^.f^;^./,' 
 
 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 BY 
 
 PHILIP MASSINGER 
 
 THOMAS WHITFIELD BALDWIN 
 

 GlottteU ilttiucrBttg Htbrarti 
 
 Lrlo.T.a.ry., ljK.JL...KtkanQe 
 
Cornell University Library 
 PR 2704.D8 1918 
 
 An edition of Pliilip Massinger's Duke of 
 
 3 1924 013 133 149 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013133149 
 
AN EDITION OF PHILIP MASSINGER'S 
 
 DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 presented to the 
 
 Faculty of Princeton University 
 
 IN Candidacy for the Degree 
 
 OF Doctor of Philosophy 
 
 BY 
 
 THOMAS WHITFIELD BALDWIN 
 
 PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH, SOUTH DAKOTA STATE COLLEGE 
 
 PRESS OF 
 
 THE NEW.ERA PRINTING COMPANY 
 
 LANCASTER, PA. 
 
 1918 
 
A.3g2?^? 
 
 Accepted by the Department of English, 
 June 1916 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Face 
 
 Preface v 
 
 I. Life vii 
 
 II. Critical Introduction i 
 
 A. The Duke of Milan i 
 
 a. Early Editions i 
 
 b. Date of Composition 3 
 
 c. Modern Editions 7 
 
 d. Stage History 9 
 
 e. Sources 
 
 1. Fable 
 
 Josephus the Chief Source of the Play. 10 
 The Herod-Mariamne Story of Josephus. 1 2 
 Other Authors' Use of the Herod- 
 Mariamne Story 18 
 
 Massinger's Use of the Herod-Mariamne 
 
 Story 20 
 
 2. Massinger's Alterations 
 
 Influence of Othello 21 
 
 The Historical Setting 22 
 
 The Borrowing from The Second 
 
 Maiden's Tragedy 25 
 
 B. Massinger as Poet-Dramatist 30 
 
 The "Stage-Poet " 30 
 
 The " Moral " Character Portrayer 36 
 
 The Conscious Stylist 40 
 
 Massinger's Habit of Repetition 46 
 
 Final Estimate of The Duke of Milan 47 
 
 Massinger's Conception of Tragedy 48 
 
 Massinger's Rank 49 
 
 III. Text SI 
 
 IV. Notes 414 
 
 V. I. Appendix I. Printers and PubUshers of the Quartos. 176 
 
 2. Appendix II. Massinger's New Year's Letter to 
 
 Lady Stanhope 178 
 
 VI. Glossary 180 
 
 BibUography ' 194 
 
 ill 
 
PREFACE 
 
 In the preparation of this work, I have received much kindly 
 aid. Professor Felix E. Schelling secured me the loan of the 
 first quarto oi The Duke of Milan owned by the University of 
 Pennsylvania. Professor Charles W. Kennedy of Princeton 
 looked up some information for me in England. Mr. R. B. Mc- 
 Kerrow went to much unavailing trouble to secure for me the 
 corrections by Massinger in the Foljambe quarto. Mr. Walter 
 R. Gottrell of the Princeton University Library was always 
 assiduous and kindly, in helping me secure needed materials. 
 Mr. Lacy Lockert, my fellow student, was a constant source of 
 suggestion to me. My readers. Professors Parrott and Spaeth, 
 gave me much valuable criticism. To Professor Parrott espe- 
 cially, under whom this work was done, I owe warmest thanks 
 for the careful training that made much of the work possible and 
 for unstinted criticism and suggestion at all stages. , 
 
PHILIP MASSINGER 
 
 Concerning the life of Philip Massinger, little is known. The 
 exact date of his birth has not come down to us ; but, according 
 to Boyle in the Dictionary of National Biography, he was bap- 
 tized Nov. 24, 1583, at St. Thomas's, Salisbury. Coleridge is 
 responsible for the "pleasing fancy" that Sir Philip Sidney, 
 brother of Henry Herbert's second wife, was sponsor upon the 
 occasion and that hence came the name Philip. However pleas- 
 ing, it is but a fancy, not a fact. 
 
 From the dedication to The Bondman, we learn that his father 
 was Arthur Massinger, "servant" to the noble family of the 
 Herberts. Of course, " servant " here has nothing of the menial 
 attached to it. According to Joseph Foster,^ this Arthur Mas- 
 singer was, "B. A. from St. Alban Hall, sup. 7 Dec, 1571, fellow 
 of Merton Coll. 1572, M. A. 25 June, 1577, incorporated at Cam- 
 bridge 1578, M. P. Weymouth and Melcombe Regis 1588-9, 1593, 
 Shaftesbury 1601." We know that he was highly regarded by 
 Henry Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, as (in a letter to the Earl of 
 Burghley, dated March 28, 1587) he recommended Massinger 
 strongly for " the reversion of the office of Examiner in the Court 
 of the Marches toward South Wales"; and later entrusted to 
 him negotiations for a marriage into the same family of Burgh- 
 ley.^ Arthur Massinger, then, was a man of considerable im- 
 portance and his son Philip would presumably have had advan- 
 tages above the ordinary. 
 
 At any rate, Philip was ready to matriculate at St. Alban Hall, 
 Oxford, May 14, 1602, when he is described as " Phillipus Mas- 
 singer, Sarisburiensis, generosi filius nat. an 18 ". How he spent 
 his time there, we do not know. Wood says,* "tho encouraged 
 in his" studies by the Earl of Pembroke, he applied himself more 
 to poetry and romances than to logic and philosophy, which he 
 ought to have done, and for that was patronised " ; but Lang- 
 
 1 Alumni Oxonienses, III, 1004. 
 
 2 Notes and Queries, ist S. Ill, 52. 
 
 3 Athenae Oxoniensis, Vol. II, 654 ff. 
 
 vii 
 
Vm THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 baine* says, "he closely pursued his studies in Alban Hall for 
 three or four years". He left school without a degree, as did 
 many other literary men of the time. Why he left, we do not 
 know. It may have been because of his father's death, which 
 seems to have occurred about this time. However, from the 
 statement of Wood that Massinger had been patronized by the 
 Earl of Pembroke (third Earl William : not second Earl Henry, 
 who died Jan. 19, 1601, to whom Boyle attributes this in D. N. 
 B.) some have inferred that the Earl refused further aid at this 
 time, thus accounting for Massinger's supposed withdrawal and 
 "alienation" from the family of Herbert. Gifford accepts the 
 " alienation " as a fact and accounts for it by the theory that Mas- 
 singer had turned Catholic. This theory he bases upon certain 
 of Massinger's writings, especially The Virgin Martyr, The Rene- 
 gade, and The Maid of Honor. There is no real evidence for 
 such a change on Massinger's part. 
 
 The next piece of evidence in the Massinger biography is the 
 tripartite letter" supposed to date about 1613-14, addressed to 
 Henslowe by Field, Daborne, and Massinger, begging the loan of 
 " five pound " on their play to bail them, which sum was granted. 
 Daborne and Massinger again had business dealings with Hen- 
 slowe involving three pounds, July 4, 161 5. Daborne in an un- 
 dated letter to Henslowe, which Mr. Eleay thinks belongs to 161 3, 
 complained : " I did think I deserved as much money as Mr. Mes- 
 singer". Thus Massinger the dramatist makes his appearance 
 in that state of chronic poverty which seems (if we may believe 
 his dedications) to have been his condition throughout life. 
 
 In the tripartite letter, Fletcher is mentioned by Daborne. It 
 is chiefly as Fletcher's collaborator that Massinger is known to us 
 in the next period. Beginning about 1616, Massinger became a 
 collaborator in the Fletcher syndicate for the King's Men and 
 (with only slight exceptions) continued his connection with that 
 company till his death. He reformed The Virgin Martyr for/ the 
 Red Bull Company in 1620, write three plays for the Princess 
 Elizabeth's Men at the Cockpit, 1623-4, and certainly one, almost 
 certainly two, and quite probably three more plays for their suc- 
 cessors, the Queen's Men, 1627-8. With these exceptions, he 
 
 * An Account of The English Dramatick Poets, article Massinger. 
 5 Greg, Henslowe Papers, pp. 65-7,'70-i, 85. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN IX 
 
 worked continuously for the King's Men, becoming Fletcher's 
 successor as their chief dramatist. ' 
 
 Aubrey" under date of May, 1672, says that Massinger's"wife 
 died at Cardiffe in Wales, to whom earl of Pembroke paid an an- 
 nuity ". " She seems to have had children. Miss Henrietta 
 Massinger, claiming to be a direct descendant, died on 4 Aug. 
 1762 (London Mag. 1762)".'' 
 
