
 (and women) — here the Democratic and Socialist 
 parties predominate. Under the heading of "re- 
 fused to answer," the prevailing attitude is summed 
 up in the phrase of one of the immigrants: "Afraid 
 to talk." Fear was the prevailing factor in these 
 cases. Under the heading of miscellaneous atti- 
 tudes, the following answers are self-explanatory: 
 "No friend of political grafters," "All politicians 
 grafters," "My politics about the same as the cus- 
 tomer's who happens to be talking with me," "I like 
 no war." 
 
 In regard to naturalization, the facts show that 
 70 per cent, or 99 immigrants, had not taken out 
 "first papers." The percentage is much larger than 
 was expected. The answers show that almost all 
 these immigrants had not thought about the need of 
 or the benefits to be derived from naturalization. 
 
 Table IV. Religious Attitude. 
 
 Religious Attitude Number 
 
 Roman Catholic 38 
 
 "Haven't any" 32 
 
 Protestant 16 
 
 Greek Catholic 12 
 
 Against religion 6 
 
 Jewish 3 
 
 Unstated and miscellaneous 33 
 
 Total 140 
 
The Foreign-Born 213 
 
 From a religious standpoint, it is to be said that 
 a large number of the entire group manifested a 
 distinct indifference to religion, or a gradual break- 
 ing away from an active religious attitude. The 
 call to the forces of religious education and to the 
 churches in this regard is urgent. 
 
 Table V. "How Was Your Attention Called to the 
 Night School?" 
 
 Method Number 
 
 By a friend or fellow workman 63 
 
 By public notice or advertisement 14 
 
 School principal or teacher invited me.. 13 
 
 By employer 10 
 
 Compulsory school notice 8 
 
 An accident 7 
 
 Came to social gathering first 5 
 
 Desire to learn 4 
 
 Through the church 2 
 
 Unclassified 14 
 
 Total 140 
 
 Table V shows the significance of the personal 
 element in getting the adult immigrant interested in 
 the night school. The friend or fellow-workman is 
 an effective agent. The school principal or teacher 
 who makes a personal effort in inviting the adult im- 
 migrant is performing an excellent public service. 
 Public notices, advertisements in the newspapers, 
 and especially handbills were mentioned by many 
 immigrants as being the first important factor in 
 bringing them to the night school. Handbills that 
 
214 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 were left in the shops were mentioned by several 
 immigrants as important. Under the reason, "an 
 accident," were given such answers as these : "Walk- 
 ing by, one night, and walked in — lights attracted 
 me," "Saw building lighted," "Live near and asked 
 what was going on." 
 
 Table VI. "Why Are You Attending the Night 
 School?" 
 
 Reasons Number 
 
 To learn English 84 
 
 Nothing else to do 12 
 
 Compulsory 10 
 
 For sociability reasons 10 
 
 Cannot go to school in day-time 8 
 
 Citizenship reasons 8 
 
 Unclassified and miscellaneous 8 
 
 Total 140 
 
 The leading reasons why the adult immigrant is 
 in the night school may be found in Table VI. As 
 may be expected, the chief reason is the desire to 
 learn English. Behind this interest in almost all 
 cases was the desire to earn more money. "I know 
 English, I earn more money," was not an uncommon 
 answer. Other answers of this type were as fol- 
 lows: "To earn more," "In order to get position," 
 "Learn arithmetic and English in order to facilitate 
 business," "Learn English, get better job," "To 
 learn arithmetic, to increase wage-earning capacity." 
 Another type of answers centered around the idea of 
 learning English in order to be able to read English 
 
The Foreign-Born 215 
 
 newspapers and thus to keep better informed in re- 
 gard to American news. 
 
 The third reason, i. e., "compulsory," refers to 
 the work permits which are granted by the Compul- 
 sory Education Department with the provision that 
 the workers attend night school. Under the head- 
 ing of "unclassified and miscellaneous" occur such 
 answers as these: "To learn everything," "To learn 
 music," and "My girl wants me to go." 
 
 Table VII. "How May the Night School be 
 Improved?" 
 
 Suggestions Number 
 
 Very good now 37 
 
 Do not know 30 
 
 More social center work 24 
 
 Smaller classes, more individual help.. 10 
 
 Teach more music 5 
 
 Closer grading 3 
 
 More appropriate books 2 
 
 Open more night schools 2 
 
 More regular attendance 2 
 
 More diversity in studies 2 
 
 More fitted to adults 2 
 
 Miscellaneous 21 
 
 Total 140 
 
 It was to be expected, as shown by Table VII, 
 that the majority of the adult immigrants would 
 have no suggestions of especial value concerning the 
 improvement of the night school. It would be, in 
 
216 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 other words, only the exceptional adult who would 
 have a valuable recommendation. In this regard, 
 the request for more social center work is not to be 
 underrated; while the appeals for smaller classes, 
 more teachers, and more individual help from the 
 teachers are probably the most important sugges- 
 tions which were offered. The desire to have 
 more emphasis placed upon the teaching of music 
 represents a genuine need and should be heeded 
 extensively. 
 
 Table VIII. Attitude of Employer to the 
 Night School (according to employees). 
 
 Attitude Number 
 
 Favorable 58 
 
 Do not know his attitude 43 
 
 He does not know that immigrant 
 
 comes 12 
 
 No employer, miscellaneous 20 
 
 Unfavorable 7 
 
 Total 140 
 
 From Table VIII, it may be pointed out that the 
 employer seems either to be favorable or else in- 
 different to the night school. It would appear that 
 employers are in an excellent position to encourage 
 their employees to attend the night school. It would 
 seem, also, that employers should assume a definite 
 responsibility in encouraging their employees to 
 avail themselves of the advantages of education. 
 In that connection, it may again be stated that it is 
 unfair for an adult who has been handicapped by 
 
The Foreign-Born 217 
 
 lack of education to be forced in his efforts to over- 
 come that handicap by going to school at night after 
 he has worked eight or ten hours per day. Since 
 educational development is more important than eco- 
 nomic development, the educationally handicapped 
 adult should have the best hours of the day for 
 study and training instead of perhaps the poorest 
 hours of the day. 
 
 Table IX. "How May Others be Interested in the 
 Night School?" 
 
 Answers Number 
 
 By telling our friends 36 
 
 By advertising more 34 
 
 Do not know 23 
 
 More social center emphasis 16 
 
 By bringing our friends 4 
 
 Have teachers visit in neighborhood.... 4 
 
 Miscellaneous 23 
 
 Total 140 
 
 The leading answer in reply to the question: 
 "How may others be interested in the night school?" 
 is personal and printed advertisements. Some of 
 the typical answers were these : "Tell others about 
 the good work," "Might talk it up more," "I tell 
 friends, show them I write," "I tell it, you say so." 
 To have the principal and teachers go out into the 
 neighborhood and shops with a personal invitation 
 is a method that should be fostered. Reference to 
 Table IX will show that four immigrants were more 
 aggressive in their ideas than the others — for they 
 
218 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 were not satisfied with telling others, but urged the 
 method of "bringing our friends." Among the mis- 
 cellaneous answers were the following: "Tell others 
 that it is free," "All should be interested when they 
 know that it is free," and "Can't see why they don't 
 all attend." 
 
 Table X. "What Would You Do If Not In the 
 Night School?" 
 
 Answers Number 
 
 Go to "movies" 31 
 
 Go to the pool-halls, saloons 24 
 
 "Bum on the streets" 21 
 
 "Just stay at home" 20 
 
 Read at home, library 18 
 
 Play music 8 
 
 Go to theater 7 
 
 Do nothing in particular 4 
 
 Miscellaneous 7 
 
 Total 140 
 
 The adult immigrant would go to the motion pic- 
 ture theater, the pool-hall, and the saloon, if he were 
 not in the night school, in a large number of cases. 
 "Bum on the streets" was a common answer. "Go 
 out with the bunch," "Hang around with the boys," 
 "Spend money for drink," "Stand on streets," and 
 "Waste time at movies or hang around street cor- 
 ners," are answers which represent a situation 
 which is worthy of consideration. The love of music 
 which so many immigrants possess (noted in Table 
 VII), may well receive more attention from the 
 
The Foreign-Born 219 
 
 school authorities. The immigrant, as a class, has a 
 large contribution to make to American life by virtue 
 of his musical abilities. In general, America has 
 neglected the vast opportunities in this field. 
 
 Some of the conclusions which may be drawn from 
 this specific study of adult immigrants in the night 
 schools are as follows : ( 1 ) An amazing lack of 
 knowledge of and real interest in American govern- 
 ment and in public welfare on the part of the immi- 
 grant is evident. If those immigrants who are at- 
 tending night schools are indifferent, what can be said 
 for the large numbers of immigrants who are not 
 yet aroused to the advantages of attending night 
 school? The United States has an important func- 
 tion to perform in bringing all aliens who are living 
 within her boundaries to a full appreciation of and 
 participation in public life. This process must needs 
 be an educational one. 
 
 (2) The personal method is the most effective to 
 arouse interest in the night school. The immigrant 
 who invites, or brings another immigrant, and the 
 teacher, principal, employer who personally extends 
 a hearty invitation probably represents the best 
 means of extending the work of the night school. 
 
 (3) The night school is considered by many im- 
 migrants chiefly as an institution where they can learn 
 English and thereby increase their earning ability. 
 The "English First" movement has gained consider- 
 able headway. Manufacturers are beginning to ad- 
 mit that in turning out quantities of iron and steel 
 products they have not been turning out American 
 citizens. They are beginning to realize their re- 
 
220 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 sponsibility for the effects of untoward factory and 
 mill conditions upon their unlettered employees. 
 "English First" is a more logical slogan in some 
 ways than "America First." The reports, for exam- 
 ple, from the Ford factories in Detroit indicate that 
 the teaching of English to the foreign-born em- 
 ployees has reduced accidents 54 per cent. 
 
 The teaching of English to foreign adult em- 
 ployees, according to a summary made by the Na- 
 tional Council of Defense, will give the following 
 results : 
 
 1. Reduce industrial accidents. 
 
 2. Increase the loyalty of foreigners to the 
 
 country. 
 
 3. Decrease the cost of supervising employees. 
 
 4. Raise the efficiency of employees. 
 
 5. Aid foreign-born employees in becoming 
 
 naturalized. 
 
 6. Increase the employee's term of service. 
 
 7. Make the employee less subservient to for- 
 
 eign-spirited leaders. 
 
 8. Encourage the employee to remain in this 
 
 country. 
 
 (4) Another leading need in the development of 
 the night school idea is to give more personal atten- 
 tion to each pupil, and to provide corps of specially 
 trained teachers for educating adult immigrants. 
 Special training, a pleasing personality, and a sympa- 
 thetic interest in the foreigner are essential char- 
 acteristics of a successful teacher. Heretofore, teach- 
 ers of the foreign-born have been paid too low 
 
The Foreign-Born 221 
 
 wages. They have usually been "day" teachers who 
 undertake evening classes in addition to an already 
 full schedule of work. They have met the evening 
 classes in a tired state of mind, and because of the 
 night work have gone in a fatigued condition to the 
 work of the next day. Further, they have had to 
 teach adults in the evening who themselves were 
 over-fatigued from having put in a full day's work. 
 A minimum standard should require specially trained 
 teachers who come to their adult pupils in an active 
 state of mind, and who are well-paid. 
 
 The question may be raised: Should the teacher 
 be able to speak the language of the foreign-born 
 adult pupils? If he does, he and they possess an im- 
 portant bond of sympathetic understanding which is 
 valuable. On the other hand, if he speaks only Eng- 
 lish, the pupils will make a special effort to make 
 themselves understood — an exertion which will ex- 
 pedite the process of learning the English language. 
 
 The adult pupils need to be divided, in general, 
 into grades. If dull and bright pupils are left to- 
 gether, the dull become discouraged and cease to at- 
 tend. The bright become disgusted and likewise 
 discontinue attending school. 
 
 The visual method of teaching is perhaps the best 
 way to convey the meaning of nouns; the dramatic 
 method gives an easy key to the meaning of verbs; 
 the excursion plan enables the teacher to objectify, 
 for the pupils many terms which otherwise would re- 
 main obscure. The best teacher combines these 
 methods in a way to meet all the needs of the sit- 
 uation. He centers the lessons in English upon the 
 
222 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 elements of every-day life. He uses vivid and 
 dramatic methods to good advantage in teaching 
 civics and history. He gives special attention in pro- 
 viding adequate industrial education for the foreign- 
 born. Best of all, he exemplifies and inculcates a 
 socialized spirit. 
 
 ( 5 ) A comparison of the immigrant's work in the 
 evening school with his activities in the evening if he 
 were not at school, gives evidence of the value 
 of night schools. The importance of making the 
 school buildings in the evenings educational and so- 
 cial centers for all the members of immigrant fam- 
 ilies is also clear. 
 
 (6) Visiting or home teachers should be pro- 
 vided for the education of the foreign-born wives and 
 mothers who have few opportunities to become 
 Americanized. The child has his school contacts, the 
 father his industrial contacts, but the mother has al- 
 most no contacts with Americanism. The entire fam- 
 ily of the immigrant should be educated simultan- 
 eously so that they may advance together. 
 
 (7) The night school plan is praiseworthy, but 
 does not give the immigrant a fair chance to learn. 
 After a man has labored for ten hours at monoton- 
 ous, tiresome work, the fatigue toxins have dulled 
 the brain. Only the exceptional individuals among 
 unskilled men have enough initiative left to attend 
 school at night. Further, the night school method 
 gives an outsider the impression that the physical 
 work that the unskilled immigrant can do is the thing 
 that is of paramount importance. It appears as 
 though we consider his mental and spiritual develop- 
 
The Foreign-Born 223 
 
 ment secondary. If the choice had to be made be- 
 tween giving the illiterate foreigner the poorest or 
 the best hour of the day to secure his training in cit- 
 izenship, the best hour should be his, not only for his 
 sake but for ours as well. In order that all the work- 
 ers may be reached, it will be necessary for the school 
 to go to the factory. According to this method, the 
 alien is given a half hour or an hour per day with- 
 out wage-reduction, whereby under the direction of 
 public school teachers who go to the shops, he may 
 pursue the study of English and of citizenship. The 
 public school system furnishes the teachers and the 
 equipment; and the employers, the space, artificial 
 light, their co-operative interest, and perhaps one- 
 half hour of the time of men without wage-reduc- 
 tion. Employers are learning that such welfare 
 work is economically profitable. 
 
 (8) The forces of religious education must 
 greatly increase their efforts, or else hundreds of 
 thousands of immigrants will lose their religious 
 faiths and beliefs. If religion is a vital force in hu- 
 man life, as is generally believed, then the public 
 educational forces must face squarely the problem 
 and introduce adequate training in the fundamentals 
 of religion in the public school system. 
 
 (9) The teaching of English, of civics, and of 
 American ideals must be made so worth-while and at- 
 tractive that all immigrants will desire to avail them- 
 selves of these opportunities. Employers must feel 
 their responsibilities in regard to increasing the in- 
 dustrial efficiency and civic earnestness of their im- 
 migrant employees to the extent that they (the em- 
 
224 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 ployers) will give at least a portion of the day's 
 time on pay so that the foreign-born adult may have 
 a fair chance to learn the rudimentary principles of 
 Americanism. The public must see the need of giv- 
 ing the honest but unlearned immigrant a cordial 
 handshake, sympathetic glances of the eye, and full 
 opportunities for a self-expression that is in harmony 
 with the best American principles. 
 
 If we protect the immigrant from exploitation and 
 insist on better standards of living, of sanitation, of 
 recreation, of education for him, he will almost 
 automatically become a good American. If we give 
 him a cordial welcome, a practical fraternalism, and 
 democratic opportunities in our every-day life, he will 
 gladly give his all to America. As a class, the im- 
 migrants are teachable and patriotic. Often they ap- 
 preciate better than we the meaning of freedom. 
 When they fairly understand Americanism, they are 
 quick to repudiate autocracy and to push forward the 
 cause of democracy. 
 
 A fundamental understanding of the meaning of 
 Americanism will develop in us all a new loyalty to 
 the government that was begotten in the struggles of 
 our fathers, baptized with the tears of our mothers, 
 and cherished, enriched, perfected by the grateful 
 love of their children. 4 A true Americanization pro- 
 gram will lead both native-born and foreign-born to 
 the realization of a loyalty to the nation that is in- 
 corporated in the following beliefs : 
 
 *Cf. "An American Patriot's Creed" by George H. Hubbard, 
 Christian Register, June 6, 1918. p. 535. 
 
The Foreign-Born 225 
 
 We believe in a sovereign citizenship, crowned 
 with self-respect, ruled by self-control, rendering 
 obedience to the leaders that we have chosen and to 
 the laws that we have made, and measuring great- 
 ness in units of service. 
 
