aiorneU UntuerHttg SItbtarg C. H^Hull Cornell University Library HE 17631921 Official explorations for Pacific raiiro 3 1924 009 659 552 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924009659552 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS FOR PACIFIC RAILROADS ^ /^^ > BY GEORGE LESLIE ALBRIGHT Univbksitt of California Publications in Histohy VOLTTMB 11 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 1921 UNTVEBSITY OF CAIilFOBNIA PUBLICATIONS IN HISTOEY IIeebekt Eugene Bolton, Editor Vol. 1. Studies in Americaa History. 1. Colonial Opposition to Imperial Authority during the French and Indian Wars, by Eugene Irving McCormac. Pp. 1-98. 2. The Viceroy of New Spain, by Donald E. Smith. Pp. 99-293, 3. The Beginnings of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso District, by Anne B. Hughes. Pp. 295-392. In paper cover, $2.75; cloth, $3.00. 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Official Explorations for Pacific Eailroads, by George Leslie Albright. Pp. vii + 187. October, 1921. In paper cover, $1.50. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN HISTORY HERBERT E. BOLTON EDITOR VOLUME XI OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS FOR PACIFIC RAILROADS 1853-1855 BY GEORGE LESLIE ALBRIGHT, M.A. •a Native Sons Fellov in Pacific Coaflt History UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 1921 EDITOR'S NOTE Soon after the completion of the present mo: Albright went to Spain to engage in research as Fellow in Pacific Coast History. A few weeks after in Seville he contracted typhoid fever, to which he in November, 1916, at the age of twenty-four. In his death the University of California lost one of her most brilliant alumni, and the State one of her best and most promising young citizens. Through the demise of the author, the editing of his book fell entirely into other hands. The immense value of the work being supported by the Native Sons is well attested by such results as those set forth in this book by Mr. Albright. The desirability of promoting here in the West a study of the part played by the West in our nation's history is illustrated by a single sentence in Mr. Albright's monograph (p. 29) : "The men who dominated this session [of Congress], and who placed the necessity of a Pacific railroad above sectional feelings and party creeds, were Senators Gwin of California, Rusk of Texas, Borland of Arkansas, and Bell of Tennessee" — all but one being men from this side of the Mississippi. Besides setting forth for the first time a systematic history of an important episode in the process of welding the nation and linking it with the Orient, Mr. Albright's study adds to the list of notable American explorers such names as Stevens, Gunnison, Beckwith, Whipple, Parke, Pope, Emory, Williamson, and Abbot. For funds to supplement those of the University and thereby make possible the suitable publication of this book, thanks are due to Mr. Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago, and to Mr. Horace M. Albright, of Yellowstone National Park. PREFACE An episode in the development of the trans-Mississippi West to which but scant attention has been given in any history is the Pacific railroad survey of 1853-1855. This great reconnais- sance deserves attention as the first attempt of the government at a comprehensive, systematic examination of the vast region lying between the Mississippi River and the Pacific Ocean. It is not intended to minimize in any way the labors of the fur-traders, the travelers, and the earlier government explorers, of whom Emory, Stansbury, and Sitgreaves must stand side by side with Fremont. Through their efforts there existed a good general knowledge of the West; but when it was proposed to locate a transcontinental railroad, the dearth of accurate scientific infor- mation was well recognized. All preexisting knowledge was brought to bear upon a few routes which were advocated in definite plans. For that reason I have seen fit to discuss rather fully the different plans in order to show their intimate connec- tion with the railroad explorations. My study has been based almost entirely upon the government documents, and an attempt has been made to study every document bearing upon the subject. The orthography of place names is usually that of the documents. vn CONTENTS PAGES Editor's Note v Pbeface vii CHAPTER I Introductobt 1 CHAPTER II Plans for Transcontinentai. Roads 10 CHAPTER III Preliminaries to the Explorations of 1853-1855 29 CHAPTER IV Stevens's Explorations between the Forty-Seventh and Forty-Ninth Parallels 44 CHAPTER V Explorations fob a Central Route 85 CHAPTER VI Whipple's Explorations along the Thirty-Fifth Parallel 102 CHAPTER VII Explorations for a Thirty-Second Parallel Route 119 CHAPTER VIII Explorations for Routes in California and Oregon 133 CHAPTER IX Conclusion 157 Bibliographt 159 Index 170 CHAPTEB I INTRODUCTORY A Dweet Western Route to Asia. — The building of the Pacific railroad was the realization of the desire of almost four hundred years for a direct western passage to Asia. This desire expressed itself first in the search by sea for the mysterious Strait of Auian and for the Northwest Passage. With the occupation of the continent of North America the search was continued for a direct route by means of inland waterways. Every nation that was ever dominant over the interior was zealous for some means of establishing direct commercial intercourse with China and other countries of the Par East. After the Sieur de la Salle had established himself at the Seigniory of St. Sulpice in 1668, his idea was, as his dispatches plainly show, that by following the Mississippi River to its^ source commu nication could be had with the waters of Oregon an d th e Pacific and the commerce of the Far Bast commanded by France through her province of Louisiana.^ The name of this place, located at the Great Rapids of the St. Lawrence just above Montreal, was changed to La Chine and stands today as a memorial of La Salle's hope that the direct route to China lay in this direction.'' Likewise, the explorations of the Verendryes, La Harpe, Du Tisue, and Fabry were primarily for the purpose of establishing an inland commercial route across the continent. When the Spaniards came into possession of Louisiana the expansion westward along the inland waterways continued. The ofScials of the province were greatly interested in opening a route to the Pacific* Baron de Carondelet, governor-general 1 Winsor, From Cartier to Frontenac, 213. 2 Thwaites, A Brief Mistory of Eochy Mountain Exploration, 22-23. s Houck, A History of Missouri, I, 330, note. 2 Explorations for Pacific RaMroads from 1791 to 1797, undertook, with the approbation and sanction of Charles IV, the project of discovering a practicable route across the continent by way of the Missouri River. For this purpose he encouraged Jacques Glamorgan to organize in 1794 a Spanish trading company, to which was granted the exclusive traffic for ten years with all Indian tribes of the upper Missouri. In addition, a gratuity of two thousand dollars was promised to the first person who should see the Pacific Ocean.