i I 1^ J I ii ^'i^f^^^^^^^S^^t^^^By^j^ BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF Hcnrg W. Sage 1891 A.^.m^. z:^ Cornell University Library F 1030 M64 History of Canada under French regime. olin 3 1924 028 892 796 The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028892796 Pi"j."irri. \j S Joliii.3toii,Moiitr9aL, 'HI BUfiUNO LlTHflORAPHIC CO MONTRC^L THE HISTOET OF CANADA UNDER FRENCH REGIME. 1535-1763. W/Tff MAPS, PLANS, AND ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES. Vt H. H. |[ILES, LL.D., D.C.L., Secretary of the Quebec Council of Public Instruction. Author of *' The School Sistory of Canada" ^* The Child's History of Cavada.' <£c MONTREAL: DAWSON BROTH BBS. 1881. A^^^^^"^ Entered according to Act of Parliament of Canada, by Dawson Beothhes, in the year one thousand eight hundred and soventy- two, in the Office of the Minister of Agriculture. PREFACE. The History of Canada embraces two great sections, of which the first — the subject of the work now presented to the public — is complete in itself, and covers a period of 229 years. It begins with the discovery of the coasts of New Brunswick and Gaspe in 1534, and of the St Law- rence in 1535, followed by an intercourse, maintained during the ensuing three quarters of a century, between the natives frequenting the great river, and the people of France through the agency of their traders and ftir-com- panies, and resulting in the permanent occupation of the country by French colonists, troops, military and civil functionaries, and religious missionaries. These, having their headquarters at Quebec, and their numbers augmented through the natural increase of the settlers, and the fresh arrivals from France from time to time (although, from first to last, the total number of im- migrants furnished by direct importation from the mother country is thought not to have exceeded eight thousand souls, exclusive of the troops sent out in 1666, and subse- quently during the seven years' war), gradually extended the settlement of the fertile lands along the banks of the St Lawrence and the Richelieu, and established numerous b iv PREFACE. outposts, westward and southward, towards the region of the great lakes, the Mississippi, and the river Ohio. In this work, the chief incidents attendant upon the earliest, but, as it proved, abortive efforts, to give effect to the fondly-cherished idea of establishing a powerful French empire in the west, under the designation of New France, are duly chronicled ; and then, in the order of time, the events are narrated which transpired in connection with the settlement, government, and social progress of the French Canadian colony, until, in the year 1763, it became a dependency of the Crown of Great Britain. Of late, especially since the era of confederation of the British North American Provinces, there has been evi- dence of a growing demand for a more accurate and more abundant knowledge of the past and earlier career of the inhabitants of Canada of French origin. Even those who professedly devote their attention almost exclusively to the present condition, resources, and prospects of Canada, ex- perience in an increased degree the need of ample and ol reliable information respecting the days and people of New France, and the circumstances under which so large a part of the foundation of the existing state of things was laid ; and this fact is, in a certain degree, illustrated by the favour with which the pubhc, both in Canada and the United States, has received narratives of detached portions — published in large and costly editions.* * Mention may here be made of the demand for copies of the " Jesuits' Eelations," printed in French, in three thick volumes, and covering the period from 1615 to 1672, and of which portions are to be found trans- lated into English in some American publications issued under State authority; also of the beautiful edition of Cbamplain's works, edited in PREFACE. V The objects kept in view in the preparation of this work, though it is of humbler pretensions than those just alluded to, may be briefly stated. Pains have been taken to invest it with the characteristics most essential towards rendering it useful to the lover and student of history, and, at the same time, acceptable to the general reader. As qualities conducive to the attainment of these ends, accu- racy, completeness, and impartiality in the statement of facts, have claimed the writer's first attention ; while, as scarcely secondary to these, the object of rendering the work attractive to the general reader has not been lost sight of, by presenting the details in a judicious order, within moderate compass, and with numerous accompany- ing footnotes, maps, and plans, designed to illustrate the text, and to aid in sustaining the reader's interest and intelligent appreciation of the transactions recorded. The authorities consulted have been, for the most part, mentioned by name in the text or the footnotes, and generally, when cited, their own words have been given. In regard to the more important facts and controverted points, recourse has been had, whenever this was practic- able, to the original sources, in order to avoid, as much as possible, the acceptance of historical statements of a grave nature at second-hand. The recent appearance of the " Archives of Nova Scotia,"* and the recovery of certain four large volumes by the French historian M. Laverdifere ; of Mr Shea's "Charlevoix'' in English; and the translation o£ Captain Pouchot'a " Memoirs of the Seven Years' War," published in Boston, at a coat of tweuty-five dollars. Several other examples might be added to this list. * Edited by Dr Akins, Commissioner of Records at Halifax, being the first printed portion of a selection most judiciously made from the con- ▼i PREFACE. documents, including the Journal of General Murray, from the English Kecord Offices, have fortunately occurred in season to admit of introducing in the Appendix a con- siderable amount of highly interesting and authentic information, which has not hitherto been published in any history of Canada. Kespecting the value to the student of history, the statesman, the lawyer, and the general reader, of a famili- arity with the history of Canada under the French regime, it is perhaps sufficient to have already alluded to the need of it in enabling any one to rightly apprehend the state of things existing in Canada at this day. A recent historian justly observes in the preface to his work, " To enable us to judge accurately of the present, and regard our national future with confidence, a correct acquaintance with the past is an absolute necessity. ... It is true that many books have been published which supply detached portions of Canadian history, that several excellent statistical works have been compiled from time to time, and that much useful in- formation may be gleaned from the writings of travellers and residents; but it is equally true that these are not accessible to the general reader." But, if it were not so needful as it is, on other grounds, tents of two hundred volumes of dooumeuts collected and arranged by him from among the archives of Nova Scotia. The recovery of these valuable papers has been due in a great measure to the action of the Hon. Joseph Howe, of Nova Scotia, who, with an enlightened zeal, for which he is entitled to the grateful acknowledgments of the lovers of Canadian and North American history, prosecuted those objects, and induced the Nova Scotian Legislature to furnish the means necessary for rescuing the documents from oblivion, and for placing them in a condition to be con- veniently accessible in future. PREFACE. vu to take particular cognizance of the events which transpired, and of the laws, customs, and institutions established, while Canada was a French colony, it may be affirmed that to ignore the record of these would be to exclude from the whole history of this Dominion a narrative which is full of interest and instruction, " of stirring incidents and realities — in these respects rivalling the histories of older communi- ties, — while it differs from most of them in not having its earlier chapters occupied with myths and fabulous tradi- tions." In truth, it may be added, without implying dis- respect towards those who have written Canadian history in the English language, that their record of the French regime has been too brief, and, consequently, too often characterised by the summary assertion of facts whose authenticity, from their interest and importance, deserves to be made more apparent ; while national and other sources of prejudiced views have imparted to the stream of history, in its passage through their hands, a tone and colouring adverse to the claims ot strict historical impar- tiality. This procedure has been productive of results more injurious, perhaps, in Canada, than it could have been in the case of any other country inhabited by people of a more homogeneous character as respects national origin, lan- guage, customs, and creed. In conclusion, the History of Canada under t'le French regime brings under the reader's notice a goodly list of distinguished characters — of men whose qualifications were such as would have rendered them conspicuous objects of admiration in any country where virtue, wisdom, and heroic deeds might command I'espect or excite imitation. On viii PREFACE. this point an eminent Canadian orator and statesman re- marked — " No province of any ancient or modern power — not even G-aul, when it was a province of Rome, — has had nobler imperial names interwoven with its local events. Under the French kings, Canada was the theatre of ac- tion for a whole series of men of first-rate reputation, — men eminent for their energy, their fortitude, their courage, and their accomplishments, for all that constitutes and adorns civil and military reputation." Quebec, Oc«o5er 1871. Note. — The author acknowledges, with thanks, the kind assistance he has received, while preparing this work, from private friends and from gentlemen occupying official positions, to whom he has been indebted for advice and for access to scarce books and documents. To Mr E. T. Fletcher, draughtsman and surveyor of the Canada Crown Lands Office, his acknowledgments are especially due for aid in connection with several of the maps ; and to Mr David Craig, son of the earliest British settler in the vicinity of Ste Foye, for interesting particulars concerning the opera- tions of General De Levis in April 1760. The author also takes this opportunity of stating that the sequel to this history, under the title of " Canada under British Rule, from 1763 to 1867," is in course of preparation, and that he will be thankful for the privilege of access to original documents of historical interest, relating to the period named, which it may be in the power of any to favour him with. CONTENTS. FAOB Introduction, xvii-xxvi CHAPTER L Caitier's First Voyage, ........ 1-8 CHAPTER II. Cartier's Second Voyage— The River St Lawrence— Indian Towns, Stadacona, Hochelaga — Cartier Winters in Canada, 8-16 CHAPTER III. Cartier's Third Voyage — Roherval — Alleged Fourth Voyage of Cartier, 17-23 CHAPTER IV. The Condition of France — Expedition of the Marquis de la Roche — The Convicts on Sable Island — The Peltry Trade 24-30 CHAPTER V. M. Pontegrav^ and Captain Chauvin — M. de Chates — M. de Monts— Champlain, 30-38 CHAPTER VI. Chaniplain's Three Expeditions against the Iroquois — Dis- covery of the Course of the River Richelieu, of Lake Chaanplain, and Lake George — Battle with the Iroquois, and Barbarous Treatment of Prisoners — Second Expedi- tion, and Battle with the Iroquois — Establishment of Trading Station near Sault St Louis, and Conferences with the Indians — Affairs of the Company — Ascent of the Kapids, and Visit to the Ottawa Region — Champlain's Third Expedition against the Iroquois — Repulse and Retreat of the Hurous, 38-54 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. Ohamplain's Sojourn in the Huron Coimtry— Important Views entertained in the Colony Relative to its "Wants— Arrival of the First Emigrant Family— Perilous Condition of the Colony during Ohamplain's Absence— Indian Conspiracy — Due de Montmorency Viceroy— Ohamplain's Powers extended— Arrival of Madame Ghamplaiu — Repairs and Improvements at Quebec — Fort St Louis commenced — Causes of anxiety — Rival Companies and difiiculties — ■ Services of Le Oaron and Sagard— Treaty of Peace — Slow Progress of the Colony — Religious Deputies to France — Departure of Madame Champlain — Emery de Caen, Com- mandant at Quebec, 54-65 CHAPTER VIII. Complaints against the Company — Jesuit Missionaries sent out — Ohamplain's New Commission — Scarcity at Quebec — Surrender to Sir David Kirkt, 65-75 CHAPTER IX. The Company of " The Hundred Associates "—Failure of the Company's First Undertakings — Recovery of New France, and Re-occupation of Quebec by the French — State of that Place and the Country — Great Gathering of Indians at Quebec — The Liquor Traffic — " Jesuits' Relations," . 75-82 CHAPTER X. Last Days of Champlain — Death and Funeral — His Character and Services — Progress and State of the Colony up to the Time of Ohamplain's Decease — Other European Colonies, 83-102 CHAPTER XL Company of Associates fails to fulfil its Engagements — Ohamplain's Successors — Iroquois Incursions and Auda- city — Establishments at Sillery and Quebec — Settlement of the Island of Montreal — Fortifications — Early Trials and Disasters of the Settlers — Gallant Conduct of Maison- neuve — General Account of the Progress of Montreal up to the Year 1663 — Fate of Maisonneuve — Incursions of the Iroquois — Their Designs against the Colony — De- struction of the Huron Nation — Heroism of Dollard and his Companions, 102-118 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XII. PAGE Particulars respecting the Governors from 1636-1663 — Mont- magny — D'Aillebout — Jean and Charles de Lausoii — D'Argenson — DMvaugour — Ecclesiastical Affairs — IF. Lavel — Liquor Trafllc — Deplorable State of the Colony, 119-139 CHAPTER XIII. Louis XIV. Decides upon Constituting Canada a " Royal GovL'inment" — Composition of the Supreme Council — Its Po\yers and Defects — List of Governors, Bishops, and Royal Intendants from 1663 to 1760, . . . 140-144 CHAPTER XIV. Population of Canada when the Royal Government was Established — General Character of the Inhabitants — Remarkable Incidents of 1663 — Celestial Phenomena — Earthquakes — Moral Effects Produced by the Earth- quakes, 145-150 CHAPTER XV. Dissensions in the Supreme Council — Arbitrary Proceedings — Complaints to the King — De Tracy, Viceroy — Talon, In- tendant— Death of De Mesy — The Cariguan Regiment — ■ Military Preparations — Forts on the Richelieu — First Expedition against the Iroquois, under M. de Courcelle — Second Expedition against the Iroquois, under M. de Tracy and M. de CourceUe — Consequences of the Offen- sive Operations against the Iroquois — Note on tlie Iroquois appended to this Chapter, , . . 151-168 CHAPTER XVI. Internal Affairs of the Colony — Commerce — The West Indian Company — Agriculture — Introduction of the Feudal System — Departure of De Tracy — Note on the English Colonies, 169-172 CHAPTER XVII. The Governor, De Courcelle — Causes of Trouble among the Indian Tribes of the West — The Governor's Expedition to the North Shore of Lake Ontario— Recall of De Courcelle — Character of De Courcelle — Death of Madame de la Peltrie and of Marie de I'lnoamation — Their Characters —Talon— Colbert, 173-182 CONTENTS. CHAPTEE XVIII. PAGB Count Frontenac, Governor — Dissensions — Arbitrary Proceed- ings of the Governor — Appeal to the Court of France — Frontenac's Ability — Fort Frontenac — La Salle — Mar- quette and Joliet — Discovery of the Mississippi— Negotia- tions with the Iroquois — La Salle's Proceedings — The Ooureurs des Bois — Dissensions Continued — Recall of the Governor and lutendant — Population of the Colony — Agricultural !]^esources — Exports — Ecclesiastical Affairs — Laval, FirsE Bishop of Quebec, and the Recollets — La SaUe, 183-193 CHAPTER XIX. Frontenac's Successors, M. de la Barre and M. de Denon- ville — De la Barre's Abortive Expedition against the Iroquois — His Recall — Bishop Laval's Successor, M. de St Vallier — The English Intrigues with the Iroquois — Denonville's Expedition against theSenecas — Port Niagara built — Results of the War with the Senecas — A Doubtful Peace concluded — Disastrous Condition of the Colony — Massacre of Laohine — Plans of the Governor and M. de CaUiere — Designs of the English Colonists — Ruin of the French Colony Imminent — Recall of DenonviUe, and Ke-appointment of Frontenac, .... 194r-205 CHAPTER XX. Frontenac's Activity and Measures for the Relief of the Colony — Fort Frontenac — Indian Cruelties on both Sides — Plans of M. de Calliere — ^Frontenac's Efforts to Detach and ConcUiate the Iroquois — Three Invasions of the Territory of the English Colonists Organised by the Governor — Details and Results — Expedition to Michili- makinac — Continued Attacks of the Iroquois — Frontenac and the Indians at Montreal — Advance of a Naval Force to Assault Quebec — Frontenac's Energetic Measures of Defence — Signal Defeat of the Invaders before Quebec — D'lberville, 206-220 CHAPTEE XXL Continuation of Warfare by the Indians — Suspicious Conduct of the Converted Iroquois — Unchristian Conduct of Colonists, both French and English, with respect to the Indians — Numerous Minor Conflicts between the French CONTENTS. xiii PAGE and the Iroquois— Threatened New Invasion by an Eng- lish Fleet Prepared for — Admiral Wheeler's Abortive Expedition — Effects of French Privateering— Nicholas Perrot — D'Iberville — Causes of Quarrel between the English and French Colonists — Fort Frontenac Re- occupied — The Iroquois — Frontenac's Preparations for a War of Extermination against the Cantons — The Expedi- tion and Results — Instructions to the Governor Relative to the Conquest of New England — M. de Nesmond — Treaty of Eyswick — Correspondence between Lord Bella- mont and Count Frontenac — Views of the Iroquois — Death and Character of Frontenac, .... 221-244 CHAPTER XXII. M. de Calliere, Governor — His Policy a Continuation of Frontenac's — Aims at a General Pacification of the Indian Tribes — Mode of Procedure to bring about Peace — Great Gathering of Indians at Montreal — Death of Kondiarenk — Renewal of War between England and France — Pre- parations for Defence of the Colony — Death of Calliere —Stete of the Country, 244-253 CHAPTER XXIII. M. de Vaudreuil, Governor — His Character and Adniinistra- tion — Chief Incidents — Succeeded by the Marquis de Beauhamois — State and Resources of the Colony under the Two Preceding Governors — Brief Administrations of La Galisoniere, La Jonquiere, and the Marquis Duquesne —Condition and Relative Resources of Canada and the New England Colonies — Accession of the Second Marquis de Vaudreuil — State of the Country — Its Principal Sta- tions and Outposts — The Chief Ofiicials of the Colony — Commencement of the Seven Years' War, . . 254-29 1 CHAPTER XXIV. Fortified Posts — Preparations During the Winter of 1754 — Reinforcements for the Colonies — M. de Vaudreuil, Go- vernor — English Colonists Plan Four Expeditions — Shirley's Abortive Expedition — Operations in Acadia — Deplorable Eventsjand Deportation of Acadians — General Braddock's Expedition — Battle of La Belle ' Riviere — Generals Lyman and Johnson — Forts Lydius and George — Defeat of Diskau at Lake George — Occupation of Carillon or Ticonderoga— Affairs in Canada — Bigot — XIV CONTENTS. PASS Scarcity and Mismanagement — Preparations by the Eng- lish Colonists for 1756— General Abercrombie's Move- ments — Reinforcements from France — General Montcalm and his Principal Oiiicers — Operations and Preparations at Lake Champlain and Frontenac — Montcalm's Victory at Oswego, 292-321 CHAPTER XXV. Change of Plans of Campaign by the English Colonists — Louis- bourg — Montcalm's Expedition against Fort George — Siege and Capture of Fort George — Violation of the Articles of Capitulation by the Indians — Massacre — Letters of Bougainville, Montcalm, and Vaudreuil — Famine in Canada — Gambling at Quebec and Montreal, 321-332 CHAPTER XXVL Campaign of 1758, 332-342 CHAPTER XXVII. State and Prospects of the Colony more Critical at the Close of 1758 than ever before — Causes Enumerated — Virtual Abandonment of the Colony by the Mother Country — Absence of Harmony among Principal Officials and be- tween the different Branches of the Publio Service — Mismanagement by Bigot and his Accomplices — Bad Harvests, Excessive Prices, and Famine — Sentiments of Montcalm and his Officers— Census and Effective Force of the Colony— General Plan of Defence, . . . 342-357 CHAPTER XXVIII. Plans of the EngKshfor the Campaign of 1759 — Operations of General Amherst on Lake Champlain — Expedition against Niagara — Attempt to Relieve Fort Niagara — Capture of Niagara and French Forts South of Lake Erie — Forces of Amherst and Sir William Johnson unable to take part in the Operations at Quebec, 358-363 CHAPTER XXIX. Strength of the English Armament —Arrival off Quebec — Line of Defence — Wolfe's Manifesto — Positions taken up — Eminent Persons Present at the Siege of Quebec — French Fireships — Bombardment of the City — Battle of Beauport Flats, 363-408 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXX. The Battle of the Plains of Abraham — Death of General Wolfe — Death of Montcalm — Proceedings of the British after the Battle — Proceedings of Governor Vaudreuil and Bigot — De Eamezay Surrenders the City — Strength of the British under Murray — Honours to WoKe and Mont- calm— Note to the Chapter, 408-426 CHAPTER XXXI. Projects of De Levis — Winter of 1759-60 — Sufferings of the Garrison at Quebec from Dearth of Fuel and Cold — General Murray's Policy towards the Inhabitants — Pre- cautions against Surprise — Hostilities during the Winter — Sickness and Mortality in the Garrison — De Levis Advances against the English — The Inhabitants of the City Ordered to Depart— Murray Recalls his Outposts, and Marches to Ste Foye — Battle of Ste Foye, and Defeat of Murray — Siege of Quebec — Arrival of the English Fleet — Retreat of De Levis — Plans of the Commander-in- Chief, 426-461 CHAPTER XXXIL Colonel Havilanfl!^ Corps Moves down the Richelieu — Gene- ral Mu.rray 'Advances up the St Lawrence — ^Qeneral Amherst's Advance — Capture of Fort Levis and Deser- tion of the Indiana — Ptissage of the Rapids — the French Forces Surrounded at Montreal — Capitulation of Mon- treal — Conclusion — Relics of the French Forces Trans- ported to France — End of the French Regime — Military Occupation of Canada— Treaty of Peace in 1763, . 462-477 CONTENTS. APPENDIX. I. Fort Necesssity, 1754, II. General Braddock, 1755, III. The Acadians, 1755, . IV. Gamblmg at Quebec and Montreal, 1759, V. General Amberst, 1759, VI. Campaign of 1759, . VII. Expedition against Quebec, 1759, . VIII. Strengtb of General Murray's Garrison at Quebec, 1759-1760, IX. Treatment of the Inhabitants according to the Articles of Capitulation of October 1759, X. Governor de Vaudreuil's Circular, 1759-60, XI. The Battle of Ste Foye, 1760, XII. Governor de Vaudreuil's Circular, 1760, XIII. General Murray, 1760, XIV. Fort Jacques Cartier, 1760, . XV. The Rapids of the St Lawrence, 1760, XVI. The Capitulation of Montreal, September 8, 1760, XVII. The Treaty of Paris, February 10, 1763, XVIII. The Capitulation of Montreal, 1760, XIX. General Orders and Dispatch of General Amierst, 1760, .... XX. William Pitt, 1760, . 479 481 482 486 487 488 491 494 495 497 498 500 500 501 501 502 508 509 510 511 MAPS. Map of New France and New England — to face iitle-joage. Map showing the Military Routes into Canada, . to face page W3 Plan of Montreal in 1759, .... . „ 296 Plan of Quebec in 1759 . . „ 363 Map to illustrate the Siege of Quebec, 1759, . „ 373 Map of the Vicinity of Quebec, to illustrate the Operations of De Levis and Murray, 1769-60, . . . to face page i27 INTRODUCTIOK MARITIME DISCOVERIES OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THE FTFTEBNTH CEN- TURY — DISCOVERIES IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE BY COLUMBUS, SIR JOHN AND SEBASTIAN CABOT, VBRRAZZANI — EARLY FISHERIES OP NEWPOONDLAND— DISCOVERY OP CANADA — ABORieiNES. Before the close of the fifteenth century, the example of the Portuguese excited among the other maritime nations of Europe a great spirit for adventure and discovery by sea. That people had undertaken many naval expeditions between the years 1410 and 1490, by means of which geo- graphical knowledge had been increased, followed by the opening up of additional opportunities for the extension of commerce. * Previously to this, during the Middle Ages, trade in the rich products of the East was conducted thi'ough over- land routes, by way of Persia and Arabia, across the Persian Gulf and Red Sea, by Ormuz and Aden, Aleppo, * Amongst the principal discoveries alluded to were, — Madeira in 1419 ; Cape Boiador, the Azores, Cape Vcrd and adjacent islands, and Sierra Leone between the years 1430 and 1450 ; Congo in 1484; then the im- portant disooveiy of Cape Tempest, afterwards named Cape of Good Ho'pe, by Bartholomew Diaz in 1486. This led eventually, in the year 1498, to the doubling of that cape by Vasco de Crama, who, after passing round the south of Africa, reached the coast of Malabar in the East Indies. xviil INTRODUCTION. [l492- Damascus, and the port of Beyrout, and by means of mercantile depots established in Egypt. The ordinary track of Oriental commerce was, in those days, beset by dangers and difficulties, by which the cost of merchandise was heightened, — so that it seemed very important to be enabled to reach " China and the Indies" by cheaper or easier modes of access. The naval expeditions of the Portuguese, however, pro- duced other results, which were perhaps of still greater value than trade with the negroes of Africa, or a proof that there was a way to the " Indies " round the southernmost point of that continent. Service in their ships proved to be, at that period, the best school of training in the arts of navigation. Although Portugal was one of the smallest of European kingdoms, yet the fame of her discoveries attracted seamen and adventurers from other countries in the hope of obtaining employment and riches. Navigators from England and France, and especially from Italy, whose previous experience had been limited to mere coasting voyages, were thus enabled to gain the skill and courage required for bolder undertakings upon the ocean. Amongst these were Christopher Columbus, of Genoa, Sir John Cahot, of Venice, Verrazzani, of Florence, Gortereal and Amerigo Vespucci, by whom, after serving in Portuguese ships in the East, great enterprises were conducted across the Atlantic into the Western Hemisphere. Christopher Columbus, by the results of his experience BORN 1435. and his studies in geography and astronomy, be- DiED 1506. came convinced that it was possible to reach " the Indies " by navigating the Atlantic westivard from Europe. After encountering many obstacles, being at length fur- nished by the Court of Spain with the means of equipping two small vessels, he sailed from Palos on August 3, 1492, and, pursuing a westerly course for IS24.] INTRODUCTION. xix seventy days, made the first discovery of land in the New World. John Cabot and bis son Sebastian, commissioned by King Henry VII. of England, discovered New- a.d. 1497. foundland and Labrador, and explored the Ameri- ''■^' "*9 • can coast more than 1500 miles southward to lat. 36°. Amerigo Vespucci made four voyages to the Western Hemisphere, in course of which he explored the coast of Brazil, and other portions of the main- land. He also constructed rude maps, and wrote a narra- tive of his voyages, in which he set up the claim of being the first to discover the continent. By this time ■' A.D. 1507. Columbus was dead, and as Amerigo Vespucci's pretensions seem to have passed uncontradicted, in the end, the New World was named, after him, America. Verrazzani, commissioned by the court of France, ex- plored the coast of Carolina, and thence north- ward to Nova Scotia. In behalf of the king by whom he was employed, he claimed sovereignty over the whole region, and gave to it the name of New France. During most of the time occupied by the voyages and explorations of the great sea captains, whose names have been mentioned, vessels belonging to the Spaniards, Portu- guese, French, English, and Dutch, visited the shores of Newfoundland for the purpose of prosecuting the fisheries. These were first established by the Portuguese in 1500, in consequence of information brought by Oortereal, one of their navigators, respecting the great abundance of codfish found on the Banks. As early as 1617 there were, it is said, more than fifty vessels employed in that pursuit. Occasionally, through accident or otherwise, the com- manders and crews of fishing vessels would extend their voyages to the neighbouring shores of Labrador, and even of Nova Scotia, and thus be instrumental in increasing the XX INTRODUCTION. [iS34- knowledge of those parts of the North American continent. Amongst the men who became inured to Atlantic naviga- tion, through making passages to and fro in fishing vessels, was Jacques Cariier, afterwards renowned as the dis- coverer of Canada. Some years after the voyage of Verrazzani, the French court resolved to take advantage of the claims which had been set up over the western regions named, as has been AD i« stated, by him, New France. Accordingly, in 1534 and 1535, other expeditions were dispatched from France, under Jacques Cartier, which resulted in the discovery of the great river St Lawrence ; the banks of which, and adjacent territories, now constitute the country whose history is narrated in the following pages. Before entering upon that history, it seems proper to furnish some preliminary information about the people styled " Indians," of whom very frequent mention will be made. Columbus, and the early navigators by whom he was succeeded, supposed that the lands which they discovered were parts of Asia or of the " Indies." Accordingly, they gave to the natives the name of " Indians.'' The geo- graphical mistake began to be found out in the year 1517, when Vasco Nunez made his way across a part of the American continent, and beheld the Pacific Ocean stretched beyond it. But by this time the appellation given to the natives had become established, so that it has been retained in use to the present day. In some respects, the uncivilised inhabitants of America appeared to their first European visitors to resemble Asiatics. Their dusky complexion, their paganism, and some of their habits, strengthened the notion that they belonged to the Mongol tribes of Asia. Exclusive of those found inhabiting the islands of the 1534-] INTRODUCTION. xxi Gulf of Mexico, the native inhabitants of North America have been estimated not to have exceeded in number 200,000 souls. They required extensive hunting grounds, support- ing themselves chiefly by the chase and by fishing. Roam- ing about, mostly in detached bodies or tribes, they were spread throughout the vast region lying between the At- lantic and the Rocky Mountains, and from the shores of the Gulf of Mexico to the Laurentian hills, north of the river St Lawrence ; and also beyond these, in Labrador, and the territory bordering on Hudson's Bay. About eight distinct languages or dialects were spoken amongst them, in consequence of which they have been classified as having sprung originally from a like number of distinct families. But of these only three or four had hunting grounds in the region styled New France, of which that since called Canada formed a part. Under various names, subordinate tribes of the three or four principal families referred to were dispersed through the valleys and forests, and along the margins of the rivers and lakes, all the way from the Gulf of St Lawrence to the country be- yond the western shores of Lake Michigan. A brief summary statement may be made to include all that it is necessary to say, by way of introduction to the history of Canada, relative to the names and hunting grounds of the different tribes ; for it would be useless to attempt to set forth accurately the names of all and their boundaries, since these and other particulars are far from having been satisfactorily settled. In that part of New France now called Nova Scotia, in Gaspe, and south of the St Lawrence, the Indians were offshoots of the great Algonquin stock, including those named Micmacs or Souriquois, Mchemins, Abenaquis, and SohoMs, to the number of about 4000 in all. Farther inland, and occupymg chiefly the no bank of the St xxii INTRODUCTION. [i534- Lawrence, were the Montagnais of Saguenay and Lake St John, having for neighbours to the north the Esquimaux of Labrador and the regions bordering on Hudson's Bay. In the valley of the River St Maurice, and occupying the north bank of the St Lawrence, in the vicinity of the site of Three Rivers, were the Bull-heads or Attikamegues. Next to these, extending westwards along the St Lawrence and on the banks of the Ottawa, were the Algonquins proper, including a tribe named Nipissings, around the lake of that name. The Ottawas and Chippewas were near the outlet of Lake Superior, to the south of which lay the Foxes, the Sacs, the Menomonees, the Mascoutens, and Kikapoos. The Hurons — a term originally used by the French as a nickname — whose proper name was Wendats or Wyandots, numbering, it is believed, not less than 30,000, occupied settlements in the peninsula adjacent to Lake Simcoe and Georgian Bay, having for neighbours, on the south-west, the Tionontates or Petuns. Next to these latter, to the south, and extending eastward as far as or beyond the Falls of Niagara, were a great many kindred tribes, col- lectively named the Neutral Nation, on account of their abstaining from taking any part in the wars of their neigh- bours, and preserving terms of amity with them all. The whole of the above-named tribes, viz., the Micmacs or Souriquois, Etchemins, Ahenaquis, Sokokis, Montagnais, Bull-heads or Attikamegues, Algonquins, Nipissings, Otta- was, Chippewas, Foxes, Sacs, Menomonees, Mascoutens, Kikapoos, Hurons or Wyandots, Tionontates or Petuns, together with some other minor tribes south of Lake Erie, and extending to the valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi, are considered as belonging to, or derived from, the great Algonquin or AJgic stock. Oa the south of the St Lawrence, west of the river Riche- 1534] INTRODUCTION. xxiii lieu, and extending southward and westward along the shores of Lake Ontario, were the principal settlements and hunting grounds of the Iroquois — sometimes called Huron- Iroquois — the most famous of all the tribes of Indians concerned in the history of Canada and New England. They consisted of five considerable tribes: the Mohawlcs, the Oneidas, the Onondagas, the Gayugas, and the Senecas, to whom were joined, in the year 1712, the Tuscaroras from Carolina. They formed the celebrated league or con- federacy of " Five Nations," having their headquarters in the north-eastern parts of the State of New York. Such were the warlike spirit, ferocity, and comparative superiority of the Iroquois Indians, that, previously to the times when Europeans established settlements in Canada and New England, they had made the power of their league felt and dreaded to a great distance amongst the other savage tribes. They made hostile incursions into distant hunting grounds, as far as 1500 miles south of the St Lawrence, and west- ward beyond the river Mississippi. Before the coming of the French, intense enmity and increasing warfare had sub- sisted between the Iroquois and the Indians of Canada — more especially the Hurons, Algonquins, and Abenaquis, with whom, it will be seen, the French took part against the Iroquois. The Indians named above as the aborigines of Canada and New England were all savages and heathens. In some cases, as amongst the Hurons and the Iroquois, there did exist the knowledge and forethought required for planting maize, gathering it when ripe, and storing it away in caves for future use. But their methods of agriculture were of the simplest and rudest kind. The women only performed the work, since the men esteemed that, as well as all other manual labour not connected with war or the chase, as degrading to warriors. They possessed xxiv INTRODUCTION. [1534. no written language. Yet, as spoken, their dialects were perfect enougli to admit of the practice of oratory among themselves, and also to become subjects of regular study to Europeans. As they were dependent upon oral tradition, almost exclusively, for their knowledge of past events, this was found to be of the most limited and imperfect description with respect to occurrences extending back- wards beyond the period of a single generation. They had not, like the ancient Mexicans and Peruvians, made any progress in methods of procuring and using metals, nor in the construction of permanent habitations, nor in the arts of life generally. They entertained some confused notions of belief in the existence of a Supreme Being, and in a future state. This state, to the meritorious Indian, — one who had been a brave warrior, and had contemned hardship and bodily suffering during his lifetime, — was to be a scene of perpetual freedom from hunger and from pain, in happy hunting grounds. They were also credulous and superstitious, believers in witchcraft, and placing implicit confidence in omens and dreams, so that to these latter recourse was usually had before undertaking any enterprise of importance.* In warfare they were remarkable for the exercise of cunning and ferocity, employing treachery whenever occa- sion offered, and pitilessly exterminating their conquered foes. To shrink from resenting an injury, to be slow in following the impulses of a vindictive spirit, to quail in pre- sence of an enemy or under any amount of torture that * Shea, in his " American Catholic Missions,'' p. 25, says of the Indians generally: "Although they all recognised one Supreme Being, nowhere did they address him in prayer. . . . Pure unmixed demon-worship prevailed throughout the length and breadth of the land. With demons, the Indian, in his theology, peopled the forest, the lake, and the mountain- all nature, animate and inanimate ; these alone he addressed and sought to propitiate, reckless of his account to the Great Spirit." 1534] INTRODUCTION. xxv could be inflicted, were regarded as unpardonable defects, — injurious to the character even of their women. According to a French writer, Charlevoix, who collected all accessible information relative to the Indians throughout North America, a general similarity of disposition, habits, and external appearance pervaded all the tribes. " To see one," he says, " is to see all." All had the same reddish or coppery complexion, the same form of visage, with eyes bright and deeply set, their locks long and coarse, and their chins beardless, owing to the universal custom of pulling out the hairs from their faces. There was the same correspondence in their implements of war, consisting of hows and arrows, tomahaivks, scalping -knives, and fre- quently shields. In their modes of conducting intercourse with each other and with strangers, in their rites and cere- monies, in their ways of dealing with enemies, friends, and prisoners, as well as in their belief and ideas of right and wrong, the Indians, from the shores of the G-ulf of Mexico to the banks of the St Lawrence, were virtually one people.* It is only necessary to add, in this place, that the con- version of the Indians. to Christianity was, throughout, a primary object with the French in all their plans for settling the country.f * " In form, in manners, and in habits, the Indian tribes presented an almost uniform appearance : language formed the great distinctive mark to the European, though the absence of a feather or a Une of paint disclosed to the native the tribe of the wanderer whom he met." — Shea. t The reader will be interested in learning some particulars of the modern Canadian Indians — that is, of those who now (1871) live under the govern- ment of the Dominion of Canada. The total Indian population of the four Provinces appears to be over 25,000, not including those of Labrador, Hudson Bay Company's Terri- tories, &c. They are distributed as follows : — In Ontario, on the Grand River, Bay of Quints, River Thames, about 4000 IroqnoU; about 6000 Chippewas, including some Ottawas and Ponte xxvi INTRODUCTION. [1534. wattmies at Lakes Superior, Huron, St Clair, and other parts; 700 Mimssagas at Rice Lake, the Scugog, &o. ; and 2500 Manitoulin Island Indians, Ojibways and remnants of other tribes — amounting to upwards of 13,000. In Quebec (Lower Canada), we have of Iroquois, about 2700 at Caugh- nawaga, St Regis, and Lake of Two Mountains; of Algonquins and Nipissings, &c., 500 ; Atenaquis, of St Francis and Beoanoour, 250 ; Eurons of Lorette, 300 ; Micmacs, Montagnais, &c., 1100 ; in the regions of the Lower St Lawrence, about 3000 styled Naskapees, with scattered members of various tribes. The total for the Province of Quebec is thus not far from 9000. In Nova Scotia, chiefly of Micmacs, there are 2000, and at the Indian Village, Northumberland, Kent, and other parts of New Brunswick, a like number. The Iroquois of Upper Canada (Ontario) had lands assigned them in 1785, when they migrated from the United States under their great chief Joseph Brandt, who had supported the royal cause during the war which followed the rebellion of the English colonies. Of these lands, originally 1200 square miles, their descendants now hold only an inconsiderable portion. The Iroquois of Lower Canada (Quebec) are descendants of those whom the French missionaries formerly converted to Christianity, and who passed from their native cantons, south of Lake Ontario, to settlements provided for them near the St Lawrence. The Iroquois, and many of the other tribes of Canadian Indians, now gain a livelihood partly by means of agriculture and by" carrying on various petty manufactures — basketmaking, ornaments, &c., partly by having recourse to their ancient pursuits of hunting and fishing. Through a Department of State (Indian Affairs) aid is distributed amongst the tribes, for procuring seed, grain, implements, building of schoolhouses, teachers, medical services, pensions to the old, infirm, and destitute, and for other objects . In the schools for Indian children, of whom more boys than girls attend, the- total number of scholars for Ontario and Quebec is short of 2000, with about fifty paid teachers. Very few schools for Indians have yet been opened in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, THE HISTORY OF CANADA UNDER FRENCH REGIME. CHAPTER I. cabtier's first voyage. 1. Canada was discovered ia the year 1534, by Jacques Cartier (or Quartier), a mariner belonging to the small French seaport St Mah. He was a man in whom were combined the qualities of prudence, industry, skill, perseverance, courage, and a deep sense of religion. Commissioned by the King of France, Francis I., he conducted three successive expeditions across the Atlantic, for the purpose of prosecuting discovery in the Western Hemisphere ; and it is well understood that he had previously gained experience in seamanship on board fishing vessels trading between Europe and the Banks of Newfoundland. He was selected and recommended to the King for appointment as one who might be expected to realise, for the benefit of France, some of the discoveries of his pre- decessor, Verrazzani, which had been attended with no A a HISTORY OF CANADA. [1534, substantial result, since this navigator and his companions had scarcely done more than view, from a distance, the coasts of the extensive regions to which the name of New France had been given. It was also expected of Cartier that, through his endeavours, valuable lands would be taken possession of in the King's name, and that places suitable for settlement, and stations for carrying on traffic, would be established. Moreover, it was hoped that the precious metals would be procured in those parts, and that a passage onwards to China (Cathay) and the East Indies would be found out. And, finally, the ambitious sovereign of France was induced to believe that, in spite of the pretensions of Portugal and Spain,* he might make good his own claim to a share in transatlantic territories. With such objects in view, Jacques Cartier set sail from St Malo, on Monday, the 20th of April 1534.t His com- mand consisted of two small vessels, with crews amount- ing to about one hundred and twenty men, and provisioned for four or five months. 2. On the 10th of May the little squadron arrived off Cape Bonavista, Newfoundland; but, as the ice and snow of the previous winter had not yet disappeared, the vessels were laid up for ten days in a harbour near by, named St Catherine's. From this, on the 21st, they sailed northward to an island north-east of Cape Bonavista, situated about forty miles from the mainland, which had been called by * The courts of Spain and Portugal had protested against any fresh expedition from Prance to the west, alleging that, by right of prior dis- covery, as well as the Pope's grant of all the western regions to themselves, the French could not go there without invading their privileges. Francis, on the other hand, treated these pretensions with derision, observing sarcastically, that he would " like to see the clause in old Father Adam's will by which an inheritance so vast was bequeathed to his brothers of Spain and Portugal." + The dates in this, and subsequent pages, are in accordance with the " old style " of reckoning. IS34-] CARTIER'S FIRST VOYAGE, 3 the Portuguese the "Isle of Birds." Here were found several species of birds which, it appears, frequented the island at that season of the year in prodigious numbers, so that, according to Cartier's own narrative, the crews had no difficulty in capturing enough of them, both for their immediate use and to fill eight or ten large barrels (pippes) for future consumption. Bears and foxes are described as passing from the mainland, in order to feed upon the birds as well as their eggs and young. From the Isle of Birds the ships proceeded northward and westward, until they came to the Straits of Belleisle, when they were detained by foul weather, and by ice, in a harbour, from the 27th of May until the 9th of June. The ensuing fifteen days were spent in exploring the coast of Labrador as far as Blanc Sablon and the western coast of Newfoundland. For the most part these regions, includ- ing contiguous islands, were pronounced by Cartier to be unfit for settlement, especially Labrador, of which he remarks, "it might, as well as not, be taken for the country assigned by God to Cain." From the shore of Newfoundland the vessels were steered westward across the Gulf of St Lawrence, and about the 25th of June, arrived in the vicinity of the llagdalen Islands. Of an island, named " Isle Bryon," Cartier says it contained the best land they had yet seen, and that " one acre of it was worth the whole of Newfoundland." Birds were plentiful, and on its shores were to be seen " beasts as large as oxen and possessing great tusks like elephants, which, when approached, leaped suddenly into the sea." There were very fine trees and rich tracts of ground, on which were seen growing quantities of " ivild corn, peas in flower, currants, strawberries, roses and sweet herbs." Cartier noticed the character of the tides and waves, whieh swept high and strong among the islands, and which suggested 4 HISTORY OF CANADA. [l534- to his mind the existence of an opening between the south of Newfoundland and Cape Breton* Towards the end of June the islands and mainland of the north-west part of the territory now called New Brunswick came in sight, and, as land was approached, Cartier began at once to search for a passage through which he might sail farther westward. The ships' boats were several times lowered, and the crews made to row close in shore in the bays and inlets, for the purpose of discovering an opening. On these occasions natives were sometimes seen upon the beach, or moving about in bark canoes, with whom the French con- trived to establish a friendly intercourse and traffic, by means of signs and presents of hatchets, knives, small crucifixes, beads, and toys. On one occasion they had in sight from forty to fifty canoes full of savages, of which seven paddled close up to the French boats, so as to sur- round them, and were driven away only by demonstrations of force. Cartier learned afterwards that it was customary for these savages to come down from parts more inland, in great numbers, to the coast, during the fishing season, and that this was the cause of his finding so many of them at that time. On the 7th day of the month a considerable body of the same savages came about the ships, and some traffic occurred. Grifts, consisting of knives, hatchets, and * This proves Cartier's sagacity, since the outlet from the Gulf of St Lawrence into the Atlantic, between Cape Ray and Cape North, was of course, unknown to him. Portions of the coast of Cape Breton had, however, been visited by the French fishermen of those days. The following words are those in which Cartier himself refers to the idea of the passage in question: — "Aux environ d'icelles illes y a de grandes marges, qui portent comment Suest et Norouaist. Je presume mielx que autrement, k ce que j'ay vew, qu'il luy aict auloun passaige entre la Terre Neufi^ue et la terre des Bretons. Si ainsi estoit, se seroit une grande abreuiacion, tant pour le temps que pour le chemyn, se trouve parfection en ce voyage." IS34-] CARTIKR'S FIRST VOYAGE. 5 toys, along with a red cap for their head chief, caused them to depart in great joy. 3. Early in July, Cartier found that he was in a con- siderable bay, which he named " La Bale des Chaleurs." He continued to employ his boats in the examination of the smaller inlets and mouths of the rivers flowing into the bay, hoping that an opening might be discovered similar to that by which, a month before, he had passed round the north of Newfoundland into the Gulf. After the 16th the weather was boisterous, and the ships were anchored for shelter close to the shore several days. During this time the savages came there to fish for mackerel, which were abundant, and held friendly intercourse with Cartier and his people. They were very poor and miserably clad in old skins, and sang and danced to testify their pleasure on receiving the presents which the French distributed among them. Sailing eastward and northward, the vessels next passed along the coast of Gaspe, upon which the French landed and held intercourse with the natives. Cartier resolved to take formal possession of the country, and to indicate, in a conspicuous manner, that he did so in the name of the King, his master, and in the interests of religion. With these objects in view, on Friday, the 24th of July, a huge wooden cross, thirty feet in height, was constructed, and was raised with much ceremony, in sight of many of the Indians, close to the entrance of the harbour ; three _^eMrs de lys being carved under the cross, and an inscription, " Vive le Eoy de France." The French formed a circle on their knees around it, and made signs to attract the attention of the savages, pointing up to the heavens, "as if to show that by the cross came their redemption." These ceremonies being ended, Cartier and his people went on board, followed from the shore by 6 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1534- many of the Indians. Among these the principal chief, with his brother and three sons, in one canoe, came near Cartier's ship. He made an oration, in course of which he pointed towards the high cross, and then to the sur- rounding territory, as much as to say that it all belonged to him, and that the French ought not to have planted it there without his permission. The sight of hatchets and knives displayed before him, in such a manner as to show a desire to trade with him, made him approach nearer, and, at the same time, several sailors, entering his canoe, easily induced him and his companions to pass into the ship. Cartier, by signs, endeavoured to persuade the chief that the cross had been erected as a beacon to mark the way into the harbour ; that he would revisit the place and bring hatchets, knives, and other things made of iron; and that he desired the friendship of his people. Food and drink were offered, of which they partook freely, when Cartier made known to the chief his wish to take two of his sons away with him for a time. The chief and his sons appear to have readily assented. The young men at once put on coloured garments, supplied by Cartier, throwing out their old clothing to others near the ship. The chief, with his brother and remaining son, were then dismissed with presents. About midday, however, just as the ships were about to move farther from shore, six canoes, full of Indians, came to them, bringing presents of fish, and to enable the friends of the chief's sons to bid them adieu. Cartier took occasion to enjoin upon the savages the necessity of guarding the cross which had been erected, upon which the Indians replied in unintel- ligible language.* Next day, July 25, the vessels left the * The account here given of Cartier's intercourse with the savages of 6asp4 and of the method pursued in order to obtain possession of two of their young men, whom he designed to train as interpreters, as well as to IS34-] CARTIER'S FIRST VOYAGE. 7 harbour with a fair wind, making sail northward to lat, 50°. It was intended to prosecute the voyage farther westward, if possible ; but adverse winds, and the appear- ance of the distant headlands, discouraged Cartier's hopes so much, that on Wednesday, August 5, after taking counsel with his officers and pilots, he decided that it was not safe to attempt more that season. The little squadron, therefore, bore off towards the east and north-east, and made Blanc Sablon on the 9th. Continuing thence their passage into the Atlantic, they were favoured with fair winds, which carried them to the middle of the ocean, between Newfoundland and Bretagne. They then en- countered storms and adverse winds, respecting which Cartier piously remarks : " We suffered and endured these with the aid of God, and after that we had good weather and arrived at the harbour of St Malo, whence we had set out, on September 5, 1534.'' Thus ended Jacques Cartier's first trip to Canada. As a French- Canadian historian of Canada has observed, this first expedition was not " sterile in results ; ' for, in addition to the other notable incidents of the voyage, the two natives whom he carried with him to France are understood to have been the first to inform him of the existence of the great river St Lawrence, which he was destined to discover the following year. It is not certainly known how nearly he advanced to the mouth of that river on his passage from Gaspe Bay. But it is believed that he passed round the western point of Anticosti, subsequently named by him Isle de I'Assump- tion, and that he then turned to the east, leaving behind the entrance into the great river, which he then supposed instruct them in religion and the habits of civilised life, places his conduct m a very favourable light as compared with the proceedings of eminent navigators in some other parts of the world. Some authors have strongly condemned Cartier as having practised cruelty and treachery on this occasion ; but the facts hera recorded disprove the accusation. 8 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1535. to be an extensive bay, and, coasting along the shore of Labrador, came to the liver Natachquoin, near Mount Joli, whence, as already stated, he passed eastward and north- ward to Blanc Sdblon. CHAPTEE 11. CARTIER'S second voyage — THE RIVER ST LAWRENCE — INDIAN TOWNS, STADAOONA, HOCHELAGA — CAKTIER WINTERS IN CANADA. 4. Cartier and his companions were favourably received on their return to France. The expectations of his em- ployers had been to a certain extent realised, while the narrative of the voyage, and the prospects which this afforded of greater results in future, inspired such feelings of hope and confidence that there seems to have been no hesitation in furnishing means for the equipment of another expedition. The Indians who had been brought to France were instructed in the French language, and served also as specimens of the people inhabiting his Majesty's western dominions. During the winter the necessary preparations were made. 5. On the 19th of May 1535, Cartier took his departure from St Malo on his second expedition. It was in A.D. I'\'?'i. every way better equipped than that of the preced- ing year, and consisted of three ships, manned by one hundred and ten sailors. A number of gentlemen volunteers from France accompanied it. Cartier himself embarked on board the largest vessel, which was named " La Grand Hermine," along with his two interpreters. Adverse winds lengthened I535-] CARTIER'S SECOND VOYAGE. 9 the voyage, so that seven weeks were occupied in sailing to the Straits of Belleisle. Thence the squadi'on made for the Gulf of St Lawrence, so named by Cartier in honour of the day upon which he entered it. Emboldened by the infor- mation derived from his Indian interpreters, he sailed up the great river, at first named the river of Canada, or of Hochelaga. The mouth of the Saguenay was passed on September 1, and the island of Orleans reached on the 9th. To this he gave the name " Isle of Bacchus," on account of the abundance of grape-vines upon it. On the 16th, the ships arrived off the headland since known as Cape Diamond. Near to this, a small river, called by Cartier St Croix, now the St Charles, was ob- served flowing into the St Lawrence, intercepting, at the confluence, a piece of low land, which was the site of the Indian village Stadacona. Towering above this, on the left bank of the greater river, was Cape Diamond and the contiguous high land, which in after times became the site of the Upper Town of Quebec. A little way within the mouth of the St Croix, Cartier selected stations suitable for mooring and laying up his vessels ; for he seems, on his arrival at Stadacona, to have already decided upon wintering in the country. This design was favoured, not only by the advanced period of the season, but also by the fact that the natives appeared to be friendly, and in a position to supply his people abundantly with provisions. Many hundreds came off from the shore in bark canoes, bringing fish, maize, and fruit. Aided by the two interpreters, the French endeavoured at once to establish a friendly intercourse. A chief, Dona- cona, made an oration, and expressed his desire for amicable relations between his own people and their visitors. Car- tier, on his part, tried to allay apprehension, and to obtain information respecting the country higher up the gi-eat to HISTORY OF CANADA. [iSSS- river. Wishing also to impress upon the minds of the savages a conviction of the French power, he caused several pieces of artillery to be discharged in the presence of the chief and a number of his warriors. Fear and astonish- ment were occasioned by the sight of the fire and smoke, followed by sounds such as they had never heard before. Presents, consisting of trinkets, small crosses, beads, pieces of glass, and other trifles, were distributed among them. 6. Cartier allowed himself a rest of only three days at Stadacona, deeming it expedient to proceed at once up the river with an exploring party. For this purpose he manned his smallest ship, the JErmerillon, and two boats, and de- parted on the 19th of September, leaving the other ships safely moored at the mouth of the St Charles. He had learned from the Indians that there was another town, called Hochelaga, situated about sixty leagues above. Cartier and his companions, the first European navigators of the St Lawrence, and the earliest pioneers of civilisation and Christianity in those regions, moved very slowly up the river. At the part since called Lahe St Peter, the water seemed to become more and more shallow. The Ermerillon was therefore left as well secured as possible, and the remainder of the passage made in the two boats. Frequent meetings, of a friendly nature, with Indians on the river bank caused delays, so that they did not arrive at Hochelaga until the 2d of October. As described by Cartier himself, this town consisted of about fifty large huts or cabins, which, for purposes of defence, were surrounded by wooden palisades. There were upwards of twelve hundred inhabitants,* belonging to some Algonquin tribe. * It has not been aatisfactorily settled to what tribe the Indians be- longed who were found by Cartier at Hochelaga. Some have even doubted the accuracy of his description in relation to their numbers, the character I53S] CARTIER'S SECOND VOYAGE. II At Hochelaga, as previously at Stadacona, the French were received by the natives in a friendly manner. Sup- plies of fish and maize were freely offered, and, in return, presents of beads, knives, small mirrors, and crucifixes were distributed. Entering into communication with them, Oartier sought information respecting the country higher up the river. From their imperfect intelligence, it ap- pears he learned the existence of several great lakes, and that beyond the largest and most remote of these there was another great river which flowed southward. They conducted him to the summit of a mountain behind the town, whence he surveyed the prospect of a wilderness stretching to the south and west as far as the eye could reach, and beautifully diversified by elevations of land and by water. Whatever credit Cartier attached to their vague statements about the geography of their country, he was certainly struck by the grandeur of the neighbouring scenery as viewed from the eminence on which he stood. To this he gave the name of Mount Royal, whence the name of Montreal was conferred on the city which has grown up on the site of the ancient Indian town, HocJielaga. According to some accounts, Hochelaga was, even in those days, a place of importance, having subject to it eight or ten outlying settlements or villages. of their habitations, and other circumstances, under the belief that allow- ance must be made for exaggeration in the accounts of the first European visitors, who were desirous that their adventures should rival those of Cortez and Pizarro. It has also been suggested that the people were not Hurons, but remnants of the Iroquois tribes, who might have lingered there on their way southward. At any rate, when the place was revisited by Frenchmen more than half a century afterwards, very few savages were seen in the neighbourhood, and these different from those met by Cartier, while the town itself was no longer in existence. Champlain, upwards of seventy years after Jacques Cartier, visited Hochelaga, but made no mention in his narrative either of the town or of inhabitants. 12 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1535. 7. Anxious to return to Stadacona, and probably placing little confidence in the friendly professions of the natives, Cartier remained at Hochelaga only two days, and com- menced his passage down the river on the 4th of October. His wary mistrust of the Indian character was not ground- less, for bands of savages followed along the banks, and watched all the proceedings of his party. On one occa- sion he was attacked by them, and narrowly escaped massacre.* Arriving at Stadacona on the 11th, measures were taken for maintenance and security during the approaching win- ter. Abundant provisions had been already stored up by the natives and assigned for the use of the strangers. A fence or palisade was constructed round the ships, and made as strong as possible, and cannon so placed as to be available in case of any attack. Notwithstanding these precautions, it turned out that, in one essential particular, the preparations for winter were defective. Jacques Cartier and his companions being the first of Europeans to experience the rigours of a Canadian winter, the ne- cessity for warm clothing had not been foreseen when the expedition left France, and now, when winter was upon them, the procuring of a supply was simply impossible. The winter proved long and severe. Masses of ice began to come down the St Lawrence on November 15th, and, not long afterwards, a bridge of ice was formed op- posite to Stadacona. Soon the intensity of the cold, — such as Cartier's people had never before experienced,— and the want of suitable clothing, occasioned much suflfer- ing. Then, in December, a disease, but little known to * By some writers it is alleged that the attack upon Cartier's party, while returning from Hochelaga to Stadacona, was instigated by a woman named Unacona, the squaw of one of the young Indians who had been carried off to France the preceding year. IS3S-] CARTIER'S SECOND VOYAGE. 13 Europeans, broke out amongst the crews. It was the scurvy, named by the French mal-de-terre. As described by Cartier, it was very painful, loathsome in its symptoms and effects, as well as contagious. The legs and thighs of the patients swelled, the sinews con- tracted, and the skin became black. In some cases the whole body was covered with purple spots and sore tumours. After a time, the upper parts of the body — the back, arms, shoulders, neck, and face — were all painfully affected. The roof of the mouth, gums and teeth fell out. Altogether, the sufferers presented a deplorable spectacle. Many died between December and April, during which period the greatest care was taken to conceal their true condition from the natives. Had this not been done, it is to be feared that Donacona's people would have forced an entrance and put all to death for the purpose of obtain- ing the property of the French. In fact, the two inter- preters were, on the whole, unfaithful, living entirely at Stadacona; while Donacona, and the Indians generally, showed, in many ways, that, under a friendly exterior, unfavourable feelings reigned in their hearts. But the attempts to hide their condition from the natives might have been fatal, for the Indians, who also suffered from scurvy, were acquainted with means of curing the disease. It was only by accident that Cartier found out what those means were. He had forbidden the savages to come on board the ships, and when any of them came near the only men allowed to be seen by them were those who were in health. One day, Domagaya was observed ap- proaching. This man, the younger of the two interpreters, was known to have been sick of the scurvy at Stadacona, so that Cartier was much surprised to see him out and well. He contrived to make him relate the particulars of his re- covery, and thus found out that a decoction of the bark 14 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1535. and foliage of the white spruce-tree furnished the savages with a remedy. Having recourse to this enabled the French captain to arrest the progress of the disease amongst his own people, and, in a short time, to bring about their restoration to health. The meeting with Domagaya occurred at a time when the French were in a very sad state, — reduced to the brink of despair. Twenty-five of their number had died, while forty more were in expectation of soon following their de- ceased comrades. Of the remaining forty-five, including Cartier and all the surviving officers, only three or four were really free from disease. The dead could not be buried, nor was it possible for the sick to be properly cared for. In this extremity, the stout-hearted French captain could think of no other remedy than a recourse to prayers and the setting up of an image of the Virgin Mary in sight of the sufferers. "But," he piously exclaimed, " God, in his holy grace, looked down in pity upon us, and sent to us a knowledge of the means of cure." He had great appre- hensions of an attack from the savages, for he says in his narrative : " We were in a marvellous state of terror lest the people of the country should ascertain our pitiable con- dition and our weakness," and then goes on to relate arti- fices by which he contrived to deceive them. One of the ships had to be abandoned in course of the winter, her crew and contents being removed into the other two vessels. The deserted hull was visited by the savages in search of pieces of iron and other things. Had they known the cause for abandoning her, and the desperate condition of the French, they would have soon forced their way into the other ships. They were, in fact, too numerous to be resisted, if they had made the attempt. 8. At length the protracted winter came to an end. As 1536.] CARTIER'S SECOND VOYAGE. 15 soon as the ships were clear of ice, Cartier made prepara- tions for retarning at once to France. On May 3, 1536, a wooden cross, thirty-five feet high, was raised upon the river bank. Donacona was invited to approach, along with his people. When he did so, Cartier caused him, together with the two interpreters and seven warriors, to be seized and taken on board his ship. His object was to convey them to France and present them to the King. On the 6th, the two vessels departed. Up- wards of six weeks were spent in descending the St Law- rence and traversing the Gulf. Instead of passing through the Straits of Belleisle, Cartier this time made for the south coast of Newfoundland, along which he sailed out into the Atlantic Ocean. On Sunday, July 17th, 1536, he arrived at St Malo. 9. By the results of this second voyage, Jacques Cartier established for himself a reputation and a name in history which will never cease to be remembered with respect. He had discovered one of the largest rivers in the world, had explored its banks, and- navigated its difficult channel, more than 800 miles, with a degree of skill and courage which has never been surpassed ; for it was a great matter in those days to penetrate so far into unknown regions, to encounter the hazards of an unknown navigation, and to risk his own safety and that of his followers amongst an unknown people. Moreover, his accounts of the incidents of his sojourn of eight months, and of the features of the country, as well as his estimate of the two principal sites upon which, in after times, the two cities, Quebec and Montreal, have grown up, illustrate both his fidelity and his sagacity. His dealings with the natives appear to have been such as to prove his tact, prudence, and sense of jus- tice, notwithstanding the objectionable procedure of cap- turing and carrying off Donacona, with other chiefs and i6 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1536-37- warriors. This latter measure, however indefensible in itself, was consistent with the almost universal practice of navigators of that period and long afterwards. Doubtless, Cartier's expectation was that their abduction could not but result in their own benefit, by leading to their instruc- tion in civilisation and Christianity, and that it might be afterwards instrumental in producing the rapid conversion of large numbers of their people. However this may be, considering the inherent viciousness of the Indian charac- ter, Cartier's intercourse with the Indians was conducted with dignity and benevolence, and was marked by the total absence of bloodshed — which is more than can be urged in behalf of other eminent discoverers and navigators of those days, or during the ensuing two centuries. Car- tier was undoubtedly one of the greatest sea-captains of his own or any other country, and one who provided care- fully for the safety and welfare of his followers ; and, so far as we know, enjoyed their respect and confidence ; nor were his plans hindered or his proceedings embarrassed by disobedience on their part or the display of mutinous conduct calculated to mar the success of a maritime expe- dition. In fine, Jacques Cartier was a noble specimen of a mariner, in an age when a maritime spirit prevailed.* * As has been already mentioned, the dates given in the text are of the old style. According to modern reckoning, those of this chapter would stand as follows : — Arrival at Stadacona Departure for Hochelaga Arrival at Hochelaga Departure from Hochelaga Return to Stadacona Ice floating down river Breaking up of ice-bridge Ships clear of ice Departure from Stadacona ,, ,, Cape Race Arrival at St Malo ,. 30, Oct. 13, )> „ 15, I> „ 22, ti Nov. 26, ,j Mar. 4, 1536. April 10, J, May 17, J» June 30, It July 28, n 1540.] CARTIER'S THIRD VOYAGE. 17 CHAPTER III. CAETIER's third voyage — KOBERVAL — ALLEGED FOURTH VOYAGE OF CARTIEE. 10. A SEVERE disappointment awaited Cartier on his re- turn home from his second voyage. France , . . . ^ , A.D. 1536, 1537. was engaged in a loreign war ; and at the same time, the minds of the people were distracted by religious dissensions. In consequence of these untoward circumstances, both the Court and the people had ceased to give heed to the objects which he had been so faithfully- engaged in prosecuting in the Western Hemisphere. Neither he nor his friends could obtain even a hearing o in behalf of the fitting out of another expedition, for the attention of the King and his advisers was now absorbed by weightier cares at home. Nevertheless, from time to time, as occasion offered, several unsuccessful attempts were made to introduce the project of establishing a French colony on the banks of the St Lawrence. Mean- while, Donacona, and the other Indian warriors who had been brought captives to France, pined away and died. 11. At length, after an interval of about four years, proposals for another voyage westward, and for colonising the country, came to be so far enter- tained that plans of an expedition were permitted to be discussed. But now, instead of receiving the unanimous support which had been accorded to previous undertakings, the project was opposed by a powerful party at Court, B 1 8 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1540- consisting of persons wlio tried to dissuade the King from granting his assent. These alleged that enough had already been done for the honour of their country ; that it was not expedient to take in hand the subjugatioc and settlement of those far-distant regions, tenanted only by savages and wild animals ; that the intensely severe climate, and hardships such as had proved fatal to one-fourth of Cartier's people in 1535, were certain evils, which there was no prospect of advantage to outweigh ; that the newly- discovered country had not been shown to possess mines of gold and silver ; and, finally, that such extensive terri- tories could not be effectively settled without transporting thither a considerable part of the population of the king- dom of France. Notwithstanding the apparent force of these objections, the French King did eventually sanction the project of another transatlantic enterprise on a larger scale than heretofore. A sum of money was granted by the King towards the purchase and equipment of ships, to be placed under the command of Jacques Cartier, having the commission of Captain-General.* Apart from the navigation of the fleet, the chief command in the undertaking was as- signed to M. de Roberval, who, in a commission dated January 15, 1540, was named Viceroy and Lieut.-G-ene- ral over Newfoundland, Labrador, and Canada. Eoberval was empowered to engage volunteers and emigrants, and to supply the lack of these by means of prisoners to be taken from the jails and hulks. Thus, in about five years from * Commission dated 20th October 1540. In this document the French King's appreciation of Cartier's merits is strongly shown in the terms em- ployed to express his royal confidence "in the character, judgment, ability, loyalty, dignity, hardihood, great diligence, and experience of the said Jacques Cartier." Cartier was also authorised to select fifty prisoners " whom he might judge useful," &c. I54I.] CARTIER'S THIRD VOYAGE. 19 the discovery of the river St Lawrence, and, six years after, of Canada, measures were taken for founding a colony. But from the very commencement of the undertaking, which, it will be seen, proved an entire failure, difficulties presented themselves. Roberval was unable to provide all the requisite supplies of small arms, ammunition, and other stores, as he had engaged to do, during the winter of 1540. It also was found difficult to induce volunteers and emi- grants to embark. It was, therefore, settled that Eober- val should remain behind to complete his preparations, while Cartier, with five vessels, provisioned for two years, should set sail at once for the St Lawrence. 12. On the 23d of May 1541, Cartier departed from St Malo on his third voyage to Canada. After a protracted passage of twelve weeks, the fleet arrived at Stadacona. Cartier and some of his people landed and entered into communication with the natives, who flocked round him as they had done in 1535. They desired to know what had become of their chief, Donacona, and the warriors who had been carried off to France five years be- fore. On being made aware that all had died, they became distant and sullen in their behaviour. They held out no inducements to the French to re-establish their quarters at Stadacona. Perceiving this, as well as signs of dissimu- lation, Cartier determined to take such steps as might secure himself and followers from suffering through their resent- ment. Two of his ships he sent back at once to France, with letters for the King, and for Roberval, reporting his movements, and soliciting such supplies as were needed. With the remaining ships he ascended the St Lawrence as far as Gap-Roitge, where a station was chosen close to the mouth of a stream which flowed into the great river. Here it was determined to moor the ships and to erect such store- houses and other works as might be necessary for security 20 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1541- and convenience. It was also decided to raise a small fort or forts on the high land above, so as to command the station and protect themselves from any attack vrhich the Indians might be disposed to make. While some of the people were employed upon the building of the fort, others were set at work preparing ground for cultivation. Cartier him- self, in his report, bore ample testimony to the excellent qualities of the soil, as well as the general fitness of the country for settlement.* 13. Having matle all the dispositions necessary for the security of the station at Oap-Kouge, and for A.D. 1 54 1. gQjj|;jjj^jjjg^ during his absence, the works already commenced, Cartier departed for Hochelaga on the 7th of September, with a party of men, in two barges. On the passage up he found the Indians whom he had met in 1535 as friendly as before. The natives of Hochelaga seemed also well disposed, and rendered all the assistance he sought in enabling him to attempt the passage up the rapids situated above that town. Failing to accomplish this, he remained but a short time amongst them, gathering all the information they could furnish about the regions bordering on the Upper St Lawrence. He then hastened back to Cap-Eouge. On his way down he found the Indians, who, a short time before were so friendly, changed * His description is substaDtially as follows : — " On both sides of the river were very good lands filled with as beautiful and vigorous trees as are to be seen in the world, and of various sorts. A great many oahs, the finest I have ever seen in my life, and so full of acorns that they seemed like to break down with thpir weight. Besides these there were the most beautiful Tnaples^ cedars, birches, and other kinds of trees not to be seen in France. The forest land towards the south is covered with vines, which are found loaded with grapes as black as brambleberries. There were also many hawthorn trees, with leaves as large as those of the oak, and fruit like that of the medlar-tree. In short, the country is as fit for cultivation as one could find or desire. We sowed seeds of cabbage, lettuce, twnips, and others of our country, which came up in eix/ht days." !542j CARTIER'S THIRD VOYAGE. 21 and cold in tlieir demeanour, if not actually kostile. Arrived at Cap-Rouge, the first thing he learned was, that the Indians had ceased to visit the station as at iirst, and instead of coming daily with supplies of fish and fruit, that they only approached near enough to manifest, by their demeanour and gestures, feelings decidedly hostile towards the French. In fact, during Cartier's absence, former causes of enmity had been heightened by a quarrel, in which, although some of his own people had, in the first instance, been the aggressors, a powerful savage had killed a French- man, and threatened to deal with another in like manner. Winter came, but not Eoberval with the expected sup- plies of warlike stores and men, now so much needed, in order to curb the insolence of the natives. Of the incidents of that winter passed at Cap-Rouge, there is but little reliable information extant. It is understood, however, that the Indians continued to harass and molest the French throughout the period of their stay, and that Cartier, with his inadequate force, found it difficult to repel their attacks. When spring came round, the inconveniences to which they had been exposed, and the discouraging character of their prospects, led to a unanimous determin- ation to abandon the station and return to France as soon as possible.* * Early in the spring of 1542 Cartier seems to have made several small excursions in search of gold and silver. That these existed in the country, especially in the region of the Saguenay, was intimated to him by the Indians ; and this information probably led Eoberval afterwards to under- take his unfortunate excursion to Tadousac. Cartier did find a yellowish material, which he styled "poud/re d'or," and which he took to Prance, after exhibiting it to Roberval when he met him at Newfoundland. It is likely that this was merely fine sand intermixed with particles of mica. He also took with him small transparent stones, which he supposed to be diamonds, but which could have been no other than transparent crystals of quartz. Cartier's desire to find gold was undoubtedly stimulated by the reports 22 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1542 14. At the very time that Oartier, in Canada, was occuTiied in preparations for the re-embarkation A.D. 1542. '■ 1 r I r~i T> of the people who had wintered at Cap-Kouge, Eoberval, in France, was completing his arrangements for departure from Koclielle with three considerable ships. Id these were embarked two hundred persons, consisting of gentlemen, soldiers, sailors, and colonists, male and female, amongst whom was a considerable number of criminals, taken out of the public prisons. The two squadrons met in the harbour of St John's, Newfoundland, when Cartier, after making his report to Eoberval, was desired to return ' with the outward-bound expedition to Canada. Foreseeing the failure of the undertaking, or, as some have alleged, unwilling to allow another to participate in the credit of his discoveries, Oartier disobeyed the orders of his superior officer. Various accounts have been given of this trans- action, according to some of which, Cartier, to avoid detention or importunity, weighed anchor in the night- time and set sail for France. 15. Eoberval resumed his voyage westward, and by the close of July, had ascended the St Lawrence to Cap-Eouge, where he at once established his colonists in the quarters recently vacated by Cartier. It is unnecessary to narrate in detail the incidents which transpired in connection with Eoberval's expedition, as this proved a signal failure, and produced no results of consequence to the future fortunes of the country. It is sufficient to state, that although Eoberval himself was a man endowed with courage and perseverance, he found himself powerless to cope with the difficulties of his position, which included , insubordination that could be which had reached Europe more than twenty years before, of the large quantities of the precious metals found by the Spaniards in the West Indies, Mexico, and Peru. 154=-] CARTIER'S THIRD VOYAGE. 23 repressed only by means of the gallows and other extreme modes of punishment ; disease, which carried off a quarter of his followers in the course of the ensuing winter ; unsuccessful attempts at exploration, attended with con- siderable loss of life ; and finally, famine, which reduced the surviving French to a state of abject dependence upon the natives for the salvation of their lives. Eoberval had sent one of his vessels back to France, with urgent demands for succour ; but the King, instead of acceding to his peti tion, dispatched orders for him to return home. It is stated, on somewhat doubtful authority, that Cartier him- self was deputed to bring home the relics of the expedition ; and, if so, this distinguished navigator must have made a fourth voyage out to the regions which he had been the first to make known to the world. Thus ended Eoberval's abortive attempt to establish a French colony on the banks of the St Lawrence. 16. Of the principal actors in the scenes which have been described, but little remains to be recorded. Eoberval, after having distinguished himself in the European wars carried on by Francis I., is stated to have fitted out another expedition, in conjunction with his brother, in the year 1549, for the purpose of making a second attempt to found a colony in Canada ; but he, and all with him, perished at sea. The intrepid Cartier, by whose services in the Western Hemisphere so extensive an addition had been made to the dominions of the King of France, was suffered to retire into obscurity, and is sup- posed to have passed the remainder of his days on a small estate possessed by him in the neighbourhood of his native place, St Malo. The date of his decease is unknown.* * Cartier was born December 31, 1494. He was therefore in the prime of life when he discovered Canada, and not more than forty-nine years of age at the time when he returned home from his last trip to the West. 24 HISTORY OF CANADA. [i547. CHAPTER IV. THE CONDITION OF FEANCE — EXPEDITION OF THE MARQUIS DE LA EOCHE — -THE CONVICTS ON SABLE ISLAND — THE PELTRY TRADE. 17. After tlie events recorded in the preceding chapter, about half a century elapsed before attempts to colonise Canada were renewed. In the interval, some slight inter- course of a commercial kind was maintained with the country by French merchants, as there were a few trading posts along the banks of the St Lawrence, whither these came, from time to time, in order to trade with the Indians in the skins of beavers and other wild animals. In the lower St Lawrence and Gulf, the vast abundance of marine animals and of fish, would of course serve to bring numbers of fishing vessels every season ; and thus a con- stant communication would be maintained, while the interior of the country was left to the undisputed occupation of the Indian tribes. 18. At the time when the expedition under Cartier and Eoberval was fitted out, the throne of France was occupied by Francis I., whose reign continued about four years afterwards. His successors, Henry II., Francis II., Charles IX., and Henry III., were constantly engaged in political intrigues, and in war with foreign enemies abroad and insurgents at home. Re- ligious dissensions prevailed throughout the kingdom be- tween the Hvguenots* and those who adhered to the * French Protestants, and including the Calvinists or followers of Jolin Calvin (Cauyin), a native of Noyon, in Picardy. 1567.] THE CONDITION OF FRANCE. 25 national faith, attended with mutual persecution and much bloodshed. Under such circumstances, and until the celebrated Henry IV. was firmly established on the throne, it was impossible for the Government of France to concern itself about Canada * * It may be well to note, in this place, a striking proof that generous sentiment, and the inclination for maritime enterprise were not wholly extinguished during the dark periods of history alluded to in the text. Subsequently to the year 1541, the Spaniards, impelled by a thirst for gold, had made several fresh attempts to establish themselves in Florida and on the banks of the lower Mississippi. The track of Spanish invasion, was, as usual, marked by bloodshed and by cruelty towards the aborigines; and the Spaniards generally, both at home and abroad, were in those days indisposed to entertain any feelings of indulgence towards the so-called heresies of the Calvinists and Huguenots of France. Some of these latter, under the auspices of Coligny, having failed in their endeavours to found a colony in Brazil, between the years 1555 and 1558, renewed their efforts in Florida under the guidance of Ribaud in 1562, and of Laudonnierc in 1565. The coast of Florida became, in consequence, the theatre of a series of bloody encounters between the natives and the Europeans, and between the Spaniards and French. The monstrous treacheiy and cruelties of the Spaniards under MeUndez, perpetrated upon Ribaud, Laudonniere, and their followers, on the grounds that they were "heretics and enemies of God," were such as to almost pass beyond the bounds of credibility, and created, when they became known in France, a profound sensation. Although the victims, amounting to between eight and nine hundred, had been Huguenots, religious animosities for a season subsided into indigna- tion and a desii-e to avenge the atrocious treatment of their countrymen. The Grovernment could not or would not adopt measures. But a- noted military officer and enthusiast, named Dominique de Gorgv£S, expended all the means he possessed, together with all he could raise among his friends, in equipping a band of about two hundred and fifty chosen men. These he conducted to the very scene of Spanish perfidy and cruelty ; and, having surmounted all obstacles, with the aid of native warriors, whose people had also suffered at the hands of the Spaniards, he signally avenged the fate of Ribaud and Laudonniere. This occurred in 1567, only five years before the massacre of St Barfcholemew's, and the facts are well authenti- cated, affording an instance of the feelings of race predominating over religious antipathies, at a period when these operated most powerfully. The chivalrous enterprise of M. de Gorgues, of a romantic character in all its incidents, was no less remarkable for the heroism of the leader and his followers, than for the skill with which it was executed, and its com- plete success. It may be added, that the people of France, apart from 26 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1598. 19. At length, in the year 1598, according to the best authorities, the Marquis de la Eoche, having obtained a commission as Viceroy, embarked with a retinue, and about fifty convicts selected from the prisons and galleys, and set sail westward for Canada. He never reached the river St Lawrence, and his expedition was rendered memorable only by the sufferings and fate of the unhappy convicts. About forty of these were set ashore on Sable Island, with the intention, it would appear, of re-embarking them after the Marquis had been enabled to spend some time in exploring portions of the Gulf. A violent storm arose which drove his vessel eastward across the Atlantic, even to the coast of France. It happened that he was prevented from ever returning to look after his unfortunate people on the island. These contrived to sustain a miserable existence, making use of seal-skin garments, and sheltering themselves in caves, and rude huts made of materials cast ashore by the waves, until,- at the end of five years, they were thought of, and a vessel sent out for the purpose of ascertaining their fate. Hard- ship and suffering, in addition to quarrels amongst them- selves, had reduced their number to twelve, who were conveyed back to France, and their former ofiences pardoned by King Henry IV. in consideration of what they had endured on Sable Island. Thus, nothing what- ever was effected by the Marquis de la Koche in the way of founding a colony in Neiv France* 20. Before proceeding further with this history, it is necessary to refer more particularly to the traffic in skins the French court, then under the influence of Catherine de Medicis, warmly appreciated the gallant conduct of De Gorgues, and foreign countries, except Spain, applauded him. * This appellation, given at first to regions of which only portions of the coast were imperfectly explored, came to be applied more particularly to the territory bordering on the river St Lawrence, and the great lakes in 1598.] THE PELTRY TRADE. 27 and furs — the peltry trade — which was alluded to in the beginning of this chapter. It was destined to become a chief cause or instrument in originating and promoting the actual settlement of the country. The skins of several of the wild animals which were plentiful in North America were esteemed valuable in Europe, and could be sold at prices which enabled merchants to bear the cost of sending out ships and agents in order to procure them from the savages. To cany on the trade, fixed stations were necessary, accessible to Europeans and to the Indians themselves, not only as places of rendezvous where the Indians and the traders could have certain opportunities of meeting and of dealing with each other, but also as permanent sites for dwellings and storehouses, to accommodate the people employed, and to contain the merchandise required in the traffic. The first station established on the St Lawrence by the French was Tadoussac, at the mouth of the Saguenay. Afterwards, others were provided at Quebec, at Three Rivers, at Ilontreal ( Ville Marie), and at other points ; and, in course of time, as the colony increased, and the peltry trade grew into an extensive business carried on with savage tribes whose hunting grounds were situated far away in the interior of the continent, such trading posts became numerous in proportion, and included localities far distant from those which sufficed in earlier days. Circumstances rendered it absolutely necessary that the marts should never be without the means of defence ; and, accordingly, they nearly always partook of the character of fortifications. the interior — in fact, to Canada, along with certain tracts of land subse- quently iucliided within the boundary of the United States. There never were any properly settled boundaries to what the French called New France. When they used the term Canada, they usually meant that part of New France which was contiguous to the St Lawrence, from the lake region to the Gulf. 28 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1598. Around and near to these, it became custoroary for colonists to establish themselves, as well as tribes of Indians friendly to the French, and needing protection from their savage adversaries. In most cases, when it was determined to establish a trading post in any locality, the first step in the way of preparation, was to provide for the construction of a suitable fort. It is easy to comprehend how it came to pass, that, on sites originally intended for mere trading stations, villages, towns, and even cities now exist and flourish. It is proper also to allude to some of the other ways in which the peltry trade was essentially instrumental in building up the colony. In France, from time to time, companies were organised, to whom charters of incorpora- tion were granted by the G-overnment, assuring to them rights and privileges on certain specified conditions. The principal conditions usually, if not always, were such as to impose the duty of conveying to the country a stipulated number of settlers or emigrants, and of establishing them on the land ; and, to compensate them for the charges thus incurred, the charters conferred the exclusive right of carrying on the peltry business. Other conditions and duties, in addition to those mentioned, and other privileges, were sometimes included in the terms of the charters; and, especially, it was, for the most part, enjoined upon the companies to promote the conversion of tlie native inhabitants to Christianity, and to exclude, both as re- spected the colonists and the Indians, all religious doctrines and systems except those appertaining to the faith pro- fessed by -the court and people of France. Thus, in three leading points which have been stated — namely, the selection of sites for establishing forts and stations — that is, the sites of the future villages and towns — the importation of settlers to clear and cultivate 1598.] THE PELTRY TRADE. 29 the lands, and the conversion of the natives, which implied the employment of many missionaries, the fur trade must be regarded as the one essential foundation and resource which originated the colony and sustained its growth, until, after an infancy of more than one hundred and fifty years, its permanence was assured. As will be gathered from the course of early Canadian history, almost every question of any importance that arose amongst the French colonists themselves, or between them and the In- dians, or affecting their relations with the nearest European colonists, was connected directly or indirectly with that traffic* In short, it supplied to the cupidity of companies and traders that sort of food, which, to the Spanish adven- turers in Mexico and Peru, was presented in the form of the precious metals ; and it was a chief cause which, in con- * Of the wild animals of New France here alluded to, the most useful were the heaver^ moose, cariboo, the hear, the otter, the Tnarten, wolf^fox^ tlie pwma, wild cat, ermine, musk-rat. Before Europeans came, the savages destroyed and made use of these creatures only according as their safety or their wants dictated. In the forests, therefore, and especially in the lake regions, and northward to Hudson's Bay, wild animals abounded, and may be supposed to have been on the increase. The peltry trade, into which not only the French entered, but also the English and Dutch traders, who established posts in New England, soon imparted to the Indians a higher estimate of the products of the chase, and, in course of time, was extended far inland, northward and westward, until all the wandering tribes participated. Then the multiplication of some of the more valuable species (especially the beaver) was greatly diminished, and, proportionally, the increased prices offered by the traders compensated for the comparative scarcity of animals. M. Ferland, in reference to Tadoussac and the Saguenay, thus remarks upon the value of furs procurable in their vicinity 260 years ago : — "... His (M. du Monts') observation.? in the neighbourhood of Tadoussac, disgusted him with the country extending northward. The traders, on the contrary, made for those parts, because there they found their profit. The Saguenay, in truth, did not contain either gold mines or pre- cious stones, as was at first supposed ; but it furnished other sources of riches. These consisted in its vahiable furs, which at that time bore a high price in Europe — the marten, the otter, the beaver, and above all the Uaclcfox (a good skin in the present day fetches 100 dol. on the coast of 3° HISTORY OF CANADA. [i559-6o. junction with the pious aims of the zealous Catholic mis- sioDaries, extended discovery westward and southward into the very heart of the continent. In the earlier days of Canada, the spoils of the chase constituted her riches — her only products available for market abroad. CHAPTER V. M. PONTEGEAVE AND CAPTAIN CHAUVIN M. DE CHATBS — M. DE MONTS — CHAMPLAIN. 21. In the years 1599 and 1600, M. Pontegrave and M. A.D. 1599, Chauvin, who seem to have been skilled both in '^°°' seamanship and in mercantile pursuits, were as- sociated together in making voyages to the St Lawrence. They had procured a charter from King Henry IV., by which, in return for the exclusive right of trafficking in furs, they became bound to transport to New France five hun- dred colonists. The conditions seem to have been very imperfectly fulfilled. Those whom they took out under the name of colonists were simply factors and male servants of the associates. Many of them died from disease and liardship, aggravated by the tardy manner in which the necessary supplies from France were furnished. At the Labrador, and 300 dol. in Russia), were highly esteemed on account of the value of their skins, which commanded a ready sale at high prices. This north side was therefore, in spite of the rigour of its climate and sterility of its soil, much frequented by merchants, who procured the richest furs in exchange for articles of little worth — such as hatchets, knives, fish-hooks, arrows, &c." I559-60.] M. PONTEGRAV^ AND CAPTAIN CHAUVIN. 31 same time the privileges conferred upon M. Pontegnive and Chauvin were not secured to them, nor respected by others, since private merchants belonging to Dieppe, St Malo, Rouen, and Eochelle continued to prosecute the fur trade on their own account. It is not clear that they carried out any actual settlers or colonists. Chauvin appears to have been the more active partner; and being a Huguenot, as well as indifferent about matters not immediately conducive to profit, he certainly neglected the condition of the charter whereby he was bound to establish a system of religion to which he was opposed. His associate, Pontegrave, accompanied him up the St Lawrence, into Lake St Peter, where it was pro- posed to have a trading post at the locality since called Three Rivers. But Chauvin objected in favour of Tadous- sac, at the mouth of the Saguenay, where a building was erected, and a party of sixteen men left to pass the winter. The partners then returned to France, accompanied by a French gentleman named Be Monfs, who had gone out with them to see the country. When Chauvin came back, in the ensuing spring, he found that most of those whom he had left at Tadoussac had perished through disease and famine. In the following year, he himself . A.D. 1601. died on shipboard. The fur business had not, on the whole, been very profitable, chiefly by reason of the unlicensed trafSc carried on by the traders and merchants already mentioned. But, after Chauvin's decease, measures were taken to put an end to that kind of opposition. Pon- tegrave allied himself with an influential and wealthy gentleman, named De C'hates, the Commandant of Dieppe. Under his auspices a company was formed so as to include those merchants of Dieppe, Eouen, and other places, and thus make these partners instead of opponents. The head of the new company, De 32 • HISTORY OF CANADA. [1603. Chates, was a judicious and honourable person, high in favour at the court of Henry IV. In addition to other advantages arising from his connection, he was the means of bringing forward the renowned Champlain. 22. Samuel de Champlain, who must be regarded as the real founder of the Canadian colony, was already a noted man when invited by De Chates to take part in the enter- prise for colonising New France. He had served in the French marine at the Antilles, and also in the South of France against the Spaniards, and De Chates had met him at court. He was a man of noble and virtuous disposition, chivalrous, and inspired with a deep sense of religion, and at that time about thirty-six years of age. It will also be seen that Champlain was gifted with qualities which endeared him both to his own followers and to the native Indians of Canada. He was of good address — always able, when he desired it, to render himself acceptable to the highest personages in France, so as to secure a willing attention to his representations. Such was the man who, under the auspices of De Chates and of M. de Monts, first made his appearance in New France, in whose early annals he figured conspicuously upwards of thirty years. 23. In 1603, Champlain, in conjunction with Ponte- grave, made his first voyage to the St Law- rence. At Tadoussac they left their ships and ascended the river in boats, to the then farthest attainable point — the Sault St Louis, now known as " The Rapids" above the city of Montreal. The features of the country, so far as they could be examined from the river, were care- fully observed. The Indian towns of Cartier's time, Sta- dacona and Hochelaga, were no longer in existence ; but Champlain regarded with attention the scenery around their sites. Hochelaga is not even mentioned by him, althongh, acting as Cartier had done nearly seventy years Ib03.] CHAMPLAIN. 33 before, he ascended Mount- Royal in order to obtain a good view, Eeturning to Tadoussac, where their three small vessels had been left, Champlain and Pontegrave, towards autumn, set sail for France. De Chates had died during their absence, and the com- pany formed by him was already almost broken up. Champlain, however, prepared a narrative, and a map to illustrate what he had seen, and submitted these for the information of King Henry, who expressed his willingness to countenance the resumption of plans for settling the country. 24. Almost immediately afterwards the company was re -organised by M. de Mo'its, of whom mention , & •' ' A.D. 1603. has already been made. He also was a Huguenot, patriotic, of great abilities and experience, and possessing much influence at court, without which he could not have surmounted impediments that were purposely raised against his designs from the first. The King, unmoved by the objections to De Monts, appointed him Lieutenant- General of the North American territory between lat. 40° and 46° N., with instructions to establish colonists, cultivate the soil, search for mines of g"M and silver, build forts and towns, and with power to confer grants of land, as well as the exclusive right of trading with the natives in furs and all kinds of merchandise. Although a Protestant, while De Monts and his friends were to enjoy the fi'ee exercise of their religion, he was bound !)y the charter to provide for the conversion of the natives, and their training, exclu- sively, in the principles and worship of the Church of Home. The King was the more willing to grant a charter on these terms, because De Monts and his company were to bear all the costs that might be incurred in their enter- c 3t HISTORY OF CANADA. [1604. prise. Preparations were then made for the dispatch of an expedition on a larger scale than any that had yet left France for America. 