 We believe in a patriotism, which is proved by 
 deeds ; which seeks no private gain at the expense of 
 public welfare; which knows no country-love at 
 variance with Christ's principle of human brother- 
 hood, which delights in the arts of peace, but does 
 not shirk the duties and dangers of righteous war; 
 which is ever ready for the supreme sacrifice; and 
 which esteems the honor of civic righteousness more 
 even than the glories of martial achievement. 
 
 We believe in the sacredness of human person- 
 alties, in the social necessity of the family, of the 
 nation, and of an international order which shall 
 maintain justice between the nations. We believe in 
 the supremacy of right over might, in the invincibil- 
 ity of universal truth, and in the sure triumph of 
 social and economic justice. We believe in the po- 
 tential equality of races, in the ability of democracy 
 to release the tremendous spiritual forces now dor- 
 mant, and in the gradual unfolding of God's right- 
 eousness. 
 
 And to the promotion of these American ideals, 
 we dedicate our substance, our service, and our lives. 
 God helping us, we can do no other. 
 
APPENDIX A 
 
 BRIEF ORIGINAL STATEMENTS OF 
 AMERICAN IDEALS 
 
 For the convenience of speakers, teachers, and 
 students, a group of brief original statements of 
 American ideals by representative American spokes- 
 men has been selected and brought together here in 
 convenient form. The chronological arrangement 
 of these source materials makes it possible to study 
 the changes in, and the development of, American 
 ideals. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1620 
 
 By the Pilgrim Fathers 1 
 
 In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are 
 underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sov- 
 eraigne Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of 
 great Britaine, France, and Ireland king, defender 
 of ye faith, etc., having undertaken for the glory 
 of God, and advancement of ye Christian faith and 
 
 'This compact of the Pilgrim Fathers which was made on board 
 the "Mayflower" is noteworthy for three reasons. (1) It proceeds 
 from religious foundations. (2) It represents a search for more 
 individual liberty within the British Empire. (3) It establishes a 
 political government that is controlled by just and equal laws and 
 not by the caprice of governor or ruler. 
 
228 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 honour of our king and countrie, a voyage to plant 
 ye first colonie in ye Northerne parts of Virginia, 
 doe by these presents solemnly and mutually in the 
 presence of God, and one of another, covenant, and 
 combine ourselves togeather into a civill body poli- 
 tick: for our better ordering, and preservation and 
 furtherance of ye ends aforesaid; and by vertue 
 hereof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just 
 and equall laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and 
 offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most 
 meete and convenient for ye generall good of ye 
 Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission 
 and obedience. In witness whereof we have here- 
 under subscribed our names at Cap-Codd ye 11 of 
 November in ye year of the raigne of our soveraigne 
 Lord, King James, of England, France, and Ireland, 
 ye eighteenth, and of Scotland ye fiftie-fourth. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1757 
 By Benjamin Franklin 2 
 
 Sloth like rust, consumes faster than labor wears. 
 He that riseth late must trot all day. 
 He that hath a trade hath an estate, and he that 
 hath a calling hath an office of profit and honor. 
 Diligence is the mother of good luck. 
 
 This statement of Americanism, taken from Poor Richard's 
 Almanac, is a unique expression of the industrial ideals of the na- 
 tion in its formative decades. The present generation, however, 
 has veered away from these common sense proverbs and the indus- 
 trial morale of the United States is undergoing a change. 
 
Appendix A 229 
 
 One to-day is worth two to-morrows. 
 The cat in gloves catches no mice. 
 Little strokes fell great oaks. 
 If you would have your business done, go; if not, 
 send. 
 
 Beware of little expenses ; a small leak will sink a 
 great ship. 
 
 'Tis hard for an empty bag to stand upright. 
 Creditors have better memories than debtors. 
 Rather go to bed supperless than rise in debt. 
 What is a butterfly? At best 
 He's but a caterpillar drest. 
 For age and want, save while you may, 
 No morning sun lasts a whole day. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1775 
 
 By Patrick Henry 3 
 
 They tell us, sir, that we are weak, — unable to 
 cope with so formidable an adversary. But when 
 shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or 
 the next year? Will it be when we are totally dis- 
 armed, and when a British guard shall be stationed 
 in every house ? Shall we gather strength by irreso- 
 
 3 In this speech, Patrick Henry crystallizes the two-fold change in 
 political sentiment that had taken place in the century and a half 
 which followed the signing of the "Mayflower" compact. In the 
 first place, the colonists had become convinced that it was futile 
 longer to seek political liberty within the confines of the British 
 Empire. In the second place, the colonists had been exasperated 
 beyond measure and had forgotten all else save the ideal, namely, 
 liberty. 
 
230 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 lution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of 
 effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, 
 and hugging the delusive phantom of Hope, until 
 our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? 
 
 Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of 
 those means which the God of nature hath placed 
 in our power. Three millions of people armed in 
 the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as 
 that which we possess, are invincible by any force 
 which our enemy can send against us. 
 
 Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. 
 There is a just God who presides over the destinies 
 of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our 
 battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong 
 alone : it is to the vigilant, the active, and the brave. 
 Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base 
 enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from 
 the contest. There is no retreat but in submission 
 and slavery. Our chains are forged. Their clank- 
 ing may be heard on the plains of Boston. The 
 war is inevitable. And let it come! I repeat it, 
 sir, let it come ! 
 
 It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gen- 
 tlemen may cry peace, peace, but there is no peace. 
 The war is actually begun. The next gale that 
 sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the 
 clash of resounding arms. Our brethren are already 
 in the field. Why stand we here idle? What is it 
 that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is 
 life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased 
 at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Al- 
 mighty God I I know not what course others may 
 
Appendix A 231 
 
 take, but as for me, give me liberty, or give me 
 death ! 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1776 
 By Thomas Jefferson* 
 
 When in the course of human events, it becomes 
 necessary for one people to dissolve the political 
 bands which have connected them with another, and 
 to assume among the powers of the earth, the sep- 
 arate and equal station to which the Laws of 
 Nature and Nature's God entitle them, a decent 
 respect to the opinions of mankind requires that 
 they should declare the causes which impel them to 
 the separation. We hold these truths to be self- 
 evident, that all men are created equal, that they are 
 endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable 
 Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the 
 pursuit of Happiness. — That to secure these rights, 
 Governments are instituted among Men, deriving 
 their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
 erned, — That whenever any Form of Government 
 becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of 
 the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute 
 new Government, laying its foundations on such 
 principles and organizing its powers in such form, 
 
 *This preamble shows the distance that the colonists had trav- 
 eled in the fifteen months which had followed Patrick Henry's 
 "Liberty or Death" speech. Inchoate revolutionary ideas had as- 
 sumed a fixed and dignified form. In the generalizations by Jef- 
 ferson, the revolutionary impulses became a set of high-minded 
 principles. 
 
232 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 as to them shall seem most likely to effect their 
 Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dic- 
 tate that Governments long established should not 
 be changed for light and transient causes; and ac- 
 cordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind 
 are more disposed to suffer, while evils are suffer- 
 able, than to right themselves by abolishing the 
 forms to which they are accustomed. But when a 
 long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing in- 
 variably the same Object evinces a design to reduce 
 them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it 
 is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to 
 provide new Guards for their future security. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1787 
 
 By the Makers of the Constitution 5 
 
 We, the people of the United States, in order to 
 form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure 
 domestic tranquility, provide for the common de- 
 fense, promote the general welfare, and secure the 
 blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, 
 do ordain and establish this Constitution for the 
 United States of America. 
 
 "Eleven stormy years had passed since the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence was announced. Notice the new social and co-operative 
 terminology that is used for the first time: "We, the people of the 
 United States." Observe the new principle that is given expres- 
 sion — a perfected Union is necessary in order that the liberties of 
 the individual may be safe. 
 
Appendix A 233 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1796 
 By George Washington 6 
 
 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every 
 ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine 
 is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 
 
 The unity of government, which constitutes you 
 one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; 
 for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real in- 
 dependence, the support of your tranquility at home, 
 your peace abroad; of your safety; of your pros- 
 perity; of that very liberty which you so highly 
 prize 
 
 This government, the offspring of your own 
 choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full 
 investigation and mature deliberation, completely 
 free in its principles, in the distribution of its 
 powers, uniting security with energy, and contain- 
 ing within itself a provision for its own amendment, 
 has a just claim to your confidence and your support. 
 Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, 
 acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by 
 the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis 
 of our political system is the right of the people to 
 make and to alter their constitution of government. 
 
 "In the Farewell Address, Washington indicated how American 
 attention had advanced from seeking liberty, per se, to building a 
 union of sufficient strength to endure, and yet not so powerful that 
 it would necessarily curb individual liberty in any way. Wash- 
 ington pointed out the four essential corner-stones for such a 
 national structure: (1) respect for law; (2) religion and morality; 
 (3) educational institutions; and (4) justice towards but no perma- 
 nent alliances with other nations. 
 
234 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 But the constitution which at any time exists, till 
 changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole 
 people, is sacredly obligatory upon all 
 
 Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to 
 political prosperity, religion and morality are indis- 
 pensable supports. In vain would that man claim 
 the tribute of patriotism who should labor to sub- 
 vert these great pillars of human happiness, these 
 firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. 
 The mere politician equally with the pious man 
 ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume 
 could not trace all their connections with public and 
 private felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is 
 the security for property, for reputation, for life, 
 if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, 
 which are the instruments of investigation in courts 
 of justice? And let us with caution indulge the 
 supposition, that morality can be maintained with- 
 out religion. Whatever may be conceded to the in- 
 fluence of refined education on minds of peculiar 
 structure, reason and experience both forbid us to 
 expect that national morality can prevail in exclu- 
 sion of religious principles 
 
 Promote, then, as an object of primary impor- 
 tance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowl- 
 edge. In proportion as the structure of a govern- 
 ment gives force to public opinion, it is essential that 
 public opinion should be enlightened 
 
 Observe good faith and justice towards all na- 
 tions; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Re- 
 ligion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it 
 be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It 
 
Appendix A 235 
 
 will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no dis- 
 tant period a great nation, to give to mankind the 
 magnanimous and too novel example of a people 
 always guided by an exalted justice and benevo- 
 lence 
 
 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to 
 foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial 
 relations, to have with them as little political con- 
 nection as possible Why, by interweaving 
 
 our destiny with that of any part of Europe, en- 
 tangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of 
 European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or 
 caprice? .... Taking care always to keep our- 
 selves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable 
 defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary 
 alliances for extraordinary emergencies. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1801 
 By Thomas Jefferson 7 
 
 About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of 
 duties which comprehend everything dear and valu- 
 able to you, it is proper you should understand what 
 I deem the essential principles of our government, 
 and consequently those which ought to shape its ad- 
 ministration. I will compress them within the nar- 
 
 'In this address which was given at the first inauguration of 
 Thomas Jefferson and at the dawn of the nineteenth century, there 
 is the most complete, comprehensive, and condensed statement that 
 is available of the principles upon which our Republic was founded. 
 Herein is found the famous phrase, "entangling alliances with 
 none," which is popularly attributed to Washington. 
 
236 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 rowest compass they will bear, stating the general 
 principle but not all its limitations: 
 
 Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever 
 state or persuasion, religious or political: 
 
 Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all 
 nations, entangling alliances with none : 
 
 The support of the State governments in all their 
 rights, as the most competent administrations for 
 our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks 
 against anti-republican tendencies : 
 
 The preservation of the general government in 
 its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of 
 our peace at home, and safety abroad: 
 
 A jealous care of the right of election by the 
 people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses which 
 are lopped by the sword of revolution where peace- 
 able remedies are unprovided : 
 
 Absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the ma- 
 jority, the vital principle of republics, from which 
 is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and im- 
 mediate parent of despotism: 
 
 A well disciplined militia, our best reliance in 
 peace and for the first moments of war until regu- 
 lars may relieve them : 
 
 The supremacy of the civil over the military 
 authority : 
 
 Economy in the public expense, that labor may be 
 lightly burdened : 
 
 The honest payment of our debts and sacred pre- 
 servation of the public faith: 
 
 Encouragement of agriculture and of commerce 
 as its handmaid: 
 
Appendix A 237 
 
 The diffusion of information and arraignment of 
 all abuses at the bar of public reason : 
 
 Freedom of religion: 
 
 Freedom of the press : 
 
 And freedom of person under the protection of 
 the Habeas Corpus, and trial by juries impartially 
 selected. 
 
 These principles form the bright constellation 
 which has gone before us, and guided our steps 
 through the age of revolution and reformation. The 
 wisdom of our sages, and blood of our heroes have 
 been devoted to their attainment. They should be 
 the creed of our political faith, the text of civic in- 
 struction, the touchstone by which to try the services 
 of those we trust, and should we wander from them 
 in moments of error or alarm, let us hasten to re- 
 trace our steps and to regain the road which alone 
 leads to peace, liberty, and safety. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1823 
 By James Monroe 8 
 
 In the wars of the European powers in matters 
 
 relating to themselves we have never taken any part, 
 
 - -.a 
 
 "In 1823, the President of the United States found himself in a 
 dilemma regarding an international problem that had long caused 
 the nation considerable anxiety. Should the United States permit 
 the nations of Europe to spread the ideals of autocracy on the 
 American continent, and thus court war; or should she somewhat 
 presumptuously bar them from further colonization on this side of 
 the Atlantic, and thereby invite their secret and jealous enmity? 
 President Monroe rightly decided that the nation would be safer 
 with opponents at a distance than to have them entrenched near 
 at hand. 
 
238 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is 
 only when our rights are invaded or seriously men- 
 aced that we resent injuries or make preparation for 
 our defense. With the movements in this hemi- 
 sphere we are of necessity more immediately con- 
 nected, and by causes which must be obvious to all 
 enlightened and impartial observers. The political 
 system of the allied powers is essentially different in 
 this respect from that of America. This difference 
 proceeds from that which exists in their respective 
 governments; and to the defense of our own which 
 has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and 
 treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most 
 enlightened citizens, and under which we have en- 
 joyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is de- 
 voted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the 
 amicable relations existing between the United 
 States and those powers to declare that we should 
 consider any attempt on their part to extend their 
 system to any portion of this hemisphere as dan- 
 gerous to our peace and safety. With the existing 
 colonies or dependencies of any European power we 
 have not interfered and shall not interfere. But 
 with the Governments who have declared their in- 
 dependence and maintained it, and whose indepen- 
 dence we have, on great consideration and on just 
 principles acknowledged, we would not view any in- 
 terposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or 
 controlling in any other manner their destiny, by 
 any European power in any other light than as the 
 manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward 
 the United States. 
 
Appendix A 239 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1830 
 By Daniel Webster 9 
 
 I profess, Sir, in my career hitherto, to have kept 
 steadily in view the prosperity and honor of the 
 whole country, and the preservation of our Federal 
 Union. It is to that Union we owe our safety at 
 home, and our consideration and dignity abroad. 
 It is to that Union that we are chiefly indebted for 
 whatever makes us most proud of our country. 
 That Union we reached only by discipline of our 
 virtues in the severe school of adversity. It had its 
 origin in the necessities of disordered finance, pros- 
 trate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its be- 
 nign influence, these great interests immediately 
 awoke, as from the dead, and sprang forth with 
 newness of life. Every year of its duration has 
 teemed with fresh proofs of its utility and its bless- 
 ings; and although our territory has stretched out 
 wider and wider, and our population spread farther 
 and farther, they have not outrun its protection or 
 its benefits. It has been to us all a copious fountain 
 of national, social, and personal happiness. 
 
 I have not allowed myself, Sir, to look beyond 
 the Union, to see what might lie hidden in the dark 
 recess behind. I have not coolly weighed the 
 
 'Thirty years had passed since the establishment of the Republic. 
 Individualism and individualistic liberty still held primary sway 
 in American life. It was a keen appreciation of the dangers ahead 
 of an overemphasis upon individual liberty which brought forth 
 the eloquent eulogy of the Union from the heart and mind of 
 Webster. 
 
240 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 chances of preserving liberty when the bonds that 
 unite us together shall be broken asunder. I have 
 not accustomed myself to hang over the precipice of 
 disunion, to see whether with my short sight, I can 
 fathom the depth of the abyss below; nor could I 
 regard him as a safe counsellor in the affairs of this 
 government, whose thoughts should be mainly bent 
 on considering, not how the Union may be best pre- 
 served, but how tolerable might be the condition of 
 the people when it should be broken up and de- 
 stroyed. While the Union lasts, we have high, ex- 
 citing, gratifying prospects spread out before us, for 
 us and our children. Beyond that I seek not to pene- 
 trate the veil. God grant that, in my day, at least, 
 that curtain may not rise ! God grant that on my 
 vision never may be opened what lies behind! 
 
