Cornell University Library DC 300.A13 V.I Letters on international relations befor 3 1924 026 357 362 DATE DUE GAYLORD PR1NTEDINO.S A. The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026357362 LETTERS INTEMATIONAL EELATIONS. LONDON: BOESON AND SONS, PEINTEESj PANGEAS ROAD, N."W". z^ LETTERS ON INTEENATIONAL RELATIONS BEFOKE AND DUEING THE WAE OF 1870. BY ■THE TIMES' COBRESPONDENT AT BERLIN. m TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. FEINTED BY PERMISSION. LONDON: TINSLEY EEOTHEES, 18 CATHEEINE STEEET, STKAND. 1871. \All rights reserved.'} K DC UNIVERSfTYJ LIBRARY y^ A "h \/f-4'Xr CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. PAGE Intkoductory Eemaeks 1 The Preliminaries of Peace 14 No Congress 16 Eeturn of the King of Prussia 19 Rearrangements 22 Russia and the United States 28 German Territory demanded by France. The North German Confederacy 30 The French Demand refused. Austrian International Troubles . .37 Northern and Southern Germany 43 Annexation ............ 45 Count Bismarck on the Remodelliug of Germany ..... 49 Sj-ermany, Austria, and Italy 53 The King of Prussia on Annexation 55 Peace 58 The Prussian House of Deputies on Constitutionalism and the War . 59 The Annexation Debate 65 Cost of War 71 The Hanover NobUity Address to the King of Prussia . . . .72 France disavows her Demand of Territory 78 Eastern Agitation . . 79 The North German Franchise 80 Prussia and Russia '^S Austria and Russia 94 Austria, Russinia, and Russia 100 Turkey, Austria, and Russia 104 Austrian Commercial and Domestic Politics 109 The North German and French Annies ^^'' Count Bismarck on Sohleswig-Holstein, and Napoleon's Influence on the Conduct of the War and the Terms of Peace . . . . • H"' Count Bismarck on Federal Aff'airs 120 VI Contents of Volume I. PAGE Russia and Austria 128 Russia, Galicia, and Austria IS'** France and Germany. Tlie Dulie of Coburg and Count Bismarck . . 13& Strategical Railways 13T The Crown Prince of Prussia ill the War of 1866 lo8 King WiUiam's Military Fete 150 The ' Almanaoh deGotha'for 18G7 15-3 Russia and the East 156 Poland and Germany. .......... 163 The North German Elections 163 The French Demand of Territory in l>i(J6 171 Swiss Misgivings 175 Austria objects to German Unity. Count Bismarck on the Russian Tariff and Police 177 The ZoUverein and Austria IsO The French Emperor ou German Rearrangements lf-^1 The King of Prussia on German Rearrangements 1^2 The first North Gennan Federal Parliament 1^5 Count Bismarck on the North German Federal Constitution . . .Is'.) Russia and Crete 192 Offensive and defensive Treaties between Prussia and the States of Southern Germany . 198 The offensive and defensive Treaties. German Relations to Denmark, Poland, and Holland .......... Crete. The South German Treaties King WiUiam's Birthday France and the South German Treaties Crete, Servia, Luxemburg Luxembm'g protected ..... France wants Luxembiu'g. Luxemburg Debate in the German Federal Parliament The Luxemburg Question Luxemburg and the Powers . . . . France apparently renounces Luxemburg. German Military Estimates . France prefers fresh Claims .... Luxembm-g and the German Federal Treaties .... France denies the Right of Prussia to garrison Luxemburg. Austria's Interest in the Preservation of Peace. Napoleon and Spain Luxembm-g and Austria. .Napoleon helps the Enactment of the North German Federal Constitution . 199 203 205 2(17 213 217 219 222 220 230 233 230 245 217 254 Contents of Volume I. vu A Liixembvirg Wax immineiit The Luxemburg Compromise Mediation and Armaments The Luxemburg Comjiromise The Luxemburg Conference Military Preparations in France. French Taunts and German Pieserve War agaia imminent Luxembui'g to be evacuated by the Prussians Prussian Utterance on the Luxemburg Conference .... Russia, Prussia, Austria, and France The King of Prussia alludes to the Contingency of a War with France, A Hanover Conspiracy. Greece coojierating with Russia A Panslavonic Meeting at St. Petersburg International Courtesies qualified by Armaments. Russia admonishes Turkey The King of Prussia at Paris. MUitary, political, and financial Re organisation of Germany. North Schleswig The Czar's Life attempted by a Pole at Paris . Russia and Poland Negotiations in various Quarters Polish and Russian Recriminations . Lord Stanley comments on the Luxemburg Guarantee. North Sclileswig. The Panslavonic Congress A Servian Government Paper on the Project of a Russo-French AUiance Napoleon dissatisfied with Russia A Prussian semi-ofiicial Organ on Lord Stanley's Explanation of the Lux emburg Guarantee Crete. Bismarck a Doctor of Pliilosophy Renewed Apprehensions ■ ■ Napoleon's Visit dechned. Dano- French Demonstration, Mihtary Tactics adopted in Southern Germany Napoleon's Journey in Southern Germany The Salzburg Interview Napoleon disappointed at Salzbm-g. Germany raUics round Prussia Playing with Fire Reiterated Menaces of War from various Quarters . . ■ The Crown Prince of Prussia on German Unity ... Russia profiting by the continued Hostility of France and Germany Evacuation of Luxemburg Prussian Note on the Salzburg Interview Prussian viii Contents of Volume 1. A South Gei-man Parliament on Unity ■ ^^^ Why Prussia evacuated Luxemburg . ^^'^ Are the South German States to be admitted to the Northern Confederacy only as a whole ? ^^^ The Wiirtemberg Government on the offensive and defensive Treaty with Prussia 395 Diplomatic, Military, and Parliamentary Schemes 398 A French Threat 400 Salzburg Disclosures. The Bavarian Premier on the Reunion of Nortliern and Southern Germany 4:01 The Prusso-Bavarian Alliance and the Munich Peers .406 Garibaldi's Expedition. Austria's Opinion on the Treaties between Prussia and Southern Germany. Turkey and Germany .... 407 Garibaldi, Rattazzi, and Napoleon. Germany Military and ZoUverein Treaties 410 France and Italy. Bavarian Peers and ^¥iirtemberg Radicals objecting to the Prussian Treaties 413 "Why Rattazzi invaded the Papal Territory. Count Beust's Paris Des- patch 420 Napoleon proposes an Italian Conference. Prussian Treaties ratified by the South German States 425. ' Napoleon III. and Europe in IbO? ' 429 Germany and the French Proposal of a Conference 439 The Conference becomes improbable 442 Italy, Turkey, and Poland 443 The Conference still more improbable 440 M. Rouher's ' Jamais.' Hesse-Darmstadt and the Conference . . . 447 North German Ambassadors. The Waldeck Accession Treaty . . 448 An outspoken Diplomatist 452 A Turkish Minister's Letter on the State of his Countiy .... 453 New-Year's Day at the Berlin Palace. Warlike Speculations . . . 458 The September Convention. French Diplomatic Experiments. Russia and Austria at Loggerheads •■-..... 462 Count Bismarck and the Conservatives Russia the Regenerator of the East . Russian Army Reform A Lnll at Paris .... The Count of Paris on the State of Germany The Hanover and Scotch Legions . The King of Hanover and Duke of Nassau endowed .... 494 468 470 475 478 481 493 Contents of Volume I. ix PAQE Russia adjomiis tlie Remodelling of the East 496 The Poles, Russians, and Rayahs 497 The Hanover Legion provided with Austrian Passports .... 496 The South German Armies 500 The Hanover Legion and the Swiss Government 504 American Treaty for the Protection of adopted Citizens .... 506 Austria charged by Russia with harbouring sinister Designs in regard to Turkey 508 The Hanover Endowment sequestrated 512 Prince Napoleon at Berhn 510 Hanover, Brunswick, and Prussia 518 Prince Napoleon's Errand. The Danes. The Flemings . . . . 522 French Overtures to Prussia concerning the East 525 French Overtures. The Austrian National Debt 529 Austria complains of Prussia's Coldness 530 King William's Birthday 532 Poland patronised by France 533 Denmark supported by France and Austria 536 Schleswig. Attempts to sow Disaffection in the new Provinces . . 538 Pmssia dechnes the French Overtures 540 Russian Motives for adjourning the Reorganisation of the East . . 545 The first Customs Parhament of Germany 547 The Political Parties of Germany 551 Austria and the ZoUverein. The cis-Leithan Cabinet .... 558 Pohtioal Banquet at Berhn 562 A Napoleonic Pamphlet advocating War 565 Prussia's reserved Attitude. Sometliing is brewing in Galicia . . . 508 General Ducrot surveys the Banks of tlie PJiine 573 Prince Napoleon at Vienna 574 General Ducrot's Siirvey. General von INIoltke on the Army and Na\'y Estimates 577 Russia's Action in Turkey and Turkistan 580 Germany, Holland, and Belgium 5rtl La Marmora's Pohoy in 1866 584 Germany not disquieted by the continual Recurrence of warlike Symp- toms S88 Germany disgusted at the provoking Attitude of France . . ■ -59* DeHcate Relations between Germany and Russia 507 Napoleon's ambiguous Language in addi-essing his Troops. Heavings m the East ^''^'^ X Contents of Volume 1. PAGE King William on the Question of the Day 606 King William's Speech ^^"^ Fresh Provocations '^l" Austria and France endeavouring to utilise the East .... 612 Austria utilisuig Poland • ■ '520 Postponement of the Kaiser's Polish Journey 626 Polish Admissions and Servian Complaints concerning the Austro-Frenoh Doings in the East ■ 631 Bulgarian Address to Napoleon. Reaction of the Spanish Catastrophe on European Affairs 636 Disarmament. Fresh Pohsh Disclosures 639 The Czar comments upon the Austrian Idea of utilising Poland. The Action of the Bulgarian Committees suspended. Holland, Denmark, and Sweden assume a more friendly Attitude towards Germany . 645 The North Schleswig Question 650 Count Beust shadowing forth the Contingency of a French-Prussian Colli- sion 652 Count Beust versus Lord Stanley 654 Piussia's Reply to Count Beust. The German Unity Party begins to stir 65S Another Austrian Minister holds forth on the State of Europe . . . 66:i The Russian 'Invahde' on Lord Stanley's Speech 065 Austria charging Prussia with encouraging a Romiianian Unity Movement 666 Count Bismarck's Reply to the Austrian Charge. Explosive BuUet Treaty 669 Count Bismarck on Count Beust and the Chances of Peace in the Autumn of 18(;S 671 The Cretan Question 074 The East once more taken in hand 677 The Cretan Question 6S2 LETTERS INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS • BEFORE AND DURING THE WAR OF 1870. INTEODUCTOEY EEMAEKS. In the Middle Ages Germany was divided into 1200 independent states. These states were either monarchies or republics, and at the head of all stood the Kaiser. Similar political subdivisions were then the order of the day in most European countries ; but whereas in other lands the local authorities were absorbed by the central power at a comparatively early date, this was a slow pro- cess in Germany and Italy. Towards the close of the last century Germany still numbered several hundred states. Even after the overturning of all things incidental to the French wars from 1792 to 1813, there still remained some thirty. The causes retarding absorption in Germany were mani- fold. Some arose from peculiarities of the national charac- Introductory Eemarks. ter ; others were supplied by history and the geographical^, position of the land. To no other race does it come so naturally to combine the two epithets ' nearest' and ' dear- est' as to the German. When the German devotes himself I to a calling, he becomes more indifferent to other branches | of human activity than a stranger can well understand. | Similarly he loves the house he has inherited, and vastly J prefers it to a new and superior edifice; and he clings j to his town, his tribe, and his principality, and has only gradually wakened up to a patriotism comprehending his entire country and race. The stability which the local I governments derived from this national idiosyncrasy was \ strengthened by certain events, some of which, being the ; inevitable result of intellectual progress, bear the impress I of a providential destiny, while others to the human eye look like blind chance. In the beginning of the Middle Ages the theocratic , notion, that God has but one spiritual and one secular representative in the universe, prevailed in many Chris- tian lands. The Germans having destroyed the Roman Empire, their king thought it the most natural thing in the world to constitute himself the successor of the ancient universal monarchy. The Pope, in his capacity as the ' spiritual ruler of the planet, readily supported the claim of the German sovereigns, on condition that their power, then the greatest in Christendom, should be ever at the disposal of the Holy See. To enforce this pretension of general supremacy was of course impossible. Practically, no attempt was made to realise the grand idea, except in Palestine, Italy, and some other countries within easy reach. But even thus restricted, the wish to establish and extend the Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic nation — such was the title of the German commonwealth Introductory Remarks. till the beginning of this century — did irreparable damage. Instead of aiming at the consolidation of their domestic power, the emperors, inspired by the alluring ideal of a catholic ascendancy sanctioned by the Almighty himself, frittered away their resources in perpetual warfare abroad- Instead of aspiring to be real kings of Germany, the de- sire to be emperors of all Christendom gradually deprived them of the influence legitimately their own. The baneful effects of this policy were enhanced by the peculiar mode of succession to the throne. The multiplicity of states and the independent spirit of their rulers tolerated no hereditary head. The emperors of Germany were elected by and from the princes of Germany. An hereditary dynasty might have acquired large personal possessions and, through them, power ; the elected emperor only en- joyed that obedience which his proud vassals voluntarily rendered