 Aubrey also informs us that Massinger died suddenly in a 
 house by the Bankside and was buried, according to the register 
 of St. Saviour's Southwark, March 18, 1639 [i. e., 1640], about 
 the middle of Bullhead churchyard. Sir Aston Cockain says^ ' 
 that Massinger and Fletcher were buried in one grave. Whether 
 this is to be taken literally or figuratively is a disputed question. 
 
 « Brief Lives, ed. A. Clark, II, 54-5. 
 ' Boyle, D. N. B., article Massinger. 
 8 Quoted in Cunningham's Introduction, p. xvii. 
 
CRITICAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Early Editions 
 
 The Duke of Milan was first printed in the quarto of 1623. 
 This quarto, which is accurately and clearly done, I have used as 
 the basis of my text.^ Between the publication of his first (1805) 
 and second (1813) editions of Massinger's Works, Gifford was 
 presented with a copy of the quarto of 1623, containing correc- 
 tions of the text and a short address to Sir Francis Foljambe, in 
 Massinger's own hand. These corrections Gifford claims to have 
 used in his second edition.^ This corrected copy was presented 
 by Mr. Gilchrist, who had it of Mr. Blore, who found it in the 
 papers of Mr. Gell of Hopton. At Mr. Gilchrist's sale, 1824, Mr. 
 Heber purchased this quarto for £11 lis. It is now in the Dyce 
 collection at South Kensington, No. 6323. I attempted, of course, 
 to check up these corrections ; but under date of 6 May, 1916, 
 Mr. R. B. McKerrow wrote me, "The Director of the Museum 
 writes that books are, for reasons of safety, placed in heavy cases 
 
 ^ I have used for my text the 1623 quarto belonging to the University 
 of Pennsylvania, loaned me through the courtesy of Professor F. E. 
 Schelling. This copy has lost the lower right hand corner of its title page, 
 cutting off a few words from the printer's notice. Because of close crop- 
 ping, the text also of this copy is slightly defective in three places. Bi 
 has lost one line at the bottom on both recto and verso, these lines being 
 I, I, 23, and I, I, 55 of the text. Ga verso has its last line, III, 2, 81, 
 clipped so that one can only make out with certainty, " Unlesse I have a 
 Beadle." Professor C. W. Kennedy of Princeton University has kindly 
 examined for me the three copies of this edition in the British Museum 
 with regard to these points. Only one, 644e. 73, has the printer's notice 
 unhurt, the other two being more or less cropped. Bi has been worse 
 cropped in all three of these, than the Pennsylvania quarto. Gs, however, 
 is unhurt in all three. I therefore bracket in their reading for III, 2, 81. 
 For I, I, 23, and I, i, 55, 1 bracket in the reading of the second quarto, only 
 making it's t3T)ography conform to that of the first. 
 
 2 Vol. I, pp. 1-3. Gifford printed a facsimile of the address to Fol- 
 jambe, IV, 593. 
 
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THE DUKE OF MILAN 3 
 
 soldered down and that as the staff of the Museum is almost daily 
 decreasing owing to the war, he is reluctantly obliged to decline 
 all requests to see them." 
 
 A second quarto' appeared in 1638, being evidently reprinted 
 from the first, as it continues all but its most evident errors and 
 adds a number of its own. It modernizes the spelling consider- 
 ably and uses modern " j " and " u " for the " i " and " v " of the 
 first quarto, but makes only slight changes in the old punctuation. 
 It is rather carelessly done, as its variants will show. Evidently, 
 then, it has hardly so great authority as a thoroughly done modern 
 edition. 
 
 The license for the first edition appears in the Stationers' 
 Register as follows :* 
 
 " 20'" Januarii 1622 [i. e. 1623] ' 
 Edward Blackmore, George- Norton. 
 
 Entred for their Copie under the handes of Sir John Ashley knight 
 Master of the Revelles and Master Gilmyn warden, A play called Sforza, 
 Duke of Millaine, made by Master Messenger, vi d " 
 
 But as Norton seems to have been going out of business about 
 this time" he did not retain his share in the play long, and we find 
 a secotjd entry :° 
 
 " S°. May 1623 
 Edward Blackmore. 
 
 Assigned over unto him by George Norton and consent of a full court 
 holden this Dale all the estate, right and title the said George hath in the 
 play called, The Duke of Milan vi d " 
 
 Blackmore thus became sole owner. The fact that only 
 Blackmore's name appears on the title page of the first quarto 
 may mean that the quarto was not issued till after the above 
 transaction. 
 
 Date of Composition 
 
 The date of composition for this play must be determined by 
 internal evidence. The fact that it is not licensed in Herbert's 
 office book points to a date of acting earlier than May, 1622, when 
 Herbert began his entries. 
 
 3 1 have used the copy of the second quarto owned by Princeton 
 University. 
 
 * Arber reprint, IV, 90. 
 5 See Appendix II, Norton. 
 o Arber reprint, IV, 95. 
 
4 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 The metrical characteristics of the play help in fixing its ap- 
 proximate date of composition. Turning to the metrical table' 
 of Massinger's plays, it is to be noticed that the unassisted plays 
 (2000 verses and over) show a fluctuation in double endings be- 
 tween 40.2% and 50.0%, with the majority of the plays around 
 the average, 45.0%. The weak endings also fluctuate. Therefore 
 neither the weak nor the double endings give any clue to devel- 
 opment in the unassisted plays. But the run-on lines show steady 
 increase from 36.9% in The Bondman (1623) to 52.4% in Believe 
 As Ye List (1631), then a drop to 39.4% in The City Madam 
 (1632) and an increase again to 42.8% in The Bashful Lover 
 
 ' The metrical table represents ray own counting throughout, though 
 of course I have had access to the work of Boyle and others. In the col- 
 laborated or revised plays, I have made a consensus of assignments by 
 Boyle, Oliphant, Fleay, and Macaulay. In the Virgin Martyr, I agree with 
 Boyle (Engl. Stud., V, 9s) in assigning to Massinger I, i ; III, i, 2; IV, 3; 
 V, 2. None of the other critics has made complete assignment. In the 
 Prophetess, Boyle (Engl. Stud., V, 87), Fleay, with a query in some cases 
 (Biog. Chron., I, 216), and Macaulay (C. H. E. L., VI, 157) agree in 
 assigning to Massinger II, i, 2, 3; IV entire; V, i, 2, from which assign- 
 ment Oliphant (Engl. Stud., XVI, 191) disagrees only in assigning the 
 dumb show of IV, i (IV, 2, in some editions), and V, i,to an older author. 
 I agree with the majority except for the short scenes, IV, 4 and 6 (3 and 
 
 5 in some editions) which I assign to Fletcher. In the Sea Voyage, the 
 consensus is not quite so general; but I have taken II, i, 2; V, i, 2, 3, 4, 
 since Fleay (Engl. Stud., IX, 24), Oliphant (Engl. Stud., XVI, 192), and 
 Boyle (D. N. B., vol. 37, 14a) ai'e in practical agreement upon these scenes. 
 Mr. Macaulay (C. H. E. L., VI, 157) thinks ilassinger's part doubtful. 
 In the Spanish Curate, Boyle (Engl. Stud., V, 91), Fleay (Biog. Chron., 
 I,, 217), and Oliphant (Engl. Stud. XVI, 192) agree in assigning Mas-, 
 singer I, 1, 2, 3; III, 3; IV, i, 4; V, i, 3. Macaulay (C. H. E. L., VI, 157) 
 adds IV, 2, which Boyle has questioned for Fletcher. I . have used the 
 consensus, with which I agree except for a very few lines. In the Fair 
 Maid of the Inn there is again no absolute consensus; but I have taken 
 I, I, 2, g; III, 2; V, 3, as being as nearly so as probably is possible for such 
 a play. In a Very Woman, Boyle (Engl. Stud., V, 92) and Fleay (Biog. 
 Chron., I, 228) agree in assigning to Massinger I, i ; II, i, 2, 3a ; IV, 2 ; 
 V, I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, from which Oliphant (Engl. Stud., XVI, 190) only disa- 
 grees in not giving Massinger all of II, 3a, and IV, 2. I agree with Boyle 
 and Fleay. 
 