 When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the 
 last time the sun in heaven, may I not see him 
 shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of 
 a once glorious Union; on States dissevered, dis- 
 cordant, belligerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, 
 or drenched it may be in fraternal blood ! Let their 
 last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the 
 gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and 
 honored throughout the earth, still full high ad- 
 vanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their 
 original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, not 
 a single star obscured, bearing for its motto, no such 
 miserable interrogatory as "What is all this worth?" 
 nor those other words of delusion and folly, "Lib- 
 erty first and Union afterward"; but everywhere, 
 spread all over in characters of living light, blazing 
 
Appendix A 241 
 
 on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and 
 over the land, and in every wind under the whole 
 heavens, that other sentiment dear to every true 
 American heart, — Liberty and Union, now and for- 
 ever, one and inseparable ! 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1843 
 
 By William Lloyd Garrison 10 
 
 They tell me, Liberty ! that in thy name 
 I may not plead for all the human race ; 
 That some are born to bondage and disgrace, 
 Some to a heritage of woe and shame, 
 And some to power supreme, and glorious fame : 
 With my whole soul I spurn the doctrine base, 
 And, as an equal brotherhood, embrace 
 All people, and for all fair freedom claim! 
 Know this, O man! whate'er thy earthly fate — 
 God never made a tyrant nor a slave : 
 Woe, then, to those who dare to desecrate 
 His glorious image ! — for to all He gave 
 Eternal rights, which none may violate ; 
 And, by a mighty hand, the oppressed He yet shall 
 save! 
 
 "The humanitarian basis of the impassioned addresses of Garrison 
 and of his fellow abolitionists marks the rise of a definite and com- 
 prehensive social consciousness in the United States. It was a social 
 conscience that finally extended the meaning of liberty and struck 
 the shackles from the Negro slave. 
 
242 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1858 
 
 By Abraham Lincoln 11 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : 
 If we could first know where we are, and whither 
 we are tending, we could better judge what to do, 
 and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth 
 year since a policy was initiated with the avowed 
 object and confident promise of putting an end to 
 slavery agitation. Under the operation of that 
 policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but 
 has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will 
 not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and 
 passed. "A house divided against itself cannot 
 stand." I believe this government cannot endure 
 permanently half slave and half free. I do not ex- 
 pect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the 
 house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be 
 divided. It will become all one thing, or all the 
 other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest 
 the further spread of it, and place it where the pub- 
 lic mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course 
 of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it 
 forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the 
 States, old as well as new, North as well as South. 
 
 "The question of granting liberty to the Negro at last became 
 inextricably entangled with that other fundamental but entirely 
 different question of the strength of the Union. The first great 
 opening speech of the final struggle between the abolitionists and 
 Unionists on one hand, and the slavery adherents and the seces- 
 sionists on the other hand was delivered by Lincoln, in Springfield, 
 Illinois, on June 16, 1858. On this occasion, Lincoln rested his de- 
 cision on the belief in the nation as an indivisible social unit. 
 
Appendix A 243 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1863 
 By Abraham Lincoln 12 
 
 Four score and seven years ago our fathers 
 brought forth on this continent, a new nation, con- 
 ceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition 
 that all men are created equal. 
 
 Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing 
 whether that nation, or any other nation so con- 
 ceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are 
 met on a great battlefield of that war. We have 
 come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final 
 resting place for those who here gave their lives 
 that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting 
 and proper that we should do this. 
 
 But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate — we 
 cannot consecrate — we cannot hallow this ground. 
 The brave men living and dead, who struggled here 
 have consecrated it, far above our poor power to 
 add or detract. The world will little note, nor long 
 remember what we say here, but it can never forget 
 what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, 
 to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which 
 they who fought here have thus far so nobly ad- 
 vanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to 
 the great task remaining before us — that from these 
 
 M It is in crises that great decisions are made and immortal senti- 
 ments are expressed. War is such a crisis. A civil war is a crisis 
 that is especially heart-rending because the opposing forces are 
 often of the same blood and possessed of kindred interests. The 
 greatest sentiment which came out of our Civil War was voiced 
 by Lincoln in his Gettysburg speech when he gave a new defini- 
 tion to democracy. 
 
244 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 honored dead we take increased devotion to that 
 cause for which they gave the last full measure of 
 devotion — that we here highly resolve that these 
 dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation 
 under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and 
 that government of the people, by the people, for 
 the people, shall not perish from the earth. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1865 
 
 By Abraham Lincoln 13 
 
 One-eighth of the whole population were colored 
 slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but 
 localized in the southern part of it. These slaves 
 constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All 
 knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of 
 the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend 
 this interest was the object for which the insurgents 
 would rend the Union even by war; while the Gov- 
 ernment claimed no right to do more than to restrict 
 the territorial enlargement of it. . . . Fondly 
 do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty 
 scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if 
 God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled 
 by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of un- 
 
 M The conqueror in war is tempted to become puffed up, vain- 
 glorious, and lordly. But it was not so with Lincoln. The United 
 States will never cease to praise the spirit which prompted Lincoln 
 at the victorious close of the Civil War to say, "With malice toward 
 none, with charity for all." Nothing more Christian, and nothing 
 more social in all history has ever been said. 
 
Appendix A 245 
 
 requited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of 
 blood drawn with the lash shall be paid with another 
 drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand 
 years ago, so still it must be said, "The judgments of 
 the Lord are true and righteous altogether." 
 
 With malice toward none, with charity for all, 
 with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the 
 right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; 
 to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who 
 shall have borne the battle and for his widow, and 
 his orphan ; to do all which may achieve and cherish 
 a just and a lasting peace among ourselves and with 
 all nations. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1876 
 
 By Bayard Taylor" 
 
 Foreseen in the vision of sages 
 Foretold when martyrs bled, 
 She was born of the longing of ages, 
 By the truth of the noble dead 
 And the faith of the living fed ! 
 No blood in her lightest veins 
 Frets at remembered chains 
 
 "The racial and social cosmopolitanism of the United States, 
 in both her origin and later development, has never been better 
 stated than by Bayard Taylor in the National Ode, "America," 
 which he delivered on July 4, 1876, the centenary of the Declara- 
 tion of Independence. Only the closing lines are printed here. 
 
246 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Nor shame of bondage has bowed her head. 
 
 In her form and features still 
 
 The unblenching Puritan will, 
 
 Cavalier honor, Huguenot grace, 
 
 The Quaker truth and sweetness, 
 And the strength of the danger-girdled race 
 Of Holland, blend in a proud completeness. 
 From the homes of all where her being began 
 
 She took what she gave to man; 
 
 Justice that knew no station, 
 
 Belief, as soul decreed, 
 
 Free air for aspiration, 
 Free force for independent deed! 
 
 She takes but to give again, 
 As the sea returns the rivers in rain; 
 And gathers the chosen of her seed 
 From the hunted of every crown and creed. 
 
 Her Germany dwells by a gentler Rhine ; 
 
 Her Ireland sees the old sunburst shine ; 
 
 Her France pursues some dream divine; 
 
 Her Norway keeps his mountain pine ; 
 
 Her Italy waits by the western brine ; 
 
 And, broad-based under all, 
 Is planted England's oaken-hearted mood, 
 
 As rich in fortitude 
 As e'er went worldward from the island wall ! 
 
 Fused in her candid light, 
 To one strong race all races here unite ; 
 Tongues melt in hers, hereditary foemen 
 Forget their sword and slogan, kith and clan. 
 
 'Twas glory once to be a Roman : 
 She makes it glory, now to be a man ! 
 
Appendix A 247 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1878 
 By Ralph Waldo Emerson 16 
 
 The genius of the country has marked out our true 
 policy, — opportunity. Opportunity of civil rights, 
 of education, of personal power, and not less of 
 wealth; doors wide open. If I could have it, — free 
 trade with all the world without toll or custom- 
 houses, invitation as we now make to every nation, 
 to every race and skin, white men, red men, yellow 
 men, black men; hospitality of fair field and equal 
 laws to all. Let them compete, and success to the 
 strongest, the wisest and the best. The land is wide 
 enough, the soil has bread for all. 
 
 I hope America will come to have its pride in 
 being a nation of servants, and not of the served. 
 How can men have any other ambition where the 
 reason has not suffered a disastrous collapse? 
 Whilst every man can say I serve, — to the whole 
 extent of my being I apply my faculty to the service 
 of mankind in my especial place, — he therein sees 
 and shows a reason for his being in the world — or is 
 not a moth or incumbrance in it 
 
 Happily we are under better guidance than of 
 statesmen. Pennsylvania coal mines, and New York 
 
 These paragraphs are printed from "The Fortune of the Re- 
 public," which was one of the last addresses (delivered March 30, 
 1878) by Emerson. In it, Emerson points out (1) that America has 
 developed out of extraordinary opportunities, (2) that nothing less 
 than the exercise of justice is necessary in the utilization of these 
 opportunities, (3) that commercial power has begun to cast a 
 darkening cloud over the land, and (4) that spiritual elements must 
 be given first place if the nation is to progress. 
 
248 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 shipping, and free labor, though not idealist, gravi- 
 tate in the ideal direction. Nothing less large than 
 justice can keep them in good temper. Justice satis- 
 fies everybody, and justice alone. No monopoly 
 must be foisted in, no weak party or nationality sac- 
 rificed, no coward compromise conceded to a strong 
 partner. Every one of these is the seed of vice, war 
 and national disorganization. It is our part to carry 
 out to the last the ends of liberty and justice. We 
 shall stand, then, for vast interests; north and south, 
 east and west will be present to our minds, and our 
 vote will be as if they voted, and we shall know that 
 our vote secures the foundations of the state, good- 
 will, liberty and security of traffic and of production, 
 and mutual increase of good-will in the great 
 
 interests 
 
 In seeking this guidance of events, in seeing this 
 felicity without example that has rested on the Union 
 thus far, I find new confidence for the future. I 
 could heartily wish that our will and endeavor were 
 more active parties to the work. But I see in all 
 directions the light breaking. Trade and govern- 
 ment will not alone be the favored aims of mankind, 
 but every useful, every elegant art, every exercise of 
 imagination, the height of reason, the noblest affec- 
 tion, the purest religion will find their home in our 
 institutions, and write our laws for the benefit of 
 man. 
 
Appendix A 249 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1905 
 
 By Theodore Roosevelt 16 
 
 Much has been given to us, and much will right- 
 fully be expected from us. We have duties to others 
 and duties to ourselves; and we can shirk neither. 
 We have become a great nation, forced by the fact 
 of its greatness into relations with other nations of 
 the earth; and we must behave as beseems a people 
 with such responsibilities. Toward all other nations, 
 large and small, our attitude must be one of cordial 
 and sincere friendship. We must show, not only in 
 our words, but in our deeds, that we are earnestly 
 desirous of securing their good-will by acting toward 
 them in a spirit of just and generous recognition of 
 all their rights. But justice and generosity in a 
 nation, as in an individual, count most when shown, 
 not by the weak, but by the strong. While ever care- 
 ful to refrain from wronging others, we must be no 
 less insistent that we are not wronging ourselves. 
 We wish peace; but we wish the peace of justice, the 
 peace of righteousness. We wish it because we 
 think it is right and not because we are afraid. No 
 weak nation that acts manfully and justly should 
 ever have cause to fear us, and no strong power 
 
 '"Hard-headed, common-sense Americanism never had an abler 
 exponent than Theodore Roosevelt. He freely cut loose from con- 
 ventions of the past that had become useless; he wasted no time 
 in seeking ideals that were too far ahead to be realized in his day. 
 He stood fearlessly for methods of solving all problems on the 
 basis of "the square deal" to all parties alike, as is well illustrated 
 in the accompanying excerpt from the inaugural address of March 
 4, 1905. 
 
250 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 should ever be able to single us out as a subject for 
 insolent aggression. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1909 
 
 By Israel Zangwill 17 
 
 There she lies, the great Melting Pot — listen! 
 Can't you hear the roaring and the bubbling? There 
 gapes her mouth — the harbour where a thousand 
 mammoth feeders come from the ends of the world 
 to pour in their human freight. Ah, what a stirring 
 and seething! Celt and Latin, Slav and Teuton, 
 Greek and Syrian, — black and yellow — Jew and 
 Gentile — yes, East and West, and North and South, 
 the palm and the pine, the pole and the equator, the 
 crescent and the cross — how the great Alchemist 
 melts and fuses them with his purging flame ! Here 
 shall they all unite to build the Republic of man and 
 the Kingdom of God. Ah, what is the glory of 
 Rome and Jerusalem where all nations and races 
 come to worship and look back compared with the 
 glory of America, where all races and nations come 
 to labor and look forward. 
 
 "In the drama, The Melting Pot, Mr. Zangwill produced the first 
 great American sociological play. The ideal is correct, but when 
 immigrants are permitted to congregate in large numbers in our 
 metropolitan cities, it fails of realization. No truer descriptive 
 phrase of American life has been coined than this: "America, 
 where all races and nations come to labor and look forward." 
 
Appendix A 251 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1915 
 By Woodrow Wilson 18 
 
 You can not become thorough Americans if you 
 think of yourselves in groups. America does not 
 consist of groups. A man who thinks of himself as 
 belonging to a particular national group in America 
 has not yet become an American, and the man who 
 goes among you to trade upon your nationality is 
 no worthy son to live under the Stars and Stripes. 
 
 My urgent advice to you would be, not only always 
 to think first of America ; but always, also, to think 
 first of humanity. You do not love humanity if you 
 seek to divide humanity into jealous camps. Human- 
 ity can be welded together only by love, by sympathy, 
 by justice, not by jealousy and hatred 
 
 Americans must have a consciousness different 
 from the consciousness of every other nation in the 
 world. I am not saying this with even the slightest 
 thought of criticism of other nations. You know 
 how it is with a family. A family gets centered on 
 itself if it is not careful and is less interested in the 
 neighbors than it is in its own members. So a nation 
 that is not constantly renewed out of new sources is 
 apt to have the narrowness and prejudice of a fam- 
 ily; whereas America must have this consciousness, 
 that on all sides it touches elbows and touches hearts 
 with all nations of mankind 
 
 M In these selections from the address on May 10, 1915, to recently 
 naturalized citizens in Philadelphia, and from the address on Octo- 
 ber 11, 1915, to the Daughters of the American Revolution in Wash- 
 ington, D. C, President Wilson has visualized the place of the 
 United States in a unity of the nations. 
 
252 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 America has a great cause which is not confined to 
 the American continent. It is the cause of humanity 
 itself 
 
 I would not feel any exhilaration in belonging to 
 America if I did not feel that she was something 
 more than a rich and powerful nation. I should not 
 feel proud to be in some respects and for a little 
 while her spokesman if I did not believe that there 
 was something else than physical force behind her. 
 I believe that the glory of America is that she is a 
 great spiritual conception and that in the spirit of 
 her institutions dwells not only her distinction but 
 her power. The one thing that the world can not 
 permanently resist is the moral force of great and 
 triumphant convictions. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1915 
 
 By Theodore Roosevelt 19 
 
 Therefore, we should devote ourselves as a pre- 
 parative to preparedness, alike in peace and war, to 
 secure 'the three elemental things; one, a common 
 language, the English language; two, the increase in 
 our social loyalty — citizenship absolutely undivided, 
 a citizenship which acknowledges no flag except the 
 flag of the United States and which emphatically 
 repudiates all duality of intention or national loy- 
 
 M In his last years, Roosevelt's nationalism became intensified. 
 Roosevelt became tremendously interested in seeing his native 
 country become unified and strong and courageous. The formula 
 that is given here is taken from his Knights of Columbus speech 
 on October 12, 1915. 
 
Appendix A 253 
 
 alty; and, three, an intelligent and resolute effort for 
 the removal of industrial and social unrest, an effort 
 which shall aim equally to securing every man his 
 rights and to make every man understand that unless 
 he in good faith performs his duties he is not en- 
 titled to any rights at all. 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1917 
 By Woodrow Wilson 20 
 
 We are glad, now that we see the facts with no 
 veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the 
 ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of 
 its peoples — the German people included — for the 
 rights of nations great and small and the privilege 
 of men everywhere to choose their way of life and 
 of obedience. 
 
 The world must be made safe for democracy. Its 
 peace must be planted upon the trusted foundations 
 of political liberty. 
 
 We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no 
 conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for 
 ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices 
 we shall freely make. We are but one of the cham- 
 pions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satis- 
 fied when those rights have been made as secure as 
 
 20 The entry of the United States into the European War brought 
 forth from President Wilson the most unselfish statement of national 
 principles that any large nation had yet declared. The accompany- 
 ing selection will be recognized at once as a part of the address 
 on April 2, 1917, and gives the setting of the famous ideal, "The 
 world must be made safe for democracy." 
 