him. When, ultimately, the House of Austria came to supply an unbroken series of emperors, this no longer benefited the nation. A fearful catastrophe had shaken the very heart of its existence, and the case of Germany had, for a time, become hopeless. The Reformation undid the nation, at least politically. Modern German history begins at the close of the Thirty Years' War. According to media3val notions, the outbreak of hostilities found Germany one of the freest, wealthiest, and most populous countries in Europe. By the time peace resulted from general exhaustion, she had become the reverse of her former self. Thanks to the Slavo- Magyaric hosts, thanks to the Spaniards, Italians, and Wal- loons, a Catholic emperor was enabled to lead against his Protestant countrymen for an entire generation ; thanks to the Swedes, who, coming over for religion's sake, stayed with a view to aggrandisement; thanks to the French, VOL. I. ^ Introductory Remarks. finally, who were delighted to interfere where interference was alike profitable and safe, the severest trials could not be averted from the unfortunate country. Being divided and subdivided agaui into so many independent states, the Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic nation had been never strong as a whole, except when ruled by a sovereign of extraordinary personal qualities, or roused to action by some great soul - stirring impulse. Of the former it was certainly not the good lot of Germany to have many; the latter are necessarily rare in a con- templative land, where the individual is everything, and common action, until lately, has been easily frustrated by difterences of opinion, however slight and insignificant in themselves. If in the palmy days of the Germanic par- liament and empire their organisation had always tended to render united action difiicult, it is easy to imagine what confusion must have been created by civil war arising from religious causes, and waged with all the rude old- fashioned capacity for hatred existing 200 years ago. Broken up into a bewildering variety of territories, and divided by religious controversy, Protestants in that disas- trous epoch would carry on a hundred localised wars -with Catholics, both falling an easy prey to the foreigner, and struggling in vain against the organised legions of sur- rounding and consolidated nationalities. At length Protestantism issued victorious from the terrible feud. The new rehgion became a recognised fact. Its establishment, however, had cost the country dear. Alsace and Lorraine were torn from the shattered body- politic by France. Pommerania had been declared a good prize by the Swede. The Lutherans in the Ger- man provinces of Austria, although forming the ma- jority in most of them before the war, were slain or Introductory jRemarhs. forcibly restored to the bosom of an avenging Church. Last, not least, material prosperity and the ancient poli- tical and social arrangements were destroyed in nearly every province of the vast but dilapidated realm. Ruin was everywhere. !Kot liberty alone had fallen; the very classes which, according to the spirit of the time, mono- polised liberty as their exclusive privilege, had been ex- terminated or reduced to beggary in the greater half of the land. The nobility was destroyed or impoverished. The burgher, that tower of freedom in the Middle Ages, had been either bodily killed or despoiled of his estate. Towns were sacked, AT^Uages burnt, and whole tracts of country converted into a desert. Never in civilised times had the woidd seen the like of this war. Leaving Berlin, a thing of recent growth, out of account, this province of Brandenburg, 200 years after the conclusion of peace, was but little more populous than before the fray began. La Thuringia the number of cattle even now does not much exceed the figure it attained 225 years ago. Bohemia, whose natural resources enabled her to recover more rapidly, from being a cradle of culture, has sunk since to the ordinary level of a Royal Imperial Apostolical pro- vince. Wlirtemberg and Hesse lost three-fourths of their inhabitants. Franconia had been so depopulated, that polygamy was made legal. To sum up, two-thirds of the inhabitants of all Germany had perished by the SAVord, famine, and pestilence, the remainder being reduced to the shadow of its former self. After this war the imperial power was no more. The Protestant princes and citizens who had so long combated the Catholic emperor, even after the restoration of peace never thought of looking upon themselves as his subjects. If they recognised his position at all, it was a pure for- 6 Introductory Remarks. mality, and no more. In no war could he count upon their support ; in many a one he might be pretty sure of seeing them arrayed against him. The few CathoHc princes of any importance left after the Reformation did not scruple to take advantage of the political attitude of their religious adversaries, and Hkewise accustomed them- selves to regard the imperial dignity as a title without a meaning, as a name without any significance attached to it. In their recusancy they were encouraged by the neighbours of Germany, naturally regarding it as in their interest to dissolve the once powerful empire into a heap of small and impotent states, which might be preyed upon with impunity. The unfortunate geographical posi- tion of Germany aggravated this state of things. By her situation in the centre of Europe, she had been exposed •to attack from all points of the compass during the great civil war ; coupled with the internal divisions succeed- ing the war, this geographical shortcoming made her the theatre of foreign intrigues ever after. But in the midst of decay the nucleus of a new national power was formed with marvellous rapidity. Catholic Austria had destroyed Germany: Protestant Prussia re- built the ruined polity. Since the war, the intellectual and political leadership of Germany was transferred to the Reformed section of society. It made of Prussia an efficient instrument for the fulfilment of its mission. A series of sovereigns of uncommon gifts, together with the solid character of their subjects, opportunely contri- buted to create the centre of a new and rising state at Berlin. ' Step by step Prussia rose, while Austria sank. Shut out by a rigid Catholicism from all participation in the intellectual life of the race, Austria gradually ceased to be a German state, and became subservient to the in- Introductory Remarks. creasing influence of her Slavonic and Magyar subjects. Prussia, on the other hand, led the way to the literary, military, and economical revival of Germany, giving her kings, warriors, writers, and an administration that have made her name respected in the world. When, in the beginning of this century, amid the blows which Napoleon I. dealt out against disunited Germany, the Austro-German Emperor became tired of his nominal dignity, and resigned his useless title altogether, many patriots proposed that the vacated place should be occu- pied by Prussia. Showing herself worthy of the honour involved in this suggestion, Prussia was the first of all German states to take up arms against the victorious in- vader, and the most eneraretic in beating- and defeatinof him. On the restoration of peace she, however, had to content herself with an increase of territory, her eleva- tion to the imperial chair being prevented by the resist- ance of Austria and some other powers. Germany was now formed into a confederacy, nominally presided over by Austria, but leaving every one of her princes com- pletely independent, except in case of foreign attack, when they were obliged to unite against the foe. Since then — that is, since the year 1815 — the most enlightened patriots of Germany have never ceased to re- commend a reunion of her different states under a common head. The movement mainly originated with the liberal party, who, while asking for unity, were equally intent upon securing constitutional government. These two demands being popularly considered as inseparable, for a time arrayed all German governments against them. Though some might not have objected to unity, all were equally opposed to the adoption of the constitutional regime. On the one hand, parliamentarism had been rendered hate- Introductory Memarks. ful by the incessant commotions it created in France ; on the other, the bureaucratic system, invented and organ- ised in Germany, upon the whole, worked exceedingly weU. Throwing open the official career to every qualified man as it did, and grounded upon justice and integrity as it was, the system had developed the moral, intellectual, and pecuniary resources of the country in a very effective way. To supersede it by parliamentarism, in the eyes of the governments, was to replace order by disorder, and make the multitude paramount, instead of the king and his efficient staff. Hence all the German governments — and among them the Prussian — at first declared against the unity movement. However much the Prussian Government might have been benefited by one of the aims of the liberal party, it did not approve of the other ; and urgently as it was in- vited to assume the leadership of the nation, principle for- bade acceptance of the allurmg prize, while clogged with what then appeared an immoral and irrational form of government. Some time had to elapse before the Prussian Government modified its views. At last it realised the advisability of yielding to the demands of the age. A Prussian Parliament was formed, and a compromise ar- rived at between the constitutional and bureaucratic sys- tems. With this innovation, adopted in 1848, the impedi- ment which had so long stood in the way of Prussia's seconding the unity party was removed. On March 28th, J 849, King Frederick William IV. was elected Emperor of Germany by the German Parliament convened to satisfy the ardent desires of the people. But the constitutional- ism which he was to accept along with the new crown being too democratic, and very different from the Prussian pattern, the King declined the honour. When subse- Introductory Remarks. quently attempting to promote unity Avithout the assist- ance of the liberal party, his endeavours were frustrated by the opposition of Austria, Russia, and many among the minor sovereigns. His failure is marked by the historical day of Olmlltz, the 29th November 1850 — the day when Herr von Manteuffel, the Prussian premier, had to appear at the Moravian fortress, to promise to the Austrian minis- ter. Prince Schwartzenberg, that he would give up all idea of reforming the old Bund. Warned by the narrow escape she had had, Austria, a little later, herself undertook to satisfy the popular desire for unity. But she was even less fortunate than Prussia. Not only were the minor princes quite as antagonistic to her as they had been to the Berlin Government, but her plans were wrecked from their inherent impracticability. The Austrian Government could have no intention to place its German provinces under a central German government, and thus sever them from its Magyar and Polish terri- tories ; while as to the latter being incorporated into Ger- many, neither the Germans, nor the Magyars, nor the Poles would have consented to it. Under these circum- stances, the Germans looked upon the Austrian doings as an attempt to discover the quadrature of the circle. After a little while, the King of Prussia's declaration, that he would not even consider the plan, caused it to evaporate into thin air. A determined Prussian king and a courageous Prus- sian minister were destined to put an end to the state of suspense which now supervened. On January 2d, 1861, WiUiam I. ascended the throne of Prussia ; on September 23d, 1862, he appointed Count Bismarck his Minister of Foreign AiFairs. The King had resolved to wipe out the memory of Olmiitz ; the minister possessed the talent and 10 Introductory Remarks. the energy to undertake this commission in the teeth of great difficulties. A foreign complication, which for several years past had roused the ire of all political parties in Ger- many, furnished him an opportunity. On November 15th, 1863, died Kino- Frederick VII. of Denmark. With him the male line of the Danish dynasty became extinct. This dynasty having been originally transplanted from Schles- wig-Holstein to Denmark, had retained the sceptre of the former when it acquired the latter. Upon its male line becoming extinct, Denmark legitimately reverted to the last female relative of the deceased kino- while Schleswig- Holstein ought to have fallen to a branch of the ducal house Avhich had never left the old country. For whereas a woman may reign in Denmark, Schleswig-Holstein, as all other German countries, is under the Salic law. The Danes wishing to prevent the severance of the duchies from the kingdom, adopted the expedient of setting aside the last female relative of their king, and wanted to make him their sovereign upon whom the duchies legally de- volved. But Duke Christian of Schleswig-Holstein, the heir of the duchies, having, in the anti-Danish agitation which had already begun in those northern parts, evinced a marked German bias, was hardly qualified to be king of Denmark. His brothers alike declining, a cousin of theirs, also a Duke Christian of Schleswig-Holstein, was elected by the Danes successor to the throne of Denmark and the duchies, and aj)proved by the Powers. The better to insure success, the Danes likewise began to force their lan- guage upon the German inhabitants of Schleswio'-Holstein. Germany felt deeply offended by these proceedincrs. A few words will explain her views. A foreio-n state would not allow a German country to revert to a German ruler, but keep it under its own sway. To secure this Introductory Remarks. 