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THE FIRST ENGLISH CONQUEST OF CANADA, 
 
C ANADA 
 
THE 
 
 FIRST ENaLISH 
 
 CONQUEST OF CANADA; 
 
 WITH SOME AOOOnNT OF 
 
 t €ndmi Bdihmmh m ftoba ^taim anir 
 ^t'cafonxtiihvcix, 
 
 HENEY KIEKE, M.A., B.C.L., Oxon., 
 
 Author of "Thurstan Meverell," &c., &c. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 BEMROSB & SONS, 21, PATERNOSTER ROW ; AND DERBY. 
 1871. 
 
TO 
 
 ADMIEAL 
 SIE HENEY PEESCOTT, G.C.B., 
 
 AT ONE TIME 
 
 GOVEBNOE OF NEWFOUNDLAND, 
 
 THIS BOOK 
 
 IS 
 
 WITH AFFECTION AND RESPECT, 
 
 DEDICATED, 
 
 BY 
 
 THE AUTHOE. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 ERRATA. 
 At end of Preface, for Bryan read Byam. 
 
 IS 
 
 Page 31, line 20, for Seiqueur read Seigneur. ^f 
 
 h 
 
 In Map, lat. 48°, 
 
 For Gasper Bay read GaspS Bay. 
 
 For Talousac read Tadousac. it 
 
 Insert Cape Tourmente. jf 
 
 it 
 
 :e 
 discovery ot documents7 tnat our noeTiBi in tne main 
 facts of English History, such as we were taught 
 in our childhood, is in danger of being entirely 
 subverted ; and when we leave the beaten track, 
 and attempt, like Macaulay and Froude, to analyse 
 the actions and motives of our leading History 
 makers, we are overwhelmed by the mass of docu- 
 mentary evidence which is now offered to us. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 The opening of the Record Office to the public has 
 made us acquainted with such a vast amount of 
 material, never before accessible to readers, which 
 serves to illustrate the History of England, that it 
 may be taken for granted that the whole of that 
 History will have to be re-written by the light of 
 the new facts which are submitted to us. So great 
 are the changes resulting from such a wholesale 
 discovery of documents, that our belief in the main 
 facts of English History, such as we were taught 
 in our childhood, is in danger of being entirely 
 subverted ; and when we leave the beaten track, 
 and attempt, like Macaulay and Froude, to analyse 
 the actions and motives of our leading History 
 makers, we are overwhelmed by the mass of docu- 
 mentary evidence which is now offered to us. 
 
Till PREFACE. 
 
 If, therefore, Ave are to profit by the Records so 
 lately exhumed from obscurity, the received histories 
 of our national story must be overhauled, their 
 doubtful facts and dates rectified, their ambiguities 
 explained, and their numerous lacuncB filled up. 
 
 The following little book is an attempt to perform 
 these duties to one page of English History; a 
 page somewhat neglected, not dogeared from exces- 
 sive reading, but almost unknown, not so much 
 from its want of value or its dulness, but rather 
 on account of the many blanks which gape in its 
 narrative, so as to reduce it almost to vacuity. 
 The subject may be considered Colonial rather than 
 English, but at this time (the I7th Century) the 
 Colonies as such could barely be called existing. 
 Patents were issued by difierent European sovereigns 
 to their subjects, granting unlimited rights over 
 territories unbounded, except by the imagination of 
 the grantors; for which patents considerable sums 
 were exacted, and careful provision was made to 
 protect the rights of the Crown in case of success; 
 but the government of any country rarely, if ever, 
 supported the adventurers who left their shores, 
 though they often, as we shall see, deprived them 
 of the fruits of their exertions. The whole Colonial 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 History of this period is a continual struggle 
 between the different European nations for the 
 possession of America ; and though it has been 
 thought convenient for the purpose of reference to 
 arrange together all the papers relating to the 
 countries which eventually became British Colonies, 
 it is not to be supposed that they were considered 
 to be Colonial when they were written, or were 
 separated from the Foreign correspondence of the 
 period. Mr. Sainsbury is in error when he states 
 in the Preface to his "Calendar of State Papers, 
 Colonial Series, 1574-1660," "The Papers in the 
 State Paper Office are arranged upon principles 
 which are extremely simple. Derived from the 
 offices of the Secretaries of State, they fall almost 
 as of course, into three great branches or divisions, 
 corresponding with the offices whence they are 
 transmitted. Those for the office of the Home 
 Secretary constitute one principal division or series 
 of volumes, technically termed the Domestic, with 
 a subdivision for Ireland ; the papers for the office 
 of the Foreign Secretary form a second or Foreign 
 division or series ; whilst those for the Colonial 
 office are arranged in a third division or series, 
 named the Colonial. The present volume is a 
 
X PEEFACE. 
 
 Calendar of the last named series of papers only 
 from the year 1574, the date of the earliest paper 
 down to the year 1660," whereas from 1574 to 
 1660, there were only two Secretaries of State, who 
 transacted the business of the Home and Foreign 
 offices indiscrimiaately, or made such arrangements 
 as suited their own convenience. A little further 
 on, Mr. Sainsbury confesses that "During this early 
 period a separation of the Colonial from the Domestic 
 or other series, and a classification of the former 
 upon the principles adopted in the correspondence 
 of a later date, has been found to be extremely 
 difficult." At the same time I must record my deep 
 obligations to Mr. Sainsbury's admirable Calendar; 
 without his assistance, the discovery of the necessary 
 papers would have been indeed wearisome, if not 
 impossible. 
 
 The papers in the Record Office relating to Canada, 
 Acadia or Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland, are nu- 
 merous and continuous from the year 1621 to 1660, 
 with the exception of the period from 1640 to 1649, 
 during which years we find no papers relating to 
 any of these countries. This was owing to the 
 Civil War in England, which engrossed the atten- 
 tion of all public men, and prevented them from 
 
PREFACE. Xl 
 
 taking any notice of the different settlements in 
 America. I have carefully studied all the papers 
 which seemed likely to throw any light upon the 
 suhject of this work, in which labour I have been 
 materially assisted by Byam Martin Prescott, Esq., 
 to whom I offer my sincere thanks. 
 
 H. K. 
 
THE FIRST ENGLISH CONQUEST OF CANADA, 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 Chaeles I. succeeded to the throne on the 
 27th of March, 1625, in the twenty-fifth year 
 of his age. James had bequeathed to his 
 successor an exhausted treasury, and personal 
 debts amounting to seven hundred thousand 
 pounds; and the accession and marriage of 
 the new King entailed upon him great but 
 necessary expenses. However, he met his 
 new Parliament with cheerfulness ; and, ex- 
 posing the state of his finances, threw himself 
 upon their bounty, and requested a liberal 
 subsidy. He could not be held responsible 
 for the extravagance of his father, and the 
 
2 . INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 money required was only to carry out the 
 vote of the last Parliament. But there were 
 many circumstances to damp his expectations; 
 in the Upper House many of the Peers 
 looked with an evil eye upon the ascendancy 
 of Buckingham, and were anxious to oppose 
 the Grovernment in hopes of discomfiting 
 the favourite. At the head of this party was 
 the Earl of Pembroke, a nobleman of high 
 position and influence in the House. In the 
 Commons, the Puritans had formed themselves 
 into a body determined to oppose the spread 
 of what they considered Popish tendencies ; 
 the dread of Popery haunted them like an 
 evil dream ; • they saw it in the gaieties of 
 the court, in the ceremonies of the church, 
 and the distinctions of the hierarchy. The 
 King's marriage was an offence to them ; he 
 had promised not to marry one Papist, and 
 now he was going to marry another. The 
 union of these two parties, the one opposed 
 to Buckingham and the other opposed to 
 Popery, gave great strength to the opposition, 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. O 
 
 and enlisted the sympathies of the people, 
 who considered that they were fighting the 
 battle of civil and religious liberty against 
 the advocates of slavery and superstition. 
 
 The first two years of his reign was spent 
 by Charles in continual struggles with his 
 Parliament. They would grant him no 
 money, and when he pressed for a subsidy, 
 they presented a petition of grievances, and 
 said they would grant the money when their 
 petition was answered. The Earl of Bristol 
 accused Buckingham before the House of 
 Lords of various crimes and misdemeanours, 
 and the House of Commons had impeached 
 him before the Lords; and so strong was their 
 language against him, that Sir John Eliot 
 compared him, for lust, ambition, and rapacity, 
 to Sejanus, the profligate minister of Tiberius 
 Caesar. Charles, determined to shield his 
 favourite, dissolved Parliament in a transjoort 
 of fury. 
 
 Reduced now to the greatest extremity for 
 want of money, Charles proceeded to the 
 
4 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 most extreme measures. He determined to 
 raise a forced loan from all noblemen, gentle- 
 men, and merchants of estate ; and for that 
 purpose sent inquisitors through all the 
 counties in England, to extract a sum of 
 money from each in proportion to the amount 
 which he had paid at the .last general 
 subsidy. In addition to these arbitrary 
 measures, the public heard with grief that 
 the allies of England, under the King of 
 Denmark, had suffered a great defeat at the 
 hands of Count Tilley, at Luttern; that the 
 whole of Lower Saxony was abandoned to 
 Ferdinand, and the cause of Protestantism in 
 Germany was itself at stake. The King's, 
 affairs were in such a critical state that the 
 only course which seemed to offer any pros- 
 pect, was to make peace with Spain, and to 
 be reconciled to his Parliament. Instead of 
 which, he proceeded to involve himself in a 
 war with the King of France, whose sister 
 he had married, and whose alliance he had 
 always courted. 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. O 
 
 As the conquest of Canada and Acadia by 
 the English was the only result of this insane 
 war, it will be better, before we turn to 
 consider that conquest in detail, to give a 
 short account of the causes which provoked 
 the war, the operations carried out in Europe, 
 and the ignoble peace which brought it to a 
 termination. 
 
 When, the Duke of Buckingham had visited 
 Paris two years previously to conduct Henrietta 
 Maria into England, he had dazzled the 
 French capital by the splendour of his dress 
 and retinue. During his residence there he 
 had received much attention from the French 
 ladies, but he presumed to fix his affections 
 upon the young and beautiful Queen Anne 
 of Austria, and to address her in terms of 
 passionate adoration. Watched and warned 
 by the servants of Richelieu, he was kept 
 within the bounds of decorum, but he parted 
 with the Queen in tears ; and upon his journey 
 home he left the Princess with her attendants 
 at Boulogne, hastened back to Paris, obtained 
 
6 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 admittance to the Queen's bed-chamber, and, 
 throwing himself on his knees before her, 
 avowed his passion. The Queen, alarmed 
 and astounded, ordered him to leave her ; 
 but the Duke only returned home more 
 infatuated, and nursing his mad passion. To 
 forward his schemes, he obtained from Charles 
 the appointment of Ambassador to Paris, but 
 Eichelieu refused to receive him. Louis XIII. 
 had naturally a strong repugnance to him, 
 and no artifice could induce him or his minister 
 to receive the impetuous Duke at Paris. This 
 slight so enraged Buckingham that he deter- 
 mined to be revenged, and formed one of 
 the principal reasons why he urged upon 
 Charles the declaration of w^ar against France. 
 Charles was himself very indignant with the 
 French King. At the time of his marriage 
 it had been agreed that Louis should assist 
 the Protestant States in their war with 
 Ferdinand ; but this treaty had never been 
 signed, and now the French King repudiated 
 it altogether. The Protestants of France were 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 7 
 
 at this time in rebellion, and Charles hoped 
 that he might restore his waning popularity 
 in England by some vigorous action on their 
 behalf; so, in this frame of mind, he lent a 
 willing ear to the emissary of the discontented 
 party in France, and agreed to send an army 
 to La Rochelle to co-operate with the Duke 
 of Rohan and the French Protestants. During 
 the war with Spain, letters of marque had 
 been issued to English ships, and vessels 
 belonging to all nations had been swept into 
 British ports, under the pretence of carrying 
 Spanish goods. This occasioned great irrita- 
 tion amongst the nations aggrieved, and Louis 
 not only intimated his displeasure, but in 
 retaliation laid an embargo upon all English 
 ships in French ports. Long and tedious 
 recriminations on both sides followed, till at 
 length both Kings signed a declaration of 
 war. 
 
 A large armament was collected in the 
 English ports, which was ostensibly to support 
 the Palsgrave and chastise the Algerines ; but 
 
8 INTEODTJCTOEY CHAPTER. 
 
 the King of France was not deceived, and 
 he immediately entered into an alliance, offen- 
 sive and defensive with Spain, against the 
 common enemy. At length Buckingham 
 sailed, having under his command forty-two 
 ships of war, and thirty -four transports, con- 
 taining seven regiments of nine hundred men 
 each, a squadron of cavalry, and a great 
 number of French Protestants. A few days 
 brought them to Eochelle, the head of the 
 insurrection ; but with so much secrecy had 
 the expedition been planned that the Rochellois 
 were ignorant of its designs, and refused to 
 admit Buckingham and his troops within their 
 walls. It is needless to pursue the history of 
 this disastrous campaign ; Buckingham wanted 
 every qualification for a commander, except 
 personal courage ; Burroughs, his only efficient 
 lieutenant, was killed at an early stage of 
 the proceedings ; one disastrous blunder was 
 only succeeded by another ; and at length 
 the Duke with difficulty withdrew the remains 
 of his discomfited armament, and returned to 
 
INTEODUCTOEY CHAPTER. » 
 
 England with the loss of more than two 
 thousand men and twenty pairs of colours. 
 This expedition excited the greatest dismay 
 in the States, in the Prince Palatine, and the 
 King of Denmark, who all urged upon Charles 
 the suicidal character of his conduct, and 
 offered their good services to bring about a 
 reconciliation between him and the King of 
 France. But it was of no avail. Smarting 
 under his discomfiture, and the murmurs of 
 the English people, Buckingham was collect- 
 ing another armament to raise the siege of 
 Rochelle. Ever since his last failure, the 
 Rochellois had not ceased to importune King 
 Charles for help, imploring him not to abandon 
 them to their fate. On the other hand, 
 Richelieu was making superhuman efforts to 
 accomplish their destruction. Not only had 
 he collected a vast army, which completely 
 isolated the city on the one hand, but he 
 was building a mole across the mouth of the 
 harbour, to prevent all access from the sea. 
 This stupendous work, despite several failures. 
 
10 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 was now progressing rapidly, and the unfor- 
 tunate people of Rochelle saw their hope of 
 succour becoming daily smaller and smaller. 
 Their prayers moved the heart of the English 
 King, and the Earl of Denbigh sailed from 
 Plymouth with a numerous fleet ; which ar- 
 riving at Rochelle, did nothing, but after 
 remaining for seven days off the entrance 
 to the harbour, returned to England. Here 
 the fleet was reinforced and revictualled, and 
 placed under the command of Buckingham, 
 who was preparing to sail when his career 
 was stopped short by the knife of Felton. 
 The expedition was not stopped by the death 
 of Buckingham ; the command was given 
 to the Earl of Lindsey, who shortly arrived 
 before Rochelle; but after manoeuvering for 
 five days in front of the harbour, and making 
 two ineffectual attempts to enter, he retm-ned 
 to Spithead, and Rochelle immediately after- 
 wards surrendered at discretion. Charles had 
 now begun to repent the folly which had 
 hurried him into war with both France and 
 
INTEODUCTORY CHAPTER. 11 
 
 Spain. He was so hampered by his quarrel 
 with his Parliament, that he could do nothing 
 against his enemies, and, indeed, was much in- 
 debted to them for their forbearance. Whether 
 from generosity or contempt Philip of Spain 
 returned him, without ransom, all the pri- 
 soners taken at Cadiz, and Louis aU that were 
 captured in the Island of Ehfe. By the 
 mediation of the Venetian Ambassador peace 
 was proposed between England and France ; 
 few difficulties were made, and those were 
 quickly overcome. Louis waived his right 
 to the St. Esprit, a ship of war illegally 
 captured by the English, and Charles surren- 
 dered the French Protestants to the clemency 
 of their Sovereign. All conquests on both 
 sides were to be restored, by which article 
 Canada and Acadia, which had been captured 
 by the English, were restored to the French 
 Crown. Such were the results of this foolish 
 war, begun by Charles and his favourite to 
 satisfy an angry impulse ; carried on with a 
 weakness and incapacity which has scarcely 
 
12 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 ever been equalled, it was ended by a disgrace- 
 ful and one-sided peace. 
 
 It is pleasant to turn from this spectacle 
 of feeble mismanagement, to consider the only 
 event which cast any lustre, during the war, 
 upon the British arms, and which added, for 
 a time, a vast territory to the British empire. 
 The conquest of Canada and Acadia, and the 
 defeat of the French fleet in North America, 
 is the one bright spot in a disastrous cam- 
 paign; but all the results of that enterprise 
 were thrown away by the English King, 
 who seemed strangely blind to the interests 
 of the nation, and who wished to patch up 
 a peace at any price, that he might pro- 
 secute without hindrance his struggle with 
 the Parliament. 
 
 The conquest of Canada must always be 
 regarded as a striking example of the private 
 enterprise of British merchants. It was ac- 
 complished solely by the exertions and at 
 the expense of some London merchants, who 
 formed themselves into a Company of " Mer- 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 13 
 
 chant Adventurers," as they were then called, 
 for the purpose of establishing a lucrative 
 trade with Canada, and the countries border- 
 ing upon the St. Lawrence. They fitted out 
 ships, and obtained a patent from the King, 
 giving them authority to found a plantation, 
 and letters of marque to enable them to seize 
 French and Spanish vessels and goods. The 
 usual way of carrying on a naval war at this 
 time was for the King to issue letters of 
 marque to the captains of ships fitted out by 
 private persons, giving them authority to 
 seize and appropriate the goods and ships of 
 the enemy. English ships were often fitted 
 out by adventurers, or men of desperate 
 fortunes, who hoped, by a lucky cruise, to fill 
 their empty purses, and at the same time do 
 good service to their country. In the un- 
 settled state of maritime law which existed at 
 this period, all merchant ships were more or 
 less armed, and it took little preparation to 
 fit one of them out as a man-of-war. The 
 Royal Navy of England could hardly be said 
 
14 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 to exist at the beginning of the seventeenth 
 century. At the time of the Spanish Armada, 
 England could only muster thirteen small 
 ships of war, and the majority of the vessels 
 which went forth so boldly to meet the huge 
 Spanish three-deckers, were merchant vessels 
 which had been " seized by the Government, 
 and hastily and imperfectly armed, or which 
 had been fitted out by the patriotism of 
 their owners. In the year 1600 the naval 
 forces of England amounted to thirty-six 
 ships of war, all of small burden.^ There 
 
 1 The "Royal Sovereign," o, ship of the first class, was buUt in 
 1637, and was considered a prodigy for size and strength. It is thus 
 described in the " Anglise Notitia," published in 1671 : — " The ' Royal 
 Sovereign,' being a ship of the first rate and rank, built in the year 
 1637, is in length by the keel 127 feet, in breadth by the beam 47 
 feet, in depth 49 feet, her draught of water 21 feet ; of burden in all 
 2,072 tons; and 1,554 tons besides guns, tackle, &c. This mighty 
 moving castle hath 6 anchors, whereof the biggest weighs 6,000 lbs., 
 and the least 4,300 lbs. It hath 14 cables, whereof the greatest is 21 
 inches in compass, and weighs 9,000 lbs., her least cable being 8 inches 
 in compass, weighing nearly 1,300 lbs. To the 'Royal Sovereign' 
 belong 18 masts and yards, whereof the greatest, called the main 
 mast, is J 75 feet long, her main yard 97 feet long, and her main top 
 
 15 feet diameter. She hath 10 different sorts of sails, of several 
 names, whereof her greatest sail, called her main course (together with 
 her bonnet), contains 1,640 yards of canvas, Ipswich double, and the 
 least sail, called the fore top gallant sail, contains 130 yards of canvas. 
 The charge for one complete set of sails for the ' Royal Sovereign ' is 
 
INTEODUCTOEY CHAPTER. 15 
 
 was one large ship of one thousand tons, 
 and carrying thirty guns, the others were 
 vessels of one hundred tons burden, and carry- 
 ing seven or eight guns. The genius of 
 Cromwell and Blake, and the naval wars with 
 the Dutch, quickly brought about a change 
 in our naval power, so that in 1670 England 
 possessed more than one hundred and sixty 
 men-of-war, carrying nearly five thousand 
 guns. The whole naval force of England was 
 foiled and discomfited before Rochelle, but a 
 few merchant ships, armed and fitted out by a 
 London company, achieved a great success over 
 the French arms in America, chiefly through 
 the genius and good fortune of Sir David 
 Kirke, the leader of the English squadron. 
 
 £404 sterling money. The weight of the sea store^ in point of ground 
 tackle and other cordage, is 60 tons, 800 and odd lbs. She carries 
 a long boat of 50 feet, a pinnace of 36 feet, and a skiif of 27 feet 
 long. The weight of her rigging is 33 tons. She hath 3 tire of guns, 
 all of brass, whereof there are 44 in her upper tire, 34 in her second 
 tire, and 22 in her lower tire, in all 100 guns. She carries in all, of 
 officers and soldiers and marines, 700 men. Finally, her whole 
 charge for wages, victuals, ammunition, wear and tear, for every month 
 at sea costs the King £3, 500 sterling, as hath been computed by a very 
 skilful person. The cost of building a ship of the first rate, together 
 with guns, tackle, and rigging, doth ordinarily amount to £26,000." 
 
16 BIETH AND PAllENTAGE OF 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Birth and Parentage of Gervase Kirke — Bound Apprentice in 
 London — State of England under Queen Elizabeth — English Merchant 
 Adventurers — Expedition of Sir Francis Drake — Marriage of Gervase 
 Kirke — Birth of David and Lewis Kirke — Formation of the Canada 
 Company — Early History of Canada — Expedition of Cartier— Of De 
 la Roche — Voyages of M. de Chauvin and M. de Monts — Expedition 
 of Champlaiu — Formation of the Company of New France — The 
 French Fleet Sails for Acadia. 
 
 On the 30th of December, in the year of 
 Grrace 1566, Thurston Kirke, of Grreenhill, in 
 the parish of Norton, in the county of Derby, 
 married Frances, daughter of Jerome ^ Blythe, 
 Esq., of Norton Hall. The bridegroom was 
 a cadet of the family of Kirke, of Chapel-en- 
 
 1 Jerome Blythe married Anne, daughter and co-heiress of Richard 
 Eyre, of Offerton, co. Derby, Esq., and sister and oo-heiresB of Ralph 
 Eyre, of Oxspring, co. York. 
 
GERVASE KIRKE. 17 
 
 le-Frith, an Anglo-Danish race of freeholders 
 and inferior gentry in the county of Derby 
 for several hundred years before the date given 
 above. The bride belonged to an old famUy 
 of gentle blood, resident at Norton for many 
 generations. Though not distinguished above 
 their fellows in arms or "politics, the family 
 of Blythe^ could boast of two of its members, 
 brothers, and both bishops, viz., John Blythe, 
 Bishop of Salisbury, and Geoffrey Blythe? 
 Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry. Several 
 children were the issue of this marriage, one 
 of whom, Gervase, was born in the year 1568. 
 The early years of Gervase Kirke were spent 
 
 1 WiUiam Blythe, of Norton, had a grant of arms in the reign of 
 Henry VII. [1485]. The arma are, " Ermine, three roebucks, trippant, 
 gules, attired, or." Thia William Blythe was father of the two bishops. 
 The monument of William Blythe and his wife, and another of their 
 eldest son, Richard, are in Norton Church. They were erected by 
 Bishop Geoffrey Blythe, who founded a chantry for the souls of his 
 parents. In 1524 he agreed with the parish to give ten marks for 
 the purpose of keeping up a stock of ten kine, in consideration of a 
 little croft on the West Side of Norton Green, on which he built the 
 Chantry Chapel. The Vicar was bound to keep up the stock of kine, 
 in default of which he was to forfeit the oorrody of nine gallons of 
 ale, and nine keysta of bread, which he received weekly from 
 Beauohief Abbey, 
 
 C 
 
18 NOETON. 
 
 in his father's house at Norton/ a quiet village 
 in the extreme north of Derbyshire, where 
 the great questions which were at that time 
 shaking the heart of England, found but a 
 feeble echo : a pleasant j)lace though in its 
 own way, with an ancient church, not long 
 before one of the cherished possessions of the 
 monks of Beauchief, the Abbey itself lying 
 but a little way off, unroofed and owl-haunted, 
 but still beautiful. No longer could mass be 
 sung in the Abbey de Bello Capite, ^ for the 
 soul of the founder, Thomas de Alfreton, once 
 a murderer of the martyred Thomas of 
 Canterbury; let us hope that his crime has 
 been expiated by the prayers of four hundred 
 years. But, quiet and retired as it was, 
 Norton could not remain ignorant of the plots 
 
 1 Norton afterwards became celebrated as the birtbplace of the 
 sculptor Chantrey, who was born at Jordauthorpe, a small cottage 
 in this parish, on the 7th April, 1781. His bones now rest in the 
 churchyard ; and by his will he left £5 per annum to ten poor boys 
 of the village of Norton, so long as they will pluck the weeds and 
 nettles from his grave. 
 
 2 BeaTichief Abbey was founded by Thomas de Alfreton about 
 the year 1176. Norton Church was granted to the Abbey by ita 
 founder. 
 
MAET, QUEEN OF SCOTS, 19 
 
 and dark doings which were hatching in the 
 country, especially in Derbyshire, where the 
 chief object of all these dealings was residing 
 as a guest,^ rather than a captive. Chatsworth 
 is not far from Norton, and the fascinations 
 which in a little time roused the wild passions 
 of Babington and his fellows, may have ex- 
 cited some feeling in the quiet country village, 
 and led men to think what would be the 
 end of these things. During the Queen of 
 Scots' residence in Derbyshire, Gervase Kirke 
 was not yet of an age to be influenced by 
 her wrongs ; and far other thoughts as to his 
 prospects in life were entertained for him by 
 his father than that he should connive at 
 treason, which could only bring him to a 
 
 1 As »• proof of Lord Shrewsbury's kind treatment of tKe Queen 
 of Scots, see a letter written by Mrs. Battel], a, gentlewoman to the 
 Countess of Shrewsbury, to the Lady Elizabeth Powlett, at Clerken- 
 well, dated March 23rd, 1584, and preserved in the Record Office, in 
 which she complains of " her lord's hard dealing towards her iu con- 
 sequence of the Queen of Scots not being able to abide her ; the said 
 Scottish Queen having conceived this dislike to her through Mrs. 
 Battell having said of her, that it was fitter she should be hanged 
 than ever be Queen of England. If her lord continues his hard 
 speech she cannot abide it no longer, and one of her chief offences is 
 that she pities her mistress." 
 
20' STATE OF ENGLAND. 
 
 cruel and bloody death. At an early age lie 
 was sent to London, and bound apprentice 
 to a mercbant in tbat city. 
 
 Commerce was at this time tbe ruling 
 passion in England. The marriage of Anjou 
 with the Queen, the troubles in Scotland, the 
 balance of power in Europe, might fill the 
 minds of Elizabeth and her ministers ; the 
 murder of the English, and the release of the 
 Scottish Queen, might be seething in the 
 brains of a few desperate and bigoted men, 
 but the majority of the English nation cared 
 for , none of these things. The Prince of 
 Orange, struggling for religious freedom 
 against overwhelming odds, received but cold 
 acknowledgment; but when Philip of Spain 
 threatened to retaliate upon English shipping 
 the losses sustained from Drake in America, 
 half London was clamouring at the doors of 
 the Council board. And we must not revile 
 them for such feelings: to the majority of 
 Englishmen the Prince of Orange was a rebel, 
 and the Hollanders were but rivals in maritime 
 
STATE OP ENGLAND. 21 
 
 commerce; whilst alliance with Spain meant 
 trade with the richest country in the world, 
 and plentiful employment of English ships, 
 which at this time monopolized the greater 
 part of the northern carrying trade. True, 
 that English sailors sometimes made acquaint- 
 ance with the inside of Spanish prisons, and 
 felt the tender embraces of the Inquisition; 
 but great gains are not to be had without 
 some risk. 
 
 At the accession of Elizabeth, England had 
 awakened to a new life. Sacerdotalism was ex- 
 tinct, monkery was dead, all example and pre- 
 cept for idleness had disappeared; the dissolu- 
 tion of the monasteries had conferred wealth 
 upon the aristocracy; immunity from taxation 
 enriched the state of the burgher and peasant. 
 The country rejoiced to live under a Queen, 
 thrifty and penurious, who lived upon her 
 income, and disliking a Parliament, managed 
 to do without subsidies. Majestic houses arose 
 on the estates of the nobles ; lands were en- 
 closed and villenage disappeared. Merchants 
 
22 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 
 
 and manufacturers, the latter attracted from 
 abroad in search of that freedom of thought 
 which their own country denied them, grew 
 and prospered under a monarch who was her- 
 self a trader; and who considered, wisely 
 enough, that to get money by trade was better 
 than to spend it in war. But foremost in the 
 causes which helped to forward the develop- 
 ment of English commerce, must be placed 
 the discovery of America. It may seem ab- 
 surd to mention the discovery of America in 
 the latter half of the sixteenth century, but 
 it is nevertheless true that America was not 
 truly discovered by England until that time. 
 It seems almost incredible that, after the dis- 
 covery of North America by John Cabot, in 
 1491, seventy-two years elapsed before any 
 attempt was made to utilize that discovery, 
 which opened such a vast territory to English 
 enterprise and capital ; but the domestic 
 troubles of Henry VIII.'s reign, and the 
 religious differences under Edward VI. and 
 Mary — reigns peculiarly adverse to the exten- 
 
SPANISH COMMERCE. 23 
 
 sion of industry, trade, and navigation — had 
 intervened to check all attempts at surveying 
 the coasts, or colonizing the territory v^hich 
 Cabot and his sons had discovered. Spain 
 alone at this time was reaping a rich harvest 
 from America, and yearly vast treasure-ships 
 sailed across the Atlantic to empty into her 
 bosom the spoils of a new continent. English 
 sailors lying in the Tagus or Guadalquiver 
 heard of these rich lands across the sea ; saw 
 the advent of rich argosies, deep in the sea 
 with freight of gold and silver in solid bars, 
 measured at once Spain's wealth and weakness 
 with their hunger and strength, and deter- 
 mined to share in such a goodly trade. In 
 the Thames and the Avon, off Plymouth and 
 Dartmouth, many a bold seaman felt his mouth 
 water over the accounts of Spanish wealth, 
 and was quite ready to exchange iron for gold, 
 cold round shots for shining yellow ingots. 
 Many Englishmen had already visited Spanish 
 America, a few voluntarily, but others as 
 galley slaves, condemned by the Inquisition; 
 
24 TEAVELLEKS' TALES. 
 
 and strange tales were told by sucli of them 
 as returned home, of the wealth and beauty of 
 that distant land, and the fiendish cruelty of 
 the Spaniards ; till between hunger for gold 
 and hatred of the Inquisition every English- 
 man was eager to undertake an expedition to 
 America. The whole country awoke to a 
 new life ; wonderful accounts of the newly 
 discovered regions were narrated at village 
 crosses; all the gossips of our market towns 
 were agape for new wonders, which we 
 may be sure did not lose by repetition; 
 and strange tales indeed were told about 
 these unknown regions. Travellers reported 
 at large upon the dress and habits of 
 of the people who inhabited them, the women 
 "wearing great plates of gold covering their 
 whole body like armour;" of their god, as 
 a devil who appeared in the likeness of a 
 calf; the soil most excellent; animals and 
 birds in great number, some "great beasts as 
 big as two of our oxen;" of their treasures, 
 "pearls in every house, in some houses a 
 
ENGLISH MEECHANTS. 25 
 
 peck." Besides these, other travellers de- 
 scribed^ "banqueting houses built of crystal, 
 with pillars of massive silver, some of gold;" 
 pieces of clear gold As big as a man's fist. 
 These and other such tales were received with 
 credulous delight. Here was El Dorado, 
 where a man could fill his pockets with gold ! 
 With such dreams as these the English na- 
 tion gave itself up to trade and discovery. 
 Younger sons of county gentry who had no 
 hope to share in the division of the paternal 
 acres, flocked to London or Bristol, to learn 
 a trade and share in the rich prizes which a 
 mercantile career now offered. Many a rich 
 and noble family was founded at this time 
 by merchants of London; and it does not 
 foUow because they were merchants they were 
 not men of gentle blood. If we look through 
 the visitation of London, taken by St. Greorge 
 in 1634, we shall find that more than half 
 the eminent merchants whose pedigrees are 
 there entered, were the grandsons of countiy 
 gentlemen entitled to wear coat armour. 
 