25. Early in the spring of 1604, De Monts set sail with four vessels, well manned, and equipped with all means requisite, both for carrying on the fur trade and for starting a colony at any place that might be judged suitable. He had under him Ohamplain and Pontegrave, also a French nobleman named Poutrincourt, who was going out to settle with his family in America, and the subsequently celebrated historian Lescarhot. Two of the ships were specially intended for the fur traffic, and, in the first instance to scour the coasts and inlets, for the purpose of driving away or capturing all persons found illegally trading with the natives. The other two ships had on board the intending colonists ; amongst whom were soldiers and workpeople, priests, ministers, and some gentlemen volunteers. This expedition did not steer for Canada, but for that part of New France then called Acadia (Nova Scotia), De Monts being under the impression that he should there find localities more favourable for settlement than by ascending the St Lawrence. But it carried with it those whom Lescarhot justly styled " the hope of Canada;" for besides De Monts, there were Ohamplain and Ponte- grave, and probably many of inferior grade, whose partici- pation in this attempt to found an Acadian colony must have greatly assisted in rendering their future services more valuable elsewhere.* * The details of proceedings of the Acadian expedition, from the time of their arriving on the coast in 1604 until its virtual destruction in 1613, are deeply interesting, although out of place in this history. A good deal of time was lost in deciding upon a place of landing. They coasted along till they reached the Bay of Fundy, when, warned by the approach of winter, De Monts made a somewbat hasty and very unfortunate selec- tion of a spot for winter quarters, where there was a deficiency of wood iSo;.] CHAMPI.AIN. 35 26. The effort at colonisation in Acadia may be said to have been sustained under many vicissitudes during about nine years until the year 1613; but long before this the attention and services of Champlain and Ponte- grave were withdrawn. De Monts lost his charter in 1606, about which time Champlain having, in conjunction with Pontegrav^, made a number of maritime excursions from Port-Royal, and some geographical discoveries, during the previous two years, became urgent for the renewal of attempts up the river St Lawrence, which he never ceased to represent as offering a more favourable field for enterprise than the shores of Acadia. In 1607, therefore, De . A.D. 1607. Monts procured the restoration of his charter for the space of one year ; and, following Champlain's sugges- tions, turned his attention to Canada. Two vessels were and water, and where disease carried off more than one-third of his people. Early in spring they re-embarked, and sailed southward along the coast now belonging to Maine and Massachusetts. Finding no place jiidged suitable for disembarking, they returned northward to Acadia, where they found Pontegrav^ arrived from Prance with forty additional colonists. After this happy meeting, the expedition steered for that part of the coast where the town AnTMpolis is situated, then named Port-Royal. The spot had been visited and named the previous season ; and Poutrincourt had been so delighted with its appearance that he had desired a grant of it, and to settle there. The emigrants were landed, and a settlement com- menced, which soon became prosperous, under the auspices of Poutrin- court and Leacarbot. The place was, however, abandoned after about three years, and again re-occupied by Frenchmen in 1610. The assassi- nation of Henry IV. in that year removed the best friend and supporter of the company's schemes, and occasioned a second abandonment. After- wards, when the place was again occupied as a settlement, an English colonial captain, named Argall, in 1613, made <* sort of piratical attack upon Port-Royal, and effected its complete destruction. In the meantime, in course of the previous nine years, the events at Port-Royal had led to the taking up of several other locations, which received from time to time small accessions of emigrants from France, and which, notwithstanding the disasters that befell the principal place, were never wholly depopu- lated ; and thus originated the colony of Acadia, of which De Monts and Poutrincourt may be regarded as the founders. 36 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1608. fitted out and dispatched in April 1608. Arriving at Ta- doussac in June, Champlain left his colleague there to traffic with the natives, while he continued his route up the river, until he came to tlie place where Cartier and his companions had wintered in 1535. 27. Champlain landed, and having ascended some dis- tance from the mouth of the St Charles towards the promontory now called Cape Diamond, judged the situ- ation favourable for permanent settlement. Artisans, pro- visions, merchandise, arms, and tools were brought on shore, and a commencement made in the work of con- structing wooden buildings and defences. At the same time preparations were made for cultivating the ground, and for testing the productiveness of the soil, by sowing various seeds brouglit from France. In these operations, begun on July 3, 1608, Champlain had in view the establishment of a fixed trading station for the advantage of the Company he represented, as well as the more immediate purpose of providing for the security and accommodation of his people during the ensuing winter. But on the site of these rude works the city of Quebec grew up in after times. Cham- plain is, therefore, entitled to be regarded as its founder, and the date last mentioned as that of its foundation. During the autumn, the works were continued, Cham- plain himself superintending them with indefatigable activity.* Pontegrave returned to France with the results of the season's traffic at Tadoussac. 28. Champlain's experience, previously acquired at Port- * At one time there was danger of the proceedings being brought to a premature close through a conspiracy devised by some discontented arti- sans. A few of these planned the murder of Champlain, after which the magazines of provisions and merchandise were to be plundered, and an escape effected to Spain on board one of the foreign vessels then in the river. Shortly before the time fixed for the execution of the plot, one of the conspirators, impelled by remorse for having entered into designs i6o9.] CHAMPLAIN. 37 Koyal, doubtless was of service in giving effect to his fore- thought and energy as regards preparations for the winter ; for it is recorded that the tliirty persons composing his party were comfortably protected from the ordinary rigours of the climate. But there was one enemy against whose insidious approaches he could not guard — the scurvy, called by the French " mal de terre." In those days pre- ventatives against that terrible disease were unknown. All Champlain's workpeople were afflicted with it, although they do not seem to have been exposed to any hardship, or to any hard work, beyond bringing in fuel from the con- tiguous forest. Only eight survived the comparatively short winter of 1608-9, which came to an end early in April. 29. On the return of spring, Champlain's activity of disposition did not suffer him to await the coming A.D. 1609. of Pontegrave from France. He set out at once up the St Lawrence. Meeting parties of Indians belonging to Algonquin and Huron tribes, he entered into friendly communication with them. Between these tribes and the Iroquois, or Five Nations, a state of warfare subsisted. Champlain, on his part, desired to secure the friendship of those natives who were to be the more immediate neigh- hours of the French on the St Lawrence, while the Algon- quins and Hurons were equally solicitous about forming an alliance with the Europeans for the sake of aid against their enemies. An understanding was soon established. The Indians engaged to visit the French trading posts against the life of the amiable Champlain, gave information which saved him and the infant colony. Four of the leaders were at once seized and placed in custody of Pontegrav^ ; and, after an investigation, the principal conspirator was executed, while the other three were sent to France. The pretext made use of had been *• hard work and poor fare.*' The loss of Champlain at that time would have been irreparable, as there was nr one qualified to take his place. 38 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1609. with abundance of furs for the purposes of traffic, and promised to assist Champlain with facilities for exploring their country westward. On the other hand, Champlain undertook to help them in their conflicts with the Iroquois. In pursuance of this agreement, the French, under Cham- plain, first intervened in Indian warfare. Keturning to Quebec, Champlain procured reinforcements and supplies for his establishment from Pontegrave, who had by this time arrived at Tadoussac from Prance. Before the end of May, he set out again on his way up the river to join his Indian allies, and to accompany them into the country of their enemies, the Iroquois. CHAPTER VI. OHAMPLAIN'S three expeditions against the IEOQCOIS — DISCOVERT OF THE OOTJESE OP THE RIVER RICHELIEU, OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, AND LAKE GEORGE — BATTLE WITH THE IROQUOIS, AND BARBARODS TREATMENT OP PRISONERS — SECOND EXPEDITION, AND BATTLE WITH THE IROQUOIS — ESTABLISHMENT OP TRADING STATION NEAR SAULT ST LOUIS, AND CONPEEBNCES WITH THE INDIANS — AFFAIRS OF THE COMPANY — ASCENT OP THE RAPIDS, AND VISIT TO THE OTTAWA REGION — OHAMPLAIN'S THIRD EXPEDITION AGAINST THE IROQUOIS ■ — REPULSE AND RETREAT OP THE HURONS. 30. During the twenty-seven years following the foun- dation of Quebec, the history of the colony consists almost exclusively of the personal history of Champlain, its founder, upon whose own memoirs we are dependent chiefly for authentic information. They present details of romantic incidents, of courage, fortitude, and virtue, of i6o9.] CHAMPLAIN'S FIRST EXPEDITION. 39 sagacity, and of indefatigable industry, of self-denial and patience, which will always entitle him to a high rank among the celebrated in the annals of mankind. In pursuance of the alliance he had entered into with the aborigines of Canada, as well as for the purpose of extending his discoveries, he engaged in three different \^arlike expeditions into the country of the Iroquois, viz., in the years 1609, 1611, and 161.'), the particulars of which must form the main subject of this chapter. 31. In his first expedition he passed with a body of A Igonquins and Montagnais up the river Kichelieu, which then, and subsequently, was the principal route followed by the Iroquois when making incursions into Canada. He discovered that this river formed the outlet of the waters of a beautiful lake, which he was the first of Europeans to behold, and which he called " Lake Champlain," alter his own name. Further on he entered and crossed a smaller lake, then named " Andiarocte" by the Indians ; subse- quently " St Sacrament " by the French ; and later still " Lake Gewge " by the English. He was now in parts frequented by the Iroquois. According to Champlain's description, it was a region abounding in game, fish, beavers, bears, and other wild animals. Not far from the site upon which, long afterwards, Fort Ticonderoga was constructed, the invaders fell in with a body of two hundred Iroquois, who were easily beaten and put to flight, chiefly owing to the chivalrous valour of Champlain, and the terror inspired by fire-arms used by him and his two attendant Frenchmen. Here Champlain witnessed for the first time the cruelties and horrors attendant upon Indian warfare ; and he appears to have exerted his utmost influence vainly in endeavour- ing to save the wounded and captive Iroquois from being tortured. To his indignant remonstrances the conquerors 40 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1610. turned a deaf ear, alleging that they were only inflicting upon their enemies the sufferings which their own people had often endured at their hands, and which were reserved for themselves should they ever fall into the power of the Iroquois. After this the allies made their way back to the St Lawrence, when the Hurons and Algonquins returned to their settlements towards the Ottawa region, while Champlain and the Montagnais descended the river to Quebec. 32. The battle with the Iroquois took place on July 30, 1609, so that upwards of two and a half months had been occupied in the campaign. In September following, Champlain set sail for France, accompanied by Pontegrave. Before he left Quebec he made all the arrangements in his power for the safety of those left to winter there. A trust- worthy commander was appointed ; and in order to prevent the necessity of outdoor labour during the time of severe cold, a supply of fuel was provided in the autumn ; for it was supposed that exposure and hard work combined were among the causes of the terrible malady which had afflicted Champlain's people in the winter of 1608. 33. On his arrival in France, he reported his adventures and the condition of New France to the King, by whom he was treated with the utmost consideration and kindness. Nevertheless, owing to opposition and clamour, it was found impossible to bring about the renewal of the charter, which had expired. In spite of this, De Monts succeeded in procuring the means of fitting out two vessels in the spring of 1610, in which Champlain and Pontegrave set sail from Harfleur about the middle of April, and arrived at Tadoussac on the 26th of May. At Quebec Champlain found his people in good health and undiminished numbers, the winter having been passed through without the endurance of any i6io] CHAMPLAIN WOUNDED. 41 particular hardship. His Indian allies, also, the Hurons, Algonquins, and Montagnais, were eagerly waiting for him to rejoin them in another attack upon the Iroquois. 34. In the middle of June, Champlain, with a few Frenchmen, left Quebec and proceeded up the St , Lawrence to the mouth of the river Richelieu. Near to this, on ascending that river, and employing the ser- vices of scouts, it was found that a body of Iroquois had established themselves in a post fortified by means of great trees which had been felled, so that their branches, inter- laced with each other, presented a strong wall of defence. The Algonquins and Montagnais immediately commenced an attack ; when, although assisted by the French with their arquebuses, it was for a long time found impossible to force an entrance into the position. In the end, however, the Iroquois fled, leaving fifteen of their number prisoners. The conquerors had three killed and about fifty wounded, among whom was Champlain himself. Again was he compelled to witness the perpetration of the most revolting cruelties upon the unfortunate Iroquois captured by his allies, whom he could not restrain, although now regarded by them with feelings amounting to veneration.* 35. Champlain was now in a position to do something towards forwarding his own plans through the goodwill and assistance of the Hurons and Algonquins. To extend * Champlain relates that they withdrew to one of the small islands opposite the mouth of the Richelieu, for the purpose of completing the celebration of their victory. Here the victors betook themselves to the ferocious pastime of torturing the captives, by means of every device familiar to the savage mind, and ended with exposing their still living bodies to the fire, and hacking them into small pieces, with the exception of a few who were reserved for the entertainment of the Huron women. Respecting these latter, it is added, that it was worse for the victims, since the female savages, converted into fiends on such occasions, excelled the men in ingenuity, and in the dexterity with which they applied various modes of torture. 42 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1611, the knowledge of the country westward, and to find out a passage through the continent to China, were to him as much ohjects of desire as they had been to Cartier before him. The Indian chiefs promised to furnish all the facili- ties he required ; and they placed in his care a young Huron, whom he afterwards took to Paris. At the same time a young Frenchman was entrusted to a chief named Iroquet, for the purpose of learning the Algonquin lan- guage, and of visiting the lakes, rivers, and mines which were stated to exist in the interior of the country. When these arrangements had been made, Champlain and his allies parted. On arriving at Quebec he learned the sad intelligence of the death of his powerful friend and patron. King Henry IV., who had been assassinated three months before in the streets of Paris. Although the season was not far advanced he immediately took his departure for France, accompanied by Pontegrave. 36. In the spring of 1611, Champlain returned to Canada.* During the winter, although it was A.D. 161 1. . . ° ° now impossible to recover the exclusive privileges which had formerly been accorded to his company, he and Pontegrave had again succeeded in procuring the means of equipping several vessels. De Monts still enjoyed the title of Lieutenant-General of New France, but was greatly crippled in his resources and influence in consequence of the King's death, and the large expenses attendant on pre- vious undertakings in connection with the establishments in Acadia, at Tadoussac, and Quebec. But the most dis- couraging circumstance, which now cut off all hope of redeeming his losses, was the virtual throwing open of the * About the end of 1610, or early in 1611, Champlain, in Paris, espoused a very youthful lady, named H^lfene BouU^, daughter of the King's private secretary. She was a Huguenot, though subsequently converted by her husband. She visited Canada in 1620, and remained about four years. i6ii.] CHAMPLAIN RETURNS TO FRANCE. 43 peltry trade in the St Lawrence, of which the traders belonging to French maritime ports availed themselves in considerable numbers ; for when Champlain and Ponte- grave arrived out at Tadoussac, towards the end of May, they found traders already there doing business with the savages, and that others had preceded them in the river above, as far as the rapids near Hochelaga. Champlain hastened to the latter place, with the determination of establishing there a trading station for the benefit of the company. Temporary structures were begun near the site of the future city of Montreal, ground was cleared, and seeds sown, in order to test the fruitfulness of the soil. He proposed to erect a fort on an island, called by him St Helen's, after the name of his wife. Before returning to Quebec, Champlain held conferences with many savages, Algonquins and Hurons, who had come to the vicinity of the rapids. The young Frenchman who had gone with them the preceding season had made himself acquainted with their language, and was now able to act as an interpreter. Champlain restored to them the Indian whom he had taken to Paris, and also permitted two more Frenchmen to accompany the tribes on their return to their own settlements. 37. Champlain went to France before winter, and was there detained nearly two years by the affairs of the com- pany. Although his zeal and his hopes of founding a colony never flagged, even De Monts retired from partici- pation in further undertakings, owing to the uncertainties attendant upon the peltry traffic, and the losses incurred. It appears that Champlain deemed it indispensably neces- sary for the colony, and for the trading company with which it might be connected, to possess, as chief, some per- sonage in France who had influence and rank at court ; therefore, on the retirement of De Monts, the Count de 44 HiSTORV OF CANADA. [1613. Suisso7is* was applied to, and afterwards, the Prince Henri de Gonde. Conde being created Viceroy of New France, Champlain was appointed his lieutenant.^ Much time was then occupied in negotiations, with the object of effecting a compromise with the merchants and traders of Dieppe, St Malo, Kochelle, and Rouen. In the end some kind of arrangement was made, securing for the wants of the colony at Quebec a certain portion of the results of the fur traffic to be paid by traders ; but it seems that no per- fectly satisfactory arrangement was practicable at that time, owing to the state of affairs at the court of France, which would not renew the former exclusive privileges. 38. Early in May 1613, Champlain arrived at Quebec. The people whom he had left there in 1611 A.D. 1613. , ... had passed the two preceding winters with- out any notable occurrence, and free from suffering or disease. After a short delay, he proceeded up the river to Sault St Louis, at the foot of the Rapids, where he expected to find many of his former Indian friends assembled in readiness for traffic. In fact, his mind was now intent upon a long journey of exploration westward, in company with some returning chiefs. But this season few Indians came, which Champlain attributed to misconduct on the part of the traders the previous year while he was absent in France. Taking with him two canoes, manned by four Frenchmen and an Indian guide, he contrived to pass the Rapids and to surmount all the other difficulties of a first * Charles de Bourbon, Count de Soisaons, undertook to become the head of the company of New France, and to sustain the establishment at Quebec, chiefly through religious motives. He nominated Champlain his lieu- tenant and agent, but died a few weeks after his appointment. •)• This nomination of Champlain as lieutenant of the Viceroy of New France was dated October 15, 1612 ; hence, in lists of official function- aries of Canada, this date is frequently put as that on which the rule of Governors commenced, Champlain being set down as the first. I6i3.] CHAMPLAIN'S VISIT TO THE OTTAWA. 45 passage up the river Ottawa, until he arrived at Isle Allu- mettes, where resided a friendly chief named Tessouat, who received him with cordial hospitality, and celebrated his unexpected visit by giving a grand entertainment. Champlain requested canoes and people to conduct him and his attendants on the way to Lake Nipissing, whence, according to information of Nicolas du Vignau, who had passed the previous winter with Tessouat, there was a practicable route to the North Sea, from which, it was believed, the coveted passage to China would be found. We now know that only about five degrees or three hundred nautical miles intervened between the place where Champlain then was and the southernmost part of the great inland sea, Hudson's Bay, which had been discovered not long before by an English navigator,* and which Du Vignau asserted he had visited during the winter of 1612, by an overland route from the sources of the Ottawa. Champlain's hopes rose with this information, but before he could act upon it, Du Vignau was proved to be an impostor.f Champlain therefore, with reluctance, sorrow- fully commenced his journey homewards to Quebec, whence, towards the latter part of August, he again sailed for France, in order to promote the interests of the colony, so * Henry Hudson, in 1610. He was also the discoverer of the river Hudson in 1609, when in the service of Dutch merchants. On both these occasions, the object of his expeditions was to discover apassage to China and the East Indies. He never returned home from his voyage to Hud- son's Bay, having been abandoned, along with his son and others, by his sailors, who mutinied against him. t Du Vignau might have heard accounts of this inland sea, or " la mer du Nord," from Indians who had passed between its south shores and the head waters of the Ottawa ; but Tessouat clearly disproved his assertion about his having visited it during his stay in that chief's quarters. Tessouat was so indignant on the subject that he called upon Champlain to have the delinquent, after he had confessed his falsehood, put to death as a punish- ment for deceit. Champlain, who was grievously disappointed contented himself with mildly rebuking Du Vi?nau. 46 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1615. much dependent on the course of events in the mother country. 39. The mercantile affairs of the colony, and the nego- tiations into which Ohamplain entered for the purpose of providing for the conversion of the Indians as well as the religious wants of his own people, detained him in France until the spring of 1615. Innumerable A.D. 1615. '^ ° obstacles hindered his projects, but at length he had the satisfaction of procuring the King's sanction, and that of the Viceroy, to the formation of a trading society, consisting of inerchants of St Malo and Eouen. This was chartered for eleven years. In conjunction with the dispositions in behalf of the fur traffic, it was bound to take out missionaries to the heathen savages, and to assist in their maintenance. Ohamplain, as its agent, and as local Governor or Lieutenant of the Viceroy, was thus at last in a position to carry out one of his most cherished designs, namely, to introduce among the benighted savages of Canada some regular means of converting them to Christianity.* 40. At length in April 1615, Champlain sailed from Harfleur with several vessels, having on board supplies for the colony, artisans and labourers, together with four per- sons of the religious order of Franciscans, called Becollets. The latter took out with them the appliances and orna- ments that might be required for the use of portable chapels and places of worship in the wilderness, and which had been provided at the cost of religious persons in France. 41. Immediately on his arrival in Canada, about the beginning of June, he took steps for establishing regular religious services at the three principal trading posts — Quebec, Three Rivers, and Tadoussac — at the first of • It was a motto of Champlain that " It was a more glorious thing to secure the salvation of one soul than to conquer an empire," — "La salut d'une seule Sme vaut mieux que la conquete d'un empire." i6i5.] CHAMPLAIN'S THIRD EXPEDITION. 47 which places, a sort of council was held, consisting of himself, the four Recollets, and "the most intelligent persons in the colony." The arrangements agreed upon comprised, in addition to dispositions of a permanent nature at the three principal localities named above, the sending forward one of the Recollets, Joseph le Garon, into the distant regions occupied by the Huron tribes, which, up to this time, had not been visited by any European.* Thus, under Ohamplain's auspices, were the first foundations laid for establishing in Canada the faith and services of the Church of Rome ; and especially, in the first instance, for commencing the " Missions to the Indians" which have survived the vicissitudes of more than two centuries, and subsist to this day in forms and localities regulated by the progress of civilisation on this continent. 42. The year 1615 proved an eventful one for Cham- plain and for Canada, both on account of the additions made to the geographical knowledge of the interior, and the circumstances as well as consequences attendant upon his third warlike expedition against the Iroquois. He started from Quebec, accompanied by Joseph le Caron, and, on reaching the vicinity of the rapids above Montreal, held a conference with Indians, amongst whom were a number of Wyandots (Hurons), who had come to meet him and to couvey him to their own distant settle- ments in the north-west, for the purpose of assisting them in an incursion which they were about to make upon the country of the Iroquois. Le Caron was at once sent for- ward with some of the savages and about a dozen French- men, Champlain himself following in a few days. * Henceforward, the history of the colony, as well as that of the gradual extension of discovery westward, is inseparably associated with the proceedings of the religious missionaries, who were the real pioneers of French influence anaong the tribes of the interior. 48 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1615. He passed up the Ottawa, until, in about latitude 46° 20', he reached the bend of the river where the small stream Mataioan flows in, whence he proceeded west- ward, through several small lakes into Lake Nipissing. Thence he followed the route of French Biver into the Georgian Bay of Lake Huron. He next coasted eastward and southward, until he came to Matchedasli Bay ; when, on landing, he was informed by his Wyandot guides that he had arrived at the settlements of the Hurons, situated in a sort of peninsula lying between Nottawasaga Bay and the sheet of water now called Lake Simcoe* To accomplish so protracted a journey from Quebec, along a route of full three hundi-ed leagues, frequently carrying on their backs their canoes and baggage, wading through shallows over pointed rocks, sustained all the while by very limited supplies of coarse food, must have occa- sioned infinite fatigue and hardship to Champlain and his party of Frenchmen. Even the priest Le Caron, who, as has been stated, preceded him with another body of French and Indians, is recorded to have been obliged to participate in the most severe bodily labour, such as row- * Shea, in his interesting "History of the American Catholic Mis- sions," says ; — " The nation known in Canada by the name of ffwrons call themselves Wendat, and are now termed by us Wyandots. At the period when the French founded Quebec, they occupied a small strip of territory on a peninsula in the southern extremity of Georgian Bay, not exceeding in all aeTeuty-five miles by twenty-four ; a territory more cir- cumscribed than that of any other American nation, for in these narrow limits, four tribes, containing at least 30,000 souls, lived in eighteen populous villages." And again, "This group, superior to the Algonquins in many respects, with well-built and strongly-defended towns, thriving fields of corn, beans, squashes, and tobacco, with active traders and brave warriors, always acquired a superiority over their neighbours." Their route to reach Sault St Louis and Three Rivers was along the west shore of Georgian Lake, French River, and the Ottawa ; .^ ^act, that long and painful one by which Champlain's guid conveyed him to the Huron settlements described in the text. I6l5.] CHAMPLAIN'S THIRD EXPEDITION. 49 ing with all his might and pushing his way through rapids and thickets, burdened with a load, and ever hurrying on- wards for fear of falling behind his savage escort. In those days, the courses of streams, from which, however, frequent short diversions * were necessary, formed the only lines of travel. 43. Champlain remained some time among the Hurons, chiefly staying at their principal town Garkagouha {Ca- Ma^jue), supposed to be the same as that afterwards called by the French St Jean Baptiste, and situated within the limits of the modern township Orillia. Throughout his journey in the Upper Ottawa region and the vicinity of Lake Huron, called by him Mer Douce, he constantly en- deavoured to conciliate the good will of the numerous Indian tribes with whom he came into contact ; among which may be mentioned the Petuns, Nipissins, Ottawas, Wyandots (Hurons), and Algonquins. At Carhagouha, he found the devoted priest Le Caron already established, and prepared to commence his religious labours, to the success of which, however, the study of the native tongue was considered indispensable. In the meantime, preparations were made for the expe- * Passages made along the banks or across intervening pathways through the forest skirting the rivers were called "portages." These were of various lengths, sometimes extending as far as seven or eight miles. They were necessarily had recourse to in order to avoid torrents and waterfalls, also to escape marching round bends of rivers where it was difficult or impossible to make canoes pass among the rocks ; and, finally, to make good those parts of the route which lay between the waters of neighbouring streams and lakes. At the time of which we write, the whole region was nothing better than a vast wilderness, which in these days would be considered impassable. Champlain himself speaks of five portacies, some of more than ten miles, as having subsequently been on his route between the sheet of water now called Balsam Lake and the shores of Ontario. The difficulties encountered by Champlain and the early missionaries of Canada cannot rightly be estimated by those who are only conversant with modern facilities of travel. 50 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1615. dition into the country of the Iroquois, to reach which it was necessary to undertake another long march to the north of Lake Ontario ; and thence, passing to its south shore, to land within a moderate distance of their settle- ments. A distant tribe, hostile to the Iroquois, and called the Andasfes, were notified to furnish 500 warriors, as they had previously promised. 44. Setting out from the Huron settlements, Ohamplain, with a few Frenchmen and several hundred Indians, crossed Lake Simcoe. Thence they marched to Lake Balsam, and followed the route of a chain of small lakes to the courses of the rivers Otonabee and Trent, until they arrived at Lake Ontario by the bay of Quints. Instead of crossing the great lake, they passed round its eastern ex- tremity, and, after a march of four or five days, came to the river now called Oswego, not far from the bourgades of the Onondagas, which seem to have formed the prin- cipal object of attack. Upwards of a month had been spent in effecting the march from the Huron settlements to the point of disembarkation on the south-east shore of Ontario, and then the invaders were full eighty miles dis- tant from the intended field of operations. This distance, therefore, they would have to make good on their retreat to their canoes, should their designs fail. As they neared the settlements of the Iroquois, they several times fell in with their outlying bands, and skir- mishes occurred, resulting in victory to the invaders and the capture of prisoners. The customary cruelties ensued, the conquerors not sparing even women and children.* 45. On reaching one of the principal settlements, the * Champlain again used his influence in preventing, as much as pos- sible, the repetition of what he had formerly witnessed in the practices of his allies. Finding his interposition useless at first, he threatened to withdraw French aid ; upon which, the wondering Hurous agreed to i6i5.1 CHAMPLAIN'S THIRD EXPEDITION. <^i invaders found their enemies much more strongly posted than they had looked for. The Hurons, however, were elated with the small successes they had already achieved, and, unfortunately for themselves, would not listen to Champlain's counsels when he recommended them to fol- low some definite plan of assaulting the strongholds of their foes. It happened to be harvest-time, and the Iroquois were occupied in gathering in their crops of maize, melons, and pumpkins, about the second week of October, when the Huron forces approached the principal defensive post. This consisted of four rows of strong stakes, surmounted by heavy branches of trees, so arranged as to form a sort of unpenetrable wall, on the top of which were placed wooden gutters, intended to conduct water to any part of the fortification in case of an attempt to burn them out. Within the palisades, which were thirty feet high, was a small pond, capable of furnishing any quantity of water which the besieged would be likely to require. On the first alarm the Iroquois retired from their fields into their fortified post, and awaited the approach of their enemies. Had the Hurons left the direction of affairs to Champlain, they would, in due season, have made them- selves masters of the position, since the fire-arms of the French and their own numbers afforded immense advan- tages to the attacking force. But they advanced in a heed- less and desultory manner, as if confident of success, and without any concerted plans of assault. The first impres- sions created by the fire-arms of the French passed ofi^ after a time, and the disconnected endeavours of the Hurons to apply torches to the palisades, thwarted by a contrary abstain from torturing women and children, but declared they would com- pensate themselves by their dealings with such of the Iroquois warriors as should fall into their power. 52 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1615. wind, and extinguished by the abundance of water poured out along the gutters, were easily resisted by the Iroquois within. The first assault was, in fact, completely repulsed with considerable loss to the besiegers, who were greatly injured by stones and arrows discharged against them. Ohamplain at length succeeded in persuading his allies to listen to his advice for a season. In the night time a lofty platform was constructed, on which the French with their arquebuses were posted, while a body of 300 Hurons were drawn up close to the palisades in readiness to renew the attempt at setting fire to the defences. The assault being recommenced, many of the Iroquois were shot down, and the parapet was cleared of defenders. Success seemed cer- tain but for the opposition of the wind, which prevented fire from penetrating among the damp branches, and espe- cially the disorder and disobedience of the savage assail- ants. With a degree of courage and of indifference to the terrors which hitherto had been inspired by European weapons of war, the Iroquois again manned their parapet, killing and wounding numbers of the enemy. Ohamplain himself was twice wounded, and compelled to remove from the front. The Hurons, becoming discouraged in propor- tion to their previous overweening confidence, retired out of reach of the missiles of the Iroquois. After a hasty council of war held by the Huron chiefs, it was decided to give up the conflict and retreat homewards in spite of the earnest remonstrances of their French allies. The reasons for adopting this sudden course appear to have been a convic- tion on the part of the Hurons that they were not strong enough to force the Onondaga fortress before its defenders should receive reinforcements from the other Iroquois cantons, while, in the meantime, the promised support of 500 Andastes warriors had not been furnished. Moreover, as the middle of October had passed, they had to encounter i6i5.] CHAMPLAIN'S INTERCOURSE WITH THE HURONS. 53 a long and difficult march before the setting in of winter. In fact, before they reached the place where their canoes had been left, snowstorms and high winds occasioned much unforeseen suffering, especially to the wounded warriors. The invaders retreated to Lake Ontario on the same route by which they had reached the Iroquois settlements. Arrived at the place of embarkation on Lake Ontario, Champlain proposed to separate from the Hurons, and pur- sue his own way down the river St Lawrence to Sault St Louis and Quebec ; but his allies would not assent, pretend- ing that neither men nor suitable boats could be found to escort him and his French followers. He received their excuses with a good grace, and agreed to accept their hos- pitality until the following spring, the Hurons being par- ticularly anxious to retain him amongst them, with the view of benefiting by his assistance in case the Iroquois should come to revenge themselves on account of the recent inva- sion of their territory. The retreat to Lake Ontario seems to have been conducted with far better discipline, and in better order, than the advance had been. The sick and disabled were placed in the centre, and tended with as much care as was possible under the circumstances. Scouts, to warn them of the vicinity of any enemy, were thrown out on both wings, while the bravest and most able- bodied of the warriors were disposed so as to guard the front and the rear of the retreating host. The route north- wards from Ontario lay in the direction of Bice Lake, near the banks of which a considerable delay occurred in order to allow the Hurons opportunities of securing stores of fish and of game, with which the region abounded, for their winter use. The return to Carhagouha was not accom- plished before the 23d day of December. Thus ended Champlain's third and most celebrated expedition against the Iroquois. It had proved unsuccessful as regards its 54 HISTORY OF CANADA. [i6i5 immediate objects. In its consequences it proved highly disastrous to the Huron nation, for, with trifling intermis- sions, during the ensuing thirty-five years, the Iroquois, more vindictively than before, prosecuted a war of extermination against them, until they utterly destroyed their settlements, and put an end to their existence as a distinct people. The part which Champlain and the French had taken in furnishing active assistance in war to the Hurons and Algonquins, had the effect of throwing the Iroquois into closer alliances with the Dutch and other European colonists, by whom they were in course of time supplied with fire-arms, to the infinite injury of the Canadian Indians. CHAPTER VII. CHAMPLAIN'S SOJODKN in the HURON COUNTRT — IMPORTANT VIEWS ENTERTAINED IN THE COLONT RELATIVE TO ITS WANTS — ^ARRIVAL OP THE FIRST EMIGRANT FAMILY — PERILOUS CONDITION OP THE COLONY DURING CHAMPLAIN'S ABSENCE — INDIAN CONSPIRACY — DUG DB MONTMORENCY VICEROY — OHAMPLAIN'S POWERS EXTENDED — ARRIVAL OP MADAME CHAMPLAIN — REPAIRS AND IMPROVEMENTS AT QUEBEC — PORT ST LOUIS COMMENCED — CAUSES OP ANXIETY — RIVAL COMPANIES AND DIFFICULTIES — SERVICES OP LE OARON AND SAGARD — TREATY OF PEACE— SLOW PROGRESS OP THE COLONY — RELIGIOUS DEPUTIES TO FRANCE — DEPARTURE OF MADAME CHAM- PLAIN — EMERY DE CAEN COMMANDANT AT QUEBEC. 46. During the winter of 161.5 and the following spring, Champlain occupied himself in holding intercourse with all the Indian tribes whose settlements were accessible to him from Carhagouha, where his headquarters were established I6i6.] THE WANTS OF THE COLONY. 55 in the lodge of a chief named Baronial. In his visits he contrived to conciliate the natives everywhere, having in view the twofold purpose of their conversion to Chris- tianity and the founding of alliances which might subse- quently prove useful to the French in regard to trade and the extension of geographical discovery. The Hurons endeavoured in vain to induce him to accompany them upon another incursion into the country of the Iroquois. At length, in June 1616, he set out with Joseph le Caron, most of his French followers, and a number of A.D. lOIO. friendly Indians, on his return to Quebec, leaving behind a few of his countrymen to perfect them- selves in the native dialects. His people at Quebec had inferred from his long-continued absence that he was dead, and were, on this account, the more rejoiced to see him back amongst them in vigorous health, and as full as ever of projects for promoting the welfare and advancement of the colony. 47. In view of its further progress, Champlain saw that the colony required for a foundation something beyond mere trading interests. People and supplies on a larger scale than heretofore were necessary, and especially the intro- duction of families to depend upon the clearing and culti- vation of the lands for a subsistence. The Eecollets urged the need of means for establishing a seminary for the in.struction of Indian children. Those of the inhabitants whom Champlain consulted entertained the opinions of himself and the priests, recommending that measures should be taken to augment the number of residents, to throw open to all Frenchmen the peltry trade with the savages, to exclude Huguenots, to support the religious mis- sions that hnd been commenced, and to render the natives stationary in their habits of life, as well as to accustom them, if possible, to French customs and laws. In ado[)t- 56 HISTORY OF CANADA. [i6i7. ing these important views, we behold Champlain striving to emerge from the position of a mere commercial com- pany's factor, and assuming the proper functions of gover- nor in behalf of the infant colony which he had founded. To give them effect, it was necessary to visit France and enlist the active sympathies of the court, and of j)eifsons whose zeal and wealth might accomplish the desired re- sults. Two of the Recollets accompanied him home. About sixty men, constituting the whole population of Quebec, remained to pass the winter of 1616, somewhat straitened in regard to supplies for their use, during Cham- plain's absence. 48. In France, although he was hindered by the usual difficulties and by serious disputes relative to the Com- pany's affairs, Champlain's efforts, supported by the repre- sentations of the two EecoUets, met with some slight success. He was furnished with fresh supplies for his colony, and some people, amongst whom was a family named Hehert* But the passage back- wards to Canada was, most unfortunately, not only danger- ous, but very protracted, so that on his arrival at Quebec the stock of provisions was almost exhausted. Moreover, bad news awaited him there. Food had become extremely scarce, and his people would have all perished through famine but for the resources procured by fishing and hunting ; and the latter had already begun to fail them owing to the want of gunpowder. Their evil condition had been further increased by the scurvy, which left many so enfeebled that they could scarcely move about. During * Louis Hebert was originally an apothecary of Paris, whose particular tastes, however, led him to practice agriculture. He had beeu one of the Port-Royal adventurers under Poutrincourt, and there acquired experi- ence in cultivating ground. On the failure of the Acadian enterprise he had returned to France. He is in every sense entitled to the hotKJui'aJji© designation of the " first emigrant to Canada." i6i8.] THE FIRST EMIGRANT FAMILY. 57 these dark days Champlain was almost the only person who did not entirely despair of the existence of the colony. Believing he could further its interests, at that critical period, more powerfully in France than at Quebec, where, just then, it was impossible to put forward any schemes of improvement. He re-embarked for the mother country early in the autumn. 49. While Champlain was busily exerting himself to procure supplies of food, ammunition, and other necessaries, and in endeavouring to induce artisans and labourers to go out, the members of the Company and the court mani- fested extreme indifference in regard to his colonising projects. The former cared only for trafii-c, and the latter were far from deeming it expedient to encourage the actual settlement of the country by emigrants. The chief of the Company, the Viceroy Henri de Conde, had been confined in prison since 1616, and, al- though never a very active promoter of Champlain's views, was now unable to render him any service whatever. Under these untoward circumstances he could only resign himself to the force of events, in the hope of more auspicious days. He remained in France, but despatched such supplies and assistance as he could procure, for the use of his people at Quebec. An attempt, happily ineffectual, had even been made by some political partisans and mercantile persons to cause Champlain to be superseded by his friend and com- mercial coadjutor Pontegrave. 50. During the winter of 1618, the colony was reduced to the very vei'ge of extinction through the defection of its fickle allies, the Indians. The station at Three Elvers had become to them a great place of resort ; and while many hundreds of savages were assembled there, a quarrel occurred at Quebec between some Indians and colonists, *"he particulars of which have not been very clearly trans- 58 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1620. mitted. But the result was similar to that which had been experienced in the time of Jacques Cartier, for the Indians became discontented and hostile, manifesting a disposition to take advantage of the helplessness of the handful of Europeans established in their midst. Two Frenchmen were murdered, and this outrage was followed by a con- spiracy, which was entered into by the Indians at Three Eivers, with the object of consummating the destruction of the entire colony. The Recollet brother Duplessis dis- covered the plot, and, while the French at Quebec remained closely shut up in their fort, contrived to disconcert it. In the end, the savages, who seem to have had originally no very serious cause of offence, proposed a reconciliation, which was acceded to by the French, on condition that the case of the murderers should be decided on Champlain's return, and that in the meantime hostages should be given. 51. Champlain's absence continued for the space of about three vears, as he did not return to Quebec A.D. 1020. ' . . until July 1620. By this time the course of events had taken a favourable turn. The Viceroy Conde regained his liberty, and, in consideration of a sum of money, surrendered his vice-royalty in favour of the Duke of Montmorency , a godson of the late King. Montmorency confirmed Champlain in his post of Lieutenant-General, and the King himself, Louis XIII., favoured him with royal letters,* expressing his recognition of the appoint- * " Champlain, having been apprised of the command conferred on you by my cousin Montmorency, Admiral of France, and my Viceroy in New Prance, to proceed to that country as his Lieutenant there, to take charge of my service, I desire to write to you this letter, in order to assure you that I shall favourably regard the services you may render me in this behalf ; above all, if you maintain the country in submission to me, causing the people there to live as much as possible conformable to the laws of my kingdom, and having regard to the Catholic religion, to the end that by this means you may bring down upon yourself the divine blessing, which will make your enterprises and actions redound to the glory of God, of i620.] ARRIVAL OF MADAME CHAMPLAIN. Jg ment, and of his services. Thus fortified, and charged by the new Viceroy to return to Quebec and improve the defences of the colony, Champlain induced a number of persons to embark with him for the purpose of settling in the country. He himself arranged all his private affairs, and took out with him his wife and several relations. 52. The return of Champlain, accompanied by Madame Champlain, then only twenty-two years of age, was cele- brated at Quebec with all the manifestations of rejoicing and of respect that it was possible for the people to evince. It was an epoch in the history of the colony. The Indian savages were especially delighted with the amiable de- meanour and the beauty of Madame Champlain,* who at once set about learning their language, and in many ways testified her concern in their welfare She soon became able to instruct their children, using their native tongue, whom I pray that He may have you in His holy keeping. — Paris, May 7, 1620.~Lmis." This letter was followed by another : — " Champlain, I have seen, by your letters of the 15th August, with what zeal you labour for the welfare of your establishments yonder, and in all that concerns the good of my service, towards which I know your good disposition, so that I shall have pleasure in recognising this for your own advantage when occasion offers ; and I have wilhngly granted you some munitions of war which have been requested of me, to afford you always better means of subsistence, and to continue in your good work, in regard to which I assume the continuance of your care and fidelity. — Paris, 24th Feb. 1621. — Lovis." These letters were copied into Champlain's own memoirs — and are here transcribed from a chart published at Quebec, and containing the litho- graphed autographs of the French and English governors of Canada, They clearly establish Champlain's title to the rank of the first governor of the colony, dating from the year 1620. In the chart referred to, his governorship is made to date from the year 1612, when he was named Lieutenant of the Viceroy Prince Henri de Cond^. • According to the custom of the ladies of that time, Madame Cham- plain wore a small mirror suspended from her girdle. The untutored natives who approached her were astonished at perceiving themselves re- flected from the glass, and circulated among themselves the innocent con- ceit that she cherished in her heart the recollection of each one of them. 6o HISTORY OF CANADA. [1620. in the principles of the Catholic religion ; for, though formerly a Huguenot, she was now a devout adherent of the Church to which her husband belonged. Champlain found the edifices at Quebec in a dilapidated condition, so that his first care was to effect repairs on the magazine, the old fort, and other buildings, as well as to provide temporary quarters for his family. Steps were also taken for commencing a structure extensive enough to afford protection to all the inhabitants and the interests of the Company, in case of serious attack from any enemy, and so situated as to command the harbour. The site chosen was that now known as " Durham Terrace," where, subse- quently, when Champlain's design was practically carried out, the famous Fort St Louis stood — the residence and of&cial headquarters of many governors of Canada. The Recollets had already, before Champlain's return, laid the foundation of their convent near to the river St Croix (St Charles), on the site now occupied by the General Hospital. The materials required in the construction of permanent works in those days were not easily procured, since lime and slate had to be imported from France.* 53. Champlain might have now enjoyed a period of comparative repose but for two causes of anxiety which soon pressed themselves upon his attention. The first of these was, his knowledge of the cruel state of war sub- sisting between the Iroquois and the natives of Canada. In 1620 the former made incursions in considerable force, and, although few or none of them at that time approached * Before their convent was completed, the discovery of limestone in the country enabled the RecoUets to procure lime on the spot, and they caused a kiln to be built for the burning of the stone. It is said that the slate used in roofing some of the ancient religious houses in Montreal, and still to be seen answering its original purpose in that city, was brought out from France about thirty years after the period of which we now write. l62i.] RIVAL COMPANIES AND DIFFICULTIES, 6l Quebec, they pressed hard upon the Algonquins higher up the river, and lay in wait for his former allies, the Hurons, whom they slaughtered without mercy as they descended with the products of the chase for the purpose of trading with the French at Three Eivers, Quebec, and Tadoussac. The injury to French interests, apart from the necessity for being always on the alert to defend them- selves in case of attack from these barbarians, may be imagined. Champlain, as the only recourse open to him, made appeals to the Company and to the court of France for succour. • 54. The other cause arose out of the news which reached Quebec of fresh dissensions relative to the peltry trade, and which gave birth to the project of a rival Company, headed by William de Caen and his nephew Emery. Although the old Company, established under the vice-royalty of Conde, had also been sanctioned by his successor Mont- morency, yet it neglected to fulfil its obligations, both in regard to settling the country and providing for religion. Montmorency, therefore, with the King's approval, accorded privileges to the new society, and orders were sent out to Champlain, in his capacity of Lieutenant- General of the Vice- roy, to recognise its claims. Meanwhile his old friend Pontegrave, representmg the old Company, arrived off Quebec about the same time as the agents of the Caens. Difficulties, injurious to the welfare of the colony, were occasioned by the prosecution of the claims of both parties to exclusive rights in the peltry traffic, which in- duced the inhabitants to make a special appeal to the King in their own behalf The result was a decision, in the year 1622, in virtue of which the two Companies were united into one, designated, " The Company of Mont- morency." Privileges were accorded to it for the space of twenty -two years, but permission was given at the same time 62 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1624. to all the King's subjects to become members of it, and to participate in its expenses and profits. In the charter provision was made securing Champlain's precedence and authority as governor over all within the colony ; also for furnishing a revenue for the payment of his appointments and retinue, and of a certain number of families of artisans and labourers. For the main- tenance of religion, it was stipulated that the Company should support six Eecollet priests, of whom two might be engaged in missions among the Indian tribes or in prosecuting discoveries. An end was thus put to dis- sensions by which the colony had been disturbed. 55. In the course of 1622 and the following year, several additional priests and brothers of the order of Recollets came out to Canada, amongst whom was Gabriel Sagard, the historian, who, along with Le Caron, departed as mis- sionaries into the Huron settlements beyond Lake Simcoe. These two priests rendered most valuable services to the colony in becoming the influential promoters of peace with the Iroquois in 1624. They had laboured to A.D. 1624. ^ . 1 . r. 1 -IT- confirm m the mmds of the Huron people a dis- position to come to terms with their fierce adversaries, between whom and themselves unceasing hostilities had been waged ever since the period of Champlain's third and unsuccessful expedition against the cantons. The war had proved harassing to all the parties concerned — the French, the Iroquois, the Hurons, the Algonquins, and minor tribes — and all were more or less inclined to accede to proposals for a general cessation of strife. Caron and Sagard accompanied a flotilla of sixty Huron canoes down the Ottawa and St Lawrence to Three Rivers, at which place, in the presence of Champlain, it was intended to agree upon and ratify a general treaty. On the way to this rendezvous they were joined by twenty-five canoes 1624.] TREATY OF PEACE. 63 bearing the Iroquois deputies and thirteen of the Algon- quins. The preliminaries having been arranged, happily without the occurrence of quarrels so likely to take place in such a concourse of individuals belonging to different nations, the ceremonies and customary distribution of presents were followed by a mutual interchange of stipula- tions, rendered intelligible to all by means of interpreters. The final result was a treaty of peace, to which the chief contracting parties were the French, the Hurons, the Algonquins, and the Iroquois, who agreed, thenceforward, to remain on peaceable terms with each other. The peace thus established was not of long duration. 56. In the meantime, the improvements projected by Champlain in 1620 were steadily prosecuted. Very ex- tensive repairs and additions to former structures, and a number of new ones, were completed or in progress. The De Caens and the governor, notwithstanding the difference of their religious views, continued throughout to discharge their respective functions in a manner that denoted mutual respect and personal friendship. Yet, from whatever cause, the number of inhabitants, exclusive of a few factors or agents at the trading posts, and the French- men, who, from choice, had taken up their abodes amongst the Indian tribes,* remained less than sixty. In fact, every person who bestowed a transient thought upon Canada, placed a very low estimate upon it as a country fit for settlement, excepting Champlain himself, whose faith in the future of his colony seems never to have wavered. 57. In August 1624, Champlain made arrangements * When Le Caron, who, it will be recollected, was with Champlain at the distant Huron settlements in 1615, returned to them along with Sagard in 1623, he and his corapanion were astonished to find seven or eight French- men living with the savages, familiar with their language, and conforming themselves to the habits and usages of the Indians. 64 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1624. for revisiting France, where fresh dissensions had arisen in regard to the Company's rights and privileges. His chief purpose was to again urge at home an appeal for a more generous support in behalf of his undertakings. The Recollets, also, having found themselves utterly unequal to the occupation of their immense and constantly increas- ing field of missionary work, had determined to appeal for aid to some of the religious communities of France ; and, with this view, deputed Sagard and a priest to sail for Europe in the suite of the governor. Before his departure Champlain nominated the younger De Caen commandant at Quebec during his absence, and gave instructions that the works in progress should be prosecuted with the utmost vigour, especially the completion of the Fort St Louis. These preparations being made, he set sail on the 15th of August 1624, accompanied by his wife* and the two Eecollet deputies. * This amiable person's sojourn at Quebec had continued about four years, when she decided upon availing herself of this opportunity of quit- ting the colony and returning to her native land. "We cannot regard aa unimportant, even in a historical point of view, the circumstances attendant upon her visit. She was the first lady to set foot upon the soil of Canada, and, in the then rude state of things, must have found herself exposed, during her residence there, to the endurance of many inconveniences amounting to actual hardships in the case of one who had been tenderly nurtured in the midst of the refinements of polite society in Paris. Animated by devotion to her husband, and the pious desire to make herself useful in teaching religion to Indian children, she had encountered the trials of an ocean voyage, followed by the priva- tions which one in her position must have experienced from the rigorous winters and various deficiencies, and even dangers, incidental to colonial life at Quebec in those days. It was during her sojourn, in September 1622, that a fleet of thirty canoes, manned by Iroquois, approached as near as possible to the Fort, into which all the women and children in the place fled for refuge, Champlain and most of his men being absent at the time ; and, although the barbarians contented themselves with making a feeble attack upon the Eecollet establishment near St Charles river, 1624.] CHAMPLAIN'S PERSEVERANCE. 6$ The people left at Quebec under the charge of Emery de Gaen were reduced, by the departure of Champlain and his suite, to fifty souls. CHAPTEE VIII. COMPLAINTS AGAINST THE COMPANY — JESUIT MISSIONABIES SI6NT OUT — CHAMPLAIN's new COMMISSION — SCARCITY AT QUEBEC — SUEKENDER TO SIR DAVID KIRKT. 58. Champlain, detained in France two years, unceas- ingly and courageously advocated the claims of his colony, in spite of the interested opposition he encountered, as well as the condition of public affairs, which, at that time, were not auspicious to his objects. His highly honourable disposition would not permit him to have recourse to any concealment which was easily repulsed, the incident was calculated to inspire Madame Champlain with a lively sense of the insecurity of her position. Her hus- band and her favourite brother, Eustache BoulU, who was then employed in the Company's affairs, were necessarily often absent on the business of the Colony, and it was only in regard to such occasions, when left without their society, that she herself ever alluded to disadvantages to which she may have felt herself subjected. On consulting such records of her life as we have had access to, we find no other cause of complaint emanating from one who was remarkable for her gentle and uncomplaining nature. We are left to conjecture what were the direct effects of her influence and teachings upon the youthful Indian mind and habits. But we may safely assume that the example of her devotion and courage was not lost, since, in after years, not a few accomplished and delicate ladies came out from France to make Canada the theatre of their noble self-sacrifice in behalf of religion and the service of the colony. She survived her husband many years, having retired, soon after his decease in 1635, to an Ursuline establishment in her native country, where she died in 1654. E 66 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1624. or excuses in behalf of the Company's neglect to fulfil its obligations. With the very same causes of complaint which, three years before, had led to the suppression of the previous Company's charter and privileges in the interests of the colonists, he probably expected a similar result to follow on his present representations, supported by those of Le Oaron and Sagard. Apart from certain considerations affecting religion, the principal points on which those re- presentations were grounded were as follows: — That the Company had neglected, or were unable, to maintain the fort and establishment at Quebec on a proper footing, and had not erected new forts when necessary ; that husband- men, artizans, and labourers were not encouraged by it, or imported into the country ; that it had not sufficiently contributed to the means of employing officers and soldiers for the defence of the colony and its allies; and, finally, that it failed to provide adequately for the support of a corps of religious missionaries, so that those already on duty in the colony were forced to have recourse to other sources of aid in their work. In regard to these various matters, Champlain, on the occasion of his present visit to France, could not succeed in obtaining much relief. But his endeavours certainly prepared the way for the important changes which were effected about three years afterwards. 59. Some changes, however, did occur at this time in the organisation of the existing Company. Montmorency, disgusted with the perpetual dissensions which prevailed amongst its members, sold his interest in the concerns of New France, together with his vice-royalty, to his nephew, the Due de Ventadour. This nobleman was influenced in the transaction by religious motives and a desire to aid in promoting the conversion of the savages. He therefore listened favourably to the appeal of Le Caron and Sagard, and not only approved of their plan of applying to the i62S.] JESUIT MISSIONARIES SENT OUT. 67 Jesuits for assistance to carry on the missions in Canada, but contributed from his private resources to their support. He also obtained the King's sanction of his assumption of the vice-royalty and the employment of Jesuits, who were objectionable in the eyes of those members of the Company who were Huguenots. These entertained no objections to the poor Kecollets, but dreaded the influence of Jesuits, because, having friends at court, they could always make their remonstrances reach the ears of the King and his advisers. 60. Under the auspices of Ventadour , it was immediately arranged that several Jesuit priests and brothers ^^ should go out to Canada, to be followed by others according as their services might be required. The Jesuit order in France, which received the application for assistance through the EecoUets of Paris, placed no ob- stacles in the way, but, on the contrary, responded in a manner which evinced their satisfaction at the demand. Five of the order,* together with an additional Eecollet priest, embarked for Quebec on board of one of M. de Caen's vessels, in the spring, and arrived at their destina- tion in June 1625. Champlain, however, who on principle disapproved of the intermixture of Catholics and Huguenots as coadjutors in attempts to establish colonial settlements, was desirous that some further provisions should be adopted in regard to religious matters. He caused his own representations * Amongst these were the noted Charles Lallemant, subsequently tlie intimate friend and spriritual adviser of Champlain, and Jean de Srebceuf, a man of commanding presence and gigantic stature, the most remarkable, perhaps, of the Canadian miasionaries, amongst whom he was distinguished by hid superior tact, intellect, and extraordinary services, as well as his tragical death on the 16th of March 1649. In the course of ten years from 1625, the number of Jesuit missionaries sent out to Canada was fifteen, who were in addition to the Eecollet priests and brothers. 68 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1625. on the subject, together with those of Le Caron, to reach the King. The De Caens made no scruple of em- ploying Catholics and Huguenots indiscriminately in the navigation of their ships, or in the business of the peltry traffic with the Indians on the St Lawrence. Champlain and Le Caron represented that, on occasions, the other employes were unfairly dealt with by the Huguenots, both on board ship and on shore; and especially that, through an improperly exercised influence, the Indians themselves were rendered less amenable to the instructions of their Catholic preceptors, and that, from these sources unneces- sary evils proceeded.* In consequence of these represen- tations the King gave orders directing De Caens to place a Catholic in command of their vessels trading to Canada. 61. During his stay in France, Champlain's authority as local governor at Quebec was confirmed by the renewal of his commission, and thus strengthened, so far as this could be done by mere words, unaccompanied by material means of exercising it. The new commission invested him in explicit terms with authority " to build forts, to appoint officers for the administration of justice, to cause the King's ordinances to be observed, to make war and peace with the savages, to discover a way by the "West to the realm of China and the East Indies ;".... and finally, " to exer- cise all the powers of a viceroy in behalf of His Most Christian Majesty." t * The De Caens themselves were on friendly terms with Champlain, as has heen already stated. The latter expressed himself, neverthe- less, dissatisfied with the elder De Caen's indifference about many things which he, at any rate, regarded as important, and as falling within the range of De Caen's duty. It is improbable that he and De Caen ever discussed religious questions between themselves on abstract grounds. His confidence in Emery de Caen was exemplified by his making the latter his deputy at Quebec during his own absence from 1624 to 1626. t The contrast presented, on comparing the terms of this document with the extremely feeble state of his command at Quebec, at the very 1625.] CHAMPLAIN'S NEW COMMISSION, 69 62. Champlain, having accomplished all that seemed at that time attainable in France, returned to , , A.D. 1626. Quebec in the summer of 1626, accompanied by the priest Le Caron, and his brother-in-law, BouUe, as his lieutenant. He found the works scarcely advanced beyond the con- dition in which he had left them two years before. His people also were in a somewhat enfeebled condition. They had been ill -supplied with necessaries the preceding season, owing to the neglect of the Company to furnish what was requisite for their comfort and plentiful support during the winter of 1625. On inquiry relative to the small progress made on the repairs and new buildings, and especially on Fort St Louis, it appeared that the blame did not rest with the workpeople, as they had been constantly interrupted by the Company's agents, who required their services else- where for haying and other purposes during most of the fine weather.* As regarded Fort St Louis, Champlain de- time when this commission was signed by the Court of France, makes one feel at a loss whether to smile at the inconsistency or to condemn a trans- action which amounted, substantially, to culpable trifling with so great and good a man as Samuel de Champlain. Nor can it be pleaded in extenuation that there was even an intention to support him conformably to the terms of his commission ; for in less than two years complaints were brought from Canada to Ventadour that Champlain and his people were suffering from want of the necessaries of life, and about two years later still, he was forced to surrender Quebec, and with it " New France, " to Commodore Kirkt. On this last occasion there was a lack of all necessaries and means of defence — food, ammuni- tion, men, of whom he had not a score of able-bodied under his comfnand ; whereas, with a coisple of hundred resolute followers, having provisions and materials for the guns, he could not have failed to make a successful resistance. * In the vicinity of Cap Tourmente, about thirty miles below the city, on the left bank of the St Lawrence, there was a tract of interval land, or natuial meadow, yielding grass from year to year in abundance and with- out cultivation, where the agents of the Company were in the habit of pro- curing fodder for the anima!.s wintered at Qaebec. At the proper season workpeople were sent down to out the grass, and, when dried, to make it 70 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1626. cided that the operations had been begun on too small a scale. He therefore proceeded to lay out the foundations and enclosures so as admit of the erection of a more spacious structure than had been previously projected, and set his people diligently at work upon this undertaking. Also, to avoid future hindrances and loss of time from the other cause named above, he directed sheds to be constructed at Cap Tourmente, and sent the cattle down thither. 63. In the meantime, the Jesuits, who had come out the year before, were industriously engaged in providing for their own wants. Sagard relates that their arrival at Quebec had been preceded by the circulation of reports to their disadvantage, so that when they made their appear- ance, in June 1625, they were very coolly received. No one, at first, offered them shelter, and, it is said, they were on the point of availing themselves of De Caen's proposal to convey them home to France, when the Recollets came forward and tendered them accommodation in their quar- ters near the river St Charles.* into bundles for transport up the river. Much time and labour were ex- pended in this work. Subsequently animals were kept there in numbers to graze. * Soon after the Jesuits took up their abode with the Recollets, they chose a site for themselves in the neighbourhood, close to the confluence of the small river Lairet with the St Charles. A tract of land adjacent was granted to them as a seignory in the following spring. They lost no time in beginning to clear the surface of trees and stones, and preparing it for immediate cultivation. They, as did also the Recollets, worked with their own hands. The Jesuits were not, like the Franciscans, a mendicant order, and those who first came to Quebec were possessed of ample funds for p.aying workpeople for building, and for diachargiug expenses of equip- ments, &c., for missionary work. By a deed of gift, dated March 16, 1626, the Marquis de Gamanche assigned for their use the sum of 48,000 livres, besides 3000 livres per annum. During the ensuing twent)- years the Jesuits of Quebec received for missionary and other purposes an amount of at least 150,000 livres (a large sum in those days, equal perhaps to 1,000,000 now), furnished by pious aB.d benevolent persons in France. The livre may be taken as a. franc, or tenpeuce sterling. 1627.] SCARCITY AT QUEBEC. 71 64. Notwithstanding the exertions which had been made by Champlain to prevent a recurrence of tlie former suffer- ings of the colony, owing to the neglect of the Company, he and his people were doomed to struggle on precisely as heretofore. Scarcely any laud had been cleared, so that it was impossible by means of agriculture alone to provide against famine in the winter. Nevertheless the requisite supplies were furnished by the Company's agents in the most niggardly manner. 65. It is stated that considerable profits continued to be de- rived by them each season from the traffic on the St ■' . A.D. 1627. Lawrence. But this appears to have exercised no influence in the way of inducing a more liberal treatment of the colonists. The attention of the Court of France was fully absorbed by the war then being waged against her subjects in rebellion, who were encouraged and assisted by her foreign enemies. The Company could therefore disregard its engagements, and the stipulations in behalf of Cham- plain and his people, with apparent impunity. Its neglect became worse and worse, until, in the winter of 1626, there was an actual dearth of provisions at Quebec. In the spring of 1627, De Caen's vessels brought out, as usual, a certain supply of necessaries. But when the summer had passed away, and autumn came, although the season o£ traffic had been very profitable, the ships departed, leaving the establishments in the colony very insufficiently provi- sioned. The colony contained but one farmer — Louis Hebert * — who could maintain himself and those dependent on him by the cultivation of the ground. But about fifty persons t had to endure the rigours of the winter of 1627 * He died ia the course of this season. Champlain, in his memoirs, men- tions him with approbation and respect. t Sometime during the previous summer the company of Jesuits in France had provided supplies of all kinds for their establishment at Quebec, v? ith which a vessel was loaded. But De Caen, considering this 72 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1628. on short allowance ; and such became their plight, that even Champlain's patience and powers of endurance were severely exercised. When at length the arrival of spring afforded some sources of relief, derived from hunting and , „ fishing, Champlain and his unfortunate colonists at Quebec were amazed to find that De Caen's ships came not as usual with succours. With infinite anxiety they contrived to subsist until the month of July, when it became known that the river below the Island of Orleans was in possession of the English, at that time enemies to France. In fact, on the 10th of July 1628, Champlain received a summons from Sir David Kirkt, then at Tadoussac, with several ships under his command, to surrender the fort and station of Quebec. Notwith- standing his weakness, which would have prevented him from offering any effectual resistance had Kirkt followed up his summons by an attack upon the place, Champlain responded with dignity and firmness, declaring that he would defend his post. Kirkt, therefore, for the present, deferred his hostile intentions upon Quebec, and contented himself with adopting measures to intercept supplies and succour from France. 66. Cut off from communication with France, Cham- plain exhorted his now isolated band of priests, colonists, and labourers, to follow his own example of patience and courage. A single small ship, with very scanty supplies, succeeded in making its passage good through the English a violation of his lawful rights, caused an embargo to be placed on this ship, so that it did not leave France. Lallemant and the other Jesuits in Canada, foreseeing a scarcity of food during the ensuing winter, procured a vessel at Tadoussac, and transported to France all the \Yorkpeople in their employment, thus relieving the colony as much as possible. This left Champlain with about fifty dependents, for whose support, before the winter ended, only a few ounces of food per day could be allowed to each person. 1629.] SURRENDER OF QUEBEC. H vessels to Quebec, with intelligence that at least ten months must elapse before adequate succour from France could be expected to reach the harbour. To cope with the present emergency, and to prevent absolute starvation, measures were taken to crop all the cleared ground in the neighbourhood. At the same time recourse was had to hunting and fishing for the purpose of collecting food for the ensuing winter, and Champlain's brother-in-law, Eustache Boulle, was despatched with a small vessel and twelve men down to Gaspe, in the hope of falling in with French fishing vessels and procuring intelligence and assistance.* Some steps were also taken for obtaining aid from the Abnaquis. These responded favourably, promising to furnish maintenance sufficient for about three-fifths of Champlain's people until succour should arrive. The other Indians, however, the Montagnais and Algonquins, took advantage of the emergency, and manifested, both in demeanour and hostile acts, their enmity to the French. 67. Having contrived to sustain a precarious existence up to the middle of July 1629, the French witnessed, instead of the expected fleet from France, the Eng- lish, under Louis and Thomas Kirkt, brothers of Sir David, who remained at Tadoussac, making their appearance off Point Levi. Provisions were very scarce, as well as ammuni- tion and all other means of defence ; and there seemed to be no prospect of immediate succour. He had with him only sixteen personf? who could in any sense be styled comba- * It appears that Boulle succeeded in reaching the Gulf, where he en- countered >i vessel commanded hy Emery de Caen, who informed him that a fleet from France was on its way out, and furnished supplies of pro- visions. On his return up the river, Boulle had the great misfortune to be captured by a large English vessel, and from some of his crew the English extorted information of the state of things at Quebec, by which they were induced to determine upon an early attack on the place. 74 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1629. tants. An officer landed, bringing with him very liberal terms, upon which Champlain and his followers might honourably surrender a post which, in their circumstances, was utterly untenable. Champlain and Pontegrave, who was present, acceded, and the conditions having been ratified by Sir David Kirkt at Tadoussac, the English, without resistance, took possession of the fort, magazine, and habitations of Quebec. Before actually yielding up his post, the high-minded Champlain went on board the vessel of Captain Louis Kirkt, and stipulated for the security of the place of worship and quarters of the Jesuits and Eecollets, as well as for the protection of the property of the widow Hebert and her son-in-law, Gouillard. On the 24th of July 1629, Champlain and the priests, to- gether with all who chose to depart, embarked on board the vessel of Thomas Kirkt, and after some delay at Tadoussac, were carried to England, and thence suffered to pass into France.* Thus ended, for the time, Champlain's effort to found * When Champlain, accompanied by Pontegrav^, went on board Louis Kirkt's vessel, on the 20th, he demanded to be shown the commission from the King of England in virtue of which the seizure of the country was made. The two, as being persons whose reputation had spread throughout Europe, were received with profound respect ; and after Champlain's request relative to the commission had been complied with, it was stipulated that the inhabi- tants should leave with their arms and baggage, and be supplied with pro- visions and means of transport to France. About four days were needed to procure the sanction of the Admiral, David Kirkt, at Tadoussac, and then Champlain, with a heavy heart, attended by his followers, embarked in the English ship. He says in his memoirs — " Since the surrender every day eeems to me a month." On the way down the St Lawrence, Emery de Caen was met, above Tadoussac, in a vessel with supplies for Quebec. Kirkt is said to have desired Champlain to use his influence with De Caen to induce him to surrender without resistance, which, however, the noble- minded man declined. Bazilli was reported to be in the Gulf with a French fleet, but nevertheless De Caen felt obliged to surrender, as the Kirkts had two ships to oppose his one. De Caen told Champlain that he believed peace was already signed between the two crowns. 1629.] "THE HUNDRED ASSOCIATES." 75 and establish a colony at Quebec — an attempt persevered in during twenty years, in spite of discouragement and obstacles which would have conquered the zeal of any man of that age excepting Champlain, who alone, even now, when taken prisoner and carried out of the country, did not despair of ultimate success.* CHAPTER IX. THE COMPANT OF "THE HUNDRED ASSOCIATES — FAILURE OF THE company's first undertakings — RECOVERY OP NEW FRANCE, AND RE-OCCUPATION OP QUEBEC BY THE FRENCH — STATE OP THAT PLACE AND THE COUNTRY — GREAT GATHERING OF INDIANS AT QUEBEC — THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC — " JESUITS' RELATIONS." 68. Cardinal Eichelibu, the Prime Minister of Louis XIII., founded the society called the " Company of the One Hundred Associates!' It was established, not merely to put an end to the various obstacles and evils under which the colony languished, but also to place its future upon a strong and durable basis. Its organisation was completed in the year 1627, and the first expedition under its auspices was entered upon in 1628, but proved an entire failure, owing to the English having then the control * A few, by Champlaia's advice, accepted the oSfera of the English to remain under their protection in the possession of their habitations and clearings. They were to enjoy the same privileges as the English them- selves. A number of the French traders also remained, but betook them- selves to the west and into the Huron country, where they lived with the Indians until the country was restored to France about three years subse- quently. Louis Kirkt was left in command at Quebec. 76 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1629. of the St Lawrence, and capturing or destroying the vessels sent out under M. de Eoguemont. Then occurred, as we have described, the surrender of Quebec and the other stations, and their occupation by the English under the Kirkts* The existence of the new Company and its government of the affairs of the colony can scarcely be said to have commenced, practically, until the year 1632, when New France was, by treaty with England, restored to the French authorities. 69. At first more than a hundred persons entered the Company, whose list of members included the names of Eichelieu, Champlain, and a number of the most noted men of the kingdom, amongst whom were the Marquis d'Effiat, Commander Bazilly, the famous printer Gremoizie, and the principal merchants of Paris, Rouen, Bourdeaux, and Dieppe. They engaged to carry out to New France not less than four thousand colonists within fifteen years, together with provision for their maintenance and their establishment on the land, furnished with implements of husbandry and all things requisite, until able to support themselves by their own labour, f * The capture of Quebec and the occupation by Kirkt's people actually occurred at a date two months later than the declaration of peace between France and England in May 1629. Kirkt has been accused by some writers of having been acquainted with this fact when he moved finally upon Quebec to de*nand its surrender. However this may be, Champlain made representations on the subject in England, with a view to obtaining redress. Owing to several causes — the French being engaged in under- takings in comparison with which the restoration of Quebec seemed an in- significant affair, and the English Government being also remiss on the subject — three years elapsed, at the end of which the place was evacuated by the Kirkts and occupied by the French. f The plans upon which this society was established were begun to be contemplated some time before, in consequence of the repetition of failures to fulfil engagements by De Caen's company, which, as has been stated in a former page, Champlain's reports made known in France, and probably led Richelieu to determine upon some effectual remedy. i629.] THE NEW COMPANY'S ARRANGEMENTS. 77 In compensation for the expenses attendant upon their great undertaking, immense powers and privileges were conceded, subject to certain conditions set forth in detail in their charter. The associates were empowered to exercise sovereignty over New France and Florida. Two vessels of war, armed and equipped, were to be furnished by the King. All necessary supplies and merchandise for the colony were to be exempt from taxes or duties in France. The descendants of the colonists, as well as all natives who might be converted to Christianity, were to be regarded as lawful subjects of the King, and entitled to all the usual rights and privileges without being obliged to take out letters of naturalisation. All persons not members of the Church of Rome were to be excluded from the colony. Sovereign powers were to be exercised over New France and Florida, subject only to a simple act of homage to the King and his successors on the throne. Moreover, while traffic and commerce of all other kinds were guaranteed to the Company, under such regulations as they might de- termine from time to time, the fisheries of cod and whale were reserved to be freely open to all Frenchmen.* 70. The claims, of religion were not forgotten in the arrangements of the new Company. It was stipulated that three priests should be maintained at each regular station during fifteen years, and kept supplied with everything necessary for the exercise of their functions. But when the time came to settle what orders of the priesthood should be employed, Richelieu and his coadjutors decided that it was not expedient to have in the colony more than a single order — preferring that of the Jesuits, f * The other inhabitants of the country who were not maintained by or dependent upon the Company's resources were to be at liberty to trade with the natives, on condition of delivering all beaver-skins so proou'^ed to the Company's agents at a fixed price. t One argument used was to the effect that, since for a long time the 78 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1632. 71. When, after considerable delay, the restoration of Quebec was actually conceded by the English, there existed two causes by which the Company of One Hundred were prevented from immediately taking possession. In the first place, although it had been agreed to provide a large capital, ships and crews were not ready for their purposes ; and, secondly, the De Caens were justly entitled to be allowed some opportunities of recovering their losses, and, if possible, some portion of their property in the colony, which had of course fallen into the hands of the captors in 1629. It was therefore settled that one of the De Caens, with an officer named Bwplessis BocJiart under him, should, in the first instance, proceed to Quebec to resume possession, making up the expedition by means of the ships and em- ployes of the old Company. At the same time, the space of one year's continuance of traffic was granted to the De Caens for the other purpose mentioned above. At the colony muBt be poor, it would be inconsistent to attach to it a Mendicant order, such as the RecoUets were. The Jesuits joyfully resumed their missionary work in 1632, while the Recollets were not allowed to proceed further than Acadia. One of their number, the well-known Le Caron, died soon afterwards in France. The powers, privileges, and obligations of the new Company may be thus summarily described : — A power, almost sovereign, was delegated to this Company over the transatlantic possessions of the King. It was to carry out settlers, and establish them on the land, with means of subsistence for three years — to do whatever was requisite for the protection of the colony, and for the administration of justice among its people — to regulate com- merce, in regard to which the Company was made free of all imposts both in America and in France — to take care that the settlers should be exclusively Frenchmen and Roman Catholics — to set apart cleared lands for the per- petual maintenance of religion, with three priests on each distinct station or settlement — to enjoy all the privileges of native Frenchmen in regard to the sea-fisheries, and freedom of trade at home and abroad, as well as an exclusive monopoly in the fur trade — and, finally, to civilise and christianise the native Indian tribes, by bringing them under the influence of the Church. 1633.] RESTORATION OF QUEBEC. 79 end of that period, Champlain was to be replaced in com- mand under the new regime. Pursuant to these arrangements, Emery de Caen, fur- nished with instructions from the Grovernment of France, and with an order signed by the King of England, superseded Thomas Kirkt at Quebec on the 13th of July 1632. On landing with the priests, who were sent out on board De Caen's vessels, it was found that much injury had been done in the place. Fire, violence, and wilful neglect had been instrumental in destroying nearly all the buildings, including those of the Jesuits and Recollets. It was also found that the old friends of the French — the Montagnais and other Indians — had been much corrupted by the traders with whom they had held intercourse during the three pre- ceding years. The fort itself remained uninjured, and afforded shelter to all while the work of reconstructing habitations and a place of worship was carried on. 72. In the meantime, Champlain made preparations in France for carrying out colonists, merchandise, ammunition, and provisions. The Company furnished him with three vessels, well equipped, and armed with cannon. With these, having on board about two hundred persons, he arrived at Quebec on the 23d of May 1633, and landed amidst manifestations of great joy on the part of the French inhabitants, more especially of those who had re- mained in the country after his forced departure. There were several foreign vessels, mostly English, in the river at different points, engaged in the peltry traffic. With becoming prudence, Champlain resolved not to have recourse to force for the recognition of his rights, judging it better to come to an understanding with the Indians belonging to the Upper St Lawrence, Ottawa, and the Huron territory, whom he soon succeeded in restoring to commercial intercourse with the French. The Nipissings, 8o HISTORY OF CANADA. [1633. and Hurons, as well as Algonquius, who at first, however, desired to intercept the traffic of their neighbours in passing by their settlements near AUumette Island, came in large numbers* to re-establish communications with the French at Three Kivers and Quebec. With some trifling excep- tions, the savages cherished the most friendly sentiments towards Champlain and his people, including several priests who were known to many of them from having formerly officiated in their country. Great feastings and conferences or "councils" occurred, which lasted several days. The object of Champlain was so to gain over the Indians that the French alone might enjoy the whole peltry traffic with them, excluding the English, and all other strangers who frequented the St Lawrence. Of the extent and value of this traffic some opinion may be formed when it is stated, that the De Caens, in carrying it on, were in the habit of employing about 150 men every season, besides interpreters ; and that the produce of a season's operations was, in addition to other kinds of skins in large quantity, from fifteen to twenty thousand beavers, each worth one pistole, j * Early in August 1633, it is recorded, that upwards of 500 Hurons, with 150 canoes laden with furs, made their appearance at Quebec, in con- sequence of the persuasion of Champlain's emissaries, despatched to confer with them soon after his return. They were followed down by other bodies, occupying parts through or near which the Hurons proper had to pass in order to reach the St Lawrence, and who claimed the right of con- ceding or withholding passage — especially an Algonquin tribe mentioned in the text. At the same time many Montagnais were present. + A pistole was ten livres French, or 8s. 4d. English; so that twenty thousand beaver-skins would be reckoned worth upwards of £8000 sterling, a very large sum in those days. The De Caens, at the time when their company was about to ■ be superseded by that of the Hundred Associates, representedthat the value of their stock of merchandise, and of their stationary property at Quebec and Tadoussac, needed in carrying on their business, exceeded 40,000 crowns. Some of their employes were allowed not only pay and provisions, but also the perquisite of a certain fixed number of beaver-skins. 1633-J "RELATIONS DES JESULTES." 8i Aided by the priests and interpreters, both French and Indian, Champlain was able to exercise great influence over the minds of the native chiefs, who, before their departure homewards, promised to . conform to his wishes in all respects. 73. But, from this time forward, increasing difficulty was experienced in dealing with the Indians, owing to the introduction amongst them of intoxlciiting liquors, by the independent traders, both French and English. The un- fortunate savages were encouraged to indulge freely their taste for these, which grew into a confirmed propensity. The consequences were most disastrous — -to an extent that might be called national. Not only were the most hideous traits of the savage character made to manifest themselves upon trifling occasions of excitement, but also the mortality amongst them was largely increased. It will be seen that the cause now adverted to was fruitful of much evil during the subsequent history of the colony, in spite of the regula- tions of governing authorities, and the constant exertions of the missionaries. 74. It was also about this time that the annual reports called the " Jesuit Eelations" began to be transmitted from Canada in regular succession. These celebrated documents were originally composed by the Jesuit missionaries for the information of their supe- riors in Europe. They were prepared usually in portions, according to circumstances, and sent home by the Com- pany's vessels, year by year, when returning with the pro - duce of the season's traffic. They now serve for authentic sources, whence has been derived much of what is known of the early history of Canada during the forty years ending with 1672.* The information conveyed in these writings * Although a large portion of the " Relations " is occupied with incidents »nd reflections of a purely spiritual or religious nature, since they were 82 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1633. excited a great deal of interest in France, both in the minds of wealthy and zealous persons, as well as among people generally. Many, including young persons of ad- venturous spirit, and heads of families, were thus led to emigrate to New France. The names of most of these early colonists were recorded in the registers of Quebec and Three Eivers. expressly intended to report the progress made in converting the Indians, and in the exercise of religious rites and ceremonies among the heathens of the "West, jet there is also a vast amount of incidental information con- veyed, which is valuable in a historical point of view, The earliest Relation was written in 1614 ; then follows one for the year 1626 ; and, after a break of six years, they proceed in regular succession from 1632 to 1672. Their authors were among the most distinguished of the hard- working Jesuit missionaries, who were sent out to carry the knowledge of Christianity to the Indian tribes of Acadia and Canada ; they were named as follows -.—Pierre Biard, Charles Lalemcmt, Paul le Jeune, Barthelemy, ViTnont, Jerome Lalemant, Paul Ragauneau, Jean de Breieuf, F. J. le Mereier, Jean Dequen, and Claude Dablon. These memoirs furnish accounts, often with much minuteness of detail, of the travels and other proceedings of those indomitable ecclesiastics, who have been surpassed by no other class of meu in their display of courage, perseverance, and contempt of human suffering, when this had to be encountered by them- selves in the cause for which they laboured. Written on the spot — one of the earlier Relations is significantly dated, " From the midst of a forest of more than eight hundred leagues of extent, August 28th, 1632." — Their geographical descriptions, and very full accounts of the Indians, as well as their incidental statements of historical facts, must always render these writings extremely valuable as records On the Relation of 1636 were inscribed these words, *' I have traced this Relation in haste, some- times in one place, sometimes in another; sometimes on the waters, sometimes on land ; and I finally conclude at the residence of Notre Dame, uear to Quebec, in New France, this 28th August 1636." After the destruction by fire of the Quebec Legislative Assembly Buildings, with the valuable library, in 1854, endeavours were made to recover the "Relations" which had been consumed, together with many precious historical works thought at the time to be irrecoverably lost ; and this was accomplished with such success that, after several years spent in laborious research, those relating to New France were completely restored, and are now, in three thick volumes, printed under the auspices of the Canadian Government. J634-35-] LAST DAYS OF CHAMP-LAIN. CHAPTEE X. LAST DATS OF CHAMPLAIN — DEATH AND PDNERAL — HIS CHAEACTER AND SERVICES — PROGRESS AND STATE OF THE COLONY UP TO THE TIME OF CHAMPLAIN'S DECEASE — OTHER EUROPEAN COLONIES. 75. From the moment of his return to Canada until his decease, Champlain occupied himself diligently 6 - c in providing for the materia,! progress of the colony, and at the same time co-operated heartily in all measures for securing its religious welfare, and for convert- ing the savages. It will be seen from facts subsequently stated, that the Company was not wanting on its part, so long as Champlain lived. Although not actually founded during his lifetime, a college or seminary was projected at Quebec for affording an education suitable to the religious wants of the country, and such as even the better class of families from France might have recourse to for their children. This object, which had been so far provided for by the gift of a benevolent person already mentioned,* had engaged the attention of Champlain and the Jesuit priests for some time. The preliminaries were all settled, except the ques- * The Marquis de Gamanohe's gift of 36,000 livres in the year 1626 ; or, rather, that of his son Rem^ de Rohant, a Jesuit priest. It is not quite clear whether this was at first a pure gift or merely an offer. It is stated first on the list of donations between 1626 and 1655, to the Jesuit Missions of Quebec. At any rate, it became available in 1637, two years after Champlain's death, when the College of Quebec was actuiilly founded. 84 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1634-35. tion of a site. While occupied with this and various other duties appertaining to his position, about October 10th, 1635, Ghamplain was laid prostrate by a stroke of para- lysis. He never rose again from his couch, nor was he ever again able to sign his name to public or private documents.* In his last illness, he was attended by his friend and spiritual adviser, Charles Lalemant, the author of the Ee- lation of 1626,"' and, during the previous ten years, a most efficient coadjutor in his work. Irreproachable as his life had been, his behaviour on his deathbed astonished those around him, seeming to them to confer perfection on his virtues by the grandeur of his expressions of piety, resig- nation, and love. He shed tears when he spoke of the families in the colony, saying that they must be power- fully assisted in their new beginnings, and always suc- coured as much as possible for the good of the country — which, he declared, he intended they should be, had God continued him in health. At length, on Christmas Day, 1635, the pious and amiable founder of Quebec breathed his last, bequeathing his blessing to his bereaved people, together with the memory of his virtues and of his great * Perland remarks in a note, " Several acts were closed at this time with a declaration that they were not signed became Ohamplain was sick. It is astonisliiug," he adds, "that up to this day there has not been found at Quebec a single document signed by Champlain." + This priest was one of the three Jesuits who were sent out to Quebec in 1625. He was a favourite of Champlain. Lalemant himself, in the Relation cited in the text, says : — " Monsieur Champlain is always very affectionately disposed towards me, he has taken me as the director of his conscience." In Le Jeune's Relation for 1636, Lalemant is men- tioned ; — " He (Champlain) had prepared a lengthened general confession of his whole life, which he rendered with great pain to Lalemant, whom he honoured with his friendship. This father succoured him throughout his illness of two and a half months, and left him not up to the moment of his decease. . . . Lalemant officiated at the last ceremonies, and charged me with the delivery of the funeral oration." 1 634-35-] FUNERAL OF CHAMPLAIN. 85 services. On the occasion of his funeral obsequies, all the inhabitants, including the priests, officers, and soldiers, attended. When the ceremonies were ended, and before the people dispersed, Le Jeune produced and read aloud a document which had been committed to his care, with in- structions by the directors of the Company. The purport of this was to confer the chief authority in the colony upon M. de Chateaufort, commandant of the post at Three Eivers, until a permanent successor should be appointed to the office of the departed Governor. The remains of Champlain were entombed in a vault ; over which, soon afterwards, his successor. Governor Montmagny, appears to have caused the erection of the small structure known as " Champlain' s Ghapel."* His testament, drawn up during his last illness, was not signed by him. By it he bequeathed all his personal property in Canada to the Jesuits ; but this, being disputed by one of Champlain's female relations, was set aside in her favour, as his widow, who survived her husband nineteen years,t * In the Relation of 1643, by BwrtheUmy Yimont, we find it recorded that " the body of Champlain is in a distinct sepulchre, constructed ex- pressly in honour of that illustrious pei-sonage, who conferred so many obligations upon New France." Since the funeral took place in the dead of winter, it seems probable that the sepulchre, or at least the exterior of the tomb, was not completed until sometime afterwards. However this may be, we find mention subsequently made of a building styled " Cham- plain s Cliapel,** in which one or more burials are stated to have taken place. The very site of this building has recently become the subject of controversy. About twelve years ago, Mr Hugh O'Donnell, in conducting some excavations connected with the Quebec Waterworks, found a stone- built vault, with coffin and human bones therein, which were pronounced to be the remains of the founder of Quebec. Mr O'Donnell carefully placed on record the plan and dimensions of the vault and larger bones, but it seems that, although the ancient structure is still to be seen, the coffin and remains were removed, and their present resting-place is as much a matter of mystery as was formerly the spot where they had reposed undisturbed during a period of nearly two centuries and a quarter. t Madame Champlain, the daughter of a Huguenot who was a private 86 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1635. refused to go to law about his effects. He left no descen- dants. 