* This enter- prise resulted in explorations far up the Missouri River. The English, likewise, having failed in their long search for the Northwest Passage to Asia, turned their attention inland in search of a transcontinental route. After years of effort on the part of explorers of the Hudson's Bay Company, it remained for Alexander Mackenzie, of the rival Northwest Company, on his second attempt, to open an overland route to the Pacific in 1793. Although he reached the Pacific by means of the Tachouche Tesse, or Fraser River, he pointed to the Columbia as the only desirable route west of the Rocky Mountains. This was, without doubt, one cause of the long efforts made by the British Government, first, to make the Columbia River a bound- ary between the United States and Canada, open to both for navigation, and afterwards to obtain its free navigation. It was the desire of the British to establish an inland commercial route across North America. The Americans meanwhile were not inactive in their desire to open up a commercial route to Asia. As early as 1783 Jefferson planned an expedition under the leadership of George Rogers Clark for the discovery of a path across the Rocky Mountains that would connect the Missouri River with the Pacific Tidewater.' Failing in this Jefferson in 1786 while in *Houek, 329-330; Bolton and Marshall, Colormation of North America, 402. 5 Thwaites, Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1804- 1806, VII, Pt. I, Appendix I. Introductory 3 Paris prevailed upon John Ledyard, who had been in Cook's expedition to Oregon in 1778, to cross from Kamtchatka and open up a route from the west.® Owing to Russian interference, Led- yard 's expedition was a failure. Expeditions begun in 1790 under General Henry Knox and in 1793 under the French botanist, Michaux,' were alike failures. Even before the acqui- sition of Louisiana, Jefferson once more revived the idea of establishing an inland communication between the two sides of the continent, and sent out the well-known expedition of Lewis and Clark for that purpose. In his secret message to Congress on January 18, 1803, he states his desire to open a route to the Pacific, saying: "The conunerce on that line [referring to the lakes and portages of the Hudson's Bay Company] could bear no competition with that of the Missouri, traversing a moderate climate, offering, according to the best accounts, a continued navigation from its source, and possibly with a single portage from the Western Ocean ' " The objects of the expe- dition are more definitely stated in his letter of credit to Lewis of July 4, 1803, in which he refers to it as : "... the journey which you are about to undertake for the discovery of the course and source of the Missouri, and of the most convenient water communication from thence to the Pacific ocean."' The expe- dition was successful in finding a communication, but Jefferson did not remain in power to carry out the practical design. Senator Benton, who for more than thirty years occupied a foremost position among the statesmen of the nation, as early as 1817 turned his attention to this subject, and conceived a plan for the establishment of a commercial route leading up the Missouri and down the Columbia rivers. He believed that Asiatic commerce might be brought into the valley of the « Jefferson, Writings (Ford, ed.), I, 94-96. T IMd., VI, 15S-161. 8 Thwaites, op. cit., Appendix V. 9 Ihid., Appendix XX. 4 Explorations for Pacific Rcdlroads Mississippi on that line, and wrote essays to support the idea. The gist of these essays^" was to show that Asiatic oommerce had been the pursuit of all nations from the time of the Phoenicians and that America would be its final channel. He believed that such a route should be established immediately and with gov- ernment aid. Being occupied with that idea he agitated it for many years; and from the hunters and traders of the west he sought information of the country with respect to capacity for settlement and especially as regarded mountain passes.^^ Development of the West. — To the popular imeigination of the first half of the nineteenth century, the vast region lying west of the Mississippi Eiver was the "Great American Desert. "^^ This idea persisted and the desert long remained as a frontier despite the fact that as early as 1819 settlement had reached the bend of the Missouri, and trade had been opened up with Santa Fe and the interior provinces of Mexico.^' In 1843, an additional attraction was offered in Oregon, and another well worn trail was made from Fort Leavenworth along the Platte River, through South Pass, and down the Snake Eiver into the Oregon country. Meanwhile, numerous exploring expeditions, official w Benton, Eighwa/y to the Pacific. 1^ Report, 29 Cong., 1 sess., IV (491), no. 773; Cong. Gloie, 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848^9), XX, 470. 12 This conception largely resulted from the observations of Major Stephen H. Long, who in 1819 and 1820 made explorations in this region and characterized it as "wholly unfit for cultivation, and of course unin- habitable by a people depending upon agriculture for their subsistence . . . the scarcity of wood and water, almost uniformly prevalent, will prove an insurmountable obstacle in the way of settling the country" (Thwaites, Early Western Travels, 1748-1846, XIV, 20). Dr. James, the scientist of the Long expedition, rendered a similar unfavorable impression of the country : "... the want of timber, of navi- gable streams, and of water for the necessities of life, render it an unfit residence for any but a nomad population" (iMd., 20). 13 By 1824 this trade had risen to such magnitude as to demand national protection ("Extracts from the Speech of Mr. Benton in the Senate..., Session of 1824^-25, in favor of opening a road from Missouri to Santa !F6, in order to reach the trade of New Mexico" in Benton, Bighwwy to the Pacific, Appendix B). Introductory 5 and unofficial, were making known vast regions beyond the Mis- sissippi. To call them to mind it is only necessary to mention the names of Long, Pilcher, Bonneville, Walker, Smith, and Fremont. Later in the forties, the discovery of gold in Califor- nia attracted emigration across the Nevada desert and along the Humboldt into the Sacramento Valley. Other trails of approach were soon opened up for easy entrance into the gold region.^* With the conclusion of the Mexican War and the acquisition of California, a new territorial problem was presented, which was made more difficult by the existence of the barrier of the "Great American Desert" between the new settlements in th? Far West and those of the old Bast.