11 object, the legitimate heir to a German country had been superseded, and the German language suppressed on the very frontiers of Prussia. That about one -sixth of the inhabitants of Schleswig - Holstein were Danes, the Ger- mans admitted; but they did not think it right that the pohtical destinies of the other five -sixths, who are Ger- mans, should be swayed by this small minority. In the eyes of the Germans, the Danish proceedings constituted an injury which, more than anything else, proved the im- perativeness of uniting their forces and making a common stand against adversaries. The mere announcement of their plan by the Danes br9ught on the three campaigns of 1848, 1849, 1850. They had no result. Austria se- cretly acting against Prussia, who, she was afraid, would claim, the duchies when conquered, this enabled some other powers to call Germany to order. Thus when the Kine of Denmark died in 1863, his elected successor as- cended the throne of Denmark and the Duchies. Noav the moment of action had ariived for Prussia. Prussia at once advised Austria of her intention to de- clare war against Denmark, and save Schleswig-Holstein for Germany. Austria, to prevent Schleswig-Holstein from falling into the hands of Prussia, much against her will, had to submit to the painful necessity of likewise waging war wath Denmark. Victory was not long in proclaiming itself on the side of Germany. Denmark defeated, Prussia demanded of the legitimate heir of Schleswig-Holstein that he should concede to her the right of garrisoning certain fortresses and ports. The reason alleged for this was, that in the event of another attack, the defence of the duchies, from their geographical contiguity to Prussia, would mainly fall to her lot. The Duke of Schleswig-Holstein refused to accede to this request. Austria and the mmor states. 12 Introductory Remarks. seeing in the Prussian demand the first step towards Prus- sia's realising her unity programme, supported the duke. The controversy soon waxed hot, and eventually brought on the war of 1866, when Prussia, aided by some sover- eigns of northern and central Germany, defeated Austria and the southern states. A thorough rearrangement of Gei'many ensued. Prus- sia formed the states of northern Germany into a confede- ration, whose executive was entirely in her own hands. The southern states were left to themselves, but bound to Prussia by oiFensive and defensive treaties. Austria having but a small minority of German subjects by the side of many millions of foreigners, had to renounce her constitutional connection with Germany. In all German states the liberals approved this sweeping reform, although the prerogative of the new Federal parliament was more restricted than had been anticipated. At the same time, it was more comprehensive than what would have been conceded twenty years ago. Napoleon III. not only tolerated the war of 1866, but actually encouraged Prussia, as well as Austria — the two principal adversaries — to engage in it. He meant to play the umpire, and, when the combatants had weakened them- selves in the strife, rearrange Germany to suit his own interests. The rapidity and completeness of the Prussian success deprived him of this opening. The four years that have since elapsed Napoleon has spent in seeking alliances against Prussia. He found none. However numerous Prussia's ill-wishers, she had become too formidable to be inconsiderately attacked. Napoleon convinced himself that only after inflicting a teUino' blow upon Prussia could he hope for the assistance of her enemies to finish her. So he unsheathed his sword. He Introductory Remarks. 13 bas lost Ills army and his throne before the friends he counted upon could come to the rescue. Once more Prus- sia's success has been too prompt and too perfect to allow of foreign interference. The follo^¥ing letters chiefly treat of Napoleon's at- tempts to find alliances against this government, and of the remarkable reaction his incessant angling for partners had on the relations between the various continental states. Many of the questions which have arisen in consequence of this prolonged diplomatic agitation are still pending : on their decision partly depends the future of Europe. To these letters are added others on the international com- plications which have supervened in the course of the war; and again some on such military and domestic affairs as have affected the course of European politics. The letters have been carefuUy revised. Being selected from a much larger number contributed to the Times., explanatory pass- ages had sometimes to be inserted. Berlin, February 1871. THE PEELIMINARIES OF PEACE. On August 3d, 1866, the Gazette of Vienna published the following text of the Preliminaries of Peace : ' Treaty op Peelimisary Peace. Their Majesties the Emperor of Austria and King of Prussia, ani- mated "with the desire of restoring to their countries the benefits of peace, Lave, with that view, and in order to fix the j^reliminarics of peace, named Plenipotentiaries, viz. His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, Count Aloysius Karolyi and Baron Adolph von Brenner Felsaoh. And his Majesty the King of Prussia, his President of the CounoU and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Otho, Count von Bismarck-Schbnhausen, who, after having exchanged their full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed on the following fundamental acts, as bases of the peace to he concluded without delay : Art. I. With the exception of the Lombardo-"^^enetian Kingdom, the territory of the Austrian monarchy remains intact. His Majesty the King of Prussia engages to withdraw his troops from the Austrian terri- tories occupied by them, after peace is concluded, under reserve of the arrangements to be made at the time of the definite conclusion of peace for the guarantee of the payment of the war indemnity. Art. II. His Majesty the Emperor of Austria recognises the dissolu- tion of the Germanic Confederation such as it has hitherto existed, and gives his assent to a new organisation of Germany without the partici- pation of the Empire of Austria. His Majesty promises equally to recog- nise the closer miion which will be founded by his Majesty the Iving of Prussia to the north of the line of the Main, and declares his consent to the German States south of that line contracting a union, whose national bonds with the Confederation of North Germany wiU be the object of an ulterior u.nderstanding between the two parties. Art. III. His Majesty the Emperor of Austria transfers to his Majesty the King of Prussia all the rights which the Peace of Vienna of October 20th, 1864, had recognised in him over the Duchies of Schleswi" and Holstein, with this reserve, that the population of the northern districts of Sohleswig will be anew united to Denmark, if they express the desire of a freely given vote. The Preliminaries of Peace. 1 5 Art. IV. His Majesty the Emperor of Austria engages to pay to his Majesty the King of Prussia the sum of forty millions of thalers, to cover a portion of the expense -which the war has occasioned to Prussia ; hut from this sum is to he deducted the amount of the indemnity for war ex- penses which his Majesty the Emperor of Austria has still the right of exacting from the Duchies of Schleswig andHolstein, in virtue of Art. 12 of the Treaty of Peace of October 20th, 1864, before cited, say fifteen millions of thalers, besides five millions as the equivalent of the expense of maintaining the Prussian army borne by the countries of Austria oc- cupied by that army until the conclusion of peace. Art. V. Conformably to the desire expressed by his Majesty the Em- peror of Austria, his Majesty the King of Prussia declares himself ready to leave subsisting, at the time of the modifications which must take place in Germany, the territorial condition of the kingdom of Saxony in its actual extent, reserving to himself, on the other hand, to regulate in detail, by a special treaty of peace with his Majesty the King of Saxony, the questions relative to the share of Saxony in the expenses of the war, as well as the future position of the kingdom of Saxony in the Confedera- tion of the north of Germany. On the other hand, his Majesty the Emperor of Austria promises to 'recognise the new organisation which the King of Prussia will establish in the north of Germany, including the territorial modifications which will be the consequence of it. Art. A^I. His Majesty the King of Prussia engages to decide his Ma- jesty the King of Italy, his ally, to give his approbation to the prelimi- naries of peace, and to the armistice based on these preliminaries, from the time that, by a declaration of his Majesty the Emperor of the Erencli, the Venetian kingdom shall have been put at the disposal of his Majesty the King of Italy. Art. VII. The ratifications of the present Convention will be ex- changed at Nikolsburg in the space of two days at latest. Art. VIII. As soon as the ratification of the present Convention shall have been effected and exchanged, their Majesties the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia will name plenipotentiaries, who will meet in a place to be afterwards agreed on to conclude peace upon the basis of the present preliminary treaty, and agree upon the conditions of detail. Art. IX. To this efi'ect the contracting states, after having settled these preliminaries, will conclude for the Austrian and Saxon armies on the one part, and the Prussian army on the other part, an armistice whose detailed conditions in a military point of view will be immediately fixed. That armistice will date from the 2d of August, the day to which the present suspension of arms will be prolonged. An armistice will be at the same time concluded here with Bavaria, and General Manteufi'el will be charged to conclude with the kingdom of Wiirtemberg and the Grand Duchies of Baden and Hesse-Darmstadt, 16 No Congress. after these states propose it, an armistice commencing the 2d of August, and based upon the state of military possession of the moment. In testimony of which the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the present convention, and affixed to it the seal of their arms. Done at Nikolsburg the 26th day of July 1866. KAROLYI, M.P. BEENNEE, M.P. BISMAECK, M.P.' E"0 COISTGEESS. Berlin, August Uh, 1866. In reply to a Russian suggestion, that the redivision of Germany should be made the subject of common de- liberation at a European congress, Prussia has decHned to entertain any proposal of the kind. If she is to attend a congress at all, it must be convened for the avowed pur- pose of taking note of and sanctioning, as it were, what- ever changes she may have previously worked out on her own responsibility. The fugitive princes may dispatch letters and ambassadors to all points of the compass, but will not change this determination of their victorious and confident foe. It could be only in case of a new war and a series of signal reverses in the field that Prussia would abate her claims on this head. Neighbours will soon per- ceive that mere remonstrance will not induce this govern- ment to renounce what it beheves it has a right to consider the legitimate fruits of its Aactory. Strong by success in the field, and the sympathies of a large part of Germany, that looks upon her as the state from Avhich the long- cherished boon of unity will proceed, Prussia is not likely to yield to wordy recriminations or the pressure of inter- national advice. After what has occurred, her military self-respect and the grand national object of her policy render timidity on her part alike improbable. Regarding the preliminaries of peace as drawn up at No Congress. 17 Nikolsburg, -we have been officially informed that Austria consents to renotmce all permanent connection with both the northern and southern confederacies, recognising at the same time any territorial changes Prussia may think fit to enforce in northern Germany. This is as much as to say that, with the exception of Saxony, protected by a special proviso, all the northern states that have been at war with Prussia may be embodied by the latter, as far as Austria is concerned. Soathern conquests, however, might be opposed by Austria, were they at all coveted by Prussia. The northern and southern confederacy are to regulate their mutual relations as they please. This, if the people are determined, Avill one day be admitted by Austria to imply that the two confederacies may be merged into one. Even now a conversion to sensible poHtics is becoming- more and more manifest among the people of the south. In every part of Baden votes are being passed by the wealthy and intelligent classes to protest against the spHt- ting Germany in twain. In Wilrtemberg, the moderate liberal party are, for the same purpose, circulating an ad- dress to the King, which has been covered with the signa- tures of the most respectable citizens at Ulm, Heilbronn, Tubingen, Keutlingen, Urach, Blaubeuren, &c. The fol- lowing passage will supply the burden of the whole : ' The only choice we have is hetweeii joining the new confederacy ahready estahlished hy Prussia, or becoming memhers of the other poHtical hody, which is to be created under Bavarian auspices. "We all know that the idea of a separate South German League originates with that very power which for oentuiies past has been the hereditary enemy of Germany. France, being unable to prevent North Germany from becoming a united commonwealth, endeavours to keep at least Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden, . and a portion of Darmstadt out of the union. Austria, defeated at Sa- dowa, would not have been strong enough to make this condition enter into the preliminaries of peace. It was France, whose ambassador, Be- nedetti, when he posited