254 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 the faith and the freedom of the nation can make 
 them. 
 
 Just because we fight without rancor and without 
 selfish objects, seeking nothing for ourselves but 
 what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we 
 shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as 
 belligerents without passion and ourselves observe 
 with proud punctilio the principles of right and of 
 fair play we profess to be fighting for 
 
 It will be easier for us to conduct ourselves as 
 belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness be- 
 cause we act without animus, not in enmity toward a 
 people or with the desire to bring any injury or dis- 
 advantage upon them, but only in armed opposition 
 to an irresponsible government, which has thrown 
 aside all considerations of humanity and of right and 
 is running amuck 
 
 But the right is more precious than peace, and we 
 shall fight for the things which we have always car- 
 ried nearest our hearts — for democracy, for the right 
 of those who submit to authority to have a voice in 
 their own governments, for the rights and liberties 
 of small nations, for a universal dominion of right 
 by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace 
 and safety to all nations and make the world itself 
 at last free. 
 
 To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our 
 fortunes, everything that we are and everything that 
 we have, with the pride of those who know that the 
 day has come when America is privileged to spend 
 her blood and her might for the principles that gave 
 her birth and happiness and the peace which she has 
 treasured. God helping her, she can do no other. 
 
Appendix A 255 
 
 AMERICAN IDEALS IN 1918 AND 1919 
 By Woodrow Wilson 21 
 
 There is a great voice of humanity abroad in the 
 world just now which he who cannot hear is deaf. 
 There is a great compulsion of the common con- 
 science now in existence which if any statesman resist 
 will gain for him the most unenviable eminence in 
 history. We are not obeying the mandate of parties 
 or of politics. We are obeying the mandate of 
 humanity 
 
 Friendship must have a machinery. If I cannot 
 correspond with you, if I cannot learn your minds, 
 if I cannot co-operate with you I cannot be your 
 friend, and if the world is to remain a body of friends 
 it must have the means of friendship, the means of 
 constant friendly intercourse, the means for constant 
 watchfulness over the common interests. That 
 makes it necessary to make some great effort to have 
 with one another an easy and constant method of 
 conference so that troubles may be taken when they 
 are little and not allowed to grow until they are 
 big. .... 
 
 There is only one thing that holds nations to- 
 gether, if you exclude force, and that is friendship 
 and good will. Therefore, our task at Paris is to 
 
 "These selections are chosen from the address of President Wil- 
 son in Free Trade Hall, Manchester, England (December 30, 
 1918), and from the address before the Chamber of Deputies in 
 Rome (January 3, 1919). In the speech in Rome, there occurs the 
 world-significant ideal : "Our task ... is to organize the 
 friendship of the world." 
 
256 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 organize the friendship of the world — to see to it 
 that all the moral forces that make for right and 
 justice and liberty are united, and are given a vital 
 organization to which the peoples of the world will 
 readily and gladly respond 
 
 We know that there cannot be another balance of 
 power. That has been tried and found wanting, for 
 the best of all reasons that it does not stay balanced 
 inside itself. 
 
 Therefore, there must be something substituted 
 for the balance of power, and I am happy to find 
 everywhere in the air of these great nations the con- 
 ception that that thing must be a thoroughly united 
 League of Nations. 
 
APPENDIX B 
 
 SUGGESTIONS TO SPEAKERS ON 
 AMERICANIZATION 
 
 Interested persons should write to the Bureau of 
 Education, Washington, D. C, and ask to have their 
 names placed upon the mailing list for the monthly 
 publication, Americanization. Each issue is full 
 of helpful suggestions. Other valuable material may 
 be secured by writing to specific organizations such 
 as the State Commission of Immigration and Hous- 
 ing of California (Sacramento), which has pub- 
 lished several very useful pamphlets on Americaniza- 
 tion. 
 
 There are many fundamental ideals which speak- 
 ers on Americanization need to have clearly in mind. 
 They should familiarize themselves with the past 
 and present phases of Americanism and with the 
 problems which lie directly before the nation. They 
 must analyze the differences between American ideals 
 and American practices, and appreciate what must be 
 done in order that the nation may achieve complete 
 democracy. 
 
 Speakers on Americanization need to avoid nar- 
 row interpretations of the subject; they must see it 
 as a process, chiefly educational, which requires time 
 and patience, which involves sympathetic attitudes, 
 
258 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 and which must be translated daily into personal 
 action by Americans. 
 
 Speakers must ground themselves in the cultural 
 backgrounds of immigrant life. What ideals has the 
 given group of immigrants brought with them? 
 What hopes did they bring? What gifts can they 
 make to America ? 
 
 Another set of questions which speakers must 
 answer before addressing a specific racial group is : 
 What problems of adjustment have these immigrants 
 faced? In what ways have they had difficulties in 
 bridging the chasm between previous methods and 
 present demands? What are the differences be- 
 tween their viewpoint and our American ways of do- 
 ing? Have their hopes been shattered in any way 
 in America ? 
 
 In addressing an immigrant group, the speaker 
 will be given an open door to their hearts and minds, 
 if he shows them that he is acquainted with their 
 racial struggles and racial heroes. Another good 
 method of approach is to explain clearly that the 
 United States entered the European War "to help 
 establish liberty in all the world." Almost all immi- 
 grants understand the meaning of liberty better than 
 any other term in our national vocabulary. They 
 come from racial stocks which struggled to secure 
 liberty for centuries before the United States as a 
 nation was established. 
 
 It is important that a right attitude be taken by 
 public speakers toward the teaching of the English 
 language. The many ways in which a knowledge of 
 the English language will aid an immigrant may be 
 
Appendix B 259 
 
 clearly outlined. On the other hand, the speaker 
 must not attack the native language of the immi- 
 grant. Let him stress, however, in every construc- 
 tive way possible, the importance of learning 
 English. 
 
 Above all else, it is vital to remember that the 
 nature of the attitude of Americans will determine 
 in almost all cases whether the immigrant will be- 
 come an asset or a menace, that love for the immi- 
 grant will cause the immigrant to love America, and 
 that if American principles are given attractive and 
 just expressions, the immigrant will gladly give him- 
 self to their hearty and loyal support. 
 
 It is worth while, as a matter of technique, to work 
 out several outlines for speeches on Americaniza- 
 tion. Nothing bores an immigrant more than a 
 speaker who talks "in a circle," who "rants," or 
 otherwise shows that he has not thought clear 
 through his topic. 
 
 Three outlines for speeches on Americanization 
 are given herewith. The first is a modification of 
 one that appeared in the pamphlet "Americaniza- 
 tion," by the State Commission of Immigration and 
 Housing of California. It will be necessary to 
 modify these outlines to suit the occasion and the 
 speaker's store of information, and to introduce as 
 much illustrative material as possible. 
 
260 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 OUTLINE NUMBER ONE 
 
 The Immigrant : An Asset or Liability 
 
 1. In what ways is the immigrant an asset to the 
 United States? 
 
 (1) He usually possesses physical strength 
 and endurance greater than that of 
 average Americans. 
 
 (2) His honesty and reliability in industry 
 are indispensable. (See the inside of 
 either cover of Haskin, The Immigrant, 
 for a specific statement of the ways in 
 which the immigrant contributes to in- 
 dustry) . 
 
 (3) His stable family life is a valuable asset 
 to the United States, when many forces 
 are undermining the sanctity of the mar- 
 riage relation. 
 
 (4) His fundamental ideas of right and 
 wrong are closely similar to American 
 moral ideas. 
 
 ( 5 ) His love of art and music are precious 
 in America, where few fundamental 
 conceptions in this connection have been 
 developed. 
 
 (6) His religious spirit is sound. It will 
 greatly strengthen religion in the 
 United States. It needs only to be ex- 
 pressed constructively and socially. 
 
Appendix B 261 
 
 (7) His greatest asset is his love of liberty. 
 It is older and deeper than that of the 
 average American. 
 
 2. When is the immigrant a liability to the United 
 States ? 
 
 ( 1 ) When he fails to learn the English 
 language. 
 
 (2) When he becomes shiftless. 
 
 (3) When he listens to the worst about the 
 United States without trying to learn 
 about the best. 
 
 (4) When he is immoral and thereby un- 
 dermines the social order. 
 
 (5) When he deliberately keeps his ideals 
 to himself or to his group and fails to 
 contribute them to America. 
 
 3. The immigrant is a part of America. He may 
 build up or tear down what has already been 
 accomplished. Our attitude toward him may 
 determine whether he will be an asset or a lia- 
 bility. 
 
 OUTLINE NUMBER TWO 
 
 The Immigrant and Democracy 
 
 1. The meaning of the word, democracy. 
 
 2. The democratic city-states of Greece. 
 
 3. England's contributions to democracy. 
 
 4. Some founders of democracy in the United 
 
 (1) The Pilgrims: The "Mayflower" 
 covenant. 
 
262 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 (2) Thomas Jefferson: The prophet of 
 American democracy. 
 
 (3) Abraham Lincoln: The savior of 
 democracy. 
 
 (4) Theodore Roosevelt: The reincarna- 
 tion of democracy. 
 
 (5) Woodrow Wilson: The exponent of 
 world democracy. 
 
 5. Some phases of American democracy. 
 
 ( 1 ) Political 
 
 a. Law above caprice of king. 
 
 b. Vote of poor man equal to vote of 
 rich man. 
 
 (2) Religious. 
 
 a. Religious belief of any individual 
 does not bar him from political 
 preferment. 
 
 b. A democracy of religious beliefs in 
 the United States. 
 
 (3) Intellectual. 
 
 a. Aim of the public school system to 
 give everyone in the United States 
 the fundamentals of an education. 
 
 b. The ideas of any honest and 
 earnest person are judged before 
 the bar of public opinion on their 
 merit. 
 
 (4) Social. 
 
 a. Opportunities to rise from one 
 social plane to another, even to 
 the highest. 
 
Appendix B 263 
 
 b. In our country, aristocracy is 
 scorned, except the aristocracy of 
 achieving. 
 (5) Personal. 
 
 a. The meaning of personal liberty in 
 the United States. 
 
 b. The nation exists primarily for the 
 individual, not the individual pri- 
 marily for the state. 
 
 c. The high place given to human per- 
 sonality in our country. 
 
 The call to the immigrant in the United States 
 to contribute to the realization of democracy in 
 all lines. 
 
 OUTLINE NUMBER THREE 
 
 Five Enemies and Five Friends of the 
 United States 
 
 Five enemies. 
 
 ( 1 ) Ignorance. 
 
 a. Of the English language. 
 
 b. Of the main points in our national 
 history. 
 
 c. Of the ideals of democracy. 
 
 d. Of the best side of American life. 
 
 e. Of the best traits of immigrants. 
 
 (2) Disease. 
 
 a. Tuberculosis. 
 
 b. Other contagious diseases. 
 
 c. Occupational diseases — lead-poi- 
 soning. 
 
264 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 ( 3 ) Alcoholic liquor, 
 a. As a poison. 
 
 (4) Disrespect for law and order. 
 
 a. By the automobilist who "speeds." 
 
 b. By the stock-watering corporation. 
 
 c. By the lawyer who shows a client 
 how to violate a law with impunity. 
 
 d. By the revolutionary Bolshevist. 
 
 ( 5 ) Extravagance. 
 
 a. By the wealthy. 
 
 b. By the poor. 
 2. Five friends. 
 
 ( 1 ) A stable family life. 
 
 a. Respect for the sanctity of mar- 
 riage. 
 
 b. Home ownership . 
 
 (2) Industrial democracy. 
 
 a. Mutual understanding of employee 
 and employer. 
 
 b. Employees with a voice in the con- 
 trol of business. 
 
 c. Fair distribution of earnings to the 
 factors in production. 
 
 d. Production of goods secondary to 
 welfare of workers. 
 
 (3 ) Religious faith and vision. 
 
 a. Socialized and put into daily ex- 
 pression. 
 
 (4) Democratic government. 
 
 a. The vote kept sacred. 
 
 b. Active participation in all phases of 
 national life. 
 
Appendix B 265 
 
 ( 5 ) Education. 
 
 a. The giving of the most important 
 
 knowledge to every person in the 
 
 nation. 
 
 The call to both native-born and foreign-born 
 
 to overthrow the enemies and to enthrone the 
 
 friends of our nation. 
 
APPENDIX C 
 PROBLEMS IN AMERICANIZATION 
 
 Chapter I 
 
 1. Why has attention been given to questions of Amer- 
 
 icanization only within recent years? 
 
 2. What is the ordinary person's conception of American- 
 
 ization ? 
 
 3. What is the best starting-point in studying the subject 
 
 of Americanization ? 
 
 4. What is meant by the making of an American ? 
 
 5. What do you understand by America's "manifest 
 
 destiny" ? 
 
 6. Which of the definitions of Americanization that are 
 
 given in chapter one do you prefer, and why? 
 
 7. Is there an American race? 
 
 8. Distinguish between race and nationality. 
 
 Chapter II 
 
 1. What criticism can you offer concerning the analysis of 
 
 American traits that is given in the first paragraph of 
 chapter two? 
 
 2. Are American traits a matter of the past or of the 
 
 future ? 
 
 3. What did the term "America" mean to the world in 
 
 1607? 
 
 4. What was the leading element in Americanism in 1776? 
 
 5. What phase of Americanism did Franklin personify? 
 
 6. Why do we give Washington the first place in the early 
 
 history of Americanism? 
 
 7. What do you understand by "personal liberty" ? 
 
268 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Chapter III 
 
 1. Why was the confederacy of 1783 to 1789 a failure? 
 
 2. For what opposite elements in Americanism did Hamil- 
 
 ton and Jefferson stand ? 
 
 3. Why did Calhoun oppose the supremacy of the Union ? 
 
 4. What was the cause of the Civil War? 
 
 5. In what phases of American life today has the spirit of 
 
 union and co-operation not entered extensively? 
 
 Chapter IV 
 
 1. What do you understand by the term, democracy? 
 
 2. Why did Jefferson fail to include the Negro in his con- 
 
 ception of democracy? 
 
 3. What was Lincoln's chief contribution to Americanism? 
 
 4. What phases of democracy have we been slow to 
 
 develop ? 
 
 5. Illustrate Roosevelt's meaning of the term, "the square 
 
 deal." 
 
 6. Illustrate President Wilson's phrase : "The world must 
 
 be made safe for democracy." 
 
 7. Explain: "Democracy must be made safe for the 
 
 world." 
 
 Chapter V 
 
 1. What meaning do you give to the term, internation- 
 
 alism? 
 
 2. What different types of internationalism can you name ? 
 
 3. What attitude should we take toward Washington's in- 
 
 junction to the nation to avoid entangling alliances? 
 
 4. What is the chief difference between the Rooseveltian 
 
 and the Wilsonian conception of internationalism? 
 
 5. Is Americanism the nationalization of internationalism? 
 
 6. When did America verge toward imperialism ? 
 
 7. What is the relation of internationalism to the brother- 
 
 hood of man principle? 
 
 8. Explain the statement that Christianity is the real in- 
 
 ternationalism in which all races are one. 
 
Appendix C 269 
 
 Chapter VI 
 
 1. Who first discovered America? 
 
 2. Who were the second discoverers of America? 
 
 3. Who was the third discoverer of our continent? 
 
 4. What were the leading races in order of numbers to 
 
 immigrate in colonial days? 
 
 5. What was Franklin's attitude toward immigration? 
 
 6. Why did the United States first undertake to count the 
 
 number of immigrant arrivals? 
 
 7. When did the first wave of immigration to the United 
 
 States occur? 
 
 8. When did immigration figures for the first time reach 
 
 100,000? 500,000? 1,000,000? 
 
 9. How has the center of emigration in Europe migrated 
 
 in the last century? 
 
 10. What has been the nature of migration between the 
 
 United States and Canada? 
 
 11. What races have migrated to the United States in the 
 
 largest numbers? 
 
 Chapter VII 
 
 1. Why do American-born persons need to be American- 
 
 ized? 
 
 2. What is the average American's conception of Amer- 
 
 icanism ? 
 
 3. Is it true that the average American "adores the flag 
 
 but suspects the state"? 
 
 4. What do you understand by the slogan, "America for 
 
 the Americans"? 
 
 5. Explain: ''Americans are more hospitable on Sundays 
 
 than on week-days." 
 
 6. Give an original illustration of an unAmerican act of 
 
 an American. 
 
 7. Why do many Americans neglect to vote? 
 
 8. Why do many Americans who are well fitted for pub- 
 
 lic life refuse to become candidates for public office? 
 
270 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 9. Evaluate the Americanism in the statement, "My 
 
 country, right or wrong." 
 10. Distinguish between Americanism and nativism. 
 
 Chapter VIII 
 
 1. What is the fundamental reason why the Indians and 
 
 Americans have misunderstood one another so per- 
 sistently ? 
 