76. The distinguished value of the services of Samuel de Champlain, and the genuine nobility of his character and disposition, may be deduced from the statements con- tained in the foregoing pages. On such worthy topics, however, it seems proper in this place to offer some addi- tional observations, with the view of endeavouring to con- template those objects of history more closely. We have seen that his connection with Canada lasted about twenty- eight years, between 1607 and 1635. He is thought to have accomplished, in all, nearly a score of voyages across the Atlantic Ocean ; and it is worthy of notice that, so far as our information extends, he was fortunate enough never to have suffered shipwreck on an}' of his numerous passages between France and the St Lawrence. As regards the ex- tension of geographical discovery, in addition to the results of his explorations upon the coast of Nova Scotia and in the Grulf of St Lawrence, it has been stated that he first made known to Europeans the course and origin of the river Richelieu, the existence of lakes CJiamplain and George, Lake Huron, and Lake Nipissing, as well as the position and nature of the country occupied by the Huron tribes, and the regions of the Upper Ottaioa. If we con- sider how inferior, comparatively, were the equipments and accommodations which, two and a half centuries back, it was possible for those who travelled, whether by sea or land, to obtain, we must admit that Champlain's sea-voy- ages, and his inland journeys through an immense wilder- ness, with their results, would entitle him to rank as one secretary of King Henry the Fourth of France, became, as has been stated, a devout Catholic under the influence of her husband. After his decease, she assumed the condition of a nun, and founded a convent in her native country, in which she died in the year 1654, as already stated. i63S.] CHARACTER OF CHAMPLAIN. 8? of the most eminent of navigators, travellers, and geo- graphical discoverers. In his endeavours to found the colony of Canada, in opposition to all kinds of obstacles, he proved himself to be gifted with perseverance of the very highest degree, as well as indomitable energy and resolution. Le Clerq, the author of a standard work called L' Etablissment de la Foi, has drawn a striking pic- ture of the obstacles and the qualities just referred to. He says : — " From year to year, the same difficulties followed the founder of Quebec. In France, shifts, sordid parsimony, and delays on the part of the Company ; jeal- ousies, encroachments, lawsuits, on the part of merchants, strangers to the Company ; indifference of the court, which neither was able nor willing to properly occupy those far-off possessions. On the sea, voyages, tedious, troublesome, and often dangerous. In America, scarcity of food and disease among the French, as well as fickleness and malevolence on the part of the natives. Such were the ever-recurring trials which Champlain was condemned to undergo. Yet, so strong was his faith in the ultimate success of his work, and so ardent and persevering his desire to found a French empire in America, and to im- part civilisation and Christianity to the savages, that nothing could extinguish his devotion or lessen his confi- dence in the protection of God." The only two defects, of any moment, alleged against him, seem to have been absence of penetration or proper forethought in involving himself in the quarrels of the Indians ; and also credulonsness, of which latter he has been accused by Lescarbot* The former of these charges * Lescarbot, a French lawyer and writer, and a man of versatile genius, may have founded his opinion upon his own personal experience of Cham- plain during his intercourse with him, in connection with the Acadian ex- pedition, coupled with an after-knowledge of his retaining his faith in the 88 HISTORY OF CANADA. [i634-35' has been already sufficiently noticed. The latter may be frankly answered in the words of the historian Charle- voix: — "This defect is one appertaining to straightforward, honest dispositions: in the impossibility of being abso- lutely faultless, it is a beautiful quality in a man to possess those faults only which would become virtues if all men were such as they ought to be." Champlain must have been blessed with a very strong constitution, and must have enjoyed good general health during the greater part of his very active life ; for without these advantages he would not have felt able, or even dis- posed, to encounter the difficulties necessarily incident to his numerous sea-voyages and his expeditions amongst the savage tribes. His appearance and demeanour were pre- possessing. His countenance was remarkable for earnest- ness and mildness of expression ; the latter not altogether indicative of the chivalrous spirit and courage with which he several times led the Hurons into combat with the Iroquois. In manners, address, and conversation, he was remarkably insinuating, and this quality rendered him ac- ceptable to all with whom he came iqto contact. The polished Frenchman, the soldier, the priest, and the un- establishment of the colony on the banks of the St Lawrence, notwith- standing the innumerable trials, embarrassments, obstacles, and failures, with which every well-informed person in France must have become acquainted. The case of Nicolas du Vignau, who so egregiously misled Champlain by his pretended discovery of the Northern Sea, affords a notable in- stance of his honest willingness to depend on another's veracity. In the beginning of his acquaintance with the Hurons, and for some time afterwards, he placed too much reliance upon the steadiness and fidelity of that fickle people, trusting to these for his personal safety and even his life. Experience, however, at length showed him precisely what de- pendence was to be placed on them, so that, during the last twenty years of his career, he never suffered himself to be beguiled by their representa- tions and promises into accompanying them in their proposed warlike undertakings against the Iroquois. '634-35-] CHARACTER OF CHAMPLAIN. 89 tutored savage, seem to have been equally amenable to the charm with which his tact and experience of mankind, combined with his sincerity of purpose, conspired to invest his mode of conducting personal intercourse. Indeed, with- out the possession of this faculty in an eminent degree, he could not have so often successfully pleaded the cause of his colony amongst the wealthy, the religious, and the mer- cantile classes of France. It secured him attention every- where, and enabled him to urge with effect his appeals in the camp and in the King's court. Of his sincere piety, also, frequent mention has been made. This, together with his other attributes, endeared him to the ecclesiastics, Eecollets as well as Jesuits, the latter comprising in their body the best educated and most accomplished men of the age. It would seem as if they looked upon Champlain with a species of wonder, seeing that, while he necessarily exercised a vigilant supervision over affairs appertaining to material or worldly interests, he was able, nevertheless, to come up to their own standard of excellence in regard to spiritual condition. On this point, Le Jeune, in the Relation for 1633, piously re- marks : — " It often occurs to me to reflect how this great man, who, by his admirable sagacity and unequalled prudence in the conduct of business, has gained so much worldly renown, yet prepares for himself a very bright crown of glory in heaven by the concern he testifies in be- half of the conversion of so many, whose souls are in danger of perishing through unbelief in these wild countries. I pray earnestly for him every day, and our Company having, by his means, occasion to glorify God in such a noble en- terprise, will owe him an eternal obligation." In ordinary social intercourse, his tendency was rather towards the practice of a congenial cheerfulness and pleasantry than to that movoseness which sometimes be- 90 HISTORY OF CANADA, [i634-3S- comes habitual with earnest men under the influence of fervid religious zeal. Of this several interesting ex- amples occur in the Relation already quoted. One day, towards the end of May 1663, after service in their small chapel, the Jesuit priests induced him to remain with them to dinner. " One of our savages," says Le Jeune, " fortu- nately had brought us some bear's flesh, of which we offered him a morsel. On tasting it, he began to laugh, and said to me, ' If they only knew in France of our eat- ing bear's flesh, they would turn away their faces from our breath, and yet you see how nice and delicate this meat is.' " " You are always," said an Indian chief, in reply to a bit of Champlain's pleasantry, " saying some humorous thing to us to make us feel happy; and if what you declare should prove true, we should be joyful indeed." In his dealings with the Indians, he was uniformly truthful and just, and in this respect they recognised the contrast between his conduct and that of European traders, who purchased their valuable furs and cheated them with- out compunction. At an assembly of savages, met in Quebec for the purpose of conferring with the French, a chief said to Champlain, "We entirely love you; all that you say is true.'' On the occasion of another council, at which the Jesuit fathers were present, gifts were mutually exchanged between the Indians and Champlain, when the latter was scrupulously careful that the French presents should not be less in value than those given by the savages. Le Jeune, in recording the circumstances, remarks : — " To Mccept gifts of savages is to engage to return gifts of cor- responding worth." In another place, the same worthy priest places on record Champlain's just claims to the chaiacter of a truly honourable man, in the simple words, " He has truly spent his life in the practice of justice and I634-35-] CHARACTER OF CHAMPLAIN. 91 equity, in loyalty towards his sovereign, and in perfect fidelity towards the gentlemen of the Company." Such was the character of the great and good man whose name heads the long list of Governors of Canada, — a name which must always occupy a conspicuous position in history, on account of the discoveries, the deeds, and the virtues of its possessor. 77. Before Champlain's death, the colony was far from having attained to such a position of growth and strength as to warrant a confiident belief in its permanence. In the summer of 1633 there may have been from 150 to 180 persons of the class of actual residents or settlers, located principally at Quebec or in its vicinity, and the majority of these were workpeople or single men employed on the works and at the trading stations. In addition to these there were the Company's agents at the posts of Tadoussac and Three Eivers, at which latter place Champlain caused some rough buildings to be erected, and a platform with one or two small pieces of artillery mounted for de- fensive purposes. During the summer season the numbers would of course be augmented by the people employed in the trading vessels — but these cannot be counted as colonists. The straggling Frenchmen, interpreters and others dispersed among the Indian tribes, are not included in the above enumeration. There were not, in fact, colonists sufficient in number, or sufficiently settled on the land, to raise the food requii-ed even for their own support.* * The following statement made relative to the year 1639, four years after Champlain's death, will throw some light on the subject of this article — it is taken from " The History of the Ursulines of Quebec," p. 25 : — " The population of Quebec was only about 250 French ; in the environs there wandered some hundreds of savages, Algonquius, established by Lalemant at Sillery, and governed by the Jesuit priests. In truth, fish was very abundant — but it was useless to count upon the products of the soil. 92 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1634-35. 78. It has been already mentioned that while Champlain lived, or during the years 1632-1635, the Company of One Hundred Associates were not wanting on their part in fur- thering the progress of the colony. They founded and main- tained, under the designation of Residences, at least five establishments in the territory of New France,* be- sides the forts, trading marts, and dwellings for the accom- modation of the colonists in different places. As regards the families and the individual colonists whom they introduced into the country, they exercised the utmost precautions in the endeavour to exclude all but persons of irreproachable character and habits. Le Jeune. who furnishes a somewhat minute account of the state of the colony at this time, expresses great joy at the increase of numbers, specifying two families in particular which alone comprehended forty-five persons ; and the worthy priest's mind being not entirely absorbed by the spiritual bearing of affairs, he piously adds, " What a subject for thankful- ness it is to see, in these countries, delicate ladies and children of tender age, landing from their wooden prisons, like the bright day issuing from the darkness of night, and, after all, enjoying such excellent health, notwith- standing all the inconveniences of these floating habitations, just as if they had pursued their route comfortably in a chariot." The Relations which had informed the people of France of what had transpired on the banks of the St even in the neighbourhood of Quebec, or upon the results o£ the chase in the forest ; the continual dangers which the colonists incurred pre- vented every one from daring to straj far from the little forts built here and there. At that time, and for a number of subsequent years, the colony could not calculate on subsistence except upon the provisions and supplies brought from France." Further on in the same work, it is stated that houses (batiments) were scarce for the population. * At Cape Breton, Miscou, Quebec, Three Rivers, and Shonatvra, among the Hurons. 1 634-35-] STATE OF THE COLONY. 93 Lawrence, had not only created an intense eagerness in the minds of religious persons to assist in the conversion of the savages, but also, by the particulars furnished, had at- tracted much attention in respect of the material advantages of the country. Various questions were asked by people in France to which Le Jeune returns full replies. Was the country exposed to the incursions of the hostile Spaniards? If the lands were cleared and worked, would they yield enough to support the inhabitants ? Were there apples or other fruits to be raised ? How long a time would it take twenty men to clear an acre ? What sort of pro- visions would be required, and how much would it cost to maintain each man a year ? How large and deep is the St Lawrence, and how far up can large vessels go ? To these were added other questions of a practical nature, in order to elicit information about the quality of the soil in regard to tillage, pasturage, and whether the labour of oxen and horses could be employed ? — whether stone, clay, sand, lime, and other requisites for building were abundant? — what natural products, animals, fish, and birds, were to be found ? — also what descriptions of merchandise, mine- rals and necessaries for shipbuilding could be exported to France ? — and finally, what was the character of the more remote regions, such as those occupied by the Huron people? From the answers given to these questions, and the various reflections and details supplied by the worthy ecclesiastic, we are enabled to form some notion of the con- dition and prospects of the colony about the period of Champlain's death. Le Jeune sums up the recom- mendations of the country under the four heads of excellence of its soil, its fortified posts,* the quality and * The fortified places alluded to were Qiietec — strengthened by Cham- plain on his return in 1633, and continued additions made to its defences subsequently — Three Rivers, and " L'Islet de Richelieu." 94 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1634-35. number of its inhabitants, and what he designates as its " civil and ecclesiastical police." Such means of defence as existed in 1635, the Company of Associates proposed to continually increase, by establishing new posts up the river as far as or beyond " Sault St Louis," * and they looked forward to the day when they should entirely command the whole extent of country through which flowed the " Grand River " or Ottawa, and when their occupation of it would reach to the shores of Lake Huron. Upon the other points referred to, Le Jeune thus ex- presses himself : — " As to the inhabitants of New France, they have increased beyond expectation. When I came first there was only one family ; now, every season we witness the arrival of a goodly number of highly honour- able persons, who come to throw themselves into our vast forests as into a peaceful retreat for piety and liberty. The sounds of palaces, and the thunders of serjeants-at-law, pleaders, and solicitors, could only reach us here from the distance of a thousand leagues ; and it is only once a year that the papers and gazettes, which some bring from Old France, apprise us of the existence in the world oi exactions, frauds, rohheries, murders, and enmities. Of course we are not without our maladies, but they are of easy cure and inexpensive. Thank God, the amiable souls in this country can experience the sweetness of a life far remote from thousands of superfluous compliments, from the tyranny of legal processes and the ravages of war. . . . Here we have honourable gentlemen and soldiers, whom it is a pleasure to behold going through warlike exercises in the midst of peace, and to hear the reports of musketry and cannon only on occasions of rejoicing re-echoed from our grand forests and mountains. The other inhabitants con- sist of a mass of various artisans and a number of honour- * Lachiiie. 1634-35] STATE OF THE COLONY. 95 able families, notably increased of late. Even our savages are astonished to see so many of what they call ' captains and young captains' When they tell us at Quebec that there is a number of persons at Tadoussac, and that nothing is to be seen below but men, women, and little children com- ing to increase our colony, and that amongst them are young ladies and young children as bright as the day, I leave you to judge how joy and surprise take possession of our hearts. Who cares now for the diificulty of crossing the ocean, when such young children, and girls, and women, naturally timid, make nothing of the long sea-voyage ? ... As to our civil and ecclesiastical police, I have already intimated we have no practice here for cavillers. All our disagreements hitherto have quickly disappeared ; every one is his own advocate, and the first person one meets is a judge of last resort without appeal. But if there be any case which deserves to come before the Governor, he disposes of it in two words. It is not that we cannot have here any judicial pro- cess, but as there are no great occasions of dispute, so there cannot be great lawsuits, and consequently in that respect all is mild and agreeable. Of course in all societies there are some discontented spirits to whom the very mildest form of restraint seems odious. All such are provided for here ; for, on the 29th December 1635, notices and pro- hibitions were affixed to a pillar in front of the church specifying the penalties for blasphemy, intemperance, neglect of mass or of divine service on fete-days. Also a pillory was attached to the same, which was had recourse to on the 16th of January to punish a drunkard and blasphemer ; and on the 22d one of our people was con- demned to pay a fine of fifty livres for having supplied intoxicating liquors to the savages. As to ecclesiastical jurisdiction, this is only exercised as yet in the hearts and consciences. At first when we came to this country we 96 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1634-3S. had only a wretched little hovel in which to celebrate divine service, and which now would make us ashamed ; then we had an apartment in a house ; next we built a chapel, and now we aim at converting this into a church. The first services held in this large chapel or little church were so attended that the place was filled from one end to the other. . . I have forgotten to say that the establish- ment of a College serves much to benefit the country, and a number of honourable people have intimated to me that they never would have crossed the ocean to New France, but that they knew there were here already persons able to guide their consciences and care for their salvation, as well as to instruct their children in virtue and learning." From what has been stated, it may justly be inferred that an auspicious beginning, at least, had been made in laying the foundations of a colony. Had the Company of Associates followed up their first efforts by continuing year by year to pay the same regard to the fulfilment of its obligations, then would this colony of New France soon have become considerable in numbers and resources, and have been in a position to ward off the lamentable train of miseries by which it came to be afflicted afterwards through neglect, internal weakness, dissension, and ex- ternal hostility. 79. It is necessary, in this place, to make mention of other European colonies which were growing up on the continent of North America, and whose presence there influenced the future destinies of Canada. In 1607 the English took the first step towards colonising Virginia by founding Jaiiieatown. In 1609 the river Hudson was navigated by the Dutch, who soon afterwards established settlements at Manhattan (Xew York) and at Orange (Albany). In 1621 the pilgrim fathers commenced the settlement of ilfas- sachusetts. In process of time powerful colonies sprung 1634-3S-] ENGLISH AND DUTCH COLONIES. 97 from these beginnings, which increased in population and resources much more rapidly than New Fiance, owing to several causes. In the first place, the promoters of the French colony were far more particular about the quality than the number of settlers, while the conversion of the Indians formed a primary object of care ; besides which, there was less real desire among the French people to emi- grate and establish new homes for themselves in America. On the other hand, in the other European colonies, the in- ducements of trade and commerce, united with greater facilities for procuring settlers, and an entirely different system of civil and religious government, rendered these far less dependent upon causes such as kept back the progress of New France. Accordingly, at the time when Champlain's people were struggling for sheer existence on the St Lawrence, numbering less than fourscore souls, the English and Dutch colonies embraced a population of more than two thousand. We also find it recorded that up- wards of twenty thousand persons came to establish them- selves in Massachusetts, New York, and Virginia between the years 1627 and 1637; and that while it became diffi- cult, soon after Champlain's death, to induce French families to go out to Canada, such was the flow of emi- grants to New England, that the Government took steps to check it. It could not have been religious exclusiveness alone that made the French colony increase less rapidly in numbers than New England ; for the puritans and zealots of Mas- sachusetts and New York were peculiarly harsh towards those of a different persuasion from their own. Indeed, tliey sometimes exercised a degree of intolerance that passed all bounds of moderation. The French authorities, both in the mother country and in Canada, did their best to exclude improper characters at the same time that they sought to G 98 HISTORY OF CANADA. [16343-5. have their emigrants all of one faith;* so that what was lost in respect of numbers must have been in a degree com- pensated for by unity of sentiment and the quality of the settlers. The climate also was less rigorous in Massa- chusetts and Virginia than northward at Tadoussac and Quebec. 80. The presence of those other European colonies in North America was not a source of advantage to the French in Canada, but, on the contrary, a cause of trouble and disaster. Apart from the influence of the feelings which might have been expected to stimulate rivalry be- tween bodies of colonists of differing nationality, much evil was occasioned by the neglect of their respective Govern- ments to fix, in a proper manner, the boundaries of their transatlantic possessions. It is not necessary, for the purposes of this history, to enter into all the details embraced in this important sub- ject, but only to confine ourselves to such as principally affected Canada. We have seen that while the French were engaged in endeavours to settle Acadia and. the region bordering on the St Lawrence, the English and Dutch were * The support -whicli the French Court afforded to the schemes of the companies, into whose care the process of settling New France was en- trusted, was always professedly based upon the desire to christianise the heathen natives. Richelieu's strong company recognised that as its first duty, and as one that could not be participated in by seoeders from the faith of the French people generally. Champlain had not only acquiesced to this extent in exclusiveness as regards religion, but also desired to avoid all display of religious dissension in the presence of the untutored savages, as being calculated to injure his own people in their estimation. There are instances of his showing himself desirous of assuaging the bitterness of that sort of dissension during his connection with the De Caens. But he was entirely averse from making religion a cloak for proceedings unjust to the savages. Harmless, indeed, and praiseworthy was his bigotry in comparison with that of the first conquerors of Mexico and Peru, who made religion a mere pretence, and a mask for their cupidity and treachery and wholesale cruelties towards the unhappy natives of those regions. I534-3S-] ENGLISH AND DUTCH COLONIES. 99 similarly occupied in Virginia and Massachusetts, in New York, and along the banks of the Hudson. The kings of France claimed territorial jurisdiction over an im- mense tract, extending all the way from the St Law- rence to Florida, under the title of " Nouvelle France" — a name which was first assigned by Verrazzani, al- though not adopted into general use until the time of Henry IV. Other Governments, as those of the English and Dutch, also claimed jurisdiction over portions of that vast domain. In course of time, as we have seen, settle- ments came to be formed. The kings of Europe made grants, based on their respective claims of discovery, to enterprising individuals and companies. Sometimes these grants were very extensive indeed, including portions of the continent stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Care was not taken to be particular about boundaries, or about the titles of the sovereigns who made the grants, or about the grants previously made by other potentates. The consequence was, that whenever the European Governments went to war with each other, the uncertainty and hostile claims relative to boundaries became convenient causes of dispute, and led to bloodshed among their American sub- jects. They attacked and destroyed each other's stations and villages, under the pretext that their occupants were intruders and trespassers. Moreover, the trading opera- tions of the French, Dutch, and English brought them into collision in dealing with the same Indian tribes. They tried to outbid each other, in order to secure advantages in traffic, and to form alliances with the savages. The Europeans, in their eagerness to extend their dealings with the natives, and to strengthen their alliances with them, forgot their own substantial interests so far as to supply the savages with fire-arms and ammuni- tion, and did not scruple to furnish them freely with intoxi- loo HISTORY OF CANADA. [i634-3S- eating liquors, thus occasioning them infinite injury and degradation. Excepting, however, in times of war in Europe, the dif- ferent nations do appear to have entertained some respect for claims founded upon actual priority of occupation or settlement. But, as has heen already stated, priority of discovery was always a convenient excuse for ag- gression. To illustrate what has been said about the uncertainty of boundaries, it may be mentioned that James I. of Eng- land made grants, between the years 1606 and 1621 to several distinct companies, authorising them to establish settlements — plantations — between lat. 34° and 48° N. On November 3, 1621, the same King made a grant of Neiu England, defined to lie between lat. 40" and lat. 48^ N. This space included Acadia and nearly all Canada. Later still the English Government made special grants extending to the St Lawrence, in utter disregard of the French claims, founded both upon prior discovery and actual settlement. Again, afterwards, when the French had pushed their discoveries westward beyond Lake Michigan, and south- ward into the valleys of the Ohio and Mississippi, it was claimed that the English had no rights to the west of the Alleghany Mountains, it being impossible to dispute their title to the territory lying east of that range. These adverse claims were not even adjusted when the European nations came to make peace with each other. In short, it seemed as if there was an intentional neglect of the important ques- tion of boundaries, in order that they might, whenever they saw fit, convert their American settlements into battlefields. So far as the savages themselves were concerned, we shall see that the Iroquois supported the pretensions of the English, while the French colonists had as allies J634-35-] GENERAL NOTE. tor the Hurons, Algonquins, Abenaquis, and other Canadian tribes. Note, — Many detaUs illustrative of the religious and social state of the colony about the time of Champlain's death might have been included in the foregoing chapter but for the necessity of curtailing its length. Some incidents, showing the manner of life and the personal trials and sufferings of the Jesuit priests, will be mentioned further on. These, of course, from their superior culture and intelligence, acquired great influence in all the affairs of the colony. They numbered then about fifteen persons. Champlain's wife was not merely the first French lady seen in the country, but, during her stay of four years, she was the only one. The impression made on the then rude colonists and on the wondering savages by her prepossessing appearance and her gentle manners has been already aUuded to. Registers began to be kept in Quebec about the year 1621. The first baptism entered was that of one Eusfache Martin, son of " Master Abra- ham Martin," from whose christian name was derived that of the tract near the city known as the Plains of Abraham. The first wedding was that of one Couillard and a daughter of the earliest emigrant, Louis Hchert. Some animals, cows, sheep, mine, &c., had been imported as early as 1608. In 1623, it is recorded that two thousand bundles of fodder were brought from the pasture grounds at Cap Tourmenfe to Quebec for winter use. The Company of Associates were bound to bring in two or three hun- dred settlers every year. In order to carry on the work of establishing settlers on the land, several subordinate companies or associations were formed in France about this time. One of the leaders in such enterprises was M. Giffard, a physician, who spent no less than thirty years of his life in promoting the advancement of the colony. In return for his ser- vices, the Company of Associates conferred on him an extensive tract as a seigniory at JBeauport, near Quebec, where he employed artisans and labourers in clearing land and constructing a mansion for his own family. A village soon grew up there in consequence of these labours. In course of this chapter there is scarcely an allusion made to the Iroquois. Nevertheless these continued to be persistent enemies both to the Canadian Indians and the French colonists. Incidents connected with their implacable hostility form a notable part of the subsequent history. When the Ursulines and the Hospital nuns — three of each order — came out with Madame de la Peltrie, the former were placed in a small building in the lower town, where they remained three years, till 1642, when their house and convent were built in the upper town. They immediately commenced teaching young Indian and French girls. The Hospital nuns 102 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. were accommodated at SUlery. From August 1639 to February 1640 the small-pox raged and occasioned much anxiety and labour to the nuns. In describing their first winter out of France, the UrsuUnes say of themselves — " Although confined in a small hole, with insufficient air, we yet continue in health. If in France one eat only bacon and salt-fish, as we do here, one might be ill without a word said ; but we are well, and sing better than in France. The air is excellent, and this is a terrestrial paradise, where the difficulties and troubles of life come so lovingly, that the more one is piqued, the more one's heart is filled with amiability." CHAPTER XL COMPANY OF ASSOCIATES FAILS TO FULFIL ITS ENGAGEMENTS — CHAM- PLAIN'S SUCCESSORS — IROQUOIS INCURSIONS AND AUDACITY — ESTABLISHMENTS AT SILLEEY AND QUEBEC — SETTLEMENT OF THE ISLAND OF MONTREAL — FORTIFICATIONS — EARLY TRIALS AND DISASTERS OF THE SETTLERS — GALLANT CONDUCT OF MAISON- NBUVE — GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE PROGRESS OF MONTREAL UP TO THE YEAR 166.3 — FATE OF MAISONNEUVB — INCURSIONS OF THE IROQUOIS — THEIR DESIGNS AGAINST THE COLONY — DE- STRUCTION OP THE HURON NATION — HEROISM OF DOLLARD AND HIS COMPANIONS. 81. The Company of One Hundred Associates soon began to relax in their efforts. Like their pre- decessors, they found their commercial gains much interfered with by merchants and adventurers, who not only denounced their exclusive privileges at the court of France, but, in the colony itself, set at defiance aU endeavours to prevent them from trading with the natives. In France, the head official or Viceroy, though a personage of high rank, was unable to protect the Company in the enjoyment of their rights ; nor could those who conducted their local business efficiently discharge their duties to the colony. 1636-63.] DIFFICULTIES OF THE COMPANY. 103 These duties, which included the security and defence of the inhabitants, as well as seeing that the conditions of the Company's charter were fulfilled in respect of the support of religion and the supply of necessaries to the colonists, came at length to be very inefficiently performed. Long before the time originally specified for the introduction of not less than four thousand emigrants, the settlement of the country by them resolved itself into the sending out of mere factors and servants to work out their commercial interests alone. In consequence, owing to their failure to sustain an adequate military force, and their neglect of the wants of the inhalii tants, so far as these were dependent upon the care of the Associates, their chief officers were left to contend with difficulties sinjilar to those which had formerly beset Cham- plain. Added to these evils were others growing out of internal dissensions and the hostile attacks of the Iroquois. Hence, between the time of the death of Champlain and the year 1663, when the Company's charter was abolished, the history of the colony is principally that of a struggle to sustain a precarious existence ; for it will be seen that at any time during the greater part of that period, the colony, with all its inhabitants, might have perished, unable to bear up against the combined effects of neglect, scarcity, and some sudden assault of their ferocious adversaries. Before the year last mentioned, whether from death of members, resignation, or loss of interest in the concerns of New France, the number of Associates had dwindled to less than one half of their complement. Although in this article it has been judged necessary to refer in a summary manner to the Company of Associates, nevertheless, during the period adverted to, the history of the colony is replete with other incidents which it is proper to describe more fully. 82. After Champlain, M. Chateaufort presided over the I04 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. affairs of the colony at Quebec until the arrival of a permanent successor, M. de Montmagny, which occurred in May 1636. In all, there were seven chief functionaries or Governors between 1635 and 1663, namely, M. Montmagny, M. d'Aillebout, the De Lausons, father and son, M. d'Argenson, and M. d'Avaugour* These exercised their functions under the most difficult conditions, some of which have been alluded to in the pre- ceding article. Indeed, there is so much similarity in the record of events of their successive governorships, that to recount all in detail would seem to be, in many cases, a mere repetition. 83. During Montmagny's governorship, from 1636 to 1648, while the trading operations of the Company of Associates were being prosecuted as well as external cir- cumstances permitted, unremitting attention continued to be devoted to two principal objects — the conversion of the Canadian Indians, and the defence of the country against the Iroquois. These barbarians committed serious depre- dations and atrocities, making frequent irruptions into Canada for the purpose chiefly of attacking the Hurons, who could scarcely make head against them with all the aid they could derive from their French allies. Montmagny, to whom the Hurons and Algonquins gave the name of " Ononthio," f notwithstanding the display of much courage * Montmagny, .... 1636—1648. D'Ailleboust, .... 1648—1661. De Lauson, .... 1651—1656. De Lauson (son), . . . 1656 — 1657. D'Ailleboust, .... 1657—1658 (same as from 1648 to 1651). D'Argenson, .... 1658—1661. D'Avaugour, .... 1661—1663. See complete list of Governors in page 144. f In the Indian tongue, mountain or great mountain ; the King of France they designated as " The Cfreat Ononthio." 1636-63.] IROQUOIS INCURSIONS AND AUDACITY. loj and skill, was unable to secure any permanent success in his defensive operations. After one assault was repelled, another quickly followed. During one year, 1640, the horrors of Indian warfare occasioned extreme suffering both to the Hurons and to the French. The Hurons were in the habit of bringing down the products of the chase from the Ottawa regions and the Upper St Lawrence to the French trading posts at Three Eivers and Quebec, and this afforded their malignant enemies opportunities of indulg- ing at the same time their cruelty and their cupidity.* On one occasion, the Governor had contrived to induce the Iroquois to send deputies to Three Eivers for the purpose of negotiating terms of peace. During the conference, several Huron canoes came in sight on the river, when the barbarian negotiators suddenly broke up the meeting, and openly pushed off from the bank to attack and pillage their unsuspecting enemies. At the conference referred to, the Iroquois demanded, as one of the conditions of peace, that the French should abandon the Hurons and Algonquins to their mercy — a demand which proves how necessitous the case of the colonists was regarded to be by those with whom Mont- magny was desirous of coming to terms. With such ad- versaries and on such conditions no satisfactory peace could be established. 84. Meanwhile, chiefly through the benevolence and zeal of private individuals in France, accessions were being * The traffic of the Iroquois at this time was with the Dutch colonists on the river Hudson. By waylaying the Huron parties on the St Lawrence, they were enabled to take possession of the skins procured in the hunting- grounds of their hated enemies. The canoes were destroyed or taken, and the unfortunate Hurons massacred or carried off to be tortured to death in the Iroquois villages. In return for skins the Dutch supplied the Iroquois with arms, ammu- nition, and ardent spirits. At certain seasons of the year, the Hurona used to pass down in large numbers, having their canoes laden with furs. io6 HISTORY OF CANADA, [1636-63. made to the means of extending religious missions among the Indian settlements, as well as founding permanent religious establishments at Quebec, Three Kivers, and on the Island of Montreal. Undeterred by the calamitous condition of the country, numerous clerical and lay persons devoted themselves to those works. In 1637, an institution for converted Algon- quins was begun near Quebec, and named Sillery* after the gentleman who founded it. In 1639 and 1640 the Hotel Dieu,-f as an hospital for the sick, and the Ursuline Convent | for the training and education of female children, both French and Indians, were established within the limits of that city. 85. In 1640 another society, under the designation of "La Compagnie de Montreal," was formed in Paris for the promotion of religion in the colony. This company consisted of upwards of thirty persons of wealth and influ- ence, who entered into a kind of partnership with the object of establishing a permanent settlement on the island where Hochelaga once existed. Here it was proposed to * M. de Sillery was a Knight of Malta and one of the Company of Asso- ciates, but furnished the means of founding the establishment out of his own pocket. Prom being a gay courtier at the court of Louis XIII., he became a priest, and devoted his wealth to pious works. He died in 1640. The establishment named after him was intended to include a house for the Jesuits, to be called St Joseph ; also habitations and grounds for those converted Algonquins and Montagnais who could be induced to leave their wild habits of life and take up their residence near to their Jesuit pastors. + The Hotel Dieu was founded by a French Duchess, Madame cHAiguillon, who took much interest in the welfare of the Canadian Indians. J The Ursuline Convent was founded by another lady of rank, Madame de la Pdtrie, who came herself to Canada, bringing with her three nuns as nurses for the Hotel Dieu, and three Ursuline sisters for the convent. (See note, p. 101.) This lady's determination to go out to New France, and to devote her property to the purpose of educating the daughters of the French settlers and of the savages, had been warmly opposed by her relatives. '636-63-] MAISONNEUVE. 107 build a town and protect it by means of fortifications. A gentleman named Maisonneuve was chosen to conduct the operations, and to preside over all the affairs of the Com- pany in Canada. The sanction of the Company of Asso- ciates, as well as that of the King, having been obtained, in the course of 1641 and 1642, priests and families, as well as a body of forty chosen men, under the immediate com- mand of Maisonneuve, were sent out.* 86. On the 17th of May 1642, "Ville Marie" was solemnly consecrated. The spot was near to the slope of that " Eoyal Mount " which received its name one hun- dred and seven years before from Jacques Cartier ; in imitation of whom, it is recorded, M. de Maisonneuve ascended to the summit, and surveyed the boundless ex- panse of rivers, forests, and highlands extending to the east and south. The site of Ville Marie became in after times that of the city of Montreal. 87. The preparations made in France for the settlement of the Island of Montreal were attended with several note- worthy circumstances. The choice of M. de Maisonneuve was a fortunate one. He was a man of unquestioned * " On arriving at Quetec in 1641, they were solicited not to proceed higlier up the river. The colony had only two or three hundred persons, and would profit much by this reinforcement. They were offered the Island of Orleans for erecting their establishment, and efforts were made to intimidate them by accounts of the Iroquois, who overran the country, and were still about the Island of Montreal. Maisonneuve replied — ' I have not come to deliberate, but to execute : if there were as many Iroquois at Montreal as trees, it is my duty and a matter of honour to go there and establish a colony.' He went without delay. Mdlle. Mance remained to spend the winter in Quebec. Attempts were made to detain her, but she, far from being deterred from going to Montreal, even gained over Madame Peltrie, who had a taste for new establishments. Madame Peltrie, when at Montreal, proposed to go among the Hurons, but the priest Vimont dis- suaded her. Eventually she returned to Quebec, and there passed the rest of her life. She stayed eighteen mouths at Montreal, till the year 1643." — UrauUnes o/Qiiebec, vol. i. p. 76. ro8 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. courage, experience, and piety, besides being possessed of considerable wealth. When applied to, he offered his services without any regard to self-interest, declaring his desire to devote his sword, his purse, and his life to the work, for the glory of Grod. Twenty tons of provisions and other necessaries were despatched to Quebec before- hand, consigned to the charge of Le Jeune, the old friend of Champlain. Eecruits were selected from among able- bodied men, equally handy in the use of the sword, the axe, and the hoe ; and a sum of twenty-five thousand crowns was provided, so that nothing might be wanting in the way of equipments. At the same time the Montreal Company sought the services of an accomplished woman to go out in charge of the hospital arrangements and the distribution of the provisions and merchandise, and one who would be willing to expatriate herself from motives similar to those which actuated M. de Maisonneuve.* Among those who came to establish themselves on the island were M.d'Aille- hout, and his wife and sister. D'Aillebout was also a man of rank and wealth, and noted subsequently for becoming twice Governor of the whole colony. 88. During its first few years the new establishment on the Island of Montreal barely contrived to maintain an existence. M. d'Aillebout, conversant with the art of fortification by reason of his previous experience in military affairs, was charged with the duty of preparing the de- fences necessary for protection against the Iroquois, who prowled like wild beasts through the adjacent territory, and more especially along the northern outlets of the river Ottawa, frequented by the Hurons in their passage into the * Several noble ladies of France interested themselves in the affairs of the new company, and finally selected Mademoiselle Mance, who went out under their auspices, and became the foundress of the Hotel Dieu of Montreal. 1636-63.] HIS GALLANT CONDUCT. 109 St Lawrence. Fortunately those savages failed to discover the presence of the French on the island until the spring of 1643, by which time the colonists were enabled to quit their temporary cabins of bark and occupy habitations of a more permanent character. But no sooner did the Iroquois become aware of the vicinity of the Europeans than they began to harass them after their fashion. Lying in wait, and watching their opportunity from behind the trunks of trees and lurking-places in the forests, they attacked all who ventured outside the enclosures, frequently succeeding in cutting off stragglers, and in killing or making them captives. In fact, the colonists, during the years 1643 and 1644, lived in a state of siege. In spite of the discontent and solicitations of his people, Maisonneuve persisted in remaining on the defensive, until at length, when charged with downright cowardice, he deemed it necessary both to prove his own courage and to convince his followers of the wisdom of his course in refraining from offensive operations. Accompanied by dogs trained to discover the Iroquois in their places of concealment, and at the head of thirty armed men, he marched out into the forest, where upwards of two hundred savages speedily fell upon the French and compelled them to return. Maisonneuve was the last to retire. With a pistol in each hand, he moved slowly back- wards after his discomfited band, covering their retreat.* A number of Frenchmen were killed and wounded in this encounter, which had, however, the effect of satisfying all that they could preserve their lives only by remaining under the protection of their fortifications. During the years above mentioned the losses of the French, through the vigilant hostility of their enemies and their crafty * It 13 said that the spot upon which this signal proof of valour was dis- played was that which, now situated in the heart of the modern city, ia known as the " Place d'Armes." no HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. modes of attack, were such that, notwithstanding consider- able reinforcements from France, the total number of colonists on the island decreased, while it was found im- possible to provide adequate accommodations for the sick and wounded. 89. It will be seen from the statements made in a future article, that nearly the whole period subsequent to the settling of the Island of Montreal, up to the year 1663, was calamitous to the French throughout Canada. But confining our attention, for the present, to the early history of Montreal, we learn that Maisonneuve, foreseeing the probable ruin of the people under his more immediate command, visited France in 1645, during a temporary suspension of hostilities with the Iroquois, in order to obtain succour. He left D'Aillebout in charge, with instructions to augment the fortifications as much as possible. In 1646, the Iroquois renewing their attacks, D'Aillebout also went to France, in the hope of hastening the arrival of reinforcements so urgently needed. Fortunately Maison- neuve was then on his way out with recruits and supplies. In 1648 D'Aillebout was promoted to the position of Governor of Canada, and, in conjunction with Maisonneuve, now his subordinate, adopted measures which were effectual in saving from destruction the colonists on the island. During the four succeeding years of carnage, these were scarcely able to preserve their existence; but such was their intrepidity and heroism, that they always repulsed their foes. On one occasion (1652) a small band of twenty-four Frenchmen defeated a body of two hundred Iroquois in the immediate vicinity of Montreal. In the same year Maisonneuve again departed to procure assistance from France, and returned the following spring with three vessels and upwards of a hundred soldiers. From this period to 1663, the inhabitants of Montreal not only contrived to 1636-63.] MORE IROQUOIS INCURSIONS. in repel all assaults, but had the satisfaction of witnessing a continual increase in numbers and strength, so that, in regard to rapidity of growth,* their progress exceeded that at Quebec, and excited some jealousy, which led the people of the latter city to endeavour to prevent recruits and supplies, intended for Montreal, from passing upwards. In 1663 the "Company of Montreal" was dissolved, they having abeady sold their rights to the religious order of St Sulpice, at Paris, by whom was founded the seminary belonging to that order still existing in the city. About this period, the inhabitants of the island suffered much from the Iroquois, who committed such atrocities that the colonists scarcely dared to leave their dwellings, either to till the soil or to gather in their harvest. Not long afterwards, M. Maisonneuve, notwithstanding his great services to the colony and his exalted personal character, was forced to relinquish his command and to leave the colony, in consequence of the arbitrary proceedings of the Governor.^ The example of courage and endurance which Maisonneuve set to his followers during the whole time of his government — upwards of twenty-three years — contributed mainly to the preservation of their lives, as well * In 1663, the "Congregation de la Notre Dame" was founded by a Madame Bourgeois. A number of young women, as wives for the colonists, were sent out by Anne of Austria, the Queen of France. By this time numerous concessions of land on the island had been made, and the number of habitations greatly extended. We find, however, no precise record of the population until the year 1672, when it had reached fifteen hundred. + M. de Mesy, the sixth Governor after Montmagny. Maisonneuve stands forth in the early history of Canada as one of its brightest orna- ments. He might have been Governor in 1648 had he desired the pro- motion, but he declined it and recommended D'Aillebout. His expulsion by De Mesy was a result of the strong jealousy of the Company of The Hundred Associates towards the Company of Montreal, during the governor- ship of D^Argenson and of his successor, I)''Avaugour. Maisonneuve appears to have retired to Paris, where the Seminarists allowed him a pension for his support. 112 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. as to the safety of the whole colony. It will be seen that one of his people, named Dollard, performed an extra- ordinary exploit in 1660, narrated in a future article, by which the fortunes of the French in Canada were sustained at one of the most critical periods of their history.* 90. Meanwhile the successive Governors, including Montmagny, D'Aillebout, the De Lausons, D'Argenson, D'Avaugour, and De Mesy, administering the affairs of the colony between the years 1636 and 1663, as has been already stated, and residing for the most part at Quebec, experienced every species of difHculty in the performance of their duties. But the principal source of their embar- rassment was generally the hostility of their deadly enemies the Iroquois. The proofs of enmity were not confined to acts of open warfare, or exhibited only when a recognised state of war subsisted. Treachery, and bad faith in observ- ing conditions of peace entered into with the French from time to time, characterised the conduct of those savages. Sometimes they would solemnly agree to a truce, and then, under the slightest pretext, attack and murder those whom a trust in their professions had put off their guard. Some- times, on the river, or in the forest, they would butcher Frenchmen, alleging that their proceedings were the result of some untoward mistake, or falsely throwing the blame upon other tribes of Indians. Under all circumstances, whenever an opportunity occurred, they plundered and * An anecdote is recorded of Maisonneuve illustrative of his pious instincts. On one occasion a sudden freshet threatened to overwhelm the habitations and storehouses of the infant settlement on the island. The water, rising higher and higher, seemed about to engulf the precious results of the colonists' labours, when, in the extremity of the danger, he had recourse to prayers, and vowed that if, by divine aid, the calamity should be averted, he would transport a heavy wooden cross on his shoulders to the summit of the mountain, and there erect it. The waters Soon after subsided, and Maisonneuve as early as possible duly fulfilled his vow, in the presence of all the inhabitants, with much ceremony. 1636-63.] CALAMITOUS STATE OF THE COLONY. 113 slaughtered the Indian allies of the colonists. With fire- arms and ammunition supplied by the Dutch traders — the Iroquois at times occupied the whole country except the interior of the principal French posts. No durable peace could be made with them, as was shown in 1645, when, in spite of a treaty made with them by the Governor, French- men, Hurons, and Algonquins, were indiscriminately attacked and slain without the semblance of a cause. Priests and missionaries also were sometimes captured by them, mutilated, and put to death. While at work in their fields, the French were obliged to have at hand their arque- buses and other warlike weapons ready for instant use. At one time M. d'Aillebout made overtures to the New England colonists with the view of arranging an alliance, offensive and defensive, and coupled with a condition that assistance should be rendered in putting down the Iroquois. But after some deliberation, the New Englanders rejected his proposals on account of that stipulation. The negotia- tions became known to the Iroquois, during one of the brief intervals of repose from active warfare. Suddenly breaking the truce, the fierce savages resumed hostilities on a large scale, and with the double purpose of exterminating the Canadian Indians, and of driving aU the French out of the country. They fell upon the establishment at Sillery, and in a short time destroyed it by fire, after a fearful massacre of its inhabitants, without respect to age or sex. Every- where outside the principal posts the French and Indian habitations were similarly dealt with, and their occupants killed. At Three Kivers, M. du Plessis, the commandant, was slain, together with a number of his followers, in an attempt to repel them. Ville Marie (Montreal) was in like manner beset, as has been already described. In the upper regions, along the river Ottawa and on the borders of Lake Huron, not only were the Huron inhabitants and H 114 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. ■their settlements ruthlessly destroyed, but the French missionaries also were tortured and put to death.* These atrocities continued to be committed from time to time during the greater part of the period when the Governors named at the commencement of this article ruled the country. Both the Grovernment of France and the Company of Associates neglected to furnish succour, or did so to an extent which failed to repair the actual loss of life suffered by the colonists in the unequal contest. The colony at length reached the verge of ruin, for Frenchmen could neither till their lands nor pass from one post to another without the risk of being killed or carried off into captivity. Kespecting this calamitous period, it is recorded * In 1646, the Jesuit priest Isomc Jogues, who had formerly suffered frightful tortures and been mutilated by the Mohawks, was put to death by these barbarians, while on an embassy to treat of peace. In 1648, Anthony DomwI was killed, and his body hacked and thrown among the burning embers of his missionary station in the Huron country. In 1649, Oairiel Lalemcmt and John Brebceuf, two of the most distinguished of the Jesuit missionaries, were taken at their station among the Hurons by an invading baud of Iroquois, and murdered, after suffering, during many hours, all the torments which the barbarians could devise. Brebceuf was the most noted of all the Jesuit missionaries of Canada. The frightful details of his death, and that of Lalemant, are described by John Shea in his " History of the Catholic Missions," pp. 188-191. This author, after mentioning the other particulars, thus describes the closing scene ; — " While the rest like fiends danced around him, slicing off his iesh to devour it before his eyes, or cauterising the wounds with heated stones and hatchets, these placed a cauldron of water on the fire. 'Eohon,' cried the mockers, 'thou hast told us that the more we suffer here the brighter will be our crown in heaven. Thank us, then, for we are laying up for thee a priceless one.' When the water was heated, they tore off his scalp, and thrice, in derision of baptism, poured it over his head amid the loud shouts of the unbe- lievers. The eye of the martyr was now dim, and the torturers, unable, from first to last, to wring from his lips one sigh of pain, were eager to close the scene. Hacking off his feet, they clove open his chest, took out his noble heart, and devoured it." Some portions of the remains of Brebceuf were afterwards carried to Quebec, and his head enclosed in a silver bust sent from France by his family, which belonged to the nobility of that country, and was connected 1636-63.] CALAMITOUS STATE OF THE COLONY. 115 that " from Tadoussac to Quebec, thence to Three Rivers, and all the way to Ville Marie, there was nothing but traces of bloodshed and havoc." Those towns, indeed, were kept by the Iroquois in a state of siege ; nor could their defenders derive any assistance from their Indian allies, since these had been compelled to disperse in every direction. Several hundreds of the unhappy fugitives had been allowed to take refuge on the Island of Orleans, where at first they seemed to be safe from their merciless foes. But the result proved that even there they were exposed to massacre, so that at length only a small remnant survived, who were brought within the enclosures of Quebec. The Hurons and Algonquins were, in fact, as a people, utterly destroyed.* with the English Earls of Arundel. The bust is still at the Hotel Dieu, Quebec. In addition to the above-mentioned cases of priests captured and killed or maltreated by the Iroquois, a number of others might be cited, especially that of M. Vignal, on the island of Montreal, in October 166L On the 25th day of the month he, with a party of Frenchmen, went to inspect the works connected with the building of the house of the St Sulplicians, in front of Ville Marie. The Iroquois, with the ferocity of hungry wolves, threw themselves upon the French, killed some and wounded Vignal, so that he could not escape being captured. Seizing him, they dragged him over the ground amongst the bushes and through the water. His wonnda and the violence with which he was treated, soon put an end to his life, when portions of his body were roasted and eaten, and the rest thrown into a fire and consumed. * The Hurons here referred to, before these disasters befell them, con- sisted of upwards of thirty thousand souls, and occupied a very fine territory between Lake Simcoe and Lake Huron, containing nearly twenty populous villages. The Algonquins were spread in detached bodies throughout Canada, but some of their more numerous tribes, previously to this period, occupied portions of the Upper Ottawa district and the AUumette Island. In the year 1649, bands of fugitive Hurons were located on the Island of Orleans under French protection, and in July 1650 were joined by the relics of their people from above. Between then and 1659 they continued from time to time to be harassed by the Iroquois, even up to the very enclosures of Quebec. Eight years later (in the time of Tracy), they were u6 HISTORY OF CANADA. [ ^ ' 63. During the ten or twelve years following upon the feaiful disasters which befell the Hurons and Algonquins, the triumphant Iroquois, without fear and interruption, over- ran the depopulated hunting-grounds, while they continued their warfare upon the French. The latter, about the year 1660, reduced to great extremity, had every reason to apprehend that their enemies would make their long meditated attack in force sufficient to effect their complete ruin or expulsion from Canada. Had the Iroquois, who now commanded all the means of access to the principal posts with large bodies of their warriors, resolutely followed up their project, they might have been successful. But they were induced to relinquish their design by an incident which deserves especial mention in this place. 91. Towards the close of the winter of 1659-60, a party of Hurons from among those who had taken refuge in Quebec started on the war-path, with the view of destroying such of the prowling bands of the Iroquois as they might en- counter on their old hunting-grounds near the Ottawa. At Three Kivers they were joined by a few Algonquins, and pursued their route thence to Montreal. Here sixteen Frenchmen, along with their captain, M. Bollard, swelled their numbers to upwards of sixty combatants. Ascending the rapids above Ville Marie, they turned to the right, as if to make for the Huron hunting-grounds. At a spot on the bank of the Ottawa they established themselves as securely and secretly as possible, lying in wait for their enemy. The settled at St Foye, and twenty-six years later still, in 1693, they were made to form the settlement of Old Lorette. Lastly, in 1700, the settle- ment of New Lorette, seven miles from Quebec, was established, and here their descendants are still to be seen. Those of the unfortunate surviTors of this once numerous people who did not come to Quebec, scattered themselves in all directions over the continent. Thus, as stated in the text, their destruction as a people was complete. 1636-63.1 HEROISM OF DOLLARD. 117 Iroquois soon discovered them, and advanced to attack their position with upwards of two hundred warriors. These were repelled with slaughter, but being reinforced by about five hundred more, the French and their allies found themselves completely surrounded by a force from which it became impossible to escape. During about ten days they resisted the most strenuous exertions of assailants ten times their number, irritated by their resistance, and thirsting for vengeance. Being at length overpowered, the gallant DoUard and his band were all killed, excepting five French- men and four Hurons, who were captured and reserved for a fate more terrible than that of their slaughtered com- rades. The captives were carried off and distributed among the several tribes of the five nations, by whom, with every circumstance of barbarity, they were nearly all sub- jected to bodily torments until released by death. Three of the captives, however, Hurons, contrived to escape, independently of each other, and eventually made their way to Quebec, each bringing information vphich disclosed the details of the terrible tragedy. According to their narratives, the heroism of the seventeen devoted French- men vras such as to make a deep impression on the minds of the Iroquois savages. Witnessing the valour and powers of endurance by which the assaults of seven hundred assail- ants had been resisted, during ten days, by so small a number of Frenchmen, as well as the calmness and con- tempt of bodily torture which the survivors manifested, they came to the conclusion that their meditated attack upon the French posts at Three Rivers and Quebec was too hazardous. Accordingly, they abandoned their main design,* and thus the gallant conduct and self-devotion of * The plans of the Iroquois for accomplishing the extinction of French rule in Canada may be thus generally stated : — Upwards of twelve hundred war- riors were to assemble in the vicinity of Ville Marie (Montreal) in the spring JiS HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. Dollard and his companions, though fatal to themselves, were probably instrumental in rescuing the entire colony from destruction* of 1660. They were to descend the St Lawrence to Quebec, and, making their attack while most of the inhabitants were out in the fields, plough- iug and sowing seed, to destroy that city and all settlements in its vicinity, and to kill or capture the inhabitants. This done, they were next to assail Three Rivers, and finally Montreal. News of the project was brought to Quebec by friendly Indians, and occasioned great alarm, especially when the UrsuHne nuns were seen to quit their more exposed habitations and take up their quarters in the buildings of the Jesuits. The people flocked from their dwellings into the houses of the religious bodies, or barricaded themselves in the lower town. A garrison of twenty- four men was stationed in the Ursuliue buildings, redoubts raised near these, and a dozen large dogs placed to guard the gates. Nearly every one was very much frightened. The alarm subsided as soon as the escaped Hurons brought word of Bollard's exploit and the consequent retirement of the Iroquois. * Mr Garneau, in his History, gives a rather confused account of this episode, styling the French leader Doulac. Charlevoix omits to mention the affair. For the original authority the reader is referred to "Kelations des Jesuits — Relation de la Nouvelle Frauce en I'ann^e 1660," vol. iii. p. 14 et seq. Other works, professing to be Annals or Histories of Canada, omit to make mention of the gallantry of Dollard and its importaiit results — such as "The Beauties of the History of New France or Canada" — "History of Canada, by I'Abbe Brasseur." Ferland, with his well-known earnest fidelity, does not fail to narrate the leading facts. 1636-63.] MONTMAGNY. I19 CHAPTEK XII. PAETICULAES RESPECTING THE GOVEENOES PROM 1636-1663 — MONTH AGNY^-d'aILLEBOUT — JEAN AND CHARLES DB LAUSON — D'aEGENSON— D'aVAUGOUE — ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS — M. LAVAL — XIQUOE TRAFFIC — DEPLORABLE STATE OF THE COLONY. 92. MoNTMAGNY, who was Governor from 1636 to 1648, and nearly all his successors from that year to 1663, were men of great courage and ability, presiding over the affairs of the colony during a period which has been styled "the heroic age of New France." The character of Montmagny is summed up in the '' History of the Ursulines of Quebec" as that of a man who "left behind him an eternal memory of his prudence and sagacity." He was remark- able no less on account of his devotional spirit, manifested on all occasions, than for his courage and dignified demeanour. The chiefs of the Canadian Indians, and even those of the Iroquois, entertained a great respect for him. He built Fort Eichelieu in 1642, in order to check the incursions of the Iroquois. Although he was desirous of relinquishing his office on several occasions, because the responsible duties could not be efficiently performed in the absence of adequate assistance from France, which he applied for in vain, yet, at the instance of the Company of Associates, his commission was renewed from time to time by the King, until the year 1648. At length his re- quest to be recalled was complied with, and he returned to his native land to die. During his administration of twelve years, he proved himself to be a loyal servant of his King, a faithful promoter of the interests of the Company, a true I20 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. son of bis Church, and possessed of much tact in conduct- ing the critical affairs of the colony. Le Mercier, in the " Jesuit Eelations," bears the follow- ing testimony to the noble character of Montmagny : — " All the principal persons in our colony honour reli- gion, and virtue here holds her head high. Is it not a highly commendable sight to behold soldiers and artisans, Frenchmen and savages, dwelling together peaceably, and enjoying the good-will of each other ? This sort of miracle has been brought about by the prudence and sagacity of M. Montmagny, our Grovernor ; and, in saying this, I believe I express the sentiments of all under his govern- ment. We owe very great obligations to our great King, to the Cardinal, and to the members of the Company, for having given us a man so valiant and so conversant with all kinds of knowledge, so fitted for command, and, above all, so greatly interested for the glory of Grod. His ex- ample draws all after him. Justice reigns here, insolence is banished, and impudence dare not raise her head. But when this our Grovernor leaves us, we know not who may succeed him ; so, may Grod preserve him for us a long time, as it is extremely important to introduce good laws and virtuous customs in these early beginnings, and those who are to come after us will easily follow in our footsteps the examples we afford them, whether of good or of evil."* 93. M. d'Aillebout, on the recommendation of Maison- neuve, the founder of Montreal, was appointed to succeed Montmagny. He became first connected with Canada as a member of the Company of Montreal. He brought out * In honour of this Governor the island now called " Isle of Jesus " was formerly named " L'lslede Montmagny." According to the ancient descrip- tion given in the Relations, it was bounded on the north by the river St Jean, and on the south by the river " Des Praii-ies." These are merely parts of the river Ottawa, north of the Island of Montreal, from whjph Isle Jesus is separated by the Des Prairife. 1636-63.] D'AILLEBOUT. 121 a body of sixty retainers in 1645, and settled on the island. During the times when Mnisonneuve was absent he per- formed the duties of commandant, and rendered valuable services in devising and superintending the construction of the defences required for the protection of the colonists. His governorship began in 1648 and ended in 1651, but afterwards, between 1657 and 1658, he discharged the functions of Lieutenant-Governor until the arrival of the new Governor, D'Argenson. He was an excellent military officer, although, in the absence of adequate succour from France, he was scarcely able to prevent the colony froni succumbing under the attacks of the Iroquois. His endeavours to secure an alliance between Canada and the New England colonies have been already mentioned. D'Aillebout, like his predecessors Champlain and Mont- magny, was a man of great piety. His bearing and con- duct towards members of religious orders were such as to secure their highest regard, while he enjoyed the respect of all, on account of his services to the colony, his sagacity, and military qualities. In 1650, when the house of the Ursulines at Quebec was destroyed by fire, he not only exercised his authority, as Governor, in caring for the protection of all the inmates, who, through that calamity, were suddenly deprived of their home and effects, but assisted them in every way ; furnishing, from his own private stores, provisions and other necessaries in a time of scarcity.* * The burciBg of the house of the UrsuUne3, in the night of December 30, 1650, was an event in which the whole colony felt the deepest con- cern. Pull accounts of it are given in the History of the Ursulines of Quebec and also in the Relations. Although it began after all had retired to rest, and, by its suddenness and violence, conapelled the inmates to escape as they best could, in their night-clothes, yet no lives were lost. The weather at the time was intensely cold, and the ground covered with snow. The Ursulines lost all they had. They were afterwards en- couraged to rebuild, instead of returning to France. The other religious 122 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. In 1651, he was superseded by a new Governor, M. de Laiison, into whose hands D'Aillebout resigned his power bodies, as well as M. d'Aillebout, assisted them in doing so with loans of money and their credit. The Governor himself and Madame d'Aillebout furnished the designs or plans ; and the former, as temporal father of the community, did all he could towards the restoration of their useful establishment. One of the most touching incidents connected with the disaster of the Ursulines occurred a short time after the fire, when they were tempo- rarily lodged in the Hotel Dieu, where the Sospitalieres received them with the utmost kindness and charity. Proofs of sympathy had reached them from every quarter — all classes of the French and the Indians com- bining to manifest the concern so universally entertained. But the poor Hurons, who then occupied at least 400 cabins in the neighbourhood of the hospital, excelled others in this respect. They held a council, and finding that their utmost wealth consisted in the possession of two porcelain collars, each composed of 1200 grains or rings, they resolved to go in a body to the Hotel Dieu, and offer these as a present, along with their condolences. Their chief, Taieronk, made an oration, commencing : " You behold in us poor creatures the relics of a flourishing nation now no more. In our Huron country, we have been devoured and gnawed to the vei-y bones by war and famine ; nor could these carcases of ours stand upright but for the support we have derived from you. You have learned from others, and now you see with your own eyes, the extremity of misery to which we have been reduced. Look well at us, and judge if in our own case we have not much to lament, and to cause us, without ceasing, to shed torrents of tears. But, alas ! this deplorable accident which has befallen you is a renewal of our afflictions. To see that beautiful habita- tion burnt, — to see that house of charity reduced to cinders, — to see the flames raging there without respect to your sacred persons — this reminds us of that universal conflagration which destroyed our dwellings, our villages, and our whole country ! Must fire, then, follow us thus every- where? . . But courage, sacred beings ! our first present of 1200 grains of porcelain is to confirm your resolution to continue your affection and heavenly charity towards us poor savages, and to attach your feet to the soil of this country, so that no regard for your own friends and native land will be strong enough to tear you away. Our second present is to desig- nate the laying anew of the foundations of an edifice which shall again be a house of God and of prayers, and in which you can again hold your classes for the instruction of our little Huron girls." This fire is known as the " first fire of the house of the Ursulines of Quebec," for the second edifice, erected on the same foundations as the former one, was subsequently burnt down in the year 1672, 1636-63.] D'AILLEBOUT. 123 in the month of October, and retired to the Island of Mon- treal, where, during the absence of Maisonnenve, he per- formed the duties of his former superior officer and friend. Some years later, D'Aillebout was again called upon to exercise the functions of Lieutenant-Grovernor of Canada, prior to the arrival of M. d'Argenson, in 1658. During the year in which he thus officiated a second time, the course of events afforded him fresh opportunities of dis- playing his sagacity and fitness for the supreme command. The Iroquois had now for ten years maintained the prac- tice of using the ancient hunting-grounds of the Hurons as their own ; and also carried on hostilities agaiust the French, infesting their posts and settlements everywhere. Occasionally there were intervals of doubtful peace, during which the colonists found it necessary to be always on their guard, since the Iroquois were only treacherous friends, scarcely less to be dreaded than open enemies. One of their objects was to detach the Algonquins and the relics of the Huron nation from their alliance with the French, and to induce as many of them as possible to remove and settle in their own territory, south of Lake Ontario. In this design, they partially succeeded, for, dis- tributed amongst the Iroquois cantons, there were already many Hurons, either as captives or fugitives, who had thrown themselves on the mercy of their destroyers since 1648. Moreover, it was insidiously represented to the Canadian Indians, that a removal to the cantons would enable them to rejoin many relatives and friends. In many instances, however, parties of Hurons and Algonquins, who had listened to these proposals of the Iroquois, were trea- cherously robbed and murdered on the route to the bour- gades of their pretended friends. About the time when D'Aillebout resumed the governor- ship of the colony, the Iroquois were very active in nego- 124 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. dating with the Hurons on the Island of Orleans. These had even promised to migrate in a body, but when the period arrived for fulfilling the promise, they refused ; and, not feeling safe on the island, applied to the Governor for protection. This D'Aillebout accorded by allowing the remnant of their number to move to Quebec and establish their cabins in the vicinity of Fort St Louis. In the course of 1658, several Frenchmen were killed by Iroquois, although a truce existed at the time. D'Aille- bout, in consequence, issued orders to capture all Iroquois who should present themselves about any of the French posts, and that the prisoners should be held as hostages, and as means of exacting penalties for the murders which had been committed. This wise measure brought deputies from the Mohawks to Quebec to endeavour to recover the captives belonging to their tribe. In the conference which was held, D'Aillebout severely reproached the Iroquois for their bad faith, and refused to release the prisoners or to accept the proffered presents.* After a time, he set a few at liberty, still retaining the others as hostages. By such means, the semblance of amity, at least, was forced upon the Iroquois, who dreaded nothing more than that their captive friends should be made responsible for wrongs done to the French. D'Aillebout relinquished the government of the colony in July 16.58, on the arrival of M. d'Argenson. He again retired to Montreal, where he died in 1660. * " I am surprised," said the Governor, " that you regard me as a child. You treat me lite a dog. When a dog is chastised, it is expected to re- turn and fawn upon the hand which beat it. You Iroquois, kill my people, and then come to me with a porcelain collar. Be quiet, you say, we are friends. But listen ! The French understand war. They will no longer permit your deceptions. I have only one word for you, and that is, give satisfaction. Abandon treason. Make war if you will not have peace. If my wishes are not respected, the collars which you bring as presents will be used as halters to hang your people as enemies. " 1636-63.] DE LAUSON. 12S 94. De Lauson succeeded to the governorship in 1651 . He was an influential member of the Company of One Hundred Associates. His appointment as Governor was made at his own request, for he supposed that by proceeding to Canada in person he could restore the fortunes of the colony. On his arrival in October 1651, he found its affairs in a much worse condition than he had supposed. The audacity of the Iroquois, and their active hostility against the French, had reached their highest pitch, and at all the principal posts the distressed colonists could save their lives only by remaining in a state of siege. It was in the year follow- ing this Governor's arrival that the conflict already alluded to occurred, in which the commandant at Three Rivers {M. du Plessis Bochart), and fifteen of his followers, were killed in an attempt to repulse the enemy. This was the most disastrous check which the French arms had sustained, for besides those slain a considerable number had fallen in- to the hands of the Iroquois as prisoners, and were carried off to the cantons. Moreover, the confidence of the Iroquois was increased, while distrust and alarm spread through the colony. Fortunately, in October following, the French partially neutralised the effects of the disaster by in- flicting a signal defeat upon the Iroquois. In 1653, De Lauson caused it to be intimated to the enemy that the colony was on the point of receiving reinforcements which would enable him to repulse all their attacks, and to chas- tise them severely. He referred more particularly to the expected arrival of M. Maisonneuve, who, in effect, did reach Quebec on the 27th September, with a hundred re- cruits. In the meantime, the majority of the Iroquois tribes suddenly made proposals of peace. After the castomary conference with deputies, and the celebration of many ceremonies, these were accepted. To the French, on many accounts, a cessation of hostilities was indispensably neces- 126 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. sary ; * but De Lauson has been censured for granting two important concessions. One was the permission to a con- siderable number of Hurons under his protection to secede and join the Iroquois, in accordance with their demand. The other consisted in acquiescing in the destruction of the Eries or Cat Indians, whose part the Iroquois stipulated should not be taken by the French. The Eries were a haughty and powerful tribe, inhabiting the southern shore * In the Relation of ] 653, chap, rii., a striking account is given of the enormous falling-off in the material resources of the colony owing to the state of warfare with the Iroquois. The trade in ieaver-skins, the use of the rivers and lakes for fishing, and the cultivation of the soil — in fact, all the ordinary means to which the colonists could have recourse for com- merce and for subsistence, — were interrupted, and for the most part brought to an end for the time being. It is stated, that ' ' never were there so many beavers in our lakes and rivers, but never so few skins seen in our magazines. Before the ruin of the Hurons, hundreds of canoes loaded with beavers used to come. The Algonquins, also, brought them from all parts. Every year, we used to have from two to three hundred thousand livres' worth. Without this source of revenue, how could the most neces- sary expenses of the colony be paid ? . . . But now, as we have peace with the Iroquois, three canoes, conducted by a converted savage, have brought us word that next spring there will come people to the number of two thousand, from a beautiful country, 150 leagues further west than the Hurons, bringing an immense number of beavers to exchange with us for arms and ammunition and ordinary articles of trafiSc ; and our own young men ai'e to go forth to seek the tribes dispersed here and there, and whom they expect to find in possession of the spoils of the chase, accumulated during several past years. In a word, the country is not sufiering by the extermination of its beavers, — for these animals, forming its wealth, have multiplied in great abundance, — but from the Iroquois hindering the traf&c. Ae for the fertility of our soil and the suitableness of the herbage for domestic animals, and the condition of these, they are beyond what all dared to hope, not to speak of the deer and other game in the forest ; but in regard to salmon, sturgeon, and other products of our waters, this is the very empire of waters valuable for fish, especially for eels, of which the abundance surpasses belief. In a single night, one or two men can take five or six thousand weight of this species of fish, and the fishing con- tinues two months, long enough to afford a supply for the whole year ; and when dried or salted, are much superior to the eels of France. It is the Iroquois alone of whom complaint can be made." 1636-63.] DE LAUSON. 127 of the lake which derived its name from them.* The Bries considered themselves a match for the Iroquois, and, being jealous of them, and desirous of arresting the exten- sion of their power, provoked a contest with them. The result was a desperate battle in 1655, in which the war- riors of the Five Nations — chiefly Senecas — were com- pletely victorious. The conquered Eries were mercilessly slaughtered, and their nation extirpated. t The peace, such as it was, which this Governor had concluded with the Iroquois, was brought about mainly by the intervention of Jesuit missionaries ; but, in reality, it was of short dura- tion, and was soon seen to be little better than a hollow truce. Having conquered the Eries and other western tribes, the Iroquois considered it a matter of indifference whether the French were friendly or not, and behaved themselves accordingly. De Lauson, upwards of seventy years of age, and inclined to pursue a pacific policy, would not, or could not, repress their insolence. In consequence of this and other circumstances, he became very unpopular in the colony, and departed for France in 1656, before the close of his term of office, leaving his son, and after him M. d'Aillebout, to govern in his stead. De Lauson had underrated the difficulties of the task which he had sought to perform ; but, although his ad- ministration of affairs was unsuccessful, he has been con- sidered worthy of respect on account of his concern for the welfare of the country and his pious disposition, in which last particular he resembled his predecessors. His son remained only a short time, during which he appears to * It is said that their settlements were near to the site of the modern city Buffalo, or " Tiishuway." t Colonel Charles Whittlesey gives an interesting account of the Indian version of the particulars of the jealousies which led to this decisive war, and of the sanguinary conflict by which it was ended. — Early History of Cleveland, Ohio, pp. 68-71, published in 1867. 128 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. have been chiefly occupied in preparations for following his father. 95. M. d'Argenson was appointed Grovernor in 1657, but did not arrive at Quebec until July 1658. The affairs of the colony, as has been already stated, were, during the interval, administered by D'Aillebout. He was a young man of thirty-two or thirty-three years of age at the time of his arrival. His reputation for courage, address, and sagacity, was high. Sustained by an adequate military force, he might have secured to the province peace and permanent prosperity. But France neglected to furnish soldiers, the Iroquois overran the country, and the new G-overnor soon discovered that he was powerless to protect the lives and property of the colonists. Scarcely was he installed in his office, * when the cry " To arms ! " summoned him to take the field for the purpose of repelling foes who had made an attack in the immediate vicinity of his head- quarters. His personal character is thus described in the " History of the Ursulines of Quebec: " — " The Governor is an ac- complished gentleman in regard to personal qualities, and * " The Governors, from the earliest times of Canadian history, were usually received with all the distinction that the circumstances of the colony admitted of. As soon as D'Argenson's ship cast anchor off Quebec, D'Aillebout went on board to pay his respects, leaving all the male in- habitants of the city under arms on the bank of the river. The new Governor then landed, having sent before him his secretary, with M. D'Aillebout, to deliver his acknowledgments to the people. Placing him- self at their head, D'Aillebout conducted D'Argenson to the Fort or Castle of St Louis, all marching in good order. There the keys of the fort were handed over, while the cannon on the ramparts and on board the vessels fired a salute, which resounded over the waters and forests. The Governor then, after taking formal possession of the Castle, paid visits to the Parish Church, the Chapel of the Jesuits, the Hospital, and the House of the Uisulines. On the next day, when sitting down to dinner with his invited f; nests, the alarm occurred which is inentioned in the text." — Selation of 1586. 1636-63.] D'ARGENSON. 129 one who has in his habits always exhibited an example of rare virtue." Although he made several excursions at the head of such forces as could be mustered, he was unable to administer any effectual check to the fierce persecutors of the colony. All the French posts were continually infested by them, and, within the space of a few months, upwards of eighty Frenchmen were killed, besides many carried into captivity. The Hurons and Algonquins were dealt with in the same manner everywhere, even in the immediate neighbourhood of the forts. The Mohawks (Agniers) especially seemed to take delight in massacring the unfortunate remnant of those tribes wherever they could be found. D'Argenson's health gave way under the fatigue and annoyance of his fruitless efforts to chastise the invaders. The Superior of the Ursulines, in allusion to these, says — " M. le Governeur has made appear from day to day his zeal for the preserva- tion and augmentation of the colony ; he applies himself to render justice to all. I have informed you of his care for our safety during the alarms caused by the Iroquois, coming himself several times to our convent to visit and fortify the places and station guards. He is a man of exalted virtue and without reproach ; but, I tell you in confidence, that he has suffered much in this country, having no power to bring succours from France. His obvious inability to repel the Iroquois has helped to weaken his health. He has afforded a good example to both French and savages." * * The Iroquois, in fact, were virtually masters of the country. The colonists, in spite of the example of Bollard's devoted band, were gradually losing the spirit and courage of Frenchmen in consequence of the incessant persecution of their numerous and ferocious enemies, so that the brave Governor D'Argensou ^vas scarcely able, on urgent occasions, to induce them to follow him into combat. The pass to which things had come may be inferred from the following extract from the Relation of 1660, pp. 4, 6 : — " The Iroquois interrupt all our joys, and are the great evil of New I 130 HISTORY OF CANADA. Among the events of moment which occurred during the administration of M. d'Argenson were the coming out of M. Laval, of whom more particular mention is made fur- ther on, and the arrival of very considerable supplies and inhabitants for the Island of Montreal, in the year 1659. About this time, also, the Iroquois were making their pre- parations for a final and decisive assault upon the enfeebled colony, which, as has been already narrated, was indebted for its salvation from ruin to the heroism and devotion of Dollard, and the small force under his command. Not- withstanding the relief afforded to all by the event last France, whioli is in danger of complete desolation, unless France furnishes prompt and strong succours ; for, in truth, nothing would be easier than for these barbarians to destroy all our habitations amidst fire and blood, excepting only Quebec. The source of this advantage to the enemy is the absence of defences at the country settlements, which are eight or ten leagues apart along the banks of the St Lawrence, with only three or four men generally in each house. The Iroquois warriors are so crafty in their approach, so sudden in their attack, and so prompt in their retreat, that ordinarily, their departure gives the first intelligence of their coming. They approach like foxes, attack like lions, and then flee like birds, dis- appearing more swiftly than they came. What would be more easy than for the eight or ten hundred Iroquois spread through the country to make one general surprise, and, killing all our men in a single day, to carry off the women and children into captivity ? Even with superior numbers, we dare not follow them into the forests. It is a sort of miracle that they have not already destroyed us, seeing how easy for them that would be. Last spring the alarm was such that the houses in the country were all abandoned, and all the people, crowding into Quebec, gave themslves up for lost, when M. d'Argeuson, our Governor, endeavoured to re-assure them by his courage and wise conduct, placing all the posts in the city into good order. . . . But if France would send only two regiments of soldiers, the Iroquois could be exterminated. The greater part of our people are better accustomed to use the hoe than the sword. A short time since, our Governor chased a party of Iroquois in boats. The Iroquois made for the bank and retired. The French were ordered to land and pursue. But not a man stirred. It was only when the Governor threw himself into the stream, and waded ashore up to the middle in water, that the crews took courage and followed him. Good soldiers would have advanced before their general." .1936-63-] D'ARGENSON. 131 mentioned, the loss of those brave men, coupled with the death of M. d'Aillebout on the 21st of May 1660, at Montreal, was very sensibly felt. The Governor, and every one besides, saw that the time was approaching when Canada must succumb to her relentless adversaries, unless the Government of France could be made to recognise the necessity of forwarding aid sufficient to deliver the colonists from ruin, and to effectually chastise the Iroquois, by carrying the war into their own territory. With the pur- pose of bringing the case properly under the cognisance of the court, recourse was had to Le Jeune, the ancient friend of Champlain. He had been recalled to France in 1639, but had never ceased to feel a deep concern in the welfare of a colony in whose earlier struggles he had taken so active a part. Le Jeune interceded with Louis XIV., to whom the condition of his distant province was explained, and from whom a promise of succour was obtained. But Louis, " occupied with fetes in celebration of the birth of a Dauphin, had little leisure for concerning him- self about an obscure and distant colony, consisting of only a few hundred Frenchmen ; while the Company of One Hundred Associates would trouble itself no more about New France, except to press its claim for the thousand- weight of beaver-skins, which the country was unable to pay." * Meanwhile, M. d'Argenson, in addition to his other difficulties, found himself involved in embarrassments with M. Laval, growing out of questions about precedence and the liquor traffic, against which, although it was sustained by a strong party both in the colony and in France, the ecclesiastic resolutely set his face. With broken health, and hopeless of the future of the province, he determined, if possible, to withdraw from the scene of so much suffering and uncertainty, and his application to be recalled was * Ferland, vol. i. p. 165. 132 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. acceded to. His successor, D ' Avaugour, arrived at Quebec August 31, 1661, and on the 19th of the following month D'Argenson sailed for France. 96. The new Governor, Baron d 'Avaugour, a brave old soldier, occupied himself, during the first few weeks after his arrival, in visiting the several posts, and making him- self acquainted with the affairs of the colony. His explora- tions finished, he expressed his astonishment that his pre- decessor should have been able to bear up so long under such discouraging circumstances. An almost complete desolation prevailed. Many of the French colonists were undergoing cruel sufferings in captivity in the Iroquois settlements ; whence, from time to time, news reached Quebec of the resolution to inflict the final blow that should rid the country of Europeans. Eesources were wholly wanting, whether for standing a siege or for repelling any concerted attack which their enemies might choose to make. The colony, in fact, was tottering on the very brink of destruction. While affairs were in this hapless condition, the prospect was suddenly brightened by an unexpected occurrence. Deputies from two of the Iroquois tribes, the Onondagas and Gayugas, presented themselves with four French prisoners, and bearing a flag of truce. Their object was, in the first place, to procure the release of eight of their compatriots, held in captivity by the French. The chief of the embassy, moreover, was, in former times, a friend of the French missionaries, whom he had frequently entertained in his own lodge ; and this man had conceived the idea of soliciting them to send one of their number home with the deputation, to treat of peace, and the open- ing of a mission in the country of the Onondagas. The Governor summoned a meeting of the inhabitants of Quebec to deliberate on the proposals of the deputies. 1636-63.] D'AVAUGOUR. 133 The Jesuits had never yet receded frora any demand for their services under any circumstances, however menacing to their own personal safety. Yet, in the present case, treachery was apprehended by the authorities. But the deputies gave them to understand that, unless their pro- posals should be accepted, there could be no peace, and that the lives of the French captives in the cantons de- pended upon the answer they should take back. Eeluctant as the colonists were to confide in the declarations and promises of envoys from a people who had a hundred times before perpetrated acts of treachery, both towards their own countrymen and towards their Indian allies, yet, such was the extremely critical state of their fortunes, that they decided upon releasing the eight prisoners, and on allowing a Jesuit priest to accompany them to the Iroquois settle- ments. In the Relation of 1661 it is recorded, that " Simon le Moyne had the honour to be called upon to expose his life " in the cantons of their enemies — a call to which he eagerly responded.* This opportune occurrence, which resulted in the immediate restoration of nine French prisoners, and a promise to release eleven more, together with Le Moyne, in the spring ensuing, afforded breathing- time to the distressed colonists. On their way back, the party of prisoners, under the charge of a chief, Garakonthie, and a few warriors, fell in with a band of Onondagas, pur- suing their route to the cantons. These men had recently massacred some French colonists near Montreal, and were returning with the scalps — the hideous trophies of suc- cess. Garakonthie t had some difficulty in preventing his * On four former occasions he had visited the Iroquois settlements at the risk of his life. He was weU known to several of their chiefs, who were friendly to him personally. f This famous chieftain, a convert to Christianity, had very great influ ence with his countrymen, although he energetically denounced their super- stitions and cruel practices, as well as their gluttony, drunkenness, and 134 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. countrymen from falling upon his helpless charge, but at length succeeded, and brought all safe to Canada. Le Moyne and the other French prisoners, chiefly through the continued exercise of Garakonthie's influence, were restored in August 1662, to the very great joy of all in the colony. The hopes of the colonists were encouraged by other circumstances of a favourable nature. One was the arrival, in 1662, of a company of regular soldiers from France, who were despatched by the King as an earnest of his good intentions. The inhabitants had deputed M. Boucher, commandant of Three Elvers, to follow up the appeal through Le Jeune, and afterwards by D'Argenson, on his return to France, and to implore his Majesty to fur- nish immediate assistance. The King promised, at ths same time, to send out a whole regiment the following year, for the purpose of attacking the Iroquois in their own quarters. The troops, despatched in advance, were embarked in two vessels of war, and were placed under the command of M. Dumont, who received directions to investigate and report on the state of the colony. On board the same ships upwards of two hundred colo- nists sailed for Canada, in charge of M. Boucher. The arrival of the troops and of this considerable body of emi- grants inspired the inhabitants with great joy. Another source of encouragement was the diminished activity of the warfare within the territory of the colony. The Mohawks and Oneidas continued, on a smaller scale, to harass them with hostilities ; for the negotiations which had been carried on with the Onondagas and Cayugas had not bound the other cantons to a state of peace. At this other vices. He figures conspicuously as a peacemaker and negotiator between the Iroquois and Governors D'Argenson, D'Avaugour, De Tracy, Pe Courcelle, and La Barre. 1636-63.] SUCCESSES OF THE FRENCH. 13S time, however, the majority of the Iroquois warriors were engaged in making war upon other tribes situated in the south and west, and upon the Abenaquis and Etchemins in the east. For this reason no considerable force could be spared for executing their former designs upon Canada. Moreover, in several of their expeditions against other tribes, the Iroquois met with repulses. The Abenaquis, as brave as themselves, proved equal to their own defence. The Ottawas, near Lake Huron, including the Ohippewas, inflicted a severe defeat upon the invading Mohawks and Oneidas, after drawing them into an ambuscade. The Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, while advancing, as if to an easy conquest, against the Andastes, found them- selves baffled by superior tactics, and were forced to retire, carrying along with them an infectious disorder (the small- pox), which spread through their villages, and caused much loss of life. Thus the French enjoyed a species of respite from war- fare and massacre on the large scale to which, of late years, they had been exposed, and were at least able to face and repulse the diminished bands of adversaries, though in- capable of pursuing them into their own settlements and inflicting the punishment they deserved. The brave Governor was chagrined at his inability to put an end to their aggressions by a signal defeat. He was a man of energy, imperious will, and obstinate ; and when the promised succours from France failed to arrive, the disappointment, added to other grounds of vexation, soured his temper, and impaired his ability to tolerate opposition, or to deal judi- ciously with the civil business of the colony. The relaxed efforts of external foes admitted of greater attention than heretofore to internal affairs. Particular causes of dissen- sion, which, though not altogether new, now manifested themselves more plainly, produced a want of harmony be- 136 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. tween the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. The full statement of these causes must be reserved for a future article. For the present, it is sufficient to say that the Governor and the chief functionary of the Church, M. Laval, disagreed on several subjects, principally on that of the liquor traffic. The difference was attended with conse- quences of so much importance, that Laval deemed it to be his duty to proceed to France, and complain to the King. Moved by Laval's representations, Louis recalled the Go- vernor, and appointed M. de Mesy in his stead. Although thus superseded, D'Avaugour retired without any discredit to his military reputation. Soon after his return to Europe he was promoted to a command in the service of the Emperor of Austria, and was killed in 1664, defending a fortress against the Turks.* 97. We have arrived at a period of Canadian history when important changes were about to be made in what may be called the " Political Constitution " of the colony. But in order to apprehend rightly the course of events some time before and long after this epoch, we must here enter into some particulars relative to its religious affairs, and to causes of dissension among the colonists. It has already been recorded in this history that the first teachers of religion came out to the colony in 1615, and * It is worthy of mention that D'Avaugour, during the first year of his residence in Canada, and after he had made the tour of inspection noticed in the text, prepared and sent home to the French Minister a remarkable report of the state of the country, its natural resources, rivers, lakes, and beautiful scenery, and including various suggestions. His subordinate also, M. Boucher, when he went to France as deputy of the inhabitants to the court, pubUshed an exposition of the circumstances rendering Canada eligible as a place of settlement. Again, when D'Avaugour finally relin- quished his post as Governor, he prepared a memoir on the state of the country, recommending the French nation to establish itself strongly there, to fortify Quebec and Point Levi, and to send out three thousand soldiers to settle on the lands. 1636-63.] M. LAVAL. 