the King at Nikolsburg, forced it upon him by a menace of armed interference. France, wishing to keep Germany weak, insisted upon dividing her into two halves, when she could no longer 18 No Congress. hope to maintain the old niiserahle arrangements, hy -which the country ■was hroken up into a large number of independent states. It is obvious that the South German League, were it ever to become a reality, would be too weak to protect its citizens, or to pursue an independent policy in accordance with their interests. Cut off from all access to the sea, its commerce would be crippled and dependent upon the favom of adjacent states ; deprived of aU political connection with the Northern Confedera- tion, it would be estranged from it in literature, religion, and intellectual progress ; and thus entirely dissevered from its brethren, and dissatisfied with its own condition, it would become a prey to factions, and a play- thing in the hands of the foreigner. And why should the sovereigns of Baden, Wiirtemberg, and Darmstadt be subjected to Bavarian supremacy, when Bavaria would be wholly unable to shield them from foreign at- tack ? The interests of those sovereigns, no less than of their subjects, imperatively demands that the abominable French invention of a separate southern confederacy be repudiated, and the original Prussian proposal of a common parliament for northern and southern Germany be acceded to at once.' Count Bismarck has just sent away the southern offi- cials employed at Frankfort in controlling the common accounts of the Zollvei-ein. The ZoUverein, they were given to understand, being dissolved by the war, there was no longer any occasion for their continuing their functions. Steps were taken at the same time to establish custom-houses on the northern frontiers of Baden and Darmstadt. If this is more than a threat, it will greatly disquiet people on the other side of the fluvial line of divi- sion, and proportionately add to the pro-Prussian move- ment. Not to speak of the great variety of southern articles which have found a profitable market in the north for the forty years the ZoUverein has existed, the quantity of Bavarian beer ordinarily exported to Prussia is so great, that the stoppage of intercourse consequent upon the war has lowered the wholesale price of this refreshino- bever- age by nearly one-half at Munich and Nuremberg. But the sale of vast quantities of goods was not the only ad- vantage the southern states derived from the ZoUverein. They also had a greater share in the common receipts than was justified by the consumption of their inhabitants. Return of the King of Prussia. 19 The 4,700,000 Bavarians, for instance, want mucli less sugar, coffee, and other articles paying duty than an equal number of Northerners, so that, were the revenues of the ZoUverein distributed among the several states according to the consumption, instead of the number, of the inhabit- ants, as is actually the case, this one soutbern kingdom would find its income diminished by 3,000,000 thalers a year. If the Zollverein is dissolved, the Southerners Avill have to tax themselves to make up for the deficit in their several exchequers. EETUEN OF THE KING OF PEUSSIA. Berlin, August 5, 1866. Last night, at half-past ten, the King alighted at the Silesian Railway terminus. At the moment of his stepping out of the carriage, he was embraced by the Queen, who, with the ladies and gentlemen of the court, had been awaiting the return of her royal husband on the plat- form. While the first salutations were being exchanged between their Majesties, twelve young ladies in white silk, mth wreaths of corn flowers in their hair, scattered roses before the feet of the returning victors. A brilliant array of generals, ministers, and other civil and clerical digni- taries encompassed the principal actors in the scene. It was a moving spectacle. The illuminations shed floods of light, the cannon roared, and the strains of the national anthem rose gloriously over the thousands of privileged spectators pressing round the official circle. In another moment Count Bismarck, in the uniform of a major in the Landwehr Cuirassiers, left the royal carriage. Jubilant hurrahs received the able and courageous minister, who, with friends thronging forward to shake hands, and wife VOL. I, 20 Return of the King of Prussia. and children claiming his first attention, found himself immediately surrounded by a dense crowd of eager and sincere well-wishers. General Moltke, the military hero of the war, equally aroused the enthusiasm of his numer- ous admirers. With him were noticed Generals Eoon, Boyen, Alvensleben, Podbielski, and a numerous suite of colonels and adjutants, together with the military attaches of the French, Italian, and Russian Embassies. When the King entered his carriage to drive home, one of the young ladies presented him a congratulatory poem, on a velvet cushion, which was most graciously received, and elicited a few grateful words in return. By the side of the King, who was in an open calecJie, sat the Crown Prince. The Queen, whose health does not admit of her exposing herself to the night air, drove in a close carriage, followed by hundreds of equipages, containing the new arrivals and those who had come to greet them. As the royal personages flashed past the thousands assembled in the streets along their line of route, hurrah succeeded hurrah all the way from the eastern suburbs of the to'^vn to the palace. Midnight was drawing near Avhen the King, now agam at home in his familj^, as well as in his country, appeared on the balcony of the palace. Then arose the ' Preussen Lied' from amid the people on the square in front, and being taken up in ever-widening circles, it was at length sung by the 30,000 or 40,000 there assembled. The King returned thanks ; but though those who were near enough to see that he wished to speak were silent, the more distant continued singing, and there was no chance of catching a word. The Queen, the Crown Prince, and Prince Carl also showed themselves on the balcony, acknowledging the salutations of the public. , To-day, at noon, after a solemn service in the cathe- dral, attended by the King, Queen, and entire royal family, the session of Parliament was opened with the usual Return of the King of Prussia. 21 ceremonies. Sunday was especially chosen for the act, to impart to it a religious sanctity after the signal triumphs obtained. As is customary, the ceremony took place in the White Hall of the Old Palace. Count Bismarck, in his military uniform, which he had never before been seen to Avear on a similar occasion, stood on the left of the King, with the other ministers beside him. The Queen, Princess Carl, Princess Friedrich Carl, and the Grand Duchess Dowager of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, a sister of the King, were present in the royal gallery, whUe a long row of aristocratic ladies adorned the seats appropriated to them. Lords and members mustered in full number, and by their animated appearance testified their sympathy in the proceedings. Nor did the speech from the throne disappoint the ex- pectations raised by the promising state of politics. The King, who entered with the Crown Prince and the other princes of the house, received the pregnant manuscript from the hands of his Premier, and read it aloud with a firm and sonorous voice. His Majesty began by thanking God for the victory accorded to his arms. He hoped that the results of the campaign would redound to the permanent benefit of the country, and pave the way for the attain- ment of the national objects of Germany. Then passing on to domestic affairs, he briefly commented on the consti- tutional controversy that had been going on before the war, and accounting for the irregular military expenditure by a reference to the necessities of the time, asked for a bill of indemnity. His Majesty's words — sober and unpre- tending as ever — were received with loud applause. As the royal speech, so was the attitude of the House : business- like, and without the slightest tinge of an elation which might have been pardonable in the first flush of a brilliant success. Modesty in Germany is a plant of genuine growth. Being deeply sensible how much care and in- dustry are required to attain any object in life, and how 22 Rearrangements. much, after all, depends on those external circumstances which control tlie jarogress of earthly events, Germans as a rule are not very prone to exult in their own achieve- ments. As a hard-working and reflective nation, they have realised what truth there is in the old adage about the (p6ovog 6sm : the difficulty of doing anything well in a world abounding in checks and counter-checks, and of repeating it successfully, even when once accomplished. The Crown Princess, being in deep mourning for her infant son, did not leave Heringsdorf to attend the solem- nities, lier royal husband this morning went to Potsdam to the grave of his lost child, who died while his father was absent in the war. To-morrow he repairs to the sea- side, whence he intends to accompany his consort to some Silesian chateau. EEAREANGEMEKTS. Berlin, August 8, 1866. Although by an act divulged but five weeks ago, and not as yet publicly revoked, Venice devolved upon France, Austria seems to consider the devoted province still her own. At any rate, in the pending negotiations she has preferred a claim for a pecuniary indemnity, if consenting to its embodiment Avith Italy. This demand being contrary to the preliminaries signed at Nikolsburg, in which the Emperor of the French is represented as the owner of Venice, and peace rendered dependent upon its being 'placed at the disposal of the King of Italy,' the matter has been referred by this Government to Napo- leon III. for decision. It is hoped that it will be settled according to the preliminaries, in which case the instru- ment of peace will be probably completed in a few days. The final arrangement with the minor States which have been at war with Prussia will occasion more serious Rearrangements. difficulties. Though Austria in the above preliminaries engaged to recognise whatever territorial changes Prussia might be pleased to enforce this side the river Main, so long as the Kingdom of Saxony is not touched, it does not follow that she is particularly eager to see the rest of the conquered States and provinces swallowed up by her rival. Indeed, in common with the dethroned sovereigns of Hanover, Hesse, Nassau, &c., and aided by some of the southern princes, she is trying hard, even at the last gasp, to cause the Emperor Napoleon to interfere in behalf of the imperilled existence of her minor friends. If she cannot preserve them their entire territories, she is now urging at Paris that their names at least should be per- petuated on the sovereign list. If the King of Hanover cannot be maintained in the unimpaired enjoyment of his sovereignty, she wishes to secure him a portion of his former domains ; let the rest fall to Prussia if Fate so decrees. In like manner she interests herself in the other expelled potentates. Prussia having at Nikolsburg obtained Austria's assent to any territorial changes, has no occasion to communicate with her any longer upon this subject. In reply, hoA^^ever, to the incessant appli- cations from Paris, she has not thought it superfluous to intimate her resolve to embody the whole of the con- quered principalities, not returning any part of their terri- tory to the former owners. So there will probably be an end of the matter. In all this Austria now openly pursues the policy which, in former stages of her long opposition to this Government, she found it convenient to cloak under pro- fessed sympathies with ' the independence and prosperity of the minor States.' She simply aims at the division of Fatherland, not, indeed, from any hostility to the latter, but because its reunion cnn be effected only by Prussia, her traditional rival.' That this was the sole design and purpose of her doings at the Bund for generations past is 24 Rearrangements. noTf very candidly avowed by the Vienna Volksfreimd., the organ of Cardinal Rauscher, or, what is pretty much the same thing, of the leading personages at court. ' Our interests,' says the Ultramontane paper, ' now clearly bid us confine the power of Germany within reasonable limits. It is plain that our policy in this respect must be iden- tical with that of France.' Identical with that of France! Identical with the interest of a country whose ascend- ancy in continental affairs has for the last two centu- ries been founded upon the division of Germany ! Con- fessions like these will soon complete the work of the present war, by driving the Southern States into the Prus- sian camp. The leading Ministers of the four Southern States at war Avith Prussia have either already arrived or are on their way to Berlin to settle the terms of peace. Saxony, the only Northern State still at Avar Avith this country, having vainly endeavoured to get a representa- tive admitted to the negotiations Avith Austria, which are to be carried on at Prague, is expected to make the best of a bad bargain, and send an Envoy to Berlin notwith- standing. The King of Hanover, who is charged by this government AA^th treacherj', haA'ing, it is asserted, pro- mised to succour them, when he had already settled with Austria, and never meant to abandon her, a few days ago offered to resign in favour of his son, if that could preserve the dynasty ; but his propositions were negatived. An exceptional position is claimed by the King of Hol- land in his capacity of Grand Duke of Luxemburg and Limburg. In the Avar he declared for neither party, nor have his future intentions been inquired into noAV that hostilities are over. In the mean time, Luxemburo-, the capital of the grand duchy, and a fortress of some pre- tensions, remains garrisoned by Prussia as formerly, the right of this Government to keep the place beino- derived not, it is said, from the Federal treaties, Avhich are extinct but from the Act of the Vienna Congress of 1815. Rearrangements. 