 1 Colonial Papers. Vol. I. No. 2. 
 
26 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 
 
 The spirit of commercial enterprise which 
 had been awakened under Marj, seemed to 
 pervade and animate every description of men 
 during the reign of Elizabeth. For the ex- 
 tension of trade and the discovery of unknown 
 lands associations were formed, companies 
 were incorporated, expeditions were planned; 
 and the prospect of immense profit, which 
 though always anticipated was seldom realized, 
 seduced many to sacrifice their whole for- 
 tunes, prevailed even upon the ministers, the 
 nobility, and the Queen herself to risk con- 
 siderable sums in their hazardous undertakings. 
 In 1583, Drake made his celebrated voyage, 
 circumnavigated the globe, and returned with 
 a vast treasure to England, part of which the 
 Queen appropriated to her own use, and 
 appeared in public wearing an emerald cross, 
 part of Drake's robberies. In vain the 
 Spanish government demanded redress for 
 this and other spoliations. Elizabeth filled 
 her coffers and evaded all demands. Philip's 
 patience was at last worn out, and the Armada 
 
MERCHANT ADVENTUEEES. 27 
 
 was the only practical answer to Drake's 
 piracies. By the destruction of the great 
 fleet the seas were thrown open to English 
 ships; the war became offensive instead of 
 defensive, and the English flag flaunted at 
 the same time off Cadiz and Carthagena. 
 
 The conclusion of the Spanish war turned 
 public attention in England from South to 
 North America. The former had been ac- 
 quired by Spain and Portugal; why should 
 not the latter become an appanage of the 
 English crown ? Several expeditions had been 
 made to North America in the reign of Eliza- 
 beth, but none of these had been productive 
 of any great results : but after the accession 
 of James I., several companies of adventurers 
 were incorporated to trade and colonize in 
 North America. Of these merchant adven- 
 turers Grervase Kirke was one of the first and 
 most active. He had served out his appren- 
 ticeship in London, and having been in busi- 
 ness for some time on^his own account, was, 
 at the commencement of the 17th century, 
 
28 BIETH OF SIE DAVID KIEKE. 
 
 a wealthy and influential citizen. About the 
 year 1596, he had married Elizabeth, daughter 
 of M. Groudon, of Dieppe, in France, by 
 whom he had fiye sons and two daughters.^ 
 The Company of Merchant Adventurers 
 of London, joined by Gervase Kirke, fitted 
 out ships, and sent them to take part in the 
 fish and fur trade of America. In these en- 
 terprises David Kirke and his two younger 
 brothers were at an early age associated, and 
 they made several cruises in the Company's 
 ships. In the year 1627, a Company was 
 formed by Sir William Alexander, G.ervase 
 Kirke, and others, to form a settlement in 
 Canada for the purpose of trading with the 
 natives. To assist them to this end, they 
 obtained a patent fi:'om the King of England, 
 appointing them sole commissioners for making 
 a voyage to the gulf and river of Canada and 
 parts adjacent, with authority to settle a plan- 
 
 1 David Kirke, his eldest son, bom in the year 1597 ; and Lewis 
 Kirke, second son, born in 1599 ; Thomas, third son, born 1603 ; John, 
 fourth eon, born 1606 ; and James, born 1616 ; Elizabeth, his eldest 
 daughter, who afterwards married M. Jacques Gretemlaw, a Frenchman 
 of Dieppe ; and Mary, youngest daughter, born in 1619. 
 
CANADA COMPANY. 29 
 
 tation, witli a prohibition to all others to trade 
 there. Power was granted by this patent to 
 seize French and Spanish vessels and goods, 
 and to displace the French if possible.^ 
 
 Before we can understand the events which 
 took place upon Captain Kirke's arrival in 
 Canada, it will be necessary to consider what 
 position the French held in that country and 
 Nova Scotia at the time of his voyage ; and 
 to do so satisfactorily will entail a brief nar- 
 rative of the different settlements effected in 
 that country from its discovery by Cartier to 
 the year 1627. 
 
 Jacques Cartier was a master mariner, of 
 St. Malo, who was sent on a mission 'of dis- 
 covery by Chabot, Admiral of France, for 
 the purpose of establishing a colony upon 
 the newly-discovered continent of America. 
 He sailed from St. Malo on the 20th of April, 
 1534, with two vessels, neither of which 
 was above twenty tons burden, arrived at 
 Newfoundland, near Cape Bonavista, on the 
 
 1 See Appendix D. Also Colonial Papers. Vol. IV. No. 23. 
 
30 JACQUES CAETIEK. 
 
 lOth of May, and then traversed the coast to 
 the South, landing at a harbour which he 
 named St. Catherine. Proceeding North West, 
 he entered the Grulf of St. Lawrence and 
 passed in sight of an island which he called 
 "Isle des Oiseaux." After cruising about the 
 west coast of Newfoundland, he crossed into a 
 deep inlet which he called ''Bay de Chaleur," 
 on account of the great heat caused by the sum- 
 mer weather when he entered it. After ex- 
 ploring this bay he returned to France, and 
 arrived at St. Malo on the 16th of September. 
 In the following year, owing to his favourable 
 report of the country and climate, Cartier was 
 put in command of three ships of superior 
 size, and well fitted out with necessaries. He 
 embarked on board "La Grrande Hermione," 
 the largest of the three, and set sail on the 
 19th of May. On the 26th of July, the three 
 ships, which had been separated by a storm, 
 met at an appointed rendezvous in the Gulf 
 of St. Lawrence, and proceeded up the river 
 of the same name. On the 1st of August, 
 
HIS SECOND VOYAGE. 3l 
 
 Cartier was driven into a harbour on the north 
 coast, which he called St. Nicholas. He then 
 went on till he came to the Saghixnny, from 
 which he continued his course till his ship, the 
 Hermione, grounded on the shoals in the Lake 
 of St. Peter. 
 
 With two boats he explored the river to the 
 island on which Montreal now stands, which 
 was then inhabited by a Huron tribe who 
 received Cartier with kindness and hospitality. 
 Returning from this island, he came to a river 
 which still bears his name, where he wintered. 
 During the winter his crew suffered much 
 from scurvy, which the natives taught him to 
 cure by means of a decoction prepared from 
 the bark of a kind of fir. Next summer he 
 returned to France, and gave a most favour- 
 able report of the country and its inhabitants.^ 
 In January, 1540, Francois de la Roche, 
 Seiqueur de Roberval, received a patent from 
 Francis I. declaring him Seigneur of Norem- 
 bega (a name by which nearly all North 
 
 1 Maogregor's Hist, of British America. Vol. II. p. 329. 
 
32 DE liA EOCHE. 
 
 America was then designated), Viceroy and 
 Lieutenant-Greneral of Canada, Terre Neuf, 
 Belle Isle, Labrador, &c., with all power and 
 authority possessed by the King in those 
 places. 
 
 It is amusing in this part of European his- 
 tory to see what vast districts the Kings of 
 England, France, and Spain granted to their 
 subjects; territories, the limits of which had 
 never been defined, and of whose existence 
 in many cases doubt might exist ; and yet 
 they were granted in aU formality under the 
 royal hand and seal, to be discovered and 
 conquered by the grantees at their own ex- 
 pense. These grants cost nothing to the 
 grantor but the expense of wax and parch- 
 ment, and brought considerable sums in to 
 the royal exchequer. 
 
 Under the authority of this imposing grant, 
 M. de la Roche sailed to America in the sum- 
 mer of 1 540,^ having under his command five 
 
 1 M. de Eolierval was a ■ native of Pioardy, and was recalled to 
 France by the King, to use his arms and influence in the war then 
 raging in that province. 
 
FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION. 33 
 
 ships, with Jacques Cartier as his Admiral. 
 The voyage to America was accomplished 
 successfully, and a fort was erected on the 
 mainla,nd. The spot^ however, on which it 
 was built proved unfortunate; it was exposed 
 to severe cold and hostile Indians ; so Cartier, 
 who had been left in command, finding the 
 place untenable, and despairing of La Eoche's 
 return, deserted the place, and embarked with 
 all his people, intending to return to France. 
 However, he fell in with M. de la Roche on 
 the banks of Newfoundland, with some ships 
 carrying arms and stores ; so, returning with 
 him he resumed command of the garrison. 
 De la Roche sailed up the St. Lawrence as 
 far as Tadou.sac, but as to the result of 
 his voyage we have no reliable statement. * 
 However, nothing seems to have been done, 
 as some time elapsed before France sent out 
 another expedition. 
 
 1 M. de Roberval and his brother are said to have made another 
 expedition to Canada in 1545. They were called by Francis I. the one 
 "le gendarme d' Annibal," and the other "le petit roi de Vixeneux.'' 
 Both are said to have perished in this last expedition. 
 
 D 
 
34 VOYAGE OF DE LA ROCHE. 
 
 In the year 1598, the Marquis de la Roche 
 left France, by order of Henry IV., to colonize 
 Nova Scotia, carrying with him about 200 
 convicts from the French prisons. He landed 
 at the Isle de Sable, situated about fifty 
 leagues to the S.E. of Cape Breton. This 
 island, which is almost desert, producing 
 nothing fit for food, either animal or vegetable, 
 was foolishly selected by the Marquis as a 
 fit place for a settlement. Here he left forty 
 persons, and sailed to Nova Scotia ; but after 
 cruising about for some time, and meeting 
 with very unfavourable weather, he was com- 
 pelled to return to France. The unfortunate 
 people who were left on the Isle of Sable, 
 were reduced to the extremity of want : with- 
 out food or clothing, with no wood to form 
 any shelter from the extreme cold, they must 
 most inevitably have perished, had not a 
 French ship been wrecked on the island, and 
 a few sheep washed on shore ; with the boards 
 of the wreck they constructed huts to shelter 
 themselves from the cold, but the sheep were 
 
SABLE ISLAND, 35 
 
 soon eaten, and they were compelled to live 
 wholly on fish. They clothed themselves iu 
 the skins of seals, and in this wretched state 
 spent seven years. Fortunately, they had not 
 been altogether forgotten, for King Henry IV. 
 ordered Chetodel, who had been M. de la 
 Roche's pilot, to bring them back to France. 
 When Chetodel arrived at the Island, he 
 found only twelve men alive, with wholn he 
 returned to France; and their squalid and 
 miserable appearance in their sealskin clothes 
 and long beards so moved the King's com- 
 passion that he gave them a general pardon 
 for all their oflPences, and presented each of 
 them with fifty crowns. De la Roche must 
 have been ignorant of the condition of the 
 Isle of Sable, or he never would have attempted 
 to form a settlement there. This dismal place, 
 celebrated only for the number of wrecks 
 which occur on its coasts, is a bare, sandy 
 desert, without tree or shrub of any kind, 
 larger than bilberry bushes, and producing 
 no food, except cranberries, which grow in 
 
36 M. DE CHAUVIN. 
 
 abundance. Continual storms sweep over it, 
 and often the whole face of the country is 
 altered in a single night, by the shifting of 
 the sand hills of which it is composed. Earth- 
 quakes are frequent, altering the coast line, 
 throwing up reefs, and so making navigation 
 still more dangerous in its vicinity. Efforts 
 at cultivation have hitherto failed, though by 
 unceasing care a cabbage has been known to 
 attain maturity. 
 
 In 1600 and 1601, M. de Chauvin made 
 two voyages to Tadousac, and returned to 
 France laden with furs, which he sold at a 
 great profit. When just starting upon another 
 expedition, he suddenly died. But these 
 voyages of M. de Chauvin bore fruit; the 
 large sum of money realized by him and his 
 brother adventurers, stirred up an extraordi- 
 nary spirit of enterprise amongst the French 
 merchants. 
 
 In 1603, M. de Monts, a French Protestant, 
 and a gentleman of a resolute and enterprising 
 spirit, obtained a patent from Henry IV. fo? 
 
M. DE MONTS. 37 
 
 " inhabiting Acadia, Canada, and other places 
 in New France." He was constituted the 
 King's Lieutenant-General "for to represent 
 our person in the countries, territories, coasts, 
 and confines of La Cadia, from the 40 to the 
 46 degree ; " ^ his patent also granted him 
 the exclusive right to traffic in fars, so that 
 a great number of wealthy men were on that 
 account induced to join in the adventure. 
 De Monts soon fitted out and equipped four 
 ships, laden with all necessaries and goods, 
 and in March, 1604, sailed from Havre, De 
 Monts himself having the chief command, 
 accompanied by Champlain, as pilot, and M. 
 Potrincourt and M. Champdore, two personal 
 friends, with several other gentlemen of posi- 
 tion. De Monts, being a Protestant, had ob- 
 tained permission for the free exercise of his 
 religion within his goverraent. On the l5th 
 of May, 1604, he arrived at a harbour 
 on the S.E. of Acadia, known now by the 
 name of Liverpool, where finding a French 
 
 1 Colonial Papers. Vol. I. No. 10. 
 
38 ARRIVES AT ACADIA. 
 
 trader, named Rossignol, trading for furs 
 without a license, he confiscated the vessel 
 and cargo, naming the harbour Port Rossig- 
 nol, as if to compensate the wretched man 
 for the loss of his property. De Monts then 
 sailed westward to Port Mouton (so called 
 from a sheep leaping overboard at that spot), 
 where he landed and formed an encampment, 
 by erecting wigwams after the manner of 
 the Indians. 
 
 The vessels under De Monts having different 
 destinations, the one which carried the prin- 
 cipal supphes for the winter, commanded by 
 M. Morell, and which had been ordered to 
 proceed to Canseau, not having been heard 
 of, De Monts thought it better to stop at 
 Cape Mouton, until the missing vessel should 
 arrive. Here they remained a month, fishing, 
 hunting, and making excursions into the 
 country, but the reduced state of their pro- 
 visions, and the continued absence of Morell, 
 filled them with alarm and anxiety. The 
 missing vessel not only contained food for 
 
EXPLORES THE COUNTRY. 39 
 
 the winter, but also axes and tools for build- 
 ing, so that it would have been impossible 
 either to winter there or to return to France, 
 unless it arrived quickly. However, in a few 
 days after the month, De Monts heard of the 
 safe arrival of Morell at Canseau : it appears 
 that he had been delayed by confiscating four 
 French ships, that he had found trading for 
 furs without a license. De Monts soon after- 
 wards dispatched this ship to Tadousac, after 
 having discharged its cargo : the two other 
 vessels were ordered to cruise along the shore 
 of Cape Breton and Acadia, to prevent un- 
 authorised trading with the natives. From 
 thence De Monts, in his own ship, coasted the 
 peninsula to the south-west, doubled Cape 
 Sable, and anchored in the Bay of St. Mary, 
 where he discovered some iron ore, and also 
 a mineral containing a small proportion of 
 silver. He traversed the Bay of Fundy, and 
 by a narrow strait entered a beautiful and 
 spacious basin, surrounded by liills clothed 
 with luxuriant woods, from wliicli streams of 
 
40 FOUNDS POET ROYAL. 
 
 limpid water descended into the lake. Potrin- 
 court was so charmed with the beauty and 
 fertility of this place, that he requested M. 
 de Monts to make liim a grant of it, and 
 soon afterwards returned to France to bring 
 his family, and settle in this lovely place, 
 which he called Port Royal. 
 
 From this place De Monts sailed further 
 into the Bay of Fundy, and discovered a cop- 
 per mine at a place now called Cape D'Or. 
 He also discovered a great river which the 
 natives called Onangondy, but which he named 
 St. John, as it was discovered on the 24th of 
 June, the festival of St. John the Baptist. 
 They sailed up this river as far as they could, 
 and found its banks clothed with trees, grapes 
 growing wild, its waters filled with fish, and 
 the whole scenery varied and beautiful. From 
 this river they coasted south-westerly, until 
 they came to another river, called St, Croix, 
 on a small island at the entrance to which 
 De Monts commenced forming a settlement 
 by clearing trees, erecting a fort, a church, 
 
ST. CROIX. 41 
 
 and several houses. The place was badly 
 chosen, as it afforded neither fresh water nor 
 food for the winter, and out of the whole 
 seventy-six who composed De Monts' colony 
 thirty-seven died of scurvy brought on by 
 eating salt meat and drinking melted snow. 
 The savages inhabiting the neighbouring is- 
 lands and shores assembled at St. Croix, 
 visited the French in their encampment, and 
 were charmed with their society and manners. 
 Finding St. Croix unhealthy and otherwise 
 unsuited for a permanent settlement, De Monts 
 determined to abandon it in the spring, and 
 with that intent he explored the west side of 
 the island in the hope of finding some place 
 to which he could remove. Disappointed in 
 his search, he determined to sail for New- 
 foundland, and then return to France; but 
 whilst he was making preparations for his 
 voyage, Pontgrave arrived with supplies and 
 a reinforcement of forty men, and at his sugges- 
 tion the whole party moved to Port Eoyal.* 
 
 1 Now called Annapolis. 
 
42 SECOND EXPEDITION OF DE MONTS. 
 
 Here they established themselves ; built a fort 
 and magazine, and having housed all their 
 stores found themselves comfortably settled. 
 As autumn advanced De Monts sailed for 
 France, leaving Pontgrave, Champdore, and 
 Champlain in command of the colony. During 
 the winter the settlement was plentifully sup- 
 plied with venison, but there was a great 
 scarcity of bread. 
 
 De Monts and Potrincourt were in the 
 meanwhUe preparing in France for another 
 expedition. On the 13th of May, 1606, they 
 sailed from Honfleur in a vessel of 150 tons, 
 and after a long voyage arrived at Canseau, 
 whence they despatched a party of Indians to 
 announce their arrival to the settlers at Port 
 Royal. Pontgrave in the meanwhile had 
 attempted to explore the coast south of Cape 
 Cod, but was driven back and shipwrecked 
 near the entrance to Port Royal. In conse- 
 quence of this disaster he built two small 
 vessels, and putting aU he could on board of 
 them, and leaving two volunteers in charge 
 
LESCAKBOT. 43 
 
 of the stores left behind, he proceeded to 
 Canseau, before the arrival of the messengers 
 of De Monts, but returned on meeting with 
 a boat's crew which De Monts had left at 
 that place. 
 
 But with all De Monts' energy, the settle- 
 ment at Port Royal would have been a failure 
 but for the assistance of a French gentleman, 
 named Lescarbot, who from personal attach- 
 ment had accompanied Potrincourt. He 
 showed the urgent necessity of making them- 
 selves independent of the Indians by import- 
 ing and breeding European cattle, and by 
 cultivating the soil. De Monts left Acadia 
 for France in August, 1606. Anxious to 
 re-establish a colony in the South he sent 
 Potrincourt to explore ; but this, like his other 
 voyage, proved unsuccessful, and he returned 
 to Port Royal in November. During this 
 voyage he was attacked by the Indians, who 
 killed two of his men and wounded several 
 others. His return was celebrated with great 
 festivity; he was received with great for- 
 
44 STATE OF THE SETTLEMENT. 
 
 mality by his friends, who united in a pro- 
 cession and escorted him to the fort, reciting 
 verses composed by Lescarbot for the occasion. 
 The houses of Potrincourt and De Monts 
 were hung with laurel and adorned with 
 appropriate mottoes.^ 
 
 The winter, which was mild and pleasant, 
 was spent by the settlers in a happy manner. 
 Their days were passed in hunting and fishing 
 and short excursions into the country. Potrin- 
 court, Lescarbot, Champlain, and twelve others 
 formed themselves into a club, called Le bon 
 temps, in which each member by turns took 
 upon himself the duties of caterer and steward 
 for the day. After dinner they amused them- 
 selves with music and recitations. 
 
 After waiting a long time for the return of 
 De Monts with supplies from France, a vessel 
 at length arrived bringing only a few pro- 
 visions and stores, and conveying the morti- 
 fying news that the charter of De Monts 
 had been cancelled, in consequence of the 
 
 1 Halliburton's Nofa Scotia. Vol. I. p. 25. 
 
M. DE POTEINCOURT. 45 
 
 remonstrances made against it by the French 
 merchants, and that he was therefore tinder 
 the necessity of abandoning all connection 
 with Acadia. Potrincourt, distressed but not 
 disheartened by this intelligence, determined 
 to proceed to France and procure if possible 
 a grant of the colony, assured that with very 
 little assistance it must now succeed. He 
 waited, however, till he could collect together 
 specimens of the native produce, furs, skins, 
 and minerals, together with samples of wheat, 
 rye, and other grain which the colonists had 
 grown, to lay before the French King. By 
 these means he managed to procure a grant 
 of Port Royal, saddled Avith the condition that 
 he should take two Jesuits with him to con- 
 vert the Indians. Potrincourt, who, though 
 a Eoman Catholic, had a great aversion to 
 Jesuits, was disgusted at this arrangement, 
 and plainly told the Jesuits when they arrived 
 at Port Royal that they must not meddle 
 with his affairs, but confine themselves to 
 teaching religion. In fact, he made the place. 
 
46 SETTLEMENT AT MOUNT DESERT. 
 
 SO uncomfortable for them that the two Jesuits 
 made frequent complaints of him and his son, 
 Biencourt. Their troubles were apparently- 
 terminated by the arrival of a vessel des- 
 patched, in 1613, by a lady, named De 
 Gruercheville. This ship, which had on board 
 two priests, carried away the Jesuits from 
 Port Royal, and sailing into the Bay of 
 Fundy they fixed upon the Island of Mount 
 Desert, where they formed a settlement. 
 They were proceeding rapidly with their 
 buildings, when they were surprised by an 
 English ship from Virginia, commanded by 
 Captain ArgoU, who pillaged the place, seized 
 the ships, and compelled them to surrender as 
 prisoners of war, but not before one of the 
 Jesuits had been shot through the head whilst 
 urging the settlers to defend themselves. 
 
 This affair led to the fitting-out of an 
 armament from Virginia under Captain Argoll, 
 to dislodge the French from Acadia. Piloted 
 by the Jesuit Beart, who thirsted for revenge, 
 Argoll appeared before Port Royal, and 
 
CAPTUEE OF PORT ROYAL. 47 
 
 destroyed the fort. Biencourt attempted to 
 treat with him, but the conference ended by 
 some of the French joining the savages, 
 others leaving for Quebec, and by those who 
 surrendered being sent to England. 
 
 This outrageous affair, committed in a time 
 of peace between England and France, 
 destroyed the first settlement made in North 
 America, after it had prospered for eight or 
 nine years. But, though Port Royal had been 
 destroyed, great numbers of French and 
 several Dutch adventurers settled themselves 
 in different parts of Acadia, especially about 
 Canseau, where they carried on a profitable 
 fur trade; and, about the time of Captain 
 David Kirke's first expedition, were in a 
 very flourishing condition. 
 
 In the events which followed. Nova Scotia 
 was so intimately connected with Canada, 
 that it will be as well to trace the history of 
 the latter country down to this period, before 
 considering the effect of Kirke's expedition 
 upon the French settlement. That distin- 
 
48 VOYAGE OF CHAMPLAIN TO CANADA. 
 
 guished navigator Champlain, who had ac- 
 companied M. de la Roche in his expedition 
 up the St. Lawrence, and had afterwards 
 joined the adventurers to Acadia, made, in 
 1608, another voyage up the St. Lawrence, 
 and established himself upon a most command- 
 ing promontory, situated on the north bank of 
 the river, and to which he gave the name of 
 Quebec. Here he left a few settlers, and re- 
 turning next year with Pontgrave to his infant 
 colony, found it in quiet possession, clearing 
 and cultivating the ground with partial success. 
 Champlain explored the Ottawa and other parts 
 of the country before he returned to France, 
 where he succeeded in forming, under the 
 patronage of the Prince de Condfe, a new asso- 
 ciation at Rouen. He returned to Canada in 
 1612, taking with him four Recollects,^ for the 
 purpose of converting the savages. During 
 the next eight years he was engaged in war 
 
 1 The Eecolleots, or RecoUets, were minor Friars of the Reformed 
 Order 6f St.! Francis. This sect, which began in Spain, was introduced 
 intoKaly A.E. 1525, -and. into Frknce a.d. 158i, or 1592.\ Th^y were 
 called Eeoollets . because they, professed to lead a-life,m'ore austere 
 and more reserved than ordinary reUgious profesaora. - 
 
COMPANY or NEW FRANCE. 49 
 
 with the Iroquois, which took all his attention. 
 In 1620 he brought his family to Canada. 
 
 The Due de Ventadour, in 1622, having 
 taken Holy Orders, accepted the office of 
 Viceroy of New France, solely with the view 
 of converting the savages, and for this purpose 
 he sent Jesuits to Canada. This was a great 
 mortification to the Recollects, so that in- 
 cessant bickerings and quarrels arose between 
 them and the Roman Catholics, which came 
 to such a pass as seriously to retard the infant 
 settlement. To put an end to these dis- 
 turbances the Cardinal Richelieu established 
 the Company of New France. This^ Com- 
 pany, consisting of three hundred associates, 
 engaged to send three hundred tradesmen to 
 New France, and to supply all those who 
 settled in the country with lodging, food, and 
 clothing for three years, ^.fter which they 
 would grant to each workman sufficient land 
 to keep him, with seed to cultivate it. The 
 Company also engaged to have six thousand 
 
 1 Maogregor's British America. Vol. 11., p. 336. 
 
 E 
 
50 THEIR CHARTEE. 
 
 French inhabitants settled before 1643, and 
 to establish, three priests in each settlement. 
 The prerogatives which the King reserved 
 for himself were, the supremacy in matters of 
 faith ; homage as sovereign of New France ; 
 with the acknowledgment of a crown of gold, 
 weighing eight marks, on each succession to 
 the throne of France; the nomination of all 
 commanders and officers of forts ; and the 
 appointment of officers of justice, whenever 
 it became necessary to establish courts of law. 
 The Eoyal Charter then granted to the 
 Company of New France, and their successors 
 for ever, in consideration of their engagements 
 to the crown, the fort and settlement of 
 Quebec, all the territory of New France, 
 including Florida, with all the rivers along 
 the course of the great river of Canada, and 
 all other rivers which discharge themselves 
 therein, or which throughout these vast regions 
 empty themselves into the sea, both on the 
 East and West coasts of the Continent, with 
 all the harbours, islands, mines, and rights of 
 fishery. 
 
GREAT EXPECTATIONS. 51 
 
 The Company was further empowered to 
 grant titles of distinction, which, however, 
 required the confirmation of the Sovereign. 
 The exclusive right to traffic in peltries and 
 all other commerce, except the cod and whale 
 fisheries, was granted to them for fifteen 
 years. Two ships of war were given to the 
 Company by the King, on the condition that 
 their value should be refunded if the Company 
 failed to send at least one thousand five 
 hundred French people of both sexes to New 
 France in the first ten years. 
 
 Such were the provisions of this celebrated 
 Charter, which was signed in April, 1627. 
 The most flattering expectations of success 
 were raised ; ships filled with stores sailed 
 from France, numbers of eager emigrants 
 crowded their decks ; priests, fired with reli- 
 gious zeal, hastened to oSev their services to 
 convert the poor heathen from darkness to the 
 light of Roman Catholicism; everything 
 seemed to favour the colony. But all these 
 great expectations were destined to disappoint- 
 
52 DOOMED TO PERISH. 
 
 ment. A small squadron of ships was being 
 fitted out in England, under tlie command of 
 Captain David Kirke, which was destined to 
 delay considerably, it might have been for 
 ever, the establishment of a prosperous French 
 colony on the shores of the St. Lawrence. 
 
53 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Birth and Education of Sir William Alexander— Obtains a Grant of 
 Nova Scotia from James I. —First English Colony in Nova Scotia — 
 War between England and France declared — Renewal of Sir William 
 Alexander's Patent by Charles I. — The Order of Nova Scotian Baronets 
 Pounded — Sir William joins the Canada Company — Second Expedition 
 fitted out under the command of David Kirke, which arrives in safety 
 at Newfoundland — Sails up the St. Lawrence to Tadousac — Returns 
 to Gasp^ —Meets the French Squadron, which Captain Kirke Defeats 
 and Captures — Reduction of Port Royal and other French Settlements 
 — Excitement in France — Kirke Returns to England — Third Expedi- 
 tion to Canada, &c., under Captain Kirke- -Arrives at Gaspfe — Sails up 
 the St. Lawrence — Defeat of M. de Caen — Kirke appears before Quebec 
 — Champlain's Distress — Surrender of Quebec — Return of David 
 Kirke to England— Peace of Versailles — Surrender of Canada and 
 Acadia to the French — Petition to the Eling — Honorary Grant of Arms 
 to David Kirke and Ms Brothers — Knighthood of David Kirke — His 
 Marriage. 
 