137 that they were of the Franciscan order of Becollets. In 1625, Jesuit missionaries joined them, and performed missionary services. The Company of One Hundred As- sociates, and subsequently the inhabitants, were bound to maintain the clergy in consideration of being allowed the advantages of the peltry traffic. In 1657 a head was appointed, M. Laval, under the title of Apostolic Vicar. M. Laval was also of the episcopal rank as Bishop of Petraa* From his first coming to Canada he exercised episcopal functions. Before Laval, M. de Queylus, the founder of the Seminary of St Sulpice in Montreal, had been empowered by the Bishop of Kouen to exercise the functions of a chief ecclesiastic in Canada. Queylus at first refused to acknowledge Laval's ecclesiastical authority, but was eventually interdicted, and ordered home to France. Under Laval, the Jesuit missionary system, as an inde- pendent clerical institution in Canada, was virtually abo- lished, and the settled portions of the country divided into parishes. The Recollets had been excluded from the country, or prevented from returning to it, when its restoration to France by England took place in 1632. The Jesuit order alone was then had recourse to for supplying the colonists' religious wants, and many years elapsed before the Eecollets again obtained a footing. Laval, as chief ecclesiastic, organised a system in virtue of which all the offices of religion were performed by the secular priesthood under his own supervision and government. When he visited France in 1662, he secured authority to found, at Quebec, an institution called the Seminary, destined for the preparation of young men for holy orders, * Was not formally installed as Bishop of Quebec until 1674. 138 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. and to furnish a supply of cures or priests to the parishes. For the maintenance of the seminary, as well as for the support of the priests, the inhabitants were taxed. The amount of the tax, which was imposed under the name of tithes, was at first one thirteenth of all revenue derived from labour and from the natural products of the soil, forest, and waters. There was subsequently a reduction in the amount to one twenty-sixth. It will be seen that grave dissensions sprung up on the subject of the tithes. 98. Another matter necessary to be mentioned here was the commerce in intoxicating liquors, or, as it has been styled, the liquor traffic. This was, perhaps, the most fruitful of all sources of dissension between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities of the province. Champlain him- self had witnessed some of the evil consequences which the introduction of brandy and other ardent spirits amongst the savages was calculated to produce ; and, with his charac- teristic benevolence, and deep sense of virtue and religion, adopted measures of prevention. But, in course of time, especially during the occupation of Quebec by the English under Kirkt, the Indians became familiar with the use of " eau-de-vie." In the times of D'Argenson and U'Avaugour, the evil attained to a great height, so that excessive drunkenness was permanently added to the other intem- perate habits of the savages throughout Canada and New England. Laws were made prohibiting the sale of hquors, which those Grovernors found it difficult to enforce. Laval and his clergy exerted themselves strenuously in favour of the laws, both as respected the French colonists and the Indians, but were not always cordially supported by the civil authorities. Dissensions on the subject grew up, and D'Argenson's principal motive for retiring from the go- vernorship was, doubtless, founded on this cause. D'Avau- 1636-63.] LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 139 gour, as we have seen, came to an open rupture with Laval respecting the Hquor traffic* For nearly one hundred years afterwards, the succeeding bishops and clergy were seldom in accord with the state authorities on account of this vexed question, f * The immediate pretext of D'Avaugour for ceasing to enforce the laws was the apparent inconsistency of the Jesuit priests, towards whom, it appears, he entertamed a dislike. A person had incurred the penalties at- tached "by law to the act of selling licjuor to the savages, and had recourse to their intercession with the Governor. D'Avaugour replied sarcastically, and then added, that he would in future cause no offender to suffer on that account. It should be observed that, a short time before, the Governor had caused three persons to be shot for a similar offence. f Judging by the accounts of the French writers, the savages who had been partially converted to Christianity became utterly unmanageable and lost through the facility with which " eau-de-vie" was procurable by them from the traders. Under its influence every bad trait of their disposition became enhanced in a tenfold degree, so that, when intoxicated, they committed flagrant outrages. Lalemant (quoted in the " History of the Ursulines of Quebec," vol. i. p. 243) depicts in strong language its effects upon the Indians : — " They have brought themselves to nakedness, and their families to beggary. They have even gone 30 far as to sell their children to procure the means of satisfying this raging passion. I cannot describe the evils caused by these disorders to the infant church. My "ink is not black enough to paint them in proper colours. It would require the gall of the dragon to express the bitterness we have experienced from them. It may suffice to say that we lose in one month the fruits of the toil and labours of thirty years." The traders turned to account the native fondness for Hquor in their bargains for skins, obtaining these at far less than their real value. Thus there was the double injury done of de- frauding them, and at the same time ruining them morally. In course of time, the use of eau-de-vie, or, as the Indians called it, " fire-water," be- came known amongst aU the Indian tribes who, directly or indirectly, had any intercourse with Europeans, whether French, Dutch, or English, and liquor became an indispensable article of commerce with them. The demoralising results may be imagined when it is stated that the poor natives manifested an appetite for drink far exceeding that of the most depraved classes of civihaed people. 140 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636-63. CHAPTEE XIII. LOUIS XrV. DECIDES UPON CONSTITUTING CANADA A "EOYAL GOVERN- MENT" — COMPOSITION OF THE SUPREME COUNCIL— ITS POWERS AND DEFECTS — LIST OF GOVERNORS, BISHOPS, AND EOYAL IN- TBNDANTS FROM 1663 TO 1760. 99. The attention of the King of France having been gained by the representations which reached him relative to the decay of the Company of One Hundred Associates and the deplorable condition of New France, measures were at length taken for placing the affairs of the colony on another footing.* It was, in fact, determined to constitute Canada a " royal government," under the control of a "Supreme Council" like the Parliament of Paris, the principal func- tionaries of which should be appointed by the King, and be immediately responsible to him. There had already existed a species of council for advising with the Governor, con- sisting of the chief officials and such of the principal in- habitants as he might choose to summon ; but, up to the year 1663, the Governor himself, although, in his military capacity a king's officer, was virtually the head agent of the Company for administering their affairs in the colony, and appointed by the King on their request or nomination. Now, however, the King was implored to resume to himself * The representations here referred to were those of D'Avaugour, Laval, the inhabitants through M. Boucher, and generally such as had for several years past been made through the King's Minister, M. Colbert. According to some accounts, a special commissioner, named Dumonts, was despatched to New France to report on the condition of affairs before decisive mea- sures of amelioration were adopted. The King is said to have been much moved by the accounts brought to him. 1663.] SOVEREIGN COUNCIL. 141 all control, and it was decided to relieve the colony alto- gether from that of the Company* 100. On the 15th of September 1663, the principal func- tionaries who were to govern Canada under the new regime landed at Quebec.+ The new scheme of government in- cluded the following provisions : — (1.) A sovereign (supreme) Council, consisting, in the first place, of the Governor, Bishop, and Royal Intendant, with five X councillors, attorney-general, and chief clerk. (2.) The Governor, representing the King, to have abso- lute control of the military force ; to have special charge of the external relations of the colony, and to be the recog- nised organ of communication with the parent state. The Bishop, as head of the Church, to govern in all matters spiritual and ecclesiastical. 1heRoyalIntendant,tohe charged with the regulation and conduct of affairs appertaining to finance, police, and justice. The five councillors, to be chosen annually, or to be con- tinued in office as might seem best to the Governor and Bishop, to see that the ordinances of the Supreme Council were duly executed, and to act as judges in petty causes. (3.) The Supreme Council, in its collective capacity, to have control over all affairs and persons in the colony, and especially to be the highest law tribunal and a court of appeal ; but the execution of its decisions and measures to rest with the functionaries to whose departments they * The number of Associates had decreased to forty-five. t The date of the edict replacing the government of the Company oj One Hundred Associates by that which is described in the text, was March 21, 1663. The principal functionaries, who came out from France in September of that year, were the new Governor, M. de Mesy, the chief ecclesiastic, M. Laval, vicar-apostolic and subsequently bishop, also a royal commissioner, M. Gaudias. , They were accompanied by a number of military and law officers, some soldiers, and several hundred new settlers, bringing animals and implements of husbandry. if This number was afterwards increased to seven, then to twelve. 142 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663. might refer. The Supreme Council had the disposal of the revenues of the colony. 101. It is remarkable that while the Council was invested with sovereign authority in many respects, yet, in regard to the important matter of taxation, it had no power to levy imposts except by the express permission of the King, who reserved this privilege in his own hands. Nor did the new arrangements comprise any provisions enabling the people to exercise a direct influence over the proceedings of the Council or of its three chief officials.* In all its enactments relative to the administration of justice the Council was bound to keep in view the laws, customs, and procedure established in the kingdom of France, and, as heretofore, no persons professing opinions hostile to the established religion of the kingdom were to he tolerated in the colony. 102. The Supreme Council, constituted as has been de- scribed, was virtually a triumvirate of the chief function- aries — for all real power was lodged in the hands of the Governor, Bishop, and Intendant. It will be seen that these three officials figured conspicuously in the annals of Canada during a century up to the period when it ceased to be a French colony. M. de Mesy and M. Laval, when the council was first established, filled two of those high offices, but the first Koyal Intendant never made his appearance at * The celebrated M. Colbert, who at that time exercised the greatest influence in France, appears to have contemplated embracing in the new scheme of colonial government some slight show of what would now be called municipal freedom. The people were to elect officers for the conduct of certain local affairs, and to represent them before the supreme council. But this virtually disappeared in a short time, owing to the principles laid down in France for the guidance of colonial authorities conformably to a set of regulations recommended by M. de Tracy and M. Talon. It was stated to be necessary " to provide against undesirable re- volutions tending to render the young state of Canada either aristocratia or democratic, instead of continuing strictly monarchkal." 1663.] SOVEREIGN COUNCIL. 143 Quebec* It will also be seen that the mutual relations ot the Governor, Bishop, and Intendant were not so clearly defined as to prevent misapprehensions and discord. By some it has been represented, that the original source of the defects of the Council must be ascribed to the jealous and arbitrary disposition of Louis XIV., who then ruled in France, and who was disinclined to delegate to any of his sub- jects, at home or abroad, such powers as might at any time, even in appearance, render them independent of himself .f 103. The new order of things was at once initiated with due solemnity. M. Gaudias, who had arrived with the Governor and Bishop in the capacity of royal commissioT?er, took formal possession of the country in the King's name. The same official administered the oath of allegiance to the inhabitants, and established the procedure of courts of judicature. He returned to France with a report of the condition of the colony prepared during his brief sojourn in Canada. The Supreme Council, which held its first sitting on the third day after the Governor's arrival, caused the new constitution to be promulgated. Various local appoint- ments were made, measures were taken for establishing inferior courts, and for regulating afiairs at Montreal and Three Elvers. * M. Robert was named Intendant in the decree of March 21, 1663. He was succeeded by M. Jean Talon, who arrived in Quebec, and assumed the duties of his office in 1665. Nearly aU we know of M. Robert may be summed up by stating that he was a Councillor of State in France. + This King, although styled in history " Louis the Great," was far from meriting that distinction in regard to his personal qualities. His over- whelming pride and pretensions involved his country in bloody wars during most of his protracted reign; while at home his selfishness, bigotry, and dissolute life constituted an injurious example to his court and subjects. The infinite evils thus occasioned to the people of the gieat and loyal French nation were not remedied in the reign of his successor, and, eventually, were instrumental in bringing about a state of things in France which is without parallel in the history of any other country. 144 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663. 104. We shall close this chapter with a table exhibiting the successive chief functionaries of the Supreme Council, from the time of its establishment in 1663 until the year 1760, when it ceased to exist : — TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL MEMBERS OP THE STJPEEME OOUNOIL OP CANADA PEOM 1663 TO 1760. 16fi3-1665 1665-1C72 1672-1682 1682-1685 1685-1689 1689-1698 1698-1703 1708-1725 1726-1747 1747-1749 1749-1762 1752-176S 1765-1760 Oovenwrs. M. de Mesy, M. de Courcelle. Count Frontenac. M. de la Barre. M. de Denonville, ) Count Frontenac. [ M. de Calliere. } M. de Vandreuil. M. de Beauhamois. M. de la Galissoniere. M. de la Jonquiere. M. du Queane. M. de Vaudreuil. Intendants. M. Boiert. M. Talon (M. Bouterone). M. Duchesnau. M. de Meules. M. Noroy. M. BecLulia/rnois (to 1706). MM. Rodots (to 1712). M. Began (to 17^6). M. Chazal and M. Dupuy to 1731). M. Hocquart (1731-1747). M. Bigot (from 1748). BUhops. P. de Laval. M. StValller(froml66S). M.deMomay(1725-33). M. Dosquet (to 1739). M. F. L. A. Riviere (to 1741). M. de Pontbriand (from 1741). Note. — During the period of time included in the foregoing table, France had only two successive Kings, viz., Louis XIV., v?hoae reign lasted from 1643 to 1715, and Louis XV., who reigned from 1715 to 1774. The throne of England during the same period was occupied by six successive sovereigns, viz., Charles II., James II., William III., Anne, George I., and Creorge II. 1663.] POPULATION OF CANADA. I4S CHAPTER XIV. POPULATION OF CANADA WHEN THE ROYAL GOVERNMENT WAS ESTABLISHED — GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE INHABITANTS — REMARKABLE INCIDENTS OF 1663 — CELESTIAL PHENOMENA — EARTHQUAKES — MORAL EFFECTS PRODUCED BT THE EARTH- QUAKES. 105. The machinery of military, civil, and ecclesiastical government, organised as haS been described in the fore- going chapter, was devised in the confident anticipation of a large future increase of the resources of the colony. At the time when the new government was introduced, the whole population was, it is believed, less than three thousand of French origin — a number scarcely exceeding that of the inhabitants of an inconsiderable modern town. Some French annalists, indeed, ignoring its previous history, date from this period the first real establishment of the colony. But this is clearly a mistake, and it has been shown in the preceding pages that the substantial foundations had already been laid for the growth of a vigorous and self- reliant nation. Other French writers, with pardonable pride, refer to the French colonists of 1663 as constituting an acclimated body of material, superior, on the whole, to the people of any other European colony, as a foundation for building up a future colonial empire. It becomes, therefore, a matter of some interest to us to inform our- selves, at this stage of Canadian history, upon what grounds such claims have been made in behalf of those early inha- bitants of Canada. K 146 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663. The historian Ferland says, " The old writers, who knew the early French inhabitants, have taken pleasure in render- ing the most honourable testimony in their behalf." Quot- ing the writer Le Clerk, he adds, " I was told that I should be surprised to find so many fine characters in New France; that no province of the kingdom had an equal proportion of persons gifted with penetration, politeness, regard for appearances, courage, intrepidity, and genius for great enterprises ; that we should find there even a language more polished, an enunciation more clear and pure, and a pronunciation without bad accent; but, when I came to live there, I saw that I had not been imposed upon, and that New France was, in those respects, more fortunate than new settlements in other parts of the world." Fer- land quotes other equally strong testimony to the same efiect. Charlevoix says, " One should do New France the justice to state that the origin of nearly all the families was good, ... for the first inhabitants were either work- men who had been always engaged in useful occupations, or persons of good family, who went out with the sole view of living in tranquillity, and the more surely to pre- serve their religion ; and I have the less fear of contradic- tion as I have lived with some of these early colonists, all people more respectable on account of their probity, candour, and solid piety, than by their white hairs, and the memory of services long since rendered to the colony." As regards courage and physical qualities, in which these ancient Canadians excelled, intelligible causes are alleged : " A healthy though rigorous climate, frugal modes of life, protracted and dangerous marches in war-time, hard work on the lands ; to which, combined, all the feebler constitu- tions succumbed, leaving, as the real founders of the race, only the robust, the acclimated, and the long-lived." " It is astonishing," says an authority cited in the history of 1663.] FRENCH CANADIAN COLONISTS. 147 the Ursulines of Quebec, " to see the number of infants, very fine and well formed. A poor man will have eight or more children, who go about in winter without covering for the feet or head, living upon eels and coarse bread, and upon such fare growing up large and fat." " The French of Canada," says another writer, "are well formed, active, vigorous, healthy, and capable of great endurance, as well as warlike. Shipowners and captains of vessels will pay one-fourth more to French Canadians than to labourers of Old France. As regards their bravery, even supposing this not innate in them as Frenchmen, the nature of their warfare with the savages, who torment and burn their prisoners, accustoms them of necessity to face any dangers, and to look upon an ordinary death in battle as a boon far preferable to capture alive ; this makes them fight with desperation and with supreme indifference to life." Such, it is contended by credible writers, was the general character of the French Canadian colonists who occupied the country when it became a royal government ; and such were some of the chief reasons advanced to account for the like qualities, which, it is claimed, were perpetuated in their posterity. 106. Before we proceed to narrate the leading events which belong to the history of Canada from ^ ^ ^gg the time when it became a royal government, we must not omit to make mention of some remark- able incidents of the eventful year 1663. During the previous two years, in addition to the troubles arising from internal dissension and the continued hostility of the Iroquois, the country was ravaged by pestilence. A scourge, in the forms of cough and pleurisy, carried off many of the inhabitants, both French and savages, especially infants, By the beginning of 1663 the malady 148 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663. had abated, but its severity, along with other causes, had created an almost universal feeling of despondency in the minds of the colonists. Even the priests were very much discouraged by the untoward aspect of affairs, and especially by finding their endeavours in behalf of the heathen and the converted savages alike neutrahsed through the now open extension of the liquor traffic amongst them. There is reason to believe, also, that not only the savages, but also many of the French, in the extremity to which they were then reduced, became indif- ferent to the admonitions and teaching of their spiritual guides. While in the midst of their various troubles, the attention of all, and the fears of many, were excited to the utmost by a succession of natural occurrences following closely upon each other. Shortly before the close of 1662, a brilliant meteor, like a great globe of fire, appeared high in the air over Quebec, rendering the night as light as day ; which was also seen by the inhabitants of Montreal to pass over their habitations, and finally to disappear behind the mountain. On January 7, 1663, and again on the 14th, there occurred the phenomenon of two mock suns. Each of these was surmounted by a crown or arch of vaporous matter, brilliantly illuminated, presenting a grand spectacle, which lasted about two hours.* But a far more alarming series of natural occurrences, shocks of earthquakes, commenced on the evening of February 5, 1663, and continued, at intervals, until the following August. According to the accounts, given in * See chap. i. " Jesuits' Relations,'' year 1663. The worthy missionary who records these celestial phenomena, refers in the same chapter to an eclipse of the sun, almost total, which occurred on the 1st September following. He says, " Eleven-twelfths of the disc was obscured, rendering the aspect of our forests pale, sombre, and melancholy. It began in the afternoon at twenty-four minutes forty-two seconds past one, and ended at fifty-two minutes forty-four seconds past three o'clock. " 1663.] EARTHQUAKES. 149 detail ii. the " Jesuits' Relations," these earthquakes were felt throughout Canada and New England. They are reported to have changed the surface of the whole valley of the St Lawrence below Quebec — altering the beds of the smaller streams, producing hollows and elevations in I'arious places, and throwing down hills in the mass. The inhabitants, both French and Indians, were inspired with the greatest terror, and the fears of the superstitious were further excited by the reports of unusual sights and sounds and prodigies said to have been witnessed by many. The pious narrator [Lolemant), after stating that the effects of the earthquakes extended over a surface of twenty thousand square leagues, without any loss of life to man or beast, de- clares that the greater part of the inhabitants, Indians and French, believers and unbelievers, were essentially benefited with respect to morality and the salvation of their souls. He observes, that "when the Almighty speaks, men must needs hsten, especially when He expresses Himself by means of thunderstorms and earthquakes. . . . There was a happy change to modesty and humility and the tears of a perfect penitence. Never were confessions more sincere, nor spirits more truly sensible of God's judgments." In allusion to the previous wicked conduct of many relative to intemper- ance and the unlawful sale of liquors, many hardened persons were reported to have been converted by what they saw and heard ; and, it is added, the protracted con- tinuance of the convulsions during six months served to keep up the moral improvement, and to render it per- manent. According to other accounts, the shocks were severely felt in the city of Quebec, without, however, occasioning any person's death.* * " The first shock of earthquake took place on February 5, 1663, about half-past five in the evening. The weather was calm and serene, ISO HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663. It should be observed that, at the period of the great earthquakes, the French inhabitants of the colony were all located close to the river St Lawrence, then the only high- way — at Montreal, Three Eivers, Quebec, and Tadoussac, or scattered in smaller bodies in settlements along the banks between those principal stations. when we heard a terrible noise and humming sound like that of a great number of heavy carriages rolling over a paved floor swiftly. After this one heard, both above and below the earth and on all sides, as it were a confused mingling of waves and billows, which caused sensations of horror. Sounds were heard as of stones upon the roofs in the garrets and chambers ; a thick dust spread aroimd ; doors opened and shut of themselves. The hells of all our churches and clocks sounded of themselves; and the steeples. as well as houses, swayed to and fro, like trees in a great wind. And all this in the midst of a horrible confusion of furniture turned over, stones falling, boards breaking, walls cracking, and the cries of domestic animals, of which some entered the houses and some went out ; in a word, it seemed to be the eve of the day of judgment whose signs were witnessed. Very different impressions were made on us. Some went forth for fear of being buried in the ruins of our house, which was seen to jog as if made of card, others prostrated themselves at the foot of the altar, as if to die there. One good lay sister was so terrified that her body trembled for an hour without ability to stop the agitation. When the second shock came, at eight o'clock the same evening, we were all ranged in our stalls at the choir. It was very violent, and we all expected death every moment, and to be engulfed in the ruins of the building. . . . No person was killed. The conversions were extraordinary, and one ecclesiastic assured me that he alone had taken more than eight hundred confessions." — History of the UrsuLinet 0/ Quebec I663-67'] DE MESV. 151 CHAPTER XV. DISSENSIONS IN THE SUPREME COUNCIL— ARBITRARY PROCEEDINGS- COMPLAINTS TO THE KING — DE TRACY, VICEROY — TALON, IN- TENDANT— DEATH OF DE MESY — THE CARIGNAN REGIMENT — MILITARY PREPARATIONS — PORTS ON THE RICHELIEU — FIRST EXPEDITION AGAINST THE IROQUOIS, UNDER M. DE COUECELLE — SECOND EXPEDITION AGAINST THE IROQUOIS, UNDER M. DB TRACY AND M. DE COURCELLE— CONSEQUENCES OF THE OFFENSIVE OPERATIONS AGAINST THE IROQUOIS — NOTE ON THE IROQUOIS APPENDED TO THIS CHAPTER. 107. The new Governor, M. de Mesy, on assuming his position in the colony, applied himself vigor- 1 • i.1 J- 1 rl- 1 ,• ,. A.D. 1663. ously m the discharge of his duties according to his own view of the powers delegated to him. He took for granted that the new constitution, in virtue of which Canada became a royal government, conferred greater powers than heretofore on its chief, without lessening the privileges which had been claimed and enjoyed by former governors under the rule of the Company of One Hundred Associates. He re-appointed Maisonneuve local Governor over the Island of Montreal. At Three Rivers he estab- lished M. Boucher as Commandant. With the deputies of the Iroquois, who came to Quebec professing a desire to negotiate for peace, he assumed a confident tone and manner, stating his disbelief in their promises, and his intention to establish a lasting peace by chastising them, and crushing all opposition on their part. In fact, as he had brought out a reinforcement of troops from France, and expected more, he felt able to menace them with 152 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663-67. offensive warfare in their own territories. He also made arrangements for enforcing the laws against the liquor traffic. 108. But before long, the existing causes of dissension and the defective composition of the Supreme Council, which has been already adverted to, combined with the hasty temperament of De Mesy, brought about a collision. The people objected to pay tithes to the extent which Laval had been authorised to exact, and were, in this respect, supported or favoured by the Governor.* More- over, differences arose on the subject of the election of a Syndic or deacon of habitations by the inhabitants, in regard to which the Governor and a majority of the Council were opposed to each other. De Mesy then proceeded to dismiss several members of the Council, one of whom, M. Bourdon, was a councillor not by appointment, but in virtue of his office as attorney-general. Only two of the councillors sided with De Mesy ; but the people, who came to know that a want of harmony subsisted, generally favoured the Governor's views. De Mesy proposed, according to the constitution, that nominations to replace the dismissed councillors should be made by himself and Bishop Laval jointly. The Bishop, however, refused to concur, and the two functionaries came to an open rupture.t Eventually, the Governor, of his own * The colonists, during the time of the Hundred Associates, paid nothing either for legal or spiritual services. The new constitution authorised the Bishop to collect one thirteenth of the fruits of labour, of whatever sort, for the maintenance of the Seminary of Qiiebec and the clergy. The Governor, alleging their poverty, supported the refusal of the people to pay this tax, so that the Bishop's plans were practically thwarted. t The Governor was no match for the cool and dignified person who was the object of his animosity. In proof of this may be cited the Bishop's reply to M. de Mesy's demand for the prelate's concurrence in the changes of councillors : — " The King having done me the honour to advise me, through M. Colbert, that M. de Tracy, Lieutenant- General of His Ma- 1663-67.] COMPLAINTS TO THE KING. 153 authority, made the necessary appointments. Two of the deposed members of the Council were obliged by him to quit the colony, as well as M. Maissonneuve, the respected Governor of Montreal. M. de Mesy had been recommended to the King's notice as a fit ruler by the Bishop himself, who now saw and felt that he had been deceived. The la.tter, therefore, through the exiled members of the Council and other agents, caused complaints against De Mesy to be laid before the King. At the same time, in the colony, Laval and his clergy made common cause, and excommunicated all who opposed them. The Governor, also, besides expostulating with the clergy individually, and desiring them to reduce their accu- sations to a formal shape in writing, proposed to convene a public meeting of the inhabitants in order to settle some of the grounds of dispute. But Laval protested against this course, and prevented such reference to popular opinion. Thus the new constitution of 1663 was found to work badly. 109. The King at once listened to the representations laid before him,* which included some special charges against De Mesy, as being a violent and avaricious man. Orders were issued that the Marquis de Tracy, recently ieBty*s dominions in America, has orders to come next spring to regulate that which concerns the government and administration of the civil affairs of this country, I do not feel able to consent to those changes before the arrival of the said M. de Tracy." * The Bishop's influence at court exceeded that of the Governor, who, being well aware of the fact, readily persuaded himself that to Laval were owing various sources of disappointment which he experienced. In course of the disputes, De Mesy cast aside all considerations of ancient friend- ship, and even of personal courtesy, towards Laval. On one occasion, it is recorded, he caused placards to be posted up, to the sound of the drum, specifying various charges " against the Bishop and others. " On another, he marched with his guards and soldiers of the garrison to the Bishop's quarters, as if to seize his person. The King was particularly offended by De Mesy's conduct in making appeals to popular opinion. 154 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663-67. appointed Viceroy over the colonial possessions of France,* should proceed to Canada and rectify its disturbed con- dition. A new local Governor, M. de Courcelle, was nomi- nated to supersede De Mesy; and M. Talon, as Koyal Intendant, was directed to unite with De Tracy and Cour- celle to form a tribunal for bringing De Mesy to trial ; and, if they should convict him, to send him to France under arrest. In the meantime, before the arrival of those who were to be his judges, M. de Mesy died at Quebec on May 5, 1665. 110. De Tracy sailed from Eochelle in February 1664 and, according to the King's instructions, pro- ceeded first to the Antilles, or West Indies, where he spent some time in regulating the affairs of the French colonies in those parts. On his passage thence to the G-ulf and Eiver St Lawrence, and in making good his ascent to Quebec, causes of delay occurred, so that he did not reach his destination until the 30th of June 1665. About a fortnight earlier, four companies of regular soldiers had arrived direct from France, who, with those which had * Soon after the establishment of the royal gOTernment in Canada, 8-nother commercial company was organised, styled the " West Indian Company," with jurisdiction over all the colonies of France, including Canada. It was at the instance of this new company that M. de Tracy was named Viceroy. + Before his decease, De Mesy prepared a brief record of his course, in whi«h he endeavoured to exculpate himself in the opinion of De Tracy, to whom the document was addressed, by stating that all his proceedings had been guided by a desire to uphold the interests of the King and of the colony. It may be added here, that when he found his end approaching, De Mesy sought a reconciliation with Laval, causing himself to be carried on a litter to the Bishop's residence, and humbly praying for absolution. The prelate not only forgave him, and complied with his wishes for spiritual aid, but also attended his funeral at the head of his clergy in their robes, and with every demonstration of respect. 1663-67.] DE TRACY. 155 accompanied the Viceroy, were a portion of a famous French troop, known as the (Jarignan Eegiment,* com- manded by Colonel de Salieres. Subsequent arrivals in the months of July, August, and September aiforded great relief to the minds of the inhabitants, who now beheld amongst them the means of protection from their implac- able enemies, the Iroquois, and of chastising these by carry- ing war into their own cantons. M. de Courcelle and M. Talon arrived about the middle of September. The late Governor, De Mesy, being dead, it was judged unadvisable to pursue any measures of inquiry in relation to his conduct ; but the displaced councillors were restored to their former positions, and suitable steps taken in regard to the liquor traffic, tithes, and other occasions of discord.t 111. De Tracy then turned his attention to that impor- tant part of his instructions which related to the Iroquois, whom he was charged to conquer and to exterminate. | It was too late that season to enter upon offensive operations against them, since the bulk of the troops could not have been dispatched from Quebec before the month of October. No time, however, was lost in making the necessary pre- parations for an expedition on a considerable scale as early as possible in the following year. Of the soldiers who * The Carignan Regiment had distinguished itself in European warfare. Its officers were, for the most part, men belonging to noble French fami- lies, and the men noted for their bravery and piety. They formed, in all, a body of about thirteen hundred good soldiers when all the companies destined for Canada had landed. t The subject of tithes, about which the late Governor and the clergy had differed, was arranged on a footing more acceptable to the colonists, the rate being soon reduced from one thirteenth to one twenty-sixth. J These barbarians had continued their incursions during the greater part of the years 1663 and 1664. Not only the Indians of Canada, and those who came in from remote regions to sell their peltry at the French stations, but the French themselves were subjected to incessant attacks. Frequently the French were assaulted close to their dwellings and in their fields, and occasionally some were carried off into captivity. IS6 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663-67. arrived earKest, four companies were ordered forward to occupy the most advantageous positions, and thus secure a free passage into the Iroquois territory. These troops, with volunteers from the country, left Quebec for Three Eivers on July 23, and were joyfully received at that post which, up to the very time of their arrival, had continued to suffer from the customary depredations and attacks of the Iroquois. After a short detention at Three Eivers, they crossed Lake St Peter, and commenced the occupation of positions on the river Eichelieu — then styled the Iroquois River. Other bodies of soldiers and volunteers were sent on during the remainder of the summer season. 112. The principal object of the movement referred to in the last article was to construct several forts on the route towards the Iroquois country, in order to serve as maga- zines and places of retreat for sick and wounded soldiers. One fort was built near the mouth of the Eichelieu, and was named St Louis. This was accomplished under the direction of M. Sorel, in command of five companies of the Carignan Eegiment. A second, originally named Fort Richelieu, was built by M. de Chambly, at the foot of the Eichelieu rapids. Colonel de Salieres himself directed the construction of a third fort, called St Therese, at a point about three leagues higher up the river. Between this last position and Lake Champlain there were no rapids or other impediments to the passage of boats laden with troops or military stores. These several works were pushed forward with such vigour, that even St Therese, which was commenced latest, was completed be- fore the close of October 1665. They may be described generally as consisting of inclosures within double wooden palisades, from twelve to fifteen feet high, erected upon low banks of earth, strengthened at the angles and on one or more 1663-67.] MILITARY PREPARATIONS. 157 sides by bastions, or projecting bulwarks, for the purpose of commanding the outer walls of the fortress. Inside were sheds and wooden buildings for the magazines and the accommodation of garrisons. In addition to the foregoing forts, another small one, called St Anne, was built in the ensuing year on an island in Lake Champlain. Such were the earliest measures taken by De Tracy for providing against future incursions of the Iroquois, and at the same time for securing to the colonists free ingress into the territory of their enemies whenever it should be judged necessary to attack them in their own quarters.* 113. The first offensive military expedition against the Iroquois was organised during the winter of 1665-66. In October preceding, the Onondagas had sent an embassy to Quebec, under Garaconthi^, to solicit peace and amity with the French, and to procure the restoration of three prisoners belonging to their tribe. De Tracy received Garaconthie very affably, and, after listening to his address, instantly complied with his re- quest, and promised for his nation both peace and the protection of the King. He also held out a prospect of the same favours for the other Iroquois nations, if they would restrain themselves from hostile acts, and conduct them- * Some of the forts mentioned in the text were afterwards known by the names of the officers under whose supervision they were built, as Sard, Chambly. In addition to the considerable military force brought to Canada in the year 1665, there were many new emigrants, including about two hundred young women sent out as wives for the colonists. The eifeotive strength of the colony, in people and various supplies, was almost doubled. About the time of De Tracy's arrival, Iwrses, shipped at the port of Havre in Prance, were landed at Quebec. The Indians were inspired with admiration by the beauty, strength, and docility of these animals. The only horse hitherto seen in the country was one brought out by Governor Montmagny, about a quarter of a century before. 158 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663-67. selves so as not to require a resort to force of arms on the part of the French. It was not, however, judged expedient to wait for prac- tical proofs of the impression which the foregoing intimation might make upon the other tribes. By the 9th of January 1666, preparations being completed, M. Courcelle set out with three hundred regulars, and two hundred volunteers from among the French colonists, — every man, including the commander himself and all the officers, on snow-shoes, and carrying from twenty- five to thirty pounds of bread and other necessaries. The little army reached Three Elvers on the 24th, and proceeded thence in the direction of Forts St Louis, Kichelieu, and St Therese ; at which last station, appointed as the place of final rendezvous, they arrived on the last day of the month. A considerable number of the men became disabled on the march, owing to frozen limbs, and injuries from the rough surface of broken ice over which their route lay. To repair the losses, fresh men were supplied from the forts, and the march was continued vrith great difficulty up to February 14, when they came within twenty leagues of the nearest Iroquois settlements. Here the prodigious depth of the snow, and other unforeseen obstacles, rendered further pro- gress almost impracticable. Their Algonquin guides lagged behind, leaving the French to proceed as they best could through the difficult and unknown paths of frozen swamps and forests. They contrived, however, after a protracted march, to reach some Iroquois habitations. M. Courcelle immediately fell upon these, and killed, captured, or put to flight all their occupants. Proceeding onwards, some time was spent in prosecuting the objects of the invasion, but the Iroquois villages * at that time happened to contain * These were the villages of the MoImwTcs, or, as the French styled, tkem, the Agniers. 1663-67.] WINTER CAMPAIGN AGAINST IROQUOIS. 159 chiefly women, cliildren, and aged persons, as the great majority of warriors had departed on some expedition westward. Courcelle, however, soon found that the hard- ships of a winter campaign were too great to admit of his making a long stay ; besides which, provisions began to run short. He, therefore, caused it to be intimated to the Iroquois tribes, by means of prisoners, that, in the course of next season, a much more severe chastise- ment awaited them, and then retired towards the French posts on the Eichelieu. On their retreat the force was followed at a distance by the Iroquois, who dispatched all who were compelled by hunger or fatigue to loiter in the rear. The novelty and audacity of this incursion into their territory, in the winte^r season, produced a strong impres- sion upon the minds of their savage enemies. These saw that, under more favourable circumstances, the French might penetrate into the very centre of their cantons ; but the expedition was not accomplished without much bodily suffering and some loss of life to the invaders, who did not reach the nearest French posts on their retreat before the 8th of March. Many of their number had been frost- bitten, and at one time the dearth of provisions was such that the safety of all was threatened by famine.* Such, however, were the early beneficial effects of the enterprise, that, in the month of May, deputies of the Senecas pre- sented themselves at Quebec, and solicited the protection of the King of France; and, soon afterwards, the Oneidas, * The commander, Courcelle, was far from satisfied with the results of the campaign. He attributed the smallness of his success to the Indian guides, who, it appears, had by some means obtained the opportunity of intoxicating themselves just before they reached the Mohawk villages, and at once deserted. Subsequently, however, when the French were suffer- ing from want of food, their Indian auxiliaries rejoined them, and ren- dered good service in procuring the much-needed supplies of provisions. i6o HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663-6/. and even the Mohawks, sent representatives to negotiate a durable peace. 114. M. de Tracy appears to have placed some slight confidence in their professions, for he consented to accept the customary presents, and to send some French emis- saries to the cantons with the Oneida deputies, to ascer- tain by personal inquiries amongst the tribes themselves if there existed really good grounds for believing that they would faithfully observe the conditions. The Oneida deputies left behind hostages for their own nation and also for that of the Mohawks. 115. A few days after the departure of the Iroquois deputies, word was brought to Quebec that a band of Mohawks had surprised a number of French officers and men belonging to Fort St Anne, of whom some were killed and the survivors made prisoners. De Tracy immediately recalled the French emissaries, and dispatched M. Sorel with three hundred men to recover the captives, retaining in prison the hostages left by the Oneidas. Although the force under M. Sorel was met, before they had passed beyond Fort St Anne, by another body of deputies bringing back the captives, with apologies for the outrage which had been perpetrated, and with assurances that the cantons had unanimously authorised them to con- clude a durable peace, yet De Tracy deemed it expedient to resume hostilities for the purpose of effectually humbling the Mohawks. Preparations for a second invasion of the cantons were pushed forward, and the veteran, who had reluctantly abstained from accompanying the first expedi- tion on account of his advanced years, the rigorous season, and the representations of his subordinate officers, resolved to take the command in person. 116. The second expedition against the Iroquois cantons was conducted on a much larger scale than the one com- 1663-67.] DE TRACY'S EXPEDITION. 161 manded by Courcelle. With the aid of the Intendant, M, Talon, everything that could be foreseen as requisite to insure success was carefully provided. Six hundred regu- lars, selected from the several companies of the Carignan Eegiment, as many French Canadians, and upwards of one hundred Hurons and Algonquins were equipped, and ready to march early in September. It was the most formidable host which had ever yet assembled in arms in New France. The Viceroy had under him Grovernor Courcelle, at the head of four hundred men forming the vanguard, and directed to precede the other divisions by four days ; also, Colonel de Salieres, Captains Chambly and Berthier, and other officers. The route lay along the line of forts on the Richelieu, into lakes Champlain and St Sacrament (St George), and thence through forests and marshes, and across rivers, into the nearest Iroquois settlements — the hourgades of the Mohawks.* Upwards of three hundred light hatteaus and canoes made of bark had been prepared beforehand at the proper points, for the purpose of transporting the force across the lakes and larger streams. Two small field-pieces were provided to enable the troops the more readily to demolish the defences of the Iroquois. Fort St Anne, on Lake Champlain, was designated as the point of general ren- dezvous. Preparations being completed by the 14th, M. de Courcelle moved forward with the four hundred men form- ing the advance. The Viceroy deferred his departure from Quebec with the main body until October 3, in order to afford time for all to reach St Anne by the appointed day, the 28th. The inhabitants of Quebec, and, in fact, those at all the stations in the occupied parts of Canada, were left by * An account of the position and strength of the Piiie Nations, together with other particulars relative to these remarkable people, have been re- Rer^ed for this part of the history — see note at the end of this chapter. L 1 62 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663-67. the troops forming the expedition in a state of hopeful anxiety,, in the belief that the time had arrived for the decisive punishment of their adversaries on account of in- juries inflicted during the past forty years. The members of the religious orders, priests and people generally, de- voted themselves to prayers and solemn acts of penitence, in the hope of thus propitiating the Divine favour in be- half of the great enterprise. 117. The difficulties of the march proved very great, in- creased as they were by the carriage of provisions, arms, and baggage, and frequently of the canoes, on the backs of the soldiers and officers, each of whom had his burden re- gulated beforehand. Much additional and fatiguing labour was occasioned by the transport of the two pieces of artillery. Some time after leaving the place of rendezvous, the in- vaders were seen by the outlying bands of Iroquois. These had been stationed to watch for the French, and to furnish tidings to their people in the bourgades. The Mohawks of the nearest settlement, however, on being apprised of the approach of the French, suddenly adopted the resolution of abandoning their defences and habitations, with all their contents, to the mercy of the invaders. Ketiring through the recesses of the forest to the higher lands, they merely showed themselves in the distance, and contented them- selves with uttering loud cries, accompanied by useless dis- charges of fire-arms. The French had already begun to suffer from shortness of provisions* — having found the march much more pro- tracted than had been anticipated. It had been their * A few days before the first settlements of the Iroquois were reached, the scarcity of food made the expedition so far doubtful that its success was menaced by famine, when, unexpectedly, they came upon a grove of chestnut-treea, loaded with ripe fruit, of which the whole army partook abundantly. Subsequently, on entering the deserted habitations, the fears on the score of provisions were entirely relieved. 1663-67.] DE TRACY'S EXPEDITION. 163 design to make their first attack a surprise ; and, with that view, the march was continued in the night-time, until the Indian auxiUaries, in scouring the forest on the flanks and in front, came upon straggling bands of the vigilant adver- sary, after which concealment was impossible. De Tracy, in spite of his advanced age, maintained his position always in advance, causing himself to be carried in a chair. Where streams were to be crossed, he was borne in the arms of strong soldiers and Hurons.* On reaching the nearest Iroquois habitations, the French lost no time in refreshing themselves with food, and in prose- cuting their march into the bourgades. As they came upon the four villages in succession, they were surprised to find no resistance whatever. The savages, as already intimated, had evidently changed their plans on a sudden when they saw the French regulars defile out of the forest, and when they heard the drums and bugles sounding an assault. In the third bourgade, the invaders rested a while, sending forward scouts to reconnoitre the fourth and last. Here, it was assumed, the Mohawks would surely stand and fight ; but, intimidated by the number of the in- vaders, and especially by the hitherto unheard sound of their drums, they continued their retreat into the recesses of the forest. The women and children fled with the warriors, and only one aged man was found concealed under an inverted canoe. On first learning the intention of the French to invade their territory, the Mohawks had fortified this position with a triple palisade, storing within it supphes of provisions, and of water, collected in bark cisterns, in order to guard * On one occasion his life was endangered, owing to the inability of a soldier, who was carrying him, to withstand the force of the current. For- tunately their descent was arrested by a rock, upon which M. de Tracy was placed in security, until a powerful and courageous Huron waded through tlk; torrent and rescued both. i64 HISTORY OF CANADA. '[1663-67; against the possible destruction of their defences by fire. The French found here an enormous quantity of maize, sufficient, with the other provisions, to sustain their entire colony two years, if only it were practicable to transport it to the banks of the Eichelieu. The cabins, which were upwards of one hundred feet in length, and capable of accommodating eight or ten families each, were furnished with utensils and conveniences such as the French were surprised to see. Some of the habitations were constructed with timbers well put together, and finished inside with boards and joiner-work. A council of war was held to determine upon the measures it might be now expedient to adopt. The enemy had withdrawn beyond their immediate reach, and it was necessary to decide whether to pursue them or to punish them by the destruction of their habitations and means of living. The lateness of the season, and the considerable interval between the Mohawk canton and that of the Oneidas, upon which the Mohawks would probably retire, and there be in a position to offer a serious resistance, admonished De Tracy that it was more prudent to follow the latter course, and then retreat into Canada. Accord- ingly it was decided to set fire to all the habitations, stores of provisions, and other property in the Mohawk villages. A vast conflagration was made to consume the palisades, cabins, maize, fish, dried flesh, beans, and fruits. All the villages were burnt in like manner, and all the surrounding fields devastated. Those who knew the disposition and customs of these people judged that famine and want of shelter, consequent upon their losses, would soon excite quar- rels and bloody conflicts amongst them, and that thus they would suffer the most severe chastisement for the ravages which they had inflicted upon the French territory during past years, and for the massacres and atrocious cruelties ■1663-67.] DE TRACY'S EXPEDITION. 165 perpetrated, without cessation, upon the colonists. Thus, De Tracy and his officers, although they had failed to hring about a pitched battle between their own disciplined troops and the Iroquois warriors — the result of which could scarcely have been doubtful — had recourse to the only remaining means of punishment. Its effects, as will be seen, endured for about a generation, and inspired their ruthless adversaries with a salutary dread of the French arms. On the retreat great difficulties were encountered, owing to the lateness of the season, the rains, and the swollen state of the rivers ; but, ultimately, De Tracy arrived at Quebec in the first week of November,* with the greater part of his. force. The only loss of life suffered by the French in the expedition occurred on the march home- wards.f 118. The effects of De Tracy's expedition upon the Iroquois became soon apparent. From famine alone more than four hundred perished. Several emissaries made their appearance at Quebec, soliciting peace, bringing hostages, and restoring a number of French prisoners, some of whom had been held in captivity so long as to have lost their mother-tongue. They requested, also, that missionaries might be sent amongst them, and manifested other symptoms of a sincere desire to observe terms of amity in future. In addition to these favourable results, the English colonists on the Hudson, who had by this time displaced the Dutch, opened communications of a friendly nature with De Tracy, notwithstanding his operations against the Iroquois. Moreover, to strengthen and per- * In this and other incidental references to dates, the old style of reckoning is implied. According to modern reckoning, the date of De Tracy's return must be understood to be about the 15th of November. + On one occasion, while the force was crossing Lake Champlain, a tempest caused the death of eight persons, including one or more officers. l66 HISTORY OF CANADA. ['663-67 petuate the motives by which the Iroquois were now animated in the interest of peace, De Tracy, while accept- ing their overtures, caused it to be intimated to them that, in case their engagements should not be faithfully observed, the French forces would again move upon their settlements. Note. — To enable the reader of Canadian history to follow intelligently the course of events in relation to the savages, it is necessary to furnish some definite particulars of the Iroquois confederacy, or Five Nations, by whom, collectively or individually, the French colonists were so grievously {jersecuted during a long period. The account here given refers generally to the time when Canada became a royal government under De Mesy, De Tracy, and M. Courcelle ; and it is inserted in this place in order not to interrupt the narrative in the text. Some other necessary particulars have been already stated in the introduction to this history, to which also the reader is referred. Of the Iroquois, or Five Nations, whose cantons, separated by intervals, extended westward of the river Hudson and south of Lake Ontario to a distance of about one hundred and fifty leagues, in the region now forming the north-eastern portion of the State of New York, the Molmwks {Agniers), occupied two or three villages in the territory farthest east, and therefore nearest to the line of march followed by Tracy and Courcelle. These numbered from three hundred to four hundred warriors. Next to the Mohawks, and distant from them about forty-five leagues, were the Oneidas, described as having only about one hundred and forty war- riors, a tribe always ready to negotiate about peace with the French, but, at the same time, always raising objections, dissembling, and prose- cuting actual warfare. Fifteen leagues farther west lay the Onondagas, with upwards of three hundred men able to bear arms, who had received the French formerly as friends, while they treated them as enemies. Twenty or thirty leagues more distant were the Cayugas (Oiogouens), with whom friendly relations had subsisted, and who had shown them- selves amenable to the pious efforts of missionaries ; they had also about three hundred warriors. Towards the extreme west and south of Lake Ontario were situated the Senecas [Sonnontonans), the most numerous of the Five Nations, and reckoning no lew than twelve hundred warriors. Both the Cayugas and the Senecas had hitherto observed a species of neutrality, never making war openly upon the French. The region occupied by the Five Nations was fertile, and well watei^ by lakes and streams teeming with fish. The woody portions included 1663-67.] THE IROQUOIS. 167 extensive groves of oak, chesnut, and walnut trees. The climate was mild, and such that most of the fruits of France flourished and came to maturity in the open air : the winters of moderate length, attended with but little snow compared with Quebec, where it covered the ground five months, and to the depth of four and five feet every season. These savage people carried on warfare against other tribes and against the French with extraordinary ferocity, cunning, and valour. They usually treated the vanquished and their prisoners with appalling cruelty, employ- ing every device which a fiendish ingenuity could suggest to protract the torments of their victims, and to extort from them the cries and groans expressive of human suffering. This is proved by many well authenticated cases, both in regard to Huron and Algonquin captives, and when French colonists and missionaries fell into their hands. The Jesuits' Relation for 1665 gives in minute detail the horrible treatment of several Frenchmen by Iroquois warriors in the year 1661. " On the 25th of October 1661, four- teen Frenchmen, headed by Monsieur Brigeart, were suddenly attacked by a considerable body of Iroquois in the vicinity of the Island of Montreal, and fled in disorder after a slight resistance. Brigeart, however, and two others made a stand, and killed the chief of the savages. But the Iroquois soon captured him and his two companions, carrying them oif to their encampment in the neighbourhood, near the margin of the river. Brigeart had his arm broken and was wounded in several places, so that he was unable to keep up with his captors. They, however, dragged him along in the shallow water without mercy, his head and face downwards, almost round the island. One of the slain Frenchmen was M. Vignal, a priest, whose body they stript and carried away along with their three living captives. Arriving at their camp, M. Brigeart and his two companions, who were unhurt, were secured to trees for the night, while the Indians proceeded, after their fashion, to scalp the defunct priest, and devour his flesh before the eyes of his compatriots. In the morning the barbarians separated and set out on their way homewards, those of them who were Mohawks taking one of the prisoners, named Dufresne, while M. Brigeart and the remaining captive, Ren^, fell to the lot of the Oneidas, who hap- pened to be the majority. Rend, stript of his clothing, was compelled to carry a load of baggage like a beast of burden, and Brigeart, rendered slow by his wounds, was urged along at the utmost possible speed. After eight days the two bands re-united, and two of their number were sent forward to carry intelligence to the Iroquois villages. On their arrival at the settlements of the Oneidas, Brigeart and Rend were first painted like savages, and compelled to run the gauntlet between two rows of Indians, armed with cudgels, with which they beat the unhappy Frenchmen. After this, a powerful Iroquois leaped upon Rend, infiicted a number of heavy blows, and then tore off the nails of his fingers. At night they brought an Algonquin prisoner to join them, and obliged all three, by the application of fresh torments, to go through the ceremony of singing their national i68 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663-67. songs. According to one of their customs, they insisted on their narrating their sufferings and torturing each other with pieces of ignited charcoal, which the Frenchmen steadily refused to do. A council was then held of the old men to decide upon the final disposal of the pi-isoners, when it was ordered that the two Frenchmen should be burnt. But the sister of the chief who had been killed by M. Brigeart intervened, demanding that Ren^ should be given up to take the place of her deceased brother, which, after some hesitation, was accorded. M. Brigeart, howcTcr, was delivered over for execution. During a whole night the savage fiends tortured him by applying fire to various parts of his body. Tired of this, they next cut off his fingers, nose,, cheeks, and eyebrows, when, happily, a, desperate savage administered a fatal blow on the sufferer's head with a tomahawk, cut open his chest, tore out his heart, and devoured it. Throughout this bloody execution the poor Frenchman prayed without ceasing for his tor- mentors. Ken^ and the captive Algonquin were spectators without ability to succour their fellow-prisoner. Iroquois women, and even children, were active and excited participators in the cruel process. In the meantime, Du Fresno, amongst the Mohawks, was suffered to live , in captivity. During nine months ensuing' he was forced to accompany his captors on short hunting expeditions, and employed in menial services similar to those which were exacted from Ren^. The latter finally escaped in com- pany with two other Frenchmen, who had been made prisoners some time previously, and the three, after undergoing infinite suffering and fatigue, made their way to the French settlements, bringing accounts of what had From the foregoing particulars, not unlike in kind and degree to those which had attended the death of Breboeuf, Daniel, and others, twelve years earlier, when the Iroquois ruined and dispersed the Huron tribes amongst whom they served as missionaries, we may infer with what sentiments the French host under De Tracy and Courcelle were now marching to inflict chastisement upon the Iroquois in their own territory. 1667.] COMMERCE. 169 CHAPTEE XVI. INTEENAL AFF>aES OP THE COLONY— COMMEKCE— THE WEST INDIAN COMPANY — AGEICULTUKE— INTEODUCTION OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM — DEPAETUEB OF DB TEACY — NOTE ON" THE ENGLISH COLONIES. 119. The successful issue of the war with the Iroquois left De Tracy at liberty to attend to other impor- tant objects of his mission. These related to the re-organisation of the Supreme Council, and to the regula- tion of all affairs affecting the internal government of the colony, agriculture, and commerce. Most of the original members of the Council had been already replaced, and, on its new footing, that body proceeded to re-enact former prohibitions respecting the liquor traffic. To sell intoxi- cating drinks to the Indians was made a penal offence. 120. The commerce of the country, notwithstanding the recent change made in taking it out of the hands of the " Company of One Hundred Associates," had been, after the lapse of about one year, confided to a new company styled the " West Indian Company." This was chartered with nearly the same privileges as the former company, but with a jurisdiction more extensive, and including, as well as Canada, all the other transatlantic regions over which France claimed sovereignty. They were to import various supplies required in the colony, and to promote its further settlement, receiving, as compensation, the right to carry on the fur trade with the natives. Their representative in the colony was to have a seat in the Council, and prece- ['JO HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667. dence next after the Eoyal Intendant. They were even to enjoy the privilege of nominating councillors and judges, as well as the governors and intendants of the colony. But it appears that this last privilege reverted to the King, who was petitioned by the Company to reserve it until they themselves should be in a condition to exercise the right of nomination. The inhabitants, however, were not to be excluded, as formerly, from trading with the Indians and amongst themselves, except at the Tadoussac station. But they were to pay a duty of one-fourth its value upon the purchase or capture of every beaver, and one-tenth upon some other animals, for the Company's benefit. Ten directors in Paris regulated the general affairs of the Company.* The West Indian Company continued in existence only up to the year 1674, when its charter was revoked, on the ground that it had not force enough to secure and retain for the King's American subjects the advantages to which their courage and industry entitled them. 121. In conjunction with the Intendant, M. Talon, De Tracy encouraged agriculture, mining explorations, and external commerce. In consequence, the colonists culti- vated hemp and flax, and began to manufacture coarse cloths and other domestic articles. All the common grains were soon produced in an abundance exceeding the wants of the colony. An export trade was begun with the West Indies in dried fish, salted salmon, eels, and oils extracted from the sea-wolf, the porpoise, and the seal. Oak planks and boards, and samples of different woods, were sent even to France, in proof that the country could furnish products serviceable in the royal dockyards. At a later date, resin- ous extracts and pitch were included among the exports. 122. In the meantime, while the colonists tilled their * In the edict creating this Company, the King reserved " no other rights and dues than allegiance and homage to himself and successors." i667.] INTRODUCTION OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. tyi lands in their new state of freedom from the predatory in- roads of the Iroquois, the population steadily increased. Wives for the male inhabitants were brought over from France, and many of the officers and soldiers of the Carig- nan Kegiment married and settled on the lands. Alto- gether, the colony entered upon a condition of prosperity it had never known before. Canada now was no longer the country of " horrors and cold,"* such as it had been called in former years. The number of inhabitants soon became the double of what it had been a few years before ; and they could now without apprehension extend themselves over the country, instead of being hindered by fears of the Iroquois from cultivating the soil even within reach of the cannon of the forts. 123. In regard to the tenure of lands and the adminis- tration of the law, the customs of the mother country f were permanently introduced. The military officers and other persons of good family received grants of land as seignieurics, upon which, under the denomination of censi- taires, the soldiers and others were encouraged to settle. This was part of the feudal system, the only mode of occupying the land and of social existence known to the French. Eegisters of births and marriages had begun to be kept as early as the year 1621, and still continued in Quebec. The colony now had assumed another phase of existence in regard to all its affairs; and, although many future re- verses were in store for it, had taken root and become established permanently on its foundations. M. de Tracy having successfully accomplished the objects of his mission, took his departure for France in the autumn of 1667. * Relation of 1667, p. 2. t Particularly the system called Coutume de Paris. t72 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667, Note on the English Colonies. — In the text mention has been made of some communications between M. de Tracy and the English colonists on the Hudson. As Canada grew in population and resources it will be seen that the intercourse with the neighbouring European colonies in- creased, and that the causes which have been already referred to in this history brought about unfriendly relations. It will be well, therefore, for the learner to become acquainted with the following brief outline of the origin and progress of those other colonies up to the time when De Tracy's mission in Canada came to an end. As early as 1606, James River was discovered by the English ; and, next year, the first English colony, that of Virginia, founded in the New World. In 1609, Henry Hudson, in the Dutch service, navigated the Hudson Biver, which led to the first Dutch settlements in New York, subsequently ceded to the English. In 1614 and following years, settlements began to be formed at various points of the coast of New England. In 1620, the Puritans of England established themselves on the coast of Massachusetts. In 1623, the colony of New Jersey was begun, but did not attain to much strength until the founding of Elizabeth Town, in 1664. Between 1623 and 1670 various other settlements were estabUshed, in- cluding those in Neuj Hampshire, Maryland, Connecticut, Rhode Island^ Vermont, South Carolina, and Pennsylvania. These colonies, during a long period called by the English themselves the American "Plantations," for the most part increased much more rapidly than those of France in Canada and Acadia. They were ruled by Governors and Councils deriving their authority from the sovereigns of England, either directly or indirectly, through corporations and leading persons employed to promote their settlement. At times, when war broke out in Europe between France and England, their respective colonies in America usually took part against each other. They had, besides, local causes of hostility, growing out of jealousy and questions about boundaries and traffic with the Indian tribes. During about a century from the days of De Tracy, the soldiers and sailors of the two mother coimtrie? were from time to time dispatched tp co-operate with their respective colonies against each other, until, in 1 763, the autho- rity of France in North America was superseded by that of England. 1667-72.] M. DE COURCELLE. 173 CHAPTEE XVII. THE GOVERNOR, DH CODRCELLE — CAUSES OP TROUBLE AMONG THE INDIAN TRIBES OF THE WEST — THE GOVERNOR'S EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH SHORE OF LAKE ONTARIO — RECALL Of DE CODRCELLE — CHARACTER OF DE COURCELLE — DEATH OF MADAME DE LA PELTRIE AND OF MARIE DE L'INOABNATION — THEIR CHARACTERS — TALON — COLBERT. 124. M. DE CouRCELLE, who had been appointed Gover- nor under De Tracy in 1665, continued in office A.D. 1007—72. until the year 1672. He was not only an in- ' ' trepid soldier but a man of remarkable sagacity and con- siderable aptitude for government. Under him, and the in- defatigable Intendant, Talon — whom, however, the Gover- nor did not always support in efforts to further agriculture and commerce — the resources of the colony continued to increase rapidly. Courcelle was also strictly impartial in administering justice, even in cases when his ovm com- patriots suffered severely by his decisions."' The Indian tribes entertained a high sense of his qualities, it being generally known amongst them that he had been a chief agent in the decisive operations against the Iroquois in 1666. It happened since that period, that members belonging to several of the Iroquois nations during the interval of peace frequently hunted amicably in the same * On one occasion, a murder had been committed, accompanied with rohhery, by three Frenchmen. The Governor promptly had the criminals brought before him, along with the relations and friends of the deceased, and guilt being clearly proved, caused the murderers to be put to death in their presence. 174 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667-72. regions with the Ottawas and several other tribes on the borders of the great lakes. From occasional encroach- ments, however, they soon fell into aggressions upon In- dians with whom the French had established friendly relations. On one occasion, the Senecas (Sonnontouans) committed depredations in the hunting-grounds of the Pouteoutamies. This caused the tribes of adjacent regions to unite in attacking and driving away all Iroquois hunt- ing parties, including those of the Five Nations who had taken no part with the Senecas. The result was a general ferment among the savages, endangering the safety of many Frenchmen engaged in trade in those remote parts. An appeal was made to the Grovernor, who decided that the Senecas should make reparation and restore the cap- tives they had taken. But the Senecas, although aware of the chastisement of the Mohawks, contemned the wishes and menaces of the French, and returned only a few of their captives, without offering further reparation. They were emboldened by their own numbers, the distance of their settlements from the French headquarters, and especially by the supposed impossibility of transporting soldiers and munitions of war through the rapids above Montreal. M. de Courcelle saw the necessity of con- vincing the Senecas that their villages were not beyond ■ the reach of French valour, and instantly took steps to prove this. Under the direction of Intendant A.D. 1670. ^ Talon, a flat-bottomed vessel was prepared for transporting provisions and ammunition, and also thirteen canoes. In these he embarked with a body of picked soldiers, and, after surmounting the difficulties attendant upon an ascent up the river, made his appearance at a spot named Kente, on Lake Ontario. Thence it was easy to cross the lake, and to make a descent upon the villages of the Senecas. 1667-72.] M. DE COURCELLE. 175 De Courcelle, however, contented himself with causing an intimation to reach them to the effect that, unless they refrained from aggressions, he would lead an adequate force against them and deal with them as had been done with the Mohawks a few years before. The astonished Senecas at once complied with all his demands, and thus De Courcelle, by his energy and forethought, maintained the prestige of the French and prevented the outbreak of a general war. The health of the Governor was injured by fatigue and by the hardships he encountered upon this his last expe- dition, and he demanded his recall. Accordingly, M. de Frontenac, one of the most remarkable men of those times, was appointed Governor by the court of France on the 7th AprU 1672. On the 12th of September following, De Courcelle, accompanied by the Intendant, Talon, embarked for France. 125. The character of Courcelle has been generally de- scribed in the preceding article. He was sincerely esteemed by the colonists, and his departure, which occurred at a critical period, was much deplored. 126. The loss to the colony of two such faithful pro- moters of its interests as M. de Courcelle and Talon had proved themselves to be, was all the more acutely felt be- cause it followed closely upon the removal of two other persons, who, in another sphere, had been its most constant and most zealous friends. The first of these was Madame de la Peltrie, who, more than thirty years before, had come to found the Ursuline Convent at Quebec, and who died in November 1671. The other was Marie Guyart, the first Superior of that noted institution, and who, in the religious annals of the colony, is known by the name of "La Mere Marie de I' Incarnation." Madame de la Peltrie had cast behind her all the attractions of a [76 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667-72. life of ease, luxury, and refinement at an early age, and had come to Canada to devote her exertions and consider- able fortune to the object of providing education and re- ligious training for the young females of the country, French and Indian.* The coadjutor of Madame de la Peltrie, Marie de I'Incarnation, was of humbler origin, but very highly gifted in regard to the qualities needed in carrying on such a work in those times. Her co-religionists, to this day, cherish her memory with profound veneration. She was as remarkable for tact, perseverance, and indomit- able courage, as for religious zeal and devotion. Her in- tellectual abilities were also of a very high order, and were united, in their exercise, with excellent sense, shrewdness in business matters, and extraordinary force of character. The French Canadian writer, Ferland, thus describes her : — " Her soul, strong and great, seemed to elevate itself naturally above the miseries which assailed the infant colony. At a time when most people were fearing that the French would be forced to quit the colony, she quietly pursued her work and the study of the language of the Hurons, in order to be useful to the young girls of those savages, allowing herself to be neither hindered by fear nor carried away by enthusiasm. She wrote a prodigious number of letters. One is astounded to find in her com- positions an accuracy of perception and of style, and a solidity of judgment, wliich inspire a lofty opinion of this truly superior woman. Equally skilful in the use of the needle, the scissors, and the pen, she was also qualified to oversee all the work connected with the construction of the * She was married at an early age to M. de la Peltrie, and left a widow at twenty-two. She is reported to have been a lady of refined manners and tastes, and of great personal beauty. The opposition which her rela- tives in France made to her project has been adverted to in a former note (p. 106). I667-72-] INTENDANT TALON. 177 buildings, inside and out.' She was charged with all the affairs of the convent. She learned the two native lan- guages, Huron and Algonquin. She composed, for the use of the Ursuline teachers, a dictionary, sacred history, catechism, and a collection of prayers in the Algonquin, as well as vocabularies and catechisms in the Huron and Iroquois languages. Her letters and meditations were printed in France after her death." Her compositions and letters contained, from time to time, information relative to the state and progress of the colony, including notices of the governors, nearly all of whom were in the habit of paying visits of courtesy to the Superior of the Ursuline Convent. The virtues and character of the foundress, Madame de la Peltrie, and of the first Superior of the institution, un- doubtedly exercised a powerful influence upon the disposi- tions and manners of the colonists — directly upon those of the females, indirectly upon the inhabitants at large.* 127. Talon, who quitted Canada at the same time as Governor Courcelle, was a man of very great abilities, and rendered great services to the colony. His office of Eoyal Intendant placed him, under the constitution of 1663, in charge of the police, finance, and administration of justice. His letters and reports to the French minister at Paris (Colbert) furnish many instructive details respecting the colony. These prove that he, like Champlain, saw clearly what measures were requisite for building up the colony on substantial foundations. He urged the minister to concern himself in promoting the welfare of Canada, by which, he said, he would consult his own glory. He advised freeing * The " History of the Ursulines of Quebec " furnishes lists of names of the girls educated there. Prom the early days of the colony up to the present, the establishment has bpen a principal means of education to young women belonging to the better classes of society in Canada. The establishments founded by Madame Bowrgeois performed the same offices in Montreal. M 178 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667-72. the inhabitants from restrictions in regard to commerce, especially from the hands of commercial companies, who would care only for their own gains. He devoted his attention to the most minute details relating to agriculture and to the industrial occupations of the colonists — of whom he boastfully remarks, in one of his letters, that his "peasants of New France could clothe themselves from head to foot with apparel of their own manufacture."* He encouraged the manufacture of salt and potash, and the building of ships, and sent difPerent kinds of wood and of extracts to France, to show that the King's dockyards could be supplied from Canada. The cultiva- tion of flax and hemp was also promoted by him. Talon proposed expeditions for extending the boundaries of New France northward and westward, and which subsequently resulted in the discovery, by an overland route, of the North Sea {H^(dson's Bay), as also of the river Mississippi and its tributaries. Among other useful projects encouraged by the personal exertions of Talon, were the exploration and opening of mines as a source of industrial occupation to the people and profit to the colony ; but, although the iron of Three Rivers was abundant, of good quality, and easily worked, many years elapsed before the sagacious Intendant's scheme met with any favour in the mother country. He pro- jected better plans of dividing the country into fiefs or seigniories, and of providing for the people the means of access to justice in all civil cases at little cost and without delay or uncertainty. * Up to this period nearly all kinds of manufactures were forbidden in the colony, and the inhabitants required to depend almost exclusively upon articles, even of clothing and for domestic use, imported from France. About this time some of the restrictions relative to hnen and fabrics of other materials were removed. r667-72.] CHARACTER OF TALON. 179 Talon has been styled the Colbert of Canada. Colbert. was the most enlightened statesman of France at that period, and combined within himself most of the qualifications of his predecessors, Richelieu and Mazarin, the chief ad- visers of Louis XIII. and Louis XIV. He was distinguished, besides, bj' greater personal integrity than those personages possessed. In fact, Colbert may be esteemed the principal instrument of the greatness attained by France under Louis XIV., notwithstanding the extremely despotic character and personal profligacy of this King. Talon, on a smaller scale, in Canada, by his wonderful energy and ability, effected results of a similar nature to those produced by Colbert in France, especially in procuring that all the institutions of the country and all authority should centre in the King. He also was the principal means of establishing in Canada the general system of management of affairs, political, civil, &aA commercial, which prevailed up to the time when the colony was finally severed from the mother country. Even the warlike disposition which the French Canadians displayed subsequently to his days was mainly sustained by the arrangements introduced by Talon, and which secured a succession of military Seignieurs —those of Portneuf, Becancour, Sorel, Chambly, and others — whose names are noted in the struggles of the colony. To what has already been said in commendation of this remarkable man, it may be added, that he was well versed in philosophy and learning, and that he was loyal and honest. Had his suc- cessors been equally gifted and capable, as well as equally honourable in the management of affairs confided to them as Intendants, it may be conjectured that the resources and progress of the colony in all respects would have been very much greater than they were found to be at the close of another century. Not long after Talon's departure- for France, where he continued to promote the interests of I So HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667-72 Canada, his nephew, M. Perrot, became Governor or Com- mandant of the Island of Montreal. The colony, under the auspices of M. de Courcelle, and especially of Talon, had made very considerable progress. Between the years 1665 and 1670, the European population had increased from about three thousand to upwards of six thousand souls.* Talon had gone on a visit to France in 1668, and when he returned in 1670 he had brought out six KecoUets, whose arrival occasioned great joy among the people, with whom the religious persons of that order were favourites. Many gentlemen, also, with officers and soldiers of the Carignan Eegiment, came in the same year to occupy seigniories and lands granted to them on the banks of the St Lawrence. There were at this time more than a hundred scholars taught by the Jesuits in their college at Quebec, including both French and Indians, f Quebec had already begun to be styled a city, including numerous religious edifices, as well as groups of houses of stone and wood occupied by the French, and the cabins or wigwams of Indians, J located within reach of protection from the principal structure, Fort St Louis. In Villa * In the year 1670-71 the births of nearly seyen hundred infants were registered at Quebec. + As regards the results of efforts made to train and instruct the Indian children, it is recorded that they were, on the whole, unsatisfactory. The King of France repeatedly sent out directions to spare no pains in reducing the savages to the French habits and modes of life ; but all that could be done, whether for children or adults, failed to effect any permanent change in their tastes and disposition, or to wean them from their preference for forest life. On the other hand, many French went to take up their quarters among the savages, and adopted their wild ways of living. J The Indians here referred to were mostly Hurons, the relics of the dispersed Huron nation that had taken refuge in Quebec. About the period indicated in the text they were all removed to St Foye, westward of the city. Some years later, about 1674 or 1675, they were again removed, and settled about nine miles north of the city at Lorette, where their de- scendants are BtUl to be seen. 1667-72.] PROGRESS OF THE COLONY. 181 Marie (Montreal) there were about seven hundred Euro- pean inhabitants, and the place began to be laid out into streets within a space surrounded by a sort of wall and of quadrangular shape. M. Perrot, Talon's nephew, had been appointed Commandant by the Semi- nary of St Sulpice, who had jurisdiction over the Island of Montreal. About this time a number of converted Iroquois migrated to Canada, and were located, at first, on lands at La Prairie. Subsequently, as it was found that the soil and aspect were unsuited to the cultivation of their principal article of food, maize, they were moved to Sault St Louis (Gaugh- naivaga), and lands assigned them, which are occupied by their descendants to this day. But, as an offset to the general conditions which favoured the welfare of the colony, the inhabitants, both French and Indians, were troubled with maladies which proved fatal to many. Scurvy (mal-de-terre) not unfrequently affected the settlers, and particularly the soldiers in garrison, as well as the aborigines. One of the most dreadful scourges of those times was the small-pox. The art of vaccination was then unknown,* so that even in Europe the small-pox was often prevalent, unchecked, and carried off its victims, both rich and poor. In North America the native tribes suffered greatly from this disease. The years 1669 and 1670 were remarkable for its prevalence among the western Indians and the Iroquois, as well as the Canadian savages. The latter fell victims to it in such numbers that soon * The discovery of vaccination by Dr Jenner was not made until about 1776, and the value of it not recognised generally for many years after that time. The small-pox had proved fatal to members of many royal and noble families in Europe during the previous century, besides carrying off multitudes of people. Count Platoff, the Cossack chief, said to Dr Jenner in 1814 — "Sir, you have extinguished the most pestilential dis- order that ever appeared on the banks of the Don." i82 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667-72. afterwards the settlement at Sillery was nearly depopulated, and Tadoussac, for a time, quite deserted. It was also about this time that the Iroquois began to establish, on a considerable scale, a regular traffic with the northern and western Indians, in such manner as to draw off the trade in skins from the route of the Lower St Lawrence, and so as to make themselves the channel of communication with the traders of the English colonies, who paid higher prices than the French. De Courcelle, foreseeing that Canadian commerce with the western tribes would be ruined in that way, undertook the expedition to the north shore of Ontario in order to menace the Senecas, as has been already described. The same cause led that Governor to project the establishment of a fort and military station at Cataracoui {Kingston), which was afterwards built by his successor, and called Fc/rt Frontenac. This proceeding, of course, displeased the people of the cantons, as being calculated to defeat their plans, and to intercept the northern Indians bringing in the spoils of the chase.* * It was during the governorship of De Courcelle that Charles II. of England granted the original charter of the Hudson's Bay Company, viz., in 1669. That Company thus acquired the right to traffic over all the territory bordering upon Hudson's Bay. In June 1672, an exploring party, dispatched by the indefatigable Talon by the way of Tadoussac, the Saguenay, and Lake St John's, succeeded in reaching the southern coast of that bay, then called by the French "The North Sea." 1672-82.] COUNT FRONTENAC. 183 CHAPTER XVIII. COUNT FRONTENAC, GOVEBNOE — DISSENSIONS — ^AEBITRAET PBOOEED- INGS OF THE GOVEBNOB — APPEAL TO THE COURT OF PEANCB — PEONTBNAC'S ABILITY — FORT FRONTENAC — LA SALLE — MAR- QUETTE AND JOLIET — DISCOVERT OF THE MISSISSIPPI — NEGOTIA- TIONS WITH THE IBOQUOIS — LA SALLE'S PBOCEEDINGS — THE COUBEUES DES BOIS — DISSENSIONS CONTINUED — RECALL OF THE GOVEBNOB AND INTENDANT — POPULATION OF THE COLONY— AGRICULTUBAL BBSOUBCES — EXPORTS — ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS — LAVAL, FIBST BISHOP OF QUEBEC, AND THE EECOLLETS — LA SALLE. 128. The successor of De Oourcelle, Count Louis de Buade Frontenac, had served more than thirty years in the armies of France before he became Governor of Canada. In conjunction with many brilliant qualities, which fitted him for exercising a strong personal influence upon the inhabitants, and especially the savages placed under his rule, Frontenac had a haughty spirit and manner, and a temper which brought him often into collision with the other officials. On the retirement of Talon, Laval also being absent in France for a time, the new Governor claimed and exercised nearly all the powers of the Supreme Council. But when a successor, M. Duchesneau, came to occupy Talon's place, and when Laval returned, Frontenac's pretensions were resisted by those functionaries, and the consequence was a state of dissension which endured throughout the period of his administration. 129. The subjects of dispute were the relative powers of the Governor, Bishop, and Intendant ; also the liquor i84 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672-82. traffic, and, finally, the recourse to arbitrary measures by the Governor from time to time. The Grovernor claimed the right to exercise nearly all the functions, which, by express authority of the court of France, belonged to the Intendant's office. As regards the Bishop and clergy, Frontenac seems to have repudiated altogether their title to concern themselves in civil affairs. And in regard to the liquor traffic, the evils of which were represented to have reached to a fearful pitch, Frontenac accused his opponents of exaggerating those evils from selfish motives, and for the purpose of obtaining an increase to their own power and influence. The Grovernor, on the other hand, was charged with acquiescing in, and even profiting by, those abuses. In course of these dissensions, Frontenac became more and more despotic. Several of the members were banished. Perrot, the Commandant at Montreal, was arrested and sent to France, after suffering a year's imprisonment at Quebec. A priest, also, named Fenelon, was banished to France.* 130. These various causes of strife between the local authorities were referred to the court of France, and the Bishop himself went to sustain his own side. Frontenac, however, had influential friends, and there existed, besides, on the part of Colbert, the King's minister, a disposition to diminish the influence of the clergy in all save religious affairs. Frontenac was therefore to some extent sustained, and Laval failed to procure the decided prohibition of the liquor traffic which he desired. But, * This M. Perrot, who has been mentioned as being the nephew of Talon, was charged with having insulted an officer of Frontenac, named Bizard. Perrot was subsequently, in 1684, sent out to Acadia in the capacity of Governor there. There was another Perrot — Nicholas Perrot — a celebrated Canadian traveller, remarkable for his address in dealing with the western savages, and who rendered great services to Canada in the way of inducing them to remain peaceable. He flourished during about forty years from 1663 or 1664. 1672-82.] COUJS'T FRONTENAC. 185 notwithstanding the imperfect satisfaction which resulted to Frontenac's opponents from their appeal, he did not escape blame. Colbert announced to him that, although it was his place to take precedence of members of the Supreme Council, yet it was his duty merely to preside and to sub- mit matters to be deliberated upon and decided by the body. The Intendant's powers were even enlarged, the banished members of Council, excepting one who had died, were replaced, and the Governor, in general terms, rebuked for his arbitrary proceedings. The dissensions were not brought to an end by the appeal made to France ; for the enmity between the Governor and Duchesneau continued until both were subsequently re- called, and the Bishop made a second voyage to France, in order to procure a settlement more to his satisfaction of the vexed liquor traffic question.* 131. Apart from the failings of character indicated in the preceding article, Frontenac showed great ability in the discharge of the duties of his office. Immediately after his arrival in 1672, he took in hand the prosecution of plans devised by his predecessor De Courcelle, and by Talon. * In 1676 orderB were sent to Frontenac to investigate particularly the alleged evils of the liquor traffic, with the assistance of twenty-four persons chosen from the inhabitants ; but he was directed, at the same time, not to allow the action of the ecclesiastical authorities to take the place of the King's in a matter stated to be one of police, and of a civil nature. The majority of the twenty-four persons declared in favour of continuing the traffic on the grounds of necessity, since otherwise all the traffic of the In- dians would go to the English and Dutch. A report to this effect was drawn up and sent to France, upon which, Laval being then in Paris, the whole question was referred to the Archbishop of Paris and another ecclesiastic. The final result was, that orders were sent out to Canada prohibiting the French from carrying liquor to the woods or to the habi- tations of the Indians. Laval could effect no more, and after occupying himself about two years in accomplishing that much, he returned to Quebec, where he and his clergy continued strenuously to oppose the practices of which they had complained. i86 HISTORY OF CANaDA. [1672-82 The former had, as already mentioned, proposed the con- struction of fortifications at Cataracoui. Frontenac, per- ceiving the wisdom of that design, set about its execution. Batteaux, canoes, artillery, ammunition, and all requisite supplies were forwarded to the place in the summer of 1673, along with four hundred men to construct the works and form the garrison of the post. In the course of a week the place was made fit for occupation, and about twenty acres of contiguous land enclosed for cultivation. The plans for intercepting the trafiic of the northern tribes included the building of a barque to navigate the lake, as well as the construction of another fort at Niagara. In these undertakings Frontenac had the aid of a very useful coadjutor, M. la Salle* 132. Frontenac concerned himself in furthering another important project which had been recommended by M. Talon, namely, the exploration of the great river, which the Western Indians reported as running southward from the region of the great lakes. Louis Joliet, an enterprising merchant of Quebec, was deputed to conduct a party on this service. He first went, with five Frenchmen and a priest named Marquette, to Michilimakmac,f in December 1672. Early in the spring they made for the country of the Illinois, and passed by the way of Fox River and the Wisconsin, into the Mississippi, which they reached on June 17, 1673. They then descended the Mississippi as far as the confluence of the river Arka7isas,l but returned * See the sketch of this enterprising man given in Article 139. + Michilimakinac at the straits between Lakes Michigan and Huron. t The immediate cause of their turning back, after going so far south as to arrive in lat. 33°, was their inability to make any further use of Mar- quette's knowledge of the Indian dialects, which had hitherto served their purposes iu holding intercourse with the scattered tribes along the banks of the river. The earlier French writers, Charlevoix, La Potherie, &c., and their numerous copyists, who have related the discovery of the Mississippi, de- 1672-82.] DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 187 to winter at St Francois Xavier, a French missionary station south of the " Baie du Puants," on the west of Lake Michigan. Thus was made the first discovery by Europeans of the great river Mississippi. Joliet separated from Marquette in the spring of 1674 , and, after an eventful and dangerous journey, in course of which, at the rapids above Montreal, he lost his papers and almost his life, reached Quebec. His report to Frontenac was transmitted to Colbert, to whom it was stated by the Governor : " This great river, which bears the name of Colbert, from having been dis- covered lately in consequence of the orders given by you, passes from beyond lakes Huron and Michigan, and flows through Florida and Mexico into the sea, inter- scribe many interesting incidents connected with the proceedings of the intrepid explorers. At first they had guides to accompany them, but these soon deserted, leaving them to proceed alone on their unknown course. Soon after reaching the Mississippi, they lost sight of all traces of human inhabitants, and for a distance of nearly two hundred miles saw no signs of humanity. On leaving one party of Indians, with whom they spent six days, the chief attached to Marquette's neck the head feathers of a particular bird, as a symbol of peace and safeguard amongst other tribes they would fall in with farther south. The travellers found this very serviceable. Passing the mouths of the Missouri and Ohio, and other tributaries of the great river, they came to regions where there was a sensible change of climate. The prairies disappeared, and were replaced by forests of walnuts. They found abundance of wild roses and other flowers, but the heat of the sun was insupportable ; their sufferings being further augmented by encountering myriads of mosquitoes. Everywhere, when bands of natives approached them in a menacing manner, the dis- play of the symbol on Marquette's neck exercised a magic influence, and produced manifestations of friendship. Near to the mouth of the Arkan- sas, where were tribes of Sioux and Chikasas, they found the Huron and Algonquin dialects, as well as all other means of verbal communication, fail ; but they beheld, in the arms and implements of the natives, proofs of intercourse between them and the English of Virginia, as well as the Spaniards of the Gulf of Mexico. Then they returned towards the north, observing, as they reached lat. 38", regions of incomparable beauty and fertility, and the prairies covered with buffaloes and deer, along with in- numerable geese, ducks, and wild-fowl. i88 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672-82. secting the most beautiful region that is to be seen in the world." About eight years after the discovery, La Salle com- pleted the work of Joliet and Marquette by navigating the Mississippi all the way down to its entrance into the G-ulf of Mexico. 133. During the administration of Frontenac, although the colony enjoyed a continuance of repose ' from actual warfare with its ancient enemies the Iroquois, yet there were frequent occasions when peace came into jeopardy. The Five Nations kept up hostilities with other tribes to the south and west, and in the latter direction made themselves felt as far as the river Mississippi. The Illinois and Miamis, and some wandering bands of Ottawas and other nations, although known to be friends and allies of the French, were continually attacked by the Iroquois. The latter were also displeased by the erection of Forts Fron- tenac, Niagara, and of others farther west, at which the indefatigable La Salle had established trading posts. In consequence many negotiations occurred between Frontenac and the Iroquois, who displayed a growing indifference to the maintenance of amity with the French. In the meantime, Garaconthie, the great friend of the French, died in 1677, and his loss increased the danger of a rupture. At length Frontenac invited the Iroquois to send depu- ties to Cataracoui to arrange all difficulties. The savages demanded that the meeting should take place at Ghouagen (Oswego). The Governor refused to accede to this pro- posal, and, when the Iroquois subsequently expressed their willingness to come to Cataracoui, Frontenac haughtily declared that he would go no farther to meet them than Montreal. In the end, the Governor's firmness prevailed, and a great meeting was held at Montreal in 1680. On 1672-82.] PROCEEDINGS OF LA SALLE. 189 this occasion the brilliant qualities of the Governor afforded much delight to the barbarian negotiators. He appeared before them with great pomp, and, seizing the hatchets from the hands of the Iroquois, threw them into the river, exclaiming, that not only the Hurons and Algonquins, but also the Ottawas, Illinois, and Miamis, were his chil- dren, and under French protection. Professions of amity were made, but the Iroquois, although willing to yield to the Governor's wishes in other respects, would not accede to his demand for the discontinuance of all hostilities against the Illinois. The relations between the cantons and the French colony remained on the same uncertain footing up to the time of Frontenac's recall in 1682. 134. The West Indian Company had already been de- prived of its privileges in Canada about the year 1675, La Salle, who was deputed, in 1677, to visit France, to procure authority for prosecuting the explorations of Joliet and Marquette, received a grant of powers as Seignieur over a considerable tract, including Fort Frontenac, and some islands on the lake. In return, he was to erect stone walls and fortifications in place of the wooden ones, and to main- tain the garrison there. La Salle also established many other forts and trading posts, comprehending those at LacMne, Niagara, MicMlimakinac, Bate de Puants, and River 8t Joseph, together with Fort Crevecour, among the Illinois, and some others. At this time there were many French traders distributed among the tribes in various directions to whom the existence of these military and trading posts was highly useful as a source of protection. It was customary then for the Governor to issue what were called " conges" permitting their owners to carry articles of commerce amongst the Indian tribes for the purpose of bartering for skins. But the class of French traders, igo HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672-82 known as the " Coureurs des Bois "* had become very- numerous, exceeding, it is said, five hundred — more than one-twentieth of the entire European population. It was therefore determined to enforce more strictly the law which prohibited the absence of a Frenchman in the woods longer than twenty-four hours without the express permission of the Governor. But the practice which it was desired to counteract was scarcely affected. 135. Meanwhile the dissensions described in the second article of this chapter not only continued, but attained a pitch that seemed to render concord among the chief authorities of the colony impossible.f To put an end to this state of things, the court of France recalled both Governor and Intendant, and appointed as successors M. de la Barre and M. de Meulles in 1682. 