25 The Parliaments of Altenburg and Schwarzburg-Son- dershausen have ratified the treaties providing for the transference of their military and diplomatic business to Prussia. All over the North people are cordially agreed as to the expediency of recognising the results of the cam- paign, and adopting the Bismarck programme. The south, too, is becoming more and more alive to the policy of such a course, and, wherever the priests or republicans have not the upper hand, demands speedy reunion with the Northern Confederacy. An address to the King of Wltr- temberg advocating these views has been covered with the signatures of leading citizens in sixty-four towns of the kingdom. Even in Bavaria the municipalities of Nurem- berg, Augsburg, Kempten, jMemmingen, and other impor- tant towns, have petitioned their sovereigns for the like purpose. The manufacturers of Offenbach and other towns in Southern Hesse, fearing that the dissolution of the Zoll- verein will follow on the heels of political division, stoutly protest against the idea of their being shut out from the north, and ruined merely to perpetuate the existence of their duchy. Their wishes are sure to meet with a hearing in course of time, though for the present they may not be entirely fulfilled. At the annual meeting of the Society of Political Economists, a most influential body, which as- sembled the other day at Brunswick, it was resolved that, should it be impossible to effect the political reunion of Northern and Southern Germany at once, the Prussian Government would do weU to maintain the ZoUverein nevertheless, and establish a special ZoUverein Parfiament to keep lip the connection between the two halves of the nation, and prepare that consummation of unity which is now only a question of time. Possibly its advice may be taken. The address of the Berlin town-council, presented to his Royal Highness the Crown Prince the day after his return from the theatre of war, runs as follows : 26 Rearrangements. 'Most Ulustrious Crown Prince,— May it please your Eoyal High- ness, the iDurgomasters and town -council of Berlin take the liberty of welcoming your Eoyal Highness home, on your return from the field. The call of duty had hardly summoned your Eoyal Highness from your happy family circle when your heart was torn hy the melancholy news of the death of a beloved son. The inhabitants of this city, cordially sympathising with the royal family in their hours of sorrow as well as of joy, felt the deepest concern in the grief of an illustrious couple who, having so long enjoyed the unalloyed blessings of the connubial state, were now visited by so severe a blow. The absence of your Eoyal Highness heightened our regrets at this afflicting trial, and we were deeply moved at witnessing her Majesty the Queen hastening to the camp to comfort her sorrowing son with the consolations suggested by her true mother's heart. Stern necessity did not permit your Eoyal Highness to indulge your grief amid the din of battle. Of you, as one of the foremost generals in our army, an unclouded brow, a resolute will, and the fullest devotion to the duties of your martial calling were required at that hour. Entirely giving yourself up to the demands of the moment, your Eoyal Highness proved a genuine Hohenzollern ; and your sacrifice was rewarded by the brilliant successes of the second army under your command, and the highest militarj^ decoration which his Majesty hiniseK lianded to his vic- torious son at the close of the decisive battle. Most gracious lord, we are proud to see the heir of this kingdom contributing by his deeds to the extension of its frontier in the righteous cause of German unity. As our hopes of German unity are dependent on the strength of Prussia, we, in common with your Eoyal Highness, were highly gratified at finding our old military prowess revived in the exigencies of war, and augur a prosperous future from the increase of our force, as provided for in the preliminaries of peace. Though we knew we could not hope to effect the reorganisation of Fatherland unless Austria were expelled from our national body politic, still, had it been possible in any other way to dissolve the ties that bound us to Austria, war would never have been advocated by us. But as nothing remained but an appeal to the sword, what satisfaction must it have given to your Eoyal Highness to lend your aid in dealing the decisive blow ! May your Eoyal Highness, on returning to the avocations of peace, derive unmingled joy from the remembrance of those glorious days ! May the painful recollections inseparable from war and its attendant evils be merged in the consciousness of the historical importance of the actions your Eoyal Highness was called upon to perform for the honour and power of Prussia, and for the national future of Germany ! We subscribe ourselves your Eoyal Highness's most loyal and obedient, Burgomaster and Town-Council op Berlin. Berlin, August 5.' Rearrangeme7its. 27 His Royal Highness, who seemed deeply moved, re- turned the following reply : ' Gentlemen, — Eeceive my sincerest thanks for congratnlating me, in belialf of this capital, on my return from the field. As a father, I was severely afflicted by the decease of a beloved child ; as a general, I had to attend to the duties of my command. Deeply did I feel my inability to hurry home and support my wife on this trying occasion ; but I had to do violence to my feelings, and deny myself the mournful privilege of closing the eyes of the dear departed one. I was fortunate enough to lead the army under my command through a series of victories to a great success. The conviction of having helped to secure for Prussia that posi- tion which history has allotted to her, and contributed to the national reconstruction of our German Fatherland, will ever brighten my path. With God's gracious assistance, I am indebted for it to those generals whom the King had placed by my side, as also to the intelligence, the courage, the unexampled gallantry of the officers and soldiers under my command. You are aware what heavy sacrifices have beeii entailed by the war. Let us hope that in the course of a long and honourable peace we shall heal the wounds inflicted. Berlin, ever munificent in its chari- ties, has distinguished itself in a most patriotic manner by its efforts in behalf of the wounded and the support of widows and orphans. For this beneficent generosity receive my heartfelt thanks, which I beg you to communicate to your fellow-citizens.' Another address to the King is the first of the kind the town-council have voted since the occurrence of the consti- tutional dilFerences. The more, then, have we to congra- tulate the King that, reciprocating the confidence of his capital, he, two hours after the presentation of the con- ciliatory address, virtually restored in his speech from the throne the so -long -disputed prerogative of Paxdiament. The day after, on his Majesty attending the state perform- ance in the opera-house, he was received with shouts of applause. Those hurrahs really came from the heart, and direct to the King's heart they went. Finding himself the object of such an enthusiastic ovation as had been rarely witnessed in this sober and self-possessed capital, the King stepped forward to the front of his box, wishing to return thanks ; but before he could speak, his emotion overcame hun, tears filled his eyes, and, after a word or two, un- heard by the audience, he retired into the background. 28 Russia and the United States. EUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES. August 10, 1866. The visit of the American vessels, the Miantonomoh and her consort the Augusta, to the Baltic has been made the occasion of an interchange of courtesies between the Eussian and United States authorities. The American ships were met on the 6th inst., and escorted to Cronstadt by the Russian squadron of armoured ships ; and after they had anchored in the smaller harbour they were \T.sited by Rear- Admiral Lessovsky; and subsequently Mr. G. V. Fox, Assistant-Secretary of the United States navy, ac- companied by the commanders of the Augusta and the Miantonomoh, paid a visit to the Port -Admiral Xovos- silsky. The next day the American Monitor was inspected by the Russian officers, to whom the actual working of the turrets and their armament was practically ex- plained. In the evening a grand banquet was given in the hall of the Naval Club at Cronstadt, at which expres- sions of friendly regard were interchanged between the Americans and their hosts. On the 8th, the United States' Extraordinary Commissioners, accompanied by General Clay, the American minister, had an interview, at the palace of Peterhof, with the Emperor, to whom they pre- sented the following address : ' Sire, — The resolution wliich I have the honour of presenting to your Imperial Majesty is the voice of a people whose miUions of Hps speak from a single heart. The many ties which have long bound together the great empire of the East and the great republic of the West have been multiplied and strengthened by the unwavering fidelity of the imperial government to our own throughout its recent period of convulsion. The words of sym- pathy and friendship then addressed to the Government at Washington, by command of your Imperial Majesty, are fixed in the eternal remem- brance of a grateful country. As one of the wide family of nations, we yield our willing homage Russia and the United States. 29 to that noble act of liumanity -which is especially referred to in the reso- lution of Congress. The peaceful edict of an enlightened sovereign has consummated a triumph over an inherited barbarism which our western republic has only reached through long years of bloodshed. It is therefore with profound emotion that I oifer to your Imperial Majesty, to the emancipated subjects, to all the people of this vast realm, our heartfelt congratulations upon the providential escape from danger which led to this spontaneous expression of regret for the attempt, and thankfulness for its merciful arrest and failure. The story of the peril from which a kind Providence has delivered your Imperial Majesty brings with it the remembrance of the mighty sorrow which so lately filled every loyal heart in our own land at the sudden loss of our chief, our guide, our father. We thank God that a grief like this was spared to our friends and allies, the Russian people. May the Father of all nations and all rulers protect, prolong, and bless the life which He has so signally preserved, for the service of the people to which it belongs, for the good of mankind, and the glory of His holy name. Gr. V. Fox, Assistant-Secretary of ISTavy.' The Emperor was expected to pay a visit to the Mian- tonomoh on the following day ; and on the 10th a grand banquet was to be given at the town-hall by the citizens of Cronstadt to the American civil and naval officers. 30 German Territory demanded by France. GEEMAN TEEEITOEY DEMAiS'DED BY EEANCE. THE NOETH GEEMAIf CONEEDEEAGY. Berlin, August 11, 1866. The statement of the Paris Siecle^ that the French Go- vernment have mooted the question of the frontiers of 1814, is correct. Three days ago, M. Benedetti, the French Ambassador here, told Count Bismarck, that the war having resulted in considerable aggrandisement to this dynasty, he was instructed to urge the propriety of awarding some territorial compensation to France. Count Bismarck, after taking the pleasure of the King^ and conferring with his colleagues, replied that this Cabinet would not cede an inch of German soil, while in a position to defend it. Here the matter rests for the present. The answer of the Count, as it is in consonance with the demands of national honour and self-respect, is likewise in keeping with the dearest interests of the Government he represents. '\Vhile vindicating the integrity of the national soil, he may hope to have all Germany to back him, the south no less than the north ; but were he to give up so much as the smallest slice of German OTOund, he would be regarded as a mere dynastic intriguer, and rank with Aus- tria, whose most influential organs are now advertising the alleged intention of the Imperial Government to make common cause with Napoleon III., to damage Germany, and exalt the House of Hapsburg at the expense of the nation it proceeds from. Bismarck's main resource in withstanding Kaiser and Emperor lies in unfurling the na- tional standard, and constituting himself champion of the long-neglected Fatherland. As matters noAv stand, were Prussia attacked by her enemies, the ready organised reo-i- ments at her disposal might not indeed be numerous enouo^h to render her victorious in a first campaign, considering she would have to fight two mihtary empires at the same German Territory demwided hy France. 