 Since the Parliament of Love is fragmentary and restored, its per- 
 centages cannot accurately be determined. 
 
 K. = King's men ; B.F. == Black Friars ; G. = Globe ; Q. =r Queen of 
 Bohemia's or Princess Elizabeth's men before 1625, Queen Henrietta's after 
 162s ; C. = Cockpit. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 5 
 
 (1636). The light endings show precisely similar development. 
 The break after Believe As Ye List is perhaps to be accounted 
 for by a change in the character and tone of the work. Now 
 taking the difiference in percentage of run-on lines between The 
 Bondman and Believe As Ye List, 15.5%, and dividing by seven 
 and one-half, the approximate number of years between their 
 datings, we get slightly over 2.0%, the average increase per year. 
 The Duke of Milan has 4.5% less run-on lines than The Bondman. 
 If the average holds good, this means that it is about two years 
 earlier. The light endings show about the same thing in the un- 
 assisted plays, but the percentages are so small that they can only 
 be used fairly in this general, confirmatory way. As The Bond- 
 man was licensed December 3, 1623, the approximate date of The 
 Duke of Milan according to the run-on line series would be about 
 the year 1621. An examination of the definitely dated collabo- 
 rated plays of that period shows about the same percentage^ of 
 run-on lines for Massinger's share as in The Duke of Milan, 
 32.4%, thus confirming the conclusion. 
 
 An allusion in the play, first pointed out by Fleay,^ and ac- 
 cepted by Gayley^" helps in fixing the date more accurately. In 
 III, 2, 17-24, the Officer says: 
 
 / have had a fellow 
 That could indite forsooth, and make fine meeter 
 To tinckle in the eares of ignorant Madams, 
 That for defaming of Great Men was sent me 
 Thredbare and lowsie, and in three dayes after 
 Discharged by another that set him on, I haue seene him 
 Cap a pie gallant, and his stripes wash'd of 
 With Oyle of Angels. 
 
 Fleay says " The ' fellow that could indite ' III, 2, is, I sup- 
 pose, Wither". Wither drew the shafts of his contemporaries 
 more than once. Ben Jonson satirised him as Chronomastix in 
 Time Vindicated, performed January 19, 1623.^^ According to 
 Ward," "Wither was also caricatured by Davenant in 'The Cruel 
 
 8 Virgin Martyr, licensed Oct. 6, 1620, 32.3 per cent. ; Prophetess, li- 
 censed May 14, 1622, 33.9 per cent. ' 
 " Biog. Chron., i, 212. 
 
 10 Beaumont', the Dramatist, p. 136. 
 
 11 Cal. State Papers, 1619-23, 483. 
 
 12 History of English Dramatic Literature, III, 170. 
 
6 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Brother' [pr. 1630], especially in Act II." He was evidently re- 
 garded, then, by those of the time as a fit subject for satire and 
 caricature. 
 
 This versifier of Massinger's play was cast in prison for de- 
 faming great men, but was soon discharged by another who had 
 set him on, and received reward. Now Wither was twice in 
 trouble before The Duke of Milan was printed. First, in 1613, 
 for Abuses Stript and Whipt, he was imprisoned for several 
 months. Apparently, then, the allusion can not be to this impris- 
 onment as it was no three-day affair. Second, in the latter part 
 of June and the first of July, 1621, he was again in trouble for ' 
 Wither's Motto. In his examination, June 27, 1621, at White- 
 hall, he excuses himself for having the book printed after license 
 had been refused on the ground that he " Showed it to Mr. Dray- 
 ton ( — the man that set him on? — ) and several others before 
 printing, thinks (sic) there is nothing in it contrary to the procla- 
 mation restraining writing on matters of government. By the 
 enemies whose downfall he said he had lived to see ( — defaming 
 of great men — ) ; meant (sic) the late Earl of Northampton".^^ 
 The printers were also examined concerning the work on July 
 10 and 12. Wither seems to have been let off without further 
 punishment.^* This trial, then, apparently meets well enough 
 the conditions mentioned in the play and would doubtless fit 
 better if one could see the events through the eyes of some per- 
 son of the time instead of through the medium of a dry abstract 
 of state papers. Therefore, with Fleay and Gayley, I believe the 
 allusion is to Wither, especially as metrical characteristics show 
 that the play must have belonged to the year in which this trial 
 occurred. Thus the play must have been completed after June, 
 1621. 
 
 An examination of the previous table of definitely dated plays 
 shows that Massinger produced about two plays each year. The 
 licenses for these twenty-six plays according to the month of the 
 year were : Jan. 3 ; Feb. o ; March i ; Apr. i ; May 6 ; June 6 ; 
 July i; Aug. o; Sept. i; Oct 4; Nov. 2; Dec. i. It will thus 
 be seen that nearly half of them were licensed in May and June', 
 that nearly one fourth of them were licensed in October and 
 
 13 Cal. State Papers, 1619-23. 
 1* D. N. B., article Wither. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 7 
 
 November, and nearly one eighth in January. Now since there 
 was a play licensed in May, 1622, and since The Duke of Milan 
 was seemingly completed after June, 1621, it would, according 
 to the probabilities shown, have, been licensed in October or No- 
 vember, 1621, or January, 1622. These two dates are further 
 confirmed by the fact that the play was performed at "blacke 
 Friers", the winter playhouse, open from about Nov. i to May i. 
 The former of these has the mathematical preference, and the 
 logical preference as well, since such a commodity as the Wither 
 allusion does not keep long. 
 
 This dating is further confirmed by a peculiarly Massingerian 
 touch. In The Duke of Milan, II, i, 184, Marjana says in reply 
 to Marcelia, "Here, Giantesse, here", and again, II, i, 189-90, 
 she says, "she's three foote too high for a Woman". In The 
 Spanish Curate, V, i, Jamie says to Violante, " In stature you're 
 a giantess." This is a Massinger scene, as all critics agree, in a 
 play which was licensed Oct. 24, 1622. Evidently the parts of 
 Marcelia and Violante were played by the same actor, who from 
 a boy was now become or fast becoming a rather tall man. These 
 parts were pretty certainly taken by Richard Sharp, who played 
 women's parts from before 1619 to 1623, and later took parts 
 requiring commanding appearance as Ferdinand, a general in the 
 army, in Massinger's Picture. 
 
 Therefore, from these facts, I regard it as practically certain 
 that The Duke of Milan was composed and performed the latter 
 part of 1621 or the early part of 1622. 
 
 Modern Editions. Complete 
 
 Nicholas Rowe is said to have revised all of Massinger's works 
 with a view to publication but finally wrote a recast of the Fatal 
 Dowry instead and did not publish, in order to hide his plunder.^" 
 
 "The Dramatic Works Of Mr.- Philip Massinger, Com- 
 pleat . . . Revised, Corrected, and all the Various Editions, Col- 
 lated, By Mr. Coxeter . . . 1759." Coxeter himself had died in 1747 
 and the edition bearing his name was completed from his notes. 
 Reissued in 1761 by T. Davies with an introductory essay by G. 
 Colman. Coxeter based his text of The Duke of Milan on Q2 as 
 is shown by I, 3, 34, 70, 92 ; II, i, 240; IV, 3, 239, 299. 
 
 15 Gifford, Vol. I, Introduction Ixxxv. 
 2 
 
8 THE DUKE OF . MILAN 
 
 "The Dramatick Works of Philip Massinger . . . Revised 
 and Corrected, With Notes Critical And Explanatory, By John 
 Monck Mason, Esq. . . . 1779". Mason used Coxeter's text of 
 The Duke of Milan except II, i, 402, and IV, 3, 169, making a 
 few emendations of his own. 
 
 " The Plays of Philip Massinger, With Notes Critical and Ex- 
 planatory, By W. Gifford, Esq. . . . 1805". A second edition 
 appeared in 1813, various single volume editions later. The 
 standard. Giflf ord bases his text of The Duke of Milan on Qi but 
 seems to have used a copy of Mason to prepare his edition for the 
 press on, as we find him embodying same rather trivial changes 
 of Mason such as appear to be by accident as I, 3, 203, and III, 
 I, 163. 
 