136. The year before Frontenac's recall, the total popu- lation of the colony, according to the census taken, was about ten thousand, of whom about two thousand were able to bear arms.J At the same time there were about twenty- two thousand acres of land under cultivation. The agri- cultural property of the colonists comprised seven thousand * They consisted, for the most part, of young and vigorous men, who employed themselves in penetrating amongst remote tribes of Indians for the purposes of traffic. Many of them carried the skins obtained to the New England colonies, where they received prices twentyfold those pro- curable at the French stations. The means of restraining and punishing the coureurs des bois became a subject of controversy amongst the mem- bers of the Council. + Towards the close of his administration, Frontenac's overbearing conduct towards the chief members of the Council became intolerable. Acrimonious altercations occurred. The Intendaut's son, a youth of seventeen, was imprisoned for complaining that the Governor had struck him. One of the officials, on refusing to sign the minutes of a meeting, was taunted and threatened by the Governor, who rudely prevented him from leaving the apartment in which the councillors had assembled. X The population of the English colonies was far more numerous, and included at least thirty-five thousand men able to bear arms. 1672-82]. ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. 191 horned cattle, about eighty horses, and upwards of six hundred sheep and goats. The annual exports of the colony were worth about three hundred thousand francs, and the government expenditure about three hundred and fifty thousand. 137. In the year 1682 a great fire occurred at Quebec, by which nearly all the buildings of the lower town were destroyed. 138. The ecclesiastical affairs of the colony had, some years before the recall of Frontenac, been placed on a more definite footing. In 1674, M. Laval was installed as the first Bishop of Quebec. With the increase of the popula- tion and of the settlements on the banks of the St Lawrence, the number of regular priests and of parishes was aug- mented in proportion. Bishop Laval, although a man of great zeal in the cause of religion, and earnestly desirous of promoting the establishment of an efficient church sys- tem in the colony, was of an arbitrary and intolerant dis- position in his manner of dealing with those who opposed or thwarted his plans. With respect to the establishment of parishes and the appointment thereto of cures, or parish priests, an ordinance of the court of France required that the positions of these ecclesiastics should be permanent — so that the Bishop was allowed to appoint, but not to remove or displace them. In order to neutralise this restriction, which the Bishop esteemed inconsistent with the proper administration of ecclesiastical affairs, it was arranged that in the case of every appointment the cure should enter into a written agreement, one stipulation of which provided that at the end of certain periods the engagement should cease or be renewed as might seem best. Thus the irrevoc- able nature of the office of parish priest was anticipated. One of the most vexatious causes of trouble to the haughty ppirit of Laval was a controversy which arose between him 192 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672-82 and the Kecollets. These, as has been stated, were again introduced into the colony by Talon in 1678. They were replaced on the lands formerly occupied by them near Quebec, on the banks of the St Charles, where they built a monastery, named "Notre Dame de St Anges." Desiring to have a footing within the city limits, Laval permitted them to erect an hospital in the Upper Town, but expressly forbade their opening a public place of worship, on the ground that the citizens, less than five thousand in num- ber, were already sufficiently provided for in the churches of the Hotel Dieu, the Ursulines, and the Jesuits, and in the Cathedral. The Kecollets, taking advantage of the pretext that a chapel was needed for the use of the sick, added a place of worship. One of their order happening to die, they made arrangements for his burial in their chapel, and for a public funeral. Laval prohibited these pro- ceedings, offering the Cathedral for the burial-service and the interment. The Eecollets proved refractory, and in spite of the Bishop's prohibition and subsequent interdict, celebrated the obsequies of their deceased brother publicly in their own chapel, with great pomp, and amidst a large concourse of the citizens. Laval was deeply chagrined at these occurrences, and wrote to the Superiors of the Eecollets at Paris, complaining of their conduct. His diffi- culties with the Governor on the subject of the liquor traffic, and relative to the exercise of his functions in matters appertaining to the Supreme Council, together with his growing infirmities, added to the other troubles which have been mentioned, caused Laval at length to apply to the King for a successor. 139. During the period of Frontenac's administration, Kobert la Salle, a man of enterprising genius, who had come to Canada in 1666, was busily active in extending the outposts and influence of the French among the 1672-82.] ROBERT LA SALLE. 193 western tribes. While in occupation of Fort Frontenac, as Commandant, he had been visited by Joliet, on his way down to Quebec, when returning from his expedition to the Mississippi. La Salle's ardent imagination was excited by the report relative to the magnificent valley of the great river, and he passed over to France to submit plans of coloni- sation to the French minister. Returning in 1678, he con- structed a vessel and navigated Lake Brie, at the western extremity of which he founded a station on the site of the modern city Detroit. Thence he passed through and named Lake St Glair ; and traversing Lake Huron, founded a trad- ing post at Michilimakinac (Straits of Makinaw). Entering Lake Michigan, he sailed across to the Baie du Puants (Green Bay), from which he proceeded southward to the river St Joseph, on the banks of which he established Fort Miamis. Upon the site of modern Chicago, and at other places among the Illinois Indians, he also founded trading posts. In the following year, 1682, La Salle conducted an expedition to the Mississippi, down which he descended to the sea. He formally claimed the entire valley of the great river for the King of France, in honour of whom he con- ferred upon it the name of Louisiana* * After Froutenac's departure. La Salle incurred the displeasure of the Governor, M. de la Barre, by whom he was accused of occasioning troubles with the western tribes. La Salle perished some time afterwards (in the spring of 1687), in course of attempts to colonise the valley of the Missis- sippi, near its mouths. On his voyage down the Mississippi he was accompanied by a RecoUet priest, named Hennepin, who wrote an account of the undertaking. The date of La Salle's first arrival on the Mississippi from Canada was February 2, 1682. 194 HISTORY OF CANADA. [if,,i-8z. CHAPTER XIX. FEONTEPTACS ST7CCESS0ES, M. DE LA. BAERE AND M 'DE DENONVTLI,! — DE LA BAREE's ABOETIVE EXPEDITION AGAINST THE IROQUOIS — HIS EECALL — BISHOP LAVAL'S SUCCESSOR, M. DE ST VALUER— THE ENGLISH INTRIGUES WITH THE IROQUOIS — DENONVILLE'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE SENEGAS — PORT NIAGARA BUILT— RESULTS OF THE WAR WITH THE SENEGAS — A DOUBTFUL PEACE CONCLUDED — DISASTROUS CONDITION OF THE COLONY — MASSACRE OF LACHINB — PLANS OF THE GOVERNOR AND M. DE CALLIBRB — DESIGNS OF THE ENGLISH COLONISTS — RUIN OP THE FRENCH COLONY IMMINENT — EECALL OP DENONVILIiE, AND RE- APPOINTMENT OP FRONIENAC. 140. During the seven years subsequent to the departure of Frontenac in 1682, the position of Governor was occu- pied in succession by M. de la Barre and M. de Denonville. M. de la Barre had previously served his country against the Dutch at Cayenne, and against the English in the West Indies, and entered upon the governorship of New France with an honourable reputation. De Denonville also was a military officer of distinction. He had served in the armies of France as a colonel of dragoons, and was considered a soldier of proved courage and ability, and highly esteemed at the court of France. It will be seen that during the administration of these two rulers Canada was subjected to many disasters, so that, by the year 1689, the condition of the colony became de- plorable, when Frontenac was re-appointed Governor, in order to rescue it from ruin. 141. At the time when M. de la Barre entered upon his 1672-82.] M. DE LA BARRE. 19S ofHce, the Iroquois felt emboldened by the withdrawal of the French chief, his predecessor, whom they had respected and feared, and whose tact and vigour had alone kept them within bounds. Instigated by Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, they proclaimed themselves the allies of England, and repudiated the claims of the French to any territory south or west of the great lakes. Many acts of pillage were committed by them against the French traders, and they continued their hostile attacks upon the Illinois and other tribes under French protection. 142. M. de La Barre, after spending many months in vainly endeavouring to conciliate those barbarians, made preparations for war. Orders were sent to the comman- dants stationed at posts on the great lakes to furnish as many Frenchmen and friendly savages as possible. The missionaries serving among the people of the cantons were instructed to detach the Oneidas, Onondagas, and Cayugas, from the cause of the Senecas, against whom chiefly the Governor intended to direct his attacks. Men were sent to reinforce the garrison at Fort Frontenac, and the Governor in person went with a number of barges full of soldiers to Montreal. At this place, about twelve hundred troops, militia and savages, were assembled. 143. Proceeding to Lake Ontario, the army crossed over to the south shore, to a station called Famine, where depu- ties from the cantons presented themselves as negotiators for peace. Although they were scarcely courteous, and re- fused to accede to the Governor's demands relative to the Illinois, yet, as some of his other stipulations were agreed to, he somewhat hastily came to terms with them, and con- cluded a peace which was regarded as inglorious and dis- advantageous throughout the colony. In the meantime, two hundred Canadians, with five hundred warriors belong- ing to the Hurons, Ottawas, and Outagamis, arrived from igfi HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672-82. the west, only to find that their services were not needed. The result tended materially to alienate the feelings of those savages who had been hitherto friendly to the French. This abortive expedition occurred in September 1684. 144. The Governor, on his return to Quebec, had the mortification to find that not only did his own oflScers disapprove of his conduct, but also that the King, in letters from Paris, expressed hopes of soon hearing that the Iro- quois were effectually chastised. As soon, however, as M. de la Barre's proceedings became known in France, through the reports brought by the latest vessels from Canada, he was superseded by the appointment of M. de Denonville, on the 1st of January 1685. 145. About this time, M. de St Vallier, the proposed successor of Bishop Laval, was in Canada, having come out for the purpose of making a tour through the colony, and through Acadia, preparatory to assuming the position of chief ecclesiastic of New France. He first went back to Paris, and subsequently, in 1688, returned to Canada, and was installed as Bishop of Quebec. Laval, at the time of his retirement, had been in the colony thirty years.* * M. Laval, after his resignation, continued to reside at Quebec, where he died in the year 1708, at the advanced age of eighty-six. He belonged to the noble French Montmorency family. Although, as has been men- tioned in the text, he was of a haughty disposition, he was a hard-work- ing and exemplary prelate. In two remarkable instances he gave proof of possessing a generous and forgiving disposition towards those who were willing to afford the occasion for its exercise, as in the case of De Mesy, and also M. de Queylus, who had both been extremely hostile to him. De Queylus, after having opposed Laval bitterly during several years, was forgiven and treated as a friend. The seminary founded by Laval in 1663 was transformed, in 1852, into the university which now bears his name. 1672-82.] DE DENONVILLE. 197 146. De Denonville brought out instructions similar to those given to his predecessors relative to the Canadian Indians. He was to see that they were led to abandon savage life and adopt French manners and customs. He was to support and defend the French allies in the west, and to carry the war into the territory of the Iroquois, if, by so doing, he could humiliate them and secure the Illinois, Miamis, and Ottawas. 147. Denonville, after being a short time in the colony, saw that it was impossible to convert the Hurons and Al- gonquins into civilised beings, and he reported that " the savages who approach us do not become French ; but the French who associate with the Indians become savages." He found that the English colonists intrigued with the Iroquois, sustaining and encouraging them in acts of hostility towards the French. French refugees also were encom'aged to come to New York, and were employed as guides to lead English merchants into the Indian settle- ments on the borders of the great lakes. The Iroquois also behaved with great insolence towards the French, slaugh- tering their allies and pillaging their traders. Colonel Dongan advised the Iroquois not to visit the French sta- tions for the purposes of traffic, and directed that efforts be made to conciliate the Canadian Indians by restoring to them their prisoners, and also that the Iroquois at St Louis should be solicited to return to the cantons. Under these circumstances, the Grovernor saw that war was in- evitable, and made his preparations accordingly during the years 1685 and 1686. The arrival of eight hundred recruits from France, in addition to about six hundred furnished to the colony during the time of M. de la Barre, at length enabled Denonville to mature his plans. 148. In the spring of 1687, the Governor assembled at Montreal a force consisting of one thousand militia, eight 198 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672-82. liundred regulars, and about three hundred Indians, Hurons, Algonquins, Abenaquis, and Iroquois of Sault St Louis. He caused a large number of Iroquois chiefs and warriors to be enticed to Fort Frontenac, and there seized and placed in confinement. Thence they were sent to France to work in the King's galleys. To accomplish this act of treachery, he employed the services of two Jesuit priests, who unwittingly co-operated in the design.* Moving up the St Lawrence with his army, Denonville crossed Lake Ontario to the south shore, where he con- structed a small stone fort near the mouth of the river Genessee, to serve as a protection for the boats and batteaux of the expedition, and a place of refuge in case of disaster. Four hundred men were left to guard the post. Thence he marched towards the settlements of the Senecas. About the middle of July, a conflict took place between the French- and about eight hundred Senecas advantage- ously posted, by whom the western allies were speedily put to flight and some disorder occasioned in the ranks of the regulars. Eventually the victory was gained by the French with a loss of six killed and twenty wounded. The Senecas retired into the forest, and Denonville with his army moved upon their nearest bourgade. After a slight skirmish the people of the village set fire to their own habitations, and then betook themselves to the woods. No less than four hundred thousand bushels of Indian corn were found and destroyed, besides a large number of hogs. The destruction of the provisions and growing crops of the Senecas occupied about ten days. At the end of this time, Denonville judged it expedient to retire, as there was no enemy to fight, and as the troops were attacked by * The Governor had received iustructiona from the court of Prance to select rob\ist men from amongst his Iroquois prisoners to be sent home to man the King's galleys. 1672-82.] FORT NIAGARA. 199 dysentery. The Senecas also caused it to be intimated to him that they would go to attack the French settlements, then defenceless, owing to the absence of most of the male inhabitants capable of bearing arms. The army, there- fore, retreated to Fort Sable, where the boats had been left. On crossing the lake, the whole force passed to its western extremity, where, near to the Falls of Niagara, on the right bank of the river, a fort was quickly constructed and garrisoned by one hundred men.* The effects of this campaign were disastrous to the Senecas, who were reduced to about one-half their former number by famine and disease consequent upon the destruction of their habitations, property, and provisions. At the same time, the attack upon and discomfiture of the Senecas disarranged, for a season, the plans and specula- tions of the English traders amongst the western tribes. But the more immediately beneficial effects to the French were soon afterwards neutralised by renewed incursions on the part of the Iroquois, who endeavoured to revenge themselves by invading the colony and ravaging the country around Fort Chambly and along the banks of the Kichelieu. For the defence of the colonists from these assaults, a body of one hundred and twenty coureurs des hois was * The garrison was placed under the command of an officer named De Troyes. It happened that the place was furnished with damaged pro- visions, which occasioned dysentery and scurvy, so that the commandant and nearly all his men perished. The enfeebled remnant abandoned the fort, much to the Governor's chagrin, when he perceived that his scheme had failed. His plan had been to establish a chain of fortified post^ be- ginning with Fort Frontenac, and extending all the way to the country of the Illinois. Fort Niagara was the second of these posts ; then came Duluth, at the mouth of the Detroit River, Michiliniakinac, St Joseph, and St Louis, on the Illinois River. The failure at Niagara endangered the whole system. 200 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672-82. armed and placed under M. de Vaudreuil ; while on the Island of Montreal, where M. de Calliere was then com- mandant, twenty small forts were constructed for the in- habitants to retire into for shelter on the approach of their merciless enemies. 149. Meanwhile, James II., who then sat on the throne of England, and Louis XIV. of France, by mutual agreement, sent secret orders to their representatives in America to abstain from hostilities. Denonville, in reply, sent word to the French minister that it was important to continue the war with the Iroquois, and demanded a rein- forcement of eight hundred soldiers, with one hundred and fifty labourers. The French minister informed Denon- ville that the King had need of his soldiers elsewhere, and, as only three hundred men could be spared, counselled him to make peace with tl:e Iroquois on almost any terms. In consequence, several Iroquois negotiators were invited to come to Montreal in June 1688 to treat of peace. These demanded the demolition of Fort Niagara, and the restoration of the prisoners who had been so dishonourably seized and sent to France. To the former of these condi- tions the Governor willingly acceded, as he could not maintain the post ; and as regarded the prisoners carried off, he stated that he had already written to the court requesting that they should be sent back. The result was a dubious state of peace. The chief of the English colo- nies, Sir Edmond Andros, successor of Dongan, denied the right of the Iroquois to enter into treaty with the French, unless the terms were sanctioned by the King of England ; while the French, denying the sovereignty of the English over the cantons, sought to conclude a separate peace. Again, almost at the very time when Denonville was negotiating with the Iroquois chiefs, the English Grovernor, resenting the attacks of the Abenaquis both on 1672-82.] CONDITION OF THE COLONV. 201 the Iroquois bands on the Eichelieu and on the English settlements, marched with a force of seven hundred men, and devastated the settlements of the French allies, in- flicting severe chastisement on the Abenaquis. 150. The years 1688-89 proved disastrous and almost fatal to the French colony, now numbering nearly twelve thousand souls. In the first place, the Iroquois were stimulated by the advice and the importunities of the English colonists to cast off their obligations binding them to keep peace with the French. Secondly, the treachery or duplicity of an influential Huron chief, named Kondia- ronk* caused the French to be suspected of bad faith. This savage was celebrated for his prowess in war, and for his eloquence and address, which gave him immense in- fluence amongst his own people. He attacked and slaugh- tered the Iroquois when the supposed peace subsisted, and then pretended that the French had induced him, releasing at the same time the captives taken, and profess- ing a desire for amit}' between the Iroquois and Hurons. Under such circumstances, the Iroquois resumed hostili- ties, animated by an ardent desire to wreak vengeance Upon the French on account of their supposed double dealing, as well as the retention of their chiefs who had been sent to France, and the late destructive French in- cursion upon the Senecas. Then the troubles of the un- fortunate colonists were grievously increased by disease, in the forms of small-pox, dysentery, scurvy, and fever, by which they were afilicted to such an extent that about fourteen hundred persons perished during a single year. Added to these causes of suffering was the refusal or inability of the mother country to afford succour to the colonists. * Nicknamed by the French " Le Rat." He was styled by Charlevoix, the ablest and most meritorious savage the French had known in Canada. 202 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672-82. 151. In the year 1689, the Iroquois made a fearful on- slaught upon the Island of Montreal with fourteen hundred warriors. The night of the 4th of August was signalised by an attack upon the dwellings of the inhabitants and settlements on the borders of the Sault St Louis, of whom several hundreds were ruthlessly killed and made captives. Shocking barbarities were perpetrated on this occasion, which is known in Canadian history as the " Massacre of Lachine," One French writer, in allusion to the cruelties of the Iroquois, says of them, that " they surpassed themselves" Within the brief space of one hour about two hundred persons were cruelly butchered, and about the same num- ber carried off to be subjected to captivity and torture. The whole island, excepting the fortified posts into which the soldiers and colonists threw themselves for protection, and out of which they dared not move, continued in the occupation of the Iroquois more than two months. In one of the posts, named Fwt Roland, M. de Vaudreuil remained shut up with a considerable garrison, under strict orders from the commandant, M. de GalUere, not to quit the defences under any pretext or provocation. In consequence, a body of about one hundred French soldiers and Indians, coming to reinforce or to take shelter in the fort, was set upon by the Iroquois and killed almost to a man, within sight of its defenders. Eespecting this disastrous period, it is recorded that " God seemed to have taken away all spirit and counsel from the French ; " and the season had advanced to the month of October before the French soldiers and cowreurs des hois dared to make any attempt to re- taliate in the open field. 152. It was in course of the same year, 1689, that the veteran Governor, supported by the counsels of his sub- ordinate, De Calliere, prepared and submitted to the court of France a most urgent representation of the condition of 1672-82.] DE CALLIERE'S PROJECT. 203 the colony, together with plans for its effectual relief. It was stated that the Iroquois, like hungry and infuriated wolves, spreading themselves along the rivers and borders of the forest, evei-y where ravaged the French settlements ; that the colonists were too few in numbers to go forth to meet them, or to follow them in case of any successful effort to repulse them, since the Canadian savages were also much reduced, and not to be relied upon ; that the only possible means of securing a precarious existence to the inhabitants and their animals consisted in having re- course to the construction of forts on every seigniory, but that while shut up in these forts or redoubts, no work could be done by the colonists on their lands, so that starvation and ruin stared them in the face, as food could not be provided for men and animals. It was further declared that the French cause in Canada could not be sustained with honour unless the Government in France should furnish four thousand men, and provisions for two years, along with other supplies. In order to strike at the very root of the evils by which they were encompassed, De Calliere sug- gested the necessity of putting an end to the power of the English colonists to injure the French, either by direct attacks, or by stimulating and assisting the Iroquois. To accomplish this great end, he proposed that France should make herself mistress of New York and Virginia, by pur- chase, treaty, or force. If force should be resorted to, he offered to effect the desired result, by conducting thirteen hundred soldiers and three hundred Canadians, by the route of the Eichelieu and Lake Champlain, as if to make war on the cantons, and thence to diverge towards Fort Orange, on the Hudson, and Manhattan {Neio York), and capture the English posts by suddenly assaulting them in succession. " This conquest," he added, " would make the King master of one of the most beautiful seaports of 204 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672-82. America, accessible at all seasons of the year, and of a region possessing a fine climate and fertile lands, which the English themselves conquered from the Dutch." The French King and his ministers approved of the plans sub- mitted to them ; and the divisions subsisting among the English colonists, in consequence of the haughty conduct of Governor Andros, as well as the animosities prevailing between the parties who quarrelled about the rival preten- sions of James II. and King William III., appeared to render the opportunity a favourable one. Nothing, how- ever, was done towards carrying those plans into execution, because the French Court would not, or could not, spare the necessary men and ships. Moreover, a state of open war between France and England did not exist at that moment,* notwithstanding the undisguised intention of Louis XIV. to support the pretensions of the exiled James II. De Calliere, who had gone to France to advocate in person the designs which have been described, returned, after his fruitless endeavour, to the colony, with a small reinforcement of men and provisions. The country became more and more afflicted with its troubles, and absolute ruin seemed imminent. The animosity of the English colonists was naturally augmented when they became acquainted with the French designs, and they redoubled their efforts to injure Canada, and to restrain the Iroquois from listening to any terms of accommodation.-f- In fact, the English, * War was declared soon afterwards, ia May 1689. The expulsion of James from England, and the Eevolution which placed William on the throne, occurred in 1688. t The Iroquois were not entireh' satisfied with their English allies, on account of their claiming sovereignty over the cantons. These barbarians desired to be independent of both parties, English and French, and were even disposed to come to terms with the latter rather than admit their subjection to the former, being all the time solicited by the French mis- 1672-82.] RETURN OF COUNT FRONTENAC. 205 arriving at the same conclusion as the French, namely, that the rival colonies could not exist and thrive in the pre- sence of each other, became earnest in devising projects for making themselves entire masters of the country. When war was declared in Europe, active preparations were com- menced by the English colonists for effecting a conquest of the French colony, as complete as had been made about sixty years before, in its infant condition, under its first Governor, Champlain. Thus afflicted at home, and menaced abroad, the doom of Canada seemed certain, when the reappointment of Frontenac to the governorship infused new life and vigour into the French councils. The gallant but unsuccessful Denonville was recalled to occupy a post at court in his native land.* His successor, Frontenac, arrived at Quebec on the 15th October 1689, and entered upon his second administration amidst the universal rejoicings of the in- habitants of that city. sionaries amongst them to make peace. But the neighbourhood of the English colonists, as well as their superior strength and numbers, and the greater advantages derivable from traffic at New York, induced the Iroquois to refuse the overtures of the French. * Denonville's character was that of a brave and honest man. He had seen much military service. He has been blamed for entering unneces- sarily upon hostilities against the Iroquois, whom, by so doing, and by the manner in which their chiefs were seized and sent to serve in the French galleys, he converted from doubtful and troublesome neighbours into open and implacable foes. He also failed to complete the chastisement of the Iroquois when his successes against the Senecas placed that in his power ; and is further censured for establishing the outpost at Niagara, which he could not sustain, and which was a standing oifence to the Iroquois. Other grave errors are cited against his administration by French writers. On the other hand, his earnest and industrious efforts to promote the welfare of the colony, seem to have been of little account in the face of the overwhelming difficulties in irhich it was plunged. Denonville's in- terest in the colony did not cease on his retirement from the governor- ship. 206 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1689-90. CHAPTER XX. prontenao's activity and measures for the relief of the colony — fort frontenac — indian cruelties on both sides — plans of m. de oallierb — frontenac's efforts to detach and conciliate the iroquois — three invasions of the territory of the english colonists organised by the governor — details and results — expedition to michili- liakinac — continued attacks of the iroquois — frontenac and the indians at montreal— advance op a naval force to assault quebec — prontenac's energetic measures op defence — signal defeat of the invaders before quebec — d'iberville. 155. As the critical condition of affairs admitted of no delay, Frontenac, three or four daj's after his arrival, has- tened to Montreal, in order to further the measures neces- sary for the relief of the colony. In spite of his advanced age he displayed a v?onderful energy and activity. Having learned that, in addition to the evacuation of Fort Niagara, the late Governor had ordered the demolition of Fort Frontenac, he caused the instant equipment of twenty-five canoes, with provisions and ammunition, which, with an escort of three hundred men, were intended to succour the latter post. Emissaries were sent forward bearing infor- mation of the reinforcement, and in the hope that it might not be too late to prevent Denonville's orders from being carried into effect. To Frontenac's great chagrin, M. de Varennes, the commandant of Fort Frontenac, arrived at Lachine with his garrison just as these succours were about to depart. He had destroyed the defences, ammunition, and provisions, to prevent the Iroquois from profiting by 1689-90.] FRONTENACE'S MEASURES. 207 them on the evacuation of the post by the French. The Grovernor's annoyance was increased by receiving news of the massacre of twenty Frenchmen, who fell a sacrifice to one of the bands of Iroquois then on the island. Eesolving, however, to reoccupy the abandoned fort on Lake Ontario as early as possible, and providing, as well as circumstances permitted, for the immediate safety of Montreal, Frontenac returned to Quebec, to mature and carry into execution his plans for dealing with the Iroquois, and for retaliating upon the English colonists. His pro- jects embraced the twofold purpose of detaching or concili- ating the Iroquois, and of organising incursions into the New England settlements. 156. In order to gain over the Iroquois, Frontenac sent messengers to the cantons, inviting them to depute nego- tiators, and announcing to them the return of the captive warriors from France. He had brought these out with him. On the passage across the Atlantic he had employed his opportunities of exercising personal interest, with such success, that he insinuated himself completely into their good graces. One of their number, Ooureoupare, a chief of the Cayugas, became much attached to Frontenac, and was, subsequently, a useful and influential mediator between him and the people of the cantons. The Governor considered it the more necessary to come to terms with the Iroquois, as intelligence had reached him from the West, to the effect that the Ottawas and other western tribes were on the point of abandoning the French cause, to enter into alliances with the cantons and the English. But in order to recover prestige amongst the savages generally, both friends and foes, it was indispen- sable for the French to exhibit some practical proofs of theii' military prowess, and to show that their late disasters had not extinguished their courage or destroyed their 2o8 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1689-90. ability to fight their European adversaries. This object also received the Grorernor's prompt attention, and was prosecuted in a manner as relentless as had been the recent incursions by the Iroquois into the French territory. 157. As has been already indicated, the case of the colony admitted of no delay in the execution of measures for restoring its fortunes. Accordingly, as soon as the Iroquois bands had withdrawn for the winter to their own quarters in the cantons, the Governor caused three bodies of French Canadians and savages to be equipped at Montreal, Three Elvers, and Quebec, which were destined to leave their respective stations simultaneously, and, by three dif- ferent routes, to penetrate into the New England territory. In spite of the snow and the rigorous weather — for the time of departure was the very coldest season of the year — and regardless of the distances to be travelled, as well as the scarcity of provisions, more especially among their Indian auxiliaries, each of the three parties started on its murderous adventure about the end of January. The division from Montreal, consisting of two hundred French Canadians and Indians, made for the Dutch and English settlements on the Eiver Hudson. Passing on snowshoes across the intervening forests, rivers, and lakes, on Saturday the 18th February 1690, they came into the vicinity of Corlder {Schenectady), then occupied by about eighty families, chiefly of Dutch descent. The town was surrounded by a high fence or palisade, having gate- ways on the north and south sides. • The invaders arranged their plans for penetrating through the northern entrance, and for commencing a general assault at two o'clock on the morning of the 19th. But, stimulated by hunger and cold, they commenced the attack full three hours before the ap- pointed time. The inhabitants were buried in sleep, having retired wholly unconscious of the vicinity of their merciless I689-90-] MASSACRE OF SCHENECTADY. 209 foes. The French and Indians, meeting with no obstacle, penetrated within the inolosure, and spreading throughout the town, broke into the houses, and everywhere commenced an indiscriminate slaughter. In a short time nearly all the buildings were set on fire, about sixty persons ruthlessly put to death, and a like number taken prisoners. Amongst the latter there were found to be thirty Mohawks, held in captivity, whom, after a hasty consultation, the French leaders, from motives of policy, set at liberty. Having completed the terrible massacre, almost without resistance or loss to their own party, the French, with their Indian auxiliaries, at once retreated towards Canada. Encumbered by their booty, which included fifty horses and their pri- soners, the march homeward was slow, and the people from the nearest settlements assembled in pursuit and cut off many stragglers. This unexpected blow inspired the in- habitants of Albany, and the people of the English colony generally, with alarm, so that many with their families resolved upon removal to Manhattan (New York) for safety. The Iroquois, however, came to the rescue, and not only assisted in the pursuit of the retreating invaders, but also re-assured the colonists with promises of further aid, and of vengeance.* * The narrative given in the text differs somewhat from the one in Frost's "History of the United States," quoted by Bell, the translator of Gar- neau's history ; — " The French Governor, old Count de Prontenac, collected a body of French and Indians, and dispatched them, in the depth of winter, against 'Sew York. This party having wandered for twenty days through the deserts rendered trackless by the snow, approached the village of Schenectady in so exhausted a state that they had determined to surrender themselves prisoners of war. But arriving at a late hour on a stormy night, and finding, by means of their spies, that the inhabitants were asleep and without guard, they suddenly resolved to refuse the mercy which they had just been on the point of imploring ; and, dividing them- selves into several parties, they set fire to the village in many places, md attacked the inhabitants as they fled from the flames. Men, women, and children shared the same fate. Sixty persons were massacred and tio HISTORY OF CANADA. [1689-90. The expedition from Three Eivers, under the command of Francois Hertel, who had with him his three sons and about fifty other Frenchmen and Indians, took the route of the rivers St Francis and Connecticut. After a laborious march of two months, they came to a place called Salmon Falls {Portsmouth, New Hampshire) on the 27th of March. Here another tragedy, similar to that of Corlaer, was enacted. About thirty of the inhabitants were mas- sacred, and a number of prisoners taken, exceeding that of the invaders. The houses and outbuildings were destroyed by fire, all the domestic animals, to the number of two thousand, perishing in the flames. Only one Frenchman was killed on this occasion. The third expedition, from Quebec, under the command of M. de Portneuf, moved along the valley of the Ckaudiere into the territory now called Maine. It consisted of fifty French Canadians and about sixty Abenaquis. Pursuing their course along the valley of the Kennebec, their force was increased by the addition of other warriors belonging to the same nation.* On starting, the Indian auxiliaries were almost without provisions, so that during the march they could subsist only by spreading themselves through the forest, hunting for game. The design, in this case, was to attack and capture the f dttified stations on the bay of Casco, near to the modern city of Portland. Owing to the twenty-seven carried into captivity. ... Of tlie fugitives who escaped, twenty-five lost their limbs by the frost. . . . The French retired loaded with plunder. This atrocious proceeding roused the indignation of all the colonies." It is added by the same translator : — " M. Boucher (' History of Canadaj' vol. i. p. 151) states that the minister of the place was butchered, along with a number of women and children." — Gameau, vol. i. p. 324. * Portneuf's command, on its way southward, was further augmented by falling in with the retiring band from Salmon Palls, a number of whom diverged from their homeward route and took part in this third expedition. 1689-90.] EXPEDITION TO CASCO BAY. 211 cause which has been named, as well as the impediments occasioned by the rough state of the regions through which they had to pass, Portneuf and his followers spent four months in proceeding to the destined points of attack. The town of Casco, on Casco Bay, was defended by a consider- able fort, well supplied with cannon, ammunition, and pro- visions. There were also four smaller forts, which were speedily captured. The defenders of the principal fort made a show of resistance, and when summoned to surrender refused to do so. Two or three days were occupied by the invaders in digging trenches and sur- rounding the place, when it was yielded up on the terms which had been proposed. About thirty had been killed, and the prisoners included seventy men and a large num- ber of women and children. The French lost only two or three men. After burning all the habitations, and de- molishing the defences, the invaders commenced their re- treat on the 1st of June. On the march, great cruelty was exercised by the savages upon the helpless women and children, many of whom were sacrificed. This band effected its return to Quebec on the 23d of June. Thus, with forces, whose total strength was less than four hundred men, Frontenac succeeded in inflicting three heavy blows upon the English colonists, which not only created a profound impression amongst them, but also en- couraged him to assume a confident and lofty tone towards the Indians. In fact, the French prestige was so far re- stored, that the Iroquois, in spite of the endeavours of the English colonists to dissuade them, resumed negotiations for peace, and sent deputies to congratulate the Governor on his return to administer the affairs of Canada. But the lamentable incidents and results of these preda- tory incursions excited in the minds of the English generally a desire for revenge, and a determination to put forth all 212 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1689-90. their strength in an endeavour to destroy the French power in North America.* 158. Although a state of war had now for some time subsisted between the Governments of France and England, it is remarkable that the former, well informed of the need of succours, failed to supply these to its suffering colony. In fact, the renewed representations of De Calliere, now Governor of Montreal, supported by the recommendations of Frontenac, only drew from the minister of Louis XIV. a species of rebuke. His Majesty, it was alleged, " had occa- * Respecting the three expeditions, and some subsequent ones, of which an account has been famished in the text, it is right to inform the reader that different opinions have been expressed by writers, both lay and clerical, as regards their real character. If they are to be viewed in the same light as the massacres of the preceding year in the Island of Montreal, com- mitted by the savage Iroquois alone, and unaccompanied by any of the English colonists, who were alleged to have instigated their Indian auxili- aries to make incursions, it is but fair to take into account the fact that the Iroquois themselves alleged, as a cause of their hostility, the treacher- ous conduct of Denonville and the Intendant, in seizing, imprisoning, and dispatching their chiefs and warriors to France, shutting them down during the sea-passage of several weeks in the holds of the small vessels of those days. The personal presence and participation of a majority of French colonists in the proceedings at Corlaer and Salmon Falls, would have conferred the character of legitimate warfare, had the sufferers been men with arms in their hands, instead of helpless families taken unawares in their sleep, and, with scarcely any resistance, consigned to sudden destruction by fire and tomahawk. The historian Gameau, while he styles the massacre at Corlaer a " fright- ful tragedy," designates the invaders as " intrepid bands,'' and speaks of their doings as " victorious." The Iroquois delegates to the colonists at Albany told them that what had been done at Corlaer was " not a victory, but a proof of cruel deceit," as if unmindful of the habit of the people of the cantons to practise the same species of cruelty and deceit when they had the opportunity. The historian Ferland palliates, and, to a certain extent, justifies, the conduct of the French and Abenaquis, citing, in defence, the shocking massacres in Canada, and the encouragement afforded to the Iroquois by the English colonists (vol. ii. p. 205, 206). 1689-90.] EXPEDITION TO MICHILIMAKINAC. 213 sion for all his soldiers in Europe; the demands of his colonial officers were inopportune , and a defensive policy was the proper one to pursue." Thus the mother country left the colony to struggle unaided. The English colonies also made appeals to their own Government for aid to enable them to fit out effective expeditions by sea and land against Canada. William III., however, and his Privy Council were, at that time, too intently occupied with affairs at home to give heed to their desires. 159. The Iroquois continued their incursions during the whole season of 1690. The Ottawas, and many of the Western Indians, were actually in treaty with the people of the cantons with a view to breaking with the French. Frontenac, therefore, judged it necessary to follow i^ the blows inflicted at Corlaer and Casco Bay, by other de- cisive measures for regaining the confidence of the Ottawas and other western tribes. For this purpose he selected the celebrated Nicolas Perrot* and M. Louvigny, an offi- cer of merit, to proceed by the route of the Ottawa river to Michilimakinae with a large convoy, and to carry pre- sents and various supplies of merchandise, such as the savages required for warfare and the chase, as well as for domestic use. On the way thither this expedition fell in with hostile bands of Iroquois. In the fighting which ensued much loss to both sides was occasioned, and prisoners taken by the French were taken on to Michilimakinae, where, for the gratification of the natives, an Iroquois captive was cruelly handed over to torture.t The result of the expedition was a restoration of amity between the tribes and the French, owing principally to the exertions * See Article 172, p. 228, for some particulars of the history and ser- vices of this remarkable man. t See footrnote on p. 224. 21-1 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1689-90. and influence of Perrot. More than one hundred canoes, laden with the spoils of the chase, soon afterwards set out for Montreal, where a great council was held, attended by numerous savage chiefs. The old Grovernor harangued them, and by his demeanour afforded them much delight.* The negotiations terminated with renewed professions of amity and mutual support. 160. The New England colonies determined to retaliate upon Canada on a large scale, both by sea and land, and to accomplish the utter destruction of the French colony. The late bloody incursions into their own territory, and the known design of the French to carry into effect the plans of De Calliere, whenever circumstances should per- mit, had convinced the English leaders that peaceable or friendly neighbourhood was impossible. They were de- termined, besides, to establish and extend their commercial intercourse with the savages around the great lakes and in the west, with whom the French would never permit any such relations to subsist. Accordingly, a force of thirteen hundred men, under General Winthrop and Major Schuyler, was equipped for a movement upon Montreal, by the route of Lake Cham- plain ; while a fleet of upwards of thirty vessels, manned by fifteen hundred sailors, and carrying thirteen hundred militia, was dispatched from Boston, under Sir William Phipps and Major Walley. The resolution to fit out these armaments had been taken at a congress of the Enghsh * On the occasion referred to, Prontenac is reported to have displayed all the energy and vigour of a young man, although he was then seventy years old. He joined in the savage war-dances and war-songs, gesticulat- ing and brandishing a tomahawk to their intense delight. The assembled Indians, consisting of Iroquois of Sault St Louis and the Two Mountains, Ottawas, Tiurons, Nipissings, Algonquins, Montagnais, Sec, forgot their accustomed gravity at the sight of the spirited old man, and burst into loud acclamations. 1689-90.] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 215 colonies, held early in May 1690, soon after the massacres of Schenectady and Salmon Falls, and after the advance of the Quebec force into Maine, had become generally known.* Of the proceedings of the troops under Winthrop and Schuyler, it is enough to say here that they accomplished little or nothing; for, on account of defective arrange- ments for supplying them with provisions and means of transport, the General retired to Albany from his march upon Canada almost as soon as he reached Lake Cham- plain. Schuyler advanced further, but was easily re- pulsed. The delays in expediting the English forces from Boston were such that the fleet did not sail until the summer was well advanced. It was destined for the attack and capture of Quebec ; but its movements were so leisurely, and its officers held so many councils of war at the various stages of its progress into the Gulf a,nd up the St Lawrence, that October arrived before it appeared off Cape Diamond. 161. Frontenac was at Montreal when he first received news of the approach of the English fleet. Fortunately for him the incursion of the English by land had come to an end, and he was at liberty to call in for the defence of the capital almost the entire force of the colony. Fortunately also, the tardy movements of the hostile fleet, and his own energy and promptitude, concurred in enabling him to complete his preparations for a desperate resistance. He * In retaliation for these incursions the English colonists had already, in the course of the month of April, attacked and captured various French posts on the coast of Acadia or Nova Scotia, and the vessels employed had returned laden with booty sufScient to cover the cost. At Casco Bay, where, as we have seen, the French and Indian force, from Quebec and Three Rivers operated in the latter part of May, succours arrived just as the hostile bands were retiring with their captives after demol- ishing the defences and habitations — too iate to be of any service. 2i6 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1689-go. immediately embarked for his headquarters. The G-o\-er- nor of Montreal, M. de Calliere, was directed to reiaforce the garrison of Quebec at once, with all the troops, militia, and able-bodied men whom he could collect. As he passed down the St Lawrence he gave similar directions at all the minor stations, and especially at Three Elvers, where M. de Eamezay commanded. In the neighbourhood of Quebec, in the seigniories of Beaupre, Beauport, Lauzon, and Orleans, all the men able to assist in the defence of the city were ordered to remain in readiness for marching on the instant when required. Parties also were dispatched down the river to observe the fleet from the banks, and to transmit intelligence of its progress. 162. In the city itself, where the approach of the Eng- lish had been known some time, and where the arrival of the gallant Grovernor inspired confidence and joy, M. Pro- vost, his lieutenant, and the other French officers, had already taken measures for strengthening the defences. The gates were barricaded, and batteries of cannon mounted at all eligible points, with the aid of strong beams of timber, bags, and barrels, filled with stones and earth. As the news of the expected attack, and the orders of the Governor, reached the outlying settlements, the people poured into the place for protection, and to take an active part in the defence. 163. Sir William Phipps, in a vessel of forty-four guns, accompanied by the force under his command, at length arrived on the 16th of October 1690, and immediately, in a somewhat inflated summons, transmitted by an officer, and addressed to Count Frontenac, demanded the sur- render of the city. The messenger, on landing from a boat, with his flag of truce, was blindfolded, and conducted to the Castle of St Louis. There Frontenac and his offi- cers, and all the chief men of the colony, were assembled, 1689-90.] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 21? and heard the reading of the summons with a burst of indignation, the English officer having concluded with a statement to the effect that one hour only would he allowed for deliberation. The old Governor, whose anger for the moment overpowered the sense of dignity by which, on solemn public occasions, he was usually influenced, at first addressed the bearer of the summons in discourteous and menacing tones. Then, with a spirit suitable to the occasion, he rejoined that he did not recognise any other King of England than James II., the guest and ally of his master, King Louis ; and that William, in whose name Phipps had demanded the surrender of Quebec, was only a usurper. He further intimated to the English officer, that, in place of an hour, he did not require an instant for deliberation. On being requested by the officer to give an answer to the summons in writing, Count Frontenac haughtily refused, saying, that he would transmit his reply to the English commander from the cannon's mouth. The messenger was reconducted to his boat, and soon after his return to the English admiral's ship, the batteries in the lower town opened fire on the fleet. One of the first discharges brought down a flag from Phipps' own vessel, which dropped into the river, and immediately several young Canadians, leaping into the water, swam out for it under fire, and conveyed it ashore.* 164. On the 18th, the troops were landed, under Major Walley, near the mouth of the St Charles river, and the ships of the squadron opened a cannonade against the city. * This flag was preaerved many years as a trophy in the parish church of Quebec. The shot by which it was brought down is said to have pro- ceeded from a cannon pointed by M. h Moyne de Ste Hdme, the ofiicer who commanded in the bloody raid upon Schenectady. He was the second of the celebrated seven brothers Le Moyne, born two years before his brother D'Iberville. Ste Helfene was mortally wounded two days afterwards by a shot from one of Phipps' vessels. 2i8 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1689-90. The garrison guns replied vigorously, and it was soon made to appear that their fire was more effective than that of the English. Observing this, Phipps drew off, but renewed the bombardment on the following day until noon, by which time he saw clearly that his hopes of suc- cess were gone, unless the troops on shore could force their way into the city and capture it by assault. Accordingly he again retired out of range with his damaged vessel. In the meantime the troops attempted an advance through the slime and mud along the banks of the St Charles, but not before the principal cannonade between the batteries of the city and the ships had ceased. Some severe skirmish- ing occurred on the land. Frontenac had judiciously refrained from opposing the disembarkation of the English soldiers, conscious of his ability, from his numbers and strong position, to repel any assault. But whenever the assailants, after establishing themselves in a hastily-con- structed encamptnent on the opposite side of the river, at- tempted any movement, they found themselves exposed to attacks from bodies of militia, commanded by theLe Moynes and other active French officers, stationed at different points and sheltered by the bushes and rocks. Frontenac, in person, at the head of a considerable body of troops, placed himself in a position to observe the proceedings of the skirmishers, and in readiness to cross over to the support of his own people, if it should be judged necessary. The results of these partial conflicts were generally favourable to the French militia and volunteers. From time to time vessels of the hostile fleet came within range of the land batteries and fired upon the city. These attacks con- tinued until the night of the 20th, when it was decided, by a council of war, held on board the admiral's ship, that further attempts to capture the place would be useless, and might prove disastrous to the entire force, as the ships 1689-90.] SIEGE uy QUEBEC. 219 were much damaged, and the situation of the troops under Walley had become critical. Accordingly, amidst much confusion, and leaving behind them five of the six pieces of artillery which had been taken on shore, the soldiers re -embarked, and on the following day the discomfited expedition passed out of sight down the river.* 1 65. Frontenac dispatched a report of his victory to the court of France, where his conduct, and that of the officers and men under his command, were so highly appreciated, that the King ordered a medal to be struck in commemora- tion of the valiant and successful defence of Quebec. For the same purpose a new church, with the appellation of " Notre Dame de la Victoire,'' was erected in the Lower Town, and an annual festival established.^ * On the passage homeward to Boston the fleet encountered many dis- asters, occasioned by the inclemency of the weather, and the difficulties of the navigation of the river and gulf ; many ships were lost. One was wrecked on the coast of Anticosti, and out of sixty men who escaped on shore, upwards of forty perished during a few weeks' forced residence on the island. Phipps himself, vrith the main part of his squadron, reached Boston about the end of November. His failure caused great disappoint- ment to the inhabitants of the colonies, who had confidently expected a different result. About five years afterwards he died in England. + We learn several interesting incidents connected with the siege in 1690 from the " History of the Ursulines of Quebec." The first news of the coming of the fleet arrived, it is stated in that work, on October 7, and occasioned extreme surprise. The place was wholly unprepared for resist- ance, there being in the city only two hundred male citizens able to bear arms, while the Governor and all the troops were absent at Montreal. A canoe was instantly dispatched with information to Frontenac. The Commandant, profiting by the delays which contrary winds forced upon the enemy, sent for people from the vicinity to assist in constructing de- fences and placing cannon. It was at first intended to send away the inmates of the convent to Lorette ; but ten days elapsed before the hostile fleet came up, occupying, it is said, nearly all that time in making good a distance which, with favouring winds and resolution, could have been accomplished in w many hours. When the summons to surrender was brought, the Governor replied, " as they dcsened," saying, " God will not favour those who are traitors to their King and their religion, and I have 320 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1689-90. 166. Thus, withia about a year of his return to resume the administration of the affairs of the colony, Frontenac had rescued it from its former deplorable condition without receiving any essential aid from the parent state. More- over, the gratification experienced from the repulse of the formidable expedition which had been sent to effect the conquest of Canada, was enhanced by the receipt of intelli- gence from M. d'Iberville, intimating the success of opera- tions conducted by him against the English in Hudson's Bay and on the coast of Newfoundland.* no other answer to give than that which shall come from the mouth of my cannon.'' Cannon balls, discharged from the English vessels, frequently fell within the convent premises. One burst through a window shutter and sash, and finally lodged at the bedside of an inmate ; another ball passed through the apron of one of the sisters ; but no person belonging to the establishment was injured. Throughout the siege the premises of the TJrsulines were crowded with people, and moveables brought for se- curity. The rooms for the externs and the savages (Indian scholars), the boarders' quarters, refectory, and cellars, were filled with families from the city, women and children, so that the Ursulines themselves could scarcely pass to and from their kitchen, and ate their food standing and in haste, " like the Israelites when they eat the Paschal lamb." When the siege was ended, and the English fleet a few leagues down the river, they sent back to demand an exchange of prisoners. About twenty French prisoners were returned, and the English received only sixteen, mostly children (probably of those brought in from the raids made on the New England settlements the preceding season). The religious ceremonies in honour of the victory, building of the new chapel in the lower town, the establishment of an annual fete on October 14, and the medal struck in France, are all duly chronicled by the pious women whose letters and sayings form so large a portion of the " History of the Ursa- lines of Quebec." After the fleet had finally departed on its perilous voyage homeward, there was intense cold, by which the St Charles was frozen over, and much ice along the margin of the St Lawrence, almost preventing the landing of supplies from vessels newly arrived from France. This was on the 15th, 16th, and 17th of November, just as the garrison and people were beginning to be threatened with famine. It was also feared that no vessel could leave for Prance to carry news of the victory ; but suddenly a thaw came, and on the 26th, the ships departed for France with a fair wind, and bearing dispatches from Frontenac. * See Article 172, p. 230, for some particulars of the services and exploits of this celebrated Canadian officer. 1691-98.] HOSTILITIES CONTINUED. CHAPTER XXI. CONTINUATION OF WARPAHE BY THE INDIANS — SUSPICIOUS CONDUC?! o; THE CONTBRTED IROQUOIS — UNCHRISTIAN CONDUCT OF COLONISTS, BOTH FRENCH AND ENGLISH, WITH RESPECT TO THE INDIANS — NUMEROUS MINOR CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND THE IROQUOIS — THREATENED NEW INVASION ET AN ENGLISH FLEET PREPARED FOR — ADMIRAL WHEELBR'S ABORTIVE EXPEDITION — EFFECTS OF FRENCH PRIVATEERING — NICHOLAS PERROT — D'iBBR- VILLE — CAUSES OF QUARREL BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND FRENCH COLONISTS — PORT FRONTENAC RE-OCCUPIED — THE IROQUOIS — FRONTENAC'S PREPARATIONS FOR A WAR OF EXTERMINATION AGAINST THE CANTONS — THE EXPEDITION AND RESULTS — IN- STRUCTIONS TO THE GOVERNOR RELATIVE TO THE CONQUEST OF NEW ENGLAND — M. DE NESMOND — TREATY OP RYSWICK — CORRESPOND- ENCE BETWEEN LORD BELLAMONT AND COUNT FRONTENAC — VIEWS OP THE IROQUOIS— DEATH AND CHARACTER OP FRONTENAC. 167. Feontenao would have resumed the offensive against the English during the winter of 1690-91 had it been in his power ; but dearth of provisions, and its usual accompaniment, disease among the people, prevented him. The scarcity alluded to was occasioned in part by the smallness of the supplies received from France during the preceding season, but chiefly by the presence of the Iroquois, who had everywhere hindered the inhabitants from culti- vating their lands.* The Abenaquis, however, continued * In those times of necessity, the wives and daughters of the colonists rendered much assistance in the way of tilling the soil, while the men were occupied in fighting or in guarding their homesteads. This sort of work was not confined to the females of families accustomed to manual labour. In fact, there were some almost destitute families of noble descent, of whom the female members were seen holding the plough and cultivating maize. To afford some relief from this state of things, the King of France con 222 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1691-98. their inroads ; and occasionally extended their predatory attacks as far as the coast of New England in Maine and Massachusetts. In the spring of 1691 the first vessels from France brought out a supply of provisions and ammunition. 168. The Iroquois, notwithstanding some professions of reluctance to continue the war, and some show of a desire to negotiate about peace, persevered in their customary modes of harassing the French. All Frontenac's endea- vours to conciliate them failed ; but he had learned from experience that the safest mode of dealing with them was, while mistrusting their professions, to appear to give them some credit for sincerity, and to assume a bold front when their deputies came with threats. By means of emissaries and the missionary priests, he strove to keep alive a war- like spirit, favourable to the French, amongst the Ottawas, Illinois, Miamis, and other western tribes. The Iroquois, at one time, sent word that they would come with warriors enough to devastate the colony from Montreal to Three Kivers, and that they would give them no peace except in their graves. Accordingly, in May 1691, a numerous band established themselves in the vicinity of the confluence of the Ottawa and St Lawrence, another body attacked a settlement at Point aux Trembles, while a third appeared near Montreal. As usual, great cruelties were practised upon such of the inhabitants as fell into their hands. 169. Much perplexity was occasioned by the conduct of the Indians settled at Sault St Louis, and of others living amongst the French. On occasions when their aid was most required, whether to fight invaders, or to pursue a retiring band, it was observed that they were hesitating in their movements, as if afraid or unwilling. M. Bienville, Bented to free people in the colony of noble birth from the restrictionB according to which persons of their class were forbidden to have recourse to manual labour and trade, on pain of degradation from their rank. 1691-98.] HOSTILITIES CONTINUED. 223 dispatched with two hundred of the converted or Sault St Louis Indians to drive away the Iroquois from the vicinity of Montreal, reported that his men hung back and would not fight when they approached their enemies, making a leisurely retreat. Similar conduct on several other occasions rendered the French suspicious of their allies. In fact, deputies from the cantons had been amongst the Indians of Sault St Louis ; and although they did not succeed in in- ducing them to abandon the settlement, were not altogether unsuccessful in dissuading them from entering into combat with their own kindred, especially the Mohawks. The French officers at length came to the conclusion that there existed some secret understanding, and that in future they would be unable to rely upon the services of their converted Indians belonging to the Iroquois stock, when engaged in operations against members of the tribe from which they themselves had sprung.* 170. Throughout the years 1691 and 1692 the colonial subjects of the Kings of England and France in North America were actuated by a most embittered state of feel- ing against each other. This was manifested, not only by their assiduous endeavours to direct against each other the ferocious instincts of all the Indian tribes with whom, re- spectively, they had influence ; but also by entering upon practices which have been universally condemned as dis- graceful to civilised beings — not to say Christians. Both parties made the utmost possible use of the services of their acknowledged savage allies, — the English colonists on the one hand tampering with the Abenaquis, making them offers of every inducement, in the way of gifts and advan- tageous traffic, that could avail to tempt them from the cause of the French ; the latter, on the other hand, * Frontenac spoke of this matter to the Jesuit missionaries, who defended the Indiana of Sault St Louis, alleging the suspicion to be ill-grounded. 224 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1691-98. spared no pains in efforts to gain over those barbarians from the cantons whose warriors were all the time slaugh- tering their people and destroying their property. But the most odious feature of this species of competition for the favour of the savages appeared when the Europeans on both sides held out rewards in money and goods for the bodies and scalps of Indians. It is recorded that the French offered premiums of fifty francs for the scalps or dead bodies of Iroquois, and one hundred francs for prisoners brought in alive.* Corresponding prices were offered in the English colonies, varying however, in amount, accord- ing as the rewards were claimed by soldiers or by volunteers. But the English paid no premiums for prisoners, although a larger reward was considered due when the scalp of an Indian was taken after hunting him like any other wild animal.-f- It was quite in character with a state of things so revolt- ing that a disregard for the life and sufferings of a savage should sometimes lead to the handing over of a living cap- tive to be tortured to death, when it was an object to pacify or to please Indian auxiliaries.J * The reason which has heen assigned by French writers for paying the larger price for a living than for a dead Iroquois, was that the priests and missionaries recomnieDded this from religious motives, as there might be a chance of converting those who should be saved from massacre and made captives , + Garneau's "History of Canada," vol. 1. pp. 326, 327, amongst others, may be cited as authority for this almost incredible statement. X Several instances of this criminal and atrocious deference to savage customs and tastes are on record. Charlevoix relates the case of an old man (stated by the writer M. Boucher, to have been one hundred years old) which has been copied into other French and also English narratives. When Count Frontenac was engaged in conducting an expedition amongst the Iroquois in 1696, he detached one of his officers to ravage the lands of the Oneidas, who all abandoned their bourgades except one aged person, who was at once handed over to the tender mercies of the auxiliary Indians. " He awaited his fate with the same intrepidity as the Roman senators 1691-98.] HOSTILITIES CONTINUED. 225 171. Fronteaac could not, as he desired and intended, organise any force adequate to the invasion, on a sufficient scale, of the New England colonies, because the Govern- ment of France did not furnish a reinforcement of troops. But many bloody encounters took place in the course of when their city was taken by the Gauls. It was a strange spectacle to be- hold more than four hundred men forming a circle of savage tormentors round a decrepit object from whom they could not extort a cry, and who continued, while alive, to taunt them with being the slaves of the French, of whom he spoke in contemptuous terms. He complained only at the moment when one of his butchers, on purpose to finish the scene, stabbed him repeatedly in the breast, saying that it would have been better to wait until all had done their worst, so as to see how a man ought to die. " On another occasion, at Michilimakinac, a prisoner was given to be tortured to death for the entertainment of a number of Ottawas, Hurons, and Algonquins, who had accompanied a convoy from Montreal to that place, and who had suffered much on their way thither from the attacks of marauding Iroquois. It may be regarded as probable that in those instances when French officers ordered or permitted the perpetration of such cruel practices, there may have been some peculiar circumstances which demanded at least the severe punishment of the victims, with possibly some forms of previous trial and condemnation. Garneau mentions the burning alive of Iroquois prisoners as an exercise of the right of reprisals in retaliation for atrocities committed by the bands to which the captives had belonged. Bell quotes from Frost's " History of the United States" the following case as an exercise of the right of reprisals by the Governor in 1691 : — " Count Frontenac succeeded in capturing two Mohawk warriors, whom he con- demned to die ly tortwe. One of them, however, dispatched himself with a knife thrown into his prison by some Frenchman. The other, disdain- ing to follow the example, walked boldly up to the stake, singing, in his death-chaunt, that he was a Mohawk warrior from whom all the power of man could not extort an expression of suffering, and that it was ample consolation to him to reflect that he had inflicted upon many a Frenchman the same pangs that he must now undergo. . . . After enduring with composure for some hours a series of barbarities too atrocious to be recited, his sufi^erings were terminated by the intercession of a French lady, who prevailed with the Governor to order the infliction of that mortal blow to which human cruelty has given the name of coup-de-grdce, or stroke of favour." Assuming the accuracy of this account, we are left to infer that Frontenac not only sanctioned the terrible execution, but that he, and at least two humane and disapproving spectators, were eye-witnesses. P 226 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1691-98. 1691 and 1692. Early in the year last mentioned, Colonel Schuyler of New York planned an invasion, to be conducted by himself at the head of a. considerable body of colonial militia and Indians, and as soon as his preparations were completed, advanced towards Canada with the intention of reaching Montreal and effecting its capture. On quitting Lake Champlain northwards, he was encountered by a band of Canadians under M. de Gyrique, in command of a fort at La Prairie de la Magdeleine, and compelled to give ground after a skirmish. Soon afterwards, he was met by another Canadian force, which had been dispatched by Frontenac from Montreal, under M. de Varennes, for the purpose of protecting Chambly. A pitched battle ensued, in which Schuyler was defeated, with the loss of many of his men, as well as his colours and baggage. This put an end to the movement upon Montreal, but Varennes was unable to follow the enemy on their retreat. The French losses had been considerable, and the Iroquois continued, during the whole of the winter of 1692, to maintain an active warfare. Although often defeated, fresh warriors from the cantons constantly reinforced the numerous bands of invaders On Lake Champlain, on the river Yamaska, at St Lambert's, at the lake of the Two Mountains, at Boucherville, Lake St Francis, and also on the Isle 0/ Jesus, there were sanguinary conflicts, in which the French, though victors, experienced great difficulty in maintaining their ground. 172. In the meantime, the French fleet in Europe having been defeated by the English (May 19, 1692), there was very little prospect of immediate assistance from the parent state, although it was known that the New England colonies were preparing, with the aid of a fleet from Britain, to make another formidable attempt upon Quebec by sea. The Governor displayed wonderful activity in devising 1691-98.] HOSTILITIES CONTINUED. 227 measures for meeting this threatened attack, which it was fully expected would be made in the course of 1693. The Abenaquis were instructed to' observe by means of spies, and to bring immediate information of any hostile prepara- tions in the New England harbours. Additions were also made to the defences of Montreal and Quebec. In the latter city new redoubts were constructed, and the means of defence further improved by the completion of gateways surmounted by battlements at the two western points of exit.* The inhabitants on the lands above and below Quebec were directed, in case of an invasion, to remove their families and property, for concealment, into the recesses of the neighbouring forests, and then to dispatch their able-bodied men to the defence of the city. All these pre- cautions and preparations turned out to be unnecessary. An English fleet, under Admiral Wheeler, did, indeed, sail with upwards of four thousand sailors and soldiers, for the purpose of first capturing Martinique in the West Indies, and of passing thence on its way to Quebec, to Boston, to take on board additional troops, to be furnished by the New Englanders. But, at Martinique, the attempt to capture the island ended in a repulse with heavy loss, after which an infectious disorder broke out, and carried off more than three-fourths of the soldiers and crews. Ar- riving at Boston the fleet communicated the disease to the citizens, of whom a large number perished. The Admiral, * St John's and St Louis gates. Prontenao's anxiety to defend the city from the approach of an enemy on the west — that is, from the direction of the plains — led to encroachmenta upon the property of the Ursuline convent, whose grounds, garden, orchard, and outbuildings, extended towards that quarter. In May 1693 the Gover- nor and Intendant announced to the Ursulines that the safety of the city required the erection of defences nearer to their main building, to effect which their trees had to be cut down and outbuildings removed. The pro- prietors oonsidered this a great sacrifice, entailing a loss of ten thousand francs, although they only received two thousand francs as indemnity. 228 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1691-98. therefore, discouraged by his failure in the West Indies, and unable to repair his losses at Boston, relinquished the idea of proceeding to Quebec, and returned to England. In fact, the merchants and shipowners of Massachusetts had suffered so severely from an active system of privateer- ing kept up by French vessels, that the colonists generally began to desire peace. When news of the fate of the abortive expedition under Wheeler reached Canada, all fears of another invasion, similar to that of 1690, immediately subsided. 171. The Iroquois also became tired of hostilities. Their inclinations in that respect were influenced by a destructive incursion into their cantons made by the French in the course of 1693. They sent several emissaries to Montreal and Quebec to negotiate a treaty, and, after some delay, a truce was agreed to in 1694. 172. It is proper in this place to make more particular mention of two persons, already referred to in these pages, who, in different spheres of action, rendered very valuable services during and after the administration of Count Frontenac. Nicolas Perrot, a Canadian voyageur, trader, and diplo- matist, was a man of remarkable talent and address, and eminently successful in acquiring influence among the savage tribes with whom, in Frontenac's time, the French had to deal. He belonged originally to a good French family, and being gifted with excellent natural abilities, had derived his early education from Jesuit instructors. His inclinations led him to extend his travels amongst the distant western tribes of Indians, with whose dialects, habits, and customs, he made himself familiar. When M. de la Barre, in the interval between the first and second administrations of Frontenac, had concluded his unpopular connection with the Iroquois, Perrot arrived with large bodies of Indians 1691-98.] NICOLAS PERROT. 229 from the west, whom he had induced to march in aid of the French from their remote settlements. But for Perrot's exertions and great personal influence with them, it would have been impossible to prevent these savages, irritated at the abortive result, from violating the conditions which had been just entered into. Perrot in various directions, by his address and happy facility of ingratiating himself, prepared the way for the future establishment of French outposts amongst the Outagamis, Miamis, Illinois, and other tribes, often, how- ever, at the risk of his life. It was he alone who prevented the Ottawas and scattered Algonquins and Hurons, in the neighbourhood of the lakes, from concluding alliances with the Iroquois, at the period when the latter almost suc- ceeded in persuading the French allies that the French cause was ruined. He went to Frontenac with reliable information of the critical state of affairs, and gave judici- ous counsel, in consequence of which the Governor resorted to the only certain means of recovering ground with those wavering children of the forest. Merchandise and presents under a guard of soldiers were sent to Michilimakinac, as has been recorded in a former page, Perrot accompanying the expedition as the Governor's agent and representative. On various subsequent occasions Perrot's name occurs in connection with negotiations about alliances and attempts to establish peace amongst the Indians.* He also prepared, for the enlightenment of a subsequent Governor of the colony,-|- a memorial, respecting the interests of the French in the west, and was the author of a work upon " The Manners, Customs, and Religion of the North American " On the occasion of a great council of Indians at Montreal, in 1701, when a general peace was concluded, Perrot took a prominent part as a negotiator and interpreter. + Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor from 1703 to 1725. 2JO HISTORY OF CANADA. [1691-98. Savages," to which succeeding writers have had recourse for authority and information. Pierre le Moyne cV Iberville also flourished during the adniinisti«,tion of Frontenac, and was one of several brothers who greatly distinguished themselves. He was a native of Canada, born in Montreal in July 1661.* In 1675 he entered upon active employment in the colony, and soon attracted the notice of the Governor, M. de la Barre, by whom he was sent with despatches to the Court of France, and afterwards recommended for a commission in the French naval service. He served as a volunteer, under M. de Troyes, in the overland expeditions from the Saguenay to Hudson's Bay, and took part in the capture of several English forts and ships. Previously to 1690, and during the time when the prospects of the country were reduced to a very low ebb, he was constantly en- gaged, either at home in repelling attacks made upon the colony, or in his more congenial sphere, the naval service."f Being appointed captain of a frigate in 1691, we find * He was the third of the seven brothers Le Moyne, sons of Charles le Moyne, the first seignior of Longueil and Chateauguay. This Charles le Moyne, progenitor of one of the most famous French Canadian families, came from France in 1641, and then located himself with the earliest set- tlers on the Island of Montreal, when he acted as interpreter under M. Maisonneuve, its first Governor. Charles le Moyne rendered valuable ser- vices during the perilous times when the first Montrealers were engaged in establishing their infant settlements on the island, and was the subject of honourable menticm in the reports of several of the Governors of the colony — ^the De Lauzons, De la Barre, and Denonville. His reputation, however, was over-shadowed by the greater celebrity of his sons. He retired to his native country in 1691. + In the last-named year, 1690, he served in Hudson's Bay, and gained many successes, of which he was bringing news to the Governor when he learned that the force under Phipps was then occupied in besieging Quebec. He therefore passed at once to France, sending up his despatches in a canoe. These reached Frontenac on the day after the retirement of the English fleet. 169I-980 D'IBERVILLE. 231 him, in succeeding years, engaged in conducting a brilliant series of attacks upon the forts and ships of the English in Hudson's Bay, Newfoundland, and on the coast of the mainland of North America. Some of the naval exploits recorded as having been performed by him would be re- garded as incredible unless supported by the most reliable testimony* He was undoubtedly the principal naval hero produced by New France. After a great many other ex- ploits not immediately connected, in their effects, with Canada, the great merit of D'Iberville induced the French Government to place him in command of a force of thirteen ships of war and three smaller vessels, destined for the conquest of Jamaica."!' Some letters and reports by D'Iberville, addressed to the French minister M. de PortcJiartrain, have been preserved at Paris, amongst which may be mentioned, " A Memoir on the Position of Boston, New York, &c., with a Project for Attacking and Euining them, 1701." 173. The truce referred to in article 171 was not only of short duration, but was also very indifferently observed ; * These, taken from earlier writers, may be found fully detailed in several modem works and histories, including those of Garneau, Ferland, Gu^rin (" Les Navigateurs Fran9ais"), and others. Of D'Iberville's Tictories in 1696, we read as follows; — " In July 1696 D'Iberville arrived before the English Fort Nelson in his ship of fifty guns named the Pelican, being separated from two other vessels under his command. There were three English vessels in the offing, viz., the Hampshire of fifty-six guns, the Dehring of thirty-six guns, and the Hudson's Bay of thirty-two. D'Iberville, without waiting for his consorts to come up, faced them all, sunk the Hampshire, captured the Hudson's Bay, and compelled the Dehring to seek safety by sheering off ! He then approached Fort Nelson, which surren- dered after a short bombardment. This victory placed the French in possession of aU the stations of the English in Hudson's Bay. f This was in 1704. The expedition against Jamaica failed, for the alleged reason that the English there were found to be (m their guard. D'Iberville had previously established several forts near the mouths of the Mississippi, the design of colonising Louisiana having been revived, and, amongst these, that of Mobile. He died at sea in 1706, 232 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1691-9J!. if indeed it can be said to have been other than a mere negotiation, which led only to some mitigation of the atrocities mutually perpetrated by the Indian allies of the colonists. The intrigues of both parties continued without interruption. The French, by means of their missionaries, and of chiefs under Frontenac's influence, lost no oppor- tunity of conciliating the Iroquois, while the latter tampered with their kindred at Sault St Louis, and the English both with Iroquois and the Abenaquis. The standing causes of quarrel between the French and Eng- lish, apart from the fact that the parent countries were at war with each other, embraced the rival claims respecting sovereignty over the territory and people of the cantons, together with the constant endeavours of the English to push their trading operations amongst the Western Indians, who were professedly under French protection. Added to these must be named the uncertain and opposite ideas en- tertained about their respective rights to the occupation of Acadia (Nova Scotia). Again, on the part of the Iroquois there was the objection they entertained to the re-establish- ment of the fort at Cataraconi (Frontenac), which, as was well known to them, was a cheiislied purpose of the Governor. This latter design Frontenac determined to accomplish in 1695, in spite of the hostility of the Iroquois and the expressed wishes of the Government of France. The Count had been informed of the King's disapproval after the force required for repairing and re-occupying the fort had been dispatched.* Under M. de Ghrisasy as * The force consisted of thirty-six ofBoers, four hundred soldiers and Canadian militia, with two hundred savages. Frontenac, in reply to the injunctions of M. PortchaHrain, the French minister, stated that he medi- tated, in future, and in place of such expeditions against the cantons as had previously been conducted by De Denonvilie, which accomplished no permanent good, to keep up such a continued series of tormenting attacks as should make them afraid to come out of their quarters. To effect this, 1691-98.] FORT FRONThNAC RE-OCCUPIEt). 233 commaDdant, the old fort was repaired, and restored to a position to hold out against assault, in the course of fifteen days. A garrison of forty-eight soldiers re-occupied the place, and small parties of Indians were sent across the lake to observe and harass the inhabitants of the cantons. Colonel Fletcher, who was then Governor of New York, had held a congress of deputies of New Jersey, Massa- chusetts, and Connecticut, for the purpose of conferring with the Iroquois chiefs on the subject of the rebuilding of Fort Frontenac. At this meeting the Iroquois were en- joined not to permit that, as it would destroy their liberty, and make them slaves to the French, and were further informed that, in case of need, all the troops of the English colonies should be marched to their support. The Iroquois subsequently had a council of chiefs of the cantons to dis- cuss the same question, when, with some slight objection on the part of the Onondagas, and a portion of the Senecas, an agreement was entered into not to sanction the rebuild- ing of the fort, and to invite all the Indian allies of the French to join in the decision. In the meantime Frontenac had resolved upon accom- plishing his purpose, and soon afterwards, as described above, succeeded in doing so without molestation. Colonel Fletcher was much irritated when he learned that Fort Frontenac had been secretly and promptly re-established, and severely reproached the Iroquois for their supineness, advising them to invest and capture the place, and distri- buting supplies of ammunition. 174. The Iroquois prosecuted the war, in their cus- tomary way, with renewed vigour, but suffered reverses in their attacks upon the Island of Montreal, a,? well as in the and to retain the traffic of the Western Indians, he explained that the maintenance of the fortilied position at Cataraconi waa indispensably necessary. 234 HISTORY OF CANADA. L1691-98. West upon the Miamis and Illinois. At the same time they continued to secretly entice the allies of the French at Sault St Marie, and the Hurons, Ottawas, and Algon- quins. With the last-named tribes they had such success that Frontenac's worst fears were realised, since he knew that it was in the power of the English colonists to offer, through the Iroquois, more advantageous opportunities of traffic than the French could afford. Under these circum- stances, he determined upon a grand expedition into the cantons, and desired his agents to solicit the co-operation of all the Indian allies. The Ottawas and Hurons, how- ever, under various pretexts, refused to send their warriors to his assistance. 175. In the course of the spring of 1696, the Grovernor caused preparations to be made for a decisive campaign. During the preceding eighty years which had elapsed since the French colonists formed their first acquaintance with those truculent adversaries, any peace or prosperity which the colony had enjoyed seemed to depend, for the most part, upon their having occasionally refrained from perse- cuting the inhabitants with incursions, and from exercising their atrocious instincts in the destruction of life and pro- perty. For eighteen years after De Tracy's great expedition into the cantons, the state of comparative repose from those incursions and persecutions had been attended with an amount of progress which showed that permanent peace with the Iroquois, or their conquest and extermination, were the only real alternatives to be pursued by a wise governor. But all the arts of conciliation used by succes- sive governors, aided by all the religious influence which priests and missionaries could employ, had failed to gain them over as friends. Nor had the severe chastisements inflicted when the French visited them in their own quar- ters, served to deter them from resummg their old courses 1691-98.] CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE IROQUOIS. 235 of behaviour. The preservation of peace and good neigh- bourhood was further obstructed by their geographical position upon the borders of territory claimed by the rival colonies of France and England ; and, further, by the com- plications arising out of tlie extension of the French out- posts amongst distant tribes of Indians, with whom the Iroquois might choose to wage an aggressive warfare, or the straggling English traders seek to carry on traffic. And, lastly, the people of the Iroquois confederacy, sensible of the value of their support to either party at the times when the European colonists quarrelled, whether on their own account or on that of their respective mother coun- tries — also loving their independence — were not slow to pursue their own interests at the expense of both. Their main reason for siding generally with the English was not so much founded upon a greater love for them, as it was upon their finding themselves able to obtain from their traders more bullets and powder, and especially more ardent spirits, in exchange for the products of the chase, than they could from the French. Of late years the conduct of the Iroquois towards the French colony had become absolutely intolerable, and would have ruined it, but for the vigorous ability of Count Frontenac. Now, as has been already indicated, the Governor pre- pared to strike a deadly blow at the heart of the con- federacy, and it will appear from the following narrative that, had he only persevered in his resolution to the end, and finished the campaign after the same fashion as he began it, he might have annihilated the power of the Iroquois to inflict future injury upon the colony. The preparations for an expedition of the kind contem- plated could not be made without much sacrifice, because they occupied the season of spring, and took off nearly the 236 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1691-98. whole adult male population from the care of sowing planting, and cultivating the soil. 176. Assigning Isle Perrot, on Lake St Louis, as the place of rendezvous, Frontenac ordered all the Canadian militia, the Huron s from Lorette, the Abenaquis from the Chaudiere, and the eight hundred regular soldiers then in Canada, to proceed thither. Provisions and means of transport for ammunition and all other necessary supplies were to be provided, so that a completely equipped force, numbering upwards of two thousand three hundred men, might be ready to commence active operations in the field early in the month of July. The militia were rather more numerous than the regular soldiers, and the Indian auxili- aries amounted to more than six hundred warriors. M. de CaUiere, Governor of Montreal, M. de Eamezay, comman- dant at Three Eivers, and M. de Vaudreuil, commanded, respectively, the three corps into which the army was divided. Frontenac himself, although seventy-six years old, accompanied the expedition as commander-in-chief* Preceded by two large hatteaux, and a number of canoes, carrying a couple of fi.eld-pieces and provisions, the army left Isle Perrot on July 7, and arrived at Cataraconi on the 19th. Thence they crossed Lake Ontario, and landed at the mouth of the river Ghouagen — now Osioego, near to the spot where the modern city of that name stands. The advance towards the cantons was conducted with the greatest regularity and precision, one half of the force, under Calliere and Eamezay, following the route of the south bank of the river, and the other, under Frontenac and Vaudreuil, that of the north. On reaching a small stream, through which the water of Lake Oneida empties itself into the Oswego, the two divisions reunited and * The Indian auxiliaries were commanded by De Maricour, a younger brother of D' Iberville, and one of the celebrated Canadian family Le Moyne, 1691-98-] CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE IROQUOIS. 237 marched towards the nearest canton, which was that of the Onondagas. On the march the customary difiSculties of moving through a wild and marshy country were encoun- tered. The aged Governor was carried in a chair, and De Calliere, almost as infirm as his chief, rode on the only horse which accompanied the expedition. Although a whole month had elapsed since they started from Isle Perrot, no traces of an enemy were met with, excepting a rude diagram sketched upon a sheet of birch bark, depicting, according to the Indian fashion, the French army, with two bundles of twigs, bound together, and intended to notify the invaders that a force of more than fourteen hundred warriors was ready to receive them. But, whe- ther from policy, or in reliance upon their supposed fidelity, of which they had afforded some previous proofs, two prisoners, formerly taken by the French from the Senecas, were sent forward as spies, and to bring back information. These two men availed themselves of the opportunity to escape, but were more useful to their former masters than if they had returned to them with news of their enemies. They rejoined their own people, but carried with them such an exaggerated account of the French force, and of their means of destruction, that the Iroquois were afraid to risk the chances of a conflict, and resolved, after burning their habitations, to withdraw into the recesses of the forest. Accordingly, towards the evening of the day following the flight of their two prisoners, the French beheld in the distance the smoke and flames of the bourgade of the Onondagas. It had contained a fort which the English had instructed them in building. When the French arrived at the scene of the conflagration, they found the village and fort entirely consumed. There were also, lying around, the remains of some French captives who had been killed and mangled on the approach of their country- 238 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1691-98 men. No living inhabitant was found except one very aged man.* All that could now be done, in regard to the former inhabitants of that bourgade, was to follow the example of former invasions, and destroy all the surrounding crops, with every article of property which the flames had spared. The work of destruction was soon completed. Frontenac, judging by past experience, considered it use- less to pursue the enemy into the forest. But to enumerate all the reasons which Frontenac and his officers discussed relative to their furtlier proceedings, and the best way of punishing an enemy who hid himself in place of fighting, and to describe in detail what was actually done, would be a mere repetition of what had occurred on several previous occasions, as in the expeditions of De Tracy, Courcelle, and Denonville. A detachment, under Vaudreuil, was sent to the Oneida canton, where there remained thirty or forty chiefs, expecting the return of a messenger whom they had sent to Frontenac to solicit peace, and that their property might be spared. Vaudreuil told them that "if they would accompany the French to Montreal they would not need their cabins, and that, as for their crops, they could not carry them along with them ; so that it was better they should be all burnt, to prevent an enemy from taking possession." After the execution of the purpose indicated in that reply, Vaudreuil rejoined his chief at Onondaga, bringing with him thirty-five Oneida prisoners. * This was the victim of the tragic scene recorded in the note on page 224. Contrary to the narrative of the writer there quoted, Ferland says, that the Indian auxiliaries, irritated at finding no enemy to fight, were impelled by a desire to satisfy their vengeance upon some unfortunate victim. Frontenac is represented as having questioned him, and endea- voured to induce him to flee, but that the Indians haughtily claimed him as their own prisoner. It is added, that " such was their fury that ho did not dare to refuse to deliver him up to them ! " 1691-98.] CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE IROQUOIS. 239 At a council of war the Count and his officers decided that the village of the Oayugas should be dealt with in the same manner as those of the Onondagas and Oneidas. It was even agreed that forts should be built in the three cantons, and that Calliere, with a sufficient force, should pass the ensuing winter there, and prevent re-occupation by their former inhabitants. But a few hours afterwards the Governor announced that he had changed his mind, and gave orders for an immediate retreat to Montreal. The officers and men were greatly surprised, and urgent repre- sentations were made in favour of at least sending a detach- ment to chastise the Cayugas. But the old Governor, with characteristic obstinacy, adhered to his last decision, entirely regardless of the discontent and murmurs of nearly all under his command. Leaving Onondaga on the 9th of August, the force reached Montreal after a march of eleven days. Only four men were lost by the French during this expedition, of whom three perished in one of the numerous rapids on their way homeward. 177. The immediate consequences of the great expe- dition conducted by Frontenac against the Iroquois in 1696 were, in the first place, amongst the people of the cantons, famine and distress, which, as a scarcity in the English colonies hindered them from obtaining aid from their allies, soon impelled them to resume negotiations for peace. Secondly, the French colonists themselves, during the ensuing winter, suffered extremely for want of suffi- cient food, on account of having been compelled, the pre- ceding year, while preparing for the expedition, to neglect the cultivation of their lands. Owing to this scarcity of provisions, which made it difficult to maintain troops in garrison, it was impossible for the Governor to execute his design of continually harassing the Iroquois and the English colonists, by sending forth armed parties against them. 240 HISTORY OB' CANADA. [1691-98. 178. The years 1697 and 1698 were passed in fruitless negotiations with the Iroquois deputies, and mutual recri- minations between the authorities of the English and French colonies. The latter claimed the right of treating separately with the Iroquois. The former insisted that no treaty of peace between these and the French could be valid, unless ratified, and, in fact, negotiated by them- selves, as the territory and people of the cantons were asserted to be under the sovereignty of England. Although the Iroquois continued hostilities, the several lines of approach by which they had been accustomed to make their attacks were now better guarded, and atro- cities were less easily committed and less frequent. They also continued their inroads upon the Miamis and Illinois. In the latter part of 1696, and the spring of 1697, the Governor received instructions to hold in readiness all the disposable forces of the colony, in order to co-operate in a design by the French Government, the object of which was the capture of the whole of the English colonies. The successesof D'Iberville,and the execution done upon colonial and English commerce, had strengthened the impression at the court of France that the time had now arrived when the schemes formerly urged upon its attention by Calliere and others could be successfully carried out. A French fleet under the command of the Marquis de Nes- mond, was actually sent out, and entered into some opera- tions on the Acadian coast. It was intended to effect the reduction of Boston and New York, and to leave there fifteen hundred troops transported from Canada, by whom the whole of the English colony was to be ravaged. The expedition, however, failed to execute even the preliminary parts of the plan laid down. Frontenac, in the course of September 1697, received information of that result. 179. Soon afterwards a treaty of peace was concluded in 1691-98-] COUNT FRUXTKNAC AM) LORD BELLAMONT. 241 Europe, and signed at Ryswick, in virtue of which hostili- ties between France and England in America were brought to a close.* 180. In May 1698, Lord Bellamont, then Governor of New York and Massachusetts, sent Colonel Schuyler, with nineteen French prisoners and a courteous letter, to Count Frontenac, informing the latter of the conclusion of peace, and that Colonel Fletcher had been recalled. The English Governor also offered in his letter to restore all the French prisoners detained in the hands of the Iroquois. In an equally courteous reply. Count Frontenac promised to restore all English prisoners; but, with respect to the Iroquois, claimed the right of dealing with these directly, and not through the intervention of Lord Bellamont. The Count asserted in his letter that the cantons had been sub- ject to the government of the kings of France before the English had even come into possession of New York. The Iroquois themselves maintained that they were subjects neither of France nor of England, and that they were not bound by any treaty which those two nations might choose to enter into. Under such circumstances, the state of war continued to subsist between them and the French. The people of the cantons were, however, very anxious to be included under the provisions of the general treaty. Soon after the opening of the correspondence between * To the treaty styled " The Treaty of Ryswick" four European powers were parties. Its provisions embraced, almost exclusively, matters of European interest. There was, however, one clause providing for the restoration of forts, places, territories, &c., captured in America. The important question of boundaries between the English and French pos- sessions in North America w.'is omitted in the treaty. But a supplemen- tary or separate understanding was entered into, having in view the appointment of commissioners to settle that question. Q 242 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1691-98. the New England and Canadian Governors, the Iroquois addressed themselves to both parties, in order that they also might participate in the terms of peace. Lord Bel- lamont required that the prisoners in their hands should be delivered up to him at Albany, preparatory to their restoration to Frontenac. The latter refused to receive them in that manner, and menaced the cantons with force. In consequence, some further correspondence took place between the two Governors, of a less courteous character than the former. Bellamont charged Frontenac with con- tinuing to encourage the perpetration of barbarities upon subjects of Great Britain, and declared that, if force should be employed against the Iroquois, he would march to their assistance with every man at his disposal, x'o this Fron- tenac made a spirited answer, stating that he adhered to his former resolution ; that the Iroquois did not desire to be under the English ; and that the threats of assistance to the Five Nations, being contrary to the treaty of peace, caused him no apprehension. The truth is, the astute chiefs of the cantons simply desired the intervention of the New England authorities with the view of enabling them to obtain the best possible terms of accommodation from the French, repudiating the sovereignty of both parties, and careful not to admit that by any formal act of their own. Count Frontenac did not live to see the end of this con- troversy. 