^= The trails leading into Oregon and California were inadequate, yet they "revealed the possibility and early necessity of railroad routes extending from ocean to ocean. ' '" Necessity of a Bmbroad. — ^At first the primary object of a railroad to the Pacific was to facilitate access to the opulent commerce of the Far Bast, which had been the golden Adsion of all ages and all nations. This was the aim of Whitney and all earlier advocates of a transcontinental route; every plan proposed was accompanied by a wealth of figures showing the commercial benefits to be derived from Asiatic trade. With the settlement of the Oregon boundary question and the acquisition of California in 184S, an additional incentive was provided for 1* The most traveled route was the northern, leading from the Humboldt along the Truckee River to its source in Truckee Lake and thence down the Yuba to Feather and Sacramento rivers. The southern route led from Independence, Missouri, to Santa F6, thence to deviate in various directions : by the old Spanish traU around the north banks of the Colorado, crossing Virgin River to the Mojave River and Desert and through Cajon Pass to Los Angeles; through Arizona along the Gila; down the Rio Grande and westward across the Sonora table-land to Yuma (Bancroft, Bistory of California, VI, 155-157 and notes). 15 Paxson, ' ' The Pacific Railroad and the Disappearance of the Frontier in America," in American Historical Association, Annual Seport, 1907, I, 108. IS lUd. 6 Explomtions for Pacific Bmlroads the building of a means of rapid communication. This new territory on the Pacific must be adequately defended, and the cheapest and quickest means of defense was a railroad.^^ The fear was often expressed that unless some connection be main- tained with Oregon and California, it was hardly to be expected that they would continue as a part of the Union.^' Difficulties with England were believed possible by many statesmen, and in event of war it was feared that California and Oregon would be lost to her. The regular sea routes being cut off by the superior British navy, overland aid would arrive too late to be of service.^' The fear of the British was greatly enhanced when, in 1851, a railroad was projected across Canada from Halifax to the Pacific, capital solicited, and a route surveyed as far as Quebec. With the spread of settlement on the Pacific Coast it became necessary for the government to transport thither materials for the building of forts, dockyards, arsenals, etc. It also became necessary that mails be carried more rapidly, more frequently and more cheaply.^" These needs pointed to a railroad as an immediate national undertaking. 17 This argument was used in almost every speech in Congress in favor of a railroad to the Pacific from 1846 on. While discussion of the Oregon question was at its height, Representative Pratt, in presenting Whitney's first memorial, emphasized the necessity of a road "for the purpose of securing the American interests in the vast regions of Oregon, and promot- ing the capacities of our common country for warlike defence. ..." Cong. Globe, 28 Cong., 2 sess. (1844^45), XIV, 218; iUd., 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848- 49), XX, 472; E. Beports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., Ill (585), no. 439. IS Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848-49), XX, 381; iUd., 32 Cong., 1 sess. (1851-52), XXV, 932; ibid., 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 709; E. Misc. Docs., 31 Cong., 1 sess., I (581), no. 21. 19 Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., I sess. (1851-52), XXIV, 2466; "Memorial of the Little Bock Eailroad Convention, " in S. Misc. Does., 32 Cong., 2 sess. (670), doc. 5. 20 In 1848, the tariff for mail from San Francisco to Independence was fifty cents each on letters and twelve and one-half cents on papers, the time of transit being sixty days. In 1852 the government was paying to the Collins line of steamers $750,000 per annum for the transmission of a semi- monthly mail by way of Panama to Oregon and California. It was estimated that the annual saving of expense to the government on all transportation, if a railroad were built, would amount to $62,750,000. Cong. Globe 32 Cong., 1 sess. (1851-52), XXIV, 1272. Introductory 7 But, notwithstanding the pressing need (1) of diverting the profitable commerce of the Orient iato American channels, (2) of defending the newly acquired possessions on the Pacific, (3) of facilitating communication with them, (4) of forestall- ing the evident designs of England upon the Oregon country, and (5) of protecting emigrants from Indian depredations and fulfilling the treaty obligations made to Mexico to protect her from Indian ravages, no plan for the building of a railroad could be agreed upon because of local prejudices and jealousies, the avowed enmity of the eastern states to any measure that would increase the power of those of the West, and party scruples regarding state rights and internal improvements. Growth of the Bmlroad Idea. — The question of the original conception of railroad communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans does not come within the scope of this study. Such was the progressive nature of the American mind and its disposition to grasp conclusions at the very moment that the original premises were presented, at least as far as enterprise was concerned, that the idea of a passage across the continent must have occurred to many with the first successful railroad projects in the United States. But the scheme of a railway to the Pacific was one of such magnitude that notwithstanding the general conviction of its vast importance and the ardent desire to see it undertaken, it was, for many years, but infrequently urged upon the consideration of the people lest it be looked upon as too visionary and too impractical. The project was first systematically brought to the attention of the people in the middle forties by the constant lobbying of Asa Whitney. Prior to that time, however, there had been sev- eral isolated suggestions that had failed of fruition. As early as 1832 there appeared in the Ann Arhor Emigrmit the first printed suggestion as to the advisability of a railroad from New York to 8 Explomiions for Pucifie Bmlroads the mouth of the Columbia Eiver.^^ In 1834, Dr. Barlow of Greenville, Massachusetts, wrote articles proposing that the gov- ernment construct a railroad to the Pacific Coast." During 1836-37, John Plumbe, a Minnesota engineer, advocated the building of a transcontinental railway system. As a result of his activities, the first public convention ever held to discuss the Pacific railroad project met in Dubuque, Iowa, on March 31, 1838. Resolutions were drawn up asking Congress to aid by appropriating funds, and in due time were laid before that body by the territorial delegate. The only action taken by Congress was to set aside sufficient funds for a survey from Milwaukee to Dubuque. Again, in 1840, a memorial was addressed to Congress and presented by Plumbe in person^ But he was far ahead of his time and his efforts were wasted.