 2. Why did we have so many wars with the Indians ? 
 
 3. What has been the main weakness of our educational 
 
 program for the Indians? 
 
 4. What characteristics do Indians possess which would 
 
 strengthen our Americanism ? 
 
 5. Why have the Indians been supplanted by the Amer- 
 
 icans ? 
 
 Chapter IX 
 
 1. What factors in the African history of the Negro are 
 
 essential to an understanding of the Negro problem 
 in this country. 
 
 2. What elements in the slavery status of the Negro help 
 
 us to understand the Negro problem? 
 
 3. What fundamental mistake was made at the close of the 
 
 Civil War in dealing with the Negro? 
 
 4. What industrial progress has the Negro made in the 
 
 last forty years? 
 
 5. What percentage of Negroes have white blood ? 
 
 6. What is the main cause of this intermixture? 
 
 7. How does the Negro rank criminally? Why? 
 
 8. What is his status with reference to poverty? 
 
 9. What is the social significance of Negro dolls? 
 
 10. Explain: Today the Negro in the South has fewer con- 
 
 tacts with the Caucasian race than under slavery? 
 
 11. Compare Washington's and DuBois' solutions for the 
 
 Negro problem. 
 
 12. Compare the North and the South in their respective 
 
 attitudes toward the Negro problem. 
 
Appendix C 271 
 
 13. Is it true that "those who want to keep the Negro 
 
 down, need to get up themselves" ? 
 
 14. What would you suggest as an adequate solution of the 
 
 Negro problem? 
 
 Chapter X 
 
 1. Why have the Appalachian mountaineers not advanced? 
 
 2. Why are feuds so common among mountain peoples? 
 
 3. Why are mountaineers so pronounced in their likes and 
 
 dislikes ? 
 
 4. What are the greatest gifts that the mountain peoples 
 
 of the United States can make to Americanism? 
 
 5. What is the greatest need of the Appalachian high- 
 
 landers ? 
 
 Chapter XI 
 
 1. Why did the English settlements in America succeed 
 
 better than the colonies of other peoples? 
 
 2. What have been the main contributions of the English 
 
 to Americanism? 
 
 3. Why do Americans generally fail to appreciate their 
 
 indebtedness to the English? 
 
 4. Characterize Scotch influence in America. 
 
 5. Distinguish between the Scotch, the Scotch-Irish, and 
 
 the Irish. 
 
 6. Why have the Irish migrated to the United States? 
 
 7. Explain the term "Hibernian." 
 
 8. Why have the Irish entered politics? 
 
 9. Why are there relatively few Irish millionaires? 
 
 10. Distinguish between the Danish, the Norwegian, and 
 
 the Swedish peoples. 
 
 11. Who is the leading Swedish inventor? Author? Singer? 
 
 12. Who is the chief Norwegian dramatist? 
 
 13. Who do Scandinavians assimilate rapidly in America? 
 
 14. What were the causes of German migration? 
 
 15. What leaders in (a) politics, (b) music, (c) business 
 
 in this country have been Germans ? 
 
272 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Chapter XII 
 
 1. Why have the French migrated to the United States in 
 
 relatively small numbers? 
 
 2. What have been the contributions of the Spanish to 
 
 American life? 
 
 3. Distinguish between the North Italians and South 
 
 Italians. 
 
 4. Describe living conditions in Southern Italy. 
 
 5. What is the South Italian's attitude toward govern- 
 
 ment? 
 
 6. What gifts has the Italian immigrant to offer America? 
 
 7. Why did the Greeks migrate to this country ? 
 
 8. What are the chief occupations of the Greek immi- 
 
 grant ? 
 
 9. In what sense is the Greek a natural patriot? 
 
 10. Who has been the most illustrious Greek immigrant? 
 
 Chapter XIII 
 
 1. What are the leading Slavic races? 
 
 2. What is meant by pan-Slavism? 
 
 3. Which of the Slavic races has sent the largest numbers 
 
 of emigrants to America? 
 
 4. How did Poland lose her position of political promin- 
 
 ence? 
 
 5. Who are the leading Polish musicians? 
 
 6. Who has been Poland's best modern interpreter to the 
 
 world ? 
 
 7. To what Pole was it given "to alter the entire view of 
 
 all the world for all mankind" ? 
 
 8. What is the leading Polish trait? 
 
 9. Distinguish between the terms, Great Russian, Little 
 
 Russian, Ruthenian, Cossack, Ukrainian. 
 
 10. Distinguish between the terms, Bohemian, Moravian, 
 
 Slovak, Czech. 
 
 11. Who is the leading Bohemian violinist? composer? 
 
 soprano ? 
 
Appendix C 273 
 
 12. What are the chief Serbo-Croatian groups? 
 
 13. Who are the Magyars? 
 
 14. Who has been the leading Magyar exponent of political 
 
 freedom ? 
 
 Chapter XIV 
 
 1. Explain the terms, Hebrew, Semitic, Yiddish, Ghetto. 
 
 2. What is the Jewish population of the world, and how 
 
 is it distributed ? 
 
 3. What is the largest center of Jewish population of the 
 
 world ? 
 
 4. Why did so many Jews congregate in Poland? 
 
 5. .What is a "pogrom"? 
 
 6. What is Zionism? 
 
 7. Who are the best-known Jewish Americans? 
 
 8. Explain: "The Jewish immigrant is a shoestring cap- 
 
 italist." 
 
 9. Explain : "The Jew loses his religion in America." 
 
 10. In what ways do the Jews contribute to Americanism? 
 
 Chapter XV 
 
 1. How has East Indian immigration been handled? 
 
 2. What has been the character of Chinese immigration? 
 
 3. What are Chinese Tongs? 
 
 4. What legislation has been passed regarding the Chinese, 
 
 and with what effect? 
 
 5. Is the problem of Chinese immigration settled? 
 
 6. When did Japanese immigration begin? Why? 
 
 7. What is the "gentlemen's agreement" with Japan? 
 
 8. What is the California Alien Land Law? 
 
 9. Does this law satisfactorily settle the problem? 
 
 10. What is Dr. S. L. Gulick's plan for solving the Jap- 
 
 anese question? 
 
 11. Is the Japan question settled? 
 
 12. Why are the Japanese called the "Yankees of the 
 
 East"? 
 
274 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Chapter XVII 
 
 1. Contrast Americanization with Prussianization. 
 
 2. Why is a knowledge of ethnology necessary for doing 
 
 Americanization work? 
 
 3. How may native-born Americans best lead the way in 
 
 Americanization work? 
 
 4. What are the dangers of too much direct emphasis upon 
 
 Americanization ? 
 
 5. Does Americanization in any sense mean denationaliza- 
 
 tion? 
 
 Chapter XVIII 
 
 1. What are the average immigrant's first impressions upon 
 
 arrival in New York City? 
 
 2. What are the first adjustments that the immigrant has 
 
 to make in the United States? 
 
 3. Is it true that America frequently makes of the im- 
 
 migrant an infuriated toiler? 
 
 4. Is it true that America robs some immigrants of their 
 
 religious faith? 
 
 5. What is the chief difference between Americans at play 
 
 and South Europeans at play? 
 
 6. Can you explain the statement: "In jail he came to ap- 
 
 preciate fully what America stood for"? 
 
 7. Whose love of music is greater, Americans or immi- 
 
 grants? 
 
 8. Is it true that we are leaving millions of immigrants "in 
 
 crowded tenements, unsanitary camps, and demoraliz- 
 ing mines which crush all mirth and song out of their 
 lives"? 
 
 9. How may we best utilize the artistic traits of immi- 
 
 grants ? 
 
 10. What races in the United States have the highest natur- 
 
 alization percentages? The lowest percentages? 
 
 11. Why are so many immigrants who have lived in this 
 
 country five years or more, still unnaturalized? 
 
Appendix C 275 
 
 12. In what relatively permanent way is American opinion 
 
 expressed toward the immigrant? 
 
 13. What are the main provisions of our immigration laws? 
 
 Chapter XIX 
 
 1. What is meant by assimilation ? 
 
 2. Distinguish between assimilation and amalgamation. 
 
 3. Why should an immigrant learn the English language? 
 
 4. What is the chief function of the foreign-language 
 
 newspaper ? 
 
 5. What are the chief causes of race prejudice? 
 
 6. In what ways can you personally assist in Americaniza- 
 
 tion work? 
 
 7. Why should Americanization be made attractive rather 
 
 than compulsory? 
 
 8. When will Americanization be completed? 
 
APPENDIX D 
 SELECTED READINGS 
 
 1. AMERICANISM (Chapters II, III, IV, V) 
 
 Abbott, Lyman, America in the Making, Yale University 
 
 Press: 1911. 
 Articles of Confederation of the United States of America. 
 Brisbey, K. G., Home Life in America, Methuen (London) : 
 
 1910. 
 Brooks, J. G., As Others See Us, Macmillan: 1909. 
 Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, Vol. II, Chaps. 
 
 CI, CII, CXIV, Macmillan: 1910. 
 Butler, N. M., The American as He Is, Macmillan: 1908. 
 Constitution of the United States of America. 
 Croly, Herbert, The Promise of American Life, Macmillan: 
 1909. 
 
 Progressive Democracy, Macmillan: 1914. 
 
 d'Estournelles de Constant, P. H. B., America and Her 
 
 Problems, Macmillan: 1915. 
 de Tocqueville, A., Democracy in America, 2 vols., Colonial 
 
 Press: 1908. 
 Emerson, R. W., "The Fortune of the Republic," "The 
 
 Young American," "American Civilization," "The 
 
 American Scholar," and other essays. 
 Foerster, N., and W. W. Pierson, Jr., (editors), American 
 
 Ideals, Houghton Mifflin: 1917. 
 Francis, H., Americans, Melrose (London) : 1909. 
 Franklin, Benjamin, Poor Richard's Almanac. 
 Gauss, C, (editor), Democracy Today, Scott, Foresman: 
 
 1917. 
 Hall, Prescott F., "The Future of American Ideals," North 
 
 Amer.Rev., 195:94-102. 
 
278 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Hart, A. B., National Ideals Historically Traced, (vol. 26, 
 Amer. Nation Series), Harper: 1907. 
 The Monroe Doctrine, Little, Brown: 1906. 
 
 Hill, D. J., Americanism: What It Is, Appleton: 1916. 
 
 Hillis, N. D., The Fortune of the Republic, Revell: 1916. 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, First Inaugural Address. 
 
 Kallen, H. M., "The Meaning of Americanism," Immi- 
 grants in America Rev., Jan. 1916, pp. 12-19. 
 
 Lane, Franklin K., The American Spirit, Stokes: 1918. 
 
 Lansing, Robert, "Pan-Americanism," address at Second Pan- 
 American Scientific Congress, Dec. 27, 1915. 
 
 Leonard, A. R., (editor), War Addresses of Woodrow Wil- 
 son, Ginn: 1918. 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, First Inaugural Address. 
 
 Gettysburg Address. 
 
 Second Inaugural Address. 
 
 Low, A. M., America at Home, Scribner: 1908. 
 
 The American People, 2 vols., Houghton Mifflin: 
 
 1909. 
 
 Lowell, James R., Address at Birmingham, England, Oct. 6, 
 1884. 
 
 Martineau, Harriett, Society in America, 3 vols., Saunders 
 and Otley (London) : 1837. 
 
 Miinsterberg, H., The Americans, McClure, Phillips: 1914. 
 
 Phayre, Ignatius, America's Day, Dodd, Mead: 1918. 
 
 Putnam, Emily J., "As Europe Sees Us," Putnam's Mon., 
 5 :360-65. 
 
 Robinson, H. P., The Twentieth Century American, Put- 
 nam: 1908. 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, Inaugural Address (1905). 
 
 Fear God and Take Your Own Part, Doran: 1916. 
 
 American Ideals, Putnam: 1901. 
 
 The Strenuous Life, Rev. of Reviews Co.: 1904. 
 
 Ross, E. A., Changing America, Century: 1912. 
 
 Small, A. W., (editor), "What is Americanism?" Amer. 
 Jour, of Sociology, XX:433-86, 613-28. 
 
 Talbot, Winthrop, Americanization, Wilson: 1917. 
 
Appendix D 279 
 
 Tolstoy, Ilya, "My Impressions of America," Century, July 
 
 1917, pp. 417-20. 
 Tufts, J. H., Our Democracy, Holt: 1917. 
 Turner, F. J., "Contributions of the West to American 
 
 Democracy," Atlantic Mon., 91 :38-96. 
 The Significance of the Frontier in American Life, 
 
 University of Chicago Press : n. d. 
 Usher, R. G., The Rise of the American People, Century: 
 
 1914. 
 Van Dyke, H., The Spirit of America, Macmillan: 1910. 
 Washington, George, The Farewell Address. 
 Webster, Daniel, The Speeches and Orations of, Little, 
 
 Brown: 1902. 
 Wells, H. G., The Future in America, Harper: 1906. 
 Social Forces in England and America, pp. 321-82, 
 
 Harper: 1914. 
 Wendell, B., Liberty, Union, and Democracy, Scribner: 
 
 1906. 
 Weyl, Walter, The New Democracy, Macmillan: 1912. 
 Wilson, Woodrow, The State, Heath: 1889. 
 
 The New Freedom, Doubleday, Page: 1914. 
 
 2. AMERICANIZATION 
 (Chapters I, VII, XVII, XVIII, XIX). 
 
 Abbott, Edith, The Immigrant and the Community, Cen- 
 tury, 1917. 
 
 "Americanization as a War Measure," Bui., 1918, No. 18, 
 Department of the Interior, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Americanizing a City, National Americanization Committee: 
 1915. 
 
 Antin, Mary, The Promised Land, Houghton Mifflin: 1912. 
 
 They Who Knock at Our Gates, Houghton Mifflin: 
 
 1914. 
 
 Boswell, Helen V., "Promoting Americanization," Annals, 
 64:204-09. 
 
280 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Bridges, H. J., On Becoming an American, Marshall Jones: 
 1919. 
 
 Creel, George, "The Hopes of the Hyphenated," Century, 
 91 :350-63. 
 
 Dixon, Royal, Americanization, Macmillan: 1916. 
 
 Fairchild, H. P., Immigration, Macmillan: 1913. 
 
 Fowler, N. C, Jr., How to Obtain Citizenship, Sully and 
 Kleinteich: 1914. 
 
 Gaus, John M., "A Municipal Program for Educating Im- 
 migrants in Citizenship," National Municipal Rev., 
 May, 1918. 
 
 Immigration Commission, Reports of, Vols. 29-33. 
 
 Kellor, Frances, Straight America, Macmillan: 1916. 
 
 "Immigrants in America, A Domestic Policy," Im- 
 migrants in America Rev., March, 1915, pp. 9-86. 
 
 Lipsky, Abram, "The Political Mind of Foreign-born Amer- 
 icans," Popular Science Mon., 85 : 393-403. 
 
 MacKaye, Percy, The Immigrants, (lyric drama), Huebsch: 
 1915. 
 
 Mahoney, J. J. and C. M. Herlihy, First Steps in Ameri- 
 canization, Houghton Mifflin: 1918. 
 
 Mayo-Smith, R., Emigration and Immigration, Scribner: 
 1912. 
 
 Miniter, Mrs. Edith, Our Natupski Neighbors, Holt: 1916. 
 
 Mitchell, John, "Immigration and the American Laboring 
 Classes," Annals, 34: 125-29. 
 
 Neumann, Henry, "Teaching American Ideals through Lit- 
 erature," Bui, 1918, No. 32, Department of the In- 
 terior, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Naturalization Laws and Regulations, U. S. Department of 
 Labor, (latest edition). 
 
 Oskison, John M., "Why Am I an American?" World's 
 Work, 29: 209-13. 
 
 Ravage, M. E., An American in the Making, Harper: 1917. 
 
 Read, Elizabeth, "The Gentle Art of Alienating Immi- 
 grants," Immigrants in America Rev., Sept. 1915, pp. 
 70-79. 
 
 Riis, Jacob, The Making of an American, Macmillan: 1901. 
 
Appendix D 281 
 
 Ripley, William Z., "Races in the United States," Atlantic 
 
 Mon., 102: 745-59. 
 Roberts, Peter, The New Immigration, Macmillan: 1912. 
 
 English for Coming Americans, Association Press: 
 
 1918. 
 Rockow, Lewis, "Americanization and the Pillar of Democ- 
 racy," Education, 37: 174-83. 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, "Americanization Day," Immigrants 
 
 in Amer. Rev., 1 : 33-39. 
 Steiner, E. A., Nationalizing America, Revell: 1916. 
 
 Introducing the American Spirit, Revell: 1915. 
 
 The Broken Wall, Revell: 1911. 
 