181. On the 28th of November 1698, Count Frontenac breathed his last at Quebec, after an illness of a few days' duration. He was in his seventy-eighth year, and retained the use of his faculties up to the moment of his decease. His character is thus summarily described by Charlevoix : " He died as he had lived, regarded with affection by many, 1691-98.] DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FRONTENAC. 243 esteemed by all ; and with the glory of having, with scarcely any aid from France, sustained, and even augmented, the colony, although he found it, at his arrival, exposed to attacks from all sides, and reduced to the brink of ruin." The same historian thus qualifies his judgment upon the excellence of the Count's attributes : " It was difficult to reconcile with his profession of piety his conduct towards those from whom he differed. His disposition was rendered less excellent by a sour temper, and by a species of un- worthy jealousy, which he never laid aside, and which hindered him from the full enjoyment of his success. But, for all this. New France owed everything to him, and after his death, the great void which he left became soon apparent." The remains of the deceased Count were interred in the Church of the Eecollets, at Quebec* Although the Ee- collet Order was favoured by him during his administra- tion, he was not always on good terms with the Bishop and regular clergy, f As he was inclined to indulge in acri- monious feelings towards those who differed from him in sentiments or policy, he had some enemies and detractors. But, in the face of his general popularity, his success, and * Prontenac left directions in his will relative to his burial in the Church of the ReooUets, in which, subsequently, the remains of several succeeding Governors were interred. He had granted to that Order of ecclesiastics the lot of land on which their house was built, besides otherwise con- tributing to their establishment in the city, and professed to be a sort of trustee in their behalf, as well as a protector. + Some time before his death he was embroiled in dissensions with the Bishop and clergy. To manifest his dissatisfaction, he resorted to means calculated to lessen them in the eyes of the people. He caused actors and actresses, and male and female dancers, to exhibit comedies in mockery of the ecclesiastics. This was done not only in the Castle of St Louis, but even in the religious houses, whose inmates were ordered to be present as spectators : much scandal was thus occasioned. 244 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1691-98. liis undoubted devotion to his King and conntry, com- plaints had failed to produce his recall a second time. The student of Canadian history will be justified in regarding Count Frontenac, notwithstanding some con- spicuous blemishes of disposition, as the greatest of the governors who ruled in Canada, from the time of the death of Champlain down to the period when it ceased to be a Province of France. CHAPTER XXIL M. DB CALLIEEl, GOyERNOR — HIS POLICY A CONTINTJATION OF FEONTENAC'S — AIMS AT A GENERAL PACIFICATION OF THE IN- DIAN TRIBES— MODE OF PROCEDURE TO BRING ABOUT PEACE — GREAT GATHERING OF INDIANS AT MONTREAL— DEATH OF KON- DIARONK— RENEWAL OF WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE — PREPARATIONS FOE DEFENCE OP THE COLONY— DEATH OF CAl- LIERE — STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 182. The experience and military talents of De Calliere had enabled him already, as the adviser and coadjutor of his predecessors, to render valuable services to the colony. Succeeding now to the governorship, he adhered to Fron- tenac's policy, refusing the intervention of the English colonial Governor in regard to exchanging prisoners with the Iroquois. In order to accomplish the proposed exchange satisfac- torily, he deemed it necessary, not only to repudiate the claim of English sovereignty over the cantons, but also to include in the negotiations the numerous tribes of Indians with whom, whether as allies or foes, the French and the Iroquois had been concerned. The Iroquois held many 1698 1 703.] DE CALLIERE'S POLICY. 245 persons in captivity' besides Frenchmen, and many captives belonging to the cantons were kept in slavery amongst the Ottawas, Hurons, Algonquins, and the western tribes. In short, De Calliere desired to bring about a general and comprehensive treaty of peace, which should include the restoration of prisoners in the hands of all parties. In conjunction with this object the Governor aimed at uniting the Indian tribes against the English colonists ; and, as respected the Iroquois, at least to so far conciliate them as that in any future contest the fierce people of the cantons should remain neutral. The greater part of the administration of De Calliere was occupied in endeavours to carry out those designs. 183. In response to the wishes expressed by deputies from the Iroquois, the Grovernor sent a French deputa- ^^ ,-00 tion, consisting of a priest, M. Bruyas, with M. de Maricourt and M. Joncaire,* to accompany them to the can- tons. Great councils were held in the Onondaga canton, the result of which was that the Iroquois chiefs, exclusive of the Mohawks and Oneidas, agreed to surrender their French captives, and to side with neither party in any future war- fare between the English and French colonists. The astute barbarians understood well that their co-operation was an important object to both, and determined to assert their own independence. They therefore signified to Lord Bel- lamont's agent the terms they had come to with the French. It was also agreed to accept the French Governor's in- * Bruyas was well known, and much esteemed in the cantons. Mari- court was one of the famous Le Moynea, being a younger brother of D'lberville. Joncaire was a favourite with the Senecas, who had formerly taken him captive, but, on account of his brave resistance, adopted him into their tribe. 246 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1698-1703. vitation to attend a great council of all thenations, which he proposed should be held in August 1701, at Montreal. The ambassadors, Messrs Bruyas, De Maricourt, and Joncaire, were allowed to search for the captive French, and to take away with them as many as were willing to go* 184. The Grovernor also sent emissaries to the west, amongst the Hurons, and Algonquins of the lake regions, the Ottawas, Miamis, Illinois, and Eeynards, to persuade them to keep peace among themselves, and with the Iro- quois, and to come next season to Montreal to negotiate a general treaty. The influence of Nicolas Perrot was of great service in disposing the tribes to listen to the Gover- nor's exhortations and request. M. de Tonti, a former coad- jutor of La Salle, was sent to Michillimakinac, to bring back the French who had taken up their quarters there, and who amounted to more than one hundred persons.f A mis- sionary and M. de Courtmanche were employed in solicit- ing the chiefs of the western tribes to cease from warfare, and to bring all their Iroquois prisoners to the proposed meeting at Montreal. 185. In the meantime, the agents of the New England colonies were engaged in endeavours to counteract the influ- ence of the French among the cantons, but with no great success. A severe law against Jesuit priests entering the New England territory was declared to be valid in the cantons as well as other parts. Lord BeUamont also offered * Many refused to return, having been adopted into Indian families, and preferring Indian modes of life. Only ten captives went back with the French deputation. ■^ Of these, more than eighty refused to return ; and, rather than wait for compulsion to obey the Governor's orders, they retired farther off towards the banks of the Mississippi, preferring to spend their lives among the savage tribes. 1698-1703.] BE CALLIERE'S POLICY. 247 to send amongst them artisans, provided the Iroquois would at the same time receive a minister of religion* Upon the whole, the sagacity of the French Governor, ably sup- ported by the skill and dexterity of his agents, exercised a greater influence amongst them than all the endeavours and threats of the English. This result was owing, in part, to a step taken by Calliere in order to show the Iroquois that the English colonists would neither attack the cantons themselves, nor interfere for their protection, if the French were to do so. For it happened that the sovereigns of England and France had sent out instructions to their re- spective colonial Grovernors expressly forbidding them to engage in any hostilities. Calliere, to whom a copy of the instructions given to the English Grovernor had been for- warded, caused the particulars to be communicated to the Iroquois, who at once said, that, if they continued to carry on war with the French, they would have to act alone, and without any aid from their English allies. A species of preliminary treaty was accordingly entered into at Montreal, on September 18, 1700, reserving for the great meeting of the following year the conclusion of a convention by all the tribes, with a general exchange of prisoners. This provisional treaty was adopted, with all the customary formalities, by the Iroquois deputies, on the one hand, and by the Hurons, Ottawas, Aben- aquis, Algonquins, and Christian Iroquois of Sault St Louis and Two Mountains, on the other. The Grovernor- General, the Intendant, M. Vaudreuil the Governor of Montreal, and the chief ecclesiastics of the colony, signed * The Iroquois were indifferent about the ttiinister, but were very anxious for the artisans, especially smiths. The priest Bruyas reported of the Iroquois that they were then, as formerly, not disposed to receive the faith. 248 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1698-1703. the compact with the Iroquois deputies. The latter, before leaving, requested that Messrs Bruyas, Mari- ccmrt, and Joucaire should be allowed to return home with them, in order to gather the remaining Freach prisoners in the cantons. This demand was complied with.* 186. While the plans of the Governor were being thus furthered through his emissaries in the cantons and amongst the western tribes, some uneasiness was occasioned by a resolution which he had come to of establishing a fortified post at Detroit. Already the importance of that at Fron- tenac, where M. Louvigny was commandant, was sensibly felt by the Iroquois, and their concern was increased when they learned that another fort was to be established at a point from which it would be easy for the French to check their movements upon the Miamis and their other enemies in the west. The Iroquois remonstrated on the subject, incited by the English, to whose traders such a design was most unwelcome. But Calliere told them that his object was to enable him the more easily to keep peace amongst the tribes, and also to exclude the English from trading in these regions. The fort was eventually constructed, and occupied by a garrison of about one hundred men. In a short time bodies of Indians came to establish themselves in its vicinity, both for protection, and for the purpose of traffic. 187. Some untoward incidents in the autumn of 1700 prevented Calliere from being entirely satisfied with his position and prospects. In consequence of the arrange- ments for peace which have been stated, the Iroquois * Five more French from among the Onondagas, and some others from the Senecas, were recovered on this second visit of the deputation. 1698-1703.] CONVENTION AT MONTREAL. 249 hunted freely on the north shore of Lake Ontario, where they intruded upon the chosen haunts and beaver-dams yf their old enemies the Ottawas. This led to disputes and quarrels, sometimes ending in bloodshed, so that the Governor had cause for apprehension lest his plans might yet miscarry. Another occasion of disquietude grew out of the very small and bad harvest of the year 1700. Before winter set in there was a general scarcity, which ended in famine. The inhabitants had recourse to wild roots, and suffered all the pangs of starvation. In Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebec, as well as in the garrisons and settlements occupied by the Indians, much distress prevailed. 188. Meanwhile, during the winter and in course of the spring of the year 1701, the endeavours of the French agents to induce the Indian chiefs to ab- stain from hostile acts against each others' tribes, and to agree to attend the great council at Montreal, were success- ful beyond all expectation. But as the time approached for embarking with theii- prisoners for the purpose of descend- ing the St Lawrence, great difficulties were experienced in dealing with the numerous and discordant elements thus being brought together. At any time some petty cause might have kindled strife amongst them ; besides which, maladies broke out, causing numbers to turn back.* At length, however, towards the close of July 1701, seven or eight hundred .savages from the west arrived in their canoes at Montreal. Upwards of two hundred Iroquois had come on the previous day. Including the Abenaquis, converted Iroquois, Hurons, Algonquins, and Montagnais, belonging to the colony, or inhabiting con- * The principal part of the work of recoDcUiug differences as they arose, and of conducting the hordes down to Hontreal, devolved on Courtmanche. 250 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1698-1703. tiguous territories, the whole number amounted to about fifteen hundred. Nine or ten days were occupied by the conferences which took place. The principal meeting was opened on the 1st day of August, and it was the 4th of that month before all the various matters concerned could be discussed and agreed upon, with a view to concluding a Solemn treaty. On that last day the Grovernor, attended by M. Vaudreuil and his principal military officers and functionaries, harangued the motley assemblage with the aid of interpre- ters. He ended his discourse by saying that the time had now arrived for all parties to " hury the war hatchet" and that he in future would be their umpire for settling their differences, punishing aggressors, and compensating the injured. The chiefs, representing the various tribes, spoke in suc- cession, and signified their assent to the Grovernor's wishes. Some of them were clad in strange habiliments, and pre- sented appearances so grotesque as to excite the merriment of spectators. Captives were handed over, and wampum collars given as tokens.* Amongst those who came to attend the great gather- ing were Nicolas Perrot, who acted as interpreter to the Miamis and Illinois, and the famous chief Kondiaronk, the most remarkable Indian there. Kondiaronk made an eloquent address, but, during its delivery, was seized with a mortal sickness, of which he died in the ensuing night. This man has been much eulogised by Charlevoix and * These wampum collars, or belts, made up of strings of porcelain beads connected together, were employed as visible tokens of good wishes, or sincerity regarding professions on particular points. They were also used by speakers, both in soliciting favours and in expressing thanks for favours granted. In a certain degree, the importance of the occasion was indicated by the number of belts, or their size and richness. 1698-1703.] CONVENTION AT MONTREAL. 251 other writers, who have styled him " an Indian only in name!'* 189. The Mohawks, for some reason which does not appear, were not in attendance at the council. Their deputies arrived afterwards, offered excuses, and signed the treaty. A short time after the general peace had been con- cluded, the Iroquois of the Onondaga tribe dispatched deputies to the Governor to request that priests might be sent amongst them. Calliere not only acceded to their wish, but informed them that at Frontenac there would be smiths and armourers to do work for them, and abundance of merchandise for traffic. As has been already stated, there was not at that time much real desire for, or willingness to receive, religious teaching among the Iroquois tribes. But the politic Governor took advantage of every oppor- tunity of thwarting the projects of the English, and under- mining their influence with those double-faced barbarians. 190. Calliere had to a great extent accomplished his de- signs for pacif3dng the Indian tribes, conciliating the Iroquois, and intercepting traffic between the English colonists and the lake regions, when war again broke out between England and France. The old pro- jects of invading and capturing each other's colonial pos- sessions were at once revived, and the French Governor set about preparations for defending the colony and its princi- pal stations. In answer to some proposals for recommencing raids upon the English colonists, Calliere refused his con- sent, on the ground that the results of such operations would only stimulate the New Englanders to greater efforts * Not long afterwards, in the Onondaga canton, the death of another famous Indian chief occurred — that of Oaraconihii, a. great friend and favourite of the French. 252 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1698-1703. in favour of plans for the invasion and subjugation of Canada, with the assistance of a fleet from England. 191. At this critical juncture, the gallant old Governor was suddenly laid on his death-bed. He closed a life of long-continued and faithful service to his King and country on the 26th of May 1703. 192. During the administration of M. Oalliere, the colony had not actually lost ground in ability to hold its own against the causes which had hindered its progress or threatened its existence. Its advancement, however, was very small, for no additions by immigration from France had been made to the number of the colonists. Including the regular troops and marine, there were scarcely four thousand persons able to bear arms — that is, between the ages of sixteen and sixty. Agriculture and commerce existed only for the supply of the military wants of the country. Manufactures, respecting which such favourable predictions had been made in the days of Talon and De Tracy, were wholly neglected. Only from twenty-five to thirty ships came each season to Quebec from Europe, bringing necessary supplies and merchandise for traffic, and returning half-laden with furs and other products of the chase. In fact, Canada, at that time, was in no sense a flourishing transatlantic possession. It was only a mili- tary colony or outpost of the kingdom of France — the theatre, it is true, of many isolated feats of heroism and of self-denying devotion on the part of military officers and ecclesiastics, but poor and backward in comparison with the English colonies, and its substantial interests slighted or disregarded by the parent state.* Henceforward, during * In these allusions to poverty and backwardness, it must be understood that reference is made to the inhabitants generally, and to the state offi- cials. The religious orders and ecclesiastics were becoming comparatively 1698^1703.] CONDITION OF CANADA. 253 the period of sixty years whioh elapsed between the death of Calliere and the cession of the country to Great Britain, scarcely any effort whatever was made in France to increase its strength and wealth by means of emigration. It has been computed that not more than eight or nine thousand persons, of the class entitled to be called emigrants or settlers, were transported from France to Canada during the whole period of their connection. Some time before the period of which we now write, and always afterwards, it is probable that Canada was not much thought of or talked about by French-men and women at home. To them, per- haps, the severity of its climate and the ferocity of its Indians were better known than other features calculated to attract Europeans to it as a country for settling in — a country which one of their most influential writers, fifty years later, sarcastically defined as " a few acres of ice." wealthy, and enjoyed great influenoe. The state officials, on the con- trary, were so miserably remunerated, in the way of stipends, for their ser- vices, that unless they availed themselves of opportunities of compensating themselves by means of traffic, or unless they had private resources, which was not usual, they had not enough to live upon decently. Also, when a seignior or man of property died, his estate was divided amongst his chil- dren, so that, in the course of time, his descendants would become impover- ished, although of noble birth. Those who served in the militia received only clothing and provisions, but no pay. They could derive little or no- thing from the cultivation of the soil, as they were constantly, from year to year, called upon for military service. It is little to be wondered at if, under such circumstances, many left the service of the colony and went to live among the savages. De Calliere, who, by his good sense, honourable conduct, and chivalrous courage, had acquired great personal influence both among his own people and with the Indians, wisely preserved a good understanding with the religious orders. Nevertheless, deeming it incompatible with the general welfare that their wealth should increase indefinitely, he procured an edict from the crown to limit their acquisition of property, whether by pui-- chase or by gift of private individuals, to a certain fixed amount. 254 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1703-55. CHAPTER XXIII. M. DE VATJDEEUIL, GOVERN OE — HIS CHARACTER AND ADMINISTRATION — CHIEF INCIDENTS— SUCCEEDED BY THE MARQUIS DE BEAU- HARNOIS— STATE AND RESOURCES OF THE COLONY UNDER THE TWO PRECEDING GOVERNORS — BRIEF ADMINISTRATIONS OF LA GALISONIERE, LA JONQUIERB, AND THE MARQUIS DUQUESNB— CONDITION AND RELATIVE RESOURCES OF CANADA AND THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES— ACCESSION OF THE SECOND MARQUIS DIL VAUDEEUIL — STATE OF THE COUNTRY — ITS PRINCIPAL STATIONS AND OUTPOSTS — THE CHIEF OFFICIALS OF THE COLONY — COM- MENCEMENT OF THE SEVEN YEAEs' WAR. 193. The death of M. de Calliere rendered it necessary for M. de Vaudreuil, Commandant at Montreal, to preside over the affairs of the colony until the King should appoint a new Governor-General. De Vaudreuil was very popular, and was considered by the colonists to be the person best qualified to fill the vacant post. He had been the friend and coadjutor, not only of the late Governor, but also of the lamented Frontenac. To secure his permanent appoint- ment, all the principal inhabitants joined in a petition to the King, the prayer of which his Majesty was pleased to grant, and a commission to that effect was signed at Paris on August 1, 1703. At the same time the Royal Intendant, M. de Cham- pigny, was replaced by 31. Beauharnois. 194. As the two mother countries were now at war,* * " A strong alliance was entered into by England, Holland, and the Em- pire, in 1701. Heiisius, the first magistrate of Holland, and two illus- trious generals, Prince F-ugene for Austria, and the Duke of Marlborough I703-55-] INDIAN INCURSIONS. 255 the colonists, as formerly, soon found themselves animated hy mutually hostile feelings. The customary process of intriguing with each other's Indian allies was had recourse to. The New Englanders, on their part, endeavoured to detach the Abenaquis from the French cause, and to incite the Iroquois to resume theii- incursions into Canada. But in this they did not succeed, for the Abenaquis, encouraged by the French, ravaged the English territory, while the Iroquois, so far from taking up arms against their ancient enemies, even sent deputies to Vaudreuil, offering formally to recognise the King of France as sovereign over the cantons.* The result was that the English colonists, during the continuance of the war, from 1703 to 1713, suffered se- verely from the frequent incursions of the Abenaquis and the French volunteers. Also, the Indian tribes in the west became gradually involved in the contest, especially the Ottawas, Hurons, Miamis, Illinois, and the Outagamis, or Fox tribe. To revenge themselves upon the Abenaquis, the English entered their country in force, and massacred all whom they could reach. In return, the French, to assist their allies^ sent a party under M. de Eouville, who fell upon a place called Deerfield, on the river Connecticut, in the night- time, and the fearful scenes of Schenectady and Salmon Falls were again enacted. The town was burnt, about fifty for England, were the soul of this formidable coalition. Louis XIV. had no longer Colbert and Louvois, Turenne, Cond^, or Luxembourg. How- ever, the French army at first gained some advantages ; but from the year 1704, they sustained one defeat after another." — Porchat's History of Frawnt. * These overtures were begun by the Onondagas. The Senecaa, through the great influence of Joncaire, if not positively friendly towards the French, were at least prevented from acting as enemies. The other three Iroquois tribes remained, for a time, strictly neutral. 2S6 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1703-55. persons slaughtered without resistance, and upwards of one hundred prisoners carried off. Subsequently another raid was effected against the town of Haverill, but with the difference that the attack was, in this instance, made in open daylight, and there were about fifty soldiers present, aiding the inhabitants in their fruitless resistance. These bloody incursions were disapproved of by the authorities in France, who reminded M. Yaudreuil that De Calliere had set his face against such operations, as they were calculated to create in the English colonists a deter- mination to plan the entire destruction of the French colony, and to employ all means to induce the Iroquois to support them. The French Minister, in his dispatch on the subject, remarked, " the French have always been the first to commence hostilities in Canada." These anticipations proved to be correct, for in 1709 the people of New England, in conjunction with the Govern- ment at home, made preparations on a large scale for annihilating the French power in Newfoundland, Acadia, and Canada. Already, in 1707, a formidable sea and land force had moved against Fort Royal (Annapolis), and two attempts had been made to capture the place, which were with difficulty repelled. 195. But now, in 1709, information reached Quebec that several British regiments were to be sent A.D. 1709. ° from England, to unite with a force raised in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, for an attack upon that city, while another army, levied in New York and the other colonies, was to advance by the way of Lake Champlain. It happened, when all was ready, that the destination of the troops about to sail from England was altered. But the movement from New York was actually commenced. A considerable number of English colonists, I703-55-] CONDUCT OF INDIAN AUXILIARIES. 257 along with a large body of Iroquois, advanced towards Lake Champlain, with the intention of first capturing Fort Chambly, and then of falling upon Montreal. Vaudreuil dispatched the Governor of Montreal, M. de Eamezay, with seven hundred and fifty Canadians and regulars, supported by Abenaquis warriors and Indians from Sault St Louis, to oppose the invaders. A singular cause interfered at the same time with the operations of both armies. The Sault St Louis Indians, after proceeding a certain distance, refused to march farther, alleging that it was much better for the French to remain on the defensive in their own advanced posts, than to risk making an attack upon the enemy, who could intrench himself within reach of rein- forcements from Albany and Schenectady. In consequence, a council of war was held, and a resolution come to, of retreating to Montreal. Meanwhile, the Iroquois auxili- aries of the English force under General Nicholson were engaged in manoeuvres calculated to mislead him and his officers, and to induce them to abandon the expedition when they were just about to embark in the boats which were to transport them across the lake towards Canada. It is said that these treacherous allies poisoned the water used by the troops, and caused the death of many soldiers. The result was that the English troops, as well as those under De Eamezay, were at the same time in full retreat towards their respective homes. The only rational explana- tion which has been suggested of the conduct of the Iroquois on both sides is, that the converted Iroquois, and their countrymen of the cantons, were bound to each other by some secret understanding, in virtue of which they were to co-operate in preventing either of the European colonies from conquering the other, and thus to hold in their own hand the destinies of both. Suspicious conduct on the part 2S8 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1703-55. of the Iroquois of Sault St Louis has been noticed in a former page.* 196. In the following year a naval force from Boston, with the assistance of four colonial regiments, effected the capture of Port Royal, in Acadia, on the 6th of October. The French garrison capitulated, and the name of the place was changed to Annapolis, in honour of the reigning Queen of England. 197. It has been already stated that the strength and resources of the colony were small in comparison with those of New England. The latter were now able to furnish for war about sixty thousand men, between the ages of sixteen and sixty, while the total number of males in the French colony able to bear arms, including about six hundred regulars, amounted to little over five thousand. At the same time the English colonists carried on a large commerce by sea, which enabled them to equip consider- able squadrons for the transport of troops, and the conduct of naval operations. In 1710, General Nicholson went to England for the purpose of urging the Government to resume their scheme for conquering Canada, and the other French possessions in North America. His application was supported by a petition of the New York legislature, which deputed Colonel Schuyler to present the address.f In consequence, a power- * See art. 169, p. 222. f The appeal to Her Majesty set forth that, " The French penetrate all the country behind your Majesty's plantations, among numerous tribes of Indians ; they send agents and priests with toys and trifles, next traders, then soldiers, and, finally, build forts among them." Schuyler took with him five Iroquois chiefs, who had an audience of the Queen. These stated that the warriors of the Five Nations were wilUng to assist in the conquest of Canada. The Queen's ministry agreed upon a plan of campaign, acced- ing to the requests of the colonists. I703-55.] CANADA SAVED FROM INVASION. 259 ful fleet of war vessels and transports, conveying five regi- ments of troops, was dispatched to Boston, in the summer of 1711. In the end of July this armament sailed for the St Lawrence, to efl'ect the capture of Quebec. At the same time a land force under General Nicholson began its march northwards, destined for the attack of Montreal. M. de Vaudreuil imitated the conduct of his predecessors on similar occasions. The defences of Quebec were im- proved as much as possible. All the force of the colony was summoned to repel the expected invasion. A body of three thousand Canadians and Indians was stationed at Chambly to oppose General Nicholson's army. Emissaries also were dispatched to ascertain the intentions of the Iroquois, who brought back word that the Senecas and Onondagas would remain neutral, and that the other three tribes would side with the English. These measures hav- ing been adopted, the Governor calmly awaited the approach of the invaders. The weather and the difficulties of the navigation of the St Lawrence proved to be the colony's most efficient auxiliaries, since they caused the hostile expedition to mis- carry. Arriving in the St Lawrence about the middle of August, the fleet under Admiral Walker was obstructed in its movements by a thick fog, followed by strong winds. Several ships were wrecked, and upwards of eight hundred men drowned. Then it was discovered that there were provisions sufficient for only ten weeks. And, finally, a council of war was held, when it was determined to abandon the enterprise and return home. General Nicholson, on his march towards Lake Champ- lain, received tidings of the disasters which had befallen the fleet, and prudently decided upon a retreat. Thus were the inhabitants of Canada spared from con- 26o HISTORY OF CANADA. [1703-55. tending for their existence with forces far superior to any that had ever heen brought against them. 198. About this period fresh troubles were occasioned in the west amongst the Indian tribes, by which the safety of the post at Detroit was endangered. The utmost efforts of the French in that quarter were required to be exerted, before they and their allies would put an end to the peril which menaced them. In the result, the Indians of the Fox tribe, or Outagamis, who were alleged to have been incited against them by the English, were almost exter- minated. 199. The course of events in Europe proved humiliating to the court of France, and the enormous expenses of the war ruinous to the nation, so that the French were forced to accept peace on unfavourable terms. The spirit of the King had been broken by the reverses of the nation abroad, complaints and suffering at home amongst his own people, and by domestic afflictions.* Negotiations for peace had been commenced in January 1712, but the contending parties did not finally settle upon the terms until March 1713, when the plenipotentiaries of Spain and France, on one side, and of England, Holland, Prussia, the German states, Savoy and Denmark, on the other, signed a treaty at Utreclit. 200. By the " Treaty of VtrecM," France ceded to Great * " The people were perishing of misery and starvation ; the King, who had lavished the resources of the country on magnificent display, was now obliged to overwhelm his miserable subjects with taxation. The allies, abusing their superiority, affected to demand impossible conditions. They even required him to dethrone his grandson. Louis XIV. felt himself humbled; he bad also afflictious in bis famfly ; he saw the death of his only sou in 1711, and in 1712 that of his grandson, the Duke of Burgundy, a young prince of great promise, the presumptive heir of the crown." — Porchat's History of France. 1703-55-] TREATY OF UTRECHT. 261 Britain all her claims to the posts and territories in and adjoining to Hudson's Bay, as well as Newfound- land and Nova Scotia, retaining certain privileges in respect of the fisheries. It -was also stipulated that the American subjects of King Louis should abstain from molesting the Iroquois, and all other Indian subjects or allies of the English. The important question of boundaries was left still unde- cided.* 201. The Iroquois nations, as had been the case after they were informed, in 1698, of the peace concluded by the Treaty of Eyswick, vehemently protested that they and their territory were not subject to any of the conditions agreed to by those who were parties to the Treaty of Utrecht. In short, they claimed, as heretofore, that the lands they occu- pied were their own, and that they were subjects neither of France nor of England. About this time their numerical strength was augmented by the accession of the Tuscaroras, a warlike tribe of the Carolinas, which had been driven from its hunting-grounds by the English colonists. The Iroquois received them into their confederacy, which henceforward came to be styled that of the " Six Nations." The Iroquois had learned, from declarations made by the English, that they were considered as belonging to the crown of England, upon which they applied to Vaudreuil * It has been suggested by some writers that this omission was allowed to occur as if on purpose, that England and France might at any future time resort to disputes about American boundaries as convenient pretexts for going to war. It is more probable that the true causes were indifference about matters which more immediately affected the interests of remote colonists ; and, on the part of the plenipotentiaries of England and France, ignorance of the localities. 262 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1703-55. for explanation, who informed them that they were not even mentioned in the Treaty of Utrecht. Their desire evidently was now to be considered as at peace with the colonists of both European nations ; and on many occa- sions they acted as if they thought it rested with them- selves to preserve in North America the balance of power. 202. In the year 1714 Governor Vaudreuil went to France on leave of absence, and remained there till 1716, leaving M. de Eamezay to preside over the affairs of the colony till his return.* 203. About this time the attention of the French Govern- ment was more particularly attracted to Cape Breton or Isle Royale, separated from Acadia or Nova Scotia by the Strait of Canseau. The fisheries on its coasts were very productive, and it possessed numerous inlets suitable for harbours. The loss of Nova Scotia with Port Koyal, and its occupation by the English colonists, whose ships were now in great numbers engaged in exporting fish from those coasts to the West Indies, Spain, the Mediterranean, and other parts of the world, caused the French to attach more importance than before to Cape Breton. One object held in view was, to establish a convenient harbour of refuge, * M. Vaudreuil had spent most of his life in Canada. His wife, who was an Acadian by birth, had gone on a visit to France five years before. The vessel in which she sailed was captured on the passage by an Eng- lish ship. Madame Vaudreuil, however, was very kindly treated by her captors, who landed her safely in France. This lady has been made the subject of commendation by several French writers. She was one of the few Governors' wives who came to or resided in the colony. After her return with her husband in 1716, it seems that her presence was of great advantage to him, even in respect of his public cares ; for Ferland, in a quotation relative to the Governor's differences with the Intendant Began, says " Madame de Vaudreuil was ' I'homme de la famille, ' and after his return she sustained her husband in his doubts and perplexities." This lady, after Vaudreuil's decease in 1725, retired to France, I703-55-] LOUISBOURG. 263 not only for war vessels and merchantmen coming from France, but also for privateers, which had already, in war time, been found so serviceable in damaging British com- merce. The harbour of Louishourg was selected, as best fitted, from its position and natural advantages, to be converted into a first-class naval station. The entrance from the sea was less than a quarter of a mile, while it had a circuit of nearly twelve miles. The anchorage was excellent, it had a depth of about forty feet, and ships could be run ashore on the soft beach without danger. Works were commenced some years afterwards, consisting of piers, magazines, and fortifi- cations, under the direction of engineers from France. In course of time Louishourg, next after Quebec, became the strongest fortified seaport in America.* The French at the -same time took some steps for settling Isle St Jean (Prince Edioard's Island). 204. In September 1715 the death of Louis XIV. oc- curred. He had been King of France more than seventy years, his reign extending backwards almost to the days of Champlain. Under the auspices, therefore, of this one sovereign, no less than fourteen out of the sixteen different Governors, whose administrations have been recorded in this history, ruled in Canada. His ideas and wishes, modi- fied and practically directed by a succession of able advisers, had accordingly shaped the destinies of the colony. It cannot be alleged that this King, although so arbitrary, had been altogether indifferent about the welfare of his colonial subjects. But, pre-occupied by great undertakings at home, * In about twenty years the French Government is said to have ex- pended thirty million francs in fortifying Louishourg. It will be seen that powerful fleets and armies were fitted out by the English Government and colonists to reduce it in 1745 and 1758. 264 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1703-55. which involved a vast waste of life and money, and seeking above all things to maintain his title of " Louis the Great" in the eyes of the princes of Europe, he never felt at liberty to concern himself much in behalf of the substantial in- terests of Canada. When he did turn his attention that way, it was nearly always either to rectify some unhappy result of his own despotic system of government, or to cause every interest within the colony to be strictly sub- servient to what he conceived to be the interest of France herself. In the most critical times of danger, when the colony was on the point of sinking, the great King of France never felt able to spare one or two thousand soldiers for service in Canada, out of the hundreds of thousands whom he sent to shed their blood in all parts of Europe. Not only was the commerce of Canada, during his reign, regulated with an exclusive regard to the good of the mother country, but, until towards the end of his career, the poor colonists were not allowed to make the best market they could for themselves, nor to manufacture necessary articles for their own use, for fear of injuring trade at home.* Under the Intendants Talon and Hoquart * The French Canadian hunters and Indians were strictly forbidden to sell furs to foreigners, as were also the fur companies, who were authorised by law to exact or keep back from the sellers a certain part — usually one fourth — of the stated value. This stated value was only about one half the actual value. The purchase of commodities not of French manufacture or origin was also prohibited. To evade these regulations it became a practice with young French Canadians to go off on hunting and trading expeditions amongst the Indians of the lake regions in the north-west, and to the country west and south of Michigan, whence they would carry their furs to Albany and New York, for the sake of the higher prices ob- tainable in New England. Returning, they would bring in articles of English or Dutch manufacture. To check thi^ a law existed in virtue of which the agents of the fur companies could go with an officer of justice and search for such articles in people's houses, even in those of the religious orders and ecclesiastics. I703-55-] CANADIAN COMMERCE UNDER LOUIS XIV. 265 some mitigation of the strictness of the law in these respects was obtained. A terrible state of necessity, also, did some- times compel a departure from the strict regulations laid down.* Yet, in general, so far as commerce in Canada was con- cerned during the reign of Louis XIV., any which existed, apart from government supervision and control, was carried on, as it were, by stealth, and in violation of the laws. All the products of the countiy which the Indians or the French inhabitants brought to market, had prices fixed, not by those who sold, but by the Intendant or the chartered companies who bought. And when we read that any given quantity of peltry, or of grain, fish, or hides, was exported in any year, we are not entitled to draw any inference re- lative to the well-doing of the colonists themselves, who were wholly at the mercy of those companies and of govern- ment officials. The aUeged reason was to prevent the liatters of Paris being ruined by competition. The companies sometimes had much larger quantities of beaver-skins than were required for consumption in France, which took only about 150,000 francs' worth a year. Yet they were not allowed to dispose of the goods to the English or foreign merchants, in consequence of which any surplus remaining on their hands had to be destroyed. * In the autumn of 1705 the customary annual supply of linen and other French fabrics was lost through the wreck of one of the King's ships on its way out from Rochelle, said to have on board a cargo worth a million francs. In consequence, the people of the colony were put to very great inconvenience, having to supply the deficiency, as far as possible, by cutting up their curtains and bed-clothes, &c., for clothing. In this emergency Madame Jiepentigny signalised herself by discovering ways of turning to account thp fibre of nettle and of bark of trees. This lady was much praised for that in a letter written by the Governor and Intendant, who thus expressed themselves — " The public have derived great advantage from the manu- facture of Madame Repentigny, who has made fi'om the bark of trees heavy or coarse ilankets, from fibre of nettle, coarse cloth like linen, and from the wool of sheep, a species of drugget — the which is a great succour to the poor inhabitants." 366 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1703-55. In fact, such was the corrupt system under both Louis XIV. and Louis XV., and so slenderly were all the state officers in the colonies remunerated for their services, that the latter, from the Grovernor downwards, found it often absolutely necessary to supplement their incomes by parti- cipating in the gains derivable from the traffic in furs and in liquors sold to the savages. A great many accusations to this effect are on record, previously to the times of which we write, affecting the highest functionaries of the colony and the commandants at the different military posts.* Louis XIV., whether for good or evil in the interest of the colony, countenanced the authorities both in France and in Canada, in their determination to exclude those who were not members of the Eoman Catholic Church. It was assumed that the Huguenots, or Protestants, would not be good subjects when abroad, and that fellow-colonists differing in faith would not get on well together. Experi- * Even the chivalrous Prontenac, who was poor, and the Intendauts of his time, were accused of profiting by the abuse of the Uquor laws, and likewise M. Perrot, Governor of Montreal. In 1708, a commissioner, who had been sent out by the French Minister to inspect all the posts, reported that " M. de Vaudreuil concerned himself in traffic and permitted eau de vie to be brought to Montreal for the use of the savages," also that " he sent much merchandise to MichiUimakinac." Similar charges were brought against Captain de Louvigny and M. de la Motte Cadillac, Commandant at Detroit. The salaries of high pubhc functionaries were then, indeed, less than respectable clerks would now receive. In regard to the above accusations against Governor Vaudreuil, it does not appear that the Minister, to whom the report was made, was particu- larly striick or disgusted, for on the margin of this report he made a note in words importing, "M. de Vaudreuil is poor — that is the great misfortune." Abuses of this sort, however, were as nothing in comparison with the corruption which prevailed forty years later amongst many of the colonial functionaries, and which aided materially in the destruction of French power in America. I703-55-] INTOLERANCE OF LOUIS XIV. 267 ence under a regime of greater freedom than prevailed in his day has happily disproved the ancient doctrine, since Protestants and Eoman Catholics are found to dwell harmoniously together, when participating equally in the enjoyment of free institutions. But Louis, far from being tolerant towards the ministers of religion, and determined to rule a people professing only one faith, thought and acted upon other principles.* The Canadian colonists, who only heard of the King of France through their head officials, soldiers, bishops, and priests, and the Indians, who styled him " the Great Onon- thio," were trained to regard Louis as the most exalted of human beings. On a small scale, several of the Governors ^especially De Tracy and Frontenac — affected to exhibit, in the Castle of St Louis at Quebec, the style and manners of the monarch in Versailles. Such conduct was undoubt- edly that which Louis himself deemed the most proper ; for on one occasion, when reproving Count Frontenac for his irritability regarding small matters of controversy with the Bishop and the Intendant, the King desired him to be above considering such trifles, reminding him that he enjoyed " the high honour of being his representative.'' * " But the greatest mistake of Louis XIV. was the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. Not remembering that the Protestants had placed his grandfather, Henry I V. , on the throne, or considering that they were now only peaceable, industrious, and obedient subjects, Louis XIV. revoked the edict given in their favour by Henry IV. Despotic in his temper, he would have every Frenchman worship God in the same way as himself. And yet what a fatal example of immorality did this royal re- former set before his people ! The Protestants who remained faithful to their creed were cruelly persecuted. Protestants were forbidden to leave the country. Nevertheless more than five thousand families took to flight, and carried their industry into foreign countries, which they enriched. A great number of those who were unable to escape were condemned to the galleys, or perished on the rack or by other tortures. " — Porchat's History of Prance. 268 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1703-55. It is worthy of remark that every one of King Louis's nominees to the governorship of Canada, while endeavour- ing to maintain a sort of colonial court as a representa- tive of royalty, and to impress upon the minds of the colo- nists and natives the greatness of his master through displays of pomp on all public occasions, was yet, happily for the colony he came to govern, irreproachable in life and morals — and so far a striking contrast was exhibited to the personal character of the monarch. For Louis XIV., great in regard to his schemes and his undertakings, great in his victories as well as reverses, and rendering France great by calling to his aid the services of men renowned in the field, the cabinet, and in literature, was also conspicuously great in his personal vices. It must be admitted that Louis's chief concern about the colony during his long reign was manifested respecting two objects, namely — First, to main- tain the supremacy of royal authority over every concern or interest that could possibly arise,;* and, secondly, to carry out the idea, instilled into his mind by his mother, that it was his destiny to establish the faith amongst the savages and idolaters of North America. He died on 1st September 1715, in the seventy-seventh year of his age, after a reign of seventy-two years.f * The authorities in Canada were prohibited from imposing taxes upon the people for any purpose whatever, unless expressly authorised to do so by the King. Again, in 1663, when the colony became a royal govern- ment, the King raised objections to the designation " /Sovereign Council," as, in some sense, calculated to infringe upon his prerogatives. + "When Louis XIV. saw his end approaching, he had his successor brought before him, and said to him, ' My child, you are going to be king of a great kingdom ; do not imitate me in my taste for building, neither in that I have had for war. Try, on the contrary, to keep peace with your neighbours, follow good counsels, and relieve your people as soon as you can, which I am so unfortunate as to be unable to do.'" — Porchat's History of France, I703-55.] PROGRESS OF THE COLONY. 269 205. After Governor Vaudreuil's return from France in 1716, the colony continued to make progress in population and the improvement of its resources. His administration continued nine years longer, up to the year 1725. In the interval, he kept up the same kind of intercourse with the Indians as before, always vigilantly prosecuting amongst the tribes, in all directions, and by means of the commandants of posts and the missionaries, what were con- ceived to be French interests in opposition to the Eng- lish. His attention was also directed to the strengthen- ing of the means of defence at Quebec, where the old and imperfect walls were falling into decay. The work was taken up in earnest in the year 1720, according to plans proposed by M. de Levy, the engineer. For the defence of Montreal, likewise, the ancient wooden structures being almost useless, directions were sent out by the court* to replace these by a low stone wall, with bastions and outlets, extending all round the city. This was not commenced until 1722. The expense, estimated at three hundred thousand francs, was advanced by the French Grovern- ment, one half to be repaid by the Sulpician Seminary and the inhabitants together. At the time when these works were commenced the population of Quebec was reckoned at seven thousand, and that of Montreal at three thousand. Other internal improvements and changes were set on foot, relating to the construction of roads, the adjustment of boundaries of parishes, matters of police and finance, and the modes of rendering official reports concerning * Such public works as fortifications for principal places, as those at Louisbourg, Quebec, Montreal, &c., were under the sole jurisdiction of the authorities in France, and were only undertaken under express orders sent out to the colonial officers. 270 HISTORY OF CANADA. ['703-55. public business. It was a time of peace, when such im- provements could be attended to uninterruptedly. Although the occasional outbursts and complicated subjects of quarrel among the restless western tribes required French inter- vention from time to time, yet most of the ancient causes of retardation being absent, the colony made considerable pro- gress during Vaudreuil's governorship. Before its close the population had reached to about twenty-five thousand souls. 206. Some of the other improvements and changes in- troduced, as stated in the preceding article, merit more particular mention in this place. During upwards of thirty years previous to 1718, arti- cles of commerce were commonly bought and paid for by means of hillets or cartes, having expressed on their faces the sums for which they were good, dates, stamps, and signatures of high officials. There were also arrangements to prevent merchants from obtaining bills of exchange, payable in France, without the use of these billets. They circulated, therefore, as coin, and no other money was seen or accumulated in the colony. They were replaced by new ones from the treasury, when the old ones were defaced or worn out. Towards 1714 or 1715, owing to financial difficulties in France, bills of exchange were not promptly honoured there. The billets began to be of less than their nominal value. The merchants of Quebec then offered to give double the stated amount of billets for bills of exchange, provided the authorities in Paris would undertake to pay them when presented. The proposal was accepted by the court, but finally, towards 1718, the circulation of coin was resumed.* * Upwards of one million of francs' worth of these billets was cancelled by burning the papers, their use being prohibited. Some evils, however, I703-5S-] THE INDIAN COMPANY. 271 With respect to official reports, although, in France, everything was done in the name of the King, yet, during his minority, the country was ruled by a regency, under the Dulee of Orleans. By it the affairs of the colonies were intrusted to the charge of the Council of Marine, presided over by the Count of Thoulouse. The Marine Council directed that, in future, different subjects of report should never be included in the same letter. Again, in the reports from the colonies, those of subaltern officers engaged in the public service were accustomed to be addressed to the Secretary of State. It was now provided that, in place of the former practice, all reports should reach the Marine Council through the superior officers. Thus, military officers were to report to the Governor ; officers of justice, police, and finance, to the Intendant ; and, finally, these head functionaries reported direct to the Minister in France. 207. About the same time the whole business of commerce in Canada began to merge in a single great corporation, called the "Indian Company."* This Company, which, to the immense injury of the country, subsequently in- cluded several of the leading functionaries of the colony, soon acquired a predominating influence. Its affairs were governed by directors in Paris. Its agents in Canada gave receipts for furs and other products purchased from the inhabitants, which receipts were afterwards taken in return proceeded from the change, because more money went out of the country tl an the King sent in to pay the various charges for which he was liable, wliich caused a scarcity of coin. The billets used to be of the nominal values of thirty-two, sixteen, and fijnr livres, forty sous, and twenty sous respectively. * Several companies had undertaken to carry on business in Canada with exclusive privileges — such as the sole right to import certain articles ; but most of these either failed or discontinued operations, as they were prohibited from sending or selling peltry to foreigners, while many colonists evaded the prohibition. 272 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1703-55, for bills of exchange, payable in Paris during the first four months of the following year. In the meantime the receipts constituted a species of money, as they would be accepted at the magazines in payment of merchandise and necessaries. The Company imported and sold to the inhabitants all the merchandise, luxuries, and necessaries consumed in the colony. Its agents at the magazines dealt with the Indians and colonists, returning receipts, or furnishing necessaries, in exchange for the furs, grain, fish, oils, hides, and other products forming the articles of traffic. Annually the Company's agents exported those products to France. Every season from one hundred and fifty to two hundred canoes, from the country of the Ottawas, loaded with peltry, would come down to Montreal for traffic. In a few days the business would be concluded, and the Company's agents in possession of from three hundred thousand to four hundred thousand francs' worth of furs and other spoils of the chase. On a smaller scale the same process was carried on at Three Eivers, as the point most convenient of access to the St Francis and St Maurice districts. Montreal, however, became the great mart, and was visited, at least, once or twice a year by great numbers who came from distant parts to procure all kinds of neces- saries at the magazines. 208. The useful and comparatively prosperous adminis- tration of M. de Vaudreuil was brought to an end by his death at Quebec on October 10, 1725. He was much and universally regretted, having preserved to the end of his life the popularity by means of which alone he had been promoted to his high office.* * Altiiougli not born in Canada, he had lived so long there af to "le virtually a Canadian. This cirouaistance, a::d the fact that his oc:^>^*r i °if~f? 1759] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 373 directed to land on the south shore of the St Lawrence, near Point Levi, together with a portion of the artillery, in ord(!r to establish themselves and erect batteries in positions con- venient for bombarding the city. This brigade included the 15th, 43d, 48th, and 78th regiments, numbering 3050 men, and was commanded by General Monckton. A por- tion of the corps of light infantry and rangers attached to the army were with this brigade.* In the first instance, a division of the brigade was directed to land on the south shore in advance of the main body, and was charged with the duty of driving away any French force that might be stationed there, for the Admiral had sent a message to Wolfe intimating a belief that there were troops and artillery posted at Point Levi. On landing, they had to march some distance through the forest and along * Small corps of rangers and light infantry, numbering two hundred and four hundred men respectively, were attached to Wolfe's army . They be- longed to other regiments serving at that time in America, but not under Wolfe. As their chief duty was to skirmish in the front, or on the flanks of the regiments when marching, and, generally, to perform services requiring audacity and quickness of movement, they were distributed amongst the brigades as occasion demanded. It was between them, prin- cipally, and parties of Indians and Canadian militia or volunteers, that the innumerable petty encounters occurred throughout the campaign, of which we read so frequently in the narratives and journals. They often plun- dered the inhabitants unmercifully, and were guilty of many excesses. Some of these light troops were Anglo- Americans, and conversant with hushrjighfing and the Indian modes of warfare. As the campaign pro- gressed an unparalleled spirit of ferocity grew up on both sides, amongst the rangers as well as those similarly employed by the French. Lying in ambush and scalping were by no means confined to the Indians. The chief distinction seems to have been this : the Indians scalped indiscriminately all who fell into their hands, while the rangers only scalped the savages and the Canadian scouts found with the Indians, or habited like them. Horrible as it may seem, there can be no doubt but that white men on both sides practised scalping. The British rangers were commanded by Major Scott and Captain Gor- ham, the light infantry by Colonel Howe and Major DaUing. 374 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. the shore, when several encounters, attended with loss on both sides, occurred between the light troops and French Indians. Several days elapsed before Monckton's brigade found itself securely encamped, and with batteries ready to fire upon the city. General Wolfe, who had already viewed and studied the French position from other points, pro- ceeded in person to reconnoitre on the high ground of the south bank opposite to Quebec. This was on July 2d, and shortly afterwards a camp was fortified, and two batteries were in process of construction, under the direction of Colonel Burton of the 48th regiment. On the night of July 12th, these batteries were completed, and the bombard- ment of the town was commenced with six heavy guns and five mortars, supported by the discharge of shells from several vessels in the harbour. While the works were in progress the French maintained a brisk cannonade against them from the batteries of the city. 277. In the meantime the other two brigades, with a proportion of the rangers and artillery, and a body of grenadiers,* had disembarked on the Island of Orleans. Greneral Townshend's brigade, which, on July 9th, was transferred to a position on the north bank of the St Law- rence, eastward of the river Montmorency, consisted of the 28th and 47th regiments, together with a battalion of the 60th or Royal Americans, and numbered fourteen hundred and fifty men. The remaining brigade was under General Murray. It consisted of the 35th and 58th regiments, with another battalion of the 60th, amounting to nineteen hundred men. * The grenadiers consisted of three hundred men, belonging to the 22d, 40th, and 45th regiments, none of which were then with Wolfe's army. This corps was commanded by Colonel Guy Carleton, afterwards Lord Dorchester, and Governor-General of Canada. I759-] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 375 As the troops inarched from the landing-places towards the upper end of the island, facing the city, the accompany- ing rangers and light infantry were obliged to skirmish with parties of Indians, in the same manner as those cf Monckton's brigade had done at Point Levi. From the upper end of the island, Wolfe and his officers anxiously surveyed the intrenchments and other preparations made by the French for their reception. They were already partially informed respecting the heterogeneous composi- tion of the army by which they were to be opposed. But now, when they regarded the surrounding scenery, and the dispositions which had been made for turning to account the great natural strength of the position, the British com- manders perceived that the probabilities of success in their enterprise depended not so much upon the ability of a well- disciplined army to fight one that was numerically superior, as upon the possibility of bringing about a pitched battle on anything like equal terms. General Wolfe then issued the manifesto which has been adverted to, and after making some arrangements about the security of the encampment on the Island of Orleans, where the hospitals for the sick and wounded were established, he proceeded to confer with the Admiral. Thence he passed over to the south bank of the river to resume his examination of the French position from the heights above Point Levi, as has been already recorded. 278. Admiral Saunders and the other naval officers were in like manner busily engaged in acquainting themselves with the localities, and in making suitable dispositions of the different classes of vessels composing the fleet. It is worthy of remark that, among those who were then serving in subordinate stations on board that fleet, there 376 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. were some who were destined to rise to great distinction in the world. In one of the ships there was a young mid- shipman named Jervis, afterwards the great English admiral, Earl 8t Vincent. PaUiser also, subsequently the noted Admiral Sir Hugh Palliser, was there in com- mand of the frigate Mercury. On board another vessel was Bobison, who, a few years later, became a distin- guished professor of science in Edinburgh, and the co- adjutor of the celebrated James Watt in perfecting the theory and applications of some of the greatest discoveries of modern times. In the same vessel with Palliser, serving in the capacity of sailing-master, was James Cook, who became, in the peaceful pursuits of science, the most renowned amongst the many famous navigators of England.* In the conference between General Wolfe and the Admiral, it was settled that, as soon as possible, a com- bined attack by the land and naval forces should be made upon the French position at Beauport. But this could not be immediately attempted until the land batteries were established, not only at Point Levi, for the purpose of * See note, p. 377. Besides the few named in the text, there were others taking part in the operations at Quebec in 1759 who subsequently rose to distinction. On the French side there was M. de Bougainville, afterwards the first French circumnavigator of the globe, a captain in the French fleet, and admiral, subjected, however, during the disastrous naval experience of his country, to some personal misfortunes. Bougainville survived the French Revolu- tion, and died in 1811, aged eighty-two, a member of the Institute of Geography and the Bureau of Longitude, aa well as a senator and Count of the Empire. De Levis, second in command to Montcalm, became a Duke and a Field- Marshal of France, and lived till 1787. Several of the English oflScers of Wolfe's army were afterwards noted in British, Colonial, and Canadian history — and amongst them Colonel Carle- ton, afterwards Governor-General Sir Guy Carleton, and Lord Dorchester. I759-] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 377 bombarding the town and repelling attack, but also on the Island of Orleans, and on the east bank of the Mont- morency. It was also necessary to ascertain the best posi- tions in which to station the men-of war for firing upon the French works, and to place buoys wherever they might be required.* The month of July came nearly to a close before the necessary preparations for a joint attack upon Montcalm's intrenchments could be completed. 279. In the meantime the French on their part were not inactive. Immediately after the arrival of the English, taking advantage of the confusion created by a storm, they caused a number of fire-ships to float down towards the transports and men-of-war, in the hope of destroying them. The attempt was several times repeated. Although the scheme failed, yet much alarm was occasioned by the dangerous nature of the artifice. Before Monckton's brigade was well established on the south shore, a detachment of fifteen or sixteen hundred men from the city crossed the river to attack and destroy * We find, in the " Life of Captain Cook," the following reference to this service mentioned in the text : — " Preparatory to the combined attack on the position between Beauport and Montmorency, it was necessary to procure accurate soundings between the Island of Orleans and the shore of Beauport — a service of great danger, which could only be performed in the night-time. Captain Hugh Palliser intrusted the duty to Cook, who executed it in the most complete manner. He had scarcely finished when he was discovered, and a number of Indians in canoes started to cut him off. The pursuit was so close, that tkey jumped in at the boat's stern as Cook leaped out to gain the protection of the English sentinels. The boat was carried off in triumph by the Indians. Cook, however, furnished the Admiral with as correct a draft of the channel and soundings as could have afterwards been made when the English were in peaceable possession of Quebec. Not long afterwards Cook was employed to ojake a survey of the whole river below Quebec, and his chart was published by the Admiralty. He was then promoted, and served on the Halifax station all the ensuing winter. 378 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. the incomplete works. This attempt also, which was some- what in violation of the understanding that an essentially defensive system should be followed, completely failed. It had been assented to by Montcalm on the Governor's recom- mendation, and chiefly in consequence of the urgent repre- sentations of the citizens of Quebec, who apprehended the destruction of their property and lives when the English should have firmly established themselves on the south side with heavy ordnance. They crossed the St Lawrence several miles above the city, and then marched through the woods towards the position of the English. The force was partly composed of civilians and youths belonging to the city schools. Before they reached their destination they fell into inextricable confusion, one division of them mistaking the other for enemies, and the two then firing upon each other. After this, they retired without having done any- thing to injure the English. Their success, in case they had reached the works, was, at best, extremely doubtful. Wolfe, in his report, said, " Unluckily they fell into con- fusion, fired upon one another, and went back again, by which we lost an opportunity of defeating this large detach- ment." This affair occurred in the night of July 12th. At all the British posts and encampments, parties of Indians and volunteers hovered near to harass the soldiers, and to cut off stragglers, who were fired upon by enemies from places of concealment in the forest, and then scalped. On one occasion, early in the campaign, they stole upon Captain Grorham and his company of rangers near the Montmorency, and succeeded in killing twelve of them close to Townshend's encampment, escaping vdth but slight damage to themselves. Everywhere it became dangerous for the English soldiers to move about, except in consider- able bodies, and maintaining perfect order and discipline. I759-] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 379 This system of petty warfare was kept up during the greater part of the campaign. 280. The fire of the English ships, in conjunction with that of the batteries, on the south shore, inflicted infinite injury upon the city. The buildings in the lower town were soon reduced to ruins. Fires in the upper town were of almost daily occurrence. Sometimes several buildings were seen blazing at once, presenting the appearance of a vast conflagration. On the 17th of July, and again on the 19th, large numbers of buildings were set on fire by the shot, which continued a long time burning, as if the whole city had become a prey to the flames. Before the siege ended, more than five hundred buildings were destroyed, including public and private edifices, the cathedral, and other places of worship. Of the inhabitants, the non-com- batants who had not retired before fied for refuge into the country. Many were killed and wounded, struck by cannon balls, some in the streets and thoroughfares, others within the walls of public places of resort and private dwellings. By the middle of August, the city was virtually destroyed — most of its resident population having vanished, its prin- cipal habitations and edifices in ruins, and even the pieces of ordnance on the ramparts for the most part rendered useless. 281. No considerable attempt had yet been made by the British commanders to force Montcalm's intrenchments, or to draw him out to a battle. On the left bank of the Montmorency, where, as has been stated, General Town- shend's brigade was encamped, Wolfe had caused batteries and redoubts to be established. From these the left of the French line of intrenchments was cannonaded, while fre- quent approaches for the same purpose were made by the 38o HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. smaller armed craft of the British, which came across the channel between Orleans and the mainland. But these attempts produced no material effect, because the French troops were well sheltered behind their earthworks. En- deavours were also made in vain to find some crossing- place higher up on the left bank of the Montmorency. On these occasions the right bank was found to be everywhere carefully guarded by troops, and artillery posted in impreg- nable positions. The English leader found it impossible to accomplish his purpose of bringing his skilful and watchful opponent to a general action. At the same time, while marching to and fro amongst the thickets which fringed the rocky bank of the Montmorency, his own soldiers were exposed to the constant attacks of the Indians, who fired upon them from concealed positions, and inflicted severe At length a plan was matured which seemed to pro- mise success. Towards its outlet the river was fordable at low water. The nearest portions of the French in- trenched line curved outwards. A redoubt and battery mounting five guns, and situated within musket-shot of the earthworks behind which the French troops and marksmen were sheltered, commanded the ford. On the other side of the Montmorency, occupied by Townshend's brigade, the bank rose to a great height. There Wolfe had caused batteries to be constructed, from which, with perhaps fifty pieces of artillery, the gunners projected shot and shell against the French left. Lower down upon the rocky bottom of the Montmorency he had planted twenty-eight cannon upon the hulls of a couple of sunken small transport ships, and thence also the French intrenchments could be cannonaded. But the French five-gun battery near the ford was, from the nature of the locality, out of the reach 1759.] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 381 of the English cannon, the discharges from which passed over it. Not far distant from the five-gun battery, on the right of it, in the direction of Beauport, there was another redoubt and a battery of three guns. It was arranged that two small vessels, armed with cannon, should be brought as near as possible to the last-named redoubt and battery in the course of 31st July, and there allowed to be stranded when the time for action arrived. At the same time, a ship of sixty guns, the Centurion* was appointed to take up a station in the north channel, between Orleans and the mainland, opposite to the battery which commanded the ford, for the purpose of silencing the French cannon, and covering the passage of Wolfe's troops towards the intrenchments. All the soldiers who could be spared from the camps of the three brigades were detached for the contemplated attack. Those from Point Levi and the Island of Orleans embarked in barges and in the boats of the squadron before mid-day. When the appointed time arrived, a strong detachment having been sent up the left bank of the Montmorency to engage the attention of the French in that direction, the Centurion and the two smaller vessels being in their assigned places, a furious cannonade was begun. Including the artillery at Townshend's camp, and that of the Centurion and of the other two vessels, upwards of one hundred pieces played upon the French works near the Falls of Montmorency, while, at the same time, the batteries at Point Levi poured shot and shell into the town. More than one thousand barges and boats conveyed soldiers to the point of disem- * This was the former flag-ship of Commodore Anson, who had sailed round the globe in her. Anson himself had retired from the active naval service some years before ; and in 1759 was the First Lord of the British Admiralty. 382 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. barkation between the Centurion and the shallows at the mouth of the Montmorency. As the heavily-laden boats could not be brought quite close to the dry ground, and as the bottom was rocky and extremely rough, the soldiers could not land without wading, or in an orderly manner. Much delay and confusion occurred. The first troops to land consisted of thirteen companies of grenadiers, with two hundred men of the 60th or Eoyal Americans. The re- doubt nearest to the mouth of the Montmorency was immediately vacated, the French gunners retiring behind their intrenchments. According to preconcerted arrange- ments, the troops already landed should now have formed in four columns, and awaited the arrival of those belonging to Monckton's corps, not yet ashore, and also of the brigades of Townshend and Murray, which were, at the moment, preparing to cross the ford ; but owing to some misunder- standing the G-eneral's instructions were not followed. In the meantime, Montcalm and De Levis had remained during several hours uncertain as to where the English intended to make their attack. Directions were given for the men to hold themselves ready everywhere along the whole line.* But as soon as the French general saw the English boats hastening towards the shallows below the Falls, and the other dispositions preparatory to the crossing of the ford by the divisions of Townshend and Murray, he * The attack was not commenced before five p.m., although Murray and Townshend's brigades were ready four hours earlier to march down from the camp to the ford, and Monckton's men had embarked in the barges at noon. The delay formed a part of the plan of operations of the EngUsh commanders, by whose orders the barges conveying the troops were kept in motion upon the water in different directions until near the hour when the state of the tide would favour the passage of the ford. The object was to keep the French in the dark as long as possible respecting the real point of attack, and thus prevent the concentration of their troops towards the left of their line of intrenchments. 1759] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 383 instantly penetrated through their designs. Some newly- arrived militia were at once sent to strengthen the left, and a detachment was forwarded to a point above the Falls to reinforce the guard stationed there. The commander at this point was ordered to force his way across to the left bank, and, descending to the camp of Townshend, to fall upon it and capture it, weakened as the position would be by the departure of most of the soldiers, withdrawn to assault the French lines. The skill and foresight of General Montcalm were never displayed to greater advantage than on this occasion. But Wolfe, with equal sagacity, had also foreseen what might happen if Townshend's position was left defenceless, and had provided against it by retain- ing, as has been related, a strong detachment on the left We can only conjecture what the result of the operations of July 31st might have been if General Wolfe's orders and dispositions had been strictly executed. According to his own account of the affair, which is to be found in his report of September 2d following, the enter- prise of July 31st was undertaken with the hope that, when Montcalm should see the British landed, and posted in a position to seriously threaten the left of his line of intrench- ments, he would move forward to defend his detached works, and risk a general battle ; but, if the French leader should not follow that course, Wolfe judged that he himself would at least gain the opportunity of determining upon the expediency of assailing him behind his intrenched line, as well as upon the particular point where it would be best to make the attempt. With a view, therefore, to the pro- bability of an engagement, a great quantity of artillery stores had been placed upon an eminence on the left, or east side, of the Montmorency, whence some portions of the 384 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. French line could be cannonaded. But, as has been said, the detached outpost was vacated, and it turned out that there would be no battle unless one could be brought on by proceeding to attack the intrenchments. Wolfe then gave orders that the grenadiers and Eoyal Americans should conimence the assault, after forming in the manner pre- scribed, and after the other corps of the army should have arrived to support them. The grenadiers neither waited for the other divisions nor formed themselves into four columns, but hurried forward in a confused and disorderly manner. The French remained inactive until the foremost of the assailants came within a few yards of the intrench- ment, when they delivered their fire with such rapidity and deadly effect, that the British grenadiers were instantly repelled with great slaughter. By the time the survivors, with all the wounded who could be brought away, regained the redoubt, Monckton's troops had landed, and stood on the shore in perfect order. The brigades of Townshend and Murray were marching to the scene of action, also in perfect order. The grenadiers endeavoured to form in the vicinity of the redoubt, but could not do so under the con- tinuous discharge of musketry from the intrenchment, by which many, both officers and men, were wounded or killed. In continuation of his report to the British Minister, Wolfe says, " In this situation they continued for some time, unable to form under so hot a fire ; and having many gallant officers wounded, who, careless of their persons, had been solely intent upon their duty. I saw the absolute necessity of calling them off, that they might form themselves behind Brigadier Monckton's corps, which was now landed and drawn up on the beach in extreme good order. By this new accident and this second delay it was near night, and a storm came on, and the tide began to make, so that I I7S9.] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 385 thought it most advisable not to persevere in so difficult an ttack, lest, in case of a repulse, the retreat of Brigadier iownshend's corps might be hazardous and uncertain. Our artillery had a great effect on the enemy's left ; and it is probable, if those accidents I have spoken of had not happened, we should have penetrated there. The French did not attempt to interrupt our march. Some of their savages came down to murder such wounded as could not be brought off, and to scalp the dead, as their custom is. If the attack had succeeded, our loss must have been cer- tainly great, and theirs inconsiderable from the shelter the neighbouring woods afforded them. The Kiver St Charles remained still to be passed before the town was invested. All those circumstances I considered, but the desire to act in conformity to the King's intentions induced me to make this trial. . . . The enemy have been fortifying ever since with care, so as to make a second attempt still more dan- gerous." After the grenadiers were withdrawn, the troops belonging to Monckton's brigade re-embarked in the barges to return to their positions on the south shore, while the brigades of Townshend and Murray re-occupied the en- campment on the left side of the Falls of Montmorency. The Centurion rejoined her division of the fleet, but the other two armed vessels, which had been stranded on the Beauport shore, were burnt to prevent the French from taking possession of them. In " the fight of the Beauport Flats," as Wolfe's attack has been styled, the English lost from four hundred and fifty to five hundred men in killed and wounded. It is not known what the loss of the French was.* * Garneau speaks of the affair of July 31st as an important victory, ascribing the result to General Levis' skilful dispositions. He states the British loss to have been five hundred, including officers. Some authorities 2b 386 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. 282. la conjunction with the operations in the immediate vicinity of Quebec, the British commanders sent detach- ments of their forces, on several occasions, to points along the banks of the St Lawrence, both above and below the city. There can be no question but that, while some of these subsidiary or secondary operations were legitimately connected with the main purposes of the campaign — the reduction of Quebec and of the whole colony — they were in numerous instances converted into unjustifiable aggressions upon the property and even the lives of the non-com- batants. Unhappily the annals of warfare abound in examples of a like nature when hostilities are carried on in haye said four hundred, others as high as seven hundred. The truth is, the precise losses on both sides have remained unknown. On the day after the battle Wolfe censured the conduct of the grenadiers in his general orders : " The check which the grenadiers met with yester- day will, it is hoped, be a lesson to them for the time to come. Such im- petuous, irregular, and unsoldierlike proceeding puts it out of the power of commanders to form any disposition for an attack, and out of the general's to execute his plans. The grenadiers could not suppose that they alone could beat the French army, and therefore it was necessary that the corps under General Monckton and Brigadier Townshend should have time to join. The first fire was sufficient to repulse men who had lost all sense of order and military discipline. Amherst's and the Highland regiments, by the soldierlike and cool manner in which they performed their duty, would undoubtedly have beaten back the Canadian army if it had ventured to attack them. The loss, however, is inconsiderable, and may be easily repaired when a favourable opportunity offers, if the men will show proper attention to their officers." These last words do not import a loss of from five to seven hundred men. Wolfe, however, probably referred only to the killed, as the larger portion of the wounded might be expected to recover and rejoin the ranks. Gameau's reflections relative to Wolfe's sentiments on the subject of the check at Montmorency, and about the British people, as being in bad taste, have been justly objected to. None of the numerous writers in the English language have given so much expression to unworthy prejudices in discoursing of Wolfe's and Montcalm's career as Garueau has done in French, which is to be regretted, because of the importance of his work in many respects. 1759-] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 387 an enemy's country, so that such proceedings, by their fre- quency, are seldom regarded with the reprobation which they merit. The memory of them is often shrouded in the homage universally accorded to the reputation of successful military and naval leaders. Those who remained in the settlements along the St Lawrence, whose fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers were in the ranks of the army with Montcalm, naturally were unfriendly to the foreign soldiers ; and when numerous deserters from the intrenchments at Beauport came, during the months of July and August, to gather the crops for the maintenance of their starving families, there was enough of a show of armed opposition to the detachments of rangers and light infantry to justify, in the soldier's mind, the wholesale devastation of fields, and the plundering and burning of many habi- tations. It is to be hoped that the accounts of the proceedings of some of the detached bodies of the invading forces have been grossly exaggerated. We are told of places below Quebec where all the habitations were burned, the fruit trees cut down, and the cattle, as well as movables and clothing, carried off.* At St Joachim, a Captain Mont- gomery \ is reported to have caused persons taken captive — * See Gameau, vol. ii. chap, i., who quotes from an old journal : " We burned and destroyed more than fourteen hundred fine farm-houses ; for we, during the siege, were masters of a great part of their country ; so that, it is thought, it will take them rfumy a century to recover the damage." Correctly quoted the italicised words should have been ludf a century. t The Christian name of this Montgomery not being given in the original record, it has been assumed, until recently, that he was the Richard Mont- gomery who fell at Quebec in 1775. But Richard Montgomery, in the year 1759, belonged to the 17th regiment, then serving at Lake Cham- plain, under General Amherst, and subsequently in 1760 under Colonel Haviland at Montreal. It has also been shown that there was a Captain Alexander Montgomery of the 43d regiment serving under Wolfe in 1759. It further appears that 388 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. in this instance with arms in their handB — to be put to death in an inhuman manner, and then scalped. We read also of excesses committed in a number of other places along the banks of the St Lawrence, and on the Island of Orleans.* In most of the villages visited by the soldiers, the religious instincts of the people were offended and their feelings outraged by seeing the churches as well as the houses of the priests converted into barraclp. It has been Alexander Montgomery sold out of the service in 1766, while Richard remained in the British army until 1772. Alexander, therefore, and not Richard Montgomery, was the man whose conduct at St Joachim is referred to in the text. The merit of clearing up this historical point is due to Mr J. M. Le Moine and Mr Coventry of Coburg, Canada West, who have thus had the satis- faction of rescuing the memory of General Richard Montgomery from an undeserved and most odious imputation. * M. Garneau represents General Wolfe as the wilful author of these barbarities, and his language in this respect is very severe. He says — " After destroying the city. General Wolfe fell upon the country parishes." Again, " Wolfe chose the night-time for committing those ravages ;" and " as the season advanced, this war of brigands extended itself, for Wolfe indulged in it to avenge himself for the checks he had received" &c., &c. — See Note, p. 389. The following atrocious incident stands on record in " Knox's Histo- rical Journal," vol. i. p. 322 : — " Captain Starks of the rangers sent his lieutenant and twenty men on a scout to the southward yesterday (July 8). They returned to-day, and brought in two prisoners, a lad of fifteen and a man of forty, who was very sullen and would answer no questions. This officer (the lieutenant) also took two male children ; and as he and his party were returning, they saw themselves closely pursued by a much superior body, some of whom were Indians. He wished to be freed from the children, as, by their innocent cries and screeches, they directed the pur- suers where to follow. The lieutenant made signs to them to go away and leave him, but they not understanding him, redoubled their lamenta- tions ; and finding himself hard pressed, he gave orders that the infants should be taken aside and killed, which was done, though the officer declared to me that it was with the greatest reluctance that can be con- ceived. As the other prisoners (the lad and man) were brought to the post where I was on duty with the ranging captain, I conversed with the lad for some time." 1759.] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 389 suggested, however, without anj- desire to palliate outrages committed by the lawless rangers, that during the month of August, when most of these destructive proceedings took place, there were a great many deserters from the army at Beauport. It was harvest-time, when their famishing families must gather in their crops or perish. Montcalm could not prevent desertion at this season, although he had recourse to scourging and even hanging. They left his ranks in scores, and made off for their homes and their fields, so that at length he was obliged to acquiesce in an extorted leave of absence for a brief period to bodies of many hundreds. This being the case, we have a clue to the source of the armed opposition which the detachments of light troops and rangers encountered at St Joachim, Chateau Richer, and other places — such opposition appear- ing, in the eyes of those reckless soldiers, ample justification for the destruction of houses and other property. In some cases the property destroyed in the country parts belonged to owners resident in the city, who were thus doubly losers, by devastations without and the effects of bombardment within.* The consequences of the ravages committed on the farms * In a memoir drawn up by Bishop Pontbriant in November 1759, for the information of the French Minister, it is stated that the buildings of the Quebec Seminary were so much damaged in the siege that there re- mained only the kitchen of the establishment for the lodging of the cur^ and his assistant, while in the country the enemy had devastated four farms and burnt three large miUs, which at that time furnished nearly all the revenue of that religious community. There is every reason to believe that the English officers and troops generally were far from deserving the imputation of cruelty towards non- combatants which has been referred to in a former page. Wolfe himself is well known to have expressly forbidden violence and plundering on pain of his severe displeasure, and, in case of proof, the punishment of death. Moreover, the robberies of the inhabitants, ascribed by excited and preju- diced writers to the English, were doubtless often committed by parties of 390 HISTORY OF CANADA, [i759- of the unfortunate inhabitants were rendered more serious still, by the enemy discovering the places of concealment in the forest in which they had been recommended by the Governor to hide their movables, stocks of provisions, and animals, at the commencement of the campaign. Thus, left without means of subsistence, without habitations, and without implements of labour, the poor plundered colonists would have to begin life again after savage fashion, with their families sheltered under bark cabins, and no other food than the casual produce of hunting and fishing. Bishop Pontbriant, in bis appeal in behalf of the destitute inhabitants, said they would require twenty years' time to enable them to recover their ancient condition. 283. At an early stage in the campaign both Wolfe and French and Indian marauders, especially the latter, whom the French could not restrain. In one French account of the campaign (that of J. C. Panet, notary of Quebec, father of the Hon. J. A. Panet, the President of the Old House of Assembly of Lower Canada), we read as follows: — "At half-past three A.M. (on July 21st) the twelve hundred men made a descent at Point-aux- Trembles, and were received by the fire of about forty savages, who killed seven and wounded as many. They surrounded the houses near the church, and made a number of prisoners, of whom thirteen were women, ladies of the city who had retired to the place for refuge. The prisoners were treated with all possible consideration. General WoHe headed the troops, and M. Stobo was there. But that which was most lamentable was, that the English caused no injury to be done, while the savages plundered the houses and stole the property of almost all the refugees. About nine a.m. next day the enemy sent messengers to a parley, offering to set ashore all the female prisoners on condition of our suffering to pass down unmolested by our fire a barge loaded with their sick and wounded. The offer was accepted." On this occasion the officers behaved with the utmost polite- ness and kindness, and as it was intended to augment the fire of the batteries, promised to give till nine p.m., so that the released prisoners might have time to retire whithersoever they desired. The officers also furnished their names and those of their regiments, &c. , to the prisoners, BO that in case of future emergency they might be found, and their protec- tion be the more easily obtained, should that be required. 1759-] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 391 Saunders had arrived at a conviction of the necessity of bringing about a battle with Greneral Montcalm. But in order to effect that, they must either go in and fight him where he was, or induce him to bring his army out. The Admiral, however, could not cause his great ships to float near enough to the front of Montcalm's intrenchments, in order to aid the land forces in storming the position, since the water was too shallow. For the army alone to attempt even to land on such ground as fronted the French lines, was to tempt a worse fate than that of Abercrombie's troops at Carillon. Wolfe also found out by experience that a passage could not be forced from his position on the left bank of the Montmorency so as to cross above the Falls and reach the intrenchments from behind. More- over, he was completely baffled in his plans for penetrating through the front of the extreme left on the 31st of July. Altogether the French position proved to be most difficult of access, and the two commanders of the British forces were obliged to conclude that it was unassailable by any means at their disposal. Again, the French general seemed determined to adhere to his strictly defensive policy, and would not afford his adversaries the opportunity they desired, by coming out to fight, notwithstanding some temptations which were pre- sented. He did not try to beat Wolfe's army in detail, when he saw that it was divided, and the parts distributed in the three encampments, at the Montmorency, the Island of Orleans, and Point Levi. Nor did he move out to defend the country from devastation by the English troops. In short, Montcalm's army lay intrenched at Beauport, exclusively for the purpose of preventing the English from taking the capital, and it was plain that, 392 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. excepting in a case involving its immediate peril, he would not risk a battle. When August came, General Wolfe and the Admiral began to fear that the whole season would pass away before Quebec was reduced. They had already, in the course of July, considered the question of a possible approach to the city, after effecting a landing upon the north shore somewhere above. They had together passed up in a boat and carefully examined the river bank in that direction. On this occasion, July 18th, several war vessels and two transports full of troops passed by the town to beyond Sillery. The result of Wolfe's investigation is best expressed in his own words — " I found there the same at- tention on the enemy's side ; and great difficulties on ours, arising from the nature of the ground and the obstacles to our communication with the fleet. But what I feared most was, that if we should land between the river and Cape Rouge, the body first landed would not be reinforced before they were attacked by the enemy's whole army. Notwithstanding these difficulties, I thought once of at- tempting it, but perceiving that the enemy, jealous of the design, were preparing against it, and had actually brought artillery, which, being so near Quebec, they could increase as they pleased, to play upon the shipping, and as it must have been many hours before we could attack them, even supposing a favourable night for the boats to pass by the town unhurt, it seemed so hazardous that I thought it best to desist." Having for the present abandoned the idea of attempting to land a force above the city, Wolfe returned to Mont- morency. To attract Montcalm's attention in such a way as to induce him to weaken his strength at Beauport, by 1759.] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 393 keeping a strong detachment of his army between Quebec and Cape Kouge, or higher up, the ships and troops which had already passed upwards were left there. Colonel Carleton was directed to land at Point-aux-Trembles, which he did, and had a skirmish with Indians. 284. It was about this time that M. de Bougainville was detached from the main body at Beauport, with a strong corps, to watch the movements of the English on the river above the city. He established his headquarters at Cape Kouge. During the remainder of the campaign, Bougainville, according to instructions, moved along the north bank between Sillery and Cape Eouge, following the motions of the English, ready at all times to charge them in case a landing should be attempted. A battery of four guns had been placed on the high land near Sillery soon after the 18th of July. 285. Immediately after the check which Wolfe received at Montmorency, he detached General Murray, with a corps of twelve hundred men, to proceed up the St Lawrence. A portion of the fleet under Admiral Holmes conveyed the troops. Murray and Holmes were directed to capture or destroy several French frigates, which were known to have retired towards Three Rivers, and to endeavour to open communications with General Amherst, of whose movements and progress no information had as yet been received. General Murray was likewise ordered to avail himself of any favourable opportunities that might occur of bringing on conflicts with the French troops. Bougain- ville repulsed two attempts at landing which were made by Murray's force near Point-aux-Trembles. Subsequently the latter succeeded in effecting a disembarkation at Deschambault, where a magazine of provisions, and spare clothing, and baggage, belonging to the French army, were 394 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. burned, and some prisoners taken. Some papers fell into Murray's hands at this place, which furnished the informa- tion that General Amherst had taken possession of Crown Point and was preparing to follow Bourlamaque to Isle- aux-Noix. From the prisoners it was learned that Niagara had surrendered to General Johnson. On receiving this intelligence General Wolfe ordered Murray to rejoin the army. 286. During the month of August, while detachments of British soldiers, consisting chiefly of light infantry and rangers, were employed in devastating the country parts, as has been already mentioned, the troops and ships above the city menaced the magazines of provisions and ammuni- tion at Point-aux-Trembles. The bombardment of the city from Point Levi was continued as before, and occa- sional demonstrations were made by the English forces, as if they were about to begin another attack upon the lines at Beauport. At the same time the British general, ex- hausted by fatigue and anxiety, was laid prostrate by a fever. Being of a weakly constitution, his illness became dangerous, and for some time it appeared that recovery was improbable. On the other side, in the city and the camp, the aspect of affairs was far from encouraging. Amongst the remain- ing population of the devoted town there was distress arising from scarcity of food, conflagrations, and the in- creasing fire of the English batteries. Bobberies and violence, perpetrated by the populace and soldiers, were not unfrequent, and very severe measures were resorted to for repressing them.* A general feeling of anxiety respecting * In Panet's fragmentary journal of the siege we read, under date July 23d — " On account of the considerable robberies committed at Quebec by the sailors, as much as by the soldiers and militia, I reported that it was I7S9-] ■ SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 395 the result of the campaign prevailed in the camp. The progress of Amherst by way of Lake Champlain, and the surrender of Niagara, greatly excited the minds of the French commanders and soldiers, while the loss of numbers by desertion of militiamen threatened to become serious. Food and necessaries * were but scantily served out to men whose powers of endurance were all the time sorely taxed by the harassing nature of the service in which they were engaged— always labouring at the intrenchments, watch- ing and kept on the alert day and night, in the expecta- tion of the enemy's assaults. It had become well known that detachments of English troops had passed up the river, as well as many ships of war, and transports carrying men and munitions, and also that Bougainville, with a strong corps, had been dispatched from the camp towards Point-aux-Trembles. Apprehensions about what might be going on in that quarter, and distrust relative to the safety of the magazines and their communications with Montreal, tended still fur- necessary for the Governor and Intendant to issue an ordinance for the summary infliction of the punishment of death. The plan was approved and carried out." Again on the 29th — " A man was hung for rohbery ; " and on the 31st — " Two soldiers were hung at 3 P.M.," &o. * It is worthy of note that the French soldiers behind the intrench- ments were not always sufficiently supplied with ammunition, even on critical occasions. The authority cited above, in explaining the state of affairs on July 31st, when Wolfe's attack was made on the left of the French lines, says — "We had about twelve thousand men assembled, but, which is singular, scarcely any bullets in the camp. The redoubt and battery had been abandoned owing to this want. Happily the first two thousand of our enemies were so warmly received that they re-embarked in their barges. Five thousand more, who marched at a slow pace, and who crossed the ford in order of battle, only came within two musket-shots, and then retired when they saw the others re-embark. What a happy circumstance that they did not know of the scarcity of ball ! What negligence there had been on our side, and what a calamity it would have been had the English continued their attack I " 396 HISTORY OF CANADA. [i7Sg. ther to depress the spirits of Montcalm's men. The French general himself, although he assumed a confident air, was perplexed and disquieted on the subject of Murray's expedi- tion to the Upper St Lawrence. He felt that his position was becoming daily more critical, for if his supplies of pro- visions and ammunition should be cut off by his adversaries, he would be compelled to quit his intrenchments, and incur ' the risks of fighting for their recovery on disadvantageous ground. He caused two of the sentinels who were posted on the river bank above Quebec to be executed for negli- gence, but found it difficult to satisfy or re-assure the Grovernor respecting the sufficiency of his measures for the security of the river bank. The Governor was solicitous about the small coves near Sillery, and the pathways lead- ing up to the crest of the precipitous bank, and especially about the Anse-des-Meres. Montcalm wrote to him twice in response to suggestions. It was generally known in the camp what was the real nature of Montcalm's and the Governor's mutual sentiments ; for the general made no secret of his contempt for Vaudreuil's inaptitude for military matters. This, together with the state of feeling which was described in last chapter as subsisting between the different branches of the public service, naturally tended to produce a disheartening influence on all minds, and to diminish the prospects of a happy termination to the campaign. The colours in which the character and disposition of the English had been set before the French Canadians by the Governor's proclamations, and otherwise, had, in the first instance, strengthened Montcalm. But now those re- presentations exercised a contrary effect, and tended to aug- ment desertion, when the poor colonists thought of their defenceless homes, and learned that their enemies were engaged in devastating their farms, and burning their 1759.] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 397 habitations. Thus, bj' the end of August, there were few in Montcalm's army who would not have quickened, if that were possible, the advent of winter, to afford a respite from present hardships and perplexities. Early in September it became known throughout the camp that important changes were being made in the dis- position of the English forces. It was comprehended by all in the French camp that the enemy must either attempt some decisive operation, or prepare to retire before the approach of winter. 287. While General Wolfe was confined to his quarters by fever, he called a council of war, in order to determine the best means of bringing the campaign to a decisive issue. Of this proceeding he says in his report of Septem- ber 2d : — " I found myself so ill, and am still so weak, that I begged the general officers to consult together for the public utility. They are of opinion that as more ships and provisions are now yet above the town, they should try, by conveying above the town a corps of four or five thousand men, which is nearly the whole strength of the army, after the Points of Levi and Orleans are left in a proper state of defence, to draw the enemy from their present situation and bring them to an action. I have acquiesced in their proposal, and we are preparing to put it in execution." In committing to writing this important decision, ten days before the time of making the attempt, Wolfe could not foresee that the announcement of the design, and tlie news of its successful accomplishment, together with infor- mation of his own death at the moment of victory, would all reach his countrymen in England at the same time.* * The dispatch from Wolfe, dated Septemher 2d, reached England only two days before another, dated September 20th, from General Townahend, 398 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. Towards the close of that same dispatch, Wolfe said — " We have had almost daily skirmishes with the Indians, in which they are generally defeated, but not without loss on our side. By the loss of officers you may perceive that the army in general is much weakened. By the nature of the river the most formidable part of this armament is deprived of the power of acting, yet we have almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In this situation, there is such a choice of difficulties, that I own myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of Great Britain I know require the most vigorous measures, but then the courage of a handful of brave troops should be exerted only where there is some hope of a favourable event." In the meantime, Wolfe's gallant opponent, who was destined on the same occasion to fulfil his own former prophetic words relative to " burying himself in the ruins of the colony," becoming more disturbed by the increasing display of the enemy's naval strength above the city — the ships now extending all the way from SiUery to Point-aux- Trembles — reinforced Bougainville with some of his best troops and a large body of the Indians. 288. On Monday, September 3d, the whole of the troops which had been encamped near the Falls of Montmorency, were moved across the channel to the Island of Orleans, and thence over to Point Levi. The intended movement was well known in the French camp, but General Mont- calm did not see fit to molest the retiring brigades.* By communicating a report of Wolfe's death, and the capitulation of Quebec. The two dispatches were pubhshed in England together. * Some demonstrations had been made to the north of the left of the French lines, as if they were about to cross the Montmorency and fall upon the rear of Wolfe's troops. The 43d and 78th regiments, however, were embarked in barges from Point Levi, and remained on the water four hours, 1759-] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 399 the evening of the 4th, the evacuation was completed, and the bulk of the English troops were encamped at Point Levi. On the same day it became generally known that a project was on foot for transporting the greater part of the army, under the three brigadiers and the general in person, if his health and strength permitted, to some point above 'the city. Wolfe had received a letter from Amherst, and encouraged those about him by informing them that he did not yet despair of seeing the commander-in-chief before the close of the campaign. 289. On September 5th, the English regiments began their march along the south bank of the St Lawrence, towards the river Utchemin, suitable dispositions having been made for the protection of the posts on the Island of Orleans and Point Levi, where those not intended to take part in the expedition were chiefly encamped.* As they forded that river, near to its mouth, a French battery, established on the opposite bank of the St Lawrence, near Sillery, played upon them without effect. Higher up a cove was reached where the land forces were embarked — some in flat-bot- tomed boats, and the remainder in the ships. As the flotilla ascended, demonstrations were made opposite to several points between Sillery and Point-aux-Trembles, as if it was intended to land and commence an attack. Every- covered by numerous frigates and sloops of war, all so disposed as to lead the French to apprehend an attack upon the front of their intrenchments, which occupied Montcalm's attention, and prevented the molestation of Townshend's troops while they evacuated their position on the left bank of the Falls of M.ontmorenoy. * Colonel Guy Carleton was left in charge at the Island of Orleans, with the 2d Battalion of Royal Americans and some marines. Colonel Burton, with the 48th Kegiment and detachments from other corps, remained at Point Levi to guard the batteries. 40O HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. where the French had posts established, and a strong corps under Bougainville was held in readiness to move upon the English on the instant of their landing. Wolfe, in spite of his bodily weakness, accompanied the army, and vigilantly superintended the general operations. Before this time General Montcalm had detached M. de Levis with a corps of several hundred men to Montreal, to superintend arrangements in that quarter for preventing the descent of an enemy from above, and also to co-operate with Bourlamaque on the Eichelieu, and towards Lake Champlain. Thus the French commander, when affairs at Quebec came to a crisis, was without the assistance of one who has been pronounced the ablest of all the officers serving under him. 290. While the English forces were operating above Quebec, some being on board the ships of the squadron, others temporarily stationed at St Nicholas, General Wolfe made his final dispositions for accomplishing a landing on the north shore, at a place which was kept secret, as well from his own soldiers as from the French, until the moment should arrive for executing his project. The French were deceived as to the real point of attack by the constant movement up and down the river of the armed vessels and bodies of men in flat-bottomed boats, by whom their posts were menaced for the express purpose of dis- guising Wolfe's intentions. Montcalm himself would not leave his intrenchmente at Beauport, feeling satisfied that he had guarded against all danger from above, and persist- ing in the belief that the bulk of the English troops were still below the town. 291. Between the 6th and 12th of September the inten- tions of the English general, disguised as has been stated. I759-] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 401 were not carried into effect, chiefly on account of the un- favourable state of the weather. In that interval, while all was in readiness on the part of the assailants, the defenders on the north shore appeared to be everywhere equally ready to repel any attempts at landing. The diverse characters of the opposing forces were manifested in the ways in which their respective movements were conducted. Whenever the vessels came to anchor opposite places on the bank which seemed to be favourable for disembarking, and when the barges, full of men, showed themselves, the detach- ments on shore would form in line on the commanding heights; the horsemen would then dismount, and while their field-pieces were discharged, expending ammunition to no purpose, the whole would run down the steep bank, with loud shouts, towards their lowest defences. On the water, the disciplined English soldiers would remain silent and attentive in their boats, unmindful of the noisy demon- strations on shore, reserving their fire for the word of com- mand, and waiting in patience to see whether or not it was the real intention of their officers to attempt a landing. 292. On the 11th of September, in the general orders dis- tributed among the troops, all were directed " to hold them- selves in readiness to land and attack the enemy ; " and all the instructions necessary to prevent confusion were made known. The men were told that the French forces were now divided, and that, while there was great scarcity of provisions amongst them, and much discontent, the de- parture of their second officer in command for Montreal gave reason to believe that Amherst's troops were advanc- ing into the colony, so that a vigorous blow " struck by the army at this juncture might determine the fate of Canada." Whichever body of troops should find itself first on shore, it was ordered to march directly up to the enemy, and cap- 2c 402 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. ture any station that they might he found occupying. The successive hattalions, on landing, were to form instantly on the heights, and be ready to charge whatever should present itself. The general orders closed in the following terms : — • " A corps will be left to secure the landing-place, while the rest march on to endeavour to bring the French and Canadians to battle. The officers and men will recol- lect what their country expects from them, and what a determined body of soldiers, inured to war, is capable of doing, against five weak French battalions of regulars, mingled with a disorderly peasantry. The soldiers must be attentive and obedient to their officers, and resolute in the execution of their duty." 293. In the course of the 11th and 12th, all the troops which were on the south shore at St Nicholas re-embarked on board the ships and barges — the latter occupied by the division which was intended to land first ; and the whole squadron moved farther up the river with the tide. The weather had now become very favourable, the nights dark, or illumined only by starlight. It formed a part of the plan of operation that while the troops were dropping down the river in the night of the 12th towards the place where the landing was to be effected, all the boats of the fleet left below the town were to be filled with marines and sailors, and moved towards Beauport, supported by frigates and sloops of war, which were to cannonade the French intrenchments, as if to cover a disembarkation in that quarter next morning. The bombardment from Point Levi was to be continued as usual. By the foregoing arrangements the British general and admirals continued to divert the attention of the French leaders from the quarter where the real attack was to be made. 17590 SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 403 ^4. On the morning of Thursday, September 13th, Bome time before daylight, the British squadron of war vessels and barges descended with the current towards Sillery, near to which, at a place since called Wolfe's Gove, the troops were to land. The first division had entered the barges at nine p.m. on the previous evening, to the number of sixteen hundred men, each soldier taking his place in silence, now informed for the first time of the particulars of the enter- prise in hand. All were in high spirits, looking forward to the crowning event of the campaign. The flotilla was observed as it passed in front of the sentries posted along the heights ; and some soldiers and sailors were killed and wounded by their fire, directed at random against the moving masses. At the place of landing, the light infantry, under Colonel Howe, leaped ashore. The foremost of them, following closely the instructions they had received, hastened up the footpath, in single file, to the summit, where they formed, and instantly overpowered a small guard stationed there on purpose to prevent what had now happened.* The landing of the first division, accompanied by G-ene- rals Murray and Monckton, as well as Wolfe in person was effected without confusion. The empty barges, thirty ia number, passed off to the ships for fresh loads of sol- * It ha« been stated in o, former note that the guard at this place was commanded by M. Verger, of Louisbourg and Beausejour notoriety. He had imagined his post perfectly safe, and had not only allowed a number of the men under his command to leave the evening before, in order to visit their places of abode near Lorette, but had also betaken himself to rest, and was actually made prisoner while in bed. Some of the French writers have denounced this man as a coward and a traitor. At that time, how- ever, the access from the river was there very steep and narrow, as well as i-ugged. It is probable that his superior officers (excepting, perhaps, Vau- dreuil), as well as Verger himself, judged that an attempt there was highly improbable. 404 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. diers. As fast as the summit was reached the troops were formed* Two hours after sunrise, four thousand eight hundred men, the elite of General Wolfe's army, together with himself and the three hrigadier-generals, were estab- lished in a position on the north bank of the St Lawrence, whence they could not be dislodged by the whole French force without first fighting a pitched battle and gaining a victory. t At a short distance, towards Sillery, a battery of four guns had been constructed, the same which had played upon the English troops when engaged in wading through the Kiver Etchemin on the 6th. This was taken possession of by Wolfe's order, and a small detachment stationed there. A part of the 60th regiment of Koyal Americans having been left to secure the landing-place, and one brass six-pounder field-piece having been with difiiculty brought up the steep path by which the troops had ascended, the whole army marched by files towards the city. J Coming upon the Plains of Abraham, which Wolfe, after such rapid survey as he could make with his eye while the troops were forming on the river bank, had already chosen as his battle-ground, they halted, and disposed themselves in readiness for the conflict. There was no spot within the circuit of the whole season's operations so well suited to the wishes of the young * Some of the boats happened to be carried down by the current below the appointed place of disembarkation. The soldiers in these also leaped ashore, and scrambled up the precipitous bank, aided by the bushes and projecting points of rock. By the time these arrived at the top the others had seized the guard, and formed without the discharge of another shot. •t* The 48th regiment from Point Levi, and 2nd battalion of Royal Americans from the Island of Orleans had been brought to take part in the expected battle. These arrived on the ground at about eight o'clock. t Knox (vol. ii. p. 68) says, " we then faced to the right, and marched by files towards the town, til) we came to the Plains of Abraham." I7S9-] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 405 English general ; and we may well imagine that it was with some feeling of exultation that he proceeded to avail him- self of his long-sought opportunity. By eight o'clock a.m. Wolfe's soldiers had all landed and fallen into the ranks in their assigned positions. 295. In the meantime, during the night of the 12th, General Montcalm believed that all was safe in the quarter where, as the event showed, danger was most immi- nent. Out of deference to the Governor's wishes, he had already directed that the high ground near Sillery should be occupied by a considerable body of regulars. But it turned out that his directions were either misapprehended or disobeyed. Signals also had been agreed upon, by means of which any unusual appearance of danger at points above the city was to be indicated. The night of the 12th was passed by the army in the trenches, ready to receive an assault. Montcalm himself was out late, in company with several of his officers — all equally at fault respecting the real character of the demon- strations made by the enemy in front of the lines at Beau- port. Before and after midnight the proceedings of the English were such as might be fairly regarded as the pre- lude to the landing of an attacking force next morning.* On that same night also, a fresh supply of provisions from Cape Kouge was expected to be brought down the river in barges, under the cover of darkness. Connected, as might * " While Wolfe was maturing one of the hardiest enterprises in military history, his able and vigilant adversary was, by the skilful dispositions of the fleet, kept anzioua and uneasy at Beauport. The splash of oars was heard in various directions, but pai-ticularly about the mouth of the Mont- morency and above it ; the lighter vessels shifted their stations so as to approach the shore, and an incessant cannonade ploughed up the beach, apparently with the view of clearing a space for the debarkation of troops. This went on the whole night, the general every moment expecting some desperate effort to storm his lines." — Ghig's " Lives of Eminent Commanders," 4o6 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. well be supposed, with this movement, occasional shots fired from the posts stationed above the city, along the north bank of the river, would not necessarily attract much attention elsewhere, if heard in the intervals of the din and salvos of artillery below. In short, the French general did not suspect the real mischief which was in course of preparation. On the contrary, he was surprised, and at first incredulous, when, soon after daylight, it was intimated that the enemy had actually landed near Sillery, and were establishing themselves in force on the heights above the city. When he was made to realise the true state of the case, he proceeded to execute the measures which presented themselves to his mind, with the same courage and promptitude as he had displayed on former occasions of emergency. It has been stated by French writers, as an untoward circumstance, that M. de Levis was not there to counsel or to dissuade, and that, in consequence, Montcalm's intention to fight a pitched battle in defence of the city was not modi- fied or deferred until all the resources at his command were concentrated. It has been further objected that the decision to fight now was not only inconsistent with the defensive plan of the campaign, but was also that which his opponent desired. The French general, therefore, experienced and talented as he was, has been pronounced by many to have been guilty of indiscretion in hastening from his lines at Beauport to meet the English army on the Plains of Abraham.* At the same time, others, taking • Reports of Vaudreuil, Bigot, De Montreuil, &c. We read in the work cited above, " He was now about to commit a grievous and fatal error, forgetful of the defensive policy which had hitherto guided him, .... and 2 7S9-] SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 407 into account the uncertainties attendant upon all military operations, have concurred in the sufficiency of the three principal reasons which induced Montcalm to marshal his forces for battle at once.* In pursuance of his resolution, Montcalm quickly sent orders to Bougainville to bring on his corps, and leaving about two hundred men to guard the ravine at Beauport, set out on horseback from the intrenchments. The regulars and Canadians passed the St Charles by the bridge of boats, and through Palace Street into the city. Thence they marched out towards the plains by the St John's and St Louis' gates. Within two hours from the time of being apprised of Wolfe's presence, Montcalm had arrived on the scene, and commenced making his dispositions for the con- flict. A hasty consultation with his officers was held as to the best mode of conducting the attack. When all was thus playing the game which his adversary wished him to play, and had long and ardently striven to bring about." * Colonel Beatson, in the pamphlet entitled, " The Plains of Abraham," defends Montcalm's procedure, as being the result of no sudden impulse, but of a noble resolve, deliberately formed after mature consideration, and recorded some time previously. The principal reasons were — 1. Mont- calm considered that it would be easier to fight and beat the English before they should have time to establish or intrench themselves on the heights ; 2. He supposed that no considerable force of the English had yet landed, so that in attacking them at once, with superior numbers, he should be more likely to beat them, especially as Bougainville, with his corps, might be in time to fall upon their rear, while he (Montcalm) assailed them in front ; 3. That by leaving the English in undisturbed possession of the advantageous position they had gained, his own honour and prestige as a military commander, and also the confidence of his officers and men, would be seriously affected. Other minor considerations concurred in determin- ing him to attack at once. We find less noble reasons assigned by some, followed by Garneau and other more recent writers, who would have us believe that the fate of the colony hung on the issue of this one battle, and who have not scrupled to attribute its loss to Montcalm's impatient temper, jealousy of Vau- dreuil, &c. 4o8 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. ready, the skirmishers were directed to operate for a time in advance of the main body, as if to conceal its movements from the enemy. The commanders were dispatched to their several posts, and the drummers ordered to beat the charge. CHAPTEE XXX. THE BATTLE OF THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM — DEATH OF GENERAL WOLFE — DEATH OF MONTCALM — PEOCEEDINGS OP THE BEITISH AFTEE THE BATTLE— PEOOEEDINGS OF GOVEENOE VAUDEETJIL AND BIGOT — DE EAMBZAY STJEEENDEES THE CITY — STEENGTH OF THE BEITISH UNDEE MUEEAY — HONOITES TO WOLFE AND MONTCALM— NOTE TO THE CHAPTEE. 296. According to the most reliable authorities, Mont- calm's force present in the action of September 13th, 1759, consisted of about seven thousand men, with the addition of a few hundred marksmen and Indians scattered among the bushes-* There were two or three six-pounder field- pieces. Many of the Canadian militia, although armed with * Bigot's report assigns thjee thoiisand five hundred regulars, but does not give the number of Canadians; the corps of Bougainville is put at three thousand. Knox and others make the numbers of the French from seven thousand to seven thousand five hundred, and those of the English four thousand eight hundred. Warburton furnishes the following table — left wing, regulars, thirteen hundred ; militia, two thousand three hundred ; centre, regulars, seven hundred and twenty ; militia, twelve hundred ; right wing, regulars, sixteen hundred ; militia, four hundred — total, three thousand six hundred and twenty regulars, three thousand nine hundred militia. The same authority says that Wolfe's field-state, on the morning of the 13th, showed four thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight men and officers of aU ranks. 17S9-] BATTLE OF THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM. 409 muskets and knives, had no bayonets. Additional artillery was ordered from tbe city, but was not brought out. Wolfe's army, consisting entirely of trained soldiers, amounted, as has been already stated, to about four thou- sand eight hundred men, furnished with a single brass six- pounder field-piece. The men were fully armed and equipped for battle, eager to fight against any odds, and further animated by the remembrance of their repulse at Montmorency. In case of defeat, every man was sensible that his situation would become extremely critical. As the French deployed outside the city gates, they occupied at first a rising ground in three divisions, having an irregular surface towards the river bank on their left, and extending across the St Louis and St Foy roads to- wards the precipitous declivities in the direction of the St Charles on their right. Beyond the right of the main body, Indians and Canadian marksmen were posted amongst the trees and bushes, plentiful in that quarter. Montcalm himself commanded in the centre, at the head of the regiment of Languedoc. General Wolfe also stationed himself towards the right of the centre of his host, having opposed to him in front the regiments of Guienne and Beam, commanded by Mont- calm's second in command, M. Senezergues. On the right of the British, General Monckton's brigade was posted, General Murray's in the centre, and General Townshend's, supported by light infantry and a battalion of the 60th or Eoyal Americans, on the left. As the English forces were advancing towards the town, and taking up their positions in the order which has been described, skirmishing occurred in the front and on the left towards the St Foy road, the light troops and field-pieces on both sides covering the movements of the main bodies. The Indians and Canadian 41° HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. marksmen fired from among the bushes. The effects of these desultory operations were decidedly in favour of the French. It soon became evident that some new dispositions were necessary on the British left, in order to prevent an attack on the flank and rear in that quarter, which, from the nature of the ground, and the greater extension of Mont- calm's line, might have occasioned serious consequences. To counteract this. General Townshend disposed his divi- sion in an oblique direction, wheeling back three battalions so as to confront the danger. In the meantime, the French skirmishers in front being greatly reinforced, the English light troops were easily driven back upon their supports, while Montcalm, under cover of the desultory fire going on everywhere across the plains, withdrew portions of his battalions from the right and centre towards his left, in order to favour his intended grand assault upon the British right. Some confusion and temporary disorder in the front line of the English were occasioned by the sudden falling back of the light infantry. General Wolfe passed along the line, exhorting his men to stand firm, and forbidding them to fire a shot until their adversaries came within forty paces' distance. They were also told to load with an extra ball. The presence and ex- hortations of their young general produced a great effect upon the soldiers, who cheered him and stood to their ground " with muskets shouldered as if on parade ; un- mindful of the galling discharges of fire-arms to which they were exposed, and by which many were killed or disabled." Presently the French columns were seen pressing onwards, their main body, both regulars and Canadians, advancing with great spirit, firing and re- loading rapidly, until they came within the prescribed dis- tance. The English regiments, on receiving the word of I759-] BATTLE OF THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM. 411 command, then poured in a discharge so effective that the progress of their adversaries was instantly arrested. Great numbers of the French were shot down, and Montcalm's whole left wing, recoiling from the deadly torrent, broke and fled towards the city and behind the centre. The latter also fell back, but more leisurely, as if to cover a general retreat of the troops on either hand. The French right was, at the same time, driven in disorder towards the St Charles and the St John's Gate, where the confusion was further increased by the arrival of many fugitives from the left. Montcalm, wounded yet regardless of pain, exerted himself in endeavouring to rally his soldiers. But the whole English line was moving forward. Kedoubling their fire, and quick- ening their approach to a charge with bayonet and broad- sword, their continued advance could not now be checked. No second formation was effected by the French, and after a brief stand made by a portion of the centre and a body of Canadians near St John's Gate, their whole army made precipitately for the St Charles River or fled into the city. The English had taken possession of one of the French field-pieces, with which, and that which they had at the commencement of the action, they discharged grapeshot upon the retreating enemy. The 78th Highlanders and the 58th continued the pur- suit until they came within range of the cannon mounted on the two hulks near the bridge of boats. From the moment when the general advance was com- menced by the French, the battle had not lasted fifteen minutes. Considering the brief duration of the conflict, and the small amount of artillery on the ground, the loss on both sides was heavy. Montcalm himself, and his two immediate subordinates in command, M. Senezergues and M. St Ours, 4t2 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. were mortally wouuded. The total loss on the French side, including killed, wounded, and prisoners, amounted to nearly fifteen hundred men, belonging chiefly to the batta- lions of regulars. A great number of French officers were taken on the field.* On the English side, the victory was purchased with the loss of sixty-one officers and men killed, and upwards of six hundred wounded. Early in the action General Wolfe was struck in the wrist by a musket-ball. Shortly afterwards, while exert- ing himself at the head of the 28th regiment and the grenadier companies, whom he was encouraging by his voice and example, marching on foot with them in their forward movement, sword in hand, he was again hit in the body. Concealing his injuries, and still pressing forward, he received a third and mortal wound in his breast. He was instantly borne off to some distance in the rear and gently placed upon the ground, at the spot whereon the monument erected to his memory now stands, and where he expired before the conflict was ended. He had, how- ever, the satisfaction of knowing that his gallant exploit of that morning had been crowned with victory, for, during an interval of consciousness preceding his death, he heard those about him exclaim that the enemy were everywhere flying in disorder. His last effort in the service of his • Knox, in his " Historical Journal," relates, from his own personal know- ledge, that the officers who fell into the hands of the British asked for quarter, taking off their bats, and repeatedly declaring that they were not present at Fort George (William Henry) in 1757. One prisoner proved to be a soldier who had deserted from the 60th Regiment. He was found wouuded on the field. For having fought against his countrymen he was tried by a court-martial immediately, and shot pursuant to sentence. During the action, an incessant fire of artillery was maintained between the town and the English batteries on the south shore of the St Lawrence. 1759-] BATTLE OF THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM. 413 country was to direct an order to Colonel Burton to march a regiment quickly down to the Eiver St Charles, so as to cut off the retreat of the fugitives by the bridge of boats ; and his last words were, " Now, God be praised, I will die in peace." Brigadier-general Monckton was also disabled by a wound received early in the action, so that the chief com- mand devolved upon General Townshend. He, with General Murray, when the French had all made good their retreat, gome within the city walls, and the others down the steep descent leading towards the bridge and the horn-work on the opposite bank of the St Charles, called off the pursuers. Causing the whole line to be re-formed in order, Generals Townshend and Murray went to the head of every regiment to thank the soldiers fbr their good behaviour, and to con- gratulate them and the officers on their victory. The death of Wolfe was not communicated to the army until the baitle was ended. It is not certainly known what became of Montcalm im- mediately after he had received his mortal wound. Some say he was carried into the city to a house in St Louis Street, others that he was borne to the Governor's official residence. Fort St Louis. According to another account he was taken to the general hospital, whither also a great many wounded officers and men were carried.* He died early on the following morning, having previously expressed his satisfaction that he should not survive to witness the sur- * In Knox's Journal, vol. ii. p. 76, the following statement occurs : — " Last night General Townshend went with a detachment of two hundred men to the French general hospital, situated on the River Charles, and about a mile from the town. . . . He found an officer's guard there, but immediately took possession, and posted a captain's command at the con- vent. The unfortunate Marquis de Montcalm was then in the house dying of his wound." 414 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. render of Quebec. While he was lying on his death-bed he was consulted relative to the course which it might be expedient to follow in the deplorable state to which the affairs of the colony were now reduced. He is said to have replied that there were three lines of conduct to select from : to reunite the beaten troops with Bougainville's corps, and then fight another battle with the English ; to retire towards Point-aux-Trembles, and await the arrival of De Levis before resuming offensive operations ; or, lastly, to surrender Quebec and the colony, by capitulation, on the best terms that could be obtained.* The dying general expressed his confidence in the ability of M. de Levis, who would now succeed to the command of the forces. After the last rites had been administered by his chaplain, the gallant Montcalm expired, " fortified by the sacraments, which he had received with much piety and religion ; " and his remains were deposited in the church of the Ursuline conventi* * Another account furnishes a different reply. According to this Mont- calm answered his interrogators with some bitterness — *' I will give no orders nor interfere further, having weightier business to attend to than your ruined garrison and this wretched country. My time is very short, so pray leave me. I wish you all comfort, and to be happily extricated from your present perplexities." Before Montcalm breathed his last, he is reported to have expressed his dissatisfaction with the quality of the army he had commanded, in the following terms : — " If I could survive this wound I would engage to beat three times the number of such forces as I commanded this morning with a third of such troops as those which were opposed to me." t In an epitaph prepared in Latin by the French " Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres," it is recorded that Montcalm's remains were interred "in a grave which a fallen bomb, in bursting, had excavated for him." But, according to the register of marriages, baptisms, and deaths of the Quebec Cathedral (French), for 1759, he was buried inside the clmpel of the Ursu- lines, in the presence of three of the Cathedral canons, M. de Ramezay, and the officers of the garrison, on September 1 4th. One of the last efforts of the dying general was to dictate, if not to write, a letter to the English 1759] BATTLE OF THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM. 415 The deatt of Montcalm took place on the morning of the 14th September. A day or two afterwards his second in commander, invoking his protection and kindness in behalf of the French who had fallen into his hands, especially the wounded. Three weeks before his death he wrote a remarkable letter to a relative in France, in which he summarily described the past events of the cam- paign, while, with a species of prescience, he foretold his own probable procedure, and the results in case his opponent should succeed in landing above Quebec. (See additional note, p. 425. ) He died on the morning of September 14th, at five o'clock, but such a state of confusion and disorder prevailed in the ruined city, that neither carpenter nor materials could be procured for making a decent cofBn to hold his remains. At last a person connected with the Ursuline convent hastily collected a few old boards, with which a rude box was constructed, capacious enough to contain the corpse. In the account from which this incident is taken, it is stated that "it (the coffin) presented, during the funeral ceremonies, a singular contrast to its precious contents." It happened that the memory of the spot where Montcalm was interred was preserved by an eye-witness of the ceremony, who lived up to the year 1835, and then died at the age of eighty-four. This spectator of the mournful proceedings was a young girl, then between eight and nine years old, who by chance fell in with the funeral cortSge, and followed it to the grave, in company with another young girl, and who afterwards became a member of the sisterhood. In 1833, when a grave was being made inside the Ursuline church, for the reception of the body of M. Charles Jalbert, contre-maitre of the monastery, it was suddenly discovered that the spot chosen for the purpose was the very one in which the general had been buried seventy-four years before. The digging, however, was proceeded with, under the personal supervision of M. I'Abbi Magwire, one of the authorities of the institution, when some few remnants of the cofiin were found, and likewise a few fragments of bones, so far decayed, that they fell into powder when touched. The skull of Montcalm, however, was found in a state of remarkable preservation, the upper jaw being broken to pieces in the act of procuring it. The injury was neatly repaired by means of wax, and the object itself carefully preserved under a glass cover, bearing on the outside a suitable inscription. Now, in 1869, more than a quarter of a century later, the skull of Montcalm is still visible at the Ursuline convent, being in the custody of the Rev. M, le Moyue, whom the author has to thank for an opportunity of viewing it, as well as for his valuable and courteous explanations relating to that and other objects of interest to the student of Canadian history. It is remarkable that the skull of Montcalm has upon it distinct traces 4i6 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. command, M. de Senezergues, died of his wounds on board one of the EngHsh ships in the harbour. The next officer, M. de St Ours, had expired on the field of battle. 297. Immediately after the action of the 13th the Eng- lish army was employed in constructing redoubts, and in making other arrangements, both for fortifying their posi- tion on the Plains, and for prosecuting the siege of the town. Bougainville, with his corps, had made his appearance towards the rear of the British left, at the moment when the beaten troops of Montcalm were retiring from the field. General Townshend placed a portion of his force in readi- ness to receive him, upon which he withdrew in the direction of Point-aux-Trembles. The services of the sailors of the fleet, and of the marines, were employed in landing artillery, ammunition, and pro- visions, and in constructing batteries to operate against the defences of the city. More than two thousand men were set to work making fascines and gabions. The whole of the men belonging to the army and ships, who could be spared to take part in the labour, were made use of to accelerate the preparations. Within three days after the battle an intrenched camp was established on the Plains, with redoubts and batteries in the foreground, furnished with sixty pieces of heavy artillery and fifty-eight mortars. While these preparations were being made, the guns of the of wounds received by the gallant soldier many years before his death, in Italy and Bohemia, where he had been present in some hard-fought battles before he came to Canada. In beholding this wonderfully preserved memento o£ the military prowess of Old France, which escaped destruction in many a battle on the continent of Europe, as well as the dangers of Chouagen, Carillon, &c., in America, and which has been again restored to view, after surviving a repose of three quarters of a century in the grave, well may the thoughtful observer ex- claim, " Sic transit gloria mundil" I7S9-] BATTLE OF THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM. 417 city were directed against the camp of the besiegers, by which a number of their officers and men were wounded. 298. We have seen that the English did not risk the loss of the fruits of their victory by making any attempt to fol- low the French across the St Charles. During a few hours after the battle, the defeated host re-occupied the hornwork and the intrenchments beyond. But in consequence of the disastrous issue of the conflict, consternation prevailed, and the greatest disorder, which the Governor, aided by the principal surviving officers, did his best to lessen. While their brave general lay dying in another place, the dis- couragement of the French troops was augmented by the knowledge that all those who might have taken his place were absent, or among the killed and wounded. Grovernor Vaudreuil, Bigot, and several others, took counsel together as to the measures which ought to be adopted. They met in a house within the hornwork. It is said that several of those present were in favour of sur- rendering by a capitulation to include the whole colony. Some were for uniting with the garrison and the division of Bougainville, in order to fight a second battle ; others for throwing reinforcements into the city, and then retiring to Cape Eouge and Pointe-aux-Trembles, there to await the arrival of De Levis, already sent for from Montreal. In the end it was determined to retreat during the night of the 13th. It has even been alleged by some that Governor Vaudreuil, in view of the scarcity of provisions in the city, as well as the lack of ammunition and other means of defence, dispatched a letter or a message to the Comman- dant, De Kamezay, authorising him to surrender the place on the best terms he could obtain, so soon as the English 2d 4l8 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. were ready to make the assault.* This statement, however, has been the subject of dispute, although the truth of it has never been entirely disproved. The French army, there- fore, abandoned the intrenched position between the St Charles and the Montmorency, retiring through Lorette upon Pointe-aux-Trembles, where they arrived on the even- ing of the 14th. On the following day it came to Jacques Cartier and established itself, awaiting the arrival of Mont- * The truth respecting Vaudreuil's directions to De Ramezay has not been made clearly apparent. The subject has been much canvassed. It is well known that the capitulation was proposed to the English on the 17th, before their batteries were quite ready. Neither Bigot nor Vau- dreuil, the principal persons concerned at the council of war held in the hornwork after the battle, and who must have both known the precise in- structions sent to De Ramezay, mention in their reports the sending of any order relative to capitulation. On the contrary, they both express them- selves as if the fact took them by surprise. Bigot, in his letter, dated Oetober 15th, 1769, says — "M. de Vaudreuil, after the battle was lost, called a council of war to see what course it was proper to take. He thought we might resume the attack at daylight after assembling all our forces. . . . I was also of that opinion ; but allihe officers at the council insisted upon a retreat to the Jacques Cartier. M. de Vaudreuil, observing these gentle- men persist in their sentiments, and fearing to compromise the colony gave orders for the retreat to begin at ten p.m. We abandoned, &c., . . . and ten days' provisions, which I had caused to be brought in waggons. Of all this stock of provisions, I could send into Quebec only fifty horse- loads, for want of means of transport." In another passage of the same letter we 'find — "The army, nevertheless, started from Jacques Cartier to succour the city. We were at St Augustin, four leagues from Quebec, when we learned that it had capitulated. , , 1 do not discv^s the reasons of M. de Ramezay ; they were dovhtUss well-grounded." In Vaudreuil's brief report of November 1st, 1759, it is stated, "After the affair of the 13th, we marched with the army to the relief of Quebec ; but this place capitulated on the 18th, in spite of the succours which I had com- menced throwing into the city, and the letters which I had written to the Com- mandant.^' In the absence of positive evidence to the contrary, the statement of Vaudreuil, who, whatever may have been his failings, is allowed to have been an honourable man, certainly appears to be credible. I7S9-] CAPITULATION OF QUEBEC. 419 calm's successor. M. de Levis* made his appearance on the 17th, when the French, now considerably diminished in numbers through desertion, began to retrace their steps towards Quebec. They were too late to strike another blow in its defence, for on the next day, when they were within twelve miles of the city, intelligence of its surrender reached them. 299. On the 17th of September M. de Eamezay, under whose orders a garrison of seventeen hundred and sixty men was placed on the retirement of the army from Beaufort, sent out a flag of truce to the hostile camp, and entered into negotiations preUminary to a capitulation. The inhabi- * M. de Vandreuil, in the dispatch of November 1st, 1759, already cited, says of De Levis — " He (General Montcalm) could not be more -worthily- replaced than by the Chevalier De Levis. It is even to be desired that he (De Levis) had commanded the army from the very commencement of the campaign. The briUiant affair of July 31st was precisely the result of De Levis's dispositions ; and I am persuaded that, if he had been near Mont- calm on September 13th, the course of events would have been very different from what it has been. De Levis, at that time, was at Montreal, looking after the security of our frontiers in the Direction of Lake Champlain, where his presence produced the happiest effects at Isle-aux-Noix and other points. I considered nothing more urgent than to recall him after the battle of the 13th." De Levis was incensed when he came to know of the capitulation of Quebec. He adopted very severe measures to check the desertion of the militia which followed on the loss of the battle of the 13th September. Taudreail's estimate of the qualifications of De Levis is corroboratod by Montcalm's own declarations respecting this general. He (Montcalm) said, in 1756 — " De Levis is a very talented man, -with a lofty military spirit and decision of character, indefatigable, courageous, and conversant with military routine." Also, on his death-bed, Montcalm expressed his satis- faction in knowing that he left the command of the French army in such good hands. De Levis had been in the army already twenty-four years, and had seen arduous ser/ice in the campaigns of Bohemia in 1741-42, in Germany in 1743, the Rhenish campaigns of 1743-46, in Italy in 1746-48. He came to serve in Canada in 1756. 420 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. tants of the city, knowing that they were abandoned by the army, without provisions and munitions of war, and that the defences were inadequate to meet the bombardment and assault to which they would presently be exposed, insisted upon a surrender. Many of the garrison were militiamen. These had now but little shelter within the walls of the ruined town, and scarcely any food to eat. " They refused," says De Eamezay, in his own justification, " to fight the enemy." They thought of their helpless families in the country, exposed as they had been during many weeks past to all the horrors of war, and decimated by famine and disease. Even their officers, according to the testimony of M. Joannes, the town-major, added, by their conversation and threats of abandoning their posts, to the evil spirit prevailing amongst their men. De Eame- zay, therefore, without waiting to receive the assault of the English, capitulated on the morning of the 18th, at the very time when, it is recorded, sixty horsemen belonging to the advanced -guard of De Levis were entering the place. The army of De Levis immediately retired upon Pointe- aux-Trembles and the Jacques Cartier. 300. The terms of capitulation embraced the following principal provisions : — The land forces, marines, and sailors of the garrison to be accorded the honours of war, and to be conveyed in British ships to the nearest port of France ; the property of the inhabitants, as well as that of the officers, both of those present and absent, to be inviolate, and their customary privileges to be preserved ; the free exercise of the Koman Catholic religion to be permitted, aad safe- guards granted to all religious persons, including the Bishop, until the possession of Canada should be decided between I7S9-] CAPITULATION OF QUEBEC. 421 the Kings of England and France, and guards to be posted at the churches, convents, and principal habitations ; the sick and wounded of both sides to be equally cared for, and the physicians and attendants upon them to have every facility and assistance in the discharge of their duties ; the artillery and public stores to be faithfully given up, and a proper inventory taken. The articles were signed by Admiral Saunders, General Townshend, and M. de Eamezay. 301. Thus at length, on the 18th of September 1759, the capital town and fortress of New France fell into the hands of the English, who proceeded at once to establish themselves there. Provisions and stores enough for a whole year were landed from the fleet. The regiments which had served during the campaign were appointed to form the garrison, and all the requisite preparations were made for security during the winter. Numerous working-parties were distributed through the town to clear the streets of rubbish, and to repair the buildings for the reception of the troops which remained encamped outside the city until the end of September. On the 26th that portion of the French regular army which had composed the garrison, including twenty-six officers, forty-nine non-commissioners, and five hundred and forty rank and file, without reckoning sailors and militia, was embarked for France, conformably to the terms of the treaty. The militiamen joyfully received permission to return to their families, on the condition that they, should not engage in any hostile acts. A great many of the French inhabitants of the country around Quebec came in to tender their submission and their oaths not to serve against the King of England. They were kindly received, and their most pressing wants alleviated by the British officers and 422 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. soldiers, for many came also to beg charity in their dis- tress.* The premises of the Eoyal Intendant were prepared as winter quarters for the 48th regiment. There the captors found quantities of unused fire-arms, hardware, blankets, and dry-goods of all kinds ; trinkets, laces, furs, wine, salt, sugar, mocassins, clothing, &c., all of which were applied for the use of the English army. 302. It has been recorded in a former page that the total strength of Wolfe's army at the commencement of the campaign of 1759 was eight thousand six hundred officers and men. The loss by death during the season amounted to fifteen hundred and sixty. Portions of the battalions of Eoyal Americans, colonial soldiers, and invalids were em- barked for home in course of the month of October. On making deductions for these, there would have remained about six thousand men to compose the garrison of Quebec, and to occupy the outposts during the winter of 1759-60. But we must make some addition to the number assigned, * Some brought vegetables and other produce to exchange at the Eng- lish camp for meat and biscuit, which were extremely scarce throughout the French settlement. The English soldiers commiserated them, and in many instances shared with them their own rations and supplies of tobacco. As soon as the fall of Quebec became generally known, as well as the humane conduct of the British soldiers — so different from what they had been led to anticipate — the country people brought back to their habita- tions the cattle and effects which had been concealed in the forest, and which had escaped the ravages of war. The poor people then proceeded vigorously with the labour of securing the scanty crops of the season. Except in one or two cases, and for which the perpetrators were severely punished, no molestation was suffered by them at the hands of the British from the time of the capitulation. Some of the inhabitants, however, were, from time to time, subjected to injury by flying parties of French troops, who thus retaliated upon them for having given in their sub- jnissiun. I7S9-] DEPARTURE OF THE ENGLISH FLEET. 423 since, in the course of the season, recruits had been for- warded from the depots or recruiting quarters of the several regiments in England. In all, the land force left in Canada did not fall far short of seven thousand men. 303. The English established outposts in the neighbour- hood of Cape Eouge, at Ste Foye, Ancient Lorette, and at some other points favourably situated for guarding against surprise during the winter, and for covering the operations of the detachments employed in collecting fuel for the use of the garrison. Late in October the British fleet weighed anchor and departed, having on board Greneral Monckton, who went to New York. General Townshend also returned to England, while G-eneral Murray was left in command at Quebec* 304. Meanwhile the main body of the French having retired to Montreal, De Levis left a strong detachment in a fortified position at the mouth of the Jacques Cartier river, with advanced posts at Pointe-aux-Trembles, St Augustin, and Cape Eouge. By means of small parties sent out from time to time, and rumours spread of an intention to recapture Quebec by escalade during the winter, the French general hoped to harass the English, and to keep them in a state of constant alarm. 305. Before closing this cha23ter it is necessary to revert to those illustrious generals whose lives were sacrificed * A part of the English fleet was stationed at Halifax during the winter of 1759-60, and kept in readiness there for re-ascending the St Lawrence to Quebec at the first opening of the navigation, up to which time the utmost care was taken to intercept any reinforcements which the govern- ment of France might send out to Canada. Towards the close of navigation in 1759 a French vessel, commanded by M. Cannon, passed down the river from above Quebec, bearing dispatches from Vaudreuil and others for the court of France, 424 HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759. iu the service of their respective countries in the battle of September 13th, 1759. General Montcalm died, as has been stated, on the morning of the 14th, and was interred in the church of the Ursulines. Little or nothing was done by his countrymen in honour of his memory.* It was left for a future age and generation, to the united descendants of those whose fathers had contended for supremacy in America nearly a century before, to celebrate his fame by the erection of permanent memorials. In honour of General Wolfe the King of England ordered a monument to be raised in Westminster Abbey. His countrymen, through their Parliament and otherwise, had manifested a deep sense of his meritorious services and regret for his loss. Subsequently, to perpetuate the memory of Wolfe in Canada, a stone pillar was erected in 1832 upon the spot where he had breathed his last, with the inscription — " Heee died Wolfe victorious, Sept. xiii. mdcclix." t In memory of both generals, a handsome monument had previously been raised on a commanding site, within the walls of the city. J * Some of his children were allowed small pensions by the King. A son was promoted to a post in the French army. ■j- This monument proved to be not very durable. In 1849 another was constructed with the inscription — " This pillar was erected by the British army in Canada, a.d. 1849, his Excellency Lieutenant-General Su- Benjamin d'Urban being Commander of the Forces, to replace that erected by Governor-General IjordAylmer in 1832, which was broken and defaced, and is deposited beneath." On another face of the pedestal of the new pillar the inscription which had been placed on the old one was restored. This monument is to be seen to the left of the St Louis Road, near the gaol, about a mile outside of St John's Gate. t This is the column to be seen in the " Governor's garden," at Quebec. Lord Dalhousie, then Governor- General, announced the project at a meet- ing of the citizens held in the Castle of St Louis, and the first stone was laid 1 759-] ADDITIONAL NOTE. 425 Note. — As the reputation of Montcalm has suffered through disparaging remarks and hasty presumptions (by Garneau and others, the eulogists of Garneau, and animated by his well-known peculiar prejudices, far from being concealed under the plausible disguise of affected liberality towards those differing from them in creed and origin), we present here, in his own words, a refutation of the suggestions about his having been in- fluenced by feelings of jealousy towards Vaudreuil — or, in fact, by any other than those of devotion to his country. His sagacity and foresight are also clearly shown. About three weeks before his death Montcalm wrote to a relative in France as follows : — " Here I am, my dear cousin, at the end of three months still contending with M. Wolfe, who has inces- santly bombarded Quebec, with a fury almost unexampled in the attack of any place which the besieger has wished to retain after its capture. Nearly all the lower town is destroyed by his batteries, and a great part of the upper town is also in ruins. But even if he leave not one stone above another, he will never take the capital whilst his operations are confined to the opposite side of the river. He has hitherto made no progress towards the accomplishment of his object. He is ruining us without advantage to himself. The campaign can scarcely last another month, in consequence of the autumnal gales, which are here so disastrous to shipping, and so severe. Tt might seem that after so favourable a prelude, the safety of the colony can scarcely be doubtful. Such, however, is not the case, as the capture of Quebec depends on a coup-de-main. The English, hav- ing entire command of the river, have only to effect a landing on this side, where the city, without defences, is situated. Imagine them in a position to offer me battle ! which 1 could no longer decline, and which I ought not to gain. " Indeed, if M. Wolfe understand his business, he has only to receive my first fire, give a volley in return, and then charge ; when my Canadians, undisciplined, deaf to the sound of the drum, and thrown into confusion by his onset, would be incapable of resuming their ranks. Moreover, as they have not bayonets viith which to oppose those of the enemy, nothing would remain for them but flight; and then — behold me beaten without resource. Conceive my situation ! a most painful one, and which causes me many distressing moments. Hitherto I have been able to act successfully on the defensive; but will a continuance in that course prove ultimately success- ful ? Events must decide that question. Of this, however, you may rest assured, that I shall probably not survive the loss of the colony. These in November 1827. The ceremony was attended by one (Mr Thomson), who had served under Wolfe sixty-eight yeais before. This gentleman lived till 1830, when he died, aged ninety -eight years, having been twenty, seven years old when the battle was fought. 426 HISTORY OF CANADA. [i7S9-6o. are circumstances .vhich leave a general no choice, but that of dying with honour : such may soon be my fate ; and I trust that in this respect posterity will have no cause to reproach my memory." Then follow some remarkable predictions relative to the future of the then English colonies and Canada : — " So all these English colonists would long ago have shaken off the yoke, and each become an independent repubhc if the fear of seeing the French at their doors had not hindered; but when Canada comes to be conquered, and when the Canadians and these colonists form one people, do you imagine that they will remain any longer in subjection from the moment England appears to touch their interest ? ... I am sure of what I write, and would allow no more than ten years for its accomplishment after Canada falls. See then, how, as a French- man, I console myself to-day, for the danger my own country now incurs, in seeing this colony lost to her." CHAPTER XXXI. PROJECTS OP DE LEVIS — WINTER OP 1759-60 — SUFFERINGS OF THE OAEEISON AT QUEBEC FROM DEARTH OP FUEL AND COLD — GENERAL MURRAY'S POLICY TOWARDS THE INHABITANTS — PRE- CAUTIONS AGAINST SURPRISE — HOSTILITIES DURING THE WINTER — SICKNESS AND MORTALITY IN THE GARRISON — DE LEVIS AD- VANCES AGAINST THE ENGLISH — THE INHABITANTS OF THE CITY ORDERED TO DEPART — MURRAY RECALLS HIS OUTPOSTS, AND MARCHES TO STE FOYE — BATTLE OF STE FOYE, AND DEFEAT OP MURRAY — SLEGE OF QUEBEC — ARRIVAL OF THE ENGLISH FLEET- RETREAT OP DE LEVIS — PLANS OP THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 306. Although it was thought in Europe and the Anglo- American colonies that the events of 1759 had substantially disabled the defenders of Canada, and that there would be no more fighting and bloodshed, yet the Chevalier De Levis resolved to prolong the contest. Grovernor De Vaudreuil, while he may not have partici- pated in all the views and sanguine anticipations of the I759-60-] PROJECTS OF DE LEVIS. 427 Chevalier, had much confidence in his military abilities, and supported his representations that the cause of Franco ifl America was not desperate. De Levis argued that Quebec might be retaken before the English could receive reinforcements ; that, in the absence of the English fleet, the naval force at his disposal v?as adequate to secure the control of the St Lawrence ; * that he had land forces sufiicient f to garrison the capital, and to repel the enemy elsewhere on the frontiers, or at least to keep them at bay until a peace declared by the European powers should intervene to save the remnant of New France ; and that, finally, a fleet from France, bearing succours, might arrive at Quebec earlier than the English in the spring of 1760.t On retiring with the defeated army, after the capitulation, De Levis left garrisons at various points, with a view to the subsequent concentration of the whole in an expedition against the capital. The stations nearest to Quebec were Pointe-aux-Trembles and the mouth of the river Jacques Cartier, with outposts in the direction of St Augustin and Cap-Eouge. The commandants at these places were in- structed to cause the proceedings of the English to be * The French, had in the river about a dozen small armed craft, and four frigates of from twenty -six to forty-six guns. The English naval force, left behind by the fleet, consisted of two sloops, SaceJiorse and Porcupine, and three small schooners — weakened afterwards, on November 24, by an accident in which Captain Miller of the Racehorse, with his lieutenant and a number of his crew, were killed. t The land forces of De Levis, including regiilars, colony troops, and such of the Canadian militia as could be assembled in arms at short notice, amounted to between 11,000 and 12,000 ; but this number would have been largely augmented by the inhabitants on perceiving, by the results of the first operations of De Levis, any fair prospect of ultimate success. J De Levis placed some dependence on supplies of artUlery, ammunition, &c., brought out by a Trench ship in the fall, and which had taken refuge in Gaape Bay for the winter. This was known to De Vaudreuil and De Levis. 428 HISTORY OF CANADA. [i759-6o. observed, and to lose no opportunity of harassing them during the ensuing winter. Garrisons were also maintained at Three Rivers, Sorel, Chambly, and St John's ; and there was one at Isle-aux-Noix, which formed the most remote post on the Champlain frontier, and where a new stone fort, within the old intrenchments, had been built, capable of accommodating more than 500 men. lu the direction of Lake Ontario there were two French outposts — one on Isle Eoyale, called Fort Levis, and the other at La Gralette, on the right bank of the St Lawrence, not far from the site of the modern town Ogdensburg. At La Galette, the French had established a small naval station, after the loss of Fort Frontenac, but the armament consisted of only two or three small ships employed in navigating Lake Ontario and the upper part of the St Lawrence. The French headquar- ters were established at Montreal, which was then sur- rounded by a low stone wall, the troops being lodged in barracks and citizens' dwellings, and on St Helen's Island, where there were fortified intrenchments.* These few posts were all that De Levis judged to be necessary for preserving communications within the now limited area over which the territorial jurisdiction of the French extended. On the other hand, the British at Quebec were consi- dered to be completely isolated, as the nearest posts of their countrymen were so distant, and the intervening obstacles of such' an impracticable character in winter, that * The troops quartered in the garrisons which have been mentioned in the text consisted chiefly of regulars. Others were qutirtered for the win- ter in the houses of inhabitants in the country parishes nearest to the garrisons, and these, as well as the men belonging to the militia who were allowed to retire to their homes, were required to be ready to assemble in arms at short notice. Each inhabitant was expected to find subsistence for one soldier, for which service payment was promised at a low rate. 1759-6°] DECISION OF BRITISH COUNCIL OF WAR. 429 communication with them seemed to be impossible during the next six months.* The more interesting incidents which occurred in the interval between October 1759 and April 1760 are briefly recorded in the following article. 307. The departure of General Moncktonf left G-eneral Murray in sole command of the British troops, which, by this time, were quartered within the walls of the town. At first, when the place was surrendered, as it was in a very dilapidated condition from the effects of the siege, the chief officers of the fleet and army were disposed to doubt the expediency of retaining it, and of occupying it with troops during the ensuing winter. This question being decided at a council of war, and General Murray being appointed to remain as Governor, with all the regiments that had served in the campaign, measures were taken to meet a difficulty which, it was foreseen, would be a source of much hardship and suffering to the troops. There was an insufficiency of fuel on hand. Considering the wants * General Murray did endeavour twice to transmit intelligence to Gene- ral Amherst in New York ; for on 26th December, Lieutenant Butler and four rangers crossed over to Point Levi with dispatches for the commander- in-chief, and tried to make their way thence to New England ; but returned after ten days, having met with tracks of Indians in the snow, which dis- couraged them from proceeding on their errand. A month later, Lieu- tenant Montresor, with a larger party of Rangers, was dispatched. This second attempt succeeded ; for Mr Montresor, following the courses of the rivers Chaudiere and Amerascaegen, reached Boston in thirty-one days. The intelligence brought by him was sent on to New York, whence General Amherst, deeming it highly important, sent it by express to Governor Lawrence at Boston, with directions to have it forwarded as soon as possible to Lord ColviUe, who then commanded the ships on the North American station. + General Monckton sailed on 24th October, when the last part of the fleet left the harbour. He was accompanied by Colonel Guy Carleton, who was suffering from the effects of wounds received in the campaign. Admiral Saunders and General Towushend had sailed on 18th October. 43° HISTORY OF CANADA. [i759-6o. of SO numerous a garrison alone, the supply found in the public stores, apart from the materials of the ruined houses and fences, was scarcely enough for two weeks' consump- tion. Accordingly, General Murray felt the necessity of devoting his attention assiduously to this matter. He determined to defer as long as possible the issuing of fuel from the public stores,* and, in the meantime, to increase these by detaching parties of soldiers to the forest as wood- cutters, and by employing the services of the inhabitant! and their horses. Detachments for this purpose were senV down to Isle Madame and the Island of Orleans, whenct cord wood might be transported by water. Other parties were employed in the forest lying west of the town, in tbs direction of Sillery and Ste Foye, which proved to be tblainly to understand that no excuse will be admitted for any surprise whatever. ... It is unnecessary to put you in mind how careful you must be to prevent being surprised." Extracts from the Nova Scotia Archives (pp. 413-419). ' ' Letter of an oj^cer in the army with Colonel Dunbar. *' **I am sorry to tell you our army, at least that part of it the General went out with, being picked men, are entirely defeated. . . . The common men behaved extremely (?) in the engagement; the officers extremely well, but to no effect ; for the men were so surprised and thrown into con- fusion (though it 's imagined the enemy were very few), that they were obliged to run away and leave the baggage, and eveiything else." Letter from Major Rutherford. " Sir, — Before you receive this, you will have heard of the moat shocking blow the British troops ever received. General Braddock marched within seven mUes of Fort Duquesne with 1500 men, well equipped, and a very fine train of artillery, leaving Colonel Dunbar, with whom I was, with almost half the troops behind. ... He was attacked by not more (by the best accounts) than 300 Indians and Canadians, who entirely defeated him, with the loss of Sir Peter Halket and most of his best officers, most of his men, 2h 482 APPENDIX. and all his artillei-y, provisions, baggage, and ammunition ; and mined all our hopes and schemes. . . . The General dangerously wounded." Governor Delancey to Governor Phipps. '■ New Yokk, July 27, 1755. *'SlR,— I enclose you a copy of a letter I received from Captain Robert Orme, aide-de-camp of the late (Jeneral Braddock, which gives an undoubted account of the late defeat. I have also received from him a list of the officers killed and wounded, by which it appears, that besides the General, wlio died of his wounds, there were twenty-five officers killed, thirty-seven wounded, and twenty-two unhurt; and that, according to the most exact return that could be then gotten, there were about 600 men killed and wounded. This disaster will make the French insolent, embolden their Indians, and dishearten ours." Extract from Captain Oemb's Letter, referred to in the above. " FOBT COMBEKLAM), Jidy 18, 1755. '* The of&cers were absolutely sacrificed by their unparalleled good beha- viour, advancing sometimes in bodies, and sometimes separately, hoping by such example to engage the soldiers to follow them, but to no purpose. The General had five horses IriUed under him, and at last received a wound through his right arm into his lungs, of which he died on the 13th inst. Mr "Washington had two horses shot under him, and his clothes shot through in several places, behaving the whole time with great cournge and resolu- tion. ... By the particular disposition of the French and Indians, it was impossible to judge of the numbers they had that day." Extract from a French Report of the Battle of La Belle Rivier {PUee 106, vol. 3405, Archdves du Dep6t de la Guerre) — Translation. " Next morning M. De Beaujeu marched out of the fort (Duquesne). . . . His detachment was composed of 72 regulars, 146 Canadians, and 637 savages. The encounter took place four leagues from the fort on July 9, at 1 P.M., and the action lasted till 5. M. De Beaujeu was killed. The savages, who loved him, revenged his death with bravery, and obliged the enemy to flee. This is not extraordinary, as their fashion of fighting is very different from that of our Europeans, which is of no avail in this country. The English drew up, presented a front, to what ? To men con- cealed behind trees, who at every shot brought down one or two. Their General was killed, and we captured, &c. ... If our savages had not amused themselves with plundering, not one of the enemy would have escaped. We have lost three officers, twenty-five Canadians and savages, and about as many wounded." III.— THE ACADIANS (pp. 300-304). Extract {Articles XII. and XIV.) from the Treaty of Utrecht. Article 12. "The most Christian King shall cause to be delivered to the Queen of Great Britain, on the same day on which the ratifications of this treaty shall be exchanged, solemn and authentic letters or instruments. APPENDIX. 483 by virtue whereof it shall appear that the island of St Christopher is to be possessed hereafter by British subjects only ; likewise that all Nova Scotia or Aciidie, comprehended within its ancient boundaries ; as also the city of Port Royal, now called Annapolis Royal, and all other things in these parts, which depend on the said lands and islands, together with the dominion, property, and possession of the said islands, lands, and places, and all right whatever by treaties, or any other way attained, which the most Christian King, the crown of Erance, or any the subjects thereof, have hitherto liad to the said islands, lands, and places, and to the inhabitants of the same, are yielded and made over to the Queen of Great Britain, and to her crown for ever." Article 14. *'It is expressly provided that in all the said places and colonies to be yielded and restored by the most Christian King in pursuance of this treaty, the subjects of the said King may have liberty to remove themselves, within a year, to any other place as they shall think fit, together with all their movable effects. But those who are willing to remain there, and to be subject to the kingdom of Great Britain, are to enjoy the free exercise of their religion, according to the usage of the Church of Rome, as far as the laws of Great Britain do allow the same." Treaty signed 11th April 1713. {31st March, Old Style.) Note. — Por the most ample details relating to the position of the Acadians as British subjects, their claims as such, and as '"'' Neutrals^''* their character, course of conduct, numbers, and the whole of the circumstances attendant upon their deportation in 1755 — respecting which particulars much misappre- hension has existed, occasioning misrepresentation and controversy — the reader is referred to the recently issued "Archives of Nova Scotia," which contain the results of the researches conducted by Dr T. B. Akins, the Nova Scotian Commissioner of Records. This valuable compilation cannot fail to be acceptable to all lovers of Canadian (and North American) history ; and, while it does inftnite credit to the learned commissioner in proof of his sagacity and industry, puts beyond the reach of future controversy questions of much historical importance and interest, which had been raised and acri- moniously discussed, relative to the Acadians, from 1713 down to the present day. Some extracts are subjoined. (See also Dr W. Anderson's paper entitled "The Poetry and Prose of History," published in the "Transactions of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society," Session 1869-70.) Circular Letter from Governor Lawrence to tJie Governors on the Continent {Archives of Nova Scotia^ p. 277). " Halitax, August 11, 1755. " SiK,— The success that has attended his Majesty's arms in driving the Prench from the encroachments they had made in this province, furnished me with a favourable opportunity of reducing the French inhabitants of this colony to a proper obedience to his Majesty's Govexuiment, or forcing them to quit the country. These inhabitants were permitted to remain in quiet possession of their lands, upon condition they should take the oath of alle- giance to the King within one year after the Treaty of Utrecht, by which this province was ceded to Great Britain. With this condition they have ever refused to comply, without having at the same time from the Governor an assurance in writing that they should not be called uj^on to bear arms in the defence of the province. And with this General Philipps did comply, of which step his Majesty disapproved ; and the inhabitants pretending there- 484 APPENDIX. from to be in a si. ate of neutrality between his Majesty and his enemies, have continually furnished the French and Indians with intelligence, r^uarters, provisions, and assistance, in annoying the Government ; and while one part have abetted the French encroachments by their treacheiy, the other have countenanced them by open rebellion, and three hundred of them were actually found in arms in the French fort at Beausejour when it surren- dered. "Notwithstanding all their former bad behaviour, as his Majesty was pleased to allow me to extend still further his royal grace to such as would return to their duty, I offered such of them as had not been openly in ai-ms against us a continuance of the possession of their lands, if they would take the oath of allegiance, unqualified with any reservation whatsoever ; but this they have mosb audaciously, as well as unanimously, refused ; and if they would presume to do this when there is a large fleet of ships of war in the harbour, and a considerable land force in the province, what might not we expect from them when the approaching winter deprives us of the former, and when the troops, which are only hired from New England occasionally, and for a small time, have returned home ? "As by this behaviour the inhabitants have forfeited all title to their lands and any further favour from the Government, I called together his Majesty's Council, at which the Honble. Vice-Admiral Boscawen and Bear- • Admiral Mostyn assisted, to consider by what means we could, with the greatest security and effect, rid ourselves of a set of people who would for ever have been an obstruction to the intention of settling this colony, and that it was now from their refusal of the oath absolutely incumbent upon us to remove. *' As their numbers amount to near 7000 persons, the driving them off, with leave to go whither they pleased, would have doubtless strengthened Canada with so considerable a number of inhabitants ; and as they have no cleared land to give them at present, such as are able to bear arms must have been, immediately employed in annoying this and the neighbouring colonies. To prevent such an inconvenience, it was judged a necessary, and the only practi- cable measure, to divide them among the colonies where they may be of some use, as most of them are healthy strong people ; and as they cannot easily collect themselves together again, it will be outof their power to do any mischief, and they may become profitable, and it is possible, in time, faithful subjects. " As this step was indispensably necessary to the security of this colony, upon whose preservation from French encroachments the prosperity of North Aonerica is esteemed in a great measure dependent, I have not the least reason to doxibt of your Excellency's concurrence, and that you will receive the inhabitants I now send, and dispose of them in such manner as may best answer our design in preventing their re-union." Extracts from the Official Instructions given by Governor Lawrence to the Military Officers appointed to execute the Orders for the Transportation of the AcadiaTis {Archives of Nova Scotia, pp. 271-276). "Instructions for Lieut. -Colonel Winslow, commanding his Majesty's troops at Mines, or, in his absence, for Captain Alexander Murray, commanding his Majesty's troops at Piziquid, in relation to the trans- portation of the inhabitants of the districts of Mines, Piziquid, River of Canard, Cobequid, &c,, out of the province of Nova Scotia.— Halifax, August 11, 1755. ' APPENDIX. 485 *'SlE, — Having in my letter of the 31st of July last acquainted Cnptaiii Murray with the reasous which induced his Majesty's Council to come to the resolution of sending away the French inhabitants, and clearing the whole country of such bad subjects (which letter he will communicate to you to- gether with the instructions I have since that sent him), it only remains for me to give you the necessary orders and instructions for putting in practice what has been so solemnly determined. *'That the inhabitants may not have it in their power to return to this j)royince, nor to join in strengthening the French of Canada or Louisbourg, it is resolved that they shall be dispersed among his Majesty's colonies upon the continent of America. " For this i^urpose transports are sent up the bay to ship off those at Chignecto, and Colonel Moncton will order those he cannot fill there into Mines Basin to carry off some part of the inhabitants of these districts. You will have also from Boston vessels to transport one thousand persons, reckoning two persons to a ton. . . . Upon the arrival of these vessels in the basin of the Mines, as many of the inhabitants as can. be collecfced by any means, particularly the heads of families, and young men, are to be shipped at the rate of two to a ton, as near as possible. "As Captain Murray is well acquainted with the people and with the country, I would have you to consult with him upon all occasions, and par- ticularly with relation to the means necessary for collecting the people together so as to get them on board ; and if you find that fair means will not do with them, you must proceed by the most vigorous measures possible, not only in compelling them to embark, but in depriving those who shall escape of all means of shelter or support by burning their houses, and by destroying everything that may afford them the means of subsistence in the country. " To be sent to North Carolina, 500. To be sent to Virginia, 1000. To be sent to Maryland, 500, or in proportion, if the number (i.e., whole number from said districts) should be found to exceed 2000." " Instructions for Major John Hanfield, commanding his Majesty's garrison of Annapolis Royal in relation to the transportation of the in- habitants of the districts of AnnapoUs River and the other French in- habitants out of the province of Nova Scotia. — Halifax, August 11, 1755. (Same as the above to Colonel Winslow, except as respected the numbers to be transported.) *'To be sent to Philadelphia, 300. To be sent to New York, 200. To be senit to Connecticut, 300. To be sent to Boston, 200, or rather more in pro- portion to the province of Connecticut, should the whole number to be shipped off exceed 1000 persons," Extracts from the Transactions of the Quebec lAterary and Historical Society {Session of 1869-70, New Series, Part VII., Paper of Dr " The first census {of the Acadians, after the Treaty of Utrecht), or estimate by Colonel Vetch, in 1714, amounted to 2500 souls. "According to Governor Hopson's census, in 1753, they had increased to 973 families, or 4865 souls. "In 1755 . . . numbers who had been induced to emigrate to Canada, St John's, and Cap-Breton, had returned, and it is believed there were then in Acadia about 7000 souls (Raynal says 18,000). "The archives show that eighteen vessels were chartered (to carry off the inhabitants), and instructed to rendezvous at convenient stations. . . . Though it was the intention of the English to deport as many as possible, 486 APPENDIX. ' a nation with all its household gods was not home into exile.' ... A good many occasions had previously occurred when the Acadians, of their own accord, or at the instance of such emissaries as La Loutre, had abandoned their country ; . . . and we have no proof that more than 3000 were de- ported in the British ships." De La Loutre (JVova Scotia Archwes, pp. 1*78-180). ' ' Louis Joseph de la Loutre was sent to Canada by the Society of Foreign Missions at Paris in the year 1737. "We find him acting as missionary to the Micmac Indians in Nova Scotia as early as 1740-41, — Governor Mascarene having addressed a letter to him in January of that year. He was a most determined enemy of British authority in Acadia, and continued to act, in conjunction with Father Germain and others, as emissary and correspondent of the French Governors at Quebec, tintil his departure from the country in 1755 He appears to have been constantly engaged in instigating the savages to acts of hostility against Mr Mascareue's government. In 1743-44, he headed a body of Abenaquis Indians in an attack on the fort of Annapolis Royal, * treacherously surpiising and killing all the English whom he caught without the fort, destroying their cattl^, and burning their houses,' until prevented by the arrival of a reinforcement to the relief of the garrison.'' — Mascareue's Letter to the Secretai'y of State. "In March 1746, by means of his Indians, he intercepted the letters of the Governor of Louisbourg to Governor Mascarene at Annapolis, and sent them to Quebec j and, in July following, he assisted the officers of a French frigate, then on the coast of Acadia, in the capture of several small vessels laden with supplies and provisions for the British forces. The same summer he devised a plan for laying siege to Annapolis Hoyal, and we find him con- ferring with De Ramezay and others on that subject. "He held the office of Vicar-General of Acadia, under the Bishop of Quebec, a copy of whose letter, remonstrating with him on his departure from his sacred functions, is still extant. He at length became so obnoxious to the British authorities, that a reward of £100 was offered by Governor Cornwallis for his head." — Lettei^s to Board of Trade. " In an article in the Collections of the Historical Society of Quebec it is stated : — * Pride and vanity were his predominant failings. After ruining the Acadian French by his unwise counsels, he abandoned them in the mo- ment of their distress. For fear of falling into the hands of the British, he left Fort Beausejour in disguise, before it surrendered to Monckton — crossed to the river St John, and went thence to Quebec, where, instead of a welcome, he received bitter reproaches from his bishop.' He embarked for France the following August ; but on the passage the ship was captured by the British, and the Abbe de la Loutre was taken prisoner, and sent to Elizabeth Castle, in Jersey, where he remained eight years in confinement. He returned to France at the conclusion of the peace in 1763, and probably died in obscurity, as nothing further is known of him." — Proceedings of the Hist. Society of Quebec; Knox's Journal, vol. i. p. 144, quoted by Br O'CaUa^hAin in his Notes to the N. Y. Col. Doc. IV.— GAMBLING AT QUEBEC AND MONTREAL (p. 332.) Esotract from Bishop Pontbriand's Mandate to the Clergy and People^ dated at Quebec, April 18, 1769. "And what may still create further fear in us are the profane diversions to which we are addicted with greater attachment than ever, the insufferable APPENDIX. 487 excesses of the games of chance, the various crimes against heaven ttat have been multiplied in the course of this winter. . . Eighteen years have now ■ elapsed since the Lord called us to watch over this extensive diocese. "We have frequently seen you suffer by famine, by diseases, and by almost con- tinual war; nevertheless, this year appears to us in all respects the most afflictive and deplorable. " Y.— GENERAL AMHERST, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF (p. 332). {Extractedfrom the Archi'ves of Nova Scotia, footnote, p. 444,) " Sir Jeffery Amherst, afterwards Lord Amherst, was the son of a country gentleman of the county of Kent, England. Born in the year 1717, he en- tered the army at the early age of fourteen. He was aide-de-camp to Lord Ligonier, and distinguished himself at the battles of Koucoux, Dettingen, and Eontenoy, under that General, and afterwards at the battles of Laffeldt and Hastenbeck, on the staff of the Duke of Cumberland. In 1758 he attained the rank of Major-General, and on the recall of Lord Loudon was appointed to the command of the army in America. His first enterprise on tMs conti- nent was the expedition against Louisbourg. In May 1758 he arrived at Halifax with the army and fleet destined for the attack. They sailed from Halifax, May 28, and Louisbourg surrendered on the 26tli July following. Wolfe and Lawrence served under him at the siege, while Boscawen was the commander of the naval force. For this impoi'tant service he received the thanks of the House of Commons and the sinecure office of Governor of Virginia (the government of that province being then administered by a resident Lieut. -Governor). In the following November, he planned and ac- complished the capture of Eort Duquesne, one of the keys of Canada ; and the following season, the reduction of Niagara, under General Johnson. On the 26th July 1759, the day after the taking of Niagara, Ticonderoga surrendered to his forces, and on the 14th of the following month, the strong post of Crown Point, on Lake Champlain. These victories were fol- lowed by the memorable faU of Quebec. On the 8tli September 1760, he signed the capitulation of Montreal, and was appointed Governor-General of Canada. On this occasion he was made a Knight of the Bath, a Lieut. - General, and a member of his Majesty's Privy Council. " Sir Jeffery Amherst returned to England in 1763, on the conclusion of the peace. A misunderstanding, some years after, arose between him and the Ministry of the day on the subject of American affairs, and several favours were refused him. He had obtained the government of Virginia as a reward for his military services ; it had been given him on the distinct un- derstanding that he should not be requii-ed to reside in that province ; indeed his military avocations for some time altogether precluded him from resid- ing there ; yet in 1768 he was superseded in his government by Lord Botte- tourt, a court favourite, on the ground that it was necessary the Governor should reside in his province. He pleaded in vain the terms upon which he accepted the appointment, and that it had been conferred upon him as a re- ward for his military services in the conquest of Canada, instead of a pension. Being deprived of his office, he made aijplication for a grant of certain Jesuit estates in Canada, as a compensation for his loss of the Vii-ginia government, but his request was refused. His claims during his lifetime were never fairly treated ; they were, however, compromised many years after his death by an annuity to his successor in the title. "He was raised to the peerage, as Baron Amherst of Montreal, in May 1766, but having no family, he afterwards obtained a new patent with Hmita^ 488 APPENDIX. tiou to the heirs-male of his brother, Sir 'William. He finally rose to be a full General and Commander-in-Chief of the British army, His last public service was the means he adopted in quelling the riots iu London in the year 1780. He died at his seat, Montreal, in Kent, in August 1797, in the 81st year of his age." — Ghalmer's Biographical Dictiona/ry; Army List; N. Y, Colonial Documents, toI. vii. 584. VI.— CAMPAIGN OP 1759 (pp. 358-361). Extract from Letter of General Amherst to Governor Lawrence {Archives of Nova Scotia, p. 442). "New yoKK, March ye 16th, 17^9. "Dear Sik, — I have received his Majesty's orders for sending a number of his forces in Noi-th America (as you will see by the enclosed list) to rendez- vous at Cape Breton i s near as may be about the 20th of April, which forces are intended for an expedition against Quebec under the direction of Briga- dier-General Wolfe, whom the King has appointed for that service, and he is to have the rank of Major-General for the exx^edition only. " You will please to order that the forces under your command in Nova Scotia do immediately prepare to embark as soon as the transports arrive at Halifax, for which puriDOse I have directed that 6000 tons of transports shall be hired at Boston, this place, and Philadelphia, for fear that those which are ordered from England may not arrive in due time, and that no delays or disappointments may happen from their late arrival, or from any accidents that may render them unfit for immediate seivice. " Twenty thousand tons of transport vessels were preparing in England to be sent to this place, but though they are ordered here, some may very pro- bably drop into Halifax harbour, in which case you will be so good to order them to remain there, at least as many as will be sufiicient for receiving the garrison of Halifax, allowing a ton and a half to each man. " If more transports arrive at Halifax than will be sufficient for the em- barkation of the garrison, pray send some directly to Boston, as the 3000 tons I have ordered to be taken up there, with forty schooners intended for the service up the river St Lawrence, will not be enough for the artillery, Webb's regiment, and the Provincials. ' ' The packet-boat arrived the 14th instant at night. I immediately ordered Eraser's regiment to march, for that regiment is now the most unluckily situated of any on the continent, being at Fort Stanwix and the Mohawk river, and it will take up some time to get it down to this place. " The 3000 tons of transports I take up at this place and Philadelphia will serve for Lascelles' and Eraser's regiments, which will sail directly from hence for Louisbourg. " I have wrote to Governor Pownall for 1500 Provincials to join the 500 that will be detached from Monckton's and Lawrence's battalions for the protection of Halifax, Nova Scotia, and the Bay of Fundy. . . . " As it may happen that some part of the troops may not arrive at Halifax so soon as the others are ready, it is the King's pleasure that the whole of this important service should not wait, but that the forces should be sent to be at the rendezvous at Louisbourg by the time afore-mentioned, and the re- maining part to be sent with all expedition as soon after as possible." APPENDIX. 489 Extract from a Confidential Letter (in cypher) from General Montcalm to the French Minister of War, dated April 12, 1759. "Qu6bec, rennemi peut venir si nous n'avons point d'escadre; et Qui^- bec pris, la colonie est perdue ; cependant nuUe precaution, j'ai ecrit, . . . j'ai fait offre de mettre de I'ordre [de prendre] une disposition pour em- pfieherunefausse manoeuvre £i la premiSre alarrae ; la response: 'Nous aurons le temps.' Je ne sais rien des jDrojets de M. de Vaudreuil ; encore moins ce qu'il pourra mettre en campagne de Canadiens, comme nous sommes en vivi'es et en munitions. Le public m'apprend que nous sommes mal sur I'un et I'autre article, et ce public croit toujours la j)artie des vivres mal gouvern^e, Je devrois m'estimer heureux dans les cu'constances de n'^tre pas consulte ; mais, devoue au service de S. M., j'ai donne mes avis par 6crit pour le mieux, et nous agitons avec courage et zele, M. le cbevalier de L^vis, M. de Bour- lamaque et moi pour retarder la perte prochaine du Canada " Si la guerre dure, le Canada sera aux Anglois peut-^tre dfes cette cam- pagne ou la prochaine. Si la paix arrive, colonie perdue, si tout le gouveme- ment n'est pas change. "On a enifin fini le recensement general du Canada. Quoique I'on ne me I'ait pas communique, je crois Mre sfi.r qu'il n'y a pas plus de 82,000 S-mes, sur quoi au jjlus 12,000 hommes en etat de combattre ; et sur ce nombre, 6tant ce qui est employe aux travaux, transports, bateaux, dans les Pays d'eu haut, on ne reunira jamais plus de 1000 Canadiens ; et si, faut-il que ce ne soit pas dans le temps des semences ou des recoltes ; axitrement, en faisant tout marcher, les terres seroient incultes, la famine s'ensnivroit. Nos huit batail- lons feront 3200 hommes ; de la colonie, au plus 1500 hommes £L mettre cam- pagne. — Qu'est-ce centre au moins 30,000 qu'ont les Anglois?" Extract from a Letter of General Amherst to Governor Lawrence, dated Albany, May 29, 1769 (Archives of Nova Scotia, p. 449). *'SrB, — . . . I did not intend to write to you from this place on this day. I expected to have been advanced farther. I however hope I shall be soon enough, and I really believe, though my batteau men and team-drivers have failed me, and that I have made a large detachment, I yet shall have men enough to carry on the operations of the campaign with success. I shall do the most I can towards it. I shall try to disappoint, confuse, and beat the enemy. Appearances look well in every corner, and I hope this cam- p.tign will effectually do the business. It would not hr.ve a little added to the part I am to share to have had you with me; but as the good of his Majesty's service in other parts has not permitted it, I must submit to it. That health and happiness may attend you, are the sincere wishes of him who is, with the greatest regard and esteem, dear sir, your most humble and most obedient servant, "Jeff. Amherst. ''^ Brigr. -General Lawrence.^' Letters of General Amherst to Governor Lawrence, dated at Ticon- deroga and Grown Pointy July 27 and August 8, 1759 (Archives of Nova Scotia, pp. 451, 452). " Camp at Tienderoga, July 27, 1759. "Sir, — On Saturday moniing last I embarked with the army at Lake George. The next day landed without opposition, and proceeded to the Saw 490 APPENDIX. Mills, and took post on the commanding grounds, meeting only a trifling opposition from the enemy. "We lay on our arms all night, and early on the 23d we continued our march to this gi'oujid, which I took possession of in the forenoon, the enemy having abandoned the lines without destroying them, first having carried off their effects, as well as sent away the greatest part of their troops. As soon as I was set down before the place, and after having reconnoitred it, I ordered the trenches to be opened, and batteries to be made, which were finished last night, and were to have opened at break of day, but the enemy did not think proper to wait till then, having, about ten of the clock yeiterday evening, blown up a part of the fort, and made their escape, aU to about twenty deserters. Our loss, considering the fire we sustained, is inconsiderable. We have only two officers killed, viz, , Colonel Townsend, Dep. -Adjutant-General, and Ensign Harrison of late Forbes's. " I take the earliest opportunity of acquainting you of this, and of assuring you that I am, with great regard, sir, your most obedient humble servant, "Jeff. Amheest. "Bis Excellency Governor Lawrence." "Camp at Cbown Point, August 8, 1759. "SiK, — On the 27th ultimo I had the pleasure of communicating to you that the enemy had, on the evening before, abandoned the fort at Tienderoga, to which r have now the further satisfaction to add, that they have likewise withdrawn themselves from this place, after having also attempted to blow up the fort, in wliich they have succeeded only in part, and that I am in pos- sion of the ground ever since the 4th, where I propose building such a strong- hold as shall most effectually cover and secure all this country. * ' The night of my arrival here I received letters from Sir "VYiUiam Johnson, with the additional good news of the success of his Majesty's arms at Nia- gara, which surrendered, by capitulation, on the 25th to Sir William John- son, upon whom the command had devolved by the demise of poor Brigadier- General Prideaux, kiUed in the trenches on the night of the 20th. The gar- rison, consisting of 607 men, being prisoners of war, and now on their march to New York, together with 17 officers and 160 men more, part of a corps of 1200 assembled at Detroit, Venango, and Presqu 'Isle, under the command of Messrs Aubry and DeUgnery, for raising the siege ; but Sir "William Johnson having intelligence of their approach, provided so properly for their recep- tion, that on the morning of the 24th, when they meant to march straight to the fort, they met with such an opposition as they little expected, being entirely routed, with the loss of all their officers, and a great number of their men lolled, whilst the loss on our side is inconsiderable. "This signal success, added to the other advantages, seems an happy presage of the entire reduction of Canada this campaign, or at least of circumscribing the enemy within such nan-ow bounds as will ever after deprive them of the power of exercising any more encroachments, on which I hope I shall have the satisfaction of congratulating you, as I now do on these late great events, and am, with great regard, sir, your most obedient humble servant, "Jeff. Amherst. " His Excellency Governor Lawrence." Extract from General Amherst's ieiier to Governor La"WRENcb, dated Crown Point, November 21, 1759 {Archives of Nova Scotia, p. 467). " I have almost finished everything here for this campaign, and I hope to leave this frontier in such a state for defence that it shall not be practi- cable for the enemy to succeed in any attemnts. if they should venture to make any." APPENDIX. 491 VII.— STATEMENT OP THE NAVAL AND LAND POK.CES EMPLOYED IN THE EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC IN 1759. (Compiled from the best authorities.) Naval Forces — Oommanded by Admirals Saunders, Dwrell, and Holmes. 20 Ships of the liiie. 8 Frigates. 2 Fifty-gun ships. 19 Sloops, &c. Total, 49 "War vessels. Land Forces — Commanded by Major-General James Wolfe. BRIGADES. EEOIMENTS. f IStli (Amlierst's), 1st, or J 48d (Kennedy's), Brig.-Gen. Monckton's, 1 78th and 63d (Fraser's), 2d, or Brig.-Gen. Townshend's, 3d, or Brig.-Gren. Murray's, 48th (Webb's), 28th (firing's), 48th (Lascelles'), 60th (2d Batt. Eoyal L Americans), C 35th (Otway's), ! 58th (Anstruther's), 60th (3d Batt. Eoyal t Americans), Louisbourg Grenadiers (of 22d, 40th, and 45th), Light Infantry, Eangers, . Koyal Artillery, Eoyal Marines, COMMANDBES. Maj Irvine, Col James, Col. Fraser, Col. Burton, Col. Walsh, Col. Hale, Maj. Prevost, Col. Fletcher, Maj. Agnew, Col. Young, ■ Col. Carlton, ( Col. Howe and I Maj. Dalling, Maj. Scott, STRENGTH. 600 6.50 1100 800 550 500 400 800 500 600 300 200 400 300 1000 Total strength, 8600 Copy of Wolfe's Last General Orders. " On Board the ' Sutherland,' September 12, 1759. " The enemy's force is now divided ; great scarcity of provisions in their camp, and universal discontent among the Canadians. The second officer in command (Levi) is gone to Montreal or St John's, which gives reason to thinic that General Anaherst is advancing into the colony. A vigorous blow struck' by the army at this juncture may determine the fall of Canada. Our troops below are in readiness to join us. All the Light Artillery and tools are embarked at the Point of Levy, and the troops will land where the French seem least to expect them. " The first body that gets on shore is to march directly to the enemy, and drive them from any little post they may occupy. The officers must be careful that the succeeding bodies do not, by any mistake, fire upon those that go on before them. " The battalions must form upon the upper ground with expedition, and be ready to charge whatever presents Itself, 492 APPENDIX. " Wten the artillery and troops are landed, a corps will be left to secure the landing-place, while the rest march on and endeavour to bring the French and Canadians to a battle. " The officers and men will remember what their country expects from them, and what a determined body of soldiers inured to war are capable of doing, against five weak French battalions, mingled with a disorderly peasantry. " The soldiers must be attentive and obedient to their officers, and resolute in the e^^ecutiou of their duty." Strength of the British Army at the Battle of September 13, 1759. BEGIMENTS. 15th, . 43d, . 78th, . 48th, . 28th, 47th, . 60th, 2d Batt. 35th, . 58th, . 60th, . Grenadiers, Rangers, and Light Infantry Totals, OFFICEES AMD STAFF, ;} 27 19 27 31 25 22 15 29 19 24 12 250 BASK AND FILE. TOTAL 379 406 308 327 645 672 652 683 396 421 338 360 307 322 490 519 316 335 516 540 229 241 4576 4826 A Return of the Killed and Wounded of the Army under the command of General Wolfe, at the Battle of the Plaiiis of Abraham, September 13, 1759. EBGIMENTS. KILLED. • WOUNDED, t d 1 1 3^ 1 bo S 1 1 n a * □ 1 1 a a 1 3 a a I 13 1 1 n i s is s ■3 15th, 28th 35th, 43d 47th, 48th, 68th, 6oth, 2d Bate, ... 60th, 8d Batt., ... Highlanders Grrenadiers, "i i 1 "i 2 1 1 1 "2 3 6 3 1 "s 5 14 3 1 ■3 2 "2 "2 1 "i 1 ■4 1 4 "4 1 3 "5 4 "i "i 2 "i 2 ■3 "5 4 1 2 1 ■3 2 "7 52 39 28 18 26 3 80 80 2 131 47 1 1 5 8 69 64 42 24 37 3 97 94 2 166 56 T ita , 656 ' General Wolfe, killed, t Brigadier Monckton, Colonel Carlton, Major BaiTy, Major Spittle, wounded. APPENDIX, 493 Statement of the French and Canadian Forces in the Gampaiffn of 1759 {^Serving in and near Qiiehec). STEENGTH. Quebec Brigade, regulars and militia, . . M. St. Ours, . 3500 Three Rivers Brigade, .... M. De Bonne, . 900 Corps, all regulars, M. Seneisergues, . 2000 Montreal Brigade — militia, . . . . M. Prudhomme, . 1100 Brigade of Island of Montreal, . . . M. Herbin, . 2300 Cavalry —chiefly regulars, ...... . 3.50 Light Troops — Canadians and Acadians, 1400 Indians, exclusive of scouts, scalping-parfcies, &c., .... 