^^ Even as late as 1846 the building of a railroad to the Pacific was regarded by most people as a vague chimera. This can be seen from the following comment made upon the proposal to extend a line of railroad from Charleston, South Carolina, to Natchez and on to the Gulf of California: "We are to be sure, first, that we have Oregon and California to work so largely upon. It is not our intention to dampen the ardor of those who appear to be so far beyond the age, knowing as we do that the enterprise and the resources of our people are without limit, and that the developments among us for the past few years have out- stripped all calculation. We leave the Texas and California railway, then, as one of those achievements which is reserved for us at some other period, when we have conquered all the obstacles which obstruct our free intercommunication at home. Texas, we know, will soon be able to take care of herself ; and California is at best a distant vision whose dim outlines only can be traced. ' '^* 21 Carter, When Bailroads Were New, 227 ; Bailey, The First Trans- continental Bailroad, 11-12. 22 Haney, Congressional History of Bailroads to 1850, 402-403. 23 Carter, op. eit., 227-228. uBe Bow's Convmeroial Beview, January, 1846 (I, 23-24). Introductory 9 By the early inhabitants of the Pacific territories, those who knew best the actual condition of the country west of the Mis- sissippi, a railroad was likewise regarded as chimerical. The editor of the California Star, writing in 1848, while favoring any plan for a railroad, would "not consent to view 'this stupendous project' practicable, nevertheless, for a number of years to come. . . . The depredatory acts of intractable Indians, directly through whose country the route lies, is one of a series of obstacles to the actual execution of the work. ' '^° 25 California Star, May 20, 1848 (II, no. 20). CHAPTER II PLANS FOR TRANSCONTINENTAL ROADS The man to whom most credit is due for the spread and national acceptance of the idea of a railroad to the Pacific is Asa Whitney, of New York. He embodied and reduced the indefinite schemes on the subject into something like system; and he gave them form and substance. He familiarized the American mind with the idea and taught that it should be regarded as a practicable measure. He conceived the first definite, matured plan, and pointed out the route to be followed, the means of construction, and the immediate necessity of the work. His proposal, first made public in 1844, was for more than eight years persistently urged upon the attention of Con- gress and the people, but was doomed, however, to failure in the end. The service of Whitney to the whole Pacific railroad project can best be shown by quoting from the report of the House Committee on Roads and Canals, to which one of his memorials had been referred: "Mr. Whitney has been unremit- tingly engaged, at his own expense, since 1841, in collecting information on the subject . . . and we are indebted to him for the origination of the project, for the maturity of the first plan, for the large amount of practical information he has brought to bear upon the subject, and for the awakening of public attention to its importance."^ The history and the importance of his plan will be more fully treated later. Unofficial Flams for a Southern Route. — ^No sooner had Whit- ney's plan for a northern road from Lake Michigan to Oregon been presented to Congress^ than numerous suggestions and ^H. Beports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., I (583), no. 140. 2 His first memorial wag presented January 28, 1845, by Eepresentative Pratt of New York. Cong. Globe, 28 Cong., 2 sess. (1844r-45), XIV, 218. Plrnis for Transcontinental Roads 11 proposals were made for a southern route. Colonel Gadsden, president of the South Carolina Railroad Company, was among the first advocates of a strictly southern railroad. In a report made by him at the Memphis Convention, held in November, 1845, and of which John C. Calhoun was chairman, he recom- mended the enterprise as one not only practicable, but in the process of time as certain of execution. In his annual report for 1845 to the stockholders of the South Carolina Railroad Com- pany, he again presented the subject, accompanied by a map exhibiting the intimate relation between the route of the road as suggested by him and those completed and in progress through the different states of the Union.^ Other early advocates of railroad routes through southern territory were Robert Patterson,* editor of the Concordia, In- telMgencer, and Professor Forshey, of Louisiana. The route suggested by the latter was the one most in favor in the South. It traversed Louisiana from Vidalia to Lowe's Perry on the Sabine, thence directly across Texas to the Rio Grande, at Pre- sidio, thence to Monclova, and then by way of Parras to Mazatlan on the Gulf of California. The estimated length of this route was 1,491 miles and its estimated cost, $22,000,000.' 3 Be Bow's Commercial Beview, May, 1847 (III, 447) ; Hid., June, 1847 (III, 485): "In connection with these Atlantic railroad communications with Vicksburg, Grand Gulf and Natchez; crossing the Mississippi at one or all of these points, roads are already projected, looking further to the west, which, uniting on a common trunk, in the rapid progress of south- western expansion and emigration, wiU, in time, be made to course through the new acquired territory of Texas, and by the Mexican provinces to a terminus at Mazatlan, in the bay of California, or, taking a more northerly direction by the valley of the Bed and Arkansas rivers, may easily pass by the southern gorges in the Stony Mountains, and find, in the course of ^ events, certain, though slow, a more favorable location in the imposing Bay of San Francisco. ' ' * He urged the building of a railroad from Vidalia on the Mississippi River to Alexandria on the Eed, and thence continuing the road westward. De Bow's Commercial Beview, March, 1846 (I, 281). " Ibid., 475-483. It was urged at this time that the right of way through Mexican territory be demanded of that country. Two years later, by the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, Article VI provided that by mutual agreement a railroad could be built on Mexican soil, but only within one marine league of the Gila Biver. 12 Explomtions for Pacific Rmlroads A different southern line was proposed by General Houston. It was to run from Galveston to San Diego by way of the Gila Valley. This route, however, had the disadvantage of having its eastern terminus located too far south.^ Leaders of public opinion in the South held firmly to the view that any of the southern routes proposed was infinitely more practicable, desirable, and accessible to the country at large than that proposed by Asa Whitney from Lake Michigan "through cold and mountains, 2600 miles to the mouth of the Columbia River."' Among those who early migrated to California by way of the southern routes, were some who recognized and advocated -the feasibility of the construction of a railroad. The CaUformia Star of May 8, 1847, contains an article signed "Agricola," in which was delineated a route asserted to be entirely practicable for that purpose. The western terminus should be placed near the mouth of the San Joaquin River, about twenty miles above the Straits of Carquinas ; the route should then follow the valley of the river to the south about five hundred miles, skirting the western shore of "Lake Buenavista. "* After crossing "a narrow ridge of low hills," the route was level and open to the Red, or Colorado River of the "West. The valley of this river should be followed to that of the San Juan, thence up the latter to the Rio de la Plata. Following this river to its source about ninety miles from Abecu,' thence to Abeeu and along the river of that name (Chama) to the Rio Grande and thence to Santa Fe; the route was entirely practicable for a railroad. From Santa Fe to the li^issouri, or to the Mississippi, several well-known routes were »IMd., July, 1849 (VIII, 19-20). Houston urged his plan upon the attention of Congress, but it was received with little favor. Cong. Gloie., 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848-49), XX, 551. 