 " The Plays Of Philip Massinger Adapted For Family Read- 
 ing, And The Use Of Young Persons By The Omission of Ob- 
 jectionable Passages." This appeared in London in Murray's 
 Family Library, 1830 ; and in New York in Harper's Family Li- 
 brary, 1 83 1. The editor was Rev. William Harness, who simply 
 omitted such things from the Gifford text as did not suit his 
 purpose. 
 
 " The Plays Of Philip Massinger From The Text Of William 
 Gifford With The Addition Of The Tragedy 'Believe As You 
 List' Edited by Lieut. Col. Francis Cunningham". 1867, 1871, 
 1897. ' References throughout are to this edition. 
 
 While Cunningham printes the text of Gifford, in The Duke 
 of Milan, he makes some emendations of his own. These are II, 
 I, 177, " my " f or " mine " ; III, i, 7, omits " it " ; HI, i, 96, prints 
 "have the power"; III, i, 123, "made" for "make,"; HI, 2, 4, 
 "feeing" for "feeling"; IV, i, 23, "courtiers" for "courtier"; 
 IV, 3, 169, "women" for "woman"; V, i, 21, "backwards", 
 the quarto reading, for " backward " Gififord's reading ; V, 2, 186, 
 " adorned " for " adored ". Mr. Symons, in the Mermaid Series, 
 uses Mr. Cunningham's text with the exception of III, 1,7, where 
 he has stipplied "it". I cannot atcept any of the emendations 
 except of course that of V, i, 21, where Cunningham returns to 
 the quarto reading, though it was probably on a guess, as he does 
 not show knowledge of the quarto elsewhere. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 9 
 
 Partial Editions Containing Duke of Milan 
 
 " The Dramatic Works of Massinger and Ford With An In- 
 troduction By Hartley Coleridge." 1840, 1848, 1865. 
 
 " The Works Of The British Dramatists. John S. Keltic. 
 1870." 
 
 Philip Massinger (Mermaid Series) Edited, With An In- 
 troduction And Notes By Arthur Symons 1889. 
 
 The British Museum Catalogue seems to list a separate edi- 
 tion of the alteration of 1816. It has under Duke of Milan: 
 
 "[Another edition] With alterations and additions. MS. 
 Notes. London,, 1816. 8°. 
 Interleaved." 
 
 Underneath the name of play and author on the title page of 
 this edition are the words : " Revived at the/Theatre-Royal, 
 Drury-Lane,/with alterations and additions,/on Saturday, March 
 9, 1816." On the fly leaf is written : " The Duke of Milan/cor- 
 rectly marked according to the directions of Mr. Kean."^° This 
 latter statement evidently refers to the MS. notes. Whether the 
 revision is his also I do not know. 
 
 This alteration of 1816 may also be found in "The London 
 Theatre. By Thomas Dibdin ", Volume 4 or in " The London 
 Stage" i824-'27. Volume 2. 
 
 Cumberland's alteration in 1779 seems not to have been 
 printed. 
 
 There is a German translation in "Ben Jonson und seine 
 Schule, dargestellt in einer Auswahl von Lustspielen und Trago- 
 dien, iibersetst und eriautert durch Wolf Graf en von Baudissin. 
 Leipzig, 1836." Vol. II, loi. 
 
 Stage History 
 
 Richard Cumberland made an alteration of The Duke of Milan, 
 which was acted at Covent Garden in 1779, three times according 
 to the " Biographica Dramatica," 1812. It " consisted of Mas- 
 singer's play, and Fenton's Mariamne, incorporated," It would 
 be interesting to see how he managed to work together two such 
 wholly different plays, but his alteration was not printed. It may 
 be worthy of note that Cumberland altered The Bondman about 
 the same time. 
 
 1* I am indebted to Professor Kennedy of Princeton for checking this. 
 
10 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Some unknown person made an alteration of The Duke of 
 Milan, acted at Drury Lane in 1816. It had seven performances 
 according to Genest, the first on March 9. It was also played at 
 Bath July 5 of the same year. In these productions, Kean took 
 the part of Sforza. In all but the second scene of the fifth act, 
 the reviser has simply omitted some unnecessary lines, and all that 
 he considered low or vulgar. Thus in the quarrel of ^the second 
 act the ladies get very much wrought up over nothing, as the low, 
 vulgar element (wherein lay the provocation to anger) has been 
 omitted. He has made a change in the fifth act, second scene, 
 necessitating his writing a few very wooden lines. When the 
 Duke goes out, Eugenia comes in " clothed as the body of Mar- 
 celia ". She takes her place veiled, with a poisoned flower in her 
 hand ; the Duke is called in and kisses her hand, getting the poi- 
 son; she bursts -into sobs, throwing back her veil. Francisco 
 then tells what has happened as in the original play. This altera- 
 tion is far from being an improvement on the old play. 
 
 Hebbel mentions: "Ludovico. Eine Tragodie in fiinf Acten 
 von Massinger. Bearbeitet von Deinhardstein ".^' This, accord- 
 ing to Wurzbach,^^ was brought out in 1848 but had little success. 
 According to the same authority, there was another alteration of 
 this play presented at Berlin 1879 with no better success than its 
 predecessor had. 
 
 Sources 
 
 Fable 
 Josephus the Chief Source of the Play. 
 
 The chief source of The Duke of Milan is the Herod and 
 Mariamne story as it is told in Josephus. The works of Josephus 
 were widely and early translated. There was a Latin translation 
 in 1 5 14, German 1531, French 1534, Greek 1544, and English 
 1602. Thus we need not be surprised that, " The story of Herod 
 and his wife Mariam has had more than thirty adaptations, mostly 
 dramatisations, in Italian, Spanish, French, German and English 
 literature."^° These represent nearly every important movement 
 
 1' Hebbel's sammtliche Werke, Hamburg, 1891, X, 109. 
 18 Shakespeare Jahrbuch, XXXVI, 138. 
 
 18 Grack, Studien Uber Herodes Und Mariamne, p. 5, summarizing 
 Landau. 
 
■ THE DUKE OF MILAN 11 
 
 in the drama and would form an interesting subject treated from 
 that side alone. 
 
 Besides The Duke of Milan, there have been six^" other drama- 
 tisations of the Herod-Mariamne story in English, one before 
 Massinger's. The first two of these adaptations, together with 
 Massinger's, probably were taken from "The Famous And Memo- 
 rable Workes of losephus, A Man Of Much Honour And Learn- 
 ing Among The lewes. Faithfully translated out of the Latine, 
 and French, by Tho. Lodge, Doctor in Physicke." The first edi- 
 tion of this translation appeared 1602, second 1609, third, a copy 
 of which I have used, 1620, etc. The fact that there were two 
 adaptations of this story so close together as that of Massinger 
 [1621-22] and that of Markham and Sampson [1622] may pos- 
 sibly be due to the circumstance that the attention of both was 
 called to this story by this third edition of Lodge. I find no trace 
 in Massinger of influence from Lady Gary's work. I have not 
 
 2" First, "The / Tragedie Of Mariara, / The iFaire / Queene of lewry. / 
 Written by that learned, / vertuous, and truly noble Ladie, / E. C. [i. e. 
 Elizabeth Gary] / . . . 1613." [Licensed in S. R. for Richard Hawkins, 
 Dec. 17, 1612.] This is a thoroughly Senec'an tragedy with chorus, etc., 
 probably never acted. 
 
 Second, " The true / Tragedy of Herod And / Antipater : / With the 
 Death of Faite Marriam. / According to Josephus, the lear/ned and famous 
 Jewe. / As it hath beene, of late, divers times publiquely Acted / (with 
 great Applause) at the Red Bull, by the / Company of his Majesties 
 Revels. / Written by Gervase Markham and William Sampson, Gentlemen. 
 1622." [Licensed in S. R. for Matthew Rhodes, Feb. 22, 1622.] This is 
 a chronicle play in the Senecan style, with dumb shows, etc. It does not 
 center upon the love story of Herod and Mariamne but rather gives the 
 tragic troubles of Herod as told by Josephus, of which the unhappiness 
 with his wife was one. 
 
 Third, Herod and Mariamne, acted at Duke's theater 1673, printed 
 anonymously first in 1673, again in 1674 with a new title page. Elkanah 
 Settle brought it out, but its author was Samuel Pdrdage. Langbaine 
 says it was, " Writ a dozen years before it was made public." 
 