 In the year 1621, Sir William Alexander, of 
 Menstrie, who was a great favourite with 
 James I., applied to him for a grant of 
 Acadia. Sir William was a younger son of 
 
54 SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 
 
 Alexander Alexander, of Menstrie, and was 
 born in the year 1580. Having received a 
 liberal education he was selected as travelling 
 companion to the Duke of Argyll. On his 
 return from the continent he lived for some 
 time a retired life in Scotland, and published 
 his "Aurora," a poetical complaint upon his 
 unsuccessful addresses to a lady, who, declin- 
 ing the honour of his hand, had, as he expressed 
 it, "matched her morning to one in the even- 
 ing of his days." Not long after this he 
 married Janet, daughter and heiress of Sir 
 William Erskine, and removed to the court 
 of James VI., when he published a tragedy 
 on the story of Darius, and two poems, one 
 congratulating his Majesty on his entry into 
 England, the other on the inundation at Dover, 
 where the King used to amuse himself with 
 hawking. In 1607, his dramas, entitled "The 
 Monarchial Tragedies," were published, con- 
 taining Darius Croesus, the Alexandraean, and 
 Julius Csesar ; he was also the author of a 
 poem called " Doomesday," and several other 
 
HIS TITLES, 55 
 
 pieces, and it is said his Majesty used to call 
 him his philosophical poet. In 1613 he was 
 appointed one of the gentlemen ushers to 
 Prince Charles, and master of the requests, 
 and received the honour of knighthood. In 
 1621, he received the grant of Nova Scotia 
 as mentioned above. He had charters of the 
 Lordship of Canada in 1628, of the Barony of 
 Menstrie in the same year ; Barony of Largis, 
 11th April, 1629; Barony of Tullibody on 30th 
 of July in the same year. Sworn of the Privy 
 Council and Secretary of State, in 1626 ; 
 Keeper of the Signet, 1627; Commissioner of 
 the Exchequer, 1628; one of the extraordinary 
 Lords of Session, 1631. Created Lord Alex- 
 ander of Tullibody, Viscount Stirling, by 
 patent, 4th September, 1630, and Earl of 
 Stirling, Viscount Canada and Lord Alexander, 
 by patent, 14th of June, 1633. In 1637, he 
 was made Earl of Doban. Such was the man 
 who applied, in 1621, to James I. for a grant 
 of Nova Scotia, then called Acadia; and as 
 but little trouble was wanted at that time to 
 
56 SENDS A COLONY TO NOVA SCOTIA. 
 
 obtain a grant of a whole proyince in America, 
 he was gratified by a grant of the whole of 
 Acadia, which was named in the patent^ Nova 
 Scotia. In the year after his grant in 1623, 
 Sir William despatched a number of emigrants 
 to take possession of the country, but they 
 got no further than Newfoundland before the 
 cold weather set in, which obliged them to 
 pass the winter there. In the following spring 
 they set out for Nova Scotia, and coasted 
 along the South shore. Here they discovered 
 that in the interval between the destruction 
 of the colony by ArgoU and the grant to Sir 
 William, the country had been occupied not 
 only by the survivors of the former emigrants, 
 but also by adventurers from all parts, who 
 had increased to formidable numbers. Under 
 these circumstances they thought it prudent 
 to return to England, where, on their arrival, 
 they published an account of the country, in 
 which they boasted of fertile plains, rivers 
 embosomed in trees and stocked with fish, 
 
 1 Colonial Papers. Vol. IV., No. 23. 
 
WAR WITH FRANCE. 57 
 
 safe harbours, and a country abounding with 
 game of all kinds. Though these adventurers 
 published an account of a country which they 
 had never seen — not an uncommon thing at 
 the time in which they lived — they seem, 
 singularly enough, to have given a very fair 
 description of Nova Scotia, which then as 
 now was as amply supplied with all neces- 
 saries as they described it to be. 
 
 War breaking out between England and 
 France at this time, an opportunity was offered 
 for crushing the infant settlements of France 
 in Nova Scotia and Canada. Charles I., 
 warmly patronizing Sir William Alexander, 
 renewed the grant of his father by a patent 
 dated 12th of July, 1624. He also founded 
 the order of Knights Baronet of Nova Scotia, 
 who were to contribute their aid to the settle- 
 ment, upon the consideration of each having 
 alloted to him a liberal portion of land. 
 However venerable the order of English 
 Baronets may have become, it cannot be 
 denied that its creation brought little honour 
 
58 NOVA SCOTIAN BAEONETS. 
 
 either to its founder or to the first possessors 
 of the dignity. Still less can the Baronets of 
 Nova Scotia look back with pleasure to their 
 first creation, however mysterious that event 
 may seem through lapse of time, and the 
 strange eccentricity that appears to have 
 governed their selection. James I. created 
 any gentleman an English Baronet who would 
 maintain thirty foot soldiers in Ireland for 
 three years at eightpence a day each; but if 
 any gentleman would take a voyage to Nova 
 Scotia, he received a grant of land six miles 
 in length by three in breadth, and was made 
 a Baronet of Nova Scotia into the bargain.^ 
 Strange as it may seem, but few responded 
 to this invitation, so further inducements were 
 held out. Not only should any gentleman 
 settling in Nova Scotia be made a Baronet, 
 but he and his heirs male should enjoy the 
 privilege of wearing and *' carrying about 
 their necks an orange tawny silk ribbon, 
 whereon shall hang pendant in an escutcheon 
 
 1 Banks' Baronia Anglioa Conoentrata. Appendix. 
 
CLAUDE DE ST. ETIENNE. 59 
 
 argent^ a saltire azure^ thereon an escutcheon 
 of the arms of Scotland, with an imperial 
 crown aboTG the escutcheon, and encircled 
 with the motto 'Fax meritis honestse gloria.'" 
 In a second grant to Sir William Alexander, 
 power was given to him to make Baronets; 
 and his first exercise of this power was in 
 making a Baronet of Claude de St. Etienne, 
 alias Claude de la Tour, a French adventurer, 
 equally devoid of religion and honesty, a 
 Huguenot and a Protestant under the British 
 Monarch, a Catholic under Louis XIV., at all 
 times an active, enterprising, treacherous, and 
 unscrupulous man, who made religion a stalk- 
 ing horse to gain the object of his ambition. 
 As Nova Scotia was ceded to the French 
 in 1632, the Baronets of that country found 
 themselves in possession of an empty title 
 and a tawny orange ribbon. Their order 
 came to an untimely end, but Charles II. 
 having created some Baronets of Scotland, 
 the new and the old Scotia amalgamated, and 
 the titled of either country considered those 
 
60 FIRST EXPEDITION. 
 
 of the other as belonging to the same order. 
 A meeting of the amalgamated Baronets was 
 held in Edinburgh in 1774, when it was 
 determined to assert their right to wear the 
 orange tawny ribbon with its accessories. 
 Determinations to this effect were presented 
 to the King through the Earl of Suffolk, but 
 His Majesty" took no notice of the declaration ; 
 and although certain Scotchmen appeared at 
 court on St. Andrew's Day wearing the orange 
 ribbon, they seem soon to have abandoned 
 the custom, no doubt finding the colour some- 
 what trying to their complexions. 
 
 Backed up by the court and with visions of 
 wealth and grandeur floating before his eyes. 
 Sir WiUiam Alexander fitted out a small but 
 well-appointed armament in 1627. His eager- 
 ness in this expedition excited the mirth of 
 Buckingham and the other courtiers. "James," 
 they said, " was a King who tried to be a 
 poet, and Alexander a poet who wished to 
 be a King." He was assisted by several 
 eminent merchants of London — chief amongst 
 
TO CANADA. 61 
 
 whom was Gervase Kirke — who considered 
 the project a good one, and were willing to 
 embark a large sum of money in the en- 
 terprise. 
 
 In the spring of 1627/ the small fleet, con- 
 sisting of three ships, set sail from England. 
 The whole was under the command of Cap- 
 tain David Kirke, who sailed in the largest 
 ship, a vessel of about 300 tons, whilst the 
 other two were under the command of his 
 brothers, Lewis and Thomas, respectively. 
 They had obtained letters of marque from 
 the King, under the broad seal, giving them 
 authority to capture and destroy any French 
 ships which they might encounter, and utterly 
 to drive away and root out the French settle- 
 ments in Nova Scotia and Canada. 
 
 After a favourable voyage across the Atlan- 
 tic, Kirke arrived in safety at Newfoundland, 
 where he resolved to wait for a short time, 
 until he should receive information about the 
 French. Before leaving England he had 
 
 1 HaJliburton'a Nova Scotia. Vol. I., p. 43. 
 
62 THE FRENCH COLONISTS SET SAIL. 
 
 heard rumours of a great armament fitting 
 out in France to establish the New Company 
 in Canada, and he was anxious to ascertain 
 the number and size of the ships which com- 
 posed the squadron daily expected ofi" the 
 coast of Nova Scotia. 
 
 In the meanwhile, great eagerness had been 
 shown in France to furnish supplies and am- 
 munition to their colony at Quebec. Twenty 
 vessels were laden with stores, food, building 
 implements, guns, and ammunition; nearly 
 150 pieces of ordnance were stowed away in 
 the different holds to be mounted upon the 
 walls of Quebec and other forts; the decks 
 were crowded with emigrants, male and 
 female; priests were there, burning with re- 
 ligious zeal; and everything looked hopeful 
 for their success. The whole fleet was put 
 under the command of M. de Roquemont, a 
 French Admiral; and full of hope and ex- 
 pectation they set sail from France in the 
 month of April, 1637. 
 
 Whilst they were' on their way across the 
 
MEET CAPTAIN KIRKE. 63 
 
 Atlantic, Captain Kirke, tired of waiting, 
 sailed from Newfoundland, and visiting the 
 French settlements in the neighbourhood of 
 Cape Tourmente, destroyed all the houses 
 and forts which had been erected there. He 
 then sailed up the St. Lawrence as far as 
 Tadousac, but hearing at that place that M. 
 de Roquemont had not arrived but was daily 
 expected, he turned back and sailed down the 
 river, hoping to fall in with ~ the squadron. 
 He was not disappointed, for upon doubling 
 Gaspfe point he saw the whole French squadron, 
 which had taken refuge in the bay from a 
 violent storm. It was a critical moment for 
 both commanders. On the one hand M. de 
 Roquemont, though far superior in number 
 of ships and men, was well aware that he 
 was in no condition to fight; his ships were 
 laden heavily with stores, and though he had 
 150 cannon on board, they were lying in the 
 different holds and were of no use, whilst the 
 number he had for service were very few and 
 of small calibre. His ships were deep in the 
 
64 PREPARE TO FIGHT. 
 
 water and rather unmanageable; his decks 
 were crowded with priests and non-combatants 
 besides women and children, who, in case of 
 a fight, would be exposed to terrible danger. 
 On the other hand the enemy had only three 
 ships; for all he knew they were as much 
 encumbered with stores and emigrants as he 
 was, and it was a hard case to give up the 
 cause of the colony almost within sight of 
 their destination without firing a shot or strik- 
 ing a blow for its sake. So he resolved to 
 fight. Captain Kirke on his side, though well 
 aware how unprepared De Roquemont was 
 for a combat, hesitated to attack so formidable 
 a force with his own three ships ; but though 
 few in number, they were armed to the teeth, 
 equipped not for commerce, but for hard 
 fighting, and the prize was too great to be 
 allowed to slip through their fingers without 
 a struggle. But first, to spare bloodshed, he 
 sent a polite message to M. de Roquemont 
 informing him of his commission from the 
 King of England and summoning him to 
 
DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH. 65 
 
 surrender. De Eoquemont returned a spirited 
 refusal; upon receiving which David Kirke 
 and his two brothers bore down upon the 
 French squadron. David Kirke, sailing under 
 the stern of the French Admiral's ship, de- 
 livered a broadside, then rounding too, threw 
 out grappling irons and boarded: the resist- 
 ance was trifling, and in a few minutes Kirke 
 was master of the ship. His brothers at the 
 same time captured two other ships, and the 
 rest, being mostly sloops filled with guns and 
 stores, seeing that their Admiral was captured, 
 surrendered at discretion. His prizes were so 
 numerous that his very success placed Captain 
 Kirke in a difficulty. He counted eighteen 
 sail aU filled with stores and implements, and 
 no less than 138 pieces of cannon. So having 
 rifled ten of the smaller ships he set them on 
 fire, and filling the remainder with the most 
 valuable stores sent them to Newfoundland. 
 He himself, with his brothers, after reducing 
 Port Royal and other French stations on the 
 north coast of Nova Scotia, returned to Eng- 
 
 r 
 
66 EXCITEMENT IN PAEIS. 
 
 land, having on board M. de Roquemont, 
 M. de la Tour, and other Frenchmen of dis- 
 tinction; and in their holds the 138 cannon 
 which they had taken from the French.^ 
 When the news of this disaster reached M. 
 Champlain at Quebec, he was in despair. 
 Almost without provisions, hemmed in by 
 the Iroquois on every side, the wretched 
 colonists were reduced to the verge of destruc- 
 tion: all their hopes had been centred upon 
 the arrival of the squadron from France, and 
 now they were doomed to disappointment. 
 Great was the fury of the French King and 
 Council when the news of this disaster arrived 
 in Paris ; the merchants who had become 
 associates in the New Company were clamorous 
 for revenge; and in a solemn Council, held by 
 the King, Captain David Kirke and his 
 brothers were declared public enemies, and 
 were condemned to be burnt ^ in effigy. On 
 
 1 Colonial Papers ; Vol. V., No. 34, 35, and 36. Domestic Corres- 
 pondence ; Car. I., Deo. 1, 1863. Appendix A, Macgregor's British 
 America ; Vol. II., p. 338. 
 
 2 Col. Papers ; Vol. V., No. 37, 49 j Vol. VI., 12, 
 
ENGLISH AND FRENCH EIVALET. 67 
 
 the same day, amidst the tolling of bells, 
 three stuffed figures, representing David, 
 Lewis, and Thomas Kirke, were carried in 
 procession through the streets of Paris, and 
 then burnt to ashes in the Place de Grreve 
 amidst the yells of an exulting populace. 
 
 Such was the commencement of the struggle 
 between England and France for supremacy 
 in North America,' a struggle extended over 
 more than a hundred years. A lasting peace 
 had been proclaimed between England and 
 Spain ; English pirates were no longer abetted 
 by their government in attacks upon Spanish 
 commerce ; English adventurers must have 
 perished for sheer want of adventure, had not 
 North America afforded a vast field for their 
 energies in its boundless expanse of sea and 
 land. But their new explorations brought 
 them face to face with their old enemies, 
 ready to maintain by force of arms what they 
 had already acquired, and eager to try whether 
 the victors of Cressy and Agincourt were as 
 invincible in the New "World as in the Old. 
 
68 ANOTHER EXPEDITION. 
 
 We have seen the result of the first struggle. 
 Nova Scotia and Cape Breton were added to 
 the possessions of the English Crown; Ger- 
 vase Kirke and his fellow adventurers were 
 enriched by the spoils taken in the ships, and 
 by the ransom of the prisoners ; and both 
 parties were inflamed, the one by success, the 
 other by revenge, to make still greater efforts 
 for the possession of the North American 
 Colonies. 
 
 Whilst the Paris populace were shouting 
 and gesticulating. Captain Kirke was fitting 
 out, at the expense of his father, Gervase, 
 and Sir William Alexander, another fleet of 
 ships, more numerous and better equipped 
 than the last, intending this time to make a 
 clean sweep of the French settlements. En- 
 riched by the spoil they had taken fi:om the 
 French and the ransom of their prisoners, the 
 Canada merchants were determined to spare 
 no expense to render their new fleet as com- 
 pletely equipped as possible. Some time 
 elapsed in preparations, and it was not till 
 
DEFEAT OF M. DE CAEN. 69 
 
 the middle of March, 1629, that the fleet was 
 ready for sea. It consisted of the "Abigail," 
 Captain David Kirke, 300 tons; the "William," 
 Captain Lewis Kirke, 200 tons; the "George," 
 Captain Thomas Kirke, 200 tons, the " Ger- 
 vase," Captain Brewerton, 200 tons; besides 
 two other ships and three pinnaces all well 
 manned and armed, and furnished with letters 
 of marque under the broad seal of England. 
 With these good ships Captain Kirke left 
 Gravesend on the 25th of March, and after 
 a prosperous voyage arrived at Great Caspfe 
 on the 15th of June. Here he divided his 
 force, ordering his brothers to visit the Nova 
 Scotian settlements and afterwards to meet 
 him at Tadousac. He himself in the "Abi- 
 gail," accompanied by another ship, sailed up 
 the St. Lawrence to Tadousac, intending to 
 make that place his head-quarters and place 
 of rendezvous in his subsequent operations. 
 Whilst sailing up the St. Lawrence he was 
 attacked by a French ship under the command 
 of Emery de Caen, son of William de Caen, 
 
TO BEFOEE QUEBEC. 
 
 Lord of La Motte and General of the French 
 troops in Canada. A. running fight was kept 
 up by the " Abigail " and the French ship for 
 several hours, at the end of which time De 
 Caen, losing one of his masts, was disabled 
 and obliged to surrender. In this action 
 Captain Kirke lost three men killed, and 
 about twenty severely wounded; the French 
 loss was somewhat greater.-' Having secured 
 his prisoners and burnt the enemy's ship, 
 Captain Kirke sailed to Tadousac, and there 
 awaited the remainder of his fleet. Tadousac 
 harbour lies at the mouth of the Saghunny, 
 it is well sheltered, sufficiently deep, and 
 affords excellent anchorage, so it was well 
 suited for the English fleet to lie there. He 
 did not wait long; in a few days he was 
 joined by his brothers, when, leaving the 
 greater part of his fleet at Tadousac, he him- 
 self, with the "George" and the " Gervase," 
 sailed up the St. Lawrence, and appeared 
 before Quebec on the 9th of July. 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. VI., No. 15. 
 
DISTRESS OF CHAMPLAIN. 71 
 
 The capture of the stores intended for 
 Quebec had reduced M. Champlain and his 
 colony to the utmost distress. The prosperity 
 of New France was not only retarded, but 
 even the powerful mind of Champlain, so 
 fertile in expedients on occasions of difficulty, 
 was quite paralyzed by unfortunate circum- 
 stances and continual mortifications. The 
 hostility of the savages was not the least of 
 the evils that perplexed him; and the Iro- 
 quois soon perceived the advantages which 
 the continued jealousies and quarrels between 
 the Catholics and Huguenots enabled them to 
 obtain over men whom they considered un- 
 warranted occupiers of their country. Ow- 
 ing to their hostility, and the impossibility of 
 communicating with France, Champlain was 
 reduced to the utmost extremity, by the want 
 of every article of food, clothing, implements, 
 and ammunition ; so that when Captain Kirke 
 appeared before Quebec, the place, despite its 
 impregnable position, was so badly victualled 
 as to be unable to endure a siege of many 
 
72 HIS SURRENDER. 
 
 days duration. If it had been well Arictualled 
 and supplied with ammunition, Captain Kirke 
 would have found it impossible, even with a 
 much stronger force than that under his com- 
 mand, to subdue it. It was to the immortal 
 credit of Champlain to have selected such a 
 place for his settlement. Situated upon the 
 summit of an abrupt cliff three hundred and 
 fifty feet ' high, whose base is washed by a 
 deep and rapid river, Quebec is almost un- 
 rivalled for the strength and beauty of its 
 position. But little good was this impregna- 
 ble position to its commander, when, after a 
 few days' bombardment, he found his food 
 exhausted, his ammunition running low, his 
 men dying of disease and hunger, and no 
 prospect of relief fi:om any quarter. Under 
 these circumstances, having done all that a 
 brave man could do, M. Champlain sent in 
 his submission and offered to surrender upon 
 the following terms : 
 
 1. That Captain Kirke should show his 
 commission from the English King. 
 
TEEMS PROPOSED. 73 
 
 2. That Captain Kirke may come and east 
 
 anchor before Quebec for the safety of 
 his ships, but he shall not quit any of 
 them to set foot on shore before he has 
 shewn his authority. 
 
 3. To be allowed a ship to take all their 
 
 company to France ; Friars, Jesuits, 
 and two savages, also their weapons, 
 baggage, &c. 
 
 4. To have sufficient victuals in exchange 
 
 for skins. 
 
 5. Favourable treatment for all. 
 
 6. To have possession of the ship three 
 
 days after their arrival at Tadousac. 
 The ship to carry about a hundred 
 persons, some of those already cap- 
 tured, and some that are in this place. 
 
 These terms were submitted to Captain 
 Kirke, and with some little alteration agreed 
 to by him, and the following agreement was 
 drawn up : ^ 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. V., Nos. 16, 20, S3, 34. 
 
74 ARTICLES OF AGEEEMENT. 
 
 "Articles granted to the Sieurs Champlain 
 and De Pont by Thomas Kirke^ and ratified 
 by David Kirke. Thomas has not the King's 
 Commission ; but his brother, David, will show 
 it to them at Tadousac. He has full powers 
 to treat. Cannot give them a vessel, but 
 guarantees a passage for the savages. They 
 will be allowed to go out with their arms, 
 clothes, baggage, and skins ; the soldiers with 
 their clothes and a beaver coat each. Skins 
 will be exchanged for victuals. These articles 
 will be ratified by David Kirke, the General 
 of the Fleet." 
 
 Upon these terms M. Champlain surren- 
 dered Quebec to the English on the 9th of 
 August, 1629. Captain Kirke treated his 
 prisoners with such kindness that many of 
 the poor Frenchmen and half castes chose to 
 stay under his command at Quebec rather 
 than undergo the horrors of an Atlantic pas- 
 sage. To prove to what straits they had been 
 reduced in Quebec, the English only found 
 one tub filled with roots (perhaps potatoes), 
 
STATE OF QUEBEC. 75 
 
 and no other provisions. As to the armament 
 of the Fort at the time of its capture the 
 following deposition of Champlain gives the 
 fullest information. 
 
 "9th November, 1629. 
 
 "Samuel Champlain, of Bromage, in Guienne, 
 in the Kingdom of France, Gentleman, and 
 late Lieutenant-Governor of the Fort of St. 
 Louis, at Quebec, sworne before the Right 
 Worshipfal Sir Henry Martin, Knight, Judge 
 of the High Court of Admiralty, as foUoweth : 
 
 " That he and the rest of the French taken 
 at Canada, by Captain Kirke and his com- 
 pany, have been well used and treated by him 
 and his company, and since they were taken 
 by them giving them victuals and using them 
 as himselfe, and they have been noe ways 
 dealt with to depose an untruth for ought he 
 knoweth. That he was in the fort when 
 Captain Kirke and his company tooke the 
 same, and there were there in that forte and 
 habitation thereof, four brasse pieces each 
 weighing about 150 lbs. weight, one other 
 
76 ARMAMENT. 
 
 piece of brasse ordinance weighing eighty lbs. 
 weight, five iron boxes of shott for the five 
 brasse peeces of ordinance, two small iron 
 peeces of ordinance weighing each eight cwt,, 
 six murderers with their double boxes or 
 chargers, one small peece of ordinance 
 weighing about eighty lbs., forty-five small 
 iron bullets for the service of the foresaid, five 
 brasse peeces, six iron bullets for the service 
 of the foresaid, twenty-six brasse peeces weigh- 
 ing only three lbs. each, thirty or forty lbs. 
 of gunpowder all belonging to M. de Caen, 
 of Dieppe ; about thirty lbs. of match belong- 
 ing to the French King; thirteen whole and 
 one broken muskett, a harquebush, two large 
 harquebusses five or six foote longe, a peece 
 belonging to the Kinge, five or six thousand 
 leaden buUetts, plate and bars of lead belong- 
 ing, sixty corseletts whereof two are compleat 
 and pistol! proof, two great brasse peeces 
 weighing eighty lbs., one pavilion to lodge 
 about twenty men belonging to the Kinge, a 
 smith's fordge with appurtenances, all neces- 
 
WANT OF FOOD. 77 
 
 saries for a carpenter, all appurtenances of 
 ironworke for a windmill, a handmill to grind 
 come, a brasse bell belonging to the said 
 merchants, and about 2,500 or 3,000 beaver 
 skins in the magazines, and some cases of 
 kniyes, and the forte belonging to the Kinge, 
 and the habitations and houses then belong- 
 inge to the said merchants were aU left stand- 
 ing, and the inhabitants in these houses had 
 some goods of their owne in them, but what 
 they were he cannot expresse. 
 
 " That there were not ane victualls or or- 
 dinarie sustenance for men in the said forte at 
 the time of taking it, the men in the same 
 having lived by the space of two months 
 before upon nothing but rootes." 
 
 It was no wonder that Champlain surren- 
 dered. What could be expected from men 
 who had been living for some time like swine 
 upon roots? Cannon and ammunition they 
 seem to have had in abundance, not to mention 
 the murderers, which sound alarming, but it 
 is hard work fighting upon a few roots per 
 diem. 
 
78 HUMANITY OF DAVID KIEKE. 
 
 Thus at the end of two years from the 
 grant of his commission by the King, Cap- 
 tain Kirke had destroyed all the French 
 settlements in Canada and Nora Scotia, and 
 annexed the whole of those vast territories to 
 the crown of Great Britain. 
 
 To the unfortunate men his prisoners, 
 Kirke behaved with the greatest humanity 
 and kindness. Those of them who wished 
 to stay in Canada he took under his protec- 
 tion, fed and clothed them; for the rest, who 
 wished to return to Europe, he provided a 
 ship of 250 tons — although it had been ex- 
 pressly agreed when Quebec surrendered that 
 he should not provide any ship — and manning 
 ^ this ship with seventy of his own sailors, he 
 conveyed more than a hundred of them to 
 England, providing them with clothes, and 
 feeding them for seven months. So well were 
 General de Caen and Champlain treated that 
 they began to fear they were running up too 
 large a bill, and actually refused some of the 
 ^ rich food that was provided for them.^ The 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. V., No». 33, 34. 
 
STATEMENT OP M. DE CAEN. 79 
 
 account of their treatment cannot be better 
 shewn than by quoting De Caen's own state- 
 ment before the Judge of the Admiralty Court. 
 
 " The Greneral of the French, taken by 
 Captain Kirke, in Canada, doth acknowledge 
 all good usage in respect of diett and lodging. 
 
 "His grievances are — 
 
 "1. That friends and assistants have not 
 free accesse to him. 
 
 "2. That he is upon a diett where he hath 
 much more than he desires, without any 
 agreement what he must pay for it, which 
 makes him afraid that if he should long con- 
 tinue as he doth he should not be able to 
 give satisfaction for it ; whereupon being asked 
 whie he did not take his diett with the 
 Maister of the house, who had divers times 
 invited him, offering him the freedom of his 
 house and garden, he answered that he loved 
 his private. And being further demanded 
 whie he did not expresse himselfe in that 
 point of his diett, the charge whereof he 
 feared, he answered that he tooke what they 
 
80 HIS GRIEVANCES. 
 
 brought him. And being againe demanded 
 whether he had not cleane linnen as was fitt, 
 or that any that would have brought him 
 cleane linnen had been refused to come to 
 him, he answered that he had bis linnen 
 washed in the house, but in support of the 
 charge he desired to have a laundresse of his 
 own, whereupon asking of the Maister of the 
 house whie he did refuse it, he said that his 
 house had been much troubled with two 
 women that came thither, and having some 
 suspicion of them he refused them entrance. 
 "3. The third grievance is that he is de- 
 tayned for a ransom that neither ought to 
 be demanded nor is he able to pay, for he 
 holds himselfe to be noe lawful prisoner of 
 warre, not having beene taken in warre, but 
 upon a plantation; and he insists much upon 
 this, that all prisoners taken on both sides 
 since the warre between the Crownes have 
 been freely delivered, not only those that 
 have been taken by the King's armies and 
 fleets, but such as have been taken upon 
 
HIS RANSOM. 81 
 
 letters of marque, whereof he gives instance 
 in some taken in Newfoundland, and insists 
 upon the freedom that Captain Kirke gave 
 to all the rest that were under his command. 
 And for his ransome he professes his whole 
 estate in France is not worth about £700 
 sterling, and wisheth for their satisfaction 
 they would send over some man to search 
 the notary's books, and the contract of mar- 
 riage with his wife, or any other waie that 
 may discover his estate; and should they 
 keep him ten yeares, and ten yeares he was 
 altogether unable to pay a ransome, and 
 wished that noe man would judge of his 
 estate by his ellingant clothes." 
 
 The grievances of the French General do 
 not seem to be of a very substantial character. 
 He seems to have been treated like a gentle- 
 man; and although his host may have been 
 rather brutal about the laundress, no doubt 
 he was quite right in keeping up the respecta- 
 bility of his house. The other French pri- 
 soners all bore willing testimony to the kind 
 
 G 
 
82 LEWIS KIEKE. 
 
 treatment they had received. Nicholas Blun- 
 dell, of Dieppe, in his examination, asserts — 
 " That he and all the rest of the French 
 taken by Captain Kirke, at Canada, have 
 been well used, and intreated by liim in the 
 best manner that he could, and as well as 
 himselfe." 
 
 Quebec, and the other forts in Canada and 
 Nova Scotia, had been left under the com- 
 mand of Lewis Kirke,^ David Kirke having 
 returned to England with his prisoners, several 
 thousand beaver skins, and other stores which 
 he had captured. When he arrived in Eng- 
 land, to his great consternation he discovered 
 that his last expedition would prove of little 
 benefit either to himself or his associates. 
 About a month after his departure from Eng- 
 land upon his cruize, peace had been declared 
 between France and England, and now as soon 
 as the news of the capture of Quebec reached 
 Paris, the French Government immediately 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. VI., No. 23, in which is given a curious letter in 
 French, from Captain Lewis Kirke, to Emery de Caen, written in most 
 complimentary terms. 
 
CONDUCT OF CHARLES I. 
 
 83 
 
 demanded the restitution of all forts captured 
 by the English since the 24th of April, 1629, 
 and, worse than all, Charles I. had passed his 
 royal word to give them up.^ It is impossible 
 to divine the motives which influenced the 
 King to make such a promise: it may have 
 been that he was as yet totally ignorant of 
 the value of his conquest, and was only 
 anxious to secure the four hundred thousand 
 crowns, part of Henrietta Maria's dowry, 
 which the French King threatened to with- 
 hold unless the American forts were restored. 
 But he could not have ignored the fact that 
 he was inflicting a most grievous injury upon 
 the Canada merchants, who, at a cost of 
 £60,000, had fitted out a fleet, and that their 
 only chance of remuneration was in keeping 
 the settlements which they had conquered. 
 