'De Bow's Commercial Beview, February, 1847 (III, 147-148). 8 Undoubtedly the "Laguna Grande de los Tulares," which lies to the north of the small Lake Buenavista. B Abiquid. Plans for Tnmsocmtinental Roads 13 then available.^" It was generally conceded in California by persons possessing a knowledge of the country through actual observation, that the southern route had claim to manifold advantages and was superior to that through South Pass pro- posed by "Whitney, Wilkes, and others." The Whitney Project. — Despite agitation in the southern states and in California for a southern route, the project of Asa "Whitney was the only one long to receive the serious consider- ation of Congress and the national support of the people. He offered facts and figures to show the practicability of his route, the adequacy of the means proposed, and the immense commer- cial benefits to be derived. The fact that its western terminus was in the recently settled Oregon country gave it an added interest and desirability. "Whitney's plan was first presented to Congress in January, 1845, but no definite action was taken con- cerning it by the House Committee on Roads and Canals to which it was referred. However, a favorable report was made by the committee,^^ which recognized the immense importance of the work and urged further investigation. In February, 1846, "Whitney having meanwhile examined the proposed route for several hundred miles west of the Mississippi and found it entirely practicable,^^ a second memorial was presented.^* Since "Whitney's plan was received with such widespread favor and the means proposed were thought for so long a time 10 A route very similar to that of "Agricola" was urged in 1848 by John Marsh, of San Jos6, and its advantages over that proposed by Whitney pointed out. The California Star, May 13, 1848 (II, no. 19). 11 The California Star, May 20, 1848 (II, no. 20). The great immigra- tion to California during 1849 and 1850 concentrated attention on other routes than the southern. Added information on all routes caused many in California to advocate the central as the most practicable, particularly as San Francisco would be its western terminus. Daily Pacific News, April 27, 1850 (I, no. 130). 12 5. Meports, 28 Cong., 2 sess. (468), no. 199. 13 S. Docs., 29 Cong., 1 sess., IV (473), doc. 161. 1*5. Joimud, 29 Cong., 1 sess. (469), 161. 14 Explorations for Paoific Rcdlmads to be the only constitutional ones, a paragraph may well be devoted to the details as presented in his second memorial. Whitney asked for a strip of land, thirty miles wide on either side of the line from Lake Michigan to the Pacific Ocean by way of South Pass, or, according to his estimate, a total of 77,952,000 acres. These lands were to be set apart and sold to him at the rate of ten cents per acre. Whitney proposed first, however, to survey and build ten miles of road at his own expense ; then, if approved by the government, he would receive one half of the reserved lands, or a strip five miles by sixty in width, to reimburse himself and enable him to commence a new section of ten miles. This process was to continue for each ten mile section until the first eight hundred miles were completed. Whitney believed that the lands of the remaining distance were of too little value to defray the cost of construction. Accord- ingly, the remaining half of the lands of the first eight hundred miles were to be sold under government supervision and the proceeds applied to the completion of the railroad to the Pacific. By this means, the building of the road was closely connected with the sale and settlement of the public lands. Whitney estimated the cost of the road, including $7,800,000, the amount to be paid by him for the land, at $68,400,000. He advocated private ownership and operation, greatly restricted, however, and under adequate government control in the fixing of rates, etc.; mails and troops were to be transported free of charge to the government. Whitney continually urged haste, for the desirable lands west of the Mississippi River were rapidly being occupied. In fact, he soon was compelled to change his proposed eastern terminus from Lake Michigan to Prairie du Chien, the good lands in Wis- consin Territory having been occupied. Phms for TnmseonMnental Roads 15 It is not necessary to trace in detail the course of Whitney's plan in Congress.^^ His second memorial, presented in 1846, was referred to the Senate Committee on Public Lands, the full and able report of whose chairman, Mr. Breese, of Illinois, was accompanied by a bill, as a form of law, to carry it into effect.^* Despite the recognized importance of the measure, there was violent opposition made to the printing of the bill and the report. This opposition was led by Senator Benton, who characterized the bill as "ridiculous."^' His motives are easily discerned: he was interested in an isthmian canal scheme projects for which continually rivalled those for a Pacific railroad; also he was perfecting a plan which should have the eastern terminus of , the Pacific railroad in his own favorite state, Missouri. In the first session of the thirtieth Congress (1847-48), the select committee of the House, which had been appointed to con- sider the various memorials for a railroad to the Pacific, and to which Whitney's proposition had been referred, early reported a bill to set apart and sell to him a portion of the public lands.^* The same committee, later in the session, made a more lengthy report, setting forth the great importance of the project and urging its adoption.^^ At the same session it was referred to a select committee in the Senate, of which Mr. Niles, of Con- necticut, was chairman, who, with the unanimous approval of the committee, reported a bill and urged its adoption.'"' Benton, as before, headed the opposition to the bill, saying: "We must have surveys, examination, and exploration made, and not go) blindfold into a scheme. "^^ 15 Whitney 's plan has been dealt with in detail in many secondary accounts: E. V. Smalley (History of the Northern Fadflc Bailroad) devotes a chapter to his project and Hauey (op. cit.) makes an exhaustive study of it from the sources. 18 S. Ex. Docs., 29 Cong., 1 sess., IX (478), doe. 466. " Cong. Glohe., 29 Cong., 1 sess. (1845-46), XV, 1171. 18 H. Jowmal, 30 Cong., 1 sess. (513), 755. 18 H. Reports, 30 Cong., 1 sess.. Ill (526) , no. 733. ioCong. Glole, 30 Cong., 1 sess. (1847-48), XVIII, 875. 21 Ibid., 1011. 