 Fourth, Herod The Great, by Roger Boyle, Earl of Orrery. This was 
 printed in 1694, but was probably never acted. However, it must have 
 been written before 1679, the year of Boyle's death. 
 
 Fifth, Mariamne, by Elijah Fenton, acted first at Covent Garden 
 Theater Feb. 22, 1723. This tragedy had quite a run and was acted for 
 many years. 
 
 Sixth and last, Herod, by Stephen Phillips " as produced at Her Ma- 
 jesty's Theatre, London, England, October 31, 1900." 
 
12 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 seen the play of Sampson and Markham, but I have examined 
 rather full notes upon it made by Professor T. M. Parrott. 
 Judging by them, I find no reason to suspect any influence from 
 this play upon Massinger, beyond the possibility of its having 
 suggested the subject to him, though it is by no means certain 
 that it is even antecedent in composition to The Duke of Milan."^ 
 
 The Herod-Mariamne Story of Josephus. 
 
 The Herod-Mariamne story is told by Josephus, first in his 
 Wars of the Jews (I, 17, in Lodge's translation; but varying 
 slightly as to chapter, according to translation used), again in his 
 Antiquities of the Jews (XV, 2, 3, 4, 9, 10, 11. The story of 
 Antipater and Mariamne's sons is told in the books following.). 
 I have summarized the story as given in the second of these, and 
 then given the few variations that the' first presents from it. I 
 have used Lodge's translation, as it was very likely Massinger's 
 source, for quoting in full the sections of the story which he has 
 most cloSely used. 
 
 Herod in his struggle for complete power over the Jews took 
 as his second wife, both because of attraction and policy, Ma- 
 riamne, sister of young Aristobulus, they being the children of 
 Alexandra, wife of Alexander, who was king Aristobulus' son. 
 Now Alexandra wished the high-priesthood for her son, Aristo- 
 bulus ; but Herod, fearing to let one of such noble blood into so 
 powerful an office, gave it to Ananel, a man of low birth. Alex- 
 andra then tried to oBtain her desire through Cleopatra's inter- 
 cession with Anthony. The better to attract his attention, know- 
 ing his fondness for beautiful people, she sent him the pictures 
 ( of both Mariamne and Aristobulus. Straightway, Anthony sent 
 for Aristobulus, but Herod made excuse to keep him. Yet, for 
 policy's sake, Herod decided to treat him and his mother Alex- 
 andra with more respect. He, therefore, deposed Ananel and 
 made Aristobulus High Priest in his stead. 
 
 But Herod, not trusting Alexandra any the more for all that,, 
 put certain restrictions upon her and set intelligencers to spy 
 upon her, actions which so exasperated her pride that she deter- 
 
 21 " 1622 — Markham's and Sampson's True Tragedy of Herod and 
 Antipater; acted at the Red Bull, ty the company of the Revels." — Ma- 
 lone's Shakespeare, Vol. 3, 429 (Chalmer's account). 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 13 
 
 mined, at the advice of Cleopatra, to flee with Aristobulus into 
 Egypt. They were to be carried in coffins to the seaside where a 
 ship awaited them, but the plan was discovered; and though 
 Herod made show of pardon, he determined to remove Aristo- 
 bulus, especially as he saw how well the people received him 
 when he ofificiated. Therefore, he had him enticed in swimming 
 and drowned as if in play. But Alexandra was not deceived, 
 and appealed, secretly again, to Cleopatra, who persuaded An- 
 thony to send for Herod, to give an account of Aristobulus' death. 
 
 Herod obeyed the summons, leaving the government in the 
 hands of his uncle Joseph with secret instructions to kill Ma- 
 riamne in case Anthony should happeri to do him a mischief. 
 "For he loued her so extreamely by reason of her beautie, that 
 he supposed himselfe iniured, if after his decease she should be 
 beloued by any other ; and he openly declared that all that misery 
 which befell him, proceeded from Anthonies passion, and intire 
 affection, and admiration of her beautie, whereof he had before 
 time heard some report." Joseph, jesting with the ladies, in 
 order to show Herod's good will toward Mariamne, betrayed his 
 secret command, " thereby to make manifest, that it was not pos- 
 sible for Herod to live without her, and that if any inconuenient 
 should happen vnto him, he would not in death also bee disioyned 
 from her." But the ladies interpreted it as Herod's malice and 
 felt none the better toward him for it. 
 
 In the meantime, Herod had won Anthony over by means of 
 presents and persuasion, so that Cleopatra, who had designs upon 
 the rule of the Jews for herself, could do no more against him. 
 It had been reported in Jerusalem that Herod had been put to 
 death ; and Mariamne, at the instance of her mother, was consid- 
 ering flight to, the Romans, trusting in her beauty to gain what- 
 ever they desired from Anthony, when Herod sent letters an- 
 nouncing his success. " Yet was not this their resolution hidden 
 from the King. . . . Vpon his arriuall, his sister Salome, and his 
 mother certified him exactly of Alexandras intent, and the deter- 
 mination of her friends. Salome likewise spake against loseph 
 her husband, and slandered him, obiecting against him that hee 
 had Mariammes company. All which she spake through the 
 malice she had long time conceiued against him, for that in a cer- 
 taine debate Mariamme had in her rage despitefuUy hit them in 
 
14 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 the teeth with their obscure birth." Herod became angry, called 
 Mariamne, demanded the truth, yet was finally persuaded out of 
 his anger; but Mariamne, not being content to let well enough 
 alone, upbraided him with his secret command. This threw 
 Herod into a rage of suspicion again, and he hardly refrained 
 from killing her, did put Joseph to death and threw Alexandra 
 into prison. This is the first form of the story in the Antiqui- 
 ties, but the same general situation is repeated in the same work, 
 with different results, however, as we shall immediately see. 
 
 When Caesar overcame Anthony, it seemed as if the latter's 
 close friend, Herod, must finally lose his power. Alexandra tried 
 to get her father, Hircanus, to make an effort to supplant Herod ; 
 but her plan was discovered and Hircanus, the only male sur- 
 viving of her family, was condemned to death. Herod then de- 
 termined to visit Caesar. Again he left a secret command for 
 the death of both Mariamne and Alej^andra, in case he did not 
 return, this time in the hands of the Treasurer, Joseph, and 
 Sohemus, the Iturian. 
 
 " After he had in this sort giuen order for all his affaires, hee 
 withdrew himselfe unto Rhodes, intending there to meet with 
 Caesar. And as soon as he arriued in that city, hee tooke the 
 Diademe from his head, and laide it apart, but as for his other 
 princely ornaments, hee changed them in no sort; and beeing 
 admitted to Caesars presence, hee at that time gaue a more ample 
 testimony of the greatnesse of his magnanimitie and courage ; for 
 neither addressed he his speech to intreat his fauor (according 
 to the custome of suppliants) neither presented he any request, 
 as if he had in any sort offended him, but gaue account of all 
 that which he had done, without concealing or mistrusting any 
 thing. For he freely confessed before Caesar, that he had in- 
 tirely loued Antonius and that to the utmost of his power he had 
 done him seruice, to the end that he might obtaine the soueraignty 
 and monarchy; not by annexing his forces vnto his, in that he 
 was otherwise imploied in the Arabian warre ; but in furnishing 
 him both with wheat and money, and that this was the least office 
 which it behooued him to performe towards Antonius; for that 
 being once his professed friend, it behooued him not onely to 
 imploy his best endeuours on his so princely benefactor, but also 
 to hazard both his head and happiness to deliuer him from perils. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 15 
 
 AH which (said he) I haue not performed according as I ought 
 to haue done; yet notwithstanding I kndw, that at such time as 
 he was ouercome in the Actian battell, I did not alter my affection 
 with his fortune: neither did I restraine my selfe: for although 
 I befriended not Antonius with my presence and assistance in 
 his Actian war, yet at leastwise I assisted him with my counsaile, 
 certifying him that he had but one onely means left him for his 
 security, and preuention of his vtter ruine, which was to put 
 Cleopatra to death, for that by cutting her off, he might enioy 
 her estate, and might more easily obtain his peace, and pacific 
 thy displeasure against him. And for that he gaue but slender 
 regard to these mine admonitions by his owne sottishnesse and 
 indiscretion, he hath hurt himselfe and profited you, because, as 
 I said, he did not follow my counsaile. Now therefore (O 
 Caesar) in regard of the hate which you bear vnto Anthony, 
 you condemne my friendship also. I will not deny that which I 
 haue done; neither am I affraid freely and publikely to protest 
 how much I haue loued him: but if without regard of persons, 
 you consider how kindly I am affected towards my benefactors, 
 and how resolute and constant a friend I am, and how mindfull 
 of kindnesse, the effect of that which I haue done, may make me 
 knowne vnto thee. For if the name be onely changed, the friend- 
 ship notwithstanding may remaine, and deserue a due praise. 
 