 1 French Correspondence. Memorial of the French Ambassador to 
 King Charles. Col. Papers : Vol. V., No. 51. See also letters of Sir 
 Isaac Wake, on March 22, April 1, 1632, in French Correspondence, 
 where a great deal of correspondence between the English Ambassador 
 in France and the Home Government, concerning Canada, will be 
 found. 
 
84 FEENCH DEMANDS. 
 
 It is impossible, too, to deprecate too 
 strongly this determination of tlie King's to 
 surrender colonies, which, more than a cen- 
 tury afterwards, England had again to con- 
 quer at an immense expense both of money 
 and bloodshed. However, Charles had given 
 his word that everything was to be restored 
 to its original state; and those that know his 
 firmness, may I say obstinacy, of disposition, 
 will have little doubt that he kept his word. 
 Memorial after memorial was sent in by the 
 French ambassador to King Charles I., for 
 restitution of all places taken by the English 
 in Canada since the treaty of Susa, particu- 
 larly the fortress and settlement of Quebec, 
 possessed by Captain Kirke, and those of 
 Cape Breton and Port Royal, possessed by 
 Sir William Alexander : secondly, for per- 
 mission to seize furs and other merchandize 
 brought in two vessels by the Kirkes from 
 Canada. King Charles hastens to fulfill all 
 their wishes. A commission is issued to Sir 
 Humfrey May, Sir John Coke, Sir Julius 
 
SEARCH WARRANTS ISSUED. 85' 
 
 Caesar, and Sir Henry Marten, " to discover 
 what goods, merchantdise and other things 
 have been taken by Captain David Kirke from 
 the French, from the fort of Quebec, the 
 College of Jesuits, and a French vessel.^ Not 
 content with this, a warrant is issued to search 
 the warehouse of the Canada merchants, and 
 deliver all the beaver skins to M. de Caen.^ 
 In vain Kirke petitions the King, telling him 
 that out of the seven thousand skins which 
 he brought home only thirteen hundred were 
 taken from Quebec, the rest were obtained 
 by trading with the Indians ; that the French 
 had consumed in victuals much more than 
 the value of thirteen hundred skins, in proof 
 of which he sent in an account of debts be- 
 tween himself and De Caen. But all to no 
 purpose ; Kirke and De Caen were summoned 
 before the Lord Mayor, and Kirke was or- 
 dered to deliver up the key of the warehouse 
 where the skins were kept. This he refuses 
 
 1 March 5th, 1630. 
 2 Order of Privy Council, April 9th, 1630. 
 
"86 SEIZURE OF BEAVER SKINS. 
 
 to do ; a warrant is then issued to the Lord 
 Mayor ^ and Sherififs, authorizing, them to 
 break down the door, which they do, and 
 seize the skins ; Kirke and his party, with the 
 assistance of one Fitz, a merchant, again 
 break open the door and carry off the skins. 
 A warrant is issued for the apprehension of 
 Fitz, who is brought before the Star Cham- 
 ber, for "great contempt and affront of all 
 authority and justice," and he is sentenced to 
 remain in the Fleet, and not to be suffered to 
 go abroad. This brings Fitz and his friends 
 to their senses, so the beaver skins are restored 
 and Fitz is set at liberty.^ 
 
 But though the beaver skins were lost, 
 Captain Kirke determined to make one more 
 effort to save Quebec. After capturing that 
 place, he had been so struck by the settle- 
 ment — its impregnable heights, excellent har- 
 bours, and central position — ^that he was loth 
 
 1 James Campbell was Lord Mayor this year. Col. Papers : Vol. V., 
 No. 81. 
 
 2 Order of the Privy Council, June 16, 1630. Colonial Correspond- 
 ence, 1630. Appeadix 2. 
 
KIEKE PETITIONS THE KING. 87 
 
 to hand it over to the enemy. He knew that, 
 well victualled and supplied with ammunition, 
 the fortress would withstand the attack of an 
 army, so he presented an humble petition to 
 the King, pointing out the strength of the 
 place, its beauty, the cost to himself and his 
 fellow-adventurers in acquiring it, and how 
 he would guarantee to hold it against an 
 army of Frenchmen ; to quote his own manly 
 words, " The above fort (Quebec) is so well 
 situated that they are able to withstand 10,000 
 men, and will not care for them ; for in win- 
 ter they cannot stay in the country, soe that 
 whosoever goes to besiege them cannot stay 
 above three months, all in which time the 
 musketts^ will soe tormente them that noe 
 man is able to be abroad in centry or trenches 
 daye or night without losinge their sights at 
 least eight dayes. Soe that if it please your 
 Majesty to keepe it, wee doe not care what 
 French or any other can doe, though she have 
 a hundred sayle of ships, and 10,000 men as 
 above sayd." ^ 
 
 1 Mosquitoes. 2 Col. Papers : Vol. VI., No, 38. 
 
88 CANADA SURRENDERED TO THE FRENCH. 
 
 But all was of no avail; the King had 
 given his word, and no argument on the part 
 of David Kirke could shake his determination. 
 However, the losses of the Canada merchants 
 were so great and 'palpable, that Charles could 
 not refuse to compensate them to some extent. 
 Commissioners were appointed on behalf of 
 the Canada Company and M. de Caen and 
 his associates : Sir Isaac Wake, the English 
 ambassador in Paris, and M. Burlamachi were 
 appointed the English agents, and M. de Caen 
 appeared for himself and Company. After 
 considerable correspondence it was agreed 
 tiiat the French Grovernment should pay to 
 Captain Kirke £20,000, and that the forts in 
 Canada should be delivered to De Caen whole 
 and entire, with supplies and ammunition. 
 Kirke was thoroughly disgusted with the 
 treaty which Sir Isaac Wake had concluded. 
 He wrote an indignant letter to Wake, de- 
 nouncing the whole business, denying that he 
 had followed the instructions which the Com- 
 pany liad sent him, complaining of the un- 
 
COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED. 89 
 
 reasonable demands of De Caen, the restitution 
 of the "Helen" and her goods, and having 
 to pay for beaver skins which they had never 
 received. He concludes by saying, " I con- 
 ceive the carriage of the business to have 
 been very unequal, and it is plain that the de- 
 positions of the French are fully approved, and 
 the English wholly rejected." ^ To conclude 
 this business, it may as well be stated that 
 the French Government repudiated their en- 
 gagement, and never paid the Kirkes a penny 
 of the £20,000. 
 
 On the 12th of June, 1632, the King issued 
 a commission to Sir William Alexander, 
 Robert Charlton, and William Berkeley, ap- 
 pointing them Commissioners for Canada, to 
 receive the forts from Captain Lewis Kirke, 
 Grovernor thereof, and to deliver them up to 
 the French. " The King having consented to 
 the restitution of the fort and habitation of 
 Quebec, as taken by force of arms since the 
 
 1 April 2i, 1632. Col. Papers : Vol. VI., No. 53. . Signed by David 
 Kirke, "for my mother, Elizabeth Kirke." 
 
90 PROCLAMATION OF CHAELES. 
 
 peace, and preferring, notwithstanding the 
 commission given by him during the war, the 
 accomplishment of his own royal word, the 
 Commissioners are commanded — upon the first 
 convenience of sending into those ports, and 
 of means for the people to return — to order 
 all the King's subjects, as well soldiers in 
 garrison as inhabitants and planters, to give 
 up possession to those appointed by the 
 French King, in the same state as at the 
 time of taking. Any person showing him- 
 self cross or refractory will receive the King's 
 highest displeasure and indignation, and the 
 punishment due to offenders of so high a 
 nature." ^ 
 
 The surrender was at length completed 
 with consequences in after years troublous 
 and expensive to England. From this time, 
 to its final conquest in 1759 by General 
 Wolfe, Canada was the seat of incessant hos- 
 tilities between the English and French. It 
 is impossible to say what the course of affairs 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. VI., No. 55. Dated at Greenwicli, June 12, 1632. 
 
CONSEQUENCES OF THE SURRENDER. 91 
 
 in America would have been if England bad 
 remained in possession of Canada and Nova 
 Scotia; but that such a fact would have ex- 
 ercised an immense influence for restraint, 
 both upon the New England colonies and 
 ultimately upon the progress of the French 
 revolution, there can be little doubt. Whether 
 it would have prevented the revolt of the 
 one, and delayed the outbreak of the other 
 is a doubtful question ; but that the surrender 
 to the French by Charles entailed upon this 
 country an immense expenditure of blood 
 and money there can be no doubt. Upon 
 the legal aspect of the question I cannot now 
 enter ; suffice it to say that the right of the 
 French to demand the cession of the forts, 
 was at the time considered an open question, 
 and that only the anxiety of Charles I. to 
 maintain the French alliance and to obtain 
 his wife's dowry could have induced the Eng- 
 lish to entertain the question for a moment. 
 But though the King had destroyed the 
 fruits of Captain Kirke's expedition, he could 
 
92 GEANT OF AEMS TO DAVID KIEKE. 
 
 not but admire the determination and courage 
 which he and his brothers had displayed in 
 two successive voyages to Nova Scotia and 
 Canada. So in order to mark his approbation 
 of their conduct, he made them a grant of 
 honorary additions to their coat of arms. By 
 this grant, dated December 1st, 1631, to 
 Captain David Kirke, Lewis Kirke, Governor 
 of Canada, Captain Thomas Kirke, and James 
 Kirke, for valour in vanquishing the French 
 fleet under the command of M. de Eoquemont, 
 Admiral, bringing him prisoner to England, 
 and in the following year taking Canada, 
 and bringing M. Champlain prisoner to Eng- 
 land, the coat armour of M. de Eoquemont 
 is granted to Captain David Kirke, and to 
 his brothers, and their issue for ever, to be 
 worn in a canton over their paternal coat of 
 arms.-' Also, when Charles I. paid his visit 
 to Scotland, in 1633, he knighted David 
 
 1 See Domestic Correspondence, Car. 1. Also Appendix E. Add. 
 MS., Britiah Museum, 5533 ; and Harleian MS., 1082. 
 
IS KNIGHTED, 93 
 
 Kirke, at Anderwerk, on the 16tli of July 
 in the same year.^ 
 
 Gervase Kirke, the rich London merchant, 
 had died on the 17th day of December, 1629, 
 very soon after his son's return from the con- 
 quest of Canada. In the year following his 
 father's death, David Kirke was married to 
 Sarah, daughter of Sir Joseph Andrews, Knt. 
 He obtained a considerable dowry with his 
 wife, which, added to his share of his father's 
 wealth, placed him above any necessity for 
 farther exertion and trouble. But he was of 
 too active and energetic a nature ; his mind 
 was too full of schemes for travel and planta- 
 tion, to rest quiet in a state of luxurious ease ; 
 his eye was ever turned towards the Far West; 
 that land which had so long filled men's minds 
 with dreams of wealth, dreams never to be 
 fulfilled. But much of that romantic nonsense 
 which the earliest travellers to America evoked, 
 had now evaporated ; adventurers no longer 
 expected to find silver houses, supported on 
 
 1 See Harleian MS., 6062. Lausdowne MS., 807, f. 62. 
 
9i RICHES OF NORTH AMERICA. 
 
 golden pillars, or women witb. tlieir bodies 
 covered with plates of gold ; but they knew 
 there were boundless plains of richest soil, 
 grand rivers rushing to the sea, amidst over- 
 hanging woods of birch and pine ; venison to 
 be had for the shooting, and fish for the 
 catching; lands rich in beaver, whose skins 
 were worth their weight in silver, and seas 
 filled with whales and codfish^ affording a 
 rich harvest to the hardy fisherman. 
 
 For a few years. Sir David Kirke was 
 either unwilling or unable to extend his 
 schemes of colonization, but it would appear 
 that they were never abandoned, and that he 
 was only biding his time, and waiting for an 
 opportunity favourable to his wishes. His 
 early travels had made him familiar with all 
 the territory now known as British North 
 America, and his recent exploits in that neigh- 
 bourhood had made him fully alive to its 
 commercial and military importance. New- 
 foundland, especially, was to him a place of 
 great interest ; he knew the riches of its 
 
NEWFOUNDLAND. 95 
 
 fisheries — those shallow banks swarming with 
 codfish and herrings — its spacious and land- 
 locked harbours, in any of which the com- 
 bined navies of the world might float in 
 safety, and abundantly supplied with fresh 
 water from streams that poured down from 
 the rocky shore. He knew well enough that 
 the wealth of Newfoundland lay in the sur- 
 rounding seas, and not on the land, although 
 animals existed there in plenty, which could 
 afiford a rich harvest to the trapper; so 
 there was no danger of his falling into the 
 same error as Lord Baltimore, who had gone 
 to Newfoundland expecting to find a land 
 flowing with milk and honey, where planting 
 would succeed as well as in the colonies of 
 Virginia and Florida. A courtier and Secre- 
 tary of State, who had spent his days within 
 the precincts of Whitehall, might be easily 
 deceived by false reports, knowing little or 
 nothing of what he had to expect in his new 
 colony, but such a man as Sir David Kirke 
 was not so readily taken in. Tossed about 
 
96 LORD BALTIMORE. 
 
 from his earliest youth, amidst the icebergs 
 and fogs of the Northern Seas, he was not 
 likely to be mistaken in his estimate of the 
 climate and capabilities of the countries which 
 they surrounded ; in fact, I think it may be 
 asserted, that if there was one man in Eng- 
 land at this period, who knew more than any 
 other about these distant latitudes, he was 
 that man. During his enforced idleness in 
 England, Sir David watched with great in- 
 terest the progress of Lord Baltimore's attempt 
 to found a colony at Ferryland. He must 
 from the first have been persuaded that the 
 attempt must fail; the wrong man was in the 
 wrong place, and nothing but disappointment 
 and distress could follow upon ignorance and 
 gullibility. He saw poor Lord Baltimore 
 die at his post, worn out by incessant toil 
 in a severe climate, aggravated by the chagrin 
 of repeated failures ; yet he was not frightened 
 from his purpose. For some years he re- 
 mained in England, trying to obtain from the 
 French, part, at least, of the money they had 
 
DETERMINATION OP SIR DAVID KIEKE. 97 
 
 agreed to pay him ; but, finding all his efforts 
 of no avail, he determined to obtain a grant 
 of part of Newfoundland from the King, and 
 try whether he could not succeed where so 
 many before him had failed. 
 
98 DISCOVERY OF NEWFOUNDLAJiTD. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Discovery of Newfoundland — Account of its Colonization by the 
 Northmen— Voyages of Cabot— Of Gaspar de Corte Real, and Hugh 
 Elliot— Expedition of Thome— Hoare's unfortunate attempt to Colonize 
 Newfoundland — Sir Humphrey Gilbert obtains a patent from Elizabeth 
 — Sails for Newfoundland — Where he arrives in safety — Sets sail for 
 home— His death— Voyages of Rich. Strange, and Rich. Jones —Hostili- 
 ties between the French and English at Newfoundland — Formation of 
 the Newfoundland Company — Expedition under Guy, of Bristol — Com- 
 plaint of the Newfoundland fishermen against the Company — Pirates — 
 State of the Island. 
 
 Who was the first discoverer of Newfound- 
 land, is a question which has excited a great 
 deal of discussion, and no little difference of 
 opinion amongst the various writers upon this 
 subject. Though Columbus and Cabot may 
 one or other of them claim the discovery of 
 the mainland of America, Mr. Laing^ and 
 
 1 Chronicle of the Kings of Norway : Vol I., p. 154. "The dis- 
 covery of America, or Vinland, in the 11th century, by the same race 
 
THE SAGA FLATOIENSIS. 99 
 
 other writers seem fully persuaded that the 
 island of Newfoundland was discoyered about 
 the year a.d. 1000, by an Icelander. The 
 Saga, which gives an account of this dis- 
 covery, was undoubtedly written about the 
 year 1387, being found verbatim in the 
 Codex Flatoyensis.^ It was also committed 
 to writing in Iceland, a century nearly before 
 Columbus visited that country to obtain the 
 nautical information on which he proceeded 
 on his voyage of discovery. The account 
 consists of eight chapters, and is inserted in 
 the Saga of Olaf Tryggvesson. The following 
 
 of enduring, enterprising seamen, is not less satisfactorily established 
 ^y documentary evidence than the discovery and colonization of Green- 
 land ; but it rests exclusively upon documentary evidence, which 
 cannot, as in the case of Greenland, be substantiated by anything to 
 be discovered in America." 
 
 1 The Flateyar Annal, or Codex Flatoiensis, by far the most im-' 
 portant of Icelandic MSS., takes its name from the island Flato, in 
 Bredefiord, in Iceland, where it had been long preserved, and where 
 Bishop Swendson, of Skalholt, purchased it, about 1660, from the 
 owner, Jonas Torfeson, for King Frederic III., giving in exchange for 
 it the perpetual exemption from land tax of a small estate of the owner. 
 The MS. is a large folio, beautifully written on parchment. The Codex 
 Flatoiensis is not an original work of one author, but a collection of 
 Sagas, transcribed from older MSS., and arranged so far chronologically 
 that the accounts are. placed under the reign in which the events they 
 teU of happened. 
 
100 VOYAGE OF BIOENE. 
 
 is an epitome of the whole : — Eric the Red, 
 was a great man who lived in Greenland; 
 he had three sons, Leif, Thorwald, and Thor- 
 stein, and his daughter was called Freydis. 
 She was married to a man named Thorwald. 
 She was a haughty, proud woman, and he 
 was a mean man, much given to making 
 money. The people in Greenland were 
 heathen at this time. Biorne, an Icelander, 
 sailed from Iceland, intending to join his 
 father in Greenland, but he lost his way, 
 and was carried he knew not whither. He 
 passed through great fogs, driven by the 
 north wind, and at length, after many days, 
 he made the land. They thought it could 
 not be Greenland, but as they sailed past 
 they saw the land was without mountains, 
 was covered with wood, and had small 
 hills inland. Biorne afterwards passed two 
 other countries, but when his men wished him 
 to land, he said, "This land is not what we 
 want," and sailed on his way, till at length 
 he reached Greenland in safety. 
 
OF LIEF. 101 
 
 Lief, son of Eric, having heard of Biorne's 
 adventure, determined to visit -this land newly 
 found, so he mans a ship, and tries to per- 
 suade Eric, his father, to take command, but 
 the old man refuses, so Lief sails without him. 
 He first came to the land which Biorne had 
 last seen, and sailing up to it, cast anchor, 
 and went on shore. No gra,ss was to be seen, 
 and there were large snowy mountains up 
 the country. And Lief said, " It shall not be 
 said of us, as it was of Biorne, that we did 
 not come upon the land, for I will give the 
 country a name, and call it Helloland," which 
 means a land of naked rocks. They then 
 went to sea again, and found another land, 
 which was covered with wood. Then Lief 
 said, " We will give this land a name accord- 
 ing to its kind, and call it Markland." They 
 then went to sea again, and found an island. 
 They liked this country so well that they 
 determined to winter there ; there was plenty 
 of salmon, and plenty of fodder for cattle, 
 as there was no frost in winter. Days and 
 
102 OF THOEWALD. 
 
 nights were more equal than in Greenland or 
 Iceland. Lief divided his men into two par- 
 ties, one of which used to explore the interior 
 of the country. In their explorations they 
 discovered great quantities of grapes and self- 
 sown wheat in the fields, and a tree that is 
 called Massur. Towards the spring, they 
 sailed away, and Lief called the land Winland, 
 because of the grapes. Lief arrived in safety 
 at Greenland, where he became a person of 
 great consequence, and was called Lief the 
 Lucky. 
 
 This expedition to Winland was much talked 
 of; so Thorwald, Lief's brother, thought that 
 he should like to visit the country. So he 
 set sail in his brother's boat, and anived in 
 safety at the booths which Lief had erected 
 on the new country ; where he remained 
 quietly during the winter. In the spring, 
 they explored the country to the south, and 
 found it beautiful and well wooded. They 
 also sailed to the north, where they met with 
 bad weather, and were driven on shore. Here 
 
OF THOESTEIN. 103 
 
 they found three skin boats, and underneath 
 them nine men, eight of whom they killed, 
 but the other escaped. Soon afterwards they 
 were attacked by a great number of the 
 islanders ; so they retreated to their ships, 
 and Thorwald said, "We shall put up our 
 war-screens along the gunwales, and defend 
 ourselves as well as we can, but not use our 
 weapons much against them." Which they 
 did. The Skrcslingers shot at them with 
 arrows for some time, then fled. So, said 
 Thorwald, "Are any wounded?" and they 
 replied, " Nobody." Then, said he, " I am 
 wounded with an arrow, and it will be my 
 death wound. You must bury me in this 
 place." So they buried him and returned to 
 Greenland. 
 
 Not long afterwards, Thorstein and his 
 wife, Gudrid, sailed to Winland, and there 
 Thorstein died; and his wife returned to 
 Greenland, where she married Thorfinne 
 Karlsefiae. After their marriage, Thorfinne 
 and his wife got together a crew of sixty 
 
104 VOYAGE OF THOEFINNE. 
 
 men and five women, and set sail for Win- 
 land, intending to settle there; and for that 
 purpose they took some cattle with them. 
 They arrived at Lief's booths, and there es- 
 tablished themselves. They soon began a 
 profitable trade with the natives, who ex- 
 changed furs for knives and other wares. The 
 natives took a great fancy to the strangers' 
 weapons and wished to buy some, but this 
 Thorfinne had strictly forbidden. One of 
 them, however, managed to steal a battle-axe, 
 and, wishing to test its efficiency, he split open 
 the head of one of his countrymen, and killed 
 him on the spot. This so alarmed his com- 
 panions, that they took the weapon from him 
 and threw it into the sea. Thorfinne in a 
 few years returned to Iceland rich and pros- 
 perous. Many other voyages were afterwards 
 made to Winland; and in 1121, one Eric, 
 Bishop of Grreenland, determined to go to 
 Winland and convert his countrymen, who 
 had become heathens. 
 
 Such is the account of the Saga, but whether 
 
XENO, 105 
 
 tlie land discovered was Newfoundland, is 
 more than doubtful. The description of the 
 country is totally different to what we hear 
 of Newfoundland in later times. A country 
 well wooded, with mountains in the interior, 
 where grapes and corn grew wild, where the 
 winters are very mild, so as to afford abundant 
 fodder all , the year round, does not answer 
 at all to the aspect or climate of Newfound- 
 land. But the whole question is so involved 
 in doubt, that it had better be left to the 
 research of antiquaries. 
 
 Two brothers, of the name of Xeno, are 
 said to have discovered Newfoundland in 
 1380; but the account of their adventures is 
 not sufficiently authenticated to be admitted 
 within the bounds of sober history. 
 
 But to turn from fable to fact, in the yea.r 
 1497, John Cabot,'^ with his son, Sebastian, 
 
 1 John Stowe's account is as follows : — " This year, A.E., 13 Henry 
 VII., one Sebastian Gabato, a Genoese son born in Bristowe, professing 
 himself to be expert in the knowledge of the circuit of the world and 
 islands of the same (as by his charts, and other reasonable demonstra- 
 tions, he showed), caused the King to man and victual a ship at Bristowe, 
 to search for an island which he knew to be replenished with rich com- 
 
106 VOYAGE OF CABOT. 
 
 embarked at Bristol, in the beginning of May, 
 on a voyage of discovery. He took a north- 
 west course, and after considerable difficulties, 
 caused both by the elements and the mutinous 
 spirit of his men, he came in sight of land 
 on the 24th of June, to which he gave the 
 name of Bonavista, a cape stUl so called on 
 the east coast of Newfoundland. Having 
 landed in the adjoining bay, he saw several 
 natives clothed in skins of animals. He then 
 took possession of the island in the name of 
 the King of England, and called it Baccalaos, 
 which is the native word for cod-fish. On 
 
 modities. In the ships, divers merchants of London adventured small 
 stocks; and in the company of this ship sailed also ont of Bristowe 
 three or four small ships, fraught with slight and gross wares, as coarse 
 cloths, caps, lace points, and such other. Sir Humfrey Gilbert, Knt. , 
 in his book entitled ' On a discoverie of a new passage to Cataia,' 
 writeth thus ; — * Sebastian Gabato, by his personal! experience and 
 travel, hath sett forth and described this passage in his charts, which 
 are yett to be seen in the Queen's Majestie's Privie Gallery, at White- 
 hall, who was sent to make that discoverie by Kinge Henrie the 
 Seventh, and entered the same fret, affirming that he sailed very far 
 Westward, with a quarter of the North, on the North side of Terra de 
 Librador, the 11th of June, until he came to the Septentaional latitude 
 of 67^°, and finding the sea stiU open, said that he might and could 
 have gone to Cataia if the enmity of the master and mariners had not 
 been.'" 
 
GASPAR DE COETE KEAL. 107 
 
 the Feast of St. Jolin the Baptist, he dis- 
 covered another smaller island, which he 
 named St. John's. He then proceeded in a 
 south-westerly direction, and explored the 
 coasts, taking possession, as he proceeded, for 
 the Crown of England, until finding himself 
 short of provisions he returned to England, 
 John Cabot brought home no treasures of gold 
 and silver, but he gave such an account of 
 the immense quantities of fish on the coasts 
 of Newfoundland, that the English merchants 
 were roused to activity by the desire to reap 
 some benefit from such a rich harvest. 
 
 The other European nations were not long 
 behind England in these latitudes. Graspar 
 de Corte Real, a Portuguese of noble family, 
 set sail from Lisbon in the year 1501, and 
 after a long voyage, arrived at Newfoundland, 
 in a wide and deep bay, which he called 
 Conception Bay, a name which it still bears. 
 He explored the whole east coast of that 
 island, and then proceeded to the mouth of 
 the great river of Canada, the St. Lawrence. 
 
108 OTHER EXPEDITIONS. 
 
 After this he discovered a land which he called 
 Terre Verte, or Grreenland. He returned to 
 Portugal ; and in a second voyage to that 
 part of the vrorld, he is supposed to have 
 been murdered by the Esquimaux.-^ 
 
 In the year 1502, Hugh Elliot and Thomas 
 Ashenhurst, merchants of Bristol, obtained 
 from Henry VII. letters patent for the estab- 
 lishment of a colony in Newfoundland, but 
 we have no information whether they ever 
 set on foot any voyages thither. 
 
 According to Bergeron, a French historian, 
 the fishermen of Normandy and Brittany 
 visited the great fishing banks near Cape 
 Breton, in the year 1504, to which place 
 they gave its name. Two voyages, one by 
 Jean Denis to Newfoundland in 1506, and 
 another (1508) by Thomas Hubert, are men- 
 tioned by Doctor- Forster. 
 
 In the year 1527, Robert Thorne, a mer- 
 chant of Bristol, first conceived the fatal idea 
 of a north-west passage to India, that idea 
 
 1 Histoi-y of Newfoundlaucl, by Anspach, p. 38. 
 
THE NOETH-WEST PASSAGE. 109 
 
 which has cost the lives of so many gallant 
 men, only when discovered to be found use- 
 less. He presented a memorial to Henry 
 VIII. on this subject, and though involved 
 in other affairs, the King ordered two ships 
 to be manned and filled with all necessaries 
 for a voyage. In these ships Thorne sailed 
 on the 20th of May. On their arrival at 
 Newfoundland, one of the ships was lost on 
 the coast of Labrador. The other ship, called 
 the "Dominus Vobiscum," sailed along the east 
 coast of Newfoundland, towards Cape Breton 
 and Nova Scotia, frequently lying to and 
 sending parties on shore to explore the country. 
 The adventurers returned home in the be- 
 ginning of October, disappointed in their 
 hopes of discovering a north-west passage. 
 
 France, taken up with her designs upon 
 Naples and Sicily, had up to this time con- 
 tributed nothing in the field of maritime dis- 
 covery. Filled with high and romantic no- 
 tions of chivalry, the French king and nobles 
 affected to despise every thing connected 
 
110 EXPEDITION OF HOARE. 
 
 with trade and commerce. However, in the 
 year 1534, Francis I. sent a fleet from St. 
 Malo, under the command of Francis Cartier, 
 which arrived at Newfoundland on the 10th 
 of May. As Cartier's voyage principally con- 
 cerns Canada, I have given an account of it 
 in an earlier part of this work, so I shall 
 not refer to it farther in this place. 
 
 In the meanwhile, England was not inat- 
 tentive to her interests in North America. A 
 London merchant, named Hoare, proposed a 
 plan for making a settlement in Newfoundland, 
 and was joined by many young men of posi- 
 tion, who were anxious to share in the risks 
 of the expedition. In Hakluyt's account, of 
 this voyage, Mr. Hoare is described as a tall 
 and elegant man, of insinuating manners, 
 clever mind, and abundant means. His asso- 
 ciates were Mr. Tuck, a gentleman of Kent; 
 Tuckfield Thomas Butts, son of Sir William 
 Butts, of Norfolk; Messrs. Hardie, Biron, 
 Carter, Wright, Rastall, Ridley, Weekes, and 
 several others, in all thirty persons, of good 
 
ITS FAILURE. Ill 
 
 birth and property, who all embarked with 
 Hoare in his ship, called the " Trinity," of 
 140 tons burden. In another ship, the 
 " Minion," went Messrs. Armigale Wade, 
 (afterwards Clerk of the Council to Henry 
 VIII. and Edward VI.) ; Oliver Daubeny, a 
 merchant of London ; Joy, afterwards gentle- 
 man of the Chapel Royal ; and several others. 
 
 On the 30th of April, 1536, they sailed 
 from Gravesend, and remained at sea for two 
 months without sight of land, till they made 
 Cape Breton. They next arrived at Penguin 
 Island, off the south coast of Newfoundland, 
 where they found an immense quantity of 
 sea-birds. These they found were very good 
 eating when skinned and dressed. Black and 
 white bears were also numerous, and formed 
 a welcome addition to their stock of provisions. 
 
 From this small island they proceeded to 
 Newfoundland, where they saw several of the 
 natives, who, however, fled at their approach. 
 Mr. Hoare and his Mends remained there till 
 their provisions became short, and being afraid 
 
113 TERRIBLE PRIVATIONS. 
 
 to go to sea without victuals, they were re- 
 duced to feed upon herbs, roots, and shellfish, 
 and were in the greatest distress; nay, it is 
 even asserted they fed upon the flesh of one 
 of their dead companions.^ 
 
 An opportunity of escape at length presented 
 itself. A French ship laden with provisions 
 entered the harbour, which Hoare and his 
 associates made themselves masters of, and 
 having turned out the French, they placed 
 them in their own ship, which they had 
 abandoned, and hastened away in the French 
 ship. It must be told, however, that they 
 left the poor Frenchmen plenty of food. The 
 adventurers arrived at St. Ives, in Cornwall, 
 at the end of October, so much altered in 
 
 1 Hakluyt's words are — "And it fortuned that one of the Company 
 or Crewe of one of the vessels, driven with hunger to seek ahroad for 
 relief, found in the fields the savour of broiled flesh, and fell out with 
 one for that he would suffer him and his fellows to starve, enjoying 
 plenty as he thought. And this matter growing to cruel speeches, he 
 that had the broiled meat biu-st out into these words, ' If thou wouldst 
 needs know, the broiled meat that I had was a, piece of such a man's 
 buttock,' The report of this brought to the ship, the captain found 
 what became of those that were missing, and was persuaded that some 
 of them were neither devoured by wild beasts nor yet destroyed by 
 savages." 
 
SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. 113 
 
 appearance by their sufferings, that Sir William 
 Butts and his lady are said to have been un- 
 able for some time to recognize their son. 
 
 Despite these drawbacks, the English trade 
 in Newfoundland increased every year. Sail- 
 ing from the English ports in the spring, their 
 ships returned in the autumn with their whole 
 freight of fish salted and dried on the Island. 
 The trade in a few years became of so much 
 importance, that in the year 1549, an Act 
 was passed for the better encouragement of 
 the fisheries in Iceland and Newfoundland. 
 These fisheries proved to be of such great value 
 that many attempts were made to colonize the 
 Island; but the first attempt which obtained 
 any amount of success was that of Sir Hum- 
 phrey Gilbert, in the year 1583. This dis- 
 tinguished man was descended from an old 
 family in the county of Devon : he was 
 remarkable in a remarkable age for his know- 
 ledge both of the theory and practice of war, 
 cosmography and navigation, in addition to 
 an enterprising spirit, and cool intrepidity. 
 
114 FIRST VOYAGE. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth, with whom he was a great 
 favourite, by letters patent, dated 11th of June, 
 1578, invested him with full powers to dis- 
 cover, settle, and regulate any remote countries 
 not in the actual possession of any Christian 
 princes.^ 
 
 Sir Humphrey received assurances of sup- 
 port from many distinguished men, who de- 
 clared their intention of accompanying him 
 on his voyage. When the vessels were ready 
 for sea, a panic fell upon many of those who 
 refused to go, but Sir Humphrey still deter- 
 mined to proceed with a few friends who 
 still remained staunch. He sailed immediately 
 in the summer of 1578 for Newfoundland, 
 where he made a short stay, and came back 
 to England, having narrowly escaped, with 
 the loss of one vessel, from a squadron of 
 
 1 In Domestic Correspondence, Eliz., Vol. xcv., Ko. 63, Cal., p. 475, 
 win be found a petition to the Queen, dated 22nd March, 1574, to 
 allow of an enterprise for discovery of sundry rich and unknown lands 
 " fatally reserved for England and for the honour of your Majestie," 
 which is endorsed by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir George Peekham, Mr, 
 Carlile, and Sir Richard GreenvUe, and others, "voiagers." 
 
SECOND VOYAGE. 115 
 
 Spanish men-of-war, by which he had been 
 intercepted, 
 
 ' Sir Humphrey Gilbert, not at all dis- 
 couraged by his disappointment in the first 
 enterprise, sold his estate, which produced a 
 considerable sum, and, liberally assisted by 
 Sir Greorge Peckham, and other friends, fitted 
 out a small fleet of five ships. This fleet 
 sailed from Cawsand Bay, near Plymouth, on 
 the 11th June, 1583, and consisted of the 
 *' Delight," 120 tons, of which Sir H. Gilbert 
 took the command, and appointed William 
 Winter his captain; the "Ealeigh," 200 tons, 
 fitted out and commanded by Sir Walter 
 Raleigh; the "Golden Hind," of 40 tons, Edward 
 Hayes, master and captain; the "Swallow," 40 
 tons, Maurice Brown, captain ; and the 
 " Squirrel," of 10 tons, William Andrews, cap- 
 tain. On the 13th, Sir Walter Raleigh was 
 obliged to put back, on account of a distemper 
 which had seized upon the captain and crew. 
 On the 30th of July, they first discovered 
 land, but imperfectly, on account of a dense 
 
116 ARRIVAL AT ST. JOHn's. 
 
 fog. They next arrived at Penguin Island, 
 where they took in a good stock of birds. 
 After this they entered Conception Bay, where 
 they found the "Swallow," which had been lost 
 in the fog. Then proceeding to the south, 
 they made the Bay of St. John's, where they 
 found the " Squirrel," which had been refused 
 admittance into that harbour by vessels of 
 different nations. Sir Humphrey prepared to 
 force an entrance into the harbour, but before 
 doing so he sent word to the people within 
 the harbour that he came in Queen Elizabeth's 
 name, to take formal possession of the place, 
 and that if he met with any resistance, he 
 should punish the offenders, as he had the 
 vnll and the power to do. Upon receiving 
 this assurance, the people sent him word 
 that their intentions were peaceable, and that 
 they had only waited to learn the object of 
 his expedition ; and that they should be very 
 glad to supply the necessities of his fleet. 
 The ships then entered the harbour, and the 
 next morning Sir Humphrey and his friends 
 
TAKES rOEMAL POSSESSION. 117 
 
 were conducted on shore by the owners of 
 the English vessels. On the 5th of August 
 he caused a tent to be erected on the shore,, 
 and summoning all the English and foreign 
 merchants to attend, he caused his commis- 
 sion under the great seal of England to be. 
 opened and read, and translated to those- 
 foreigners who did not understand English- 
 He then informed the assembly that, under 
 the Royal authority, he stood jiossessed of 
 St. John's and all the adjacent land within 
 the circumference of 200 leagues ; and that 
 thenceforward the witnesses of this transaction 
 must consider these territories as belonging 
 to the Sovereign of England, and acknowledge 
 that he, the General of Queen Elizabeth, was 
 empowered by Royal license to possess and 
 enjoy them, and likewise to enact laws for 
 the government thereof. The customary 
 ceremony of delivering a rod and turf to the 
 new proprietor, was then performed in the 
 presence of the assembly. 
 
 Sir Humphrey then, by virtue of his 
 
118 EXPLORES THE COUNTRY. 
 
 authority, proceeded to issue certain regula- 
 tions for the religious and civil government 
 of the island, to which all the people pro- 
 mised obedience. The meeting was then dis- 
 solved ; and on the same spot the General 
 erected a wooden pillar, to which he attached 
 the arms of England, engraved on lead. He 
 then granted several parcels o:& land to be 
 held of him, his heirs and assigns, for ever, 
 on the payment of certain rent and services ; 
 and having done this, he issued orders for 
 the collection of a tax upon the vessels in the 
 harbour, to be paid in provisions. 
 
 Whilst some of the English were collecting 
 provisions, and performing other duties. Sir 
 Humphrey sent several exploring parties into 
 different parts of the country. The result of 
 their observations was that there were but 
 few men on the southern part of the island, 
 but in the north they met with some of the 
 natives, who showed no fear, and approached 
 them at once, without hesitation. The climate 
 is reported as being very hot in summer and 
 
DISCOVERY OF SILVER. 119 
 
 extremely cold in winter. The sea abounded 
 with codfish; they had also observed turbot, 
 lobsters, and herrings ; whales were found in 
 great numbers, and in the bays and rivers 
 there were salmon and trout in great abund- 
 ance. The whole country was covered with 
 wood ; game was very plentiful, and they 
 could easily procure hides and furs of all 
 kinds. They also stated that the soil was 
 very fertile, and that they had discovered 
 mines of iron, lead, copper, and silver. One 
 Daniel, a native of Saxony, and an expert 
 miner, brought a piece of ore to Sir Hum- 
 phrey, which he positively asserted to contain 
 a considerable quantity of silver. The credu- 
 lous Greneral was enchanted with this piece of 
 ore, carried it on board, and enjoined the- 
 strictest secrecy, for fear that the French and 
 Portuguese should hear of the precious dis- 
 covery,^ 
 
 1 Sir Humphrey was eo delighted with this discovery, that he boasted 
 to hia friends that he could obtain from Queen Elizabeth a loan of 
 £10,000 on the credit of the mine. 
 
120 LEAVES NEWEOUNDLAND. 
 
 A mutiny broke out about this time amongst 
 the English, to prevent the continuation of 
 the voyage. But though the conspiracy was 
 discovered, yet a great number of the sailors 
 deserted, and seizing a ship laden with fish, 
 compelled her crew to go ashore, and imme- 
 diately set sail for England. Of the rest, 
 some fell ill and died, and others were allowed 
 to return to England in the Swallow, under 
 Captain Winter. 
 
 " The three remaining vessels being com- 
 pletely fitted for the intended voyage, the 
 General hoisted his flag on board the Squirrel, 
 a light and expeditious sailer, and the best 
 constructed for the purpose of entering creeks 
 and small harbours. He gave the command 
 of the Delight to Captain Maurice Brown, 
 and the Grolden Hind to Captain Edward 
 Hayes. On the 20th of August, they sailed 
 from the harbour of St. John's, which they 
 found by observation to be in 47 degrees, 
 40 minutes, N. latitude. In the following 
 night they made Cape Race, distant 25 leagues, 
 
121 
 
 and from thence nearly 87 leagues towards 
 Cape Breton. On the 27th; in the latitude 
 of 45 degrees, Sir Humphrey gave orders to 
 sound, and at the depth of 30 fathoms, they 
 found white sand; in the succeeding after- 
 noon the wind veered to the S., when, in 
 opposition to the advice of William Cox, 
 master of the Grolden Hind, the ships bore 
 in, with the land during the whole night at 
 W.N.W. The next day it blew a violent 
 storm at S. by E. ; the rain descended in 
 torrents, and the fogs were so extremely 
 thick, that no object could be distinguished 
 at a cable's length. Towards daybreak on 
 the 29th, they were alarmed by the appear- 
 ance of surrounding sands and shoals, and at 
 every third or fom'th ship's length, observed 
 the water lessening in its depth. A signal 
 was thrown out for the Delight to stand oif 
 to sea, but at that very instant she struck, 
 and soon after her stern and quarters were 
 dashed to pieces. The Squirrel and the 
 Golden Hind, immediately casting about 
 
122 SUFFERINGS OF THE CREW. 
 
 E.S.E., and bearing to the S., with great 
 difficulty got clear of the shoal, and 
 regained the open sea. In the Delight 
 perished Captain Maurice Brown, and about 
 100 of his associates, who, with a resolution 
 that bordered upon madness, refused to set 
 what they thought a bad example, by desert- 
 ing the ship, although they must have been 
 convinced that it was impossible to save her. 
 Fourteen of her crew leaped into a small 
 pinnace, and remained a short time alongside 
 their ship, in the hope of being joined by 
 their captain, but in vain. Having, at last 
 prevailed upon Richard Clarke, the master, 
 and one of his companions, to join them, 
 they cut the rope and ventured out to sea, 
 furnished only with a single oar, and destitute 
 of fresh water and provisions. As the pin- 
 nace appeared to be much overladen, Edward 
 Headley proposed the casting of lots, so that 
 four of them might be thrown overboard. 
 Clarke, whom it had been unanimously agreed 
 to except from this measure, availing himself 
 
FOURTEEN SAVED. 123 
 
 of their aflfectionate regard for him, succeeded 
 in persuading them to bear their present lot 
 with Christian fortitude. 
 
 The pinnace was driven before the wind 
 during six days and nights, while these men 
 were reduced to feed upon some weeds which 
 they picked up upon the surface of the sea. 
 Sinking under the sufferings of thirst, hunger, 
 intense cold, and constant fatigue, Headley 
 and another man expired on the fifth day ; 
 and on the seventh, the remaining fourteen 
 were fortunately driven towards the coast of 
 Newfoundland, where they obtained a pas- 
 sage in a French vessel, and at last arrived 
 safely in England." ^ 
 
 The melancholy fate of the Delight was 
 most distressing to Sir Humphrey, not only 
 for the loss of a valuable ship, and tried and 
 sincere friends, but also for the loss of the 
 Saxon miner and his silver ore, upon the 
 evidence of which he had expected to obtain 
 a loan from Queen Elizabeth. The loss of 
 
 1 History of Newfoundlaad, p. 70. 
 
124 gilbert's eetuen. 
 
 the Delight frightened the remaining ships 
 companies, so the General determined to re- 
 turn to England, and resisted all the attempts 
 of the captain of the Golden Hind to dissuade 
 him from his design, " Be content," said 
 he, "we have seen enough; take no thought 
 of the expenses which we have incurred. If 
 the Almighty should permit us to reach Eng- 
 land in safety, I will set you out royally 
 in the course of the next spring ; therefore 
 I pray you, let us no longer strive here, 
 where we fight against the elements.'' 
 
 On the 1st September the vessels changed 
 their course for England, and on the 2nd 
 passed Cape Race. Some days afterwards, 
 Sir Humphrey came on board the Golden 
 Hind, to have a wound in his foot dressed, 
 received by treading on a nail. Captain 
 Hayes entreated him to remain in his ship, 
 as the Squirrel was tossing in the waves, 
 and seemed in danger of being swallowed up 
 every moment. He, however, refused, saying 
 that no inducement should cause him to 
 
HIS DEATH. 125 
 
 abandon his brave comrades. Then, to quote 
 from Captain Hayes, "When off the Azores, 
 the storms came on worse, with terrible seas, 
 breaking short and pyramid wise," and on 
 the 9th of September, the Squirrel having 
 nearly gone down, but recovering herself, 
 " the General, sitting abaft, with a book in 
 his hand, cried out to us in the Hind, as 
 oft as we did approach within hearing, ' we 
 are as near heaven by sea as by land,' 
 reiterating the same speech, well beseeming 
 a soldier resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can 
 testify he was. The same Monday, about 
 twelve of the clock, or not long after, the 
 frigate being ahead of us in the Golden Hind, 
 suddenly her lights were out ; and withal" 
 our watch cried, the General was cast away, 
 which was true ; for in that moment the 
 frigate was devoured and swallowed up by 
 the sea." So perished Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 
 one of the noblest and best of men in an age 
 of great men. The Golden Hind arrived 
 safely at Falmouth on the 22nd September. 
 
126 RICHAED STRANGE. 
 
 Of the fate of the Swallow nothing was ever 
 heard. 
 
 Richard Strange, of Apshan, was the next 
 to make a voyage to the island. He was 
 the first who went there expressly for the 
 seal fishery, as most of the ships confined 
 their attention to codfish and whales. Strange 
 sailed from Falmouth on the 1st June, 1593, 
 with two ships, viz., the "Marigold," of 70 
 tons, and another ship, having on board 
 several butchers and coopers. They sailed 
 for the Island of Ramea, on the back of New- 
 foundland to the S.W. This island abounded 
 in walrus, a kind of large seal, with two 
 large tusks of ivory, which, together with 
 'their skins and oil, were considered valuable 
 articles of commerce. The ships had separated 
 during the voyage ; the smaller one arrived 
 in safety at the Island of Ramea. On the 
 11th of July, the Marigold made Cape St. 
 Francis at the entrance of Conception Bay ; 
 then having doubled Cape Race, sailed 
 towards the Bay of St. Peter's ; but as they 
 
RICHARD JONES. 127 
 
 were at a loss which way to steer, they lost 
 their way, and. fell upon Cape Breton, where 
 they went on shore, and saw several of the 
 natives. They then went away to the S.W., 
 and at the distance of 60 leagues from the 
 Cape, they saw immense numbers of seals, 
 and some whales of enormous size. After 
 hovering about the Coast of Nova Scotia for 
 eleven weeks, they returned home to England 
 by the Azores. 
 
 The year following. Captain Richard Jones 
 sailed from Bristol for the Gulf of St. Law- 
 rence, with a barque of 35 tons. On the" 19th 
 May he reached Cape Spear, on the Coast of 
 Newfoundland, aad proceeded to the Island 
 of St. Peter, where, laying his vessel upon 
 the lee, the crew, in less than two hours, 
 caught 300 codfish, which served for provi- 
 sions. They returned to Bristol on the 24th 
 September. 
 
 A great number of ships of all the European 
 nations were at this time collected on the 
 banks of Newfoundland. Little or no autho- 
 
128 PIRACY. 
 
 rity was exercised over them, and divers acts 
 of piracy were committed with impunity. 
 There is a curious account of a piracy com- 
 mitted by three French ships, off Newfound- 
 land, in the ' year 1596, upon one Richard 
 Clarke. The principal French ship was com- 
 manded by Michael de Sanci, and the next 
 ship by Martin de Sanci. Having been used 
 with kind entertainment and invited to break- 
 fast (September 25), in requital Clarke invited 
 the Frenchmen on board his ship to dinner 
 the next day; the Captain of the Admiral 
 framed an excuse, and sent the same afternoon 
 for Clarke to visit him in his sickness, and 
 upon a sudden the Frenchmen crying Rend 
 vous ! Rend vous ! Clarke and his men were 
 taken and kept prisoners nine days. After 
 pillaging their ship, it was delivered up to 
 them altogether unfurnished.^ 
 
 Hearing of such acts as these, it was not 
 to be wondered at that Charles Leigh and 
 Abraham van Herwick, two London mer- 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. I., No. 8. 
 
HOSTILITIES. 129 
 
 chants, who sailed to Newfoundland in the 
 next year, should have gone well armed and 
 prepared to defend their cargo. These ships 
 were the "Hopewell," of 120 tons, and the 
 " Chancewell," of 70 tons. They left Graves- 
 end on the 8th of April, 1597, and on the 
 18th of May reached the fishing banks, and 
 on the 20th they came to Conception Bay. 
 The " Hopewell," leaving the bay, after hav- 
 ing caught a large quantity of codfish, went 
 to the Isle of Ramea in search of seals. Here 
 she fell in with four foreign ships, with all of 
 which she engaged at once, but, overpowered 
 by numbers, she was obliged to retreat, having 
 lost her pinnace, together with a cable and 
 anchor. The "Chancewell" was unfortunately 
 lost upon Cape Breton; but eight of the 
 mariners, who had put to sea in a small boat, 
 were picked up by the "Hopewell." On the 
 25th of July, the " Hopewell," being in the 
 harbour of St. Mary, attacked a ship belonging 
 to Bellisle, of 200 tons and forty men, and 
 took her after a long and severe action. Mr. 
 
 K 
 
130 ALDERMAN GUY. 
 
 Leigh having despatched the " Hopewell " to 
 the Azores, proceeded in his prize on his re- 
 turn to England, and arrived at Gravesend 
 in the beginning of September, with a valuable 
 cargo of fish and oil. 
 
 At the beginning of the 17th century, the 
 Island of Newfoundland occupied a consider- 
 able share of public attention. In the year 
 1609, one, John Guy,^ an alderman, of Bristol, 
 published a treatise on the advantages which 
 would result to England from the establish- 
 ment of a colony in that Island ; this treatise 
 produced such an effect that a Company was 
 
 I In the Briatol MS. Calendar there is the following account of these 
 expeditions : '' Mr. John Whitson and Mr. Robert Aldworth, and others, 
 set forth a ship for the discovery of the N.W. passage, under the com- 
 mand of Martin Prynne, being then but twenty-three years of age, who 
 after proved a very good seaman in the East India voyages. He is 
 buried in St. Stephen's, on the north side of the chancel. In the year 
 1609, Mr. John Guy, merchant, one of the Council of Bristol, intend- 
 ing a plantation in Newfoundland, procured a licence and charter from 
 the King for the same, having some rich merchants of London, and 
 many of this city did put in their money with them. And so Mr. Guy 
 and some other young merchants went over to make trial whether th.e 
 land could bear corn. They also carried cattle and swine over with them 
 to increase the land." And again, we read that "In the year 1611 
 Mr. John Guy, merchant, went to Newfoundland, victualled for a plan- 
 tation of forty men for the whole year." 
 
NEWFOUNDLAND COMPANY. 131 
 
 immediately formed to carry out the idea, 
 consisting of the Earl of Northampton, Sir 
 Francis Bacon, Sir Lawrence Tanfield, and 
 others. To this Company, King James I., 
 by letters patent dated May 2, 1610, made a 
 grant of all Newfoundland, from 46 to 52 
 degrees of N. latitude, together with the seas 
 and islands lying within ten leagues of the 
 coast, reserving to all manner of persons of 
 what nation soever, as well as the English, 
 the right of trade and fishing in the parts 
 aforesaid. Under this patent a colony was 
 sent to the island under the direction of Mr. 
 John Gruy, who was appointed Governor of 
 the same. After a voyage of twenty days, 
 Guy arrived and landed near Conception Har- 
 bour, in a cove now called Mosquito. Here 
 huts were immediately constructed, and Guy 
 behaved with such prudence and kindness to 
 the natives that he quickly gained their con- 
 fidence, and was permitted to carry on his 
 measures without hindrance. He also estab- 
 lished a means of trading with the Indians to 
 
1.32f kieke's repoet 
 
 their mutual satisfaction. In an account of 
 Newfoundland, which Sir David Kirke sent 
 to the English merchants about twenty years 
 later/ he gives some curious information re- 
 lating to Gruy's transactions with the Indians. 
 He says (in answer to an objection that there 
 was no trade with the natives) — "First, say 
 you, if there be a trade there must be some- 
 body supposed with whom to trade, and there 
 be noe natives upon the island. How noe 
 natives upon the island of Newfoundland? 
 Have^ you left your eyesight in the Fogges 
 againe, and so blinded do you know at whom 
 you strike? How comes it to pass, I pray 
 you, that His Majesty in the beginning of his 
 patent makes it one of the principal reasons, 
 for which he granted it, the hope of the con- 
 version of these heathens to the Christian 
 faith. And that you may be assured there are 
 such creatures upon Newfoundland, if your 
 Wisdoms consult but with our poore fisher- 
 
 1 Col. Papers: Vol. X., No. 38. Endorsed by Archbishop Laud, 
 " Reo, Fob. 9, 1640." 
 
AS TO THE NATIVES. 133 
 
 men, that use to fisli in Trinity Bay and more 
 northerly, they will assure you by their owne 
 continual! and sad experience, that they have 
 found too many badd neighbours of the na- 
 tives almost every fishinge season. And w^ee 
 ourselves can assure you that there traded 
 soe many of them with the French, even this 
 presint yeare, that if you had been amongst 
 them you had bene confuted to the purpose 
 with the hardest bargaine that ever you con- 
 cluded since you were men of business. The 
 accident was thus: in the harbour of Les 
 Ouages, about eighty Indians assaulted a com- 
 panie of French whilst they were pyleinge 
 upp their fishinge, and slewe seven of them; 
 proceedinge a little further killed nine more 
 in the same manner, and cloathinge sixteen, 
 of their company in the apparell of the slayne 
 French, they went on the next daye to the 
 harbour of Petty Masters, and not being -sus- 
 pected by the French that were there by 
 reason of their habit, they surprised them at 
 their works and killed twenty-one more. Soe 
 
134 CAPTAIN WHITTINGTON. 
 
 in two dayes, having barbarously maymed 
 thirty-seven, they returned home, as is their 
 manner, in great triumph, with the heads of 
 the slayne Frenchmen. Thus, it is too ap- 
 parent to see that there are Indians upon 
 Newfoundland, by the mischief that they have 
 done. But that you may be farther informed 
 of what good hath and might have been done 
 amongst them, take notice of those which 
 follows : It is very well knowne that in times 
 past many French and Biscaners have traded 
 with the natives of the country for furs and 
 deere skins. For some yeares they continued 
 their traffique every fishing season, and it 
 was sometimes intermitted, as quarrells arose 
 betwixt them. About 20 years since. Alder- 
 man Guy, of BristoU, that had continued with 
 his family two yeares in Newfoundland, and 
 amongst his other designs especially aymed 
 at a trade with the Indians, imployed for that 
 purpose one Captain Whittington, into the 
 bottom of Trinity Baye, a place always fre- 
 quented with the natives, and which the Cap-. 
 
TRADES WITH THE NATIVES. 135 
 
 taine havinge discovered a companie' ashore, 
 commanded his men to land him alone upon 
 a place where there was a fordable river 
 betwixt him and them. After some signes 
 made betwixt them on either side, one of the 
 Indians waded through the water, and when 
 he came near the Captaine he threwe by his 
 bowe and arrowes in token of peace, and upon 
 that they mett and imbrased, but the Indian, 
 feelinge a short faucion, which the Captaine 
 wore under a close coate, he retyred, express- 
 ing signes of dislike and feare. And the 
 Captaine, understanding his meaninge, threwe 
 aside his sword alsoe, as the other before had 
 done his bowe and arrowes. Upon that more 
 Indians on the other side the river were called 
 over, and the Captaine caused his servante 
 aboard the boate to bring e ashore provisions 
 of meate and drinke to entertayne them. 
 They did eate and drinke together for the 
 space of three or four houres, and exchanged 
 furs and deere skins for hatchetts and knives, 
 and appointed a meeting the next year by a 
 
]36 UNFORTUNATE MISTAKE. 
 
 eigne (as is their manner in other parts of 
 America), when the grass should be of such a 
 height, to bring downe all their furrs and 
 skins for traffique with the English. Upon 
 these terms they parted. And it soe fell out 
 the next yeare, that at the tyme appointed 
 for their meetinge in the same place, instead 
 of Captaine Whittington or other agents for 
 the Alderman, there came a fisherman to the 
 place to make a voyage, and seeing a com- 
 panie of Indians together, not knowing the 
 cause of their coming, let fly his shott firom ^ 
 aboard amongst them. And they imagininge 
 these to be the men in all likelyhood which 
 agreed upon the meetinge the yeare before, 
 retyred presently into the woode, and from 
 that day to this have sought all occasion every 
 fishinge season to do all the mischief they can 
 amongst the fishermen. Yet are we not out 
 of hope, but if it be our fortune to light upon 
 them, they may be brought by a fayre in- 
 treatie to a trade againe, which we assure 
 ourselves may be very profitable to the lorde 
 
CAPTAIN WHITBOUENE. 137 
 
 and other adventurers, when it shall be owe 
 good happ to make the natives acquainted 
 with our good intentions towards them." ^ 
 
 For some reason not known Gruy returned 
 to England disappointed in his endeavours to 
 found a colony. Four years afterwards, in 
 1614, Captain Whitbourne was sent to New- 
 foundland under a commission from the Ad- 
 miralty, authorizing him to impannel juries, 
 
 1 Great interest has been manifested at different times in the 
 aborigines of Newfoundland. The first aoeount of them is to be fonnd 
 in Fabyan'a Chronicle : — "In the fourteenth year of Henry VII., there 
 were brought unto him three men, taken in Newfound Island by John 
 Cabot. They were clothed in the skins of beasts, and spake such 
 speech that no man could understand them, and in their demeanour 
 were like brute beasts ; whom the King kept a time after, of the which 
 about two years I saw two apparelled after the manner of Englishmen, 
 in Westminster Palace, which at that time I could not discern from 
 Englishmen till I was learned what they were ; but as for speech, I 
 heard none of them utter a word." Instead of following the humane 
 example of Alderman Guy and Sir Dafid Kirke, the different traders 
 and settlers at Newfoundland seem to have treated the poor Bceothios, 
 as they were called, with great brutality, shooting them down like wild 
 beasts. They were also much oppressed by their hereditary enemies, 
 the Micmacs, a tribe of Red Indians, who at some time crossed oyer to 
 the island from the mainland, and who have at this time several 
 flourishing settlements on the east coast. The Author has been in- 
 formed by Admiral Sir H. Prescott, G.C.B., who was for many years 
 Governor of Newfoundland, that he went there with the firm conviction 
 that BcEothics were still to be found in the island, but after careful in. 
 vestigation and enquiry, he was persuaded that the race was extinct. 
 
138 COMPLAINTS OF THE FISHERMEN 
 
 and to enquire upon oath of divers abuses and 
 disorders committed amongst those who carried 
 on fishery upon the coast. By virtue of this 
 commission, Captain Whitbourne held a court 
 of admiralty immediately after his arrival, 
 and received the complaints of one hundred 
 and seventy masters of English ships, shewing 
 to what an extent of prosperity the English 
 trade had gained. 
 
 The Company of the Plantation in New- 
 foundland excited the complaints of the fisher- 
 men, for depriving them of their rights in 
 fishery, laying a tax upon their cargoes, and 
 other exactions. In the year 1618, several 
 petitions were presented to the Privy Council, 
 by the fishermen, complaining that the planters 
 had put sundry of the petitioners from the 
 chiefest places of fishing ; great quantities of 
 their provisions had been appropriated ; 
 they had been prevented taking birds which 
 are used as bait ; fees had been exacted from 
 them; and pirates harboured, to their great 
 prejudice. On 19th October, 1618, the Earl 
 
AGAINST THE COMPANY. 139 
 
 of Bath incloses a petition of the merchants 
 of Devon to the Privy Council, concerning 
 some bad measures offered them in their 
 fishing in Newfoundland by those of the late 
 plantation there, which he recommends to 
 their favourable consideration, and that the 
 merchants may be secured from further dis- 
 turbance in the enjoyment of their privileges.^ 
 To these complaints the Company replied that 
 they considered that their chargeable main- 
 tenance for the colony entitled the inhabitants 
 to choose their fishing places; know of no 
 wrongs done to the fishermen; if taking of 
 birds has been denied, it shall be ordered to 
 the contrary; utterly disclaim the exaction 
 of fees ; complain that the very great damages 
 they have received from pirates have almost 
 overthrown the colony ; are desirous to join 
 with the western men in that business, and for 
 keeping good order in the country. To this 
 the fishermen replied that " No privilege had 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. I., No. 39, 40. Domestic Correspondence, 
 James I., Vol. CIII., No. 43, Cal., p. 686. 
 
140 PIEATE3. 
 
 been given by tlie charter to planters for fish- 
 ing before others ; if choice of places is ad- 
 mitted contrary to common usage, the peti- 
 tioners contend that they ought rather to 
 have it ; desire that the liberties reserved to 
 them by charter may be confirmed; disclaim 
 committing any abuses in the country, and 
 request that the offenders may be punished. 
 The fishermen, knowing better how to manage 
 the fishing than the planters can direct, de- 
 clare that they are altogether unwilling to be 
 ordered by the planters, or to join with them 
 as they desire." 
 