16 Explorations for Pacifio Bailroads "While Whitney's plan had been more or less gaining favor in Congress, he had been touring the country and explaining his project to state legislatures and numerous large public meetings. The effects of this widespread and systematic campaign were soon evident, for memorials and petitions began to pour in upon Congress, favoring his plan of construction. During 1847 and 1848, the state legislatures of Indiana, Rhode Island, Illinois, New York, Connecticut, Maine, Vermont, Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, Maryland, New Jersey, Ohio, Kentucky, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Michigan, in most eases by unanimous votes, passed resolutions declaring it "the only feasible plan for the accomplishment of the work," recommending its immediate adoption, and requesting their delegates in Congress to give it their prompt attention and support.^^ Public meetings held during the years 1846 to 1848 at Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Louisville, St. Louis, Terre Haute, In- dianapolis, Dayton, Columbus (Ohio), "Wheeling, Philadelphia, and Benton (Miss.), endorsed "Whitney's project as necessary and practicable. The question was given calm and favorable consideration in the South as well as in the North.^^ Although /a more southern route than that proposed by "Whitney was desired by the southern people, at the same time the prac- ticability and great commercial value of the latter was never doubted, and it was believed that in its plan and details it em- braced the only constitutional mode of effecting the work.^* The various petitions and memorials of state legislatures and public meetings were, in the first session of the thirtieth Congress (1847-48), referred to the Senate Committee on Public Lands, and a report was made June 26, 1848. No action was taken on 22 S. Misc. Docs., 30 Cong., 1 sess. (511), nos. 1, 4, 5, 18, 28, 29, 51, 58, 76, 77, and 124; M. Misc. Docs., 30 Cong., 1 sess. (523), nos. 17, 47, 55, 68, 75, etc. 23 De Bow's Commercial Seview, January, 1848 (V), 60. 2ilbid., December, 1850 (IX), 601. Phms for TrmiscontinentaZ Roods 17 Whitney's plan, but the committee recommended the adoption of a joint resolution providing for a survey and exploration, under the direction of the Secretary of War, of one or more routes for a railroad from the Mississippi below the Falls of St. Anthony to the Pacific.^^ This seems to be the first recognition of the importance of thorough surveys before any plan of construction could be matured. During the short session of the thirtieth Congress (1848- 1849) that body was occupied in framing a bill for the govern- ment of California, to the exclusion of almost all other matters. When, however, Senator Niles wished to take up the Whitney bill and make it the special order for a certain day, he was opposed by Borland, chairman of the Committee on Public Lands. The latter emphasized the necessity of adequate surveys before either the government or private parties should under- take the work ; and finally he secured an amendment to the Whit- ney bill authorizing the Secretary of War to cause surveys to be made on such routes as he might deem proper from the Mis- sissippi River to the Pacific.^* Senator Benton again expressed himself as opposed to Whitney's or any other private enterprise, and, later in this session, he introduced his proposal for a national central highway.^' In March, 1850, the House Committee on Roads and Canals made a lengthy report, approving the plan and route of Whitney and a bill was reported to give effect to the views of the com- mittee.^^ At the same session, the whole subject was referred to the Senate Committee on Roads and Canals, and again the adoption of Whitney's plan was recommended.^® 25 S. Reports, 30 Cong., 1 seas. (512), no. 191. No action was taken, however, on the reeonunendation at this time. 26 Cong-. Globe, 30 Cong., 2 sess (1848-49), XX, 381. 27 Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848-49), XX, 472. 28jBr. Beports, 31 Cong., 1 sess. I (583), no. 140. 29 /S. Beports, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (565), no. 194. 18 Explorations for Padfio Bcdlroads "Whitney's great project was a failure, despite the many- favorable committee reports and innumerable memorials urging its adoption by Congress. But for these he was more indebted to the great anxiety that prevailed throughout the country for speedy and cheap communication with the vast interests on the Pacific Coast, than to any merit pertaining to the location of the proposed road or the details of his scheme. As other plans and other routes developed, "Whitney and his project became less and less popular. "When, in the winter of 1851-1852, "Whitney asked for the use of the Hall of the House of Representatives in order to explain there his project he was twice refused ; and only by a bare two thirds majority were the rules finally suspended and permission granted him in January, 1851.^° As opposition to "Whitney's proposal became more widespread, petitions were addressed to Congress, asking that no action be taken upon it. In March, 1852, the citizens of Sacramento County, California, in a memorial, opposed the plan, both as to route and means of construction, and remonstrated against its adoption.^^ Final official discussion was held on this historic project in 1852. In January of that year a House committee reported, favoring the means proposed and the general route, substituting Memphis, however, as the eastern termiuus.^^ In April the Sen- ate Committee on Post Office and Post Roads, to which his final memorial had been referred, made a favorable report.^' Its chairman. Senator Rusk, of Texas, stated that while the bill was not entirely acceptable to him, the matter was of such vast im- portance, especially to the frontier sections, that quick action was necessary. The bill was strongly opposed, however, by the adherents of a national road, among them Senator Gwin, of California, and was tabled, to receive no further official con- sideration. 30 H. Journal, 31 Cong., 2 sess. (594), 82; 136-138. 31 S. Journal, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (610), 247. 32 H. Beports, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (656), no. 101. 33 Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (1851-52), XXIV, pt. 2, 942. Plcms for Tnmsoontinental Roods 19 If we inquire into the reasons for the failure of the "Whitney plan, we find them to be manifold. It was opposed by those skeptical people who would have decried any plan of transcon- tinental communication as too vast, impracticable, and impossible. It was asserted tha t the re was n ot su fficient b usiness to sanction and keep up a railroad and that tolls would necessarily be so high as to exclude business. Whitney was opposed on the grounds that he asked for too large a grant of land and that he sought to gain power through the control of the enterprise. In addition he was opposed by those persons interested in other schemes, especially by those engaged in exploiting isthmian routes and in speculating in soldiers' land warrants.