 "By these words (which were manifest testimonies of his 
 resolute and noble courage) he so inwardly indeered himselfe 
 vnto Caesar, who was a magnificent and worthy Monarch, that he 
 conuerted this his accusation into an occasion to win and work 
 him to be his friend : for which cause Caesar in setting the dia- 
 deme vpon his head, exhorted him that he should no less respect 
 his friendship, then he had in former times Anthonies : and 
 withaU, did him much honour." He remained with Caesar some 
 time, giving rich gifts and obtaining pardon from the senate. 
 
 At his return home, he found affairs troubled. Mariamrie, 
 remembering her former experience with Joseph, had suspected 
 the same thing again. She and Alexandra so worked upon So- 
 hemus that he "blabbed out all that which the king had com- 
 manded him ", hoping to win favor for himself with Mariamne 
 and Alexandra. But Mariamne was sore displeased and " when 
 as Herod beyond all expectation arriued in his countrey, beeing 
 
16 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 adorned with mighty fortune, hee first of all, as it became him 
 certified his wife of his good tidings and happy successe, whom 
 onely amongst all other his friends and wiues, hee embraced and 
 saluted, for the pleasing conuersation and affection that was in 
 her. But she, whilest he repeated vnto her these fortunate 
 euents of his affaires, rather entertained the same with a dis- 
 pleasant attention, then applauding ioy." Herod was much an- 
 gered at this and while he was torn between love and hate, his 
 sister Salome and his mother slandered Mariamne to him. " To 
 these reproches of theirs, he lent no vnwilling ears ; yet had he 
 not the heart to attempt any thing against his wife, or to giue 
 free credit to their report." Just at this juncture, however, he 
 was called to meet Caesar, newly become lord of Egypt, but soon 
 retvirned. "Vpon his arriuall, he found that fortune which was 
 fauourable vnto him abroad, too forward (sic, fro ward ?) at home, 
 especially in regard to his wife, in whose affection before time he 
 seemed to be most happy. For he was inwardly touched with 
 the lawful! loue of Mariamme, as any other of whom the His- 
 tories make report: and as touching her, she was both chast and 
 faithfull vnto him, yet had shee a certaine womanly imperfection 
 and naturall frowardnesse, which was the cause that shee pre- 
 sumed too much vpon the intire affection wherewith her husband 
 was intangled; so that without regard of his person, who had 
 power and authority ouer others, shee entertained him often- 
 times very outragiously : All which he endured patiently, without 
 any shew of discontent. But Mariamme vpbraided and publikely 
 reproached both the Kings mother and sister, telling them that 
 they were but abiectly and basely borne. 
 
 "Whereupon there grew a great enmity and vnrecouerable 
 hatred betweene the Ladies." 
 
 Herod one day sent for Mariamne; but though she came, 
 she would have nothing to do with him. Instead she up- 
 braided him bitterly with her father's and her brother's death. 
 His sister, Salome, who had been waiting her opportunity, sent 
 in the Butler, whom she had bribed to accuse Mariamne of having 
 given him poison for the king. To get at the truth, Herod or- 
 dered Mariamne's most faithful servant to be tortured, who told 
 Herod that the cause of his wife's hatred toward him was the 
 secret command which Sohemus had betrayed. Herod, insane 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 17 
 
 with jealousy, had Sohemus put to death, and Mariamne brought 
 to trial. She was condemned but was not to be executed at once. 
 Yet, through Salome's solicitation, Herod sent her to death, her 
 own mother casting abuse upon her. " After her death the king 
 began more powerfully to be inflamed in his affections ; who be- 
 fore times, as we haue declared, was already miserably distracted. 
 For, neither did he loue after the common manner of married 
 folke: but whereas almost euen vnto madnes he nourished this 
 his desire, he could not be induced by the too vnbridled manners 
 of his wife to alay the heat of his affection, but that daily more 
 and more by doting on her, hee increased the same. And all that 
 time especially he supposed that God was displeased with him, 
 for the death of Mariamme his wife. Oftentimes did he inuocate 
 her iiame, and more often vndecently lamented hee her. And 
 notwithstanding he deuised all kinde of delights and sports that 
 might bee imagined, by preparing banquets and inuiting guests 
 with princely hospitalitie, to passe away the time; yet all those 
 profited him nothing. For which cause he gaue ouer the charge 
 and administration of his kingdome. And in such sort was he 
 'ouerwhelmed with griefe, that oftentimes hee commanded his 
 ministers to call his wife Mariamme, as if as yet she had beene 
 aliue." He finally went into " desert places " for a time to re- 
 cover from his sickness. Alexandra was soon after put to death 
 for plotting to get herself and Mariamne's children into power. 
 
 Mariamne had three sons by Herod, Alexander, Aristobulus, 
 and a younger son who died at Rome where he had been sent to 
 be educated. The two surviving sons were constantly plotted 
 against by Antipater, son of Herod's first wife, who was jealous 
 of the favor Herod showed them, and by Salome whose hatred 
 to their mother they had inherited. Through the machinations 
 of the two, these sons were finally put to death and Antipater 
 seemingly had the field clear. However, his father at last dis- 
 covered his plots and sent him to death likewise. 
 
 The other account, in the Wars of the Jews, is a brief sum- 
 mary and has only a few noteworthy variations from the above. 
 Here Herod was called to the country and left the secret com- 
 mand to Joseph, his sister Salome's husband. When Mariamne 
 upbraided him with this secret command and Salome accused her 
 husband, Herod had both put to death. As I have said, this ac- 
 
18 
 
 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 count gives in brief form the same dramatic situation as the other 
 two. What the actual historical facts in the case were, we need 
 not consider. Here is the unwrought gold of story as told by 
 Josephus. How will it be fashioned ? 
 
 Other Authors' Use of the Herod-Mariamne Story. 
 
 Most of the plays which have used the Herod-Mariamne story 
 as a plot have been sumiparized by Landau in his article "Die 
 Dramen von Herodes und Mariamne" (Zeitschrift fiir vergleich- 
 ende Litteraturgeschichte, Vols. 8, 9). W. Grack in his " Studien 
 liber die dramatische Behandlung der Geschichte von Herodes 
 und Mariamne in der englische und deutschen Litteratur. (Mas- 
 singer, Fenton, Hebbel, Stephen Phillips)" has summarized more 
 fully those which he treats. These articles I have used, but I 
 have also examined the plays on the subject by Sachs, Hebbel, 
 Hardy, Gary, Voltaire, Fenton and Phillips. 
 
 In the treatment of the story, some of the earlier writers, 
 Sachs, Sampson and Markham, have simply dramatised the events 
 in chronicle play style; but most have centered attention upon 
 the love story of Herod and Mariamne with its tragic outcome. 
 The other phases of the story, the murder of Aristobulus, the 
 plotting and scheming of Alexandra, especially the picture plot, 
 even the execution of Mariamne's sons, which occurred long after 
 her death, have been used as helps to the secret command for 
 embroiling the situation between Herod and Mariamne. In most 
 cases, too, Herod's sister appears as accuser of Mariamne, usu- 
 ally because of hatred, though in Hebbel's play more for love of 
 her brother. She usually, however, has the darker, which is the 
 historical, color, this side of her character being emphasized by 
 the poison plot. Yet the thing that brings conviction to Herod is 
 generally the discovery that Mariamne knows the secret com- 
 mand. The death of Mariamne comes in a few plays by the 
 dagger in Herod's own hands, but in most cases she is sent out 
 to be executed. Then follows regularly Herod's obsession, some- 
 times with the Biblical visit of the three wise men and command 
 for the slaughter of the infants, thrown in for greater color effect. 
 So much for plot. 
 