31 time. But even the united power of France and Austria would scarcely suffice to conquer her, while her policy remains one with the aims and instincts of the nation. No petty potentate in such a case could dare declare against her. There wovdd be a general uprising in every minor state to protect not Prussia, but the Germany of which she is an integral part ; and would not the dissatisfied pro- vinces of liungary, Bohemia, and Croatia be remorselessly set on fire, and hounded against their Government, were it to join France in an anti- German enterprise? The final issue of the struggle could be hardly doubt- ful. France has long enjoyed excessive pov/er, because of the division of Germany. In this she has only availed herself of her opportunities, and we have no wish to rake up invidious recollections from a distant past. But should she try to prolong this state of things beyond its natural term, and open a sanguinary campaign merely to gratify les Zouaves de la Garde, the only consequence would be to put Germany on her mettle, when the usual result of a conflict between the fiery Gaul and the steady Teuton is sure to foUoAT in due course. To no army can peace be dearer than to the Prnssian, fully two- thirds of which have to be called av/ay from the plough, the workshop, and the desk ; but were a new campaign in a western quarter un- avoidable, a good many of the men who did not at all like the idea of fighting the Austrians, their former allies and many years' associates in the glorious empire of the olden days, would have no objection to a trial of strength with the French, the traditional enemy of their race and country. Before the common danger the little opposition to Prus- sian supremacy still existing in the South would melt away like wax, and unity more comprehensive and solid than can as yet be anticipated be established in the hour of need. This is the unanimous opinion of all with w^hom I have conversed upon the subject. The mere news of French demands being put forward 32 German Territory demanded by France. has given a more martial tone to the pubHc than it ever had ui the varying stages of the past conflict. There is a vast difference between the first mention of Landau and Saarbrlick by a French diplomatist — to these districts M. Benedetti is said to have referred* — and the dispatch of a gallant Marechal with orders to take and seize ; but public opinion is so irritated at the very first allusion to the odious subject, that consummation seems to be close at hand, and the earlier faced the better. There is a general desire to have done with the French. The young will say, ' Now for it !' the old will hope that the struggle, if un- fortunately it cannot be avoided, will be taken up and car- ried on with all the inherent energy of their race ; while all ages and classes unite in displaying the deepest resent- ment at foreigners presuming to treat Germany like Mexico, and prevent them from setting their household in order as they please. The idea, too, of a sovereign who marches in the van of civilisation holdiag out a very intelligible menace of bloodshed, not in defence of his land, not in vin- dication of his honour, but for the sake of conquest, has something in it revolting to the German mind, and Avere extremities resorted to, would fill the warriors of this coun- try with the just ire of a man defending his premises against nocturnal visitors. It is the moral prevalence of legitimate anger over a mere hankering after military fame, and other motives of indifferent probity, that would tell sensibly against the French, were they to change hints into de- mands, and enforce the latter by arms. Are the French really incapable of understanding the political and intel- lectual condition of Germany ? Are they determined to ignore the truth, that while the absorption by Prussia of some of the minor States of Germany is regarded as a step * France, in a dispatcli dated August 7, asked for the frontiers of 1814, which left these two German districts in her hands. It was only in 1N15 that Landau and Saarbriick were recovered respectively for Bavaria and Prussia. Landau might be easily converted into an important fortress; Saarbriick would give France the coal she is in need of. German Territory demanded by France. 33 towards tlie unity of Fatherland, and hailed accordingly by most patriots, their appropriating an inch of German soil would be considered an act of piracy ? The Berlin National Zeitung., an influential, but, as a rule, cautious and most reserved organ of the Liberal party, says : ' Prussia fulfils a national mission in consolidating the political struc- ture of Germany. Slie reorganises a nation, but she does not carry on a predatory war against her neighhoiu's. We hope that France, too, will not be prompted to war by motives worthy only of a robber. Were we called upon to defend ourselves against the brutal iusolence of a con- queror, the elements of our national strength, though they have been so long dissevered, would combine and produce a more powerful effect than certain persons seem to imagine.' If France objects, that the balance of power would be disturbed by Germany becoming a united commonwealth, the Germans retort, that it would, on the contrary, be restored, in consequence of so happy an event. Indeed, were all Germany to acknowledge Prussian supremacy, the new commonwealth would have no more than 38,000,000 of inhabitants, i.e. about as many as France. To unite Germany, then, would be to do away with the existing inequality in the aspect of the two countries, not to create one. For the present, however, it is not even intended to bring all Germany under one head. As yet the practical results of the unity movement are confined to the North, which has not quite 30,000,000 souls. The French manoeuvres at Berhn have produced im- mediate consequences. General ManteufFel has been dis- patched to St. Petersburg on a special mission to the Czar, It is assumed that through him this Government will oiFer to assist Eussia in the East, should Russia's aid be needed by Prussia in Germany. As an earnest of future services, Prussia is supposed to have induced the Prince of Eoti- mania to express his readiness to exchange the suzerainty of the Sultan for the patronage of the Czar. A Roumanian corps is being drawn together on the borders of the Aus- trian province of Bukovina, and will compel the Kaiser to The North German Confederacy. opjsose it by the concentration of a corresponding force. In Bukovina, as well as in south-eastern Hungary and Transylvania, which are chiefly inhabited by Roumanians, a movement is being set on foot to effect the reunion of these provinces with the Danubian principalities. Thus everything is in a ferment. By her very fii\st importu- nities in Germany, France has achieved the unenviable distinction of reviving ancient difficulties in the East. To complete the new arrangements of Germany, Prussia has communicated to the sovereigns of all northern states forms of treaty, embodying the terms mentioned in her Isoie of June 16, and already substantially accepted by them. After a brief preamble, to the effect that the alli- ance alluded to in the text already exists, and is herein to receive a more formal expression onlj', clause 1 provides an offensive and defensive alliance and a mutual guarantee of integrity between the various States concerned. Clause 2 enacts that the objects of the alliance shall be definitively secured by a federal constitution, to be formed on the basis of the Prussian programme of June 10, 1866, with the co- operation of a common Parliament. In accordance with clause 3, all other treaties between the contracting parties, so far as they are not affected by the present treaty, remain valid. By clause 4 the troops of the new allies are placed under the supreme command of the King of Prussia, their contributions to the cost of war being reserved for special agreement. The Avording of this clause as it stands in Ger- man is rather indefinite. In clause 5 the various Govern- ments engage to call a common Parliament, to be elected in accordance with the federal statute of April 12, 1849, as soon as Prussia desires. They are also to send plenipo- tentiaries to Berlin to draw up a federal constitution, to be formed on the model of the Prussian programme of June 10, and are subsequently to submit it to the common Par- liament. Under clauses 6 and 7 the treaty is to remain valid for a year, unless superseded previously by the pro- The North German Confederacy. 35 posed federal constitution ; and it is to be ratified within three weeks of the day of its signature. The draught of the treaty, of which tne above is a succinct but accurate summary, was, on the 4th inst., transmitted to the Governments of Oldenburg, Bruns- wick, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Saxe- Weimar, Saxe-Meiningen, Saxe-Altenburg, Saxe-Coburg, Schwarzburg-Sonderhausen, Schwarzbvirg-Rudolstadt, An- halt, Waldeck, Reuss-Greiz, Reuss-Schleiz, Lippe, Schaum- burg-Lippe, Lubeck, Bremen, and Hamburg. Schleswig- Holstein, Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Hesse-Darmstadt, Nassau, Frankfort, and Saxony being entirely in the hands of Prus- sia, and without governments of their own, are not included in the number thus addressed, and will be dealt with differ- ently. The six first mentioned States of this second cate- gory will be annexed ; as regards Saxony, though the re- institution of her king has been conceded in the Austro- Prussian preliminaries of peace, her treatment, in all other respects, will depend on the confidence the Prussian Govern- ment think they can place in the future politics of the Wettin dynasty. There is a rumour that the Saxon troops will be stationed on the Russian frontier, the more efi^ec- tually to wipe out from their recollection the memory of their Austrian companions in arms. But there is probably no truth in the report. Many of the most respectable citizens of Emden, Nor- den, and Leer, the three largest towns in the Hanover province of East Friesland, have sent an address to the King of Prussia, praying for the embodiment of their country with this monarchy. ' rriesland,' they say, 'formerly belonged to Prussia, and was ceded to its present dynasty only on tlie great territorial re-division Avhioh. took place at the Vienna Congress of 1815. But it always remembered the prosperity it enjoyed under Prussian rule. If now wishing for annexation, it is prompted both by the memory of past benefits and the conviction that the aggrandisement of this monarchy is identical with the unity and happiness of the German nation.' VOL. I, D 36 The North German Confederacy. The text of this petition has been published by its authors, together with an appendix, containing a terrible catalogue of derelictions *laid to the charge of the present King of Hanover and his father. Therein is set forth, with no little animosity, how sire and son ' "broke tlieir oaths to tlie Constitution, pocketed the proceeds of the do- mains, abolished the provincial privileges of Friesland, and at last, with insane impudence, committed political suicide by deliberate opposition to Prussia.' It is the old story of Hanover constitutional grievances. In Southern Germany the unity agitation is unabated. At Stuttgart, a committee of the moderate liberal party has been established, for the purpose of effecting the imme- diate incorporation of the South with the Northern Con- federacy. At Mayence, a fortress occupied by southern troops, even the prevalence of a state of siege has not prevented 150 citizens, among whom are nearly the whole of the town-council, signing a declaration to the same effect. Munich itself, the head-quarters of the anti- Prussian oppo- sition, will hold a public meeting to-day, at which Prussian supremacy, 'however undesirable in itself,' will be de- clared as a 'lesser evil than the division of Germany.' The growth of patriotic opinion in Bavaria is illustrated by the fact that, a day or two ago, a large number of military reserves, called out to make up for the gaps in the Bavarian army occasioned by the war, mutinied at Wiirzburg, because, as they said, it was foolish to fight the Prussians and be beaten, -when they need only join them to share in the benefit of good generals and superior weapons to boot. So violent were the men in vindicatins- these heretical theses, that they had to be actually dis"- chartred. The French Demand refused. 37 THE FRENCH DEMAND EEFUSED. AUSTEIAN INTERNATIONAL TEOUBLES. Berlin, August 13, 1866. In the German press the storm aroused by the French demand of territory continues. Of all papers those pub- lished on the menaced banks of the Rhine are the most violent in their denunciations of this modest request. 