 The Company seem to have been much 
 troubled about this time by pirates, who found 
 a rich harvest amongst the numerous fishing 
 vessels on the coasts, which had increased to 
 such numbers, that in 1615 upwards of 250 
 English vessels were employed in this trade ; 
 and in 1621, more than 300 ships, with 10,000 
 seamen. The custom of goods imported into 
 Newfoundland produced a yearly revenue of 
 £10,000. Pirates were not the only pests of 
 
DOCTOR VAUGHAN. 141 
 
 the coasts; some of the disorderly fishermen 
 causing great disturbance, and sometimes 
 actual warfare. To such an extent had this 
 mischief increased, that the Company of 
 Planters petitioned the Crown to make New- 
 foundland a naval station, and send thither 
 a lieutenant, with two or more war ships, to 
 keep order amongst the fishermen and protect, 
 them from pirates. At the end of their peti- 
 tion is attached a list of pirates, with the 
 amount of damage which they had inflicted, 
 estimated at £48,000, besides the loss of about 
 l80 pieces of ordnance, and 1,080 fishermen, 
 sailors, carpenters, and gunners, taken by force 
 or otherwise conveyed away.* 
 
 In the year 1615, Doctor Vaughan pur- 
 chased from the patentees a tract of land in 
 the southern part of the island, of which he 
 appointed Whitbourne Grovernor. He estab- 
 lished himself at Ferryland, but does not 
 seem to have remained long upon the island. 
 
 About this time Newfoundland began to 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. I., No. 54. 
 
142 STATE OP THE ISLAND. 
 
 bear a more settled appearance. Moreover, 
 fixed war stations were established along the 
 coasts, and roads were cut through the dense 
 forests of underwood in the interior to com- 
 municate from one post to another. St. John's 
 was selected as the place of rendezvous where 
 the inhabitants met to ship their skins, or to 
 exchange them for other stores which had 
 arrived from England. In the next chapter 
 we shall enter upon a new phase in the 
 History of the Island. 
 
143 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Grant of Newfoundland to Sir George Calvert— He Bails thither — 
 BuildB a house at Ferryland — Created Lord Baltimore — His troubles 
 with the French — Domestic troubles — Determines to adandon New- 
 foundland — Obtains a Grant of Maryland — His death — Lewis Kirke 
 enters the Eoyal Navy — Sir David Kirke obtains from the King a Grant 
 of Newfoundland — Settles at Ferryland in Lord Baltimore's house — His 
 account of the Island — Letter to Archbishop Laud-— Troubles with the 
 Fishermen — Civil War in England — Lewis Kirke — Knighted by the 
 King — Governor of Bridgnorth — Sir David Kirke offers an asylum to 
 the King in Newfoundland — His property is sequestrated by the Par- 
 liament — Summoned to England — Appears before the Privy Council — 
 Returns to Newfoundland — His Death and Character — Cecil, Lord 
 Baltimore — His claim to Newfoundland — State of the Island in 1674 — 
 War with France. 
 
 On the 31st December, 1622, Sir Greorge 
 Calvert obtained from James I. a grant of 
 the whole island of Newfoundland. He had 
 been Secretary to Sir Robert Cecil, and Clerk 
 to the Priyy Council, and was knighted in 
 1617. In the following year he was made 
 
144 LOED BALTIMORE. 
 
 Secretary of State to the King, who settled 
 £1,000 a year upon him, besides his salary. 
 In 1624 he became a Roman Catholic, and 
 so was compelled to resign his post. The 
 King, however, persuaded him to stay in the 
 Privy Council, and showed him much favour, 
 granting him large estates in Ireland, and 
 at last raised him to the peerage, under the 
 title of Lord Baltimore. After his conversion, 
 Sir George seems to have become unsettled 
 in his mind, and conceiving himself slighted 
 on account of his religion, determined to 
 withdraw to some distant spot, where he 
 might practice his religion without molesta- 
 tion. So he requested and obtained a grant 
 of Newfoundland, or rather of the south, or 
 smaller part of the island, to which district 
 he gave the name of Avalon.^ This island 
 
 1 It was so called by Lord Baltimore, with the idea that this pro- 
 vince was the place hx America where Christianity was first introduced, 
 Avalon being the name of an ancient place in Somersetshire on which 
 Glastonbury now stands, and which is said to be the place where 
 Christianity was first preached in Britain. Lord Baltimore's province, 
 which forms the south-east part of Newfoundland, is a peninsular of 
 twenty-six marine leagues in length, and from five to twenty in breadth. 
 
SENDS OUT A COLONY. 145 
 
 seems to have been one of the earliest resorts 
 of persecuted religious bodies in England, 
 for about this time, or a little earlier, we 
 find several settlements of Puritans on its 
 coasts, who had fled from the rigour of 
 episcopal government. In the year 1623, Sir 
 George Calvert sent out a body of men 
 under Captain Edward Wynne, to prepare 
 the way for his arrival, and vdth him sent 
 £2,500 sterling, as an earnest of what he 
 intended to do in the colony. Captain Wynne, 
 on his arrival, established himself at Ferry- 
 land, possibly in Doctor Vaughan's abandoned 
 quarters, where he built the largest house 
 ever seen on the island; erected granaries and 
 storehouses, and accommodated his people in 
 the best manner possible. The following year 
 he received a reinforcement of colonists, and a 
 considerable supply of stores and implements, 
 and soon afterwards the colony was in such 
 
 It is separated from the main part of tHe island by two extensive bays, 
 the heads of which are divided by a narrow isthmus or beach not ex- 
 ceeding four miles in width, where it is not unusual to see fishermen 
 paas from one bay to another, drawing their boats over it with ropes. 
 
146 AT FEERYLAND. 
 
 a flourishing condition, that on the 17th of 
 August he wrote to Sir George Calvert, " We 
 have wheat, barley, oats, and beans, eared 
 and codded ; though the late sowing of them, 
 in May or the beginning of June, might 
 occasion the contrary, yet they ripen so fast, 
 that we have all the appearance of an ap- 
 proaching plentiful harvest." In the same 
 strain, he speaks of his garden, his pasture 
 land, and arable cleared since his arrival, and 
 of his numerous herds of cattle.^ A small 
 workshop and fort were also erected at Ferry- 
 land by Captain Wynn, and completed by Mr. 
 Rickson; and so delighted was Sir Greorge 
 (now Lord Baltimore) with the account he 
 received, that he removed to his colony with 
 his family, built a handsome and spacious 
 house, and a strong fort at Ferryland. 
 
 Strange as it sounds to our ears, in the 
 
 1 These statements must have been gross exaggerations. At tlie 
 present time, after 200 years of improvement, the best cultivated grounds 
 scarcely bring even oats to perfect maturity. Potatoes and cabbage 
 succeed very well. Currants and gooseberries grow to the greatest 
 perfection ; cherries are excellent ; and damsons grow in abundance, 
 but seldom ripen. 
 
TURKISH PIRATES. 147 
 
 year 1625, the western ports of England were 
 blockaded by Turkish pirates, and great fears 
 were entertained about the safety of the annual 
 fleet of fishing ships on their return from New- 
 foundland. Letters were sent from the Mayors 
 of Poole and Plymouth to the Privy Council, 
 asserting that unless prompt measures were 
 immediately taken, the Newfoundland fleet of 
 250 sail would be captured by the pirates. 
 Already 27 ships and 250 persons had been 
 taken by Turkish pirates^ in ten days. 
 
 But the poor fishermen were exposed to 
 worse enemies than the pirates. Admiral de 
 I'Arade, with three French men-of-war, ap- 
 peared off Newfoundland, and reduced the 
 poor fishermen to great extremity ; but Lord 
 Baltimore, with two ships, manned at his 
 own expense, drove away the French, and 
 took 60 of them prisoners. Concerning this 
 business, there are extant two very interesting 
 letters of Lord Baltimore's, addressed to 
 Charles I. and the Duke of Buckingham, 
 
 1 Domeaf.ic Correspondence ; Car. I., Vol. V., No. 24, Cal., p. 81. 
 
148 LETTERS OF 
 
 which give a succinct account of this transac- 
 tion. To the King he writes : — 
 
 " Most gracious and dread Sovereign, — 
 " In this remote wilde parte of the worlde, 
 where I have planted myselfe, and shall en- 
 deavour, by God's assistance, to enlarge your 
 Majestie's dominions, and in whatsoever else 
 to serve your Majestie loyallye and faith- 
 fuUie with all the powers both of my mynde 
 and bodye, I meete with grate difficulties and 
 incumbrances at the beginninge (as enterprises 
 of this nature commonly have), and cannot 
 bee easilie overcome by such weake hands as 
 myne, without your Majestie's speciall pro- 
 tection : for which cause I must still renew 
 my addresses to your Majestie as your most 
 humble subject and vassall for the continuance 
 of your Princely favour to mee and this worke 
 which I have taken in hand. Your Majestie's 
 subjects fishings this yeare in the harbours of 
 this land have been much disquieted by a 
 Frenchman of Warre one Monsieur de la 
 Kade, of Deepe, who with three ships and 
 
LORD BALTIMORE. 149 
 
 400 men, well armed and appoynted, came 
 first into a harbour belonging to mee, called 
 Carpebroile, where hee surprised divers of 
 the fishermen, tooke two of their shipps in 
 the harbour, and kept the possession of them 
 till I sent two shipps of mine, with some 
 hundred men, beinge all the fource we coulde 
 make upon the suddayne in this place, where 
 I am planted ; uppon the approach of which 
 shipjDS neare to the harbour's mouth of Cape- 
 broile, one of them being 360 tons, with 24 
 pieces of ordnance, the firench let slip their 
 cables, and made to sea as fast as they could, 
 leaving behind them both the English shipps, 
 whereof they had formerly possession, 67 of 
 their own countrymen on shore, whom I have 
 had since heere with me prisoners. We fol- 
 lowed the chase so long as wee saw any pos- 
 sibility of coming upp with them, but they 
 were much better of saile, and wee were 
 forced to give it over. The said De la Rade 
 hath since donne mbre spoils uppon other of 
 your Majestie's subjects in the N. parts of this 
 
150 KEPRISALS UPON THE FRENCH. 
 
 land, as I was given to understand, which 
 caused me to pursue them a second tyme, 
 but they weare driven out of the country by 
 a shipp of London, before myne could gett 
 thither. Hereuppon, being still vexed with 
 these men, and both myselfe, in my poore 
 fisherie heere, and many other of your 
 Majestie's subjects, much injured this yeare 
 by them, I directed my ship, in consort with 
 Captain Fearn's man-of-warre, then in this 
 country, to seek out some of that nation at 
 Trepasse, a harbour to the S. where they used 
 to fish. There they found 6 shipps, 5 of 
 Bayonne, and one of St. Jean de Luz, whom 
 they tooke with their lading, being fish and 
 trayne, and have sent them to England. I 
 doe humblie beseech your Majestie's gracious 
 and benigne interpretation of my proceedings, 
 where the principall end hath been to doe 
 your Majestic service, and to give me leave 
 uppon this occasion to be an humble sutor 
 unto your Majestic, both for myne owne 
 safetie, and for many thousands of your sub- 
 jects that use this land, and come hither every 
 
ASKS FOE PROTECTION. 151 
 
 yeare, for the most parte weakely provided 
 of defences, that by your Majestie's supreame 
 authority for the preservation of your people, 
 being seamen and mariners, and their shijops, 
 from the spoile of the enemye (the loss whereof 
 much imports your Majestie's service), two 
 men-of-warre, at leaste, may be appoynted to 
 guard this coast, and to be heere betymes in 
 the yeare; the fishermen to contribute to the de- 
 fraying of the charge, which amongst soe 
 many will be but a small matter, and easilie 
 borne. I have humbly intreated my Lord 
 Duke to recommend and mediate it unto 
 your Princely wisdome, beseeching your 
 Majestie to pardon this unmannerly length 
 wherewith I have presumed to trouble your 
 patience. 
 
 " God Almighty preserve your Majestie 
 with a long Raygne and much happiness. 
 
 " Your Majestie's most loyal subject 
 and humble servant, 
 
 "GEO. BALTIMORE.! 
 
 " Ferryland, 25 August, 1628." 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. IV., No. 56, 57. 
 
152 LETTEE TO THE 
 
 In a letter of the same date, addressed to 
 the Duke of Buckingham, Lord Baltimore 
 writes : — 
 
 " May it please your Grace, 
 
 " I remember that His Majestie once told 
 me that I write as faier a hand to look 
 upon a farre as any man in England, but 
 that when any man came near it they were 
 not able to read a word. Whereuppon I gott 
 a dispensation both from His Majestie and 
 your Grrace, to use another man's pen when 
 I write to eyther of you, and I humbly 
 thanke you for it, for writing is a great 
 pain to mee nowe. 
 
 " I owe your Grace an account of my actions 
 and proceedings in this plantation, since under 
 your patronage, and by yoiir honourable me- 
 diation to His Majestie, I have transplanted 
 myself hither. I came to build, to sett, to 
 sowe, but I am fain to fighting with French- 
 men." 
 
 He then goes on to describe his affair with 
 De la Rade, and " La Fleur de la Jennesse 
 
DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM. 153 
 
 de Normandie," in words similar to those in 
 the last letter. He concludes hj requesting 
 the Duke to use his influence with the King 
 to induce him to send two men-of-war to New- 
 foundland, to protect the fishery : — 
 
 " If your Grace will bee pleased to inter- 
 cede unto His Majestie in that behalf, and 
 that some principall owners of the West 
 country may be conferred withall to that pur- 
 pose, before the next spring, and the contribu- 
 tion imposed heere by His Majestie's authority, 
 I have desired this bearer, Mr. Peasley, some- 
 time a servant of our late Sovereigne, who 
 for company I have had heere this summer, 
 to attend your Grace on my behalf, and I 
 humblye beseech you to vouchsafe me accesse 
 to your person, as there shall be occasion, 
 with favour, and I shall always rest the same, 
 now and for ever, 
 
 " Your Grace's most faithful! 
 and humble servant, 
 
 "GEO. BALTIMORE. 
 
 "Ferryland, Aug. 25, 1628." 
 
154 RELIGIOUS TROUBLES. 
 
 Lord Baltimore's request was granted, and 
 two prize ships, the "Esperaine" and " S. 
 Claude," were sent out to Newfoundland, 
 under the command of Leonard Calvert, his 
 Lordship's son. Poor Lord Baltimore, queru- 
 lous and dissatisfied, did not find Newfound- 
 land as pleasant a place as he expected. He 
 found that Captain Wynne had grossly exag- 
 gerated about the climate, the summers being 
 too short to ripen corn, and the island being 
 almost entirely dependent upon supplies fi-om 
 abroad. Added to this, he found the free 
 exercise of his religion no easier in Ferryland 
 than at Whitehall. The island was filled with 
 Pm-itans, who looked with abhorrence at his 
 papistical observances ; and some bold preacher 
 came and upheld sectarian doctrines under his 
 very nose at Ferryland. One of these, by 
 name Erasmus Stourton, burning with re- 
 ligious zeal, thought it his duty to denounce 
 Lord Baltimore's doings upon his return to 
 England. He had no sooner landed at Ply- 
 mouth, than he hastened to present himself 
 
ERASMUS STOUETON. 155 
 
 before Nicholas Sherwill, Mayor of Plymouth, 
 and Thomas Sherwill, merchant, both Justices 
 of the peace for the borough of Plymouth, 
 and into their horrified ears he poured his 
 astounding tale of Lord Baltimore's misdeeds : 
 how the said Lord arrived in Newfoundland 
 on the 23rd July, 1627, and brought with 
 him two seminary priests, one of them called 
 Langvill, and the other called Anthony Smith ; 
 but Langvill returned to England with the 
 said Lord, who brought out the same year 
 another priest, named Hackett, and with him 
 about 40 papists ; and how the said Hackett 
 and Smith said mass every Sunday, and used 
 " all the other ceremonies of the Church of 
 Rome, in the ample manner as 'tis used in 
 Spain ; " and how the child of one William 
 Poole, a Protestant, was baptised into the 
 Romish Church, by order of Lord Baltimore, 
 and contrary to the wish of its father."^ 
 
 No wonder that the worthy brothers Sher- 
 will, amazed at such enormities, sent Stourton 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. IV., No. 59. 
 
156 WAR WITH FRANCE. 
 
 post haste to the Privy Council, with a copy 
 of his deposition in his pocket. 
 
 England and France being now at war 
 (1628), the fishing banks at Newfoundland 
 were infested by French cruisers. Lord Bal- 
 timore, hearing that three French men-of-war 
 had appeared oflf the banks, sent his ship, the 
 "Benediction," together with the "Victory," 
 a ship from London, to drive the French 
 from the island. Not finding the men-of-war, 
 the Benediction and Victory sailed to Tre- 
 passe, where they found six French fishing 
 ships. The Benediction, entering the, harbour, 
 first gave the French six or seven shots, and 
 then poured in a broadside upon them, which 
 so terrified them, that they abandoned their 
 ships, and made off to the shore. In the 
 meanwhile, the Victory had lowered her 
 boats, and rowing to the French ships, 
 boarded them, and took possession. The 
 two war ships divided these prizes between 
 them, and in a further cruise, were equally 
 fortunate.^ 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. IV., No. 63. 
 
LORD Baltimore's troubles. 157 
 
 But despite his successes against the French, 
 it is evident that poor -Lord Baltimore is 
 heartily sick of Newfoundland. He finds 
 difficulties on every side ; his crops failing, 
 his health failing, his men dying, and his 
 religion despised and abhorred. He had 
 heard of Stourton's depositions, and his mind 
 is troubled. In 1629, August 19, he writes 
 to the King, to thank him for the loan of a 
 ship, which had been sent to him. In this 
 letter he complains of the calumny and malice 
 of those who seek to make him appear foul 
 in His Majesty's eyes, and of the slanderous 
 reports raised at Plymouth last winter, by an 
 audacious man, who was banished the colony 
 for his misdeeds. Has met with difficulties 
 in this place no longer to be resisted, and is 
 forced to shift to some warmer climate of 
 the world, where the winters are shorter and 
 less rigorous. He complains of the severity 
 of the weather from September to May ; both 
 land and sea frozen the greatest part of the 
 time. His house has been a hospital all the 
 
158 WISHES TO LEAVE THE COLONY. 
 
 winter; of 100 persons, 50 sick at one time, 
 he being one; nine or ten have died. His 
 strength is much decayed, but his inclination 
 carries him naturally to proceedings in planta- 
 tions. In conclusion, he desires a grant of a 
 precinct of land in Virginia, where he wishes 
 to remove with 40 persons, with such privi- 
 leges as King James granted to him in 
 Newfoundland.-' In reply to this doleful 
 epistle, the King wrote him^ a letter full of 
 kindness, but at the same time with a dash 
 of irony. Seeing his plantation in Newfound- 
 land has not answered his expectation, that 
 he is in pursuit of new countries, and weighing 
 that men of his condition and breeding are 
 fitted for other employments than the framing 
 of new plantations, which commonly have 
 rugged and laborious beginnings, the King 
 has thought fit to advise him to desist from 
 farther prosecuting his designs, and to retm-n 
 to his native country, where he shall enjoy 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. V., No. 27. 
 2 Dated at WhitehaU, Nov. 22, 1629. Col. Papers : Vol V., No. 39. 
 
HIS DEATH. 159 
 
 such respects as his former services and late 
 endeavours justly deserve. 
 
 But Lord Baltimore refused to accept King 
 Charles's advice, and persisted in his request 
 for a grant on the Continent of America. At 
 length the King acceded to his request, and 
 made him a grant of the province of Mary- 
 land ; but before the patent could be drawn 
 up, poor Lord Baltimore died. Tlie patent, 
 however, was made out and signed in favour 
 of his son, Cecil, 2nd Lord Baltimore, on 
 the 30th June, 1632.^ 
 
 About the same time, the King issued his 
 orders to the Canada Commissioners, to take 
 possession of the forts then under the com- 
 mand of Lewis Kirke, and deliver them up 
 to the French, according to his Royal word 
 and pleasure. Having seen their authority, 
 Lewis Kirke delivered up the forts to the 
 Commissioners, and then returned to England 
 to his brother's house, there to consider their 
 mutual losses. 
 
 1 Colonial Entry Book : No. 52, p. 1—19. 
 
160 LEWIS KIEKE. 
 
 In the year 1635, Lewis Kirke was ap- 
 pointed to the command of the " Leopard," 
 and his brother Thomas to the command of 
 the " Sampson," two men-of-war attached to 
 the Channel Squadron. In the following year, 
 he was removed to the " Repulse,'' and 
 Thomas Kirke to the " Swallow," both ships 
 in the same squadron. On the 20th August, 
 1636, the Repulse was invaded by a dreadful 
 plague. Thirty sick men were landed at 
 Margate, and eight more were left on board 
 too ill to move. The surgeon lay dead " of 
 spotted fever full of spots ;" so the Repulse 
 was put out of commission and discharged. 
 
 Sir David Kirke, having tried every means 
 to obtain redress for the injuries he had re- 
 ceived, and convinced that nothing could be 
 got from the French, not even the money 
 which they had agreed to pay him, began 
 to entertain the idea of taking up the colony 
 at Newfoundland, which Lord Baltimore had 
 deserted. He applied to the King for this 
 purpose, and obtained from him on the 13th 
 
SETTLERS AT FEEEYLAND. 161 
 
 of NoTember, 1637, a grant of the whole 
 island of Newfoundland, with all the powers 
 of a Count Palatine over the island.^ 
 
 Sir David Kirke was not a man to waste 
 his time, so having collected 100 men to 
 accompany him to Newfoundland, he fitted 
 out one of his own ships, the " Abigail," 
 with everything necessary for a colony, and 
 sailed from England in the spring of 1638. 
 He established himself at Ferryland in the 
 
 1 There is considerable difficulty with regard to this Grant to Sir 
 David Kirke. On the 13th of November, 1637, two patents were 
 drawn up and signed ; the first was a Grant to " Air right trustie and 
 righte well-beloved cosens and counsellors, James, Marq^uess of Hamil- 
 ton, Master of our Horse; Philip, Earle of Pembroke and Montgomerie, 
 Lord Chamberlayne of our Household ; and Henrie, Earl of Holland, 
 Chiefe Justice, Justice in Eyre of all our forests, chaces, and parkes in 
 the southern side of our river of Trente ; and to our well-beloved Sir 
 David Kirke, Knight, one of the Gentlemen of our Privie Chamber,'* 
 of '* all that whole continent island or region, commonly called or knowne 
 by the name of Newfoundlande, bordering upon the continente of 
 America, &c., &c." The whole Grant is most absolute of everything 
 and right in that country. The second Grant is similar to the first, but 
 is to Sir David Kirke only. It is impossible to account for these appar- 
 ently contradictory Grants except upon the supposition that Sir David, 
 being the only one of the grantees who intended to reside at Newfound- 
 land, it was thought desirable to give him plenary powers in case any 
 dispute should arise upon the island. He was also appointed by the 
 other grantees Sole- Governor and Captain of the vast territory which 
 hey jointly possessed; and as his three co-grantees died in a few years, 
 Sir David was left in sole possession. 
 
 M 
 
162 NEWFOUNDLAND COMPANY. 
 
 house built by Lord Baltimore, and made 
 every arrangement for a prolonged stay in tbe 
 island. Before he left England, Sir David 
 had formed a company to carry on the New- 
 foundland trade. The Marquis of Hamilton, 
 the Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, and 
 the Earl of Holland, had joined with him to 
 form a company, and had assisted him with 
 money to carry it out. Ships were sent out 
 to the island, which were put under the 
 management of Sir David, and the fish and 
 oil which they collected, were forwarded to 
 London, and sold by the company's manager 
 in London. 
 
 Lord Baltimore's complaints and the dismal 
 accounts which he had forwarded to England, 
 had somewhat prejudiced men's minds against 
 settling in the island : so one of the first 
 acts of Sir David Kirke was to try and 
 remove the injurious impressions which were 
 afloat. For this purpose he wrote a long 
 and highly interesting account of the country, 
 with the prospects of trade in the different 
 
STATE OF THE ISLAND. 163 
 
 industries then practised, which he divides 
 into eight heads — ^fishing, buying and making 
 of salt, making potashes, brewing and baking, 
 ironworks, impositions (taxes) upon strangers, 
 and trade. By the last head is meant barter 
 and traffic with the natives; and apropos to 
 this Sir David gives an interesting account of 
 former dealings with the natives, from which 
 I have quoted largely in my account of 
 Alderman Guy's expedition. In the conclu- 
 sion of his narrative he ridicules the idea put 
 forward that noblemen and gentlemen should 
 not engage in trade, and that if they did 
 would be sure to lose their money. He says, 
 " Mala mens, malus animus. He that hath 
 a habit of playing false himself thinks every 
 man els a cheater. But wee knowe not the 
 condition and quality of the Answeares and 
 therefore wee will not be definitive in our cen- 
 sure as they are in their conclusion. It was 
 never heard, say they, that any lord or gentle- 
 man gott anything by tradinge. Never heard? 
 Hath noe man ever heard of the noblemen 
 
164 TRADE. 
 
 and gentlemen of Italy? Have they noe 
 hand in merchandize? Nay, are not the 
 greatest of their princes some way or other 
 ingaged in a constant cause of traffique ? But, 
 not to send you soe farr for examples, it is 
 very well knowne that divers gentlemen of 
 the west of England have for many yeares 
 past, and doe yet, to their great profit, con- 
 tinue even this trade of fishinge, the subject 
 of our discourse, which, if you had studyed 
 with a little more care and inquiry, you might 
 yet farther have heard or read the opinions 
 and instructions upon such a theme, of a man 
 as great as any of his age brought forth, and 
 a great and eminent peere of England, who 
 adviseth in business of this nature to admitt 
 of none but noblemen and gentlemen, exclud- 
 ing utterly the merchant from having any 
 hand in the designs. Our hopes, therefore, 
 are that their Lordships will take the strange 
 encouragement to proceed in the course be- 
 gane, from the weakness of the reasons ob- 
 jected against it. And wee assure ourselves 
 
LETTER TO 165 
 
 wee shall render to the adventurers such 
 accounts as shall give them high satisfaction, 
 if in the manage of the business they be 
 pleased to take the advice of such as have 
 the best opportunityes to understand it. And 
 are here for this purpose to doe all right to 
 them, honour to His Majesty, and good to 
 the natives of the land and all His Highnesses 
 subjects that shall engage themselves in the 
 action." 
 
 After a year's experience of Newfoundland, 
 Sir David wrote home a most promising 
 account of the country. He pronounces the 
 climate to be healthy, though rather severe, 
 the air agreeing with everyone, except Jesuits 
 and schismatics — a sly rap at Lord Baltimore. 
 Sir David had an equal dislike to both 
 Catholics and Puritans : he was a good 
 Churchjnan, and an admirer of Archbishop 
 Laud, with whom he kept up a regular cor- 
 respondence. One of his letters is extant, 
 and as it gives a good account of his position, 
 I shall insert it in full; — 
 
166 AKCHBISHOP LAUD. 
 
 '' Most Reverend Father, 
 
 '■} 
 
 " I doe with joye and a gratefiill hart, ac- 
 knowledge the favour I received from your 
 Grace, in your good wishes for our prosperity 
 in this country, after it had pleased His 
 Majesty to grant to us by his Patent. My 
 Lord, I doubt not but God hath blessed us 
 the more for your Grace's blessing upon us, 
 for wee have found the country so good and 
 healthfiill, that since our arrival heer, of 
 about 100 persons which wee brought over to 
 this daye, wee have lost but one of sickness, 
 and hee a diseased man, before we departed 
 out of England. Concerning the temperature 
 of the clyme, and the general estate of y* 
 country, your Grace may be at large informed 
 by these relations which are sent over to the 
 Company, and shall bee presented to your 
 Grace, if your more serious and greate im- 
 ployments maye allowe any time of leysure 
 for their perusal. I shall only add this one 
 particular observation, out of what had hap- 
 pened in the country heretofore, and what I 
 
EELIGION. 167 
 
 hope shall foUowe hereafter. That the ayre 
 of Newfoundland agrees perfectly well with 
 all God's creatures, except Jesuits and schis- 
 matics. A great mortality amongst the for- 
 mer tribe so affrighted my Lord Baltimore, 
 that hee utterly deserted the country. And 
 of the other sort we have heard so many 
 frensies from our next neighbouring planta- 
 tion, the greatest His Majesty hath in America, 
 that wee hope our strict observance and use 
 of the rites and service of the Church of 
 England, as it is our chiefest safety, by the 
 blessing of God, whose ordinance wee are 
 constantly persuaded it is. So may it dis- 
 courage for ever all seditious spirits to mingle 
 with us, to the disturbance of that happy 
 conformity which wee desire may be estab- 
 lished in this land. To this good end, if it 
 shall please your Grace to give us directions 
 for the time to come (for we doubt not that 
 the country may be peopled in a short time 
 with a numerous plantation of His Majesty's 
 subjects), wee shall with all respect and 
 
168 FISHERIES. 
 
 faythfalness receive and practise your Grrace's 
 injunctions : and I in my particular, shall rest 
 ever, 
 
 " Your Grace's most obedient, 
 
 "DAVID KIRKE.^ 
 
 "Ferry land, Octobris 2°, 1639. 
 
 " To the Most Eeverend Father in God, 
 
 William, by the Divine Providence, 
 
 Lord Archbishop of Canterburie, his 
 
 Grace present these." 
 
 Undismayed by the difficulties which had 
 driven away Lord Baltimore, and determiaed 
 to establish the Colony of Newfoundland upon 
 a sure and lasting footing, Sir David Kirke 
 laboured with all his might to develop the 
 fisheries under his control; feeling, and that 
 truly, that the mainland was too cold and 
 barren ever to succeed as an agricultural 
 colony, and that its whole wealth and im- 
 portance depended upon the valuable fisheries 
 which its seas afforded on every side. With 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. X., No. 40. Endorsed by Laud, "Reod., Jan. 
 1640." 
 
DISCONTENT OF THE FISHEEMEN. 169 
 
 this idea, he used every eflfort to increase the 
 fishing trade, now grown to great importance, 
 by offering every facility to both British and 
 foreign fishermen to prosecute their trade — 
 both by means of his protection as Grovernor, 
 and also by erecting sheds on the land where 
 they could dry and salt their fish, and lodging 
 homes, where they could be housed and fed 
 during their sojourn in Newfoundland. But 
 it could not be supposed that the British 
 fishermen would view with favour Kirke's 
 impartiality to aU the fishermen who resorted 
 to the banks. Murmurs were heard from them 
 on all sides, which at last formed coherent 
 expression in a petition to the Privy Council, 
 signed by the Bishop of Exeter, William 
 Peterson, and fourteen others, saying that 
 numerous complaints had been received from 
 merchants, fishermen, and others, of injuries 
 which they had received at the hands of Sir 
 David Kirke and his company. " Cook rooms 
 and stages have been destroyed, and the 
 principal places for fishermen disposed of to 
 
170 kjrke's answer, 
 
 aliens. Taverns, which had been expressly 
 forbidden by the Privy Council, have been 
 set up by Kirke, whereby the fishermen waste 
 their estates, and grow disorderly. It is re- 
 quested that some timely course may be taken 
 for the prevention of such houses."^ 
 
 This petition was presented in January, 
 1640. In the following March, letters were 
 sent by the Lords of the Privy Council to 
 Sir David Kirke, informing him of the 
 charges made against him. In September, 
 Sir David writes^ to the Privy Council. He 
 protests that all the allegations are false. 
 That the stages and cook-rooms have been 
 pulled down by the fishermen themselves, 
 inasmuch that the masters complained to him 
 of these outrages. Has sent warrants to all 
 planters and fishermen, to see the clauses of 
 the 9th of His Majesty's reign duly kept. 
 Hopes by good proofs to clear himself firom 
 causeless clamours against him. "Whoever 
 
 1 CoL Papers ; Vol. X., No. 46. 
 2 Dated, "Perryland, September 12, 16i0." See Appendix F. and 
 Col. Papers : Vol. X., No. 77. 
 