 In the character-representation of these authors, Herod is 
 always the bloody but able tyrant. In the earlier plays, the bloody 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 19 
 
 side is emphasized, he being, especially in plays under Senecan 
 influence, a veritable raw-head-and-bloody-bones, revelling in blood 
 and murder — the Herod of the miracle plays. But in the histor- 
 ical development, this side of his character has been rather over- 
 shadowed by the able tyrant side and he appears in the modern 
 psychological plays rather as the able tyrant who has risen from 
 the ranks and is willing to use whatever means may be neces- 
 sary to retain his position, thereby being brought into conflict 
 with his wife, whom he loves tenderly, not with the brute passion 
 of the source. 
 
 Opposed to him is the proud Mariamne. In the earlier plays, 
 she has much of the beautiful tigress about her. Whatever she 
 may have felt toward him before, when these plays open, she 
 hates him and does but wait her opportunity to be revenged. 
 This indeed is the Mariamne of Josephus, who has come really 
 to hate Herod for the. murder of her kinsmen, especially for that 
 of her brother, and is finally driven to open expression of her 
 hatred when she herself is nearly aimed at in the secret com- 
 mand. But for such a woman we are not likely to feel much 
 sympathy. Therefore, we find her character treated more and , 
 more sympathetically, till in the modern psychologised and emo- 
 tionalised plays she becomes the woman who has loved Herod 
 dearly and is only driven from that love by the deeds of Herod. 
 They thus both become entangled in the tragic web of circum- 
 stance. Herod is forced by his position to do the deeds which 
 alienate Mariamne from him. 
 
 Salome, too, has had a fairly constant place and development. 
 She, sometimes with her mother as a minor figure, is the oppo- 
 nent and accuser of Mariamne. Her motive in the earlier plays 
 is simply hatred and a desire for revenge. Yet Hebbel has raised 
 and ennobled her character by, making her motive a sincere love 
 of her brother and an honest belief that Mariamne has wronged 
 him. She, too, is a victim of circumstance, thereby heightening 
 the emotional tone. 
 
 The man to whom the secret command is given, usually Sa- 
 lome's husband, appears regularly also. In the source arid ear- 
 lier plays, he is just a good-natured fellow, a loyal supporter of 
 the king, in whose defense he blabs the secret command. He is 
 usually barely sketched in, being needed only to betray the secret 
 
•20 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 command, be suspected, and pay the penalty. But there are emo- 
 tional possibilities here that are not to be overlooked. There- 
 fore, in Hebbel's play his faithfulness and loyalty are heightened 
 and given more prominent place, another victim of impelling 
 circumstance. 
 
 These four figures and their relations form the constant ele- 
 ments of the story, emphasis being placed now on one character 
 or side of a character, now on another, according to the author's 
 point of view. The other characters and incidents are only 
 brought in as they are needed for the author's purpose in his 
 major situation. Alexandra appears sometimes. Aristobulus 
 appears, as a ghost in the Senecan plays, as a living person in 
 Phillip's play, in which the love of Mariamne is changed to dis- 
 like before our eyes because of the treacherous milrder of her 
 brother. 
 
 The Herod story well illustrates the many changes and forms 
 the drama has passed through in its development from the em- 
 phasis upon story as such with the characters roughly sketched 
 in, to the emphasis upon character with the figures psychologised 
 and emotionalised. It represents, in its development the impor- 
 tant literary types also — Chronicle, Senecan, Classic, etc., — ^being 
 cast into whatever form the taste of the age demanded. A full 
 treatment of it from this point of view would be very interesting, 
 but the limits of this introduction forbid fullei- development here. 
 
 Massinger's Use of the Herod-Mariamne Story. 
 
 Now Massinger is evidently out of the line of the historical 
 development. To begin with, his Sforza has little of the Herod 
 left. He is proud and fearless as is Herod, he is loyal to his 
 f fiends and loves his wife passionately; but the attitudes of Jo- 
 sephus and Massinger toward the character are considerably dif- 
 ferent. Sforza is intended to show the better side of the jealous 
 lover and to attract our sympathy. His motives are somewhat 
 different. His command is given not from suspicion and jealousy 
 of a particular individual, but from the desire that he may not 
 be parted from his wife even in death. He has no past history 
 of murders so far as we know. In one respect only is he allowed 
 to have sinned, in the seduction of a woman, and even that is 
 seemingly admitted grudgingly to motivate the hatred that led 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 21 
 
 to his death. There is just enough of the Herod deeds to show^ 
 from what source he is drawn but the attitude taken toward him 
 is different. 
 
 MarceHa is still the proud queen Mariamne, but she always 
 loves Sforza and is never brought to hate him. She does resent 
 his secret command and does show her resentment, but she loves 
 him to the last. 
 
 Mariana and Isabella play much the same part as Salome and 
 her mother in Josephus. It is in Francisco, the Joseph- Sohemus 
 of the story, that Massinger makes his second great change. 
 Francisco appears at first to be the faithful friend, but we later 
 find that he is the injured man only waiting his chance to exact 
 revenge. His character has thus been completely altered and his 
 position changed and raised so that he becomes one of the chief 
 characters, in the play. He it is that guides the tragic action and 
 brings about the catastrophe. Massinger introduces certain other 
 important characters, Pescara, Graccho, Eugenia, who are not 
 found in the source, though Eugenia may have been suggested to 
 Massinger by Herod's first wife, Doris, whom he' put away for 
 Mariamne. These characters are called for by the turn he 
 chooses to give the plot. We still have, however, the same gen- 
 eral outline to the story. The passionately loving husband who 
 is called away on a journey that, seems to mean death, and leaves 
 orders that his wife shall not survive him, the wife who discovers 
 the secret and receives him coldly upon his return after he has 
 outfaced his danger in a noble way, the estrangement which is 
 thus brought about between the two and is fomented by the sister 
 and mother, who because of envy accuse the wife of improper 
 relations with the sister's husband, the jealous rage which leads 
 the husband to put his wife to death, and the final mad scene of 
 the husband who will not believe his wife dead — all these are 
 taken over from the Herod-Mariamne story. 
 
 Alterations 
 Influence of Othello. 
 
 Why did Massinger make the changes in character and the 
 consequent changes in plot which have just been enumerated? 
 Because, as I believe, he saw in this story of the jealous husband 
 
22 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 as told in Josephus, an opportunity to work out a tragedy of the 
 Othello type, a tragedy of intrigue with the noble loving husband 
 and equally loving and beautiful wife separated and brought to 
 a tragic end through the machinations of a third person, the in- 
 triguer which the type demands. With this general plan in view, 
 he made the changes. He did not slavishly imitate. Sforza is 
 not Othello ; nor Marcelia, Desdemona ; and it is a far cry from 
 Francisco to lago. Massinger, the student and clever workman, 
 saw the possibility of reworking the Herod-Mariamne story in 
 the Othello type, the tragedy of intrigue, and proceeded to re- 
 shape characters and plot accordingly. The result is neither a 
 Herod story nor a mere imitation of Othello, but an independent 
 production showing its relation to both. 
 
 The Historical Setting. 
 
 To this Herod-Mariamne story, reshaped in the Othello type, 
 Massinger has given what may be termed a historical setting. 
 Because of his great changes in the story, he perhaps did not feel 
 entitled to name it after its true source. Therefore, he fell back 
 on a dramatic convention, as says the Prologue to The Woman 
 Hater (printed first 1607) " a duke there is, and the scene lies in 
 Italy, as those two things lightly we never miss " and laid his 
 scene in Milan, using certain historical names connected with a 
 well known phase of history. We have Ludovico Sforza — 
 though it is recognized in the table of Dramatis Personae that in 
 this connection he is only a " supposed Duke ", — the Marquis of 
 Pescara, " The Emperour Charles and Francis the French king " 
 all clustering round the battle of Pavia. But Massinger has made 
 very sweeping changes in order to fit the material to his purpose. 
 The historical facts concerning the various persons mentioned are 
 • briefly as follows : 
 
 Though not in title, yet in power, Ludovico Sforza became 
 head of Milan in 1479. In 1480 he made his position more secure 
 by getting under his control his young nephew, the titular Duke 
 of Milan. When his nephew died in 1491, he usurped the power 
 as Duke of Milan. . He was the centre of the scheming and plot- 
 ting of the Italian cities where, to paraphrase an old saying, 
 "Each city was for itself and the French king for all." He 
 played into the hands of Charles VIII until the power of the 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 23 
 
 French king began to be too great, then he turned against him. 
 Thenceforward, he was in continuous struggle with the kings of 
 France until he was finally made prisoner to Louis XII, April lo, 
 1500, in which captivity he died. He made a great impression on 
 the men of his time, but he sometimes showed lack of courage 
 and " nerve " under the stress of danger. 
 