'Were France to enforce her demands,' says the Cologne Gazette, the leading paper of ^"\^estern Germany, 'German unity would he estab- lished in a twinkle. The Southerners would kick their sovereigns out of the country, were any of them so dastardly as to join the foreigner for the purpose of extraditing GermaJi soil. Nay, they would enthusiastically hail King William as German Emperor, were he to draw the sword in de- fence of our frontiers against France. A fearful war would ensue, the ultimate result of which it is impossible to foresee. If Baron Eicasoli, who is only the minister of a second-rate power, told the Emperor of the French that he would not cede him any more Italian provinces, how much more is Count Bismarck in a position to inform his imperial neighbour that he could not give up an inch of German ground, even had he a mind to do so ! Can Louis Napoleon, who knows Germany so well, be blind to existing realities 1 Will he renounce the friendship of Germany, which he might otherwise bequeath to his son as a most valuable legacy ?' Is he really the man to try and abstract a miserable shred of German soil, though he must know that in doing so he will make a mortal enemy of us 1 And will not all Europe be roused against him by these predatory politics 1 He now wishes for Landau, which is Bavarian, and Saarbriick, which belongs to Prussia ; let him persist in his claims, and Belgium,, Switzerland, and all countries on the left bank of the Eliine will fear a re- vival of the old Napoleonic practices. Before long a European coalition will be formed against him. His family was outlawed in 1815. Were he to look for conquest in 1866, the Napoleonides would prove themselves incorrigible.' As yet Louis Napoleon has preferred no very urgent demand, but merely broached what, in the euphemistic . language of Chauvinism, is called the equitableness of an indemnity. Let us hope that he "will not go farther. Prom having had an entirely German education — he was at school at Augsburg — the French Emperor speaks the language of this country like a native, and has always taken care to keep himself au courant with the latest pub- 38 The French Demand refused. lications in the field of its general and political literature. If a pacific solution of pending difficulties is confidently anticipated in official circles here, more than upon any- thing else is this hope founded upon the superior acquaint- ance of Napoleon III. with the actual condition and in- herent qualities of this race. I do not think that Prussia, so soon after the great efiE'ort of the Austrian war, would be particularly inclined to defend Switzerland, Belgium, or perhaps even Luxemburg, which though occupied by her troops, and a German principality, has not been in- cluded in the Northern Confederacy. But even these coun- tries Louis Napoleon will not secure with the connivance of this Government, and if he wants them, must take them and abide the consequences. To be sure, in Austria people are already indulging in the exhilarating thought that the Power they have been unable to crush will be soon confronted by a more . competent adversary. The leading papers of Vienna bid France be quick; and the Austrian Government, though they cannot well announce another war while the first re- mains to be ATound up, yet seem to evince a disposition so to shape their domestic politics as to be ready to accept the offer of an offensive alliance, should it be made them by their prospective ally. It is a long story, and for its better understanding I must go back a little in the course of events. Hardly was the war over, when the Austrian Government began pre- paring for a reorganisation of their entire administrative system. Once more a complete change, the third within . a few years, was to be introduced into the machinery. As the reader may recollect, the Charter of M. de Schmer- ling, giving ascendancy to the German element in the Empu-e, and fostering modern notions of constitutional government, was suspended some time ago. It could not withstand the attacks of the aristocracy, who thought it too liberal ; the resistance of the clergy, who denounced it Austrian International Troubles. 39 as impious ; and the hatred of the non-German races, to whom the undue numerical strength of the German ele- ment in the Central Representative Assembly gave ter- rible offence. The so-called dualistic principle was next, if not tried, at least trotted out and exhibited for public inspection. By it Austria would have been divided into a Hungary and a non-Hungary ; a consummation tending to disintegrate the State, and which became altogether objec- tionable when it appeared that the Magyars were insisting as stanchly as ever upon the control of their own taxes and troops. So there remained nothing but to try the third possible system, the federal. This confers self-government in local affairs uj)on the various provinces, and allows each to organise itself on a strictly national model. It admits of a central parliament, but the powers of the general repre- sentative assembly are necessarily curtailed by the rights vested in its provincial rivals. This system finds most favour with the Slavonian subjects of the Kaiser, who, alike averse to German and Magyar supremacy, look upon provincial independence as a means of securing protection for their own national idioms, manners, and customs. To the Kaiser this form of administration recommends itself by allowing him a greater and more direct influence on the financial and military departments than either the cen- tralistic or the dualistic system. The Slavonians having been the Cinderella among the sisterhood of Austrian nationalities ever so long, they will, it is confidently ex- pected at Vienna, content themselves with a modicum of constitutional rights, provided they are accorded the use of their own language in the judicial, administrative, and educational establishments of their respective j^rovinces. If current anticipations are correct, the satisfaction of Czechs, Croats, &c., at the concession to them of purely Slavonian schools, theatres, and courts of law, would be so immense as to cause them to regard the rights of the purse as comparatively indifferent, at least for the present. 40 Austriaji International Troubles. But the system until very lately had its drawbacks. By impairing the authority of the central parliament, it might have injured its capacity for raising loans. By making the Slavonian nationality dominant in the Empire, it would have militated against the ancient claims of the Austrian sovereign to be considered a German prince, and to pre- side over a confederacy of German States at Frankfort. These objections long prevented the Kaiser from identi- fying himself with a plan otherwise acceptable in so many respects. The war did away with his scruples. After the issiie of the last campaign, it was no longer by a mere form of constitution, whether centralistic, dualistic, or federal, that Austria could hope to improve her finances. A hond-fide improvement in her entire condition will be required for her to retain access to the money-market of the world. Again, having been obliged to divorce himself from the Bund, it is clear the Austrian sovereign is no longer in a position to \i&\e regard to the feelings of Ger- many, and emphasise the German oi-igin of his house in his relations to his own subjects. Accordingly, no sooner were hostilities at an end than the Slavonians were aiveii to understand, that their dearest wishes would be shortly fulfilled, and a polyglot administration, Avith no end of local parhaments, be introduced on the restoration of peace. Distinguished men of their race were received by the Kaiser, and others suffered to meet to draw up the outlines of a new constitution after their oAvn hearts. The Slavonic period seemed to be close at hand. But a few days since all this was suddenly stopped. Another policy had supervened at Court. Once more the Slavonians are nowhere. M. Riger is no longer in hopes of at once beginning his labours, and carrying Czechia back to the times when her name Avas renoAvned amono- the nations of the Continent. Count GoluchoAvsld too, Avho Avas to make of Galicia a Poland in miniature has been directed to postpone his endeavours until a more Austrian International Troubles. 41 opportune moment. The turn in the Austrian kaleidoscope is complete. The cause of this remarkable change is attributed to the latest aspect of foreign affairs. The realisation of the federal system would have been the death-blow to the hope of the Magyars of preserving the territorial integrity of their kingdom, and recovering the time-honoured insti- tutions of their race. Under the federal system, Hungary would have to be portioned out among Magyars, Croats, Servians, Ruthenians, Slovackians, and Wallachians, not to speak of Germans and Slovenians, who in some parts of the country svifficiently predominate to form also separate ' nationalities.' Even Avere this extreme measure not re- sorted to, the mere establishment of a national laut not very constitutional government in the rest of the Empire would render it unlikely that a free charter and the right to rule over their ancient dependents, as formerly, would be restored to the proud magnates of Pesth. This dis- appointment coming so soon after the signal mistake the Magyars committed in the war, when they fancied the Kaiser would not submit to Prussia, but rather fight her with their aid, and reinstate their liberties by way of re- compense, would, no doubt, have provoked them to the utmost. Now, if the Yienna press is right in anticipating another campaign — if the army at Florisdorf has reason to calculate upon another brush with Prussia, with France by its side, it would have been decidedly imprudent on the part of the Vienna Government to irritate the Magyars, and tempt them to turn the next favourable opportunity to better account than the last. As yet the Magyars are the only nationality in Austria capable of united action under popular leaders. Independently of this, it would be contrary to all rules of discretion to effect so radical a change in the constitution of the realm as the adoption of the federal system on the eve of a war. Such bemg the case, and as there is no other assignable reason to explam 42 Austrian Internatmial Troubles. the sudden shelving of the question, it is inferred, justly or not, that the generals and officers at Vienna, prophesy- ing a speedy renewal of hostilities, although they may err in their surmise, are at least faithful interpreters of the views entertained by the Austrian Government. Though Prince GortschakofF has thought it the right thing for the minister of a legitimate sovereign to have a tussle with Count Bismarck about the claims of the Kings of Hanover, Saxony, &c., yet no serious intentions are here ascribed to his pointed notes. Russia at this moment is bound by three several ties to Prussia : the personal feel- ings of Alexander 11. towards William I., his revered uncle — the inflammable condition of Poland — -and the un- satisfactory state of her finances. Count Bismarck, in rejily to the inhabitants of the Hanover cities Emden, Leer, and Norden, jDctitioning for annexation, has informed them of the ' satisfaction of the King in the anticipation of being able to fulfil their wishes.' A similar address has been sent to Berlin by a number of respectable citizens of Osnabriick. The petitioners began this century as the subjects of their local bishop. They then became successively Prussians, Westphalians, French, and English ; and having had an English Viceroy at their head for a short time, were finally ruled by the Duke of Cumberland and his son as Kings in their own right. Having seen so much of the vicissitudes to which the in- habitants of feeble states are liable in this immoral world of ours, it is ■ no wonder the honest Frisians should ear- nestly long for repose in some consolidated conceim. The Germans in Austria are in a rage at their Govern- ment intending to treat with the Hungarians. Their feel- ings are illustrated by a pert little anecdote, which I can- not refrain from telling. The other day a bewildered Englishman asked a member of the Vienna Parliament to explain to him why there seemed to be no end to the constitutional question in that embarrassed country. Northern and Southern Germany. 43 ' Nothirig is more easy,' quoth the other. ' Just imagine the Queen of England at the head of the Fenians trying to overthrow the Lords and Commons in Westminster Hall, and you have an exact picture of the Kaiser leaguing with the Hungaro-Czechians against his German Reichs- rath.' Things have come to a pretty pass when stories such as this are repeated and appreciated at Vienna. NOETHEES" AND SOUTHEEN GEEMANY. Berlin, August 15, 1806. To revert to the international aspect of the German question, there is now no doubt that to avoid the danger of another hazardous collision, Count Bismarck, at the time of the Nikolsburg preliminaries, gave the Vienna and Paris Cabinets to understand that he would not at once receive the South into the new Bund. Although the mere an- nouncement of an intention to this effect could be scarcely regarded as a direct promise, still circumstances have in- duced the Count to abide by his determination, and refuse admittance to Baden, which offered to join. The Baden Government has however been assured of the readiness of Prussia to permit the Southern States to remain in the ZoUverein, provided they will renounce the right to veto innovations hitherto possessed by each member of this tariff alliance.* This is a necessary condition. Unless it is exacted, the reform of the tariff in a liberal sense, so long advocated by Prussia, will be always prohibited by the southern protectionists. Baden has already submitted to the Prussian terms, and the three other southern Govern- ments, being dependent on the Northern Confederacy in all that relates to commerce, are sure to follow suit. Their ' * The ZoUverein having been formed upon the absurd pattern of tlie old Bund, all its members, great and small, came in for an equal share of rights. A measure proposed by Prussia could be resisted by Reuss-Scbleitz. 44 Northern and Southern Germany. production and consumption having been adapted to con- nection with Prussia for forty long years, how could they now separate themselves from the country, which is at once their principal market and their cheapest purveyor? Hence it may be expected that the ZoUverein will be re- constructed on a sounder basis than hitherto, and a supre- macy in matters mercantile, if not political, secured by Prussia in the south, no less than in the north. Add to this, that the wealthy and intelligent classes of the south are even now, when the war is hardly over, all but unani- mous in wishing for political reunion with the north, and it is morally certaiu that, though this desirable consumma- tion has, for the present at least, been prevented, it will yet be brought about in a not very distant future. Curiously enough, the most ardent advocates of Prusso- German unity have, by their experience in the war, become those very armies of the south who, two months ago, were so eager to cross arms with their northern brethren. Ba- varian and Wlirtemberg soldiers know themselves to be in no way inferior to Prussians. Still they were defeated in every encounter, and this in spite of superior numbers and excellent positions chosen beforehand. Putting the two things together, they have at last realised the truth, so long and obstinately denied by them, that for an army to be efficient, it must be larger than can be afforded by a petty State. The military education of the officers, the spirit of the men, and the quality of the materiel, to become what they ought to be, require a force capable of achieving great things both by numerical strength and the pecuniary resources at its command. This conviction once established, the gallant Bavarians and Wiirtembergers, as they will not side with France, and have despaired of keeping Aus- tria at the head of the nation, cannot but acknowledo-e the necessity of putting Prussia in the place where the Kaiser once stood. Annexation. 