1640-50. in 
 
 would interrupt the fishing of Newfoundland, 
 is worthy the name of a traitor." 
 
 After this letter, we hear no more com- 
 plaints against Sir David Kirke ; either the 
 proofs which he offered of his innocence were 
 considered satisfactory, or else the civil war 
 which began in the following year, drove all 
 such trifling matters from the heads of both 
 King and Council. 
 
 During the next ten years — 1640-50 — there 
 is a great blank in the State Papers relating 
 to Newfoundland. The King and the Parlia- 
 ment were too much occupied with home 
 affairs to pay any attention to the state of 
 the Colonies, so that these last were left to 
 their own devices, some having espoused the 
 King's cause, and others that of the Parlia- 
 ment. Sir David Kirke, during this period, 
 remained in undisturbed possession of New- 
 foundland, and kept the Royal standard con- 
 tinually hoisted in front of his house and fort 
 of Ferryland. At the outbreak of the war, 
 his brothers, Lewis and Thomas, joined the 
 
172 LEWIS KIRKE. 
 
 King when he hoisted his standard at Not- 
 tingham, on the 22nd of August, 1642, and 
 Lewis Kirke was invested with the command 
 of a troop of horse. Both the brothers fought 
 in the bloody and undecisive battle of Edge- 
 hill; and not long afterwards, Thomas Kirke 
 was killed in one of the numerous skirmishes 
 which took place between the Cavaliers and 
 Roundheads. Lewis Kirke accompanied the 
 King into the West of England, took part 
 in the siege of Grloucester, which was raised 
 by the Earl of Essex, and in the battle of 
 Newbury. Here he so distinguished himself, 
 that a few days after the battle, he was 
 knighted^ by the King at Oxford, whither 
 the Royal army had retired, on the 23rd 
 of April, 1643. He was afterwards made 
 Governor of Bridgnorth Castle, in the county of 
 Shropshire, a place of considerable strength 
 and importance, which fact we learn from two 
 letters, one written by the King to Sir Levris 
 Kirke, from Evesham, ordering him to send 
 
 1 See Harleian MS., 6062 ; Landsdowue MS., 807, 1 62. 
 
GOVEENOE OF BEIDGNOETH. 173 
 
 some victuals for the army, and the other 
 from Sir Lewis Kirke^ to Sir Francis Ottley, 
 upon the same business. From this time we 
 lose sight of Sir Lewis Kirke, until the Restora- 
 tion, when he was appointed. Captain and 
 Paymaster of the Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms. 
 That he continued to fight for the King until 
 his cause was hopeless there can be no doubt, 
 especially as we find his name down in the 
 list of delinquents, compelled to pay from his 
 slender purse £151 for his loyalty to his 
 King.^ 
 
 1 Letter of Sir Lewis Kirke, GoTemor of Bridgnorth Castle, to Sir 
 Francis Ottley : " Sir, — His Majestie being advanced to Evesham, hath 
 by His letters from thence of the Vlth instanty, required me speedilie 
 to provide and send ten tonne of cheese from these parts to be delivered 
 to the Mayor of Worcester, who shall give the owners satisfaction out 
 of the markett rates. I desire you, therefore, that you send in this 
 night, soe soon after as possible, yn care to BayliiFe Synge's house at 
 Bridgnorth, one tonne of a good sorte of cheese, whether ould or this 
 yeare's making, and thence that there be an officer appointed to receive 
 the same, and to attend itt to Worcester, and to demand to receive the 
 monies for itt there, which shall, upon his return, bee speedilie paid 
 everie person who shall soe send in. Letting you further know, that as 
 I have sent unto His Majestic an account how I have proceeded in his 
 commands, by sending him a catalogue of the names of the persons and 
 the portions from them required, see I must if there be a fail in any 
 one, and signifie the same to His Majestie, for my owne excuse. I rest 
 your loveing friend to serve you, " LEWIS KIRKE." 
 
 2 If we are to believe a petition to King Charles 11. by Colonel 
 
174 THE king's cause 
 
 In the meanwhile, Sir David Kirke held 
 Newfoundland for the King, and offered His 
 Majesty an asylum in that place, when Eng- 
 land was no longer safe for him to stay in. 
 With a view to maintaining his position, Sir- 
 David procured 400 seamen from England, by 
 offering high pay, and other advantages, to 
 man his ships, which he also armed vrith 
 heavy guns. These men were brought from 
 England under the pretence of filling vacancies 
 in the fishing ships at Newfoundland; but 
 the affair having got wind, the Council of 
 State issued an ordinance on the 23rd of 
 February, 1649, to the Comptrollers of Customs 
 
 Temple, in December, 1660, one of the Kirkes accompanied King 
 Charles I. upon the scaffold. In this petition (to be found in the Col. 
 Papers : Vol. XIV., No. 6i) Colonel Temple says, " One of the last 
 commands that he (the King) whispered to Kirke on the scaffold was to 
 charge this King to have a care of honest Tom Temple." Though Col. 
 Temple may have been mistaken about this last injunction of the un- 
 fortunate King, yet the very fact of his asserting that it was said to 
 Kirke, proves that one of that name must have been present on the 
 scaffold at the execution, as the event was quite recent enough, and 
 being of such great importance to leave every fact imprinted on the 
 minds of the speotaters. Who this Kirke could be we have no means 
 of knowing ; it must, however, have been one of two persons, either 
 Sir Lewis Kirke, the distinguished cavalier, or else George Kirke, groom 
 of the bedchamber, most probably tha latter. 
 
IN NEWFOUNDLAND. 175 
 
 at Plymouth, Dartmouth, and Barnstaple, re- 
 quiring them not to let any more sailors to 
 go to Newfoundland, as they are informed 
 that 400 seamen have been taken up under 
 pretence of being transported to Newfound- 
 land, to fish for Sir David Kirke, and that 
 by reason of the great wages, and other ad- 
 vantages offered, the navy of the Common- 
 wealth could not be furnished with men. 
 
 The death of the King frustrated Sir David's 
 intentions ; but determined to hold out as 
 long as possible, he wrote to Prince Rupert, 
 who about this time was cruising in the 
 English Channel, with a fleet which had re- 
 volted from the Parliament, and begged him 
 to make sail for Newfoundland, where he 
 could recruit his fleet, and devise fresh schemes 
 for annoying the enemy .^ Upon the receipt 
 of this message. Prince Rupert set sail for 
 America; but news of his intention had been 
 conveyed to London, and a fleet, under the 
 
 1 Interregnum Entry Book : Vol. XC, p. 263. Ibid : Vol. CXV. 
 p. 148. 
 
176 SEQUESTEATIONS. 
 
 command of Sir George Ayscue, was sent to 
 prevent his joining Sir David Kirke at New- 
 foundland; so diverting Ms course, lie made 
 all sail for Barbadoes, which enjoyed the 
 reputation of being the most loyal of the 
 Colonies, 
 
 The battle had been fought out, and now 
 the victors were engaged in dividing the spoil. 
 Sequestrators were sent into all the counties 
 of England to take inventories of all the 
 property of delinquents, and appropriate the 
 same to the uses of the Commonwealth. Of 
 the owners some had fallen in battle, the rest 
 had fled to Holland, France, and the colonies, 
 to escape death or imprisonment. In this 
 universal spoliation it was not to be expected 
 Sir David Kirke would escape : he was 
 known to be a zealous royalist, his brothers 
 had done good service in the King's armies, 
 and he had recently been discovered in treaty 
 with the enemy. But still his case was not 
 an ordinary one; he owed no allegiance to 
 the English Parliament; by his grant he ex- 
 
ORDERED HOME. 177 
 
 ercised palatinate jurisdiction over Newfound- 
 land and its dependencies (the other grantees 
 being by this time all dead), and he himself 
 had not taken up arms against the Parliament. 
 It was, therefore, thought advisable by the 
 Government to rake up the old grievances 
 which had been alleged against him by the 
 Western traders before the outbreak of the 
 war, and to cite him to answer these charges. 
 On the 8th of April, 1651, a warrant was 
 issued to Captain Thomas Thoroughgood, 
 commander of the " Crescent," to sail to New- 
 foundland, and bring Sir David Kirke to 
 England, to answer the charges which have 
 been made against him.^ But to show how 
 little justice Kirke could expect at the hands 
 of the Government, a warrant was issued on 
 the same day to John Treworgie and Walter 
 Sykes, ordering them to sail in the Crescent 
 to Newfoundland, and to sequestrate, for the 
 benefit of the Commonwealth, all ordnance, 
 ammunition, houses, boats, and other articles 
 
 1 Interregnum Entry Book : Vol. CXVII. p. 114. 
 
 N 
 
178 COMMITTEE APPOINTED. 
 
 belonging to Sir David Kirke, and to collect the 
 taxes paid by strangers for the right of fishing. 
 
 Sir David arrived in England in September, 
 and immediately presented himself before the 
 Council, anxious that a most thorough inves- 
 tigation of his conduct should be made. 
 
 But now began a series of most vexations 
 delays. The 4th of November was appointed 
 by order of the Council to consider the busi- 
 ness relating to Newfoundland, but though 
 Sir David attended with his papers, nothing 
 was done. On the 12th of January, 1653, 
 an order of the Council was issued appointing 
 Mr. Nevile, the Earl of Pembroke, Colonel 
 Morley, Mr. Love, Colonel Purefoy, Mr. Hay, 
 Mr. Holland, Mr. Scott, Mr. Bond, and Sir 
 Arthur Haselrig, or any three of them, a Com- 
 mittee to examine the business concerning Sir 
 David Kirke, to perus'e papers relative to his 
 doings in Newfoundland, and to require, an 
 account of what is due to the Commonwealth 
 on the profits of shares forfeited to the state, 
 and to report upon the whole matter.^ 
 
 1 Inteiregnum Entry Book : Vol. XCIV, pp. 192, 272, 280. 
 
DELAY. 179 
 
 On the 29tli of the same month, Sir David 
 Kirke was summoned before the Council, and 
 ordered to enter into a bond not to depart out 
 of the Common-wealth, and to be in readiness 
 to attend the Committee when sent for. He 
 was always ready to meet the Committee, but 
 the Committee did not seem equally anxious 
 to meet him. As if the Committee was not 
 already large enough. Sir Henry Vane, Mr. 
 Masham, Mr. Challoner, Colonel Dixwell, Mr. 
 Corbett, Lord Bradshaw, and Mr. Morley 
 were added to it by order of Council, dated 
 April 2nd.^ On the 12th of the same month, 
 Sir David presented a petition to the Council, 
 praying that his case might be entered into ; 
 but it was not till the 11th of June that his 
 case was heard. The result of their delibera- 
 tions was to the effect that Sir David Kirke 
 had no authority in Newfoundland under the 
 grant of Charles Stuart ; that all forts, houses, 
 stages, and other appurtenances relating to 
 the fishing trade, and established on the island 
 
 1 Interregnum Entry Book : Vol. XCIV., p. 633. 
 
180 DECISION 
 
 by Kirke and his fellow-adventurers, should be 
 forfeited to the Grovernment as the property 
 of delinquents; that Kirke's own private effects 
 shall be secured to him, and he is to be at 
 liberty to send over his wife and servants to 
 take care of his estate.^ At the same time 
 instructions were sent to Walter Sykes, Robert 
 Street, Captain William Pyle, and Captain 
 Nicholas Eedwood, commissioners for manag- 
 ing and ordering the affairs and interest of 
 the Commonwealth in Newfoundland in the 
 year ensuing, "to repair thither immediately, 
 and take possession of the ordnance, ammuni- 
 tion, houses, boats, stages, and other appurten- 
 ances belonging to the fishing trade ; to collect 
 impositions until Parliament declare their 
 further pleasure. Take care for the govern- 
 ment and well-ordering of the inhabitants ; 
 secure the fishery against Rupert or any others ; 
 discover what is due to the Commonwealth 
 upon the adventure of several delinquents, and 
 
 1 Interregnum Entry Book: Vol. CLIX., y. 7. Ibid: Vol. LVII., 
 pp. 11, 14, 22, 24. 
 
OF THE COUNCIL. 181 
 
 alleged to be in the hands of Sir David Kirke, 
 who is to be permitted by himself or deputies 
 to manage his estate there, subject to rules 
 and directions from themselves ; to administer 
 the engagement to all the inhabitants ; give 
 a full account of their proceedings from time 
 to time; admit Sir David Kirke to cross- 
 examine witnesses ; and enquire into com- 
 plaints." 
 
 At the same time, permission was granted 
 to Sir David to return to Newfoundland, on 
 condition that he returned to England with 
 the Commissioners, and in the meanwhile gave 
 security that he would answer whatever was 
 objected against him, and to pay such sums 
 as shall appear to be due from him to the 
 Commonwealth. Upon such hard terms as 
 these, Sir David Kirke returned to his estates 
 at Ferryland, in the summer of 1652. He 
 could not have remained long there, for in 
 the spring of 1653, we find him again in 
 England, for a petition of his to the Council 
 of State, was filed on the 4th of March, 
 
182 SEQUESTEATION REMOVED. 
 
 1653/ and on the 30th of the same month, 
 Sir David and Mr. Sykes, the Commissioner, 
 were ordered to appear before the Council, 
 on the 1st of April ; upon which day Sir 
 David appeared, but Mr. Sykes, making de- 
 fault, the latter was peremptorily ordered to 
 attend on the 15th instant, on which day the 
 petitions on both sides were considered, and 
 the business referred to the Committee for 
 Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Sir David, in the meanwhile, had not been 
 idle. He had gained the assistance of Colonel 
 Claypole, Cromwell's son-in-law, by making 
 him a present of a large estate in Newfound- 
 land, and promising him a share of the 
 fishery duties. With Claypole's assistance, 
 he obtained the removal of the seques- 
 tration upon his property, and with the 
 exception of the ordnance and forts, the 
 whole was restored to him; and he was 
 allowed to return to Newfoundland, upon en- 
 
 1 Interregnum Entry Book: Vol. CLXI., pp. 15, 16, 20, 23, 26, 29, 
 32, 33. 
 
RETURNS TO NEWFOUNDLAND. 183 
 
 tering into a bond of double the value of his 
 estate, to answer any charges that might be 
 brought against him.^ 
 
 With such terms, which were the best he 
 could procure, Kirke was bound to be satisfied; 
 so he set sail for Newfoundland, and arrived 
 there in the autumn of 1653. At this time 
 his troubles seemed to be over, and he might 
 with reason look forward to a life of happi- 
 ness and usefulness, in the wild, but interest- 
 ing country, in which he had established 
 himself. Through all the latter period of his 
 life, through cloud and sunshine, he had been 
 sustained by the assistance of a devoted and 
 loving wife. Children had been born to him, 
 and his house at Ferryland was filled with 
 stalwart sons and fair daughters, who would, 
 as he hoped, in after years uphold the honour 
 of his house, and extend its influence in the 
 land where he had been for so many years 
 little short of an independent sovereign. 
 
 But all these hopes and expectations were 
 
 1 Interregnum Entry Book: Vol. XCVII., pp. 197, 204—7. 
 
184 
 
 blighted by his death, which took place in 
 the winter of 1655-6, but the exact date is 
 not known. His end was sudden and un- 
 expected, as he was only in his 56th year. 
 Naturally he was of a robust constitution ; but 
 trouble and anxiety, and the exposure for many 
 years to the rigour of an extremely cold climate, 
 must have made him prematurely old, and 
 laid the seeds of the disease which eventually 
 carried him off, at a comparatively early age.^ 
 No account of Sir David Kirke, by the hand 
 of a contemporary, has come down to us, but 
 if we may judge him by his actions, he was 
 certainly an extraordinary person. He was 
 essentially a practical man ; his theories were 
 never stultified by his actions, and his success 
 in most cases, certainly in those which de- 
 pended upon his own exertions, far exceeded 
 his expectations. But throughout his life he 
 was most unfortunate in all his undertakings. 
 Never were the achievements of an English 
 
 1 The exact date of his death is uncertain ; but in » petition of 
 Walter Sykes to the Privy Council, on the 29th April, 1656, Sir David 
 is spoken of as deceased, so he must have died in the winter of 1655-6. 
 
185 
 
 ojBEicer more unrequited. The capture of 
 Canada and Nova Scotia, the destruction of 
 a French fleet of eighteen sail, and the ex- 
 penditure of £40,000, was ill rewarded by 
 an empty title, and an honorary addition to 
 his arms. But instead of being discouraged 
 and disgusted, his ill success in the Canadas 
 only spurred on Sir David to fresh exertions ; 
 he was the only man of his time who fully 
 appreciated the value of the Newfoundland 
 fisheries; and, undeterred by the ill success 
 which attended Lord Baltimore, Dr. Vaughan, 
 and others, who had attempted to colonize 
 Newfoundland, he determined to risk his life 
 and estate in a similar attempt. 
 
 We have seen how he succeeded. For 
 nearly twenty years he resided at Ferryland 
 as Governor, and during the latter period, as 
 sole owner of the whole island. He pro- 
 tected the fisheries from pirates, and in return 
 gained a considerable revenue, in the shape 
 of a tax paid for the use of stages on the 
 sea shore, erected for the purpose of drying 
 
186 AND MISFOETUNES. 
 
 the fish caught. During the civil war in 
 England, both the King and the Parliament 
 were too much occupied with home affairs, to 
 give any thought to those of Newfoundland ; 
 so Sir David was left in sole possession of 
 the island, responsible to none, though he 
 himself, as a staunch supporter of the King, 
 considered himself under His Majesty's com- 
 mands, until the unfortunate liionarcli had 
 ceased to live. 
 
 The death of the King was the signal for 
 his own ruin. As a malignant, his estates 
 were confiscated, he himself summoned to 
 England, and put under arrest, though after- 
 wards liberated upon giving enormous bail, 
 and although at last permitted to return to 
 Newfoundland, it was as a ruined man. 
 
 But though he was prevented carrying out 
 his plans to their fullest extent, the sojourn 
 of Sir David Kirke in Newfoundland was pro- 
 ductive of the greatest benefit to the island, 
 and laid the foundation of its subsequent 
 prosperity. 
 
CLAIMS OF HIS 187 
 
 He left three sons, -who were all with him 
 in Newfoundland at the time of his death: 
 George, David, and Philip. Upon the 
 Restoration, Sir Lewis Kirke, their uncle, 
 presented a petition to the King on their 
 behalf, reciting his own services in the Civil 
 War, the services of his brother, and the 
 grant to Sir David Kirke, by King Charles I., 
 of the island of Newfoundland, and praying 
 that the ships about to be sent thither, may 
 assist his nephews to recover their inherit- 
 ance, of which they had been dispossessed.^ 
 But, as is well known, Charles TI. found 
 himself much embarrassed at his Restoration' 
 between two conflicting parties. There were 
 the old Cavaliers, who had fought and bled 
 for his father on many a field of battle, and 
 there were his new friends, the Presbyterians, 
 and moderate party, who, disgusted with the 
 tyranny of the party under Cromwell, and the 
 extravagancies of religious madmen, had re- 
 stored him to the throne of his ancestors. It 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. XIV., No. 8. 
 
188 FAMILY. 
 
 was a hard position to be placed in, and no 
 wonder many old and tried friends of 
 monarchy had to suffer under the plea of 
 expediency. 
 
 Cecil, Lord Baltimore, put in a claim to 
 Newfoundland, under the grant to his father, 
 by James I. As we have seen, there can be 
 no doubt the first Lord Baltimore abandoned 
 Newfoundland ; in his letter to King Charles, 
 he prays to be removed from the island, and 
 to have a grant of land where the climate 
 was less rigorous. This request was granted 
 by Charles, and he made over to Lord Balti- 
 more the territory of Maryland. 
 
 In the full conviction that the Baltimores 
 had abandoned Newfoundland, Sir David 
 Kirke obtained a grant of that place from 
 the King, and in this grant it is recited 
 that, " George, Lord Baltimore, having left 
 the plantation in no sort provided for, Cecil, 
 his heir, having also deserted it, as have 
 several others who have grants of parcels of 
 land, leaving divers of our poor subjects in 
 
COUNTEK CLAIMS. 189 
 
 the said province, living without government; 
 this grant was made at the humble petition^ 
 of the above." 
 
 This was in 1637, and no complaint was 
 made by Lord Baltimore till 1660. It is 
 difficult to see, then, what claims he could 
 substantiate. However, he prevailed with 
 the Council, and the King issued a warrant 
 to Sir Lewis Kirke,^ Elizabeth, widow of 
 Sir David Kirke, and his sons, Philip, 
 Greorge, and David, to deliver up possession 
 of all their property in Newfoundland, as it 
 belonged to Lord Baltimore, by the grant 
 of James I. to his father. 
 
 1 In the grant to Sir David Kirke it is specially recited, " But the 
 said Lord Baltimore deserting the sayd plantation in his life tyme, and 
 leavinge the same in noe sorte provided for, accordinge to the sayd un- 
 dertakinge, and yet leavinge divers of our poore subjects in the sayd 
 province livinge without government, the sayd Lord Baltimore shortlie 
 aftervpards died ; and Cecile, his Sonne and heire apparent, hath alsoe 
 deserted the sayd province and plantation, and alsoe Sir Frauncis 
 Bacon, Knighte, deceased, afterwards Lord Albons, and late Lord 
 Chauncellor of England, our citie of London, and divers others to whom 
 severall graunts of divers parcells of Newfoundland aforesayd were 
 alsoe, by severall letters patent, formerly graunted, have alsoe deserted 
 the province and plantation." 
 
 2 Col. Papers : Vol. 21V., Ifo. 9 (2). 
 
190 ATTEMPT TO KECOVEE 
 
 Deprived of their rights in Newfoundland, 
 Sir Lewis and his brother John attempted to 
 recover the money which the French had 
 agreed to pay to them and their brother David 
 for the forts in Canada and Nova Scotia. On 
 the 19th of July, 1660, a petition was pre- 
 sented by them to the Committee for Foreign 
 Plantations, in which they state that "they were 
 with others settled in Nova Francia, Acadia, 
 and Canada, from 1628 to 1632, and expended 
 almost £60,000 in improving the plantations 
 and trade in those parts ; but were obliged by 
 the treaty of 1632 to withdraw themselves, 
 their servants, ships, and goods, and pay the 
 French £9000. Notwithstanding, none of the 
 agreements have been performed by the 
 French, although the petitioners have pre- 
 sented their demands for redress, as also for 
 a ship taken in 1633. In 1655, the late pre- 
 tended Protector regained these forts and 
 places, and retained them upon the petitioners' 
 title, but refused their right because they were 
 malignants; and committed, the benefit and 
 
THE FRENCH INDEMNITY. 191 
 
 trade to Thomas Temple, in whose custody 
 they now are. Pray that the seyeral forts and 
 places now in the hands of Temple may be 
 given up to them, or detained till the French 
 satisfy the petitioners, who can make it appear 
 they are damnified above £53,000 sterling."^ 
 
 But though several petitions were presented, 
 and everything possible done, no money could 
 be procured. The King was on too good 
 terms with France to demand the payment of 
 the £60,000 ; so the widow and children of 
 Sir David Kirke were left poor and unprovided 
 for, whilst Charles and his ministers reaped a 
 rich harvest, the result of his exertions. 
 
 During Sir David Kirke's government of 
 Newfoundland, he offered every inducement 
 to colonists to settle in the island, so that be- 
 fore the year 1650 more than three hundred 
 and fifty families were located in different 
 parts of the island. After his death a petition 
 was addressed by the inhabitants to the Lords 
 
 1 Col. Papers : Vol. XIV., No. 22, 23, 24, 28. 
 
192 STATE OP NEWFOUNDLAND. 
 
 of Trade and Plantations/ applying for some 
 local governor and magistrates who should 
 decide disputes and prevent disorders amongst 
 them ; but their sensible request was opposed 
 by the merchants and shipowners in London 
 and -Bristol who were interested in the New- 
 foundland trade; and, strange to say, their 
 opposition was successfal. The colonists again 
 renewed their petition to the King for a 
 governor in 1674; but instead of granting 
 their request, the Lords of Trade and Planta- 
 tions advised His Majesty that all emigration 
 to Newfoundland should be discouraged, and 
 all existing plantations destroyed. His Majesty 
 was induced to approve of this extraordinary 
 
 1 Commission to Edward Hyde, Lord Chancellor ; Thomas, Earl of 
 Southampton ; Edward, Earl of Manchester ; Theophilus, Earl of Lin- 
 coln ; John, Earl of Clare ; James, Earl of Marlborough ; Jerome, Earl 
 of Portland ; with Viscount Saye and Sele, and others. The King 
 judging it necessary that so many remote colonies and governments so 
 many ways considerable to our crown, should be brought under an uni- 
 form inspection and conduct for their future regulation, security, and 
 improvement, they are appointed a standing Council, with authority to 
 any five to take into their consideration the condition of the foreign 
 plantations according to instructions annexed. Power to appoint clerks, 
 messengers, &o., whose salaries are not to exceed £300 per annum. 
 Col. Papers : Vol. XIV., No. 59. 
 
CAPTURED BY THE FRENCH. 193 
 
 scheme, and under his authority the most 
 wanton cruelties were practised upon the un- 
 fortunate settlers, to compel them to abandon 
 their adopted country. In 1676, this cruel 
 system was abolished, and His Majesty ordered 
 that the settlers should be undisturbed. For 
 some reason or another the colonization of 
 Newfoundland was considered by the Govern- 
 ment as detrimental to the fisheries, and every- 
 thing was done to prevent emigration to the 
 island. In 1697, the Board of Trade, after 
 hearing both sides of the question, decided 
 that not more than one thousand planters 
 should be allowed to reside upon the island. 
 During the war with Louis XIV. all our 
 colonies in Newfoundland were captured by 
 the enemy, except Bonavista and Carbonier, 
 but they were all recovered by an English 
 sqiiadron. 
 
 I have now traced the history of Newfound- 
 land from its earliest known period to the 
 close of the 17th century; about which time 
 it became a settled colony of the British em- 
 
 o 
 
194 A GOVERNOR GRANTED. 
 
 pire. A governor was granted at last to the 
 prayers of the inhabitants, and all the settle- 
 ments on the island wexe joined together 
 under a wise and salutary organization. 
 
195 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Nova Scotia after the Treaty uf St. Germains — Expedition of 
 BazUlai — His death — Succeeded by M. Chamis^ — Quarrels hetweea 
 Charnis^ and De La Tour — The latter seeka aid from Boston — 
 And from Sir David Kirke — Charnis^ attacks Fort St. John — 
 Its defence by Madame La Tour — Death of Charnis^ — La Tour's 
 success — Capture of Nova Scotia by Major Sedgwick — Granted to 
 Thos. Temple, and others — Ceded to France in 1667.. 
 
 As we saw in a former chapter, Acadia, or as 
 it was called by the English, Nova Scotia, was 
 ceded, together with Canada, to France by 
 the treaty of St. G-ermains, from which treaty 
 may be dated the commencement of a long 
 train of calamities to the colonies and to 
 England; the subsequent provincial disputes; 
 and in some measure the success of the 
 American Revolution. Razillai, with a large 
 force, was sent by the King of France to take 
 
196 CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 
 
 possession of tte country, carrying with him 
 a commission as commander-in-chief of the 
 colony, and a grant of the river and bay of 
 St, Croix. The remainder of the province was 
 divided between Claude de la Tour, who had 
 obtained a grant from Sir William Alexander, 
 and Mons. Denys. La Tour applied to the 
 French King for a confirmation of his grant, 
 which was allowed with the addition of the 
 islands of Sable and La Have. Razillai died 
 soon after his arrival at Nova Scotia, and M. 
 Charnise was appointed as his successor. This 
 officer quarrelled with La Tour about the 
 division of their land, and so violent did their 
 animosity rage, that Louis the Xlllth wrote 
 to them with his own hand in the hope of 
 settling their differences. But his letter had 
 not the desired effect; both parties renewed 
 their complaints to the King; and Charnisfe, 
 in consequence of the unfavourable account 
 which he was able to give of his adversary, 
 obtained an order to arrest him and send him 
 prisoner to France. Both parties being about 
 
AT BOSTON. 197 
 
 equal in strength, La Tour defied his adver- 
 sary; and sailing to Boston, begged for aid 
 from the colony of Massachusetts. The 
 Puritans living there, according to their cus- 
 tom consulted their Bibles on the subject ; 
 and though some contended that it was lawful 
 for them to succour him as Joshua helped the 
 Gribeonites against the other Canaanites, and 
 Jehosaphat aided Jehoram against Moab, the 
 majority were of opinion that the speech of 
 the prophet to Jehosaphat, in the 2nd Chron., 
 19th chap., and 2nd verse, actually forbade 
 them to help him. 
 
 During La Tour's absence at Boston, his 
 fort of St. John was attacked by Charnisfe 
 with a considerable force. He expected to make 
 it an easy conquest, but it was defended by 
 Madame la Tour with a heroism equal to 
 that displayed a few years later by Charlotte 
 de la Tremouille at Lathom House ; so that 
 Charnisfe was glad to offer terms of honourable 
 capitulation, which were accepted by the lady. 
 No sooner, however, had he become master 
 
198 ACQUIRES NOVA SCOTIA. 
 
 of the fort, than, with excessive barbarity, he 
 hung all the prisoners, and compelled Madame 
 la Tour to witness the butchery with a halter 
 round her neck. 
 
 She soon afterwards died, and La Tour, 
 in desperation, fled to Newfoundland, to im- 
 plore aid from Sir David Kirke; but failing 
 to get any help from him, he seemed for a 
 time to have abandoned any attempt to re- 
 cover his possessions. During his wanderings, 
 he was suddenly recalled by news of the 
 death of Charnise, which took place in 1651. 
 Hastening back to St. John, this extraordinary 
 man seized upon Madame Charnisfe, married 
 her off hand, and obtained at the same time 
 from Charnise's sister, a renunciation of her 
 claim to her brother's lands, and settled him- 
 self at last as sole owner of Nova Scotia. 
 But he was not now left in peace ; M. le 
 Borgne, a creditor of Charnise, accused La 
 Tour to King Lewis as a heretic, and obtained 
 a decree in France, authorizing him to enter 
 upon the lands of the deceased debtor. 
 