 From Alien to Citizen, Revell: 1914. 
 
 Tobenkin, Elias, Witte Arrives, Stokes: 1916. 
 
 Warne, F. J., The Immigrant Invasion, Dodd, Mead: 1913. 
 
 The Tide of Immigration, Appleton: 1916. 
 
 Woods, R. A., (editor), Americans in Process, Houghton 
 
 Mifflin: 1902. 
 Zangwill, Israel, The Melting Pot, Macmillan: 1909. 
 
 3. THE RACIAL HISTORY OF AMERICANISM 
 (Chapter VI) 
 
 Commons, J. R., Races and Immigrants in America, Mac- 
 millan: 1908. 
 
 Fairchild, H. P., Immigration, Macmillan: 1913. 
 
 Grosvenor, Edwin A., "The Races of Europe," Nat'l Geo- 
 graphic Mag., XXXIV: 441-534 (Dec, 1918). 
 
 Hall, P. F., Immigration, Holt: 1908. 
 
 Immigration Commission, Reports of, Vol. III. 
 
 4. THE AMERICAN INDIAN 
 (Chapter VIII). 
 
 Barrows, W., The Indian's Side of the Indian Question, 
 
 Lothrop: 1887. 
 Blackmar, F. W., "Indian Education," Annals, 1891-92, II: 
 
 813-37. 
 
282 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 de Tocqueville, A., Democracy in America, 1 : 342-60. 
 
 Eastman, C. A., The Soul of the Indian, Houghton Mifflin: 
 1911. 
 The Indian To-day, Doubleday, Page: 1915. 
 
 Flynn, A. J., The American Indian, Little, Brown: 1907. 
 
 Grinnell, G. B., The Indians of To-day, Duffield: 1911. 
 The Story of the Indian, Appleton: 1915. 
 
 Hailmann, W. N., "Education of the Indian," in N. M. 
 Butler, Education in the United States, II : 937-72. 
 
 Houghton, Louise S., Our Debt to the Red Man, Stratford 
 Co.: 1918. 
 
 Humphrey, S. K., The Indian Dispossessed, Little, Brown : 
 1905. 
 
 Jackson, H. H., A Century of Dishonor, Roberts (Boston) : 
 1887. 
 
 Leuepp, F. E., The Indian and His Problem, Scribner: 1910. 
 
 McKenzie, F. A., "The Assimilation of the American In- 
 dian," Amer. Jour, of Sociology, XIX: 761-72. 
 
 Morgan, T. J., Indian Education, Bui. of U. S. Bureau of 
 Education, 1889. 
 
 Parker, A. C, "Making Democracy Safe for the Indians," 
 Amer. Indian Mag., VI: 25-29. 
 
 Quarterly Journal of the Society of American Indians. 
 
 Reports of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual. 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, Report of, Indian Rights Assoc, 1893. 
 
 Walker, Francis A., The Indian Question, Osgood (Bos- 
 ton) : 1874. 
 
 5. THE AMERICAN NEGRO. 
 (Chapter IX). 
 
 Bailey, T. P., Race Orthodoxy in the South, Nealse (New 
 
 York) : 1914. 
 Baker, Ray S., Following the Color Line, Doubleday, Page: 
 
 1908. 
 Bowen, Louise de Koven, "The Colored People of Chicago," 
 
 Survey, 31: 117-20. 
 
Appendix D 283 
 
 Brawley, B. G., A Short History of the American Negro, 
 Macmillan: 1901. 
 
 The Negro in Literature and Art, Duffield: 1918. 
 
 Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, Vol. II, Chaps. 
 
 XCIV, xcv. 
 
 Commons, J. R., Races and Immigrants in America, Chap. 
 
 Ill, Macmillan: 1908. 
 de Tocqueville, A., Democracy in America, I: 337-4, 361-87. 
 Dowd, Jerome, Negro Races, Macmillan: 1907, 1914. 
 DuBois, W. E. B., The Negro, Holt: 1915. 
 
 The Philadelphia Negro, Univ. of Pennsylvania, 
 
 n. d. 
 
 -The Souls of Black Folk, McClurg: 1903. 
 
 Eggleston, Edward, The Ultimate Solution of the Negro 
 Problem, Badger: 1913. 
 
 Ellis, G. W., Negro Social Life and Culture in Africa, 
 Neale: 1914. 
 
 "The Negro and the War for Democracy," Jour. 
 
 of Race Development, 8 :439-53. 
 
 Hart, A. B., The Southern South, Appleton: 1910. 
 
 Howard, G. E., "The Social Cost of Southern Race Preju- 
 dice," Amer. Jour, of Sociology, XXII: 577-93. 
 
 Johnson, Tames W., "The Changing Status of Negro Labor," 
 Nat'l Conf. of Social Work, 1918: 383-88. 
 
 Kesler, J. L., "The Negro in Relation to Our Public Agen- 
 cies and Institutions," Nat'l Conf. of Social Work, 
 1918:230-37. 
 
 Mecklin, J. F., Democracy and Race Friction, Macmillan: 
 1914. 
 
 Miller, Kelly, Race Adjustment, Neale: 1908. 
 
 Miinsterberg, H., The Americans, pp. 167-84, McClure, 
 Phillips: 1914. 
 
 Murphy, E. G, The Present South and the Basis of As- 
 cendency, Longmans, Green: 1909. 
 
 Negro Year Books, Negro Year Book Pub. Co., Tuskegee 
 Institute. 
 
284 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Odum, H. W., Social and Mental Traits of the Negro, 
 Columbia University: 1910. 
 
 Page, Thomas N., The Negro: The Southerner's Problem, 
 Scribner: 1904. 
 
 Reuter, E. B., "The Superiority of the Mulatto," Amer. 
 Jour, of Sociology., 23: 83-106. 
 
 Scott, E. J., and L. B. Stowe, Booker T. Washington, 
 Builder of a Civilization, Doubleday, Page: 1916. 
 
 Sinclair, W. A., The Aftermath of Slavery, Small, Maynard : 
 1905. 
 
 Stephenson, G. T., Race Distinctions in American Law, 
 Appleton: 1910. 
 
 Stone, A. H., The American Race Problem, Doubleday, 
 Page: 1908. 
 
 Thomas, W. H., The American Negro, Macmillan: 1901. 
 
 Washington, Booker T., Up From Slavery, Burt: 1900. 
 
 The Story of the Negro, Doubleday, Page: 1901. 
 
 The Future of the American Negro, Small May- 
 nard: 1907. 
 
 Weale, B. L. P., The Conflict of Colour, Chap. IV, Mac- 
 millan: 1910. 
 
 Weatherford, W. D., Race Segregation in the Rural South," 
 Survey, 33 : 375-77. 
 
 Wolfe, A. B., (editor), Readings in Social Problems, Bk. V, 
 Ginn: 1916. 
 
 6. THE APPALACHIAN MOUNTAINEER. 
 (Chapter X). 
 
 "American Backwater," Blackwood's, 190: 355-66. 
 "Backwynds of the Blue Ridge," Blackwood's, 192: 786-96. 
 Bradely, W. A., "In Shakespeare's America," Harper's Mag., 
 
 131: 436-45. 
 Campbell, John C, "Social Betterment in the Southern 
 
 Mountains," Nat'l Conf. of Char, and Corr., 1909, 
 
 130-37. 
 
Appendix D 285 
 
 Campbell, Olive D., "Songs and Ballads of the Southern 
 Mountains," Survey, 33 : 371-74. 
 
 Campbell, Olive D., and Cecil J. Sharp, English Folk Songs 
 From the Southern Appalachians, Putnam: 1917. 
 
 Daviess, M. T., "American Backgrounds for Fiction: Ten- 
 nessee," Bookman, 38: 394-99. 
 
 de Long, Edith, "Far Side of Pine Mountain," Survey, 37: 
 627-30. 
 
 Frost, W. G., "Our Southern Highlanders," Independent, 
 72:708-14. 
 
 "Our Contemporary Ancestors," Atlantic Mon., 
 
 83:311-19. 
 
 Haney, W. H., Mountain People of Kentucky, Outing: 
 .1913. 
 
 Hartt, Rollin, "The Mountains: Our Own Lost Tribes," 
 Century, 95 : 395 :404. 
 
 Hough, Emerson, "Burns of the Mountains," American 
 Mag., 75: 13-20. 
 
 Kephart, H., Our Southern Highlanders, Outing: 1913. 
 
 Klingberg, Elizabeth W., "Glimpses of Life in the Appa- 
 lachian Highlands," South Atlantic Quarterly, October, 
 1915. 
 
 MacClintock, S. S., 'The Kentucky Mountains and Their 
 Feuds," Amer. Jour, of Sociology, VII: 1-28. 
 
 Morley, Margaret W., The Carolina Mountains, Houghton 
 Mifflin: 1913. 
 
 Spaulding, A. W., The Men of the Mountains, Southern 
 Publ. Assoc. (Nashville) : 1915. 
 
 Thompson, S. H., The Highlanders of the South, Eaton and 
 Mains: 1910. 
 
 Wilson, Samuel T., The Southern Highlanders, Presbyter. 
 Home Missions (N. Y.) : 1914. 
 
 Whitaker, W. C, The Southern Highlands and Highland- 
 ers, Church Missions Publ. Co. (Hartford, Conn.) : 
 n. d. 
 
286 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 7. THE NORTH EUROPEAN. 
 
 (Chapter XI). 
 
 (general) 
 
 Gehring, A., Racial Contrasts, Putnam: 1908. 
 Grant, M., The Passing of the Great Race, Scribner: 1918. 
 Immigration Commission, Reports of, Vol. IV, pp. 3-134. 
 Johnson, S. C, A History of Emigration from the United 
 
 Kingdom to North America, Dutton: 1914. 
 Hall, P. F., Immigration, Chaps. Ill, IV, Revell: 1913. 
 Jenks and Lauck, The Immigration Problem, Chap. Ill, 
 
 Funk and Wagnalls: 1913. 
 Steiner, E. A., On the Trail of the Immigrant, Chaps. I, II, 
 
 Revell: 1906. 
 
 (ENGLISH) 
 
 Abbott, Edith, Democracy and Social Progress in England, 
 Univ. of Chicago Pr. (pamphlet) : 1918. 
 
 Boutmy, Emile, The English People (tr. by E. English), 
 Putnam: 1904. 
 
 Cazamain, L., Modern England, Dutton: 1912. 
 
 Collier, Price, England and the English, Putnam: 1901. 
 
 Emerson, R. W., English Traits, Houghton Mifflin: 1886. 
 
 (scotch-irish) 
 
 Bolton, C. K., Scotch Irish Pioneers, Bacon and Brown: 
 
 1910. 
 Ford, H. J., The Scotch-Irish in America, Princeton Univ. 
 
 Press: 1915. 
 Hanna, C. A., The Scotch-Irish, Putnam: 1902. 
 Henderson, T. F., and F. Watt, Scotland of To-day, Meth- 
 
 uen (London) : 1911. 
 Murray, Robert H., "The Evolution of the Ulsterman," 
 
 Quarterly Rev., 220: 96-115. 
 
Appendix D 287 
 
 ( IRISH) 
 
 Begbie, Harold, The Happy Irish, Doran: n. d. 
 
 Casson, Herbert, "The Irish in America," North Amer. 
 Rev., XXXV: 86. 
 
 Jones, P. F., Shamrock Land, Moffat, Yard: 1909. 
 
 Hackett, Francis, Ireland: A Study in Nationalism, Huebsch: 
 1918. 
 
 Lynd, Robert, Home Life in Ireland, McClurg: 1910. 
 
 Ross, E. A., The Old World in the New, Chap. II, Cen- 
 tury: 1914. 
 
 "The Irish in America," North Amer. Rev., 52: 191-234 
 (1841). 
 
 (SCANDINAVIAN) 
 
 Babcock, K. C, The Scandinavian Element in the United 
 
 States, Univ. of Illinois: 1914. 
 Daniels, H. K., Home Life in Norway, Macmillan: 1911. 
 Flom, G. T., A History of Norwegian Immigration to the 
 
 United States, Iowa City, la., 1909. 
 Fonkalsrud, A. D., The Scandinavian-American, Holter: 
 
 1915. 
 Leach, H. G., Scandinavia of the Scandinavians, Scribner: 
 
 1915. 
 Nelson, O. N., History of the Scandinavians and Successful 
 
 Scandinavians in the United States, Minneapolis: 1904. 
 Ross, E. A., The Old World in the New, Century: 1914. 
 Steiner, E. A., On the Trail of the Immigrant, Chap. VIII, 
 
 Revell: 1906. 
 Von Heidenstam, G., Swedish Life in Town and Country, 
 
 Putnam: 1904. 
 
 (GERMAN) 
 
 Casson, Herbert, "The German in America," Munsey's 
 Magazine, XXXIV: 694. 
 
 Dawson, W. H., German Life in Town and Country, Put- 
 nam: 1901. 
 
 Faust, A. B., The German Element in the United States, 
 Houghton Mifflin: 1909. 
 
288 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Fouillee, A., Esquisse psychologie des peuples europeens, 
 
 livre V, Paris: 1903. 
 Ross, E. A., The Old World in the New, Chap. Ill, Cen- 
 tury: 1912. 
 Sidwick, Mrs. Alfred, Home Life in Germany, Macmillan: 
 
 1912. 
 Steiner, E. A., On the Trail of the Immigrant, Chap. VII, 
 
 Revell: 1906. 
 
 "The German in North America," North Amer. Rev., 
 
 11:1-19(1820). . 
 Williams, Mrs. Hattie P., A Social Study of the Russian 
 
 German, Lincoln, Nebraska: 1916. 
 
 8. THE SOUTH EUROPEAN AND AMERICANISM. 
 (Chapter XII). 
 
 (FRENCH) 
 
 Bethan-Edwards, M., Home Life in France, McClurg: 1908. 
 Brownell, W. C, French Traits, Scribner: 1895. 
 Dawbarn, Charles, France and the French, Macmillan: 
 
 1911. 
 Lanson, Gustave, "France of Today," North Amer. Rev. 
 
 195:457-78. 
 Lynch, H., French Life in Town and Country, Putnam: 
 
 1901. 
 Wendell, B., The France of Today, Scribner: 1908. 
 
 (SPANISH) 
 
 Higgin, L., Spanish Life in Town and Country, Putnam: 
 
 1902. 
 Shaw, Rafael, Spain from Within, Unwin (London) : 1910. 
 
 (ITALIAN) 
 
 Bagot, R., Italians of To-day, Browne (Chicago) : 1913. 
 Brandenburg, B., Imported Americans, Stokes: 1904. 
 Fouill6e, A., Esquisse psychologie des peuples europiens, 
 livre II, Paris: 1903. 
 
Appendix D 289 
 
 Immigration Commission, Reports of, Vol. IV, Pt. II. 
 King, B., and T. Okey, Italy Today, Nisbet (London) : 1909 
 Lord, E., and others, The Italians in America, 1905. 
 Norton, G. P., " Two Italian Districts," Amer. Jour, of 
 
 Sociology, Jan. 1913, 509-42. 
 Ross, E. A., The Old World in the New, Chap. V, Century: 
 
 1914. 
 Steiner, E. A., On the Trail of the Immigrant, Chaps. XVII, 
 
 XVIII, Revell: 1906. 
 Vivian, Herbert, "The Italian Temperament," Fortnightly 
 
 Rev., 104:557-67. 
 Zimmern, Helen, Italy of the Italians, Scribner: 1913. 
 
 (greek) 
 
 Abbott, Edith, "A Study of the Greeks in Chicago," Amer. 
 
 Jour, of Sociology, XV:379-93. 
 Burgess, Thomas, Greeks in America, Sherman, French: 
 
 1913. 
 Fairchild, H. P., Greek Immigration to the United States, 
 
 Yale University Press: 1911. 
 Ferriman, Z. D., Greece and the Greeks, Pott (New York) : 
 
 1910. 
 Fouillee, A., Esquisse psychologie des peuples europeens, 
 
 livre I; Paris: 1903. 
 Immigration Commission, Reports of, Vol. IV, Pt. V. 
 Steiner, E. A., On the Trail of the Immigrant, Chap. XIX, 
 
 Revell: 1906. 
 Walker, N., "Greeks and Italians in the Neighborhood of 
 
 Hull House," Amer. Jour, of Sociology, XXI:285-316. 
 
 9. THE SLAVIC IMMIGRANT. 
 
 (Chapter XIII). 
 
 Almy, Frederic, "The Huddled Poles of Buffalo," Survey, 
 
 25:767-71. 
 Bailey, W. B., Slavs of the War Zone, Dutton: 1916. 
 
290 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Balch, E. G., Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, Charities Pub. 
 