450 Total, 12,000 Ifote. — The number of the French present in the battle of 13th September has been variously stated at from 3500 to 7500 men. It is impossible to procure reliable returns. British officers, judging from their appearance, and the way they were drawn uj), estimated their numbers to be more than one-third greater than those of the British. The Prench accounts, except perhaps that of Bigot, leave us to infer that their forces were less numerous than the British. Extract from Knox's Journal, vol. ii. p. 72. '* September 13, 1759. — There is one thing very remarkable, and which I can aflSrra from my own personal laiowledge, — that the enemy were extremely apprehensive of being rigorously treated ; for, conscious of their inhuman behaviour to our troops upon a former occasion, the oificers who fell into our hands most piteouslj (with hats off) sued for quarter repeatedly, declaring they were not at Fort "William Henry (called by them Fort St George) in the year 1757." Extracts from a Journal entitled "A Short Account of the Expedition against Quebec, Sc, by an Engineer upon that Expedition, from a Manuscript Copy in the Royal Engineer Office, Quebec'' [Note. — This journal has marked on it the initials P. M., and has been ascribed to the pen of Major Moncrief. It is dated September 1759, and in accompanied by a large plan of the campaign.] " May 31. — Arrived Brigadier Monckton with four battalions from Halifax and two from the Bay of Fundy ; whole force now assembled (at Louisbourg) being ten battalions, three companies of grenadiers of the Louisbourg garrison, a detachment of artillery, and five companies of rangers — in all, 8535 men, fit for duty, including officers." " June 27. — Troops landed from the ships in the south channel of Island of Orleans. General Wolfe went to the end of the island to view the enemy's encampment. Coast fortified all along, there being also fioating batteries, launches, &c. No judgment could be formed with certainty of their strength, but we had good intelligence they were 15,000 to 16,000 men." " September 4. — Dispatches from Amherst confirming former news (relating to capture of Niagara, Crown Point, &c. )" '^September 13, — General "Wolfe fell mortally wounded when the affair was almost come to a crisis. "We had more lulled and wounded by the skir- mishers than in the general action. Brigadier Monckton and Colonel Carl- 494 APPENDIX. ton wounded {the latter badly), and carried off before the general charge. "Whole loss : killed, 158 ; wounded, .597 ; total, 755. Enemy's loss : Mont- calm mortally wounded ; Brigadier Senezergues killed ; 200 officers and men dead on the field ; 13 officers and 330 men taken prisoners ; 1000 to 1200 wounded ; total, from 1550 to 1750. Soon after the action the enemy at- tempted to retake the Samos battery, but were repulsed with loss. Between twelve and one o'clock, Bougainville's command appeared in rear of our left on the St Foie Eoad. The party attacking Samos battery had been de- tached from his corps on its march- He withdrew on learning that the main action was lost, and on seeing some of our battalions and artillery moving towards him." ^^ Sept€mbe7' 18. — Our whole loss in the campaign: killed, 18 officers and 252 non-commissioned officers and men ; wounded, 107 officers, 252 non-com- missioned officers and men ; total, 1493. ' ' General Monckton, being a good deal recovered of his wound, resumed command. . . . Thought doubtful whether to demolish and abandon the place or keep it. Doubts, however, soon vanished. Brigadier Murray ap- pointed Governor, and Colonel Burton Lieutenant-Governor, with such staff and other officers as were necessary." VIII.— THE STRENGTH OP GENERAL MURRAY'S GARRISON AT QUEBEC. On the departure of the fleet, October 26, 1759 .■ — Officers — 1 general, 6 colonels, 7 majors, 51 captains, 226 lieutenants and engineers, ..... .... 291 Non-comissioned — 343 sergeants, 178 drummers, 22 fifers, . 5+3 Bank and file, 6430 Non-combatants — 5 chaplains, 25 surgeons, 20 adjutants and quarter- masters, : . . 50 Do. Women 569 Total in garrison, 7883 On February 28, 1760, when much sickness prevaiZed : — Total number fit for duty (rank and file), 4817 On April 24, 1760, four days before the great battle and siege : — Regiments, 15th 28th '35th 43d 47th 48th 58th High- landers. c3 11 194 24 Total,. . Sick, 432 109 504 200 640 285 466 194 475 170 697 214 482 158 400 ! 468 , S'.li 163 215 ' 580 Fit for duty, 323 304 355 272 305 1 483 324 i 237 1 253 i 314 171 Summary. Total officers and men, ,, Sick, .... „ Fit for duty. 5653 2312 3341 APPENDIX. 495 IX.— TREATMENT OF THE INHABITANTS, ACCORDING TO THE ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION, WITH RE- SPECT TO PERSONS, PROPERTY, AND RELIGION. [JVbie. — In addition to what is stated in the text of this history, the general orders issued from time to time, and the entries recorded in the journals of General Murray and Captain Knox, enable the reader to form a correct opinion with respect to the points new under consideration. A few extracts are subjoined.] Extracts from Standing General Orders. "September 18. — The capital of Canada having surrendered to his Bri- tannic Majesty's arms, ... all acts of violence, pillage, or cruelty are strictly forbidden. ... It is the highest offence against the King's service to infringe an order, which, by the Articles of War, is death. After this warning no person can expect mercy upon conviction before a court-martial. This order to be read at the head of every company." ^^ September 21. — The outposts are to take up all stragglers and marauders. They are also to take care that no insult is shown to any of the inhabitants. The General (Monckton) again assures the army that all plundering will be punished with death." " Ifovember 4, 1759. — The French inhabitants of Quebec by the capitula- tion being entitled to the possession of their effects, and his Majesty's procla- mation for the free exercise of their religion, it is determined to punish all robbing and plundering, or insult offered to their persons, in an exemplary manner ; and when any of their processions are made in the public streets, it is ordered that the officers pay them the compliment of the hat, because it is a civility due to the people who have chosen to lire under the protection of our laws. Should this piece of ceremony be repugnant to the consciences of any, they must reti/re when the procession approaches." Note. — The italics copied from original. The Bishop wrote, November 10, 1759. " 1 have not paid my respects to you in consequence of bad health ; but as soon as I am able to return to Quebec, I will endeavour to live as the Bishop of a diocese surrendered to his Britannic Majesty should do." Extracts from General Muerat's Jowmal. [Note. — This diary has already been referred to in a footnote. It is at this time (October 1871) in course of publication by the Quebec Literary and Historical Society. The extracts here given are cited chiefly to illustrate the General's dealings with the inhabitants.] "September 21, 17.59. — Settled the form of an oath of allegiance to be taken by the inhabitants to the King of Great Britain ; and it was accord- ingly administered to the companies of militia which had been doing duty in the town, who, after performing this, and delivering up their arms, had liberty to depart to their respective homes ; the same method was continued, and the names registered. This night it was resolved, in a cormcil of war, consisting of the Admiral and Generals, that we should keep possession of Quebec, and I should remain with the command. 496 APPENDIX. " October 18. — As from tlie beginning orders had been given thnt no Frencli inhabitant should take anything out of town without a passport from me, in order to prevent their canying out what might be useful to the French army, it was now allowed them to caiTy out any kind of provisions which they might have bartered for with officers or soldiers. This day. Admiral Saunders, with the greatest part of the fleet, sailed for Britain, having first laid ashore the Porcupine and Racehorse sloops-of-war, the only naval force that was left here, besides three small sloops and schooners. ** I^ovember 7. — As I had sent the sick into the nunneries, being large and convenient buildings, where they were used to take care of the sick, I had now an application made to me from the General Hospital for wood, it being impossible for that house to procure the quantity it required. I therefore ordered three of the neighbouring parishes to furnish fifty cords each for that purpose, to be paid by the King. * ^^ November 12. — Hitherto the necessity of covering the troops and pre- paring for the winter kept \\s quiet ; but this being pretty well effected, and the enemy having had the impudence to come and carry off cattle from the neighbourhood of the town, to prevent these incursions for the future, and any surprise during the winter, I thought proper to march a strong detach- ment out, which, after reconnoitering the country myself, I took post in the churches of St Foix and Lorette to command all the avenues to Quebec, so that no considerable body could march to it without first forcing these two posts ; and for this purpose I fortified them in such manner as to resist any attack without cannon to support it. At the same time I published a mani- festo, warning the inhabitants of drawing upon themselves fresh misfortunes, if they did not keep themselves quiet, and representing to them how little they could expect from a beaten, dispirited army, which had already aban- doned them. At the same time I published fresh regulations for the inhabi- tants, permitting them to take out everything they pleased, except x^rovisions, leather, soap, and candles, commodities very scarce in the garrison ; also, established a civil jurisdiction for the inhabitants, and appointed Colonel Young chief judge, taking into the other offices some of the men of the best character that I could find in the place. *' November 14. — As drunkenness and theft continued to reign predominant vices in the garrison, highly prejudicial to the service, I recalled all licenses, and ordered for the future every man who was found drunk to receive twenty lashes every morning till he acknowledged where he got it, and forfeit his allow- ance of rum for six weeks. As I found no place so proper as the Jesuits' College to lodge the provisions, that the Fathers are but few in number, and the Society being in general remarkable for intrigue, I acquainted them of the necessity I was under to take possession of the whole building, and gave them leave to depart when they pleased. ''^ January VL. — Took up two men who arrived but the day before from Montreal, though they both at first denied any intention to return, yet at length one of them, who had letters directed for that place, confessed they were going back ; and from some letters intercepted, had great reason to imagine they were come to hire artificers. After being examined by some of my principal officers, ordered them to be closely confined. *' January 12. — Published an order this day, forbidding, on pain of death, any one to send up or receive letters from Montreal without first showing them. Forbid also anything to be carried out without a passport. '* January 16.— It was reported to me that several shot had been stolen off the batteries ; and it was remarkable that it was especially those which fitted the French guns. ''^January 18. — Having received inform:ition that one of the Frenchmen I had given a civil employment to held correspondence with the rnemy, and having no positive proof, banished him to the Island of Orleans. APPENDIX. 497 " January 19. — Being informed that the boatmen of Point Levi had passed over French soldiers in disguise, ordered for the future they should, as soon as arrived, come and make a declaration of the people and goods they passed over, on pain of being severely punished. " January 29. — Soldiers had found out a method of getting strong liquors from inhabitants, who still had liberty to sell to their own people. I forbid to retail any, either in the town or suburbs. " Febriioi-y 14.— Ordered captains of militia of south parishes to come in, that I might be informed of the proceedings of the French commanders {rela- tive to their requisitions for supplies, <&c.) ^^ Fehruary 16. — Several came in, and informed, &c. " February 17.— Received intelligence that the captains of militia had made false reports. " February 22. — Captains of militia not having given true reports, I sent more pressing orders. "i^efttiion/ 26.— Informed that a French detachment had concealed itself in houses within six miles of our posts without any of the inhabitants giving the least notice. I had their houses burnt, ; . . and published my reasons for so doing. ^' March 2. — . . . In view of fortifying the heights of Abraham, ordered detachment to cut fascines and pickets. . . Sent orders to parishes for 10,000 fascines and 40,000 pickets to be ready. " March 7. — Sickness {manifestly scurvy) s^jreading in spite of all efforts to prevent it. Impossible to procure fresh provisions. "March 24. — Sickness continuing, obliged to raise blankets among the country people on promise to return or pay on arrival of the shipping. " .ilpri/ 21. —Garrison very sickly. . . . Ordered all the people to depart from the town, giving them three days to remove their effects, and to leave what they pleased at the Recollets in care of that community, and promised a guard of soldiers. Two substantial inhabitants to take charge of things. . . . I allowed the inmates of the two nunneries to remain, as they were very use- ful in caring for our sick. " April 2^. — Having given the people sufEcient time to withdraw their effects, I ordered the gates to be shut." Captain Knox's Journal. " Wovember 14. — A court-martial (colonel, six captains, and six lieutenants) sentenced a delinquent soldier to death for robbery on the house of a French inhabitant. The Governor approved, and ordered his immediate execution. "November 18. — A Frenchman hanged for enticing soldiers to desert. "November 29. — Two women whipped through the streets for selling liquor contrary to orders, and a Frenchman the same." X.— EXTRACT PROM A CIRCULAR ISSUED BY GOVER- NOR DE VAUDREUIL, AND SENT TO THE CAPTAINS OF MILITIA IN ALL THE PARISHES IN THE PALL OP 1759. " His most Christian Majesty has sunk, burned, and destroyed the greatest fleet that ever England put to sea, and has made an entire conquest of Ireland, and put to the sword all the troops and natives who were in arms ; so that the next ships will certainly bring us an account of a peace being con- cluded; Quebec will be restored, and Canada once more made to flourish under a French government." 2 1 498 APPENDIX. XI.— NAEEATIVES OF THE BATTLE OP STE EOTE, April 28, 1760. [Ifote. — Although numerous narratives of this battle have been given, in addition to Murray's, as furnished in the text, and which may be regarded as official, it may be remarked that the French official statements on the subject are very meagre. The following are inserted here to supplement General Murray's.] Extract from Colonel Malcolm Eraser's (a Liewtencmt present in the action) Narrative, " On April 28, 1760, about eight o'clock in the morning, the whole g.ar- rison, exclusive of the guards, was drawn up on the parade, and about nine (six) o'dock we marched out of town with twenty pieces of field artillery — that is, two to each regiment. The men were likewise ordered to carry a pickaxe or spade each. When we had marched a little way out of town, we saw the advanced parties of the enemy nigh the woods, about half a league distant from us. When we were about three-quarters of a mile out of town, the General ordered the whole to draw up in line of battle, two deep, and take up as much room as possible. Soon thereafter, he ordered the men to throw down the intrenching tools, and the whole army to advance slowly, dressing by the right. . . . Our loss was about 300 killed, and about 700 wounded, and a few officers and men made prisoners. We had about 3000 in the field, one-third of whom had that very day come voluntarily out of the hospitals ; of these, about 500 were employed in dragging the cannon, and 500 more in reserve, so that we could have no more than 2000 in the line of battle, whereas the enemy must have had at least four times as many, beside a large body in reserve ; and notwithstanding their great superiority we suffered very little in the retreat. Some regpbnents attempted to rally, but it was impossible to form in any sort of order with the whole till we got within the walls. "When we marched out, we thought the General did not intend to give the French battle ; and as he ordered the army to carry out intrenching tools, we thought he meant to throw up works on the rising ground before the town, if the enemy should not choose to attack him that day ; but it seems he changed his mind on seeing their situation, which gave hun aU the advan- tage he could desire with such an inferior army. The bait was too tempting, and his passion for glory getting the better of his reason, he ordered the army to march and attack the enemy. " It appears they allowed the savages to scalp all the dead and most part of the wounded, as we found a great many scalps on the bushes. "I have been since informed by Lieutenant M'Gregor, of our regiment, who was left on the field wounded, and narrowly escaped being killed, having received two stabs of a bayonet from two French regulars, that he saw the savages murdering the wounded and scalping them on all sides, and expected every moment to share the same fate, but was saved by a French officer, who luckily spoke a little English." Account of the Battle of Ste Foyefrom a French source. [Note — The following is understood to have been written by a Scotch Jacobite officer or refugee, then serving against Great Britain with the French army in Canada.] "The English army had the advantage of position. They were drawn up in battle upon rising ground, their front armed with twenty-two brass field- APPENDIX. 499 pieces — tlie Palace battery, whicli De Ramsay refused to send to M. de Mont- calm. The engagement began by the attack of a house (Dumont's) between the right wing of the English army and the French left wing, which was alternately attacked and defended by the Scotch Highlanders and by the French Grenadiers, each of them taking it and losing it by turns. "Worthy antagonists ! — the Grenadiers, with their bayonets in their hands, forced the Highlanders to go out of it by the windows ; and the Highlanders getting into it again by the door, immediately obliged the Grenadiers to evacuate it by the same road, with their daggers. Both of them lost and retook the house several times, and tlie contest woxild have continued whilst there remained a Highlander and a Grenadier, if both Generals had not made them retire, leaving the house neuter ground. The Grenadiers were reduced to fourteen men — a company at most. No doubt the Highlanders lost in proportion. The left of the French army, which was in hollow ground, about forty paces from the English, was cmshed to pieces by the fire of their artillery loaded with grapeshot. M. De Levis, perceiving their bad position, sent M. De Lapause, Adjutant of the Guienne Regiment, with (irders for the army to retire some steps behind them, in order to occupy an eminence parallel to the rising ground occupied by the English ; but whether this officer did not comprehend M. De Levis' intentions, or whether he delivered ill the orders to the different regiments, by his stupidity the battle was very near being lost irremediably. He ran along the line, ordering each regiment to the right about, and to retire, without any further explanation of M. De Levis' orders. Some of the left of the French army being so near as twenty paces to the enemy, the best-disciplined troops in that case can scarce be expected to be able to retire without the greatest disorder and confusion, or without expos- ing themselves evidently to be defeated and slaughtered. Upon this move- ment, the English, believing them in flight, quitted their advantage of the rising ground in order to pursue them, complete their disorder, and break them entirely. M, Dalquier, who commanded the Beam Regiment, vrith the troops of the colony upon the left of the French army, a bold, intrepid old officer, tiirned about to his soldiers when Lapause gave him M. De Levis' order to retire, and told them, ' It is not time now, my boys, to retire when at twenty paces from the enemy ; with your bayonets upon your muskets, let us throw ourselves headlong amongst them— that is better.' In an instant they fell upon the Englisli impetuously— with thrusts of bayonets hand to hand, got possession, like lightning, of their guns ; and a ball which went through Dalquier's body, which was already quite covered with scars of old wounds, did not hinder him from continuing giving his orders. Poularies, who was upon the right flank of the army, with his regiment of Royal Roussillon, and some of the Canadian militia, seeing Dalquier stand firm, and all the troops of the centre having retired in disorder, leaving a space between the two wings, he caused his regiment with the Canadians to wheel to the left, in order to fall upon the left flank of the English army, the French army extending further to the right beyond the English left wing. The enemy no sooner perceived Poularies' movement, than they immediately fled with precipitation and confusion, and were so panic-stricken that not an English soldier could be rallied by their officers, several of whom were taken prisoners. " The French had about two thousand killed and wounded in this battle of the 27th (? 28th) of April, of which number there was an hundred and ten officers of the regular troops, besides a great many officers of the Canadian militia : so they might say with Pyrrhus, the day of his victory over the Romans—' Again such another victory, and I would be undone ! ' " Soo APPENDIX. XII.— GOVERNOR DE VAUDREUIL'S CIRCULAR AD- DRESSED TO THE CAPTAINS OF THE CANADIAN MILITIA AFTER THE PRECIPITATE RETREAT OF DE LEVIS FROM QUEBEC. [Note. — The parts italicised are those which De Vandreuil is supposed to have known were false statements, but to which, in his despair of the cause of France in Canada, he had recourse in order to put a stop to the general desertion which was taking place.] " Montreal, June 3, 1760. " SiK, — The Chev. de Levis is just returned to this town ; he has repeated to me the strong testimony he had before given me of the good- will, the zeal, and bravery of your company of militia. I expected no less from the fidelity of the brave Canadians, and from their attachment to their native country. His Majesty, who is by this time probably informed of your glorious victory, wUl be no less pleased with this than affected by the distresses of the colony ; so that, sujjposing that a peace has not been concluded on the receipt of this news, the King of England cannot possibly avoid subscribing to such terms as our monarch shall have imposed upon him. You are not uninformed of the great advantages which we have gained in Europe during the last campaign over the English and Prussians. . . . Besides this, the last accounts assure us that the garrisons of Fort Frederic (Grown Point), Niagara, and Chouageu (Oswego), have suffered greatly by sickness, and that the regular troops in New England are reduced to nothing. Gen. Murray has, therefore, dispersed manifestoes to no purpose to magnify his nation, to pacify the Canadians, to engage them to lay down their arms. . . . You see, sir, the colony is drawing to the end of its hardships, and that it is on the point of seeing plenty succeed to scarcity. If the English make any attempt, it can have no other object than the ambition of their generals ;'we are thoroughly prepared to repulse them with spirit ; we have a train of artillery, besides that which we took from the enemy, a still greater proportion of powder, balls, and ammunition for the operations which I have projected ; we have also provisions enough by means of the resources we shall find in the good-will of the Canadians, who have the greatest interest in the preservation of their religion and liberty. . . . My intention is that you should hold yourselves ready to march, with arms, baggage, and eight days* provisions, to our frontiers whenever the case shall re- quire it. I believe I may venture to assert that these will be the last disposi- tions which I shall have occasion to make for the defence of this colony, being firmly convinced that some time in August, at latest, we shall have peace, pro- visions, and, in general, whatever we want. — I am. Ice, ha., (Signed) De Vaudbedil." XIII.— GENERAL MURRAY ON THE ROUTE FROM QUEBEC TO MONTREAL IN AUGUST 1760. Extract from a French Account of the Campaign of 1760. " General Mui-ray conducted himself as an officer of great understanding, knowledge, and capacity, and left nothing to do for General Amherst. He em- ployed five weeks in coming from Quebec to Montreal, which is only sixty lea- gues, and did us during his march more harm by his policy than by his army. He stopped often in the villages ; spoke kindly to the inhabitants he found at home in their houses— whom hunger and famine had obliged to fly from our APPENDIX. SOI army at Montreal ; gave provisions to those unhappy creatures perishing for want of subsistence. He burned, in some cases, the houses of those who were absent from home and in the French army at Montreal, publishing everywhere an amnesty and good treatment to all Canadians who would return to their habitations and live there peaceably. In short, flattering some and frightening others, he succeeded so well, that at last there was no more possibility of keeping them at Montreal. It is true we had now only need of them to make a good countenance." XIV.— CAPTAIN KNOX'S ACCOUNT OF THE TAKING OF FORT JACQUES CARTIER. {Journal, Sept, 8, 1760.) *' Colonel Fraser's detachment was 1000 men and oflScers, with artilleiy. Late on the 9th (August) they landed above the fort without opposition, for the enemy suspected nothing, as they believed the Quebec garrison too weak to assail them or undertake such an enterprise. Colonel Fraser secured all the avenues leading to the fort. Next morning the garrison took the alarm, and beat to arms. Captain Albergetti, the French commandant, when summoned, refused in the usual terms, that he would defend the post to the last extremity. Colonel Fraser then disposed his men for the assault, and at the same time played on the garrison with his artillery, when Albergetti surrendered at discretion. . . . The garrison was about 50 regulars and 150 militia. The Canadians were sworn, and allowed to depart, the regulars taken prisoners to Quebec. Three officers and fifty regulars of ours then occupied the fort as a garrison." XV.— THE RAPIDS OF THE ST LAWRENCE. The rapids on the route of General Amherst's forces, when descend- ing to Montreal, in 1760, were the following — the specified lengths of the canals now constructed enabling the reader to judge of their extent. 1st, Below the sites of Prescott and Ogdensburg, a series of two. the first beginning a little way above Matilda (North Shore), and running between Point Cardinal and Gallop's Island; the second between Point Iroquois (North Shore) and Rapid Plat Island, opposite to "Waddington (South Shore), called Gallop's Rapids, now surmounted by means of two canals, which, together are about five miles long. 2d, Rapids de Piatt, Just above Mariatown (North Shore) ; the canal is four miles long. 3d, Rapids below Farren's Point and Chrysler's Fann ; length of canal, three-quarters of a mile. 4th, Long Sault, between Dickenson's Landing and .Cornwall, leading into Lake St Francis ; canal (Cornwall) eleven and a half miles. 5th, A series of rapids, consisting of the Coteau Rapids, Cedars, and Cascades, leading into Lake St Louis ; the caual (Beauharnois) is eleven and a quarter miles long. Including the tortuosities of the course followed by vessels floating down these currents, the route through the rapids (passed by Amherst's army) waa between thirty-five and forty miles in length. 502 APPENDIX. XVL— THE CAPITULATION OF MONTREAL, Sept. 8, 1760. Tlie Articles of Capitulatio)i. Aeticles of the Capitulatiou between bis ExceDency General Amherst, Commander-in-chief of his Brit:ainic Majfsty's troops and forces in North America, and his Excellency the Marquis de Vaudreuil, Grand Croix of the royal and military order of St Lewis, Governor and Libuten ant-general for the King in Canada. Article 1. "Twenty-four hours after the signing of the present capitula- tion, the English General shall cause the troops of his Britannic Majesty to take possession of the gates of the tuwn of Montreal ; and the English garrison shall not come into the place, till after the French troops have evacuated it. Answer. "The whole garrison of Montreal must lay down their arms, and shall not serve during the present war. Immediately after the signing of the present capitulation the King's troops shall take jiossession of the gates, and shall post the guards necessai-y to pre- serve good order in the town. Article 2. " The troops and the militia, who are in garrison in the town of Montreal, shall go out with all the honours of war, sis ineces of cannon, and one mortar, which shall be put on board the vessel where the Marquis de Vaudreuil shall embark, with ten rounds for each piece. The same shall be granted to the garrison of Trois Rivieres, as to the honours of war. Article 3. " The troops and militia, who are in garrison in the fort of Jacques Cartier, and in the Island of St Helen, and other forts, shall be treated in the same manner, and shall have the same honours ; and these troops shall go to Montreal, or Trois Rivieres, or Quebec, to be there em- barked for the first sea-port in France by the most direct way. The troops who are in our posts on the frontiers, on the side of Acadia, at Detroit, MichillJmakinac- and other posts, shall enjoy the same honours, and be treated in the same manner. Answer. " All these troops are not to serve during the present war, and shall likewise lay down their arms. The rest is granted. Article 4. " The militia to return to their homes unmolested. Article 5. " The troops who keep the field sLall raise their camp and march, drums beating, with their arms, baggage, and artillery, to join the garrison at Montreal, and shall be treated in every respect the same. A'luwer, *' These troops, as well as the others, must lay down their arms. Article 6. The subjects of his Britannic Majesty, and of his most Christian Majesty,- soldiers, militia, or seamen, who shall have deserted, or left the service of their sovereign, and canied arms in North America, shall be, on both sides, pardoned for their crimes ; they shall be respectively returned to their country ; if not, each shall remain where he is without being sought after or molested. Answer. "Refused. Article 7. " Magazines, munitions of war, &c., and everything belonging to his most Christian Majesty in all the places named in Article 3, to be de- livered, with exact inventories, to commissaries apjjointed to receive them. Duplicates (of inventories) to be given to the Marquis de Vaudreuil. Answer. " This is everything that can be asked on this Article. Article 8. *'The officers, soldiers, militia, seamen, and even the Indians, APPENDIX. 503 detained on account of tteir wounds or sickness, as well in the hospital as in private houses, shall enjoy the privilege of the cartel, and be treated accord- ingly. Answer. " The sick and the wounded shall be treated the same as our own people. Article 9. "The English General shall engage to send back to their own homes the Indians and Moraigans who make part of his armies, immediately after the signing of the present capitulation ; and, in the meantime, in order to prevent all disorders on the part of those who may not be gone away, the said General shall give safeguards to such persons who shall desire them, as well in the town as in the country. Answer. ** The first part refused. There never have been any cruelties committed by the Indians of our army ; and good order shall be pre- served. Article 10. " His Britannic Majesty's General shall be answerable for all disorders on the part of his troops, and oblige them to pay the damages they may do, as well in the towns as in country. Answer. "'Answered by the preceding Article. Article 11. '* The English General shall not oblige the Marquis de Vau- dreuil to leave the town of Montreal before the , and no person shall be lodged in his house till he is gone. The Chevalier Levis, commander of the land forces, and of the colony troops, the engineers, officers of the artillery and commissary of war, shall also remain at Montreal to the said day, and shall keep their lodgings there. The same shall be observed with regard to M. Bigot, intendant, the commissaries of the marines, and writers, whom the said M. Bigot shall have occasion for, and no person shall be lodged at the intendant's house before he shall be gone. Answer, *' The Marquis de Vaudreuil, and aU these gentlemen, shall be masters of their houses, and shall embark when the King's ships shall be ready to sail to Europe, and all possible conveniences shall be granted. Articlel'i.. "The most convenient vessel to be provided for the Marquis de Vaudreuil and his suite ; ... to take his papers without examination, plate, baggage, &c. Answer. ' ' Granted, except as to archives necessary for the government of the country. Article 13. "If before or after the embarkation of Marquis de Vaudreuil news of peace should arrive, and that, by the treaty, Canada should remain to his most Christian Majesty, the Marquis shall return to Quebec or Mon- treal, eveiything shall return to its former state under the dominion of his most Christian Majestyj and the present capitulation shall be null, and of no effect. Answer. "Whatever the king may have done on this subject shall be obeyed. Article 14. ' ' Two vessels to be appointed to convey to France the Chevalier de Levis, his staff, officers, &;c., and suite; to be victualled ; officers to take their papers, &c., unexamined; and the married to take their wives and children, who shall also be victualled. Answer. " Granted, except that all shall faithfully deliver up the charts and plans of the country. Article 15. "A vessel shall also be appointed for the passage of M. Bigot, the intendant, with his suite, in which vessel the proper accommodations shall be made for him, and the persons he shall take with him. He shall likewise embark with him his papers, which shall not be ©xaminedj his equi* 5o4 APPENDIX. pages, plate, and baggage, and those of Ms suite. This vessel shall also be victualled as before mentioned. Answer. " Granted, with the same reserve as in the preceding Article. Article 16. " Vessel to be appointed for M. de Longueil, governor of Three Rivers, the staff of the colony, and commissary of marine, "with their families, &c. Answer. "Granted. Article 17. " Sufficient and convenient vessels to be appointed to convey all the land and sea officers with families, baggage, &c. , and to be victualled. An^^wer, "Granted. Article 18. " Officers and soldiers, and all in their suite, having effects in the country, may send for them without hindi'ance. Answer. "Granted. Article 19. An hospital ship to be provided and victualled for conveyance to France of wounded and sick, able to be moved— and for the others when recovered — with their families, &o. Answer. " Granted. Article 20. "A commissary and one of the King's writers to be left to take care of hospitals, and of all affairs of the King of France. Article 21. "Ships to be provided for the supreme council, police, and admiralty officers, all having commissions from the King of France, any that please to stay to look after their affairs, &c. Answer. "Granted, with proviso as to papers. Article 22. " If there are any military officers whose affairs should require their ijresence in the colony till next year, they shall have liberty to stay in it after having obtained the permission of the Marquis de Vaudreuil for that pu rpose, and without being reputed prisoners of war. Answer. " All those whose private affairs shall require their stay in the country, and who shall have the Marquis de Vaudreuil's leave for so doing, shall be allowed to remain till their affairs are settled. AHi^;le 23. " The commissary for the King's provisions to be allowed to stay till next year to answer the debts contracted. He and his clerks, "with their families, to stay in the country or go to France, and to oaiTy off papers unexamined, &c. Answer. "Granted. Article 24. ' ' The provisions, and other kinds of stores which shall be found in the magazines of the commissary, as well in the town of Montreal, and of Trois Rivieres, as in the country, shall be preserved to him, the said pro- visions belonging to him, and not to the King, and he shall be at liberty to sell Wiem to the French or English. Answer. " Everything that is actually in the magazines, destined for the use of the troops, is to be delivered to the English commissary for the King's forces. Article 25. "Passage to France to be provided for officers of the India Company, and their agent to stay till next year if thought proper ; papers to be not inspected. ' ' Answer. ' ' Granted. Article 26. " The India Company's property (furs, &c.) in Montreal to be respected, and may be sent to France in the King's ships, paying freight at rates charged to the English. " Answer. " Granted, excepting as respects any property belonging to the King of France. APPENDIX. 505 Article 27. " The free exercise of tlie CathuHc, Apostolic, and Roman reli- gion shall subsist entire, in such manner that all the States and people of the towns and country, places and distant x^osts, shall continue to assemble in the churches, and to frequent the sacraments as heretofore, without being molested in any manner, directly or indirectly. These peoijle shall be obliged, by the English Government, to paj-^ to the priests the tithes, and all the taxes they were used to pay, under the Government of his most Christian Majesty. Answer. ''^Granted, as to the free exercise of their religion. The obli- gation of paying the tithes to the priests will depend on the King's pleasure. Article 1^. "The chapter, priests, cures, and missionaries shall continue, with an entire liberty, the exercise and functions in the parishes of the towns and country. Answer. "Granted. Article 2^. "The grand vicars named by the chapter to administer the diocese during the vacancy of the episcopal see shall have liberty to dwell in the towns or country parishes, as they shall think i^roper. They shall at all times be free to visit in different i^arishes of the diocese, with the ordinary ceremonies, and exercise all the jurisdiction they exercised under the French dominion. They shall enjoy the same rights in case of death of the future bishop, of which mention will be made in the following article. Answer. "Granted, except what regards the following article. Article 30. ' ' If, by the treaty of peace, Canada should remain in the power of his Britannic Majesty, his most Christian Majesty shall continue to name the bishop of the colony, who shall always be of the Roman communion, and under whose authority the people shall exercise the Roman religion. Answer. ' ' Refused. Article 31. " The bishop shall, in case of need, establish new parishes, and provide for the rebuilding of his cathedral and his episcopal palace ; and, in the mean time, he shall have the liberty to dwell in the town or parishes, as he shall judge proper. He shall be at liberty to visit his diecese with the ordinary ceremonies, and exercise all the jurisdiction which his predecessor exercised under the Frencli dominion, save that an oath of fidelity, or a pro- mise to do nothing contrary to his Britannic Majesty's service, may be required of him. Answer. "This article is comprised under the foregoing. Article 32. * ' The communities of nuns shall be preserved in their constitu- tion and privileges. They shall continue to observe their rules. They shall be exempted from lodging any military, and it shall he forbid to trouble them in their religious exercises, or to enter their monasteries ; safeguards shall even be given them if they desire them. Answer. "Granted. Article 33. " The preceding article shall likewise be executed with regard to the communities of Jesuits and Recollets, and of the house of the priests of Saint Sulpice at Montreal. This last, and the Jesuits, shall preserve their right to nominate to certain curacies and missions, as heretofore. Answer. "Refused, till the King's pleasure be known. Article 34. " All the communities', and all the priests, shall preserve their movables, the property and revenues of the seigniories, and other estates which they possess in the colony, of what nature soever they may be. And the same estates shall be preserved in their privileges, rights, honoui'S, and exemptions. Answer. "Granted. 50b APPENDIX. Article S5. "If the canons, priests, missionaries, the priests of the cere- mony of the foreign missions, and of St Sulpice, as well as the Jesuits and the Recollets, choose to go to Prance, passage shall be granted them in his Britannic Majesty's ships : And they shall all have leave to sell, in "whole or in part, the estates and movables which they possess in the colonies, either to the French or to the English, without the least hindrance or obstacle from the British Government. "They may take with them, or send to France, the produce, of what nature soever it be, of the said goods sold, paying the freight, as men- tioned in the 26th article. And such of the said priests who choose to go this year shall be victualled during the passage at the expense of his Britannic Majesty, and shall take with them their baggage. " They shall be masters to dispose of their estates, and to send the produce thereof, as well as their persons, and all that belongs to them, to France. Article 36. " If, by the treaty of peac^ Canada remains to his Britannic Majesty, all the French, Canadians, Acadians, merchants, and other persons, who choose to retire to France, shall have leave to do so from the English General, who shall procure them a passage. And, nevertheless, if, from this time to that decision, any French or Canadian merchants, or other persons, shall desire to go to France, they shall likewise have leave from the English General. But the one and the other shall take with them their families, servants, and baggage. Answer. " Granted. Article 37. "Lords of manors, military and civil officers, French settUng or trading in the whole extent of the colony of Canada, and all others, shall preserve the entire peaceable property and possession of their goods, mov- able and immovable, merchandise, &c., and even their ships ; . . shall keep or sell them as well to the French as English ; to take away produce of them, . . . whenever they shall judge proper to go to France, paying freight as in the 26th article. Answer. * ' Granted, as in the 26th article. Article 38. " AU the people who have left Acadia, and who shall be found in Canada, including the frontiers of Canada, shall have the same treatment as the Canadians, and shall enjoy the same privileges. Answer. " The King is to dispose of his ancient subjects ; in the mean- time they shall enjoy the same privileges as the Canamans. Article 39. '* None of the Canadians, Acadians, or French, who are now in Canada and on the frontiers of the colony, on the side of Acadia, Detroit, Michillimakinac, and other places and posts of the countries above, the mar- ried and unmarried soldiers remaining in Canada, shall not be carried or transported into the English colonies, or to Old England, and they shall not be troubled for having borne arms. Answer. " Granted, except with regard to the Acadians, Article 40, "The savages or Indian allies of his most Christian Majesty shall be maintained in the lands they inhabit, if they choose to remain there ; they shall not be molested on any pretence whatsoever, for having carried arms, and served his most Christian Majesty. They shall have, as well as the French, liberty of religion, and shall keep their missionaries. The actual vicars-general, and the bishop, when the episcopal see shall be filled, shall have leave to send them new inissionaries when they shall judge it necessary. Answer. "Granted, except the last article, which has been already refused. Article 41. "The French, Canadians, and Acadians, of what state and con- dition soever, who shall remain in the colony, shall not be forced to take APPENDIX. 507 arms against his most Cliristian Majesty or his allies, directly or indirectly, on any occasion whatsoever. The British Goverument shall only require of them an exact neutrality. Answer. " They hecoine subjects of the King. Article 42. "The French and Canadians shall continue to be governed according to the custom of Paris, and the laws and usages established for this country; and they shall not be subject to any other imposts than those which were established under the French dominion. Answer. "Answered by the preceding articles, and particularly by the last. _ Article 43. " The papers of the Government shall remain, without excep- tion, io the power of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, and shall go to France with him. These papers shall not be examined on any pretence whatsoever. Answer. " Granted, with the reserve already made. Article 4^. "The papers of the intendancy, of the office of comptroller of the marine, of the former and new treasurers, of the King's magazines, of the office of the revenue und forges of St Maurice, shall remain in the power of M. Bigot, the intendant, and they shall be embarked for France in the same vessel with him ; these papers shall not be examined. Answer. " The same as to this article. Article 45. " Registers and papers of the Supreme Council of Quebec, of the Provost and Admiralty of the same city ; those of the royal jurisdic- tion of Three Rivers and of Montreal ; of the seigniories, notarial papers, . . . and all relating to estates of the citizens, to remain in the colony, in the rolls of the jurisdictions on which these papers depend. Answer. " Granted. Article 46. " Inhabitants and merchants to enjoy all the privileges granted to subjects of his Britannic Majesty. Answer. " Granted. Article 47. " Negroes and Panis of both sexes to remain in their quality of slaves in possession of their owners, French and Canadian, who shall be at liberty to keep or to sell them ; and they may also continue to bring them up in the Roman religion. Answer. " Granted, except those who have been made prisoners. Article 48. *' The Marquis de Vaudreuil and all officers to have liberty to appoint attornies to act for them in reference to their business {property, &c.) until the peace. And if by the treaty between the two crowns, Canada does not return under the French dominion, these officers, or their attornies, may sell their property, &c., carry away or send to France, . . . as in the 37th article. Answer. "Granted. Article 49. "Inhabitants who have suffered damage in their goods which remained at Quebec, under the faith of the capitulation of that city, may make representations to the British Government, by whom due justice shaU be rendered. Answer. " Granted. Article 50, and last. ' ' The present capitulation shall be inviolably executed in all its articles, and hona fide on both sides, notwithstanding any infrac- tion and any other pretext with regard to preceding capitulations, and with- out power to make reprisals. Anstver. " Granted. P.S. Article 51. "The English General shall engage, in case any Indians remain after the surrender of this town, to prevent their- coming into the So8 APPENDIX. towns ; and that they do not, in any manner, insult the subjects of his most Christian Majesty. Answer. ' ' Care shall be taken that the Indians do not insult any of the subjects of his most Christian Majesty. Article 52. " The troops and other subjects of his most Christian Majesty, who are to go to France, shall be embarked, at latest, fifteen days after the signing of the present capitulation. Answer. ** Answered by the 11th article. Article 53. " The troops and other subjects of his most Christian Majesty, who are to go to France, shall remain lodged and encamped in the town of Montreal, and other posts which they now occupy, till they shall be em- barked for their departure : passports, however, shall be granted to those who shall want them for the different places of the colony to take care of their affairs. Answer. " Granted. Article 54. " All the officers and soldiers of the troops in the service of France, who are prisoners in New England, and who were taken in Canada, shall be sent back, as soon as possible, to France, where their ransom or exchange shall be treated of, agreeably to the cartel ; and if any of these officers have affairs in Canada, they shall have leave to come there. Answer. ' ' Granted. Article 55. " As to the officers of the militia, and the Acadians, who are prisoners iu New England, they shall be sent back to their countries. Answer. ' ' Granted, except as regards the Acadians. " Done at Montreal, the 8th Sept. 1760. " Vaudketjil. " Done in the camp before Montreal, the 8th Sept. 1760. " Jeff. Amhebbt." XVII.— EXTRACTS FEOM THE TREATY OE PARIS, Fbbeuabt 10, 1763. [JVote. — The Treaty comprised 27 Ai-ticlea, besides some separate and sup- plementary stipulations. Those only which have special reference to Canada, Nova Scotia, &o. , are included in the following extracts. The parties to the treaty were— Great Britain, France, Spain, and Portugal.] Article i. "His most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions which he has heretofore formed, or might form, to Nova Scotia or Acadia, in all its parts, and gviarantees the whole of it, and with all its dependencies, to the King of Great Britain. Moreover his most Christian Majesty cedes and guarantees to his said Britannic Majesty, in full right, Canada, with all its dependencies, as well as the Island of Gape Breton, and all other islands and coasts in the Gulf and Eiver of St Lawrence, and, in general, everything that depends on the said countries, islands, and coasts, with the sovereignty, pro- perty, possession, and all rights acquired by treaty or otherwise, which the most Christian King and the Crown of France have had till now over the said countries, islands, lands, places, and coasts, and their inhabitants, so that Christian King cedes and makes over the whole to the said King and to the Crown of Great Britain, and that in the most ample manner and form, with- out restriction, and without any liberty to depart from the said cession and guarantee, under any pretence, or to disturb Great Britain in the above- APPENDIX. S09 mentioned possessions. His Britannic Majesty, on his side, agrees to grant the liberty of the Catholic religion to the inhabitants of Canada : he will consequently give the most effectual orders, that his new Roman Catholic subjects may profess the worship of theii- religion according to the rites of the Koman Church, as far as the laws of Great Britain permit. His Britannic Majesty also agrees, tliat the French inhabitants, or others, who had been the subjects of the most Christian King in Canada, may retire with all safety and freedom, wliereyer they shall think proper, and may sell their estates, provided it be to subjects of his Britannic Majesty, and bring away their effects as weU as their persons, without being restrained in tlieii- emigration, under any pretence whatsoever, excej^t that of debts or of criminal prosecu- tions ; the term limited for this emigration shall be iixed to the space of eighteen months, to be computed from the day of the exchange of the ratifi- cations of the present treaty. Articles. "Renews 13th Article of the Treaty of Utrecht, relative to liberty of fishing and drying on part of coasts of Newfoundland, except ■what relates to the coast of Cape Breton, &c. . . . And grants liberty of fish- ing in the Gulf of St Lawrence, to a distance not nearer than three miles of the coasts of the islands and continent — but not nearer than fifteen leagues from coast of Cape Breton, out of the said Gulf. Eishing on the coast of Kova Scotia, or Acadia, to be regulated by former treaties. Article 6. " Concedes to his most Christian Majesty islands of St Pierre and Miguelon in full right, to serve as shelter to French fishermen, but not to fortify or build on them, and to have a guard of only fifty men for police." XVIII.— INCIDENTS CONNECTED WITH THE CAPITULATION OF MONTREAL. [iVbte. — Although it is certain that the French -would have been unable to offer any effectual resistance to General Amherst's forces, yet Montreal was not altogether defenceless. It then had about 3000 inhabitants. Its defences consisted of a surrounding low stone wall, having, at intervals, eleven re- doubts instead of bastions. Inside, in a central position, there was a citadel, or fort, from which the artillery could be made to sweep ilie streets from end to end! The alleged proposal of De Levis to retire "with the troops to St Helen's Island, would, if true, show that he considered the place as not tenable against Amherst's army. Nevertheless, the conduct of the Frencli General proves that he believed his troops entitled to better conditions than those granted.] Letter of Db Levis to General Amherst. "Montreal, Sept. 7, 1760. " SiK, — I send to your Excellency M. de Lapause, Assistant-Quartermaster- General of the Army, on the sxibject of the too rigorous article which you impose on the troops by the capitulation, and to which it would not be possible for us to subscribe. Be pleased to consider the severity of that article. I flatter myself you will be pleased to give ear to the representations that officer will make to you on my part, and have regard to them.— I have the honour to be, &c., "Le Chevaliee de Levis." To this letter Amherst repUed : — " All I have to say in answer to it is, that I cannot in the least alter the conditions which I have offered to grant to the Marquis de Vaudreuil, and I 510 APPENDIX. expect his definitive answer by the bearer on his return. . . . On every other occasion," &c. De Levis then joined with his officers in a protest against the affront alleged to be put on the troops by refusing them the " honours of war ; " and subse(juently, until they left Canada for France, the French General and offtcers avoided as much as possible occasions of intercourse with the English officers. From Eoohelle, on November 27, 1760, De Levis wrote, in a letter addressed to the French War Minister at Paris : — "The campaign ended with the signing, by M. de Vaudreuil, of the capitulation made by him, with which all I had to do was to protest against it for the treatment of the regulars, who merited more attention from M. de Vaudreuil and more respect from General Amlierst. My sense of duty on this occasion would not permit me to receive General Amherst, nor to mani- fest towards him personally the polite attentions customary in the inter- course of generals placed in such circumstances. I thought it my duty to mark my resentment, and that I did not like the reasons which this English general has given for his conduct, namely, that it was in revenge for the cruelties committed by the savages with whom our troops had been allied." Colonel Haldimand was detached by General Amherst to take pos- sion of the place and of the property to be surrendered in virtue of the articles of capitulation. He asked for the French regimental colours, and for English standards that had fallen into the enemy's hands during the war ; upon which, according to Captain Knox, they declared they had none to deliver up. Colonel Haldimand, having demanded explanations, they told Mm that " though each regiment had brought out colours from France, yet in this woody country these had been found cumbrous and of little use, in conse- qence of which they had been destroyed." The Commander-in-chief was immediately referred to on the subject, and ordered Haldimand to call on De Vau.dreuil aijd De Levis to certify to the fact of the previous destruction of colours, which they did "by giving their parole d'honneur." Knox commented on the French account of the disappearance of their colours, saying, " It must have been since September 13, 1759, when it is notorious they had their colours displayed on the field of battle, since our officers saw them." XIX.— AMHERST'S GENERAL ORDERS, AND OFFICIAL DISPATCH. " Camp befoee Montkeal, Sept. 9, 1760. Parole, King George and Canada. — The General sees with infinite pleasure the success that has crowned the efforts of his Majesty's troops and faithful subjects in America. The Marquis de Vaudreuil has capitulated ; the troops of France in Canada have laid down their arms, and are not to serve during the war ; the whole country submits to the dominion of Great Britain. The three armies are entitled to the General's thanks on this occasion ; and he assures them that he will take the opportunity of acquainting his Majesty APPENDIX. 511 •wifh the zeal and bravery which has always been exerted by the officers and soldiers of the regular and provincial troops, and also by his faithful Indian allies. The General is confident that when the troops are informed that the country is the King's, they wiU not disgrace themselves by the least appearance of inhumanity, or by unsoldierlike behaviour, in taking any plunder, more especially as the Canadians become now good subjects, and will feel the good effect of his Majesty's protection. (Signed) Amheest." Extract from General Amherst's Dispatch announcing the Capitulation of Montreal. " 1 should not do justice to General Murray and Colonel Haviland if I did not assure you they have executed the orders I gave them to the utmost of my wishes. I must also beg leave to say, I am obliged to Brigadier- General Gage for the assistance he has given me, and I have taken the liberty to give, in public orders, my assurances to the three armies, that I would take the first opportunity of acquainting you with the zeal and bravery which has always been exerted by the officers and soldiers of the regular and provincial troops, as also by your Majesty's Indian allies. Sir William Johnson has taken unwearied pains in keeping the Indians within humane bounds ; and I have the pleasure to assure you, that not a peasant, woman, or child, has been hurt by them, or a house burnt since I entered the enemy's country." X5.- WILLIAM PITT (FIRST LORD CHATHAM). [N'ote. — "WTiile national corruption and the mismanagement of the public affairs, both at home and abroad, were chief causes of the ruin of France in America, the reader should not lose sight of the agency of the great English Prime Minister, William Pitt, To his extraordinary ability has been ascribed a large share of the credit due on account of the successes achieved by the British naval and military forces, and the humiliations and sacrifices to which France was subjected in both hemispheres. The following extracts from the writings of the late Lord Brougham make manifest the sources of the vast influences which he (Pitt) exerted on the conduct and fortunes of the war.] Bbougham's ^^Statestnen of the Time of George III." pp. 23-27. "The quickness with which Pitt could ascert.ain his object, and discover his road to it, was fully commensurate with his perseverance and his boldness inpursuingit. . . . Add to this a mind eminently fertile in resources, a cour- age which nothing could daunt in the choice of his means, a resolution equally indomitable in their application, a genius, in short, original and daring, which bounded over the petty obstacles raised by ordinary men, and forced its path through the entanglements of this base undergrowth to the worthy object ever in view, the prosperity and renown of his country. Far superior to the paltry objects of a grovelling ambition, and regardless alike of party and of personal considerations, he constantly set before his eyes the highest duty of a public man, to further the interests of his species. He disregarded alike the frowns of power and the gales of popular applause, and exposed himself undaunted to the vengeance of the Court, while he battled against its cor- ruptions. ... "Kothing could be more entangled than the foreign policy of this country at the time when he undertook the supreme direction of her affairs. Nothing could be more disastrous than the aspect of her fortunes in every quarter of the globe. With an army of insignificant amount, and commanded by men only desirous of grasping at the emoluments, without doing the duties or SI2 APPENDIX. incurring the risks of their profession ; with a navy that could hardly keep the sea, and whose chiefs vied with their comrades on shore in earning the character given them by the new Minister — of being utterly unfit to be trusted in any enterprise of the least apparent danger ; with a generally prevailing dislike of both services, which at once repressed all desire of joining either, and damped all public spirit in the country, by extinguishing all hope of success, and even all love of glory — it was hardly possible for a nation to be placed in circumstances more inauspicious to military exertions; and yet war raged in every quarter of the world where our dominion extended, while the territories of our only ally, as well as those of our own sovereign in Germany, were invaded by France, and her forces by sea and land menaced our shores. In the distant possessions of the Crown the same want of enterprise and of spirit prevailed. Armies in the "West were paralysed by the inaction of a captain who would hardly take the pains of writing a dispatch to chronicle the nonentity of his operations ; and in the East^ frightful disasters were brought upon our settlements by barbarian powers. . . . In this forlorn state of affairs, which rendered it as imjiossible to think of peace, as hopeless to continue the yet inevitable war, the base and sordid views of politicians kept pace with the mean spirit of the military caste ; and parties were split or united, not upon any difference or agreement of public principle, but upon mere questions of patronage and of share in the public spoil, while all seemed alike actuated by one only passion — the thirst of power and of gain. As soon as Pitt took the helm, the hand that held it was instantly felt in every motion of the vessel. There was no more of waveiing counsel, of torpid inaction, of listless expectancy, of abject despondency. His firmness gave contidence, his spirit roused courage, his vigilance secured exertion, in every department under his sway. Each man, from the first Lord of the Admiralty down to the most humble clerk in the victualling office — each soldier, from the commander-in-chief to the most obscure contractor or commissary— now felt assured that he was acting or was indolent under the eye of one who knew his duties and his means as well as his own, and who would very cer- tainly make all defaulters, whether through misfeasance or through non- feasance, accountable for whatever detriment the commonwealth might sustain at their hands. Over his immediate coadjutors his influence swiftly obtained an ascendant which it ever after retained uninterrupted. . . . * ' The effects of this change in the whole management of the public busi- ness, and in all the plans of the Government, as well as in their execution, were speedily made manifest to the world. France, attacked on some points, and menaced on others, was compelled to retire from Germany, soon after- wards suffered the most disastrous defeats, and, instead of threatening Eng- land and her allies with invasion, had to defend herself against attack. No less than sixteen islands, and settlements, and fortresses of importance, were taken from her in America, Asia, and Africa, including all her "West Indian colonies (except St Domingo), and the whole important pro\ince of Canada was likewise conquered. . . " But it is a more glorious feature in this unexampled administration which history has to record, when it adds, that all public distress had disappeared ; that all discontent in any quarter, both of the colonies and parent state, had ceased ; that no oppression was anywhere practised, no abuse suffered to prevail ; that no encroachments were made upon the rights of the subject, no malversation tolerated in the possessors of power ; and that England, for the first time, presented the astonishing picture of a nation supporting without murmur a widely-extended and costly war, and a people, hitherto torn with conflicting parties, so united in the service of the commonwealth that the voice of faction had ceased in the land. ' These' (said the son of his first and most formidable adversai-y, Walpole), — ' These are the doings of Mr Pitt, and they are wondrous in our eyes ! '" INDEX. Abisbobombie, General, unsuccessful at- tack on Carillon, 339, 360. Abraham, battle of Plains of, 415 ; second battle, 454. Acadia, origin of colony, 34, 35; forced clearing of, 803. Agricultuje, rise of Canadian, 170 ; earl; growth of, 190. Aillebout, M. de, arrival of, Id the Island of Montreal, 108 ; millta^ preparations of, against the Iroquois, 108 ; success- ful governorship, 110 ; proposal to New Englanders, 113 ; character and ser- vices, 121, 124; firm policy of, 124; retirement and death, 124. Amerigo Vespucci, voyages and preten- sions, lii. Amherst, General, appointment as com- mander-in-chief, 332, 358 ; cautious movements upon Lake Champlain, 359, 360 ; failure to effect a junction with Saunders a,nd Wolfe, 361 ; expedition against Montreal, 461 ; his plan of operations, criticised, 461 ; strict treat- ment of the Indians, 462 ; perilous movements on Monti'eal, 467-471 ; his force, 467, 469 ; capture of Fort Levis and La Salette, 468 ; principal difficulty in his way, 469 ; prepares to besiege Montreal 472. Anderson, Dr W. J., author's obligations to, 450. Annapolis, settlement at, 35'; destruction of. by the English, 35; origin of name, 258. Anson, flag-ship, 38. Argenson, M. de, governorship of, 128-132 ; character and capabilities, 128 ; installa- tion, 128; inability to repel the Ix'oquois, 129 ; effect on health of, 129 ; cour- ageous conduct, 130; desperate appeal to France, 131 ; disgust and retirement, 131. Associates, Company of One Hundred, organisation of, 75 ; failure of first ex- pedition, 75; first practical start, 76; first composition, 76; pledges, 76; pri- Tilegea, 77 ; stipulations in regard to religion, 77 ; powers and obligations, I 78 : first difficulties^ 78 ; first proceed- ings, 92 ; companies subordinate to, I 181 ; troubles and embarrassments, 102 ; unpatriotic claim, 131 ; dissolution, 169. I Avangour, Baron de, governorship of, 132- 136 ; dismay at the critical posture of I affairs, 132 ; Indian proposals of peace to, 132 ; consequent couBultation and decision, 132, 133 ; chagrin, 135 ; recall, 136 ; report and memoir of, on the state of the colony, 136 ; after services and death, 136. Baerb, M. de la, antecedents, 194 ; governorship, 194-196 ; abortive expedi- tion against the Iroquois, 195 ; recall, 196. Beauharnois, M. de, governorship of, 273- 280 ; policy, 273 ; complaints of English encroachment, 276 ; enterprise, 276 ; last acts and recall, 280. Beavers, abundance in Canada, 126 ; value of, 126. Bellamont, Lord, threat of, 242. Belie Riviere, battle of, 306. Bigot, Intendant, and hie agents, public frauds of, 313, 314, 331, 350, 351 ; un- popularity of, 347. BouUe, lieutenant to Champlain, 67 ; reconnoitering expedition and capture of, 73. Breboeuf, John, greatestof the Jesuit mis- sionaries, 114 ; terrible martyrdom, 114 ; remains and bust, 114, 115. Breton, Cape, importance to France, 262. Cabot, discoverer of Newfoundland, xix. Caen, Emery de, supersedes Kii'kt as Go- vernor of Quebec, 79. Caen, William de, rival company under, 61 ; co-operatioo with Champlain, 63. Calliere, De, project o' 203 ; its failure, 204 ; governorship of, 244-253 ; policy, 244, 245 ; embassy to' negotiate a general treaty between the French and Indians, 246 ; sagacious proceedings, 247, 248 ; erection ofFortDetroit,248 ; uneasiness 2k SH INDEX. 249 ; peace proposals, 250 ; thwarting of the English, 251 ; fear of England, 251 ; death, 252 ; effect of his adminis- tration, 252. Canada, discoveiy of, 2 ; winter in, 12 ; preparations for first European coloni- sation of, 18 ; failure of the attempt, 23 ; early trade with the coast of, 24 ; first expedition to, 2-7 ; second expedition, 5-18 ; failure of first attempt to colonise, 22 ; of second attempt, 26 ; the French name for, 26 ; the early peltry trade with, 27-29 ; wild animals, 29 ; founder of, 32 ; appointment of M. de Monts as first lieut. -general of, 33 ; the hope of, 34 ; Prince Condd viceroy, 44 ; estab- lishment of Christianity in, 47 ; early explorations in, 48 ; original wildness of, 49 ; first emigrant to, 56 ; first Pi-ench govex'uor, 59 ; an epoch in the history of, 59 ; European population in 1620, 63 ; surrender to England, 74 ; restoration to Prance, 76 ; population in 1633 and 1639, 91 ; dependent state in 1639, 91 ; progress, 92 ; state at Champlain's death, 93-96 ; crisis in the histoiy of, 96 ; colonies that affected, 96; causes of the slow growth of, 97 ; estimate of life in, 102; early struggles, 102 ; governors of till 1663, 104 ; disastrous state, 114-116 ; rescue by self-sacrifice of Bollard, 117 ; heroic age, 119 ; dependence of pros- perity on peace or war with the Iroquois, 126 ; wealth, 126; extreme peril, 132 ; gleams of hope to, 134, 135 ; division into parishes, 137 ; population in 1663, 145 ; qualityand character of first inhabitants, 146, 147 ; visited by pestilence, 147 ; be- ginning of real prosperity, 171 ; pros- perity under Courcelle and Talon, 180 ; population in 1667, 180 ; at close of Frontenac's administration, 190 ; worth of exports from, 1682, 191 ; settlement of the ecclesiastical affairs in, 191 ; population in 1688, 201 ; dis- astrous state in 1688-89, 201, 202; im- minency of ruin, 204 ; abandonment by Prance to its own resources, 212, 213 ; unsuccessful invasion by the English, 226 ; state under Calliere, 252 ; indiffer- ence of France, 253 ; undue wealth and influence of the clergy, 253 ; cession of teiTitoiy to England, 261 ; mean and ruinous policy of the home government, 266 ; internal improvements, 269, 270 ; population at close of Vaudreuil's go- vernorship, 270 ; money cm-rency, 270 ; officiality, 271 ; long peace of, 273 ; fraud and peculation in the government, 299, 304 313 ; dissensions of the military authorities, 299-309 ; state in 1755, 313; cost to France, 314 ; important acquisi- tions in 1756, 315 ; frightful picture of 1756, 316 ; deplorable state in winter 1757-58, 330, 331 ; peculation and gambling, 331 ; crisis in the history of, 342 ; effect on, of campaign of, 1758, 343 ; desperate condition of prior to ex- tinction of French rule, 344-357 ; mal- administration of the material resources, 348, 349 ; dearth, 352 ; virtual abandon- ment by France, 345, 346, 354; militaiy population and resources of, in view of campaign of 1759, 355, 356 ; population in 1760, under militai-y rule, 467 ; cession to Great Britain, 477, Cap-Rouge, station at, 19, 20 ; first colony at, 22 Carignan Regiment, notice of, 155. Caron, Jos, le, mission of, 47 ; hardships, 49 ; establishes himself, 49 ; promotes peace, 62 ; re-visits Prance, 64 ; returns with Champlain, 69 ; death, 78- Cartier, Jacques, character and seaman- ship, 1 ; commission from Francis I. , XX., 1, 2 ; first voyage and equipments, 2 ; harbours in St Catherine's, 2 ; an-ives at the Isle of Birds, 3 ; visits and aban- dons Labrador, 3 ; discovers Magdalen Islands, 3 ; and New Bmnswick, 4 ; traffics with natives, 4, 5 ; sagacity, 4 ; essays a westwards inlet, 4, 5 ; lands at Gaspg, 5 ; takes formal possession of the country, 5 ; buys up the natives, 6 ; returns home,and arrives at St Malo, 7 ; is welcomed, and re-equipped for a second voyage, 8 ; sails and enters the St Lawrence, 8, 9 ; arrives off Cape Diamond, 9 ; is on friendly terms with the natives, 9 ; takes steps to prevent undue familiarity, 10 ; penetrates to Hochelaga, 10 ; scans the interior from an eminence, 11 ; calls the eminence Mount Royal, 11 ; is attacked by the natives, 12 ; prepares against winter, 12 ; suffers from the severity of the season and scurvy, 12 ; is distrusted by the natives and in peril, 13 ; discovers by artifice the natives' antidote for scurvy, 13 ; was nearly losing all his men, 14 ; has recourse to the Tirj^in Mary, 14 ; credits God with his cunning, 14 ; prepares with the spring to return home, 15 ; arrives at St Malo, 15 ; fame as a discoverer and sea-captain, 15, 16 ; is received with apathy and even un- friendliness at home, 17 ; receives not- withstanding, after four years, charge as captain-general of a third expedition, 18 ; obtains a royal certificate, 18 ; is appointed to carry a colony out with him, 18 ; has to leave the colony behind, 19 ; establishes himself at Cap-Rouge, 19 ; makes preparations for a settlement, 20 ; is distrusted and thwai'ted by the Indians, 21 ; passes hissecoud Canadian winter, 21 ; believes he has discovered gold and diamonds, 21 ; prepares to re- turn home, 22 ; meets a colonial expedi- tion at St John's, refuses to join it, and sails to Prance, 22 ; retires into obscurity, 23. Cattle, importation of, 101. Cayugas. iSee Iroquois. INDEX. 51S Champlain, Lake, discovery of, 39. Champlain, Madame, her connections, 42; accompanies ber husband to Canada, 59 ; influence upon tbe natives, 59-64 ; devotion, self-sacrilices, and death, 64, 65, 86. Champlain, Samuel de, chai'acter and an- tecedents, 32 ; first voyage to Canada, 32 ; cai'eful explorations, 32 ; narrative, 33; service under De Monts, 34; sug- gestions, 35 ; founds Quebec, 36 ; con- spiracy against baffled, 36 ; foi'ethought 37 ; concludes a tx-eaty with the Indians, 38; memoirs, 38; expeditions against the Iroquois, 39 ; discovers Lakes Champlain and George, 39 ; defeats the Iroquois, 39; humanity^ 39, 41, 50 ; pre- cautions against winter, 40 ; home em- barrassments, 40 ; returns, and suc- cessfully renews hostilities, 41 ; plans, 42 ; return to France and marriage, 42 ; founds Montreal, 43 ; treats with the Indians, 43 ; returns to France, per- suades Prince Conde to accept the vice- royalty, 43, 44 ; diflScultles with free- traders, 44 ; explores a north-westward route to China, 44, 45 ; is hospitably en- tertained at IsleAUumettes by a friendly chief, 45 ; gives up the enterprise dis- appointed, 45 ; re-visits France, 45 ; ob- tains a new chai'ter, 46 ; sails, with missionary aims and outfit, 46 ; motto, 46 ; establishes missions to the Indians, 47 ; conference with Indians, 47 ; makes extensive discoveries, 48 ; stays among the Hm'ous, 49 ; conciliatory policy, 49, 55 ; trouble with the Hurons, 52; is twice wounded, 52 ; winters with the Hurons, 53 ; is welcomed back to Quebec, 55 ; takes a larger view of the wants of the colony, 55 ; returns with a new programme to France, 56 ; experi- ences more misfortunes and discourage- ments, 56, 57 ; letters-royal to, as gover- nor, 58, 59 ; goes out again, taking his wife with him, 59 ; fortifies Quebec, 59 ; new anxieties, 60, 61 ; is established in the governorship, 62 ; presides at the first great peace convention, 62 ; faith in future of the colony, 63 ; resolves to appeal to the mother country, 64 ; sails home. 64 ; pleads the cause of the colony, 66 ; receives a new commission, 68 ; returns to the colony, 69 ; adopts vigorous measures, 70 ; experiences new reverses, 72; defies Kirkt, 72; receives temporaiy relief, 72 ; surrenders Quebec, 74 ; high-mindedness, 74 ; embarks for England, and returns to France, 74 ; heart-lieaviness, 74; revived activity, 79; heads a new colony, 79; prudent policy, 79; influence over the Indians, 81 ; difficulty in view of the drinking habits of the Indians, 8 1 ; regard for the educational wants of the colony, 83 ; his last days and death, 84 ; funeral of, 85 ; last will of, 85 ; resting-place of, 85 ; re- sume of his life, 86, 87 ; defects of his charactei*, 87 ; his physique, character, Ac, 88-91. Charlevoix, remarks on Canada, 273 Chauvin, fate of, 31. See Pontegrave China, early attempts to find a north- west passage to, 45. Colbert, 185 ; and Canada, 179. Colonies, not Canadian, of English at Virginia, 96 ; at Massachusetts, 96 ; of Dutch at Albany and New York, 96 ; rapid rise, 97, 98 ; presence disastrous to French colonisation, 98 ; fi-iendly overtures from English, 165 ; note on EngUsh, 172 ; population of English in 1682, 190 ; French preparations to sub- jugate the English, 240 ; the English colonists, intrigues of, 197, 201 ; dissen- sions with the French, 200; animosity towards French, 204 ; alliance with the Iroquois, 204 ; designs, 205 ; expedition from Montreal against, 209 ; alarm, 209 ; expedition from Three Rivers against, 210 ; expedition from Quebec against, 210 ; cruelties undergone, and losses, 209-212 ; purposes of revenge, 212 ; vain appeal to England for assist- ance, 213 ; determination to expel the French from Canada, 214 ; retaliations, 215 ; abortive expedition against Mon- treal, 214 ; unsuccessful naval arma- ment against Quebec, 214, 215 ; pre- parations for another attack on Quebec, 226 ; disastrous issue of this. 227 ; efforts to undermine French influence over the Indians, 246 ; frightful suffer ing from Indian and French incursions, 255 ; indignant resolution to annihilate the French power, 256 ; successful ap peal to Queen Anne's Government, and warlike preparations, 258, 259 ; dis- astrous issue of the expedition, and retreat, 259 ; ideas in regard to bound- aries, 283 ; resolute decision to resist the claims of the French to the Ohio valley, 288 ; original designs as against the French, 298 ; four projected expedi- tions of, under Braddock, against the French, 298 ; account of these, 300-307 ; dilemma and harsh proceedings in re- gard to Nova Scotia, 302-304 ; persecu- tion of, 1766-58, 320 ; reverses in Ohio valley in 1756, 317-321 ; entanglements with imperial military schemes^ 322; successes of, in campaign of 1758, 333. Colonists, early French, character of, 146, 147 ; enterprise, 170, 171 ; increase, 171 ; ravages of scurvy and small-pox among, 181 ; agricultural wealth in 1682, 191. Colonists, French and English, standing cause of quarrel between, 232 ; relation- ships with the Iroquois, 234, 235 ; quaiTels as to right of superiority over the Iroquois territoi7, 240, 241 ; peace between, in consequence of Treaty of Ryswick, 241 ; renewal of hostilities be- 5i6 INDEX. tween, 255 ; intrigues among the In- dians, 255 ; hostile operations for supre- macy frustrated by the cunning policy of the Indians, 257 ; comparative mili- taiy resources, 258 ; peace by Treaty of Utrecht, 260, 261 ; comparative esti- mate, 275 ; outbreak of war between, 277 ; disregard of agreements between the mother countries, 283, 284 ; colli- sions on the border territories, 287; pi'eparations for a decisive struggle, 291 ; account of the fortified stations of 292-295 ; home succours, naval and military, 297 ; respective territorial claims. 298; relative military positions of in 1755, 299-315. Colonisation, Trench, of Canada, original aims of, 2 ; first attempt at, 22 ; second attempt at, 26 ; the peltry trade in its reliitioQ to, 27-29 ; attempts at, by chartered companies, 28 ; by Ponte- grave and Chauvin, 31 ; by Pontegravg and De Ghates, 31 ; the first real founder, 32 ; first great attempt at, 34 ; Champlain's success, in, 36-74 ; all but defeat of, 58 ; obstacle to, from Indian feuds, 61 ; jealousies connected with, adjusted, 62 ; obstructions to, from the English, 73 ; new attempt at, 75 ; effects on, of drinking propensities of the In- dians, 81 ; progress, 92 ; comparative weakness and slowness, 97 ; missionary in its aims, 98 ; drawbacks to, 102 ; obstruction from Iroquois to, 126 ; critical moment in, 132 ; indifference of French Government to, 253 ; true bane of, 265. Columbus, discoverer of America, ii. Commission, boundaries, report of, 282. Compagnie de Montreal, la, institution and aims, 106 ; first president, 107 ; steadfast determination of, 107 ; equip- ment and start, 108 ; troubles from- Iroquois, 109; straits of, 110; dissolu- tion of, 111. Companies, old and new, rivalries of, 61 ; union of, 61. Company, united, complaints at home against, 66 ; embarrassment from, 69, 71. Company, Indian, exclusive trade trans- actions of, 271, 272. Cond6, Prince, becomes Viceroy of Canada, 44 ; can do nothing for the colony, 57 ; resigns his viceroyalty, 58. Confessional, the, the Indians and, 324. Congregation de la Notre Dame, founda- tion of the, 111. Constitution, political, of Canada, changes in, 136 ; establishment of a new, 140- 143 ; proclamation, 143 ; bad working, 153. Conventof the RecoUets, founding of a, 60. Convent, Ursuline, foundation of an, 106 ; burning of, 121 ; efforts to restore, 121, 122 ; Indian sympathy with the nunsot 122 ; necessary sacrifice of^ 227. CorviSee, days of, 367. Cook, Captain, services at siege of Quebec, 377. Council, Supreme, appointment of a, 140; aiTival of, 141 ; composition of, 141 ; powers of several members of, 141 ; col- lective powers of, 141 ; restriction upon, 142 ; installation of, 143 ; dissensions in, 152, 183-185, 190. Courcelle, M. de, expedition against the Iroquois, 158, 159 ; governorship of, 173- 175 ; character and service to the colony, 174, 175, 180-182. Coureurs de bois, hazardous and illicit trade, 190 ; bootless prosecution, 190 ; employment against the Iroquois, 199- 202. Crises, in the history of French Canada, 342. Crown Point, military importance of, 293. Denonvillb, M. de, antecedents, 194 ; governorship of, 196-205 ; successful ex- pedition against the Ii-oquois, 197, 198 ; embarrassments, 200-202 ; representa- tions to the court of France, 203 ; recall, 205 ; character and administration, 2u5. De Chates,- alliance of, with Pontegrav6, 31 ; with Champlain, 32. Diamond, Cape, first arrival at, 9 ; chosen by Champlain for a permanent settle- ment. 36. Dieskau, G-eneral, army, 297; overmled by Taudreuil, 309 ; defeat and fate, 311. Dollard, M., desperate enterprise of, 116, 117. Duquesne, M., governorship of, 285-297 ; vigorous reforms in the administration, 2b6 ; defence of French claims to the Ohio valley, 287 ; resignation, 297. Du Vignan, imposture of, 45. £arthqitaees, a succession of, in 1663, 148, 149 ; reported effects, physical and moral, of, 149, 150. Eclipse, almost total, in 1663, 148. England, territorial pretensions of, 100, 298 ; cession to, of Canadian territory by Treaty of Utrecht, 261 ; capture by, of Louisbourg, 278 ; resolute determina- tion to extinguish French rule in Canada, 343, 344. English troops, sufferings of, in Quebec, 432, 433. Eries, or Cat Indians, foolhardiness and extirpation of, 127. Expedition, Acadian, history of the, S-k. Expedition, English, in 1755 q-gainst Nova Scotia, 300-305 ; Shirley's, 305 ; Brad- dock's, 305-307; against Crown Point, 307-312 ; in 1757, miscalculated, against Louisbourg, 322 ; in 1758, to the Ohio valley, 334-336 ; against Fort Frontenac, 336, 337 ; to Lake Champlain, 337-340 ; in 1759 to valley of St Lawrence, 359-361 ; against Fort Niagara, 361, 362 ; against Quebec, 363 ; against Montreal, 461-472. INDEX. 517 Expedition, French, against Oswego, 317, 318; against Fort William Uenry, 1756, 320, 321 ; against Fort George, 1757, 323-392. Feudal elements, importation of, 171. First military expedition against the Iroquois, 157, 158 ; retreat, 159 ; com- parative success, 159 ; Courcelle's opinion of, 159 ; second, or De Tracy's, 160, 161 ; difficulties in the march, 162, 163 ; unexpected food supplies, 162- 164 ; its ravages, and return, 164, 165 ; its effect upon the Iroquois, 165. Forts, militaiy, erection of, against the Iroquois Indians, 156, 157, 188, 189; border, of French and English colonists, 292-295, Fort Niagara, calamity at, 199. Fort St Louis, projected building of, 60 ; slow progress of the works, 69 ; new plans for, and operations, 70. Foye, Ste, account of battle of, 451-455 ; re- giments engaged at, 452 ; loss of British. 454. . France, religious and political troubles in, 24 ; colonisation of Canada by, 28 ; in- sincerity of the court to Champlain, 69; territorial pretensions, 99 ; Indian name for king, 104 ; imbecility of the court, 204 ; territorial claims of, 298 ; costs of her Canadian colony, 314. Francis I., ambition of, 2; sarcastic say- ing, 2 ; his appreciation of Cartier, 18. Franciscan order of Becollets, immigration of, 46 ; exclusion from Canada, 137 ; seminary, 55 ; among the Hurons, 62 ; appeal to France, 64. Frontenac, Count, governorship, 183-190 ; chai-acter and antecedents, 175-183 ; haughtiness of, and dissensions with bishop and intendant, 183, 184 ; cen- sured, 185 ; schemes, 186 ; firmness and decision, 188, 189 ; arbitrary proceed- ings, 190 ; recall, 190 ; reappointment, 206 ; vigarous measures, 206 ; two- fold project, 207 ; designs against the English, 208 ; measures against the English colonists, 208-211 ; successes, 209-211 ; congratulations from the Iroquois, 211 ; decisive measures, 213 ; ecstasy in the war-dance, 214; vigorous preparations to resist the English fleet, 215, 216 ; reply to the English summons to surrender Quebec, 217-219 ; judicious defence of Quebec, and defeat of the English, 218 ; recognition of this service, 219 ; success of his administration, 220 ; embarrassments, 221 ; home succour, 222 ; failure to conciliate the Iroquois, 222 ; comparative military weakness, 223 ; successes nevertheless against the English and the Iroquois, 226; bone of contention with the troquois, 232 ; pre- parations for a decisive campaign against the Iroquois, 234-236 ; account of campaign, 237-239 ; death, 242 ; char- acter, 242, 243. Frontenac, contention about, 233 ; cap- ture of, 337. Q-ALissioNiEEB, M. de la, governorship of, 280-282 ; proposals to curb the English power, 280 ; appointment as a boundary commissioner, 281 ; failure to establish a printing-press in Canada through the parsimony of the home government, 281 ; services, 281, 282 ; retirement, 282. Gamanche, Marquis de, gifts for mission purposes, 70; for education, 83. Garakonthie, the moral character and influence of, 133 ; embassy under, 157 ; death, 188. Gaspe, French take formal possessioa of Canada at, 5. George, Fort, siege and capitulation of, 323-326 ; massacre of, 327-;J29. George, Lake, discovery of, 39. Giffard, services to Canada, 101. Gorgues, M, de, chivalrous enterprise, 25. Governors of Canada, list of, till 1663, 104^112 ; similarity of task, 104 ; com- plete list, 144 ; chief embii-rassments, 112 ; general character, 119 ; ceremonial reception, 128 ; qualifications required, 285. Guyart, Marie (Mere Marie de I'lncama- - tion), character, 176 ; Ferland's descrip- tion of, 176 ; influence upon colonial manners, 177. Havilasd, Colonel, movements on Mon- treal, 462, 463. Henry III., letters-royal of, to Champlain, 58, 59. Henry IV., interest in colonisation of Canada, 26, 33 ; grants a charter to trade with, and colonise Canada, 30 ; effect of death on the colony, 35. Herbert, Louis, history of, 56; family of, 56; independence of, 71.; widow and son-in-law of, 74. Hochelaga, French station at, 10 ; visited by Champlain, 32 ; site of Montreal, 43. Horses, importation of, 157. Hotel Dieu, establishment of, 106. Hudson, Henry, discoveries, and fate of, 45. Hudson's Bay Company, charter of, 182, Huguenots, persecutions against, 24, 25 ; exclusion from Caoadian colonisation, 65, 77, 78 ; jealousy towards Jesuits, 67 ; disfavour shown to, and disabilities of, 68. Hurona. the French alliance with, 37 ; friendliness, 42, 80, 100 "; territory, 48 ; elation, 50 ; over-confidence, defeat and retreat, 52 ; strategy of, 53 ; attack of Iroquois on, 105 ; annihilation of, 115 ; numbers and territory, 116 ; descend- ants, 116 ; speech of chief, 122. 5i8 INDEX. Iberyille, Pierre le Moyne d*, father, 230 ; services, 230, 231 ; naval feats, 231. Indians, origin of name, xx. ; numbers, xxi. ; region and occupation, &c., xxi, ; names and hunting - grounds of the Canadians of New England, xxi.-xxiii, ; savage state, xxiii., xxiv. ; religion, xxiv. ; war qualities, xxiv. ; common qualities, xxv. ; present number, and state of Canadians, xxv., xxvi. ; jea- lousy of the, 6 ; French trade with, 24 ; French treaty with, 37 ; cruelty towards, 39, 41, 50 ; missions to, 47; first experience of treachery, 57; league of, against the French settlers, 69 ; internecine feuds of, 60 ; treaty of peace between, 63 ; naturalisation of Frenchmen among, 63, 246 ; disastrous eflfects of intoxicating drink on, 81 ; failure to educate, 180-197 ; disgi'aceful bribes by French and English, 223 ; criminal deference to their cruel vindic- tiveness, 222-225 ; concourse for confer- ence at Montreal, 249-251 ; exterminar- tion of a tribe incited by the English, 260 ; treachery, 310 ; fickleness, 320. Indies, East, early attempts to find a north-west passage to, 45. Iroquois Indians, expeditions against, 39 ; hostility to the French colonists. 39 ; first defeat, 39 ; second defeat, 41 ; third expedition against, 50 ; defences, 51 ; attack upon, 51 ; courage and victory, 52 ; revenge upon the Hurons, 54 ; obtain fire-arms, 54 ; trouble the rising colony, 60 ; agree to peace, 63 ; friendly to the Enghsh, 100 ; depredations, 104, 105 ; treachery, 105, 112 ; barbarous proposal, 105 ; ambuscading ways of, 109 ; atroci- ties of, 111, 113-115, 117 ; all but success- ful plans for extinction of French rule, 117 ; designs against the Hurons, 123 ; audacity, 125 ; defeat, 125 ; complaint against, 126 ; the dominancy of, 129 ; French horror of, 129, 130; character, 130 ; preparations of, for a last assault, 130 ; unexpected proposal for peace, 132 ; repulses, 135 ; continued incur- sions, 155 ; warlike preparations against, 156 ; treachery, 160 ; successive re- treats, 162, 163 ; palisaded camps of, 164 ; embassy for peace, 165 ; account of, 166-168 ; tribes and geographical dis- tribution, 166 ; region, 166 ; cruelty. 167 ; value to the colony, 171-180 ; settlement of converted, 181; preference for English, 182; disaffection of, 188- 194 ; defeat by Denonville, 198, 199 ; renewed incursions, 199; dubious peace with, 200 ; fearful barbarities, 202 ; alliance with the English, 204-209 ; new inroads and cruelties, 222 ; French dis- trust of the converted, 222, 223 ; com- parative value of a dead and a living, 224; tired of hostilities, 228; renewal of hostilities, 234 ; alliance with the colonists, 234, 235 ; great expedition against, 236; disastrous plight, 238, 239 ; refusal to own subjection to either France or England, 241 ; cunning, '242 ; independent attitude, 245 ; pro- visional treaty with the French, -^47 ; conclusion of peace, 250 ; request for priests, 251 ; refusal to own English or French supremacy, 261 ; accession to, 261; holders of the balance of power, 262. Isle AUumettes, discovery of, 45. Isle of Birds, why so-called, 3 ; of Byron, natural wealth of, 3 ; of Bacchus, vines of, 9. Jbnnsr, salutation to, 181. Jesuit missionaries, employment and ar- rival of, 67 ; distrust of, 67 ; two dis- tinguished, 67 ; cold reception, 70 ; establishment on their own resources, 70 ; gifts to, 70 ; patriotism, 71 ; English concession to, 74 ; preference for, over mendicant, 77; "Relations" of, 81; moral virtues, 82 ; enlightened views, 83 ; horrid sulferings, 114 ; greatest of, 114 ; peace mediations, 127 ; magnani- mity, 133 ; supercession, 137 ; English Teto upon, 246 ; machinations against the English, 301. Jeune, Le, thankfulness, 92 ; enthusiastic account of, 94^96. Johnson, William, notice of character and sei-vices, 308 ; victory of, over the French near Fort Edward, 310, 311 ; per- sonal influence of, 320 ; victory at Fort Niagara, 361, 362. Jonquiere, M. de la, govern oi*ship, 282-285; chai'ge of avarice against, 285 ; death, 285. Kalm, Professor, 282, Kirkt, Sir David, bis challenge, 72 ; inter- cepts supplies to Quebec, 72; demands the surrender of Quebec, and takes pos- session, 74. Kirkt, Louis, first English commandant of Quebec, 75 ; his resignation, 79. Kondiaronk (the Rat), treachery of, 201 ; death, 250. Labrxdoe, Cartiei-'s opinion of, 3 ; first French viceroy of, 18. Massaci'e of Lachine, 202. Lallemant, friend and spiritual adviser of Champlain, 67 ; patriotism, 72 ; attends Champlain in his last moments, 84. Laval, M., arrival of, 130 ; quaiTel with D'Argenson aboutprecedence and liquor trafBc, 131, 136 ; ecclesiastical appoints ments, 137 ; abolition of Jesuit mis- sionary system, 137 ; new ecclesiastical organisation of, 137 ; appointment as bishop, 142 ; collision with De Mesy, 152 ; coolness and dignity, 152 ; com- plaint against De Mesy to the king, 153 ; arbitrary proceedings, 153 ; dissensions with Frontenac, 184 ; anxiety for settle- ment of the liquor question, 185 ; arbi- INDEX. S19 trary conduct of, 191 ; controversy with the RecoUets, 192 ; application for a successor, 192 ; retirement, 196 ; char- acter, 196. Lauson, De, governorship of, 125-128 ; de- feats the Iroquois, and concludes a peace with them, 125 ; two concessions censured, 126 ; unpopularity and retire- ment, 127. Lescarbot, accompanies De Mont's expedi- tion, 34 ; his opinion of Champlaiu, 87. Levis, M. de, character and services of, 4l9 ; scheme to retake Quebec, and re- cover Canada, 427 ; forces under him, 427 ; advance to recapture Quebec. 44S ; victory at Ste Foye, 453, 454 ; mistake after, 456 ; siege preparations, 456 ; their defeat, 456-458 ; his losses, 459 ; dispiritment, 460. Limestone, importation of, 60 ; discovery of, 60. Louis XIV., promise of aid to the colony, 131 ; apathy, I3l ; sends an earnest of aid, and promises more, 134 ; appoints a government, 140 ; jealous and arbi- traiy disposition of, 143 ; character and reign, 143 ; humiliation, 260 ; unhappy policy with regard to Canada, 264-268 ; mistaken concern for the hatters of Paris, 265 ; greatest mistake, 267 ; great- ness of, 267, 268 ; the two objects of his colonial policy, 268 ; death and last con- fession, 268. Louisbourg, strong fortification, 263 ; sur- render to the English, 278 ; failures to retake, 278, 279 ; restoration to France, 281 ; siege and final capture, 333, 334. Magdalen Islands, discovery of, 3. Maisonneuve, M. de, magnanimous reply, 107 ; devotion, 108 ; prudence and cool courage, 109 ; forced retirement of, 111 ; disinterestedness of, 111 ; example of, 111 ; anecdote of, 112 ; Tille Marie, consecration of, Z07. Manee, M. devotion of, 107, 108. Manufactures, rise of, 170 ; veto upon, 178. Meay, M. de, governorship of, 151 ; vigor- ous government, 151 ; collision with Laval and the majority of the council, 152 ; arbitrary and violent proceeding, 153 ; apptial to the people, 153 ; charges against, 153 ; preparations to impeach, and death, 154. Mines, encouragement to, 178. Missions, Catholic, influence on the history of the colony, 47 ; the encouragement, 55 ; Shea's History of American, 48, 114 ; new extensions, 62 ; embarrsissments, 64 ; fresh aid to, 67 ; royal favour shown to, 68 ; English concession to, 74 ; extension of, 106 Mis.sissippi, account of the discovery and exploration of, 186, 187 ; original name of, 187 ; discoverer's description of the region of, 188; first thorough naviga- tion of, 188. Mohawks. See Iroquois. Montcalm, General, arrival, antecedents, and character of, 315 ; colleagues. 3i5 ; catalogue of discouragements at the outset of his military rule, 316 ; dis- positions of troops, 317 ; capture of Fort Oswego, 3l7, 318 ; consequent popularity, 317 ; concession to blood- thirsty instincts of the Indians, 318, 323 ; opinion of the Canadians, 318 ; vivacity, 319 ; concentration upon Ca- rillon and Crown Point, 320 ; programme for 1757, 321 ; siege and capture of Fort George, 323-329 ; repulse of a formid- able attack on Carillon, 338, 339 ; esti- mate of the weakness of his position at Carillon, 340 ; his policy henceforth, 341 ; instructions from headquarters, 345 ; devotion, 346 ; distrust of Vau- dreuil, 347 ; forebo ings, 353 ; disgust, 354 ; last hope, 354 ; distinguished officers, 376 ; defensive policy at Quebec, 391 ; mistaken security, 400 ; surprise, 406 ; resolve to give battle, 407; reasons for real and alleged, 407 ; number of his army. 408 ; its disposition, 409 ; its sudden check and rout, 411 ; fall of, 412 ; his losses, 412 ; last sayings, 414 ; burying place, 414, 415 ; coffin, 415 ; skull, 415 Montmaguy, M., governorship of, 104-112 ; double object of, 104 ; Indian sm-name, 104 ; ill successes, and hazardous situa- tion, 105 ; character and sei-vices of, 119, 120; respect for the memory of, 120. Montmorency, Duke of, vice-royalty, 58 ; retirement, 66. Montreal, origin of the name, 11, 15; French trading-station, 27 ; origin of the city, 43 ; establishment of La Com- pagnie de Montreal, 106 ; rapid growth, 111 ; population in 1672, 111, 181 ; bar- barous onslaught of the Iroquois upon, 202 ; English expedition against, 214 ; fortification of, 269, 296 ; population in 1722, final expedition against, 461- 472 ; capitulation, 473, 474. Monts, M. de, first visit to Canada, 31 ; character and appointment as lieut.- general, 33 ; expedition to Canada under, 34 ; renewal of charter, 10, 35 ; discouragements and retirement, 42, 43. Murray, General, first English governor of Quebec, 429 ; difficulties as to fuel, 430, 431 ; spirit of his troops, 432 ; re- gulations as to prices of food, 434 ; in- timidation of the enemy, 434 ; treat- ment of the inhabitants, 435, 436 ; ex- pulsion by, of Jesuits, 438 ; criminal jurisprudence, 439 ; vigilant military measures ; 440 ; kept in alarm by the French, 441 ; ordex's misapprehended, 441 ; severity with the French colonists, S20 INDEX. 442 ; takes and fortifies Point Levi, 443 ; ruse to revive the spirits of his men, 446 ; preparations against De Levis' at- tack, 447 ; journal, 450 ; imprudent hazard of battle, 451 ; narrative of battle of Ste Foye, 451-454; manifesto, 454; sullen despondent spirit of his troops, 455 ; re-assurance, 456 ; message to the fleet, 456 ; expedition up St Lawrence, ~ 459 ; expedition against Montreal, 463 ; military rule of Canada, 476. Nations, Tive. See thelroquois ; Six, 261. Newfoundland, early cod fisheries, xix. ; Gartier's comparative estimate of, 3 ; M. de Roberval, first Trench viceroy of, 18. New France, See Canada. Colonisation of, 35. See Nova Scotia. Newspaper, first, Canadian, 281. Nova Scotia, De Mont's preference for, 34 ; cession to England by France, 261 ; English expedition against the French in, 801-304 ; resistance on the part of the French to English rule on religious grounds, 301, 302 ; dilemma of the Eng- lish in regard to, 302 ; expulsion and hardships of French colonists, 303, 304 ; resulting desolation, 304 ; character of French settlers in, 302, 304, Nuns, Ursuline, establishment of, 101; contentedness, 102. Oath of neutrality, 463. Oneidas. See Iroquois. Onondagas. See Iroquois. Orders, religious, laws to limit the acqui- sition of property by, 253. Oswego, Fort, fall of, 318; its effect on French influence with natives, 320. Ottawa, discovery of, 45 ; traversed as far as 46° 20' north latitude, 48. Pelteie, Mad. dela, arrival of, 106 ; devo- tion, 106, 107, 176 ; connections and per- sonal attractions, 176 ; influence upon colonial manners, 177. Perrot, Nicolas, character and antece- dents, 228 ; knowledge of and influence with the Indians, 228, 229 ; services to the colony, 229 ; good offices of, 246, 250. Perrots, the, notice of, 184. Pestilence, ravages of, 147, 148. Phipps, Sir W. squadron, 214, 216 ; sum- mons, 216 ; flag, 217 ; attacks on Quebec, 217, 218; discomfiture, 219; death, 219. Pitt, William, anti-French policy, 312; vigorous measures, 332, Plantations. See Colonies. Portuguese, discoveries of, xvii. ; effects of their example on maritime enter- prise, xviii. ^DBBEO, origin of, 9-15 ; French trading- station at, 27 ; rude beginnings, 36 ; population in 1616, 56 ; early troubles, 56, 57, 69 ; projected fortification, 59 ; made capital of Canada, 59 ; famine in 1626, 71 ; blockade of, and demand to surrender by the English, 72 ; sur- render, 74 ; foundation of college at, 83 ; registers first kept in, 101 ; first baptism in, 101 ; first wedding in, 101 ; jealousy of Montreal, 111 ; births in 1670, 1671, 180 ; growth into a city, 180 ; great fire in, 191 ; preparations at, against the English, 216-219 ; summons of to surrender, 216 ; successful resist- ance of, 2 1 8, 219 ; state of during siege, 220 ; additions to the defences of, 227, 269 ; population in 1722, 271 ; society of, in 1720, 273, 274 ; scarcity in,3l3 ; arma- ment against, under Saunders and Wolfe, 363-365 ; operations for defence, 366-369 ; distribution of forces, 370 ; arrival of the English, 371 ; futile at- tempt to fire the Enjglish fleet and dis- turb the siege operations, 377, 379 ; effect of the bombardment on buildings. 379 ; virtual destruction, 379 ; alleged unjustifiable outrages and devastation in the fields round by the English, 386-390; Saunders and Wolfe's opinion of the defences. 391 ; desperate condition, 394- 397 ; prosecution of the siege, 416 ; sur- render, 420 ; terms of capitulation, 420 ; occupation by the English, 421 ; hard- ships from want of fuel after fall, 430 ; sufferings of English garrison, 432 ; grotesque appearance of gaiTison on parade, 433 ; sufferings of English gar- rison, 445 ; abortive attempt of the French tp retake, 456-458 : joy of the EngUsh garrison on the appearance of relief, 457 ; siege raised, 458_ 459. Race Antipathies, strength of, 25, Rangers, Wolfe's, bush-fighting and scalp- ■ng practice, 373, Rapids, the, discovery, 32 ; original name, 32 ; Champiain visits and passes, 44 ; General Amherst's expedition and the, 469 ; disasters to Amherst's army in, 470, Registers of births, &c., institution of, 171 Relations des Jesuistes, 81 ; value of, 82 ; dates, 82 ; authors, 82 ; history as documents, 82 ; effect of the publica- tion, 92, 93 ; references, 118, 120, 126, 128, 129, 133, 148, 167, Repentigny, Madame, patriotic inven- tions, 265. Residences, establishment of, 92: sites of, P2, Richelieu, founds a new colonial com- pany, 75 ; favours the Jesuits, 77. Roberval, M. de, appointment as first French colonial Governor of Canada, 18; failure to found a colony, 22; loss at sea in a second attempt, 23. Roche, Marquis de la, failure to found a French colony in Canada, 26, Rocky Mountains, 276. Ryswick, Treaty of, 241. INDEX. 521 Sable Island, convict colony at, 26 ; fate of the first colonists, 26. Sagard, Gabriel, services in promoting peace among the native Indians, G-2 ; league with the Jesuits, 67. Salle, La, first navigator of the Mississippi, 1.88, 193; his establishment of forts and trading-posts, 188, 189 ; death, 193. Saunders, Admiral, appointment to com- mand naval squadron against Quebec, 358 ; distinguished subordinates. 376. Scurvy, symptoms and effects of, 13 ; In- dian antidote for, 14 ; ravages of, 14, 37,56, 181,261. Seminary, the Jesuit, at Quebec, institu- tion of, 137; attendance, 180; trans- formation of, 196. Seneras. See Iroquois. Settlers, the first,in America, quarrels and jealousies, 99 ; injudicious conduct to- wards natives, 99 ; conflicting claims, 100. Sillery, M. de, benefactions of, 106. Simon le Moyne, self-sacrifice of, 133. Shenectady, massacre of, 209. Slate, importation of, 60. Small-pox, ravages of, 181, 201. Soldiers, English, horror of the Indians, 323. Spain and Portugal, pretensions, 21. Spaniards, treachery and cruelty of the, 25. totadacona, French station at, 9 ; visited by Ghamplain, 32. St Lawrence, the, discoveiy of, 7, 9, 15 ; forests on the banks, 20. St Sulpice, the order of, foundation of, in Montreal, 111. Tadoussac, first French trading settle- ment at, 27 ; second settlement at, 31. Taieronk, chief of the Hurons, speech of, 122. Talon, Intendant, ai-rival of, 155 ; co- operation with De Tracy, 170 ; services to the colony, 177-180 ; boast of, 178 ; character. 179. Three Rivers, trading-post at, 27-31 ; con- spiracy at, 58. Tithes, imposition of, 138 ; changes In the rating, 138 ; popular resistance, 152 ; acceptable adjustment, 155. Toast, British, 364. Tourmente, Captain, the hay-field of, 69, Trade, early, with Canada, 24 ; in skins and furs, 27-29 ; settlements for, 27 ; extent and value of the peltiy, 80 ; in beavers' skins, 126 ; dependent on the friendly or unfriendly relations with Iroquois, 126 ; export, 170 ; import, 170. Trade, free, effects of, 43 ; infant strug- gles of, 44. Traffic, liquor, preventive measure by Ghamplain, 138 ; English encourage- ment to, 138 ; increase of, 138 ; dissen- sions aiising out of, 138, 139 ; demoralis- ing effects on the Indians, 139-148 ; dis- sensions about, 184 ; inquiry into, and decision regarding, 185. Tracy, M. de, appointment as viceroy, 154 ; arrival of, 154 ; vigorous measures against the Iroquois, Iri5-160; courage, 160 ; expedition against the Iroquois,- 160-166 ; colonial management, 169-171 ; return to France, 171. Utrecht, Treaty of, 268. Valuer, M de St, installation as bishop, 196. Vaudreuil, M. de, governorship, 254-272 ; impolicy with the English colonists, 256 ; wife, 262 ; anti-English policy, 269 ; in- ternal policy, 269 ; death, 272, Vaudreuil, M, de (the younger), governor- ship, 297 ; opinion of the Canadians, and their treatment by the regulars, 319 ; militai7 project for 1757, 321 ; opinion of Montcalm, 347; culpable partiality, 351 ; manifesto of, 357 ; con- duct at the surrender of Quebec, 417, 418 ; conduct at Montreal, 472, 473. Ventadour, Due de, becomes viceroy, 66 ; forwards the mission of Le Caron and Sagard, 66. Verrazzani, mission of, xix. Washington, appointment of, to defend British soil against French pretensions, 288 ; mistaken conflict with the French, 288, 289 ; defence, 289 ; charge against, of murder and assassination, 289 ; capi- tulation to the French, 290 ; rear-guard in a retreat, 307. West Indian Company, charter, 169, 170; dissolution, 170. Wolfe, General, conduct at siege of Louis- bourg, 334; character and antecedents, 363, 364 ; exclusive respect for courage and drill, 365 ; manifesto in name of King of England, 371, 372 ; disposition of troops against Quebec, 372-375 ; failm-e to provoke Montcalm to general action, 380-385 ; defeat at Beauport Flats, 384, 385 ; censm-e of the rash- ness of the grenadiers, 386 ; attempt to stain the memory of, 388 ; aban- donment of the idea of attempting to land above the city, 392 ; resolution to force an action, 397 ; illness, 397 ; report of this decision and his death published together in England, 397 ; occcupation of Fort Levi, a preparation to transport all the troops to north side, 399 ; superintendence of transportation, 400 ; disguised movements, 400-403 ; general order of, Sept. 11, 401, 402; landing on north shore, Sept. 13, 403 ; secure position, 404 ; choice of battle- ground, 404 ; number and quality of his army, 409 ; its disposition, 409, 410 ; victory of, 411 ; fall of, 412 ; last words, 413 ; monuments to the memory of, 424, Women, services and consequent emanci- pation of, by France, 221, 222; English, in winter quarters, 433. 2l