^* Sectional and local interests and jealousies reared themselves in opposition in order to impede action upon the project and defeat this first feasible plan for the accomplishment of the enterprise. Such jealousies were essentially local, such as one city striving for recognition over a neighboring city as the terminus of the road. The South generally favored "Whitney's scheme from the beginning, as against no road at all.'' It was there considered in its purely national aspects in which each part of the country was to share equally.'" "Whitney's was th"e only project that did not rely directly or indirectly upon the public treasury for means, which dependence would never be sanctioned by the South.'^ There was, likewise, no other route^'''^ which could furnish an adequate amount of public land to induce "Whitney to undertake the work. It was shown to be to the interest of the southern states to build a road or roads east of the Mississippi River, connecting with the northern trans- continental route. "Without doubt, the South hoped for and 3iH. Reports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., I (583), no. 140, p. 10. 35 2)e Bow's Commercial Beview, December, 1850 (IX, 601). 86 76id!., October, 1847 (IV), 164; 175. HTlUd., 612. 20 Explorations for Padfio Bmlroads desired a southern route, but not to the extent of opposing and conniving at the defeat of a northern one. Should the North be given the first route, it would be but a few years until the South must, likewise, secure one.'* Benton's National Central Highway. — In opposition to the project of Whitney for private construction and ownership, Benton advocated a railroad to be built and operated by the government. His plan was first proposed in February, 1849,^° but did not take the form of a bill until the following year.*" Benton proposed that a strip of land one hundred miles in width be reserved from St. Louis to San Francisco, an estimated dis- tance of sixteen hundred miles. He suggested that the road should be built along the main branch of the Kansas River, and the upper waters of the Arkansas and Huerfano rivers, and thence continue through Utah Pass, about three degrees south of the South Pass, to the headwaters of the Rio del Norte. After crossing the Great Basin the route would traverse the Sierra Nevada Mountains near their center, or turn them to the south and proceed thence to San Francisco. This central route was known to Benton through the explorations of his son-in-law, John C. Fremont. Benton's bill further provided that strips of land, fifty miles in width and five hundred miles long, should be reserved for the construction of branch roads starting from the Great Basin, one to Santa Fe and one to the mouth of the Columbia. The railroad should be built and owned by the gov- ernment, being national in form and use. To provide means for construction, Benton advocated the use of the income from customs duties, the proceeds from the sale of public lands in California, New Mexico, and Oregon, and loans in anticipation of- these resources. His project comprised the setting apart and 38X>e Bow's Commercial Seview, December, 1850 (IX, 601). 39 Cong. Glohe, 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1849-50), XX, 472. iolMd., 31 Cong., 2 sess. (1850-51), XXIII, 56-58. Plams for TpcmsconUnental Roads 21 sale of approximately one hundred and fifty millions of acres, or almost double the amount asked by Whitney. Benton's bill provided that all information bearing on the central route should be collected by the government and that further examinations and surveys should be authorized by the President. This plan was as arbitrary in fixing the route of the proposed railroad as was that of Whitney and was opposed on the same grounds. The bill further provided that as soon as the route should be definitely located the President should cause the Indian titles to the land to be extinguished. For this purpose and that of the surveys, $300,000 was to be appropriated from the national treasury.*^ While previously the people, generally, had accepted the idea of private construction of the railroad, the national method now gained in popularity, and Benton's project secured many adherents. The Secretary of the Interior, in his report made December 2, 1850, favored Benton's national scheme, but em- phasized the necessity of a careful survey of the country and its resources before fixing the route.*^ Numerous petitions were presented from all sections of the Union urging the construction of a national highway as a national necessity.*^ Benton, however, was soon to retire from Congress, and the project, deprived of the powerful support which he alone could give it, was superseded by others which promised more definite action. The national scheme, likewise, had its enemies in Con- gress, who saw and feared in that method of construction and *i For further details of the Benton project see Cong. Globe, 31 Cong., 2 seas. (1850-51), XXIII, 58. *^Cong. Glole, 31 Cong., 2 sess. (1850-51), XXIII, Appendix, p. 7. <3 The state of California sent resolutions to Congress for a national road, urging, however, the necessity of complete surveys to determine the most practicable route. Cong. Globe, 31 Cong., 2 sess. (1850-51), XXIII, 132. For other memorials see Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (1851-52), XXIV, pt. 1, pp. 4, 21 ; H. Journal, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (566), 1471; S. Jowmal, 31 Cong., 2 sess. (568), 46. 22 Exphraiions for Pacific Bailroads operation a powerful political machine and a national source of corruption.** The Memphis wnd St. Loms Comvem,tions. — The increasing importance of the Pacific railroad project from 1849 on is demonstrated by the numerous meetings held in almost every state of the Union. As a result of these meetings memorials, petitions, and resolutions were addressed to Congress, all of which urged prompt action.*^ Different termini and routes were advocated as well as different means of construction, but all were agreed that a railroad should be provided for at once. Two meetings held in the fall of 1849, one at Memphis and the other at St. Louis, attracted widespread attention and presented plans and routes of sufficient bearing to be treated somewhat at length. Delegates from twelve southern states and several northern and western states met at Memphis in October, 1849,' to discuss the question of a transcontinental railroad and to urge upon Con- gress the necessity of immediate action.