 Committee: 1910. 
 Baring, M., "The Russian People" Doran: 1911. 
 Benda, W. T., "Life in a Polish Mountain Village," Cen- 
 tury, LXXVI: 323-32. 
 Bicknell, Ernest P., "The Battlefield of Poland," Survey, 
 
 37: 231-36, 398-402. 
 Commons, J. R., Races and Immigrants in America, pp. 
 
 70-78, Macmillan: 1908. 
 Fouillee, A., Esquisse psychologie des peuples europeens, 
 
 livre VI, Paris: 1903. 
 Immigration Commission, Reports of, Vol. IV, Pts. II, IV. 
 Kennard, H. P., The Russian Peasant, Lippincott: 1908. 
 Kruszka, X. W., Historya Polska w Ameryce, 8 vols., Kur- 
 
 yer Press (Milwaukee) : 1905-1906. 
 Ledbetter, Eleanor F., The Slovaks of Cleveland, Cleveland 
 
 Americanization Committee: 1918. 
 Miller, Henry A., "The Bulwark of Freedom," Survey, 
 
 Oct. 5, 1918, 5-10; Nov. 2, 1918, 117-120. 
 Miniter, Mrs. Edith, Our Natupski Neighbors, Holt: 1910. 
 Monroe, W. S., Bohemia and the Czechs, Page: 1910. 
 Palmer, F. H. E., Russian Life in Town and Countrv, Put- 
 nam: 1911. 
 Austro-Hungarian Life in Town and Country, 
 
 Putnam: 1903. 
 Phillips, W. A., Poland, Holt: 1915. 
 
 Rappuport, A. S., Home Life in Russia, Macmillan: 1913. 
 Ross, E. A., Upheaval in Russia, Century: 1918. 
 
 The Old World in the New, Chap. VI, Century: 
 
 1914. 
 Sokoloff, Lillian, "The Russians in Los Angeles," Univ. of 
 
 Southern California Pr. (Los Angeles) : 1919. 
 Steiner, E. A., On the Trail of the Immigrant, Chaps. XII- 
 
 XVI, Revell: 1906. 
 Tarnawsky, P., "The Ruthenians," Immigrants in America 
 
 Rev., Jan. 1916, 74-80. 
 Thomas, W. I., and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant 
 
 in Europe and America, Badger: 1918. 
 
Appendix D 291 
 
 "The Russian-Polish Situation: an Experiment in 
 
 Assimilation," Amer. Jour, of Sociology, XIX: 624-39. 
 Townley-Fullam, C, "Pan-Slavism in America," Forum, 52 : 
 
 177-85. 
 Van Norman, L. E., Poland, Revell: 1907. 
 Wilson, H., and E. Smith, "Among the Slovaks in the Twen- 
 tieth Ward," (Chicago), Amer. Jour, of Sociology, XX: 
 145-69. 
 
 10. THE HEBREW IMMIGRANT 
 (Chapter XIV). 
 
 Antin, M., The Promised Land, Houghton Mifflin: 1914. 
 
 Bernheimer, C. S., The Russian Jew in the United States, 
 Winston: 1905. 
 
 Brill, A. A., "The Adjustment of the Jew in the American 
 Environment," Mental Hygiene, II: 219-32. 
 
 Cohen, I., Jewish Life in Modern Times, Dodd, Mead: 
 1914. 
 
 Drachman, B., "Anti- Jewish Prejudice in America," Forum, 
 52: 31-40. 
 
 Dubnow, S. M., History of the Jews and Poland, Jewish 
 Pub. Soc. of America (Philadelphia): 1916. 
 
 Evans-Gordan, W., The Alien Immigrant, Heinemann 
 (London) : 1903. 
 
 Friedlaender, I., The Jews of Russia and Poland, Putnam: 
 1915. 
 
 Hendrick, Burton J., "The Jewish Invasion of America," 
 McClure's, XL: 125-165. 
 
 Joseph, Samuel, Jewish Immigration to the United States, 
 Columbia University: 1914. 
 
 Kuh, Edwin J., "The Social Disability of the Jew," At- 
 lantic Mon., 101 : 433-39. 
 
 Peters, M. C, The Jews in America, Winston: 1905. 
 
 Ross, E. A, The Old World in the New, Chap. VII, Cen- 
 tury: 1914. 
 
292 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Rubinow, I. M., "The Jews in Russia," Yale Rev., 15: 
 
 147-59. 
 Ruppin, A., The Jews of To-Day, Holt: 1913. 
 Russell, C, and H. S. Lewis, The Jew in London, Crowell: 
 
 1901. 
 Sombart, W., The Jews and Modern Capitalism, (tr. by M. 
 
 Epstein), Unwin: 1913. 
 Steiner, E. A., On the Trail of the Immigrant, Chaps. IX- 
 
 XI, Revell: 1906. 
 
 Against the Current, Revell: 1910. 
 
 Tobenkin, Elias, Witte Arrives, Stokes: 1916. 
 
 11. THE ASIATIC IMMIGRANT. 
 (Chapter XV). 
 
 (CHINESE AND EAST INDIANS) 
 
 Bard, E., Chinese Life in Town and Country, (tr. by H. 
 
 Twitchell), Putnam: 1907. 
 "Chinese and Japanese in America," symposium, Annals, Vol. 
 
 34, No. 2 (pp. 223-423). 
 Coolidge, Mary R., Chinese Immigration, Holt: 1901. 
 Gascoyne-Cecil W., Changing China, Appleton: 1912. 
 Hall, P. F., Immigration, Chap. XV, Holt: 1906. 
 Immigration Commission, Reports of, Vol. 23. 
 Jenks and Lauck, The Immigration Problem, pp. 231-37, 
 
 Funk and Wagnalls: 1913. 
 Lynch, Robert N., "Immigration," Sunset Mag., 31: 1144- 
 
 49. 
 MacGowan, J., Men and Manners of Modern China, Dodd, 
 
 Mead: 1912. 
 Millis, H. A, "East Indian Immigration to British Colum- 
 bia and the Pacific Coast States," Amer. Econ. Rev., I: 
 
 72-76 (1911). 
 Ross, E. A., The Changing Chinese, Century: 1911. 
 
Appendix D 293 
 
 Schreiner, W. P., "Immigrants on the Pacific Coast," Im- 
 migrants in Amer. Rev., I: 80-83. 
 
 Weak, B. L. P., The Conflict of Colour, Chap. II, Macmil- 
 lan: 1910. 
 
 (JAPANESE) 
 
 Abbott, J. F., Japanese Expansion and American Policies, 
 
 Macmillan: 1916. 
 "Chinese and Japanese in America," symposium, Annals, Vol. 
 
 34, No. 2 (pp. 223-423). 
 Gulick, S. L., The American Japanese Problem, Scribner: 
 
 1914. 
 American Democracy and Japanese Citizenship, 
 
 Scribner: 1918. 
 Immigration Commission, Reports of, Vols. XXIII-XXV. 
 Kawakami, K. K., American Japanese Relations, Revell: 
 
 1912. 
 
 Asia at the Door, Revell: 1914. 
 
 Japan in World Politics, Macmillan: 1917. 
 
 Knox, G. W., Japanese Life in Town and Country, Put- 
 nam: 1906. 
 Longford, J. H., Japan of the Japanese, Scribner: 1912. 
 Masaoka, U., Japan to America, Putnam: 1914. 
 Millis, H. A., The Japanese Problem in the United States, 
 
 Macmillan: 1915. 
 Nitobe, Inazo, The Japanese Nation, Putnam: 1912. 
 Russell, L., America to Japan, Putnam: 1915. 
 Scherer, J. A. B., The Japanese Crisis, Stokes: 1916. 
 Steiner, J. F., The Japanese Invasion, McClurg: 1917. 
 
 12. THE MEXICAN IMMIGRANT. 
 (Chapter XVI). 
 
 Enoch, C. R., Mexico, Scribner: 1909. 
 Goodrich, J. K., The Coming Mexico, McClurg: 1913. 
 Ronstadt, Louise, "Mexican Music, Its Power and Charm," 
 Overland Mon., Feb. 1919, 169-70. 
 
294 Essentials of Americanization 
 
 Spence, Lewis, Mexico of the Mexicans, Pitnam (London) : 
 1917. 
 
 Starr, Frederick, In Indian Mexico, Forbes (Chicago) : 
 1908. 
 
 Trowbridge, E. D., Mexico, Today and Tomorrow, Mac- 
 millan: 1918. 
 
 Winter, N. O., Mexico and Her People To-day, Page (Bos- 
 ton) : 1907. 
 
 Winton, G. B. Mexico To-day, Missionary Educ. Move- 
 ment (New York) : 1913. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abolitionists, 46 
 Abraham, 160 
 Africa and the Negro, 103 
 Agriculture in Denmark, 135 
 
 In Japan, 172 
 Alien land law, 175 
 Aliens, 15, 74, 78 
 Alliances, 65, 235 
 Allies, the European, 38 
 Amalgamation, 107 
 
 In Mexico, 179 
 America, 22, 59 
 America's mind, 51 
 American 
 
 Democracy, 15, 262 
 
 Eagle, 99 
 
 House for immigrants, 205 
 
 Ideals, 227 ff. 
 
 Indians, 67, 94 ff., 191 ff., 
 281 
 
 Inventions, 31 
 
 Life, 17, 53 
 
 Patriotism, 48 
 
 People, 14, 15 
 
 Race, 37 
 
 Traits, 16, 22 ff., 31 
 Americanism, 11, 13, 22, 24, 25, 
 50, 64, 65, 78, 185, 277 ff. 
 
 Fifty-seven varieties of, 13, 
 23 
 
 Genuine, 22 
 
 "Mayflower" type, 24 
 
 Of mountaineers, 120 
 
 Racial history of, 67 
 Americanization, 14, 16, 77, 
 185 ff., 189 
 
 Definitions of, 11, 13 
 
 Divisions of, 12 
 
 Problems of, 12 
 
 Program of, 22 
 
 Readings on, 279 ff. 
 
 Unworthy types of, 13, 20 
 Americanization, (bulletin), 257 
 Americanization Day, 12, 201 
 Anti-Chinese movement, 169 ff. 
 Anti-Japanese movement, 173 ff. 
 Apartment house life, 91 
 Appalachian mountaineers, 18, 
 69, 78, 117 ff., 193, 194 
 
 Readings on, 284, 285 
 Arabic newspapers, 167 
 Argonne, battle of, 56 
 Armenian immigrants, 167 ff. 
 Articles of Confederation, 33 
 Asiatic immigrants, 20, 79, 
 167 ff. 
 
 Readings on, 292 
 Assets, immigrant, 260 
 Asylum for the oppressed, 75 
 Atlanta Compromise, the, 109 
 Austria-Hungary, 153 
 Austrian Poland, 149 
 Autocracy, 50, 52, 65 
 
 Prussian, 22, 82, 186 
 
 European, 44, 59 
 
 B 
 
 Bell, G. L., 79 
 
 Belleau Wood, battle of, 57 
 
 Bigness, dangers of, 87, 88 
 
 Bjornson, B., 136 
 
 Black Belt, the, 108 
 
 Board of Indian Commissioners, 
 
 97 
 Bohemians, 153 ff. 
 ''Boss," a, 81 
 Brotherhood, 59 ff., 225 
 Bruere, Henry, 133 
 Bryan, W. J., 61, 121, 174 
 Bryce, James, 84, 114 
 Bulgarians, 158 
 
296 
 
 Index 
 
 Bureau of Americanization, a, 
 
 190 
 Business activities of Greeks, 145 
 Business Men's League, Negro, 
 
 107 
 Butler, Fred C, 189 
 
 California, 123, 176 
 
 And the Indians, 98 
 And the Japanese, 21 
 State Commission of Immi- 
 gration and Housing, 79, 
 257, 259 
 
 Canada, 150 
 
 Canadian immigration rules, 
 196 ff. 
 
 Canning, George, 44 
 
 Cantwell, J. J., 183 
 
 Capital, organization of, 39 
 
 Capital and labor, 85 
 
 Catholics, Roman, 153, 161 
 
 Causes of migration, 210 
 
 Celtic immigration, 130 ff. 
 
 Central America, republics of, 
 44 
 
 Children, lack of supervision, 
 91 
 
 Chinese immigrants, 20, 72, 169 
 Readings on, 292, 293 
 
 Chinese population of the 
 United States, 170 
 
 Chopin, 151 
 
 Christian service, 57 
 
 Christianity, 92, 160, 163, 205 
 
 Churches, 24, 205, 206 
 
 Cincinnati, 205, 206 
 
 Citizens, naturalized, 63 
 
 Citizenship tests, 176, 201 
 
 Civil War, 37, 243 ff. 
 
 Civilization, 62 
 
 Clans among mountaineers, 121 
 
 Clansman, the 111 
 
 Classes, 56 
 
 Cleveland, Grover, 59 
 
 Climate, effect of, on Negro, 103 
 
 Colonists, 28 
 
 Columbus, Christopher, 68 
 Commercial depression in Eng- 
 land, 70 
 In the United States, 72 
 Commercial interests, 59, 66 
 Commercial invasion of moun- 
 tains, 122 
 Commission, Immigration, 197 
 Committee for Immigrants in 
 
 America, 12 
 Confederation, Articles of, 33 
 Conservation of national re- 
 sources, 85 
 Constitution, the Federal, 24, 47, 
 
 232 
 Contract labor, 196 
 Co-operation, 33 ff. 
 Cossacks, 153 
 Courland, 156 
 Courts, naturalization, 201 
 Cracow, University of, 149 
 Criminality of Negroes, 107 
 Crisis, national, 188 
 Croatians, 80 
 Cubans, the, 60 
 Customs of Japanese, 172 
 Czecho-Slovaks, 92, 147, 153 ff. 
 
 D 
 
 Dalmatians, 155 
 Danish immigrants, 135 
 Daughters of the American Rev- 
 olution, 203 
 Day classes for immigrants, 224 
 Deal, the square, 41 ff. 
 Declaration of Independence, 
 
 16, 46, 231, 232 
 De Tocqueville, Alexis, 96, 104 
 Democracy, 15, 22, 37, 41 ff., 
 46, 63, 82, 186, 191, 244, 
 253 ff. 
 And the immigrant, 261 
 And the Negro, 108 
 And lynchings, 114 
 Among mountaineers, 121 
 Industrial, 264 
 Democratic democracy, 52 
 
Index 
 
 297 
 
 Democratization, 80 
 
 Department of Education, a na- 
 tional, 189 
 
 Destinn, Emmy, 155 
 
 Discipline, parental, 90 
 
 Disrespect for law and order, 
 264 
 
 Distribution of immigrants by 
 states, 73, 200 
 
 Division of Americanization, 12 
 
 Dixon, Royal, 49 
 
 Draft, the first, and the Negro, 
 114 
 
 Du Bois, W. E. B., 108 
 
 Dutch immigration, 136 
 
 East Indian immigrants, 168 ff. 
 East Side of New York City, 
 
 83, 89 
 Economic oppression in Ireland, 
 
 132 
 Edison, Thomas A., 31 
 Education, 15, 18, 55, 189 ff. 
 For mountaineers, 125 
 For the Negro, 112, 193 
 Lack of, among mountain- 
 eers, 119, 193, 194 
 National Department of, 189 
 Of the Indians, 98, 192 
 Religious, 223 
 Educational psychology, 199 
 Egypt, 160 
 Eighteenth century Americanism 
 
 of mountaineers, 120 
 Emancipation of Jews in Eu- 
 rope, 162 
 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 30, 47, 
 
 247 
 Emigration from the United 
 
 States, 74 
 Employers and immigrants, 216 
 Enemies of the United States, 
 
 263 
 England, 45, 70 
 English colonists, 94 
 "English First," 219, 220 
 
 English immigrants, 127 
 English independence, 127 
 English language, 17, 19, 50, 
 127, 187, 207, 220, 252, 
 
 _ 258 
 English people, the, 68 
 
 Readings on, 286 
 English travelers in the United 
 
 States, 130 
 Ethical democracy, 54 
 Europe, 59 
 
 Versus Asia, 178 
 Europeans, 94 
 European immigrants, 19 
 European War, the, 17, 19, 21, 
 
 52, 72 
 Evils, social, 84 
 Exiling of Jews, 162 
 Excitement-dealing devices, 88 
 Expenditures, reckless, 86 
 
 Factories, schools in, 222 
 Family life of Jews, 165 
 Farewell Address, the, 24, 33, 
 
 233 
 Fashion-luxuries, 86 
 Fatalism of Russians, 152 
 Federal government, 12 
 Federal immigration halls, 200 
 Federalcy, 34 
 
 Feuds among mountaineers, 121 
 Finns, 157 
 
 Flag, American, 40, 50 
 Food Administration, the, 38 
 Ford factories, 220 
 Fortune of the Republic, The, 
 
 47, 247 
 Founder of Christianity, 165 
 Fourth of July, 202 
 Frankfort, 161 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin, 29, 31, 228 
 Free-thinking societies, 154 
 French Canadians, 140 
 French immigrants, 140 
 French people, 68 
 Readings on, 288 
 
298 
 
 Index 
 
 Friendship of the world, 62 
 Friendship, international, 255 
 Friends of the United States, 
 
 263 
 Frost, W. G., 118 
 
 Galicia, 149 
 
 Garrison, William Lloyd, 241 
 Generosity of Indians, 100 
 Gentlemen's Agreement, the, 173 
 German immigrants, 69 ff., 
 
 137 ff. 
 Germans, 57 
 
 Readings on, 287 
 Germany, 45, 186 
 Ghetto, 163 
 God, love of, 165 
 
 Righteousness of, 225, 230, 
 245 
 Gompers, Samuel, 39 
 Government, 53 
 Grant's Administration, 96 
 Great Britain, 45, 60 
 Great Russians, the, 151 
 Greece, 144 
 Greek immigrants, 144 ff. 
 