M. LE BORGNE. 199 
 
 Armed with this power, he sailed to Nova 
 Scotia, attacked and burnt La Have, and 
 was making preparations for the seizure of 
 Port Royal, when his career was stopped 
 by the English. Cromwell, who with all his 
 faults, upheld the honour of England abroad, 
 had determined to recover Nova Scotia. So 
 he despatched in 1664, an armed force under 
 the command of Major Sedgwick. Having 
 attacked and defeated La Tour, the English 
 attacked Le Borgne at Port Royal, and 
 though he had a strong garrison, a numerous 
 artillery, and plenty of provisions, quickly 
 compelled him to surrender. 
 
 La Tour, nothing daunted by the change 
 of events, immediately availed himself of the 
 English protection, quietly laid claim to his 
 estates, and petitioned the Protector, in con- 
 junction with Thomas Temple and William 
 Crome, for a grant of Nova Scotia. He 
 drew up a statement of his claim under the 
 grant of Sir William Alexander to his father, 
 and was so far successful, that on the 9th 
 
200 SIR THOMAS TEMPLE. 
 
 August, 1656, he obtained a grant by letters 
 patent, under the great seal, granting to 
 himself, under the title of Sir Charles La 
 Tour, Thomas Temple, and William Crome, 
 the whole country of Nova Scotia.^ 
 
 Mr. Temple, afterwards Sir Thomas Temple, 
 purchased La Tour's share, and immediately 
 established the several colonies which had 
 been begun by the French. He also ex- 
 
 1 Warrant for articles of agreement between Oliver, Lord Protector, 
 smd Sir Charles St. Stephen, Lord de la Tour, Baronet of Scotland ; 
 Thomas Temple, and William Crome, to pass the great seal. Letters 
 patent to be granted on or before the 10th of August next for aU those 
 lands in America called Acadia, and that part of the country called 
 Nova Scotia, the boundaries of which are particularly described, with 
 reservation of lands already granted to any colony in New England. 
 Prohibition of trade with the savages to aU others without license, and 
 power to seize vessels so employed. Twenty moose skins and twenty 
 beaver skins to be rendered yearly to the Lord Protector or his succes- 
 sors ; also the sum of £1812 due to officers and soldiers since 16th of 
 August, 1655, according to the establishment made by Robert Sedgwick, 
 Major-General of the forces there. Governors to be approved by com- 
 mission under the Privy or Great Seal of England ; ordnance, ammuni- 
 tion, and martial stores to be preserved for the service of the state and 
 security of the forts ; commodities arising by trade with the natives to 
 be sent to the United Kingdom to be free from custom or import ; 
 Margaret, the rehot of Major Edward Gibbons, to be paid £379 lis., 
 owing heretofore, upon the mortgage of Fort St. John, by De la Tour, 
 who, with Temple and Crome, agreed to give security for the perform- 
 ance of all the agreements in this covenant. Endorsed, J. Lisle. Re- 
 corded, 16th July, 1656. Col. Papers : Vol. XIII, No. 4. 
 
M. LABOHNE. 201 
 
 pended £16,000 in repairing the forts, and 
 soon received a large income from the fur 
 and fishery trades. But Temple was not left 
 undisturbed in his money making. He finds 
 the country not quite to his taste. In a 
 pathetic letter to a friend, he thanks him "for 
 the great love and care that could find him 
 out even in the deserts of America, whither 
 his unhappy lot had led him;'' and in May, 
 1658, he was attacked by a Monsieur Laborne, 
 who invaded the country, seized the fort of 
 La Have, and all the goods therein belonging 
 to Temple. Upon a summons to surrender 
 the fort, Laborne killed Captain Story and 
 two others, and wounded many more. He 
 was captured and brought prisoner to Boston, 
 and being interrogated about his conduct, 
 confessed that his only reason for such ex- 
 traordinary behaviour, was that his father had 
 gone to England to obtain a grant of Nova 
 Scotia from the Protector, and he thought 
 he might be improving the time by occupying 
 a few places for his father until his triumph- 
 ant return. 
 
202 NOVA SCOTIA COMPANY. 
 
 A company had been formed in England 
 to carry on the trade in Nova Scotia, of 
 which Lord Fienes was chairman.^ This 
 company materially assisted Temple in de- 
 veloping the resources of the country. But 
 all their efforts were thrown away, as the 
 English Government, in the same year in 
 which they endeavoured to drive away the 
 inhabitants of Newfoundland, again surren- 
 
 1 Agreement of the Company of Nova Scotia for carrying on a 
 trade there. Captain Middleton to be sent over as agent for the Com- 
 pany, to treat with Colonel Thomas Temple, Lieutenant-Governor, for 
 settling a trade there. To be furnished with merchandise to the value 
 of £800, which is to be raised by the subscriptions of Lords Fienes 
 and Wolseley, Martin Noell, Thomas Povey, and others. Each sub- 
 scriber of £100 to have equal management and interest. Captains 
 Watts and Collier to be desired to be husbands to the Company. Col. 
 Papers : Vol. XIII., No. 43. 
 
 Minute of articles deposed by Captain Breedon, on the part of 
 Colonel Thomas Temple, Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, to 
 Lord Fienes, and others, the Company of Adventurers, for settling a 
 trade in those parts ; the course first designed by the Adventurers not 
 being thought convenient. The Company to advance a stock of 
 £10,000. Colonel Temple to be allowed £500 per annum, with other 
 privileges, which, with those to be enjoyed by the Company, are de- 
 tailed. It is desired by the Company that a treaty may be forthwith 
 concluded with the French Ambassador, for settlement of all pretences 
 to Nova Scotia, or if that be refused, that the English may have power 
 to invade the French in their possessions in that country. The French 
 remaining at Port Royal by treaty, to submit to the Government of 
 his Highness, or quit their farms, and be transported elsewhere. Col . 
 Papers : Vol. XIII., No. 64. 
 
TREATY OF BREDA. 203 
 
 dered Nova Scotia to the French, by the 
 Treaty of Breda in 1667.^ It is beyond the 
 
 1 The Treaty of Breda was signed by Charles in great haste, to close 
 a war which had proved singularly disastrous to England. De Euyter 
 had destroyed an English fleet, sailed up the Thames, and threatened 
 London with a bombardment. England would have fared ill but for 
 the energetic assistance of Lewis, who marched a large army into 
 Flanders, and frightened the Dutch Government into accepting fair 
 terms of peace. As the price of his interference, Lewis received Nova 
 Scotia. In this transaction, as well as in the Treaty of St. Germains, 
 the English Government showed an utter disregard of the interests of 
 the Nova Sootian Settlers. By the first treaty, the French agreed to 
 pay Sir David Kirke £60, 000 for the forts and ammunition in Nova 
 Scotia.. This money had never been paid, though acknowledged as due 
 by the French Ambassador. The following papers will show the treat- 
 ment which the unfortunate settlers received from both French and 
 English authorities : — 
 
 " Minutes concerning the title of Lord Stirling and of Thomas Temple 
 to Nova Scotia. Articles made between Sir Lewis Kirke and the 
 French King, in 1632, but not being performed, the Kirkes became 
 damnified £60,000. Lord Stirling (Sir "William Alexander) parted with 
 his interest, and was to have received from King Charles £10,000 for it. 
 It is desired that it may be taken into consideration who has the best 
 title to the country." 
 
 " Petition of Colonel John Blount and Ladies Mary and Jane Alexan- 
 der, daughters of the late Earl of Stirling, to the King. WiUiam, late 
 Earl of Stirling, having at vast expense planted a colony in Nova Scotia, 
 lost his whole fortune, when at the conclusion of peace it was restored 
 to the French. For his relief, the late King granted him £10,000 out 
 of the exchequer and profits of Scotland. The Earl died before pay- 
 ment was made, and the petitioner Blount, who married Dame Mary, 
 Countess of Stirling, has disbursed for her and her chUdreu, £2,500. 
 Pray for letters patent for satisfaction of the £10,000." 
 
 "Petition of Charles St. Stephen, Lord dela Tour, Baronet of Nova 
 Scotia, Thomas Temple, and William Cronne, to the Privy Council. 
 Set forth King James grant of 1621, to Lord Stirling, of all Nova 
 
204 CONCLUSION. 
 
 scope of this short work to pursue the history 
 of Nova Scotia any further. We have traced 
 the earliest settlements which were made 
 upon the country, through their youthful 
 history, and the only thoughts which we can 
 derive from the contemplation of this, and 
 the sister colonies of Canada and Newfound- 
 land, are full of admiration for the energy 
 and perseverance displayed by English mer- 
 chants and adventurers, and of wonder at 
 the culpable negligence of the home Govern- 
 ment, that was ready at any time to sur- 
 render to the ambition of France, territories 
 which had been won by the blood and money 
 of Englishmen. 
 
 Scotia, witli power to create Baronets there, confirmed by King Charles 
 in 1625. Lord StirKng's grant of part of the country to De la Tour, 
 who, with his father, first settled in the wUdemess with the savages, 
 15 years before any grant was passed. Their quiet possession of those 
 lands, until Major Sedgwick, in 1654, -riolently forced them out, and 
 plundered them of their goods to the amount of £10,000. Right of 
 Temple and Cronne, by purchase from De la Tour. Are informed that 
 some one, knowing the true state of their right, have endeavoured to 
 obtain a grant of Nova Scotia. Pray for permission to prove their 
 title." Col. Papers : Vol. XIV, Nos. 57, 60, 64. 
 
205 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 So MUCH ignorance has been displayed by the 
 Tarious writers who have treated of North 
 America as to the birth and parentage of Sir 
 David Karke, that I think it better in this 
 place to prove their want of information, and 
 also the truth of my own statements. 
 
 Haliburton, in his "History of Nova Scotia," 
 vol. I., p. 45, speaks of him as " One, David 
 Kirtch, who assisted Sir "William Alexander in 
 the recovery of Nova Scotia. This extra- 
 ordinary person was a native of Dieppe, a 
 French Calvinist, who sought refuge in Eng- 
 land from religious persecution in France, and 
 was commonly called Sir David Kirke." 
 Macgregor, in his " History of British 
 America," says (vol. H., p. 21), "In 1632, 
 Sir William Alexander, assisted by a French 
 
206 APPENDIX A. 
 
 Calvinist of the name of Kirckt, who fled to 
 England from Dieppe, in France, on the score 
 of religious persecution, fitted out a few vessels, 
 well armed, for Nova Scotia. This squadron, 
 commanded by Kirckt, who was also made a 
 baronet, under the title of Sir David Kirk." 
 It will be seen at once that these are utter 
 mistakes. Sir David Kirke was a knight and 
 not a baronet, and that he was of English 
 birth the following documents from the College 
 of Arms and elsewhere, will abundantly testify. 
 Funeral certificate of Mr. Gervase Kirke : — 
 '' Mr. Jervays Kyrke, gentleman and mar- 
 chant of London, the sonne of Thurstan 
 Kyrke, of GreenhUl, in the County of Derby, 
 departed this mortall life at his house in 
 Basing Lane, London, the xviith daye of 
 December, 1629, and was interred in the 
 parish church of Alhallows, in Bread Street, 
 the 22nd daye of the moneth following. He 
 married Elizabeth, daughter of John Crowding, 
 of Deepe, in France, where he had lyved the 
 most part of forty years, by whom he had 
 
APPENDIX A. 207 
 
 yssue five sonnes and two daughters. David 
 Kirke, eldest sonne, of the age of about thirty- 
 two years, captayne and chiefe commander 
 in a late fleete of nine sayle for the taking 
 of Canada, in the mayne lande of America ; 
 in which expedition he soe worthely demeaned 
 himselfe, that he tooke the country, surprised 
 the French that had there planted and fortified 
 themselves, wone their forte, and tooke their 
 cheife commander prisoner, and brought him 
 captyve into England: Lewis Kirke, second 
 Sonne, of the age of about thirty yeares, nowe 
 captayne and governor of the said fort for 
 His Majestie in Canada : Thomas Kirke, third 
 Sonne, of the age of twenty-six years, captayne 
 and vice-admirall of the aforesaid fleet : John 
 Kirke, fourth sonne, of the age of twenty -three 
 years : and James, youngest sonne, of the age 
 of twenty-one years : Elizabeth, eldest 
 daughter, married to Jaques Greteuelo, a 
 Frenchman, in Deepe, by who she hath one 
 son, David Greteuilo, of the age of one year, 
 and one daughter, Elizabeth, of the age of 
 
208 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 two yeares : Mary, youngest daughter of said 
 defunct, of the age of ten yeares. He made 
 Mrs. Elizabeth Kirke, his sayd wife, sole 
 executrix of his last wUl and testament. 
 
 " This certificate was taken by Sampson 
 Lennard, Blewmantle." 
 
 Extracted from the records of the 
 College of Arms, London, 
 
 ALBERT W. WOODS, 
 
 GrAETEE. 
 
 College of Arms, 
 
 2Uh December, 1869. 
 
 Pedigeee, extracted feom British Museum. — 
 Add. MS., 5533. 
 
 Arnold Kirke, = 
 of White- I 
 houghjChapel- 
 en-le-Frith. 
 
 Thurstan Kirke, = 
 of Greenhill, 
 Norton, third 
 son. 
 
 Two other 
 Bons. 
 
 Gerrase Kirke, = Elizabeth, 
 
 of London, 
 merchant. 
 
 d. of 
 
 Goudon, 
 
 of Deepe. 
 
 David Kirke, knighted hy 
 H.M. in Scotland, and one 
 of the pensioners, 1633. 
 Mar. Sara, d. of Sir Jos. 
 Andrews, and has a daug., 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 I i 
 Captain Lewis Kirke, 
 
 second son. 
 Captain Thomas Kirke, 
 
 third son. 
 
 I I 
 
 John Kirke, 
 
 of London, 
 
 merchant. 
 
 Captain 
 
 Jarvia Kirke, 
 
 fifth son. 
 
209 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 " To THE Right Honoueable the Loeds of 
 H.M. MOST Honoueable Peivie Council. 
 
 " Wheeeas I received an order from your Lpp 
 off the ninth of this instant, Aprill, concerning 
 the difference between General de Caen and 
 the Merchant Adventurers of Canada, about 
 the beaver skinns in question between them. 
 I have sent for the said march ants, the greatest 
 pte whereoft appeared before me at severall 
 times, and seemed to be willing that the said 
 Greneral de Caen should have the said skinns 
 delivered unto him, according to your Lpps' 
 said order, by the said Solomon Smith, Mar- 
 shall of the Admiralty ; but amongst the rest 
 of the said marcbants, Captaine Kirke, who, 
 as I am informed hath the custodie of one of 
 the keycs to each warehouse dore wherein 
 
210 APPENDIX B. 
 
 the skynnes are, although hee hath been dyvers 
 tymes warned, never appeared before mee, who 
 is either out of towne or else refuseth to be 
 spoken withall, and as I pceive the said 
 skynnes will not be delivered unto the said 
 Generall de Caen nor his assignees untiQ some 
 further order be taken by yom- Lpps, that the 
 said Generall de Caen at his last being with 
 mee informed mee that his occasions were such 
 that he cold not stale in England untni such 
 time as the difference between him and the 
 said marchants was ended, but wold appoynt 
 one as his assignee to follow the said business 
 in his behalf, in which place he hath appoynted 
 one, Jaques Keynard, who appeared before 
 mee and pretendeth his onlie stale in this 
 kingdom is to see this business ended, which 
 hee alledgeth is an extraordinary hindrance 
 unto him in his affaires. All which I humbly 
 leave unto your Lpps consideracon. This 
 Twenty-eighth of Aprill, 1630. 
 
 JAMES CAMPBELL, 
 
 Mayor. 
 
211 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 Answeares to five severall Memorialls, pre- 
 sented by tlie French Ambassador, to the 
 Lords Committees for forrayne affaires, Feb. 
 1, 1629. 
 
 ] . Concerning the restitution of such places, 
 shipps, and goods, as were taken from the 
 French in Canida, particularly the Fort of 
 Quebec, his Majestie doth continue his former 
 resolution, declared to the Ambassador by a 
 Memoriall given him in Latin, that the s** 
 fort and habitason of Quebec, taken by Cap- 
 tayne Kirke, the 9th of July, shall be re- 
 stored in the same estate as it was taken, 
 without demolishing the fortification or build- 
 ings, or carrying away arms, munitions, 
 merchandizes, or utensils, which were there 
 taken ; and that if any be taken away, they 
 
212 
 
 APPKXDIX C. 
 
 shall be either restored in specie, or iu value, 
 according to the proportion, as doth or upon 
 further examination upon oath, shall appeare 
 to have been found in the place. In like 
 manner, such skinnes as were taken and 
 brought away, as prize or booty, out of the 
 s'' fort, shall be restored, as doth or shall 
 ajDpear, upon good account made upon oath, 
 to have been taken and brought away from 
 thence. This His Majestie still resolves to 
 performe accordinge to His former declaracon, 
 and doth not affirm that he can further be 
 jDrest in this point, by reason of the late 
 treatye. 
 
 2. Touchinge the above, complaynd of 
 against the English Merchants, for concealing 
 and imbesilling the skins brought from 
 Canada, order is given by the Lords of the 
 Councell, and a Gierke of the Councell, ex- 
 pressley employed, for a particular search to 
 be made, and inventory taken of such skinnes 
 as remayne, and what is defective — to be 
 supplied bj' the marchants to the end, all be 
 performed according to former promise. 
 
APPENDIX C. 213 
 
 3. Concerning such merchandize as Porter 
 de Tasse, and other merchants of Calais, lay 
 clayme unto, as being taken in a ship of 
 Hamburgh, the Lords of the Councell have, 
 according as is required, taken the knowledge 
 of their cause into their hands, with all tlie 
 documents that belong thereunto, with pur- 
 pose to have restitution made, as it may 
 appear these goodes do properly belong to 
 the French. 
 
 4 and 5. Touching one ship in particular, 
 of S. Johan de Leez, taken by Sir William 
 Alexander, since brought into Plimouth, and 
 three other shippes, the Amity, the Peter, 
 and the Michael of Calais, taken by others, 
 and carryed into Scotland, His Majesty had 
 taken particular order for their restitution." 
 
214 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 An Extract of j" Patent granted to Sir Wil- 
 liam Alexander, concerning Canada. 
 
 In y" Commission granted to Sir WilHam 
 Alexander the younger, and others (whereof 
 the Preface^ alleageth of y" Discovery made 
 by them of a beneficiall Trade for Divers 
 Commoditys, to be had in y^ Gulf and River 
 of Canada, and parts adjacent, and His 
 Majestie's resolution thereupon to incorporate 
 them for y" sole trading in those parts, upon 
 a further discovery to be made by them. 
 
 The said Sir William Alexander, &c., are 
 assigned as Commissioners for the making of 
 a Voyage into the s^ Gulfe and River, and 
 parts adjacent, for y" sole Trade, &c., with 
 power to settle a Plantation within all parts 
 of y° said Gulfe and River, above those parts 
 
APPENDIX D. 215 
 
 which are over against Kebeck, on the S. 
 side, or abo^e twelve leagues below Tadousach, 
 on the N. side. Prohibiting all others to 
 make any voyage into y' s'* Gulfe or River, 
 or any the parts adjacent to any the pur- 
 poses aforesaid, upon payne of Confiscation 
 of their Goods and Shipping so employed, 
 which y° Commis"'"' are aiithorized to seize 
 unto their own use. 
 
 Power given them to make Prize of all 
 French or Spanish ships and goods at sea 
 or land, &c., and to displant the French. 
 
 Power of Government amongst themselves. 
 
 Covenant of further Letters Patent of In- 
 corporation, or otherwise, for settling the 
 Trade and Plantation. 
 
 Saving of all former Letters Patent. 
 
216 
 
 APPENDIX E 
 
 To all and singuler, as well Nobles and Gentils 
 as others, to whome these presents shall come 
 to be seene, read, and heard. I, Richard St. 
 George, Knighte, Clarencieux Kinge-at-Armes 
 of J" east, west, and south parts of England 
 to the river of the Trent, sendeth due coni- 
 mendacons in our Lord God Everlastinge, 
 forasmuch as ancientlie from the beginninge 
 the valiant and vertuous actes of worthie per- 
 sons have been commended to y° world by 
 sundry monuments and remembrances of theire 
 chiefest and most good deserts, among which 
 have been the beareing of signes in shieldes, 
 called Armes, being evident demonstrations 
 and tokens of prowesse and valour, diverslie 
 distributed accordinge to the qualities and 
 deserts of the persons meritinge the same, 
 
APPENDIX E. 217 
 
 A^'llich order as it was prudently devised in the 
 beginninge to stirre and kindle the hearts of 
 men to the imitation of virtue and noblenesse, 
 even soe hath the same been and yet is con- 
 tinuallie observed, to the intent that such as 
 have done commendable service to their Prince 
 or countrie, either in warre or peace, may 
 receive due honor in their lives, and also de- 
 sire to continue the same successivelie to their 
 posteritie for evermore. Amongst which num- 
 ber Captain David Kirke, eldest sonne and 
 heire of Jervas Kirke, of London, merchant, 
 and late of Deepe, in France, sonne of 
 Thurstan Kirke, of Grreenhill, in y° parish of 
 Norton, in y* county of Derby, third sonne of 
 Arnold Kirke, of Whitehough, als Whitehall, 
 which said familie and surname have borne 
 for their coat armour these Armes depicted in 
 the margen, (that is to say) per fesse or and gules 
 a lozenge counterchanged ; but I, the said 
 Clarencieux, being requested by the said 
 Captaine Kirke to give him some addicon of 
 honor of his said armes, and a crest corres- 
 
218 APPENDIX E. 
 
 pondent to the same. Whereuppon I, beinge 
 crediblie iDformed of the honourable and 
 worthie enterprizes and imployments of the 
 said Captain David Kirke and his brothers, 
 both by sea and land, and that of late being 
 Admirall and Chiefe Commander in the same 
 fleefe mett and encountered with the French 
 Navie under the command of Monsieur de 
 Rockmond, Admirall thereof, whom hee and 
 his brothers vanquished and overcame, and 
 brought the said Monsieur de Rockmond 
 prizoner unto England; and y" next yeare 
 foUowinge the said Captain David Kirke goe- 
 inge with His Majesties Commission under the 
 Greate Seale with a fleet of nyne saile for the 
 surprizinge and takinge of the countrie of 
 Canada, in the continent and maineland of 
 America, which was there planted with the 
 French, in which expedition hee and his bro- 
 thers soe worthilie, and with soe great valour 
 demeaned themselves, that they surprized the 
 French that had there fortifyed themselves, 
 wonne their forte, and took Monsieur Cham- 
 
APPENDIX E, 219 
 
 plaine, their Governor and Chiefe Commander, 
 prisoner, and brought him captive into Eng- 
 land. In consideracon whereof, I, the said 
 Kinge of Armes, by power and authoritie 
 under the Greate Seale of England unto my 
 office attributed and annexed, doe by these 
 presents not only ratifie and confirme the said 
 auncient coate, but allso give and graunt to 
 the said Captaine David Kirke, Lewis Kirke, 
 now Captaine and Governor of the sayd fort 
 for his Matie in Canada, Thomas Kirke, Cap- 
 taine and Vice-Admirall of the said fleete, 
 John and James Kirke, his brothers, the coat 
 .armour of Monsieur Rockmond, Admirall of 
 the sayd French Fleete, (that is to say) azure 
 a lion rampant, or^ supportinge this instrument, 
 argent, as it is here portraied, to beare in a 
 canton, as an augmentason or addition of 
 honor, but the lyon to be couchant and coUered 
 with a chaine, argent, as enthralled and pros- 
 trating himselfe to the mercy of the vanquisher. 
 And for his creast on a helmet and wreath of 
 his colours an arme armed proper purpled or, 
 
220 APPENDIX E. 
 
 holdeinge a curtelas argent, Lilted or, mantled 
 gules doubled argent, as more plainly appeareth 
 depicted in the margin, all which saide armes 
 and creast with the appurtenances, I, Clar- 
 encieux Kinge of Armes, do by these presents 
 allowe, ratifie, and confirm unto the said Cap- 
 taine Kirke and his brothers, and the yssues 
 of their bodies lawfuUie begotten, with due 
 differences. And hee and they the same to 
 use, beare, and shewe forth in a shield, coat 
 armour, or otherwise, accordinge to y' auncient 
 Lawe of Armes, at his or their libertie and 
 pleasure for evermore. In witnesse whereof, 
 I, the said Kinge of Armes, have hereunto 
 set my hand and seale of office. Dated at 
 London, this First day. of December, in the 
 seventh yeare of our Soveraigne Lord Kinge 
 Charles, and in the yeare of our Lord God, 
 163L 
 
 RICHARD St. GEORGE, 
 
 Clarencieux KiiXG OF xViiJin.s. 
 
y^i 
 
 APPENDIX F. 
 
 My most honoured Lords, 
 
 Your gracious letters of the 4th of March 
 last, I have received, and by them do per- 
 ceive that many complaynts by the West 
 Country owners and fishermen, have been 
 made against me to His Majestie and your 
 honours. I most humbly acknowledge m}'- 
 selfe bounde to His Most Grracious Ma*'° and 
 your Lordships, for the good opinion you 
 have of me, and for the reference of them to 
 a further hearinge, either to my condemna- 
 tion or satisfaction, my innocence being- 
 proved. As soon as I received your Lord- 
 ships' letters, I sent warrants to all Planters 
 and Fishermen, to see all clauses in the 9th 
 of His Majestie's Reigne kept and observed. 
 
222 APPENDIX F. 
 
 as also on my part I have done since my 
 commin heither, and will still keepe and ob- 
 serve them, together with every particular 
 contayned in His Maj''°'^ gracious patent, 
 granted to the Right Hon"° L* James Mar- 
 quess Hambleton, Philipe, Earle of Pemb. 
 and Mont., Henry, Earl of Holland, and 
 myselfe. 
 
 I beseech your L'^' to believe, as I protest 
 before Grod, all that they have alledged 
 ag* me is most false ; and if, when I am face 
 to face before them and your L'^p'- any man 
 breathinge can testify one of these com- 
 playnts to be true, I will lay downe my 
 heade at your feete, and ever after will be 
 counted unworthy of the service of my gra- 
 cious Prince and my Lords. I am to give 
 your L''^ letters to me for the maintaining of 
 His Ma*'^'^ lawes in the 9th of His Raigne. 
 Many of the fishermen themselves, upon what 
 grounds I know not, have this yeare drivine 
 their stages and cooke-roomes in so much, 
 that y° most sevill and wisest men amongst 
 
APPENDIX F. 223 
 
 them did themselves complaine to me of these 
 outrages, all which passages, and many more 
 whereof, I have good proofes, I hope, to 
 make His Ma*'" and yoiir L"' acquainted with, 
 and cleare myselfe of all those causless 
 clamours against me; ffor I confesse, he that 
 would interrupt the ffishinge of Newfound- 
 land, which is one of the most considerable 
 Business ffor the Kingdoms of His Ma*'°' and 
 benefit of His subjects and navigation, is 
 worthy the name of a traitour, the least 
 thought and imagination whereof I do abhorre. 
 Soe hoping that His Most Excellent Ma"® and 
 your Lo^' will still have that good opinion of 
 me, as I perceive by your gracious letters 
 you have, I shall desire to live no longer 
 then I performe in all duty and sincerity 
 his Ma"°'^ service, and ever rest 
 
 Your Lo^' most humble servant, 
 to His uttmost power, 
 
 DAVID KIRKE. 
 ffer eland, 
 
 12th of September, 1640. 
 
224: APPENDIX F. 
 
 Endorsed, 
 
 To the Right Hon"^^ the L«^ of 
 -His Ma*'''^ most Hou''^' Privee 
 Counsell put these. 
 
 Septembis, 1640. Sir David 
 Kirke. Newfoundland fisher- 
 men. 12 Sep., 1640. 
 
225 
 
 APPENDIX G. 
 
 To the King's most excellent Majesty. 
 
 The humble petition of S' Lewys Kirke, 
 John Kirke, and Francis Berkeley, Esquires, 
 sheweth — 
 
 That whereas your Majesty's Petitioners 
 have an interest in the Countries of Nova 
 Scotia and Canada, in America, upon the 
 accompt of threescore thousand pounds ster- 
 ling, dew to your petitioners, upon Articles 
 of Agreement between the French and them, 
 at the surrender of the Fort of Quebec, in 
 the year 1632, according to your Majesty's 
 Father's command of blessed memory. 
 
 Your Petitioners humbly pray that the said 
 Countries may not be put into the hands of 
 any other, till your petitioners' grievances are 
 heard, and the annexed reasons be considered 
 
 Q 
 
326 APPENDIX G. 
 
 of by your Majesty, and those of your 
 Majesty's Privy Counsell shall be appointed 
 to consider thereof, and the rather because 
 noe results have been made by those of the 
 committee of foraigne plantations, to whom 
 your concernments were referred. 
 Endorsement. 
 
 Whitehall, December 11, 1660. 
 His Majesty is graciously pleased to referr 
 this Peticon to the Right Honorable the Earl 
 of Lindsey, Lord Great Chamberlain; the 
 Lord Viscount Valentia, Sir Frederick Corn- 
 wallis, Treasurer of His Maties Household; 
 Sir Charles Berkeley, Comptroller ; Sir George 
 Carter, Vice-Chamberlain ; Sir Edward Nicho- 
 las and Sir William Morris, Principal Secre- 
 taries of State; and Sir Anthony Ashley 
 Cooper, or any four of them, to call Mr. 
 Thomas Elliot and the Peticoners before them, 
 and having heard and examined the business, 
 to make report thereof to His Majestic. 
 
 WILLIAM MORIER. 
 The petition of Francis Kirke, John Kirke, 
 
APPENDIX G. 227 
 
 and Francis Berkeley : Having an interest in 
 Nova Scotia and Canada upon y" accompt of 
 60,000 lbs. sterling, due to them upon Articles 
 of Agreement between y" French and them, 
 pray y' those country's may not be put into 
 the hands of any other untill y° Petitioners' 
 grievances are heard by His Matie, or such 
 of the Council whom His Matie shall appoint 
 to hear the said and the reasons annexed. 
 Endorsed. 
 Mr. Elliot and Sir Lewis Kirke to be heard 
 by counsel. 
 
 BEMEOSE AND SONS, PKINTBKS, LONDON AND DERBY. 
 
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