*" Lieutenant Maury, superintendent of the National Observatory at Washington, and a man well informed upon the western and Pacific regions, was elected president. Resolutions were drawn up stating : first, that it was the duty of the general government to provide at an early period for the construction of a national railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean; second, that engineers should be appointed and surveys and the location of the route be completed by the general government; third, that for the con- struction of the road the public lands constituted a proper fund, and that it was the duty of Congress, after the building of the **Cong. Glole, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (1849-50), XXII, Appendix, pp. 329- 336. *5 S. Journal, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (548), 32, 47, 93, 110, 236, 254, etc. Ihid., 31 Cong., 2 sess. (586), 59, 113, 126, etc. H. Journal, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (632), 189, 208, etc. 46 De Bow's Commercial Review, March, 1850 (VIII, 217). Flams for TnmsoovMnental Roods 23 main trunk road, to aid by an appropriation from the national domain in the construction of branch railroads to connect with the Great Lakes and the great thoroughfares leading to the Atlan- tic, and also to aid in the construction of branches from the main trunk to suitable points on the Gulf of Mexico; and fourth, that in the event Of the appropriation by Congress of a consider- able portion of the public lands, or of the proceeds of the sales thereof, to the construction of a railroad, liberal appropriations of the public lands lying within the limits of the respective states should be made to aid in the construction.*' The proposed route, as advocated by the Memphis Conven- tion, would commence at the port of San Diego, pursuing a direct line to the Colorado River; thence to the Gila and along the valley of the latter to El Paso del Norte ; thence across the state of Texas to its northeastern boundary near the thirty-fourth parallel of north latitude, and terminating at some point on the Mississippi River between the mouth of the Ohio and the mouth of the Red, preferably at Memphis.*^ The memorial of the Memphis Convention was referred to the House Committee on Naval Affairs, which reported August 1, 1850. The report of its chairman, Mr. Stanton, embodied the entire memorial and was accompanied by a bill providing for *7De Bow's Commercial Meview, December, 1849 (VII, 551-552). islbid., March, 1850 (VIII, 229). H. Beports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., 1849- 50, III (585), no. 439, pp. 12-13. This was substantially the route advo- cated several years before by Colonel J. J. Abort, chief of the Topographical Engineers, and Colonel Hughes of the army. They proposed that a railroad eonunenee at San Diego on the Pacific, run to the Colorado and along its affluent, the Gila, to a point near its source; then pass into the valley of the Eio Grande del Norte, keeping within the jurisdiction of the United States. From this point, the line would pass through Texas to Nacogdoches, where Abert proposed a bifurcation of the road — one branch to run nearly direct to the Mississippi above the mouth of the Eed. A slight deflection would carry it to Vicksburg or Memphis, as might be deemed most expedient. The northern branch would cross the Eed Eiver at the great bend or vicinity ; then, crossing the Arkansas Eiver at Little Eock, pursue its course to St. Louis. 24 Explorations for Poidfio BanXroads the survey of the proposed routes for a railroad across the con- tinent.*' The St. Louis Convention, with similar objects in view, met in the same month and was attended by delegates from both northern and southern states. The guiding spirit of the meeting was Senator Benton, and it was due primarily to his influence that the following resolutions were passed: (1) "That, in the opinion of this convention, it is the duty of the General Govern- ment to provide, at an early period, for the construction of a central national railroad from the valley of the Mississippi to the Pacific ocean"; and (2) "That, in the opinion of this con- vention a grand trunk railroad, with branches to St. Louis, Memphis and Chicago, would be such a central and national one."^° To avoid state and local prejudices the Convention proposed that the government should confine its operations to the territory beyond the limits of the states, leaving the various branches to be built by the states through liberal grants of government lands. The Convention also urged the necessity of a thorough survey of all routes that might be considered practicable. The memorial of the St. Louis Convention was presented to the Senate on January 3, 1850, by Vice-President Fillmore. Benton, however, moved that the memorial be laid on the table, which was concurred in.°^ He thus made the way clear for his own national project which he was just at that time perfecting. These two conventions may be said to represent local inter- ests. The people of St. Louis and of the adjacent country urged that city as the only suitable starting point, while the citizens of Memphis as strongly supported her position. Mr. Robinson, chairman of the House Committee on Roads and i^S. Eeports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., Ill (585), no. 439. so Be Bow's Eeview, December, 1849 (VIII, 551); also in Cong. Gloie, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (1849-50), XXII, Appendix, pt. 1, p. 335. 01 Cong. Gloie, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (1849-1850), XXI, pt. 1, p. 97. Pkms for Tramsoonfi'mntal Roads 25 Canals, in making his report in 1850, favorable to "WTiitney's plan, took occasion to point out the weaknesses in the projects submitted by both conventions: "They have pointed out no means of executing their respective plans, except by dependence on the national treasury; and the cH)mmittee think, that if those conventions bad been brought to the question of means, they would have been confounded. None can deny that this is the sine qua non of questions on this subject The question of means falls to the ground on any other plan than that of Mr. Whitney . . . the government, itself, would sink under the attempt to build this road on any other plan. ' '°^ Mills' Central Route to the Pacific. — A route similar to that recommended by the Memphis Convention was in May, 1852, urged upon Congress by the memorial of Robert Mills."^ Mills had given the subject serious consideration for years, and had long sought to arouse and fix public attention upon it with a view to a practicable result. As early as 1847, he had mapped out a definite route and asked for a survey by the government.^* In his memorial he emphasized the necessity of immediate action, believing that sufficient information had been gathered from previous explorations to map out a practicable route. He proposed two main eastern branches, the terminus of one being at St. Louis, which would connect with all roads coming from the north, east, southeast, and as far south as Eiehmond, and that of the other at Memphis, which would connect with all southern railroads. After uniting near Van Buren on the Arkansas River, the main trunk would follow a direct line to El Paso del Norte, and thence by way of the Gila Valley to San Diego. Mills believed that the GUa route would prove more advantageous, even to San Francisco, than one by the Great 52jff. Seports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., I (583), no. 140. S3S. Journal, 32 Cong., 1 seas. (610), 390. 5*S. Misc. Docs., 30 Cong., 1 sess., I (511), doe. 51. 26 Explomtions f'^i A^ ^w^i Tvv%!r:l_,___ ___/»----> s^ :?»-. j\J £ EXPLORATIOMS FOR PACIFIC RAILROAD 1853 T ROUTES ^'855 &.L. ALBRIGHT. n • J r - V •■ Sv\^/'.:-/ ^K