 Readings on, 289 
 Gulf between capital and la- 
 bor, 85 
 Gulick, S. L., 176, 198 
 
 H 
 
 Halls, immigration, 200 
 Hamilton, Alexander, 33 ff. 
 Hart, A. B., 94 
 Heber, 159 
 Hebrews, 71, 159 ff. 
 Readings on, 291 
 Henry, Patrick, 26, 27, 229, 231 
 Hibernian, 133 
 "High" months of immigration, 
 
 73 
 Hill, David J., 82 
 Hindu immigrants, 168 ff. 
 
 History of the United States, 
 
 racial, 67 
 Hollanders, the, 68 
 Home, decreasing influence of, 
 
 89 
 Homelessness, 90 
 Home-ownership, 90 
 Home rule and the Irish, 133 
 Honesty, 56 
 
 Hoover, Herbert, 38, 187 
 House-courts, 180 
 Huguenots, the, 68 
 Human brotherhood, 59 ff., 225 
 Human life, waste of, 86 
 Human rights, 62 
 Human values, 55 
 Humanity, 63, 255 
 Hus, John, 154 
 
 Ibsen, H., 136 
 
 Idealism, 66 
 
 Ideals, American, 58, 66 
 
 Ideas, 54 
 
 Ignorance, 263 
 
 Illiteracy, 19, 207 
 
 Of Negro, 105, 106 
 Test, 199 
 
 Immigrant children, 38 
 
 Immigrants, 15, 19 
 
 Immigration and Housing Com- 
 missions of California, 79 
 
 Immigration Commission, Fed- 
 eral, 197 
 
 Immigration halls, 200 
 
 Immigration, sources of. 72 
 Statistics, 72 ff. 
 To the United States, 69 
 
 Imperialism, 49, 63 
 
 Improvements in night schools, 
 215, 217 
 
 Indians, 17, 67, 94 ff., 179 
 
 Compared with Negroes, 
 104 
 
 Indian wars, 96 ff. 
 
 Indifference, political, of immi- 
 grants, 211, 219 
 
Index 
 
 299 
 
 Industrial democracy, 55, 264 
 Industrial development of Ne- 
 groes, 106 
 Industrial individualism, 30 
 Inspectors, immigration, 196 
 Intellectual democracy, 54, 262 
 Intellectual interests of Jews, 
 
 164 
 International controversies, 61 
 International policy, 64 
 International relations, 235 
 Internationalism, 59 ff. 
 Internationalism of democracy, 
 
 62 
 Ireland, 70 
 
 Irish immigration, 70, 132 ff. 
 Irish, readings on, 287 
 Italian leaders, 142 
 Italians, readings on, 22S, 289 
 Italy, immigrants from, 141, 199 
 
 Jackson, Helen Hunt, 98 
 James, George Wharton, 98 
 Japan, 21, 171 ff. 
 Japanese immigrants, 20, 171 ff. 
 
 Readings on, 293 
 Japanese population of the 
 
 United States, 173 
 Jefferson, Thomas, 27, 35, 43, 
 
 231 ff., 235 
 Jerusalem, 160 
 Jews, the, 71, 92 
 
 Readings on, 271 
 Jim Crow regulations, 109 
 Johnson, Hiram, 174 
 Johnson, James W., 114 
 Judaism, 92, 163 
 Jugo-Slavs, 81, 155 ff. 
 July, Fourth of, 202 
 Justice, 249 
 Juxtaposition of wealth and 
 
 povertv, 89 
 
 K 
 
 Kentucky, 122 
 Kephart, Horace, 123 
 
 Kings, 56 
 
 King's Mountain, battle of, 121 
 Klingberg, Elizabeth W., 118 
 Knowledge, diffusion of, 234 
 Koppernigh, N., 151 
 Koscuiszko, T., 150 
 Kossuth, Louis, 156 
 KraszevskiJ. I., 150 
 Kubelik, Jan, 155 
 
 Labor exchanges, 200 
 
 Labor and capital, 85 
 
 Labor, right to, 56 
 
 Labor unions, 39 
 
 Land legislation, anti-Japanese, 
 
 175 
 Law and order in Sicily, 143 
 Laissez {aire, 39 
 Leaders for the Negro, 112 
 Leadership, American, 78, 125 
 League of Nations, 61, 65, 256 
 League to Enforce Peace, 60 
 Lecture course for immigrants, 
 
 204 
 Lectures on Americanism, 196, 
 
 204 
 Legislation, 53 
 Lemberg, 149 
 Liabilities, immigrant, 260 
 Liberty, 23 ff., 233, 241, 258 
 
 Spirit of, 230 
 Liberty and union, 36, 239 ff. 
 Liberty Bell, 25, 26, 91 
 Liberty-loving spirit of Poles, 
 
 150 
 Lincoln, Abraham, 16, 30, 36 ff., 
 
 46, 92, 242 ff. 
 Literacy test, 199 
 Literature, American, 191 
 Lithuanians, 157 
 Little Russians, 153 
 Longevity of Jews, 164_ 
 Los Angeles, Mexicans in, 
 
 181 ff. 
 Night schools of, 207 
 Lowell, James R., 82 
 
300 
 
 Index 
 
 "Low 1 ' month of immigration, 
 
 73 
 Loyalty, national, 224 
 
 To America, 78 
 Luxuries, 86 
 Lynch i rigs, 114 
 
 M 
 
 Magyars, 156 
 
 Mankind, rights of, 63 
 
 Manners, American, 90 
 
 Marriage, 90 
 
 Marriage and Dutch colonists, 
 
 137 
 "Mayflower," the, 57 
 "Mayflower" Compact, 16, 41, 
 
 42, 191, 227, 229 
 Melting pot, the, 37, 250 
 Mexican immigrants, 21,479 
 
 Readings on, 293, 294 
 Mexico, 59 
 Might, 27 ff. 
 Miller, Kelly, 109 
 Mining camp, Italian, 143 
 Migration, causes of, 210 
 Militarism in Germany, 137 
 Misunderstanding of English, 
 
 129 
 Mitchel, John P., 133 
 Modjeska, Helena, 151 
 Mongolian, 67 
 Monroe Doctrine, the, 45, 237, 
 
 238 
 Monroe, James, 44, 59, 237 
 Morality, 24, 91, 234 
 Moravians, 153, 155 
 Morley, Margaret W., 121 
 Moses, 160, 165 
 Mound builders, 67 
 Mountaineers, 18, 78, 117, 193 
 
 Readings on, 284 
 Muck-raking, 48 
 Music and immigrants, 216, 219 
 
 N 
 
 National crises, 188 
 National resources, 85 
 
 National versus state jurisdiction 
 
 in the United States, 175 
 Nations, League of, 250 
 Native-born, 11, 17, 18 
 
 Americanization of, 185 ff. 
 Naturalization, 201, 212 
 Negro, readings on, 282 
 Negro Business Men's League, 
 
 107 
 Negro dolls, 107 
 Negroes, 17, 18, 46, 68, 103 ff., 
 
 192 ff., 242 ff. 
 Compared with Indians, 104 
 New Amsterdam, 137 
 New Bedford, Massachusetts, 
 
 141 
 New England, 83, 140 
 New England town-meeting, 25 
 New type of steerage, 196 
 New York City, 19, 73, 83, 89, 
 
 137, 159, 163 
 Night schools, 207 ff. 
 Nitobe, Inazo, 177 
 Noise, Fourth of July, 88 
 North Italians, 142 
 Northern white people and the 
 
 Negro, 111 
 North European immigrant, 127 
 Norwegian immigrants, 136 
 "Numbers test," 176, 198, 199 
 
 O 
 
 Occident versus the Orient, 177 
 Occupation of immigrants, 209 
 Old Testament, 164 
 "Old type" of steerage, 195, 196 
 Optimism in America, 32 
 Orientals in America, 195 
 
 Paderewski, Ignace J., 151 
 Pale of Settlement, the, 163 
 Palestine, 159 
 Pan-American, 45 
 Parental discipline, 90 
 Parents, immigrant, 90 
 
Index 
 
 301 
 
 Partisan politics. 35, 85 
 "Patrioteering," 17, 84 
 Patriotic societies, 203 
 Patriotism, 62, 83, 225 
 Of mountaineers, 121 
 Of Greeks, 146 
 Pauperism of the Negro, 107 
 Peace, League to Enforce, 60 
 Penn, William, 137 
 Peon, Mexican, 179 
 Personal democracy, 54, 263 
 Personality, 54, 56, 225 
 Philippines, the, 60 
 Pilgrims, the, 24, 41, 51, 91, 101, 
 
 227, 228 
 Poland, 162 
 Poles, the, 147 ff. 
 Polish language, 149 
 Political attitude of immigrants, 
 
 211 
 Political democracy, 52 
 Politics, partisan, 35 
 Population of Mexico, 179 
 Population, Negro, 105 
 Portuguese immigrants, 141 
 Posen, 149 
 
 Potato famine in rleland, 132 
 Poor Richard's Almanac, 29, 228 
 Poverty of the Negro, 107 
 Prague, University of, 153 
 Prejudice, race, 193, 206 
 Pride of mountaineers, 124 
 Problems in Americanization, 
 
 267 ff. 
 Process, naturalization, 201 
 Profiteering, 17, 84 
 Prohibition movement, 48 
 Property, 56 
 
 Of Negro, 106 
 Rights of the Indian, 98 
 Protestantism, 92 
 Proverbs, 228, 229 
 Prussian autocracy, 22 
 Prussian Poland, 149 
 Public education of immigrants, 
 
 209 
 Publications on Americanization, 
 
 189 
 
 Pulaski, C, 150 
 Puritans, 24, 42 
 
 Quebec, 197 
 
 Questionnaire, immigrant, 207 
 
 R 
 
 Race prejudice, 15, 78, 105, 
 
 109 ff., 193, 206 
 Race pride, 192 
 Race riots, 114 
 
 Racial history of America, 67 
 Ravage, M. E., 89 
 Readings on Americanism, 
 
 277 ff. 
 Reasons for attending night 
 
 school, 214 
 Reconstruction after the Civil 
 
 War, 105 
 Reformation, the, 154 
 Religion, 91, 92, 206, 234 
 Of Indians, 192 
 Of Mountaineers, 120 
 Religious attitude of immigrants, 
 
 212 
 Religious democracy, 262 
 Religious education, 223 
 Renaissance, the, 162 
 Representative government, 24 
 Republican democracy, 52 
 Reservations, Indian, 95, 97 
 Resources, conservation of, 85 
 Revolution, American, 28, 43 
 Right, abstract, 27 
 Roberts, Peter, 144 
 Robinson, John, 24 
 Roman Catholic Church, 92 
 Rome, Church of, 154, 161 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, 30, 38, 49, 
 
 50, 60, 83, 249, 252 
 Root, Elihu, 49 
 Rumanians, 157 
 Russia, 71, 147, 151 ff. 
 Russian Poland, 148 
 Russo-Japanese, War, the, 152 
 Ruthenians, 147, 153 ff. 
 
302 
 
 Index 
 
 Sailing vessels and immigration, 
 
 71 
 Samurai, the, 172 
 San Francisco, 123, 173, 204 
 San Francisco Exposition, 87 
 Savings of immigrants, 74, 86 
 Scandinavians, the, 67, 69, 134 ff . 
 
 Readings on, 287 
 Saint Louis race riots, 114 
 Schools in factories, 222 
 School, night, 207 ff. 
 Schurz, Carl, 138 
 Scotch-Irish, 25, 69, 118, 130 ff. 
 Self-development, 32 
 Self-examination, 82 
 Self-reliance, 23 ff. 
 Self-restraint of the English, 129 
 Sembrich, Marcella, 151 
 Serbo-Croatians, 147, 155 ff. 
 Service, spirit of, 57, 247 
 Settlements, social, 205 
 Sex proportions of immigrants, 
 
 73 
 Shacks, 180 
 Sicilians, 142 
 Sienkiewicz, Henry, 151 
 Sigourney, Lydia H., 101 
 Simkhovitch, Mary K., 83 
 Slavery, 46, 104 
 Slavic immigrants, 147, 158 
 Slavic type, 158 
 Slavs, readings on, 289 
 Slovaks, 153, 155 
 "Slums," 200 
 
 Social classes in Mexico, 180 
 Social conditions among moun- 
 taineers, 119 
 . Social democracy, 56, 57 
 Social evils, 84 
 Social settlements, 205 
 Social unrest, 50, 253 
 Social Work, National Confer- 
 ence of, 114 
 Socialization, 56 
 Societies, patriotic, 203 
 
 Sons of the American Revolu- 
 tion, 203 
 
 South America, 44 
 
 South European immigrants, 
 140 ff. 
 
 South Italians, 142 
 
 South Slavs, 147 
 
 South, the, and the Negro, 111 
 
 Spain, 60 
 
 Spanish colonists, 68 
 
 Spanish immigrants, 141 
 
 Speakers on Americanization, 
 227 ff. 
 
 ''Special interests,'' 84 
 
 Speed, 87 
 
 Spirit of America, 14, 39 
 
 Spiritual democracy, 57, 92 
 
 Spiritual nature, 92 
 
 Spirituality, 206 
 
 Square deal, the, 41 ff., 249 
 
 Stars and Stripes, the, 40, 62 
 
 States' Rights, 35 
 
 Statistics, immigration, 72 ff. 
 
 Steamships and immigration, 71 
 
 Steerage, 195 ff. 
 
 Stidger, W. L., 57 
 
 Suffrage, woman, 202 
 And the Negro, 113 
 
 Sweden, 156 
 
 Swedish immigrants, 69, 135 ff. 
 
 Syrian immigrants, 167 
 
 Survey of Los Angeles night 
 schools, 207 
 
 Taft, William H., 60 
 Tarkington, Booth, 88 
 Taylor, Bayard, 2+5 
 Teachers and night schools, 220 
 Teachers, visiting, 203 
 Ten commandments, 165 
 Tenements, 89 
 Test, literacy, 99 
 Thrift, 29, 86, 228, 229 
 Time, commercialized, 89 
 Trachoma, 119 
 "Trusts," the, 48 
 
Index 
 
 303 
 
 Turkey, 21 
 Turmoil, The, 8S 
 
 U 
 
 Ukrainians, the, 153 
 
 Ulstermen, 25, 130 ff. 
 
 Unemployment, 197 
 
 Union, the, 27, 33 ff., 239 ff. 
 
 Unions, labor, 39 
 
 United Kingdom, the, 70 
 
 United States, 19, 45, 52, 53, 
 55, 58, 61, 63, 65 
 Food Administration, 187 
 Government and the In- 
 dians, 97 
 
 University of California, 80 
 
 Unrest, social, 50 
 
 Utilitarianism, 66 
 
 Warsaw, 148 
 
 Washington, Booker T., 108, 
 
 109, 113 
 Washington, George, 24, 28, 33, 
 
 95, 233 
 Waste of human life, 86 
 Wealth, 55, 66 
 
 Webster, Daniel, 35 ff., 239 ff. 
 Wells, H. G., 51 
 Westward Movement, the, 47 
 Wilson, Woodrow, 15, 16, 40, 
 
 42, 51, 61, 63, 81, 83, 92, 
 
 114, 174, 191, 251, 253 
 Women voters of New York, 
 
 202 
 World, the, 51 
 
 Peace of, 61 
 World brotherhood, 64 
 
 Values, human, 55, 56 
 Venezuela, 45, 60 
 Visiting teachers, 203, 222 
 Visual method of teaching im- 
 migrants, 221 
 
 W 
 
 War, 26 
 
 European, 17, 19, 21, 84 
 With Germany, 82 
 
 Yiddish, 159 
 
 Young Men's Christian Asso- 
 ciation, 164, 204 
 
 Zionists, the, 165 
 
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