45 ankexatio:n^ Berlin, Aiiijust 18, 1H06. A Bill submitted to the Lower House authorises the King to assume, for himself and heirs, the government of Hanover, Hesse Cassel, Nassau, and Frankfort. In intro- ducing the Ml], Count Bismarck observed that the political and administrative institutions of the States annexed were to be preserved intact for the present, and by degrees only to be approximated to those of Prussia. This, he held, was the German mode of unifying States, as opposed to the Gallo-Itahan method of at once abolishing the arrange- ments of acquired territories, and adapting their entire political structure to the foreign fabric of the larger and conquering State. I have no doubt that his views, being really in unison with the German way of thinking, will be approved on principle by the House. Still, as regards their practical application in the present instance, the House, I am told, wiU endeavour to prevent the perpetua- tion of a state of things which would leave the annexed principalities devoid of any political ties with this mon- archy, except such as might be found in a common Sove- reign, and the future common Constitution of the North German Bund. The people of Prussia, however delighted to receive the people of Piano ver, Cassel, &c., into fellow- ship with them, on grounds of internal and external policy, seem to object to their King becoming, in addition to his Prussian dignity, the sovereign of half a dozen dis- tinct principalities. So far as can be seen from the papers and the tone of parliamentary circles here, they believe that the larger the State, and the more diverse its consti- tuent elements, the more probable the growth of constitu- tional liberty ; and the more numerous the citizens of the kingdom, the lighter the burden of taxation and military service for all. In all likelihood, therefore, the House will so amend the bill introduced as to fix an early period for 46 Annexation. the extension of the Prussian Constitution to the new countries, guaranteeing, at the same time, the latter their civil code as far as it is in accordance with local arrange- ments and time-honoured usages. That Schleswig-Holstein and some Bavarian districts, which are also coveted by this Government, are not in- cluded in the bill, was, in the Premier's speech on the above occasign, accounted for by peace "svitli their sove- reigns not having yet been concluded. On Schleswig- Holstein, in accordance with the strict rules of international law, the Kaiser to this moment retains a co-proprietor's rights. As to Bavaria, she has not yet consented to the terms proposed, but, on the contrai-y, seems to prefer a , renewal of hostilities to a loss of territory and the moral humiliation involved in it. Prussia, though no longer desirous of indemnifying the Darmstadt Duke by a slice of Bavarian soil, yet insists upon having one for herself. No doubt, diminished size would not enhance the ability of the Munich Cabinet to take the lead in the contemplated Southern Union, nor at all consolidate this political non- descript against the undermining influence sure to be exercised upon it by the North. This being so very apparent, the intractability of the Bavarian Government in the pending negotiations is here attributed to the in- vidious whisperings of France, who gives no outward sign ' of dissatisfaction for the moment. As a fact, it may be appended to this brief review of foreign relations that the Czar, in grateful recognition of the indulgence evinced by this Government in Darmstadt and Wiirtembero; — the one the home of his wife, the other his sister's kingdom — has no longer anything to say against the incorporation of the other conquered States. The Lower House have appointed a special committee to compose an Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne. To give you an idea of Germanic fertility in all that relates to penmanship, no less than nine several Annexation. 47 draughts have been laid before the committee by the several fractions of the House. Their main diflference consists in the degree of emphasis given to the assertion that the Prussian Constitution has, indeed, been violated during the last few years, and that honourable members are delighted to see the trespass admitted by the Crown. Some draughts content themselves with a half reluctant allusion to past unpleasantnesses ; others venture to dwell upon them, hoping that they will never occur again ; while still more resolute ones soar so high as to point out the necessity of legal guarantees against any future sus- pension of the Charter. It is, however, hoped that the various Liberal fractions will find it possible to eiFect a compromise among each other upon the matter, and adopt some loyal and moderate wording, equally acceptable to all. By any other course they would not only imperil the scarcely restored harmony between Crown and Parliament, so indispensable at a time of foreign danger, but, being each of them less numerous than the Conservatives, run the risk of having a reactionary address palmed upon them by their adversaries. On Thursday night Count Bismarck and Generals Boon and Moltke, the heroes of the war, were entertained by the elite of this city. The magnificent rooms at Kroll's selected for the occasion had been decorated with branches of fir and oak, according to the German fashion, inter- spersed with escutcheons and banners commemorative of the principal events of the war. On the appearance of the three distinguished guests they were received by a committee formed of eminent gentlemen of all political denominations, and, with a few words of friendly greeting, conducted to the seats prepared for them. The dinner was execrable, as — melancholy to record — is invariably the case in public rejoicings in Germany; but the wme being a redeeming feature, and a patriotic glow animatmg all present, the universal hilarity was not disturbed by 48 Annexation. octogenarian fowls and mock-turtle at freezing-point. Of the many and eloquent speeches delivered, the first was by Count Stolberg, the President of the House of Lords, who concluded by pi-oposing ' The Health of the King.' As, towards the close of his fervent address, he conferred upon his Majesty the title so long borne by the German emperors— ' omra2 tempore auctor im,perii^* — the whole assembly, consisting of some 800 or 900 people, rose from their seats, and by their cheers drowned the speaker's voice. Herr Seydel, the Burgomaster of Berlin, then proposed the health of the three honoured guests— 'Bis- marck, who had seized opportunity by the forelock, and with unflinching resolution realised the yearnings of his race for unity ; Eoon, who had organised the army that shattered the enemy ; and Moltke, the unseen movino- spring of all those splendid operations.' General Brand, a veteran soldier, eulogised the Prussian army, who, after so many years of inaction, had demonstrated to the Avorld, and in doing so become fully conscious of, their strength. After him Count Bismarck rose to return thanks in his own name and that of his two companions in arms. ' The highest honour they claimed,' he said, ' vras that of belonging to the gTeat military corporation, which was the first of the kind in ,the civilised world— the Prussian army. All three were sincerely grateful to the chief magistrate of the capital for commending their endeavours on behalf of King and Fatherland. As residents in Berlin, they had learnt to respect its citizens. Whether right or wrong, Berlin was looked upon in foreign parts as the type of Prussian society, being the object of much southern wit for an imputed combination of excessive roughness and refinement. He, for one, had nothing to say against it. He never wanted a better heart, hand, or mouth than theirs to vindicate his inter- ests. As to the Berlin mouth, it would be superfluous to say a word in its praise, this capital being in evil repute for the alleged talkativeness of Its inhabitants. The hand was stout and liberal ; a hand that struck the enemy in the field, and gave to the poor and the wounded with generous munificence. Since the days of the great Elector of Brandenburg the fame of the Berlin regiments had been well established in Germany; and _ ■" ' The extender of the Empire at aU iimas'— All, eit Mehrer dcs Eeichs, HI Gennan. Count Bismarck on the Remodelling of Germany. 49 tlien, and ever after, the members of this great metropolis had heen justly praised for their humane and charitable disposition. Yes, the heart of Berlin was true to the demands of the noblest patriotism. Berlin had always set an example to the other cities of the country, and been a lode- star in the hour of peril. He proposed " The prosperity of Berlin and each one of its inhabitants." ' The songs of the mUitary choir accompanied the festivity, which closed with a display of fireworks in the Thier- garten. COUNT BISMAECK ON THE EEMODELLING OF GEEMANY. Berlin, August 19, 186G. Yesterday the sittings of the Address Committee of the Prussian Parliament aiforded Count Bismarck an op- portunity of communicating his views on the actual state of the German question : ' It had been impossible to obtain the immediate inclusion of the South ■with the Northern Confederacy. At any rate, the risk that would have been incurred by the attempt, would have been out of proportion to the possible advantages of success."' So the Southerners were left to form a separate union among themselves ; biit as the Northern and Southern Bunds were at liberty to regulate their mutual relations free of foreign interference, considerable latitude was given to effect a close connection between the two. The degree of their intimacy would mainly depend upon" the will of the southern people. Then, as regarded the Northern States, their federal bonds might be drawn all the tighter,. owing to the temporary exclusion of the South ; and as the power of Prussia had been so remarkably increased by the extension of her frontiers, he was in good hopes that the supremacy of the leading State would not be again dis- puted by any northern sovereign. He respected the reluctance of the civil and mUitary officers in the annexed States to transfer their allegiance from one sovereign to another ; but he trusted that, with due forbearance on the part of this Government, all classes of society in the new countries would soon unite in acknowledging the justice and imperative necessity of Prussia retaining her concpests. In all she had done, she had attached more weight to th^ interests of the people than the dynasties. An un- satisfactory arrangement, he regretted to say, would be probably come to ■'• This refers to the possible interference of the Emperor Napoleon, an- nounced to the King of Prussia at Nikolsbm-g by M. Benedetti. 50 Count Bismarck on the Eemodelling of Germany. -(vith regard to Saxony. In the other Northern States the troops would he merely commanded by this Government ; but in Saxony, Prussia was under the necessity of claiming a share in the sovereignty of the land, so that King Williani would be the military, and King John the civil, ruler of the country. Such a complicated arrangement would no doubt become the source of dissension, and render the position of the Saxons vastly more unfavourable than that of the people in the annexed territories. Cir- cumstances, however, had not admitted of a more convenient settlement being brought about in this particular instance.'"' The war had demon- strated the ability of Prussia to sweep away her enemies, and he thought he had a right to anticipate that the experience would not be lost on the south. The Federal Constitution he was going to propose for the Northern Union was, perhaps, not the most perfect that might be devised, and, \ indeed, allowed the minor sovereigns a much more influential position than had been accorded them under the charter drawn up by the Germanic Parliament of 1848. But unity was effected on all essential points, and , the minor sovereigns would in consequence be all the more willing to lend the leading State their cordial cooperation in those particulars in which to spare them, would have been suicidal to Prussia, and indeed to Ger- many at large.' These disclosures -were "svell received by the committee, and we learn by the latest advices have been already acted upon in a most energetic manner. The day before yester- ', day the Prussian Government announced at Hanover that whereas the ex-king of the country had on his departure taken with him public moneys to the value of 1,743,897 thalers, 9 groschen, 3 pfennige in silver, 800,000 florins also in silver, 1,438,889 thalers in gold, and 17,195,290 thalers in Hanover stock, the bonds in his possession were declared invalid, and no interest would be paid on them. I believe that, in appropriating what nearly every German sovereign, in a similar emergency, would have considered himself entitled to use for his political purposes, King George had no idea that the legahty of his act could be impugned. Still, the money belongs to the Exchequer, -"' Prussia eventually renoimoed her claim to a sharo'in the soverei