 In the later war between Spain and France for supremacy in 
 Italy, under Charles of Spain and Francis of France, Francesco 
 Sforza, son of Ludovico, took part on the side of Charles, his 
 reward to be restoration to his father's position as Duke of Milan. 
 .Again Milan was the storm center. "The possession of Milan, 
 on which the struggle chiefly turned was a luxury to France, a 
 point of vital importance to Charles, so long as he held the king- 
 doms of Naples and Sicily together with the Netherlands". 
 Francesco does not seem to have played so very important a part 
 as a leader. In the battle of Pavia, " The French army was de- 
 stroyed, the French King was captured, and all his most illustrious 
 commanders were . taken prisoners or killed." When Francis 
 later renewed the war, Francesco had gone over to his side, fol- 
 lowing the consistent policy of the Dukes of Milan. He received 
 various drubbings, as had his father before him, but was restored 
 to Milan under certain conditions when Charles was finally the 
 conqueror. He died November i, 1535, only a few months after 
 his marriage to Christina of Denmark. 
 
 In these struggles between the two kings, the Marquis of Pes- 
 cara played an important part. Of him Guicciardini says : " The 
 death of the Marquis of Pisquairo, who . . . made his last end 
 happily by the iust sentence of God, who would not suffer him to 
 enioy the frute of that seede which he had sowen with so great 
 malignity. . . . He began to follow armes at Rauenna, where, 
 being very younge he was taken prisoner. And afterwards aspyr- 
 ing to a reputacion of a Capteine, he followed all the warres 
 which the Spanyards hfid in Italy. Insomuch as though he had 
 not past the age of XXXVI yeres, yet for experience he was olde, 
 for inuencion suttle, in councell graue, in execucion resolute, wise 
 to foresee a daunger, and quicke to auoid a mischiefe: he bare 
 great authoritie and credit with the infanterie of Spayne, ouer 
 whom as he had bene of long, capteine generall : so both the vic- 
 torie at Pauia and all other actions of merit executed by that army 
 
 3 
 
24 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 since certaine yeares, were principally succeeded by his councel 
 and by his vertue: he was assuredly a capteine of great vallour, 
 but one that with arte and dissimulacion, knewe how to drawe 
 fauor and grace to his doings, being besides, prowde of minde, of 
 wit deceitfull, of nature malicious, of councell and action without 
 sincerity, and so singular in his owne weening, that oftentimes 
 he hath bene heard saye, that he was more worthy to haue Spayne 
 for his contry than Italy."^'' 
 
 Massinger, then, has made use of the general situation of the 
 first struggle between Charles and Francis with its culmination 
 at Pavia. But he substitutes the father Ludovico for the son, 
 Francesco Sforza, possibly because Ludovico was the better 
 known of the two. According to the plot from Josephus, the 
 Puke must be on the losing side. Therefore, he is attached to 
 the French, whereas the real Francesco. Sforza at this battle was 
 with the Spanish. However, Ludovico had been originally with 
 the French, and Francesco was allied with them after this battle. 
 As in the play, the Marquis of Pescara was on the side of Charles. 
 The general situation at the battle of Pavia may have decided 
 Massinger to use this story. But there is another element that 
 may have influenced him also. After Charles had a second 
 time conquered Francis, on whose side Francesco Sforza was 
 then fighting, Guicciardini says: "When Frauncis Sforza was 
 brought to the presence of the Emperour at Bolognia, and hauing 
 with humilitie and submission praised his benignitie in admitting 
 him to his- presence : He told him that so much did he reappose 
 for him selfe in his owne iustice and equitie, that for all things 
 happened before the Marquis of Pisquairo restrained him in the 
 castell of Myllan, he desired no other property of suretie or sup- 
 porte then his owne innocencie : And that therefore he renounced 
 frankly the safe conduit, the bill of escript whereof the Duke 
 holding in his hahde, he layed it at his f eete, a matter which much 
 pleased the Emperour" (1160-1). This slightly repeats the sit- 
 uation of Heroa before Caesar though " Frauncis " had to pay 
 a heavy indemnity. The historic^! material then is very slight 
 and IS adapted to fit the situation of the Herod plot. From this 
 historical material, however, he added to the Herod plot another 
 
 22 The Historie of Guicciardin, . . . Reduced into English by Geffray 
 Fenfon, 1579, pp. 943-4- 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 25 
 
 character with a well known name, Pescara. Massinger needed a 
 friend and confidant for Sforza. , Here was an opportunity to 
 bring in another famous name. Therefore he used Pescara as 
 the intimate friend of Sforza. This whole element amounts to 
 very little more than using historical Italian names for a back- 
 ground. 
 
 Can a definite source be assigned for Massinger's historical 
 information? The statement has been generally made that he 
 used Guicciardini's Istoria d'ltalia, Books 16-19,-' where this 
 story is told. If he had done so, he would likely have used Fen- 
 ton's translation. But I have found nothing which proves con- 
 clusively that he used this for a source, the fact that it was well 
 known being the strongest point in its favor. On the other hand, 
 the attitude of Guicciardini toward some of the characters is con- 
 siderably different from that of Massinger, for instance, toward 
 Pescara, his opinion of whom I have quoted above. Since Mas- 
 singer's use of the historical facts is so general, and since he 
 might easily have obtained so much knowledge in some other way, 
 there is no evidence for Guicciardini as his source. 
 
 The Borrowing from The Second Maiden's Tragedy. 
 
 One other element of the play can be traced to its source, the 
 poison scene ; V, 2. Of course, there are several poison scenes 
 by kissing, in preceding tragedy. In Soliman and Perseda (li- 
 censed 1592), the lady secures revenge by a poisoned kiss. In 
 The Revenger's Tragedy (pr. 1607), the kissing of a poisoned 
 skull secures the needed revenge. In The White Devil (pr. 1612), 
 Isabella meets death by kissing the poisoned picture of her hus- 
 band. Poison administered in other ways figures in various 
 tragedies of the period: — Valentinian (not later than 1614), Wife 
 for a Month (licensed 1624), etc. With none of these, however, 
 can Massinger be connected except possibly The Revenger's 
 Tragedy. In Act II, Scene i, of this tragedy we have : 
 
 " angels, clap your wings Upon the skies, 
 And give this virgin crystal plaudites." 
 
 Massinger writes in The Duke of Milan, V, 2, 57-9 : 
 
 a worke 
 The saints will smile to looke on, &■ good Angels 
 Clap their Celestiall wings to giue it plaudits. 
 
 23 Biographia Dramatica, 1782, followed by Gifford, etc. 
 
26 THE D.UKE OF MILAN 
 
 Again in The Maid of Honour, V, i (279b) Massinger writes : 
 
 and seraphic angels 
 Clap their celestial wings in heavenly plaudits. 
 
 It seems probable, then, that Massinger borrowed this expression 
 from The Revenger's Tragedy; but in no case can that play be 
 considered a source for the poison scene in The Duke of Milan, 
 though the general situation of revenge sought and wrought 
 through a poisoned kiss may have made due and^ lasting impres- 
 sion upon Massinger. 
 
 There is, however, a definite source for this poison scene of 
 The Duke of Milan, and that is the concluding scene of the play 
 licensed by Sir George Buc, 31 October, 161 1, as "This second 
 Maydens tragedy (for it hath no name inscribed)". Massinger 
 imitated Act V, Scene 2 of this play in some rather minute points 
 of conduct and even in many of the ideas there expressefi, so 
 much so indeed that his use of it may be considered an adaptation. 
 
 For conduct, near the beginning of V, 2, of The Second 
 Maiden's Tragedy, "They bringe the Body in a chaire drest vp 
 in black veluet which setts out the pailenes of the handes and 
 face, And a faire Chayne of pearle crosse her brest and the Cru- 
 cyfex aboue it ; He standes silent awhile letting the Musique play, 
 becknyng the soldiers that bringe her in to make obeisaunce to 
 her, and he hym self makes a lowe honour to the body and kisses 
 the hande". In Duke of Milan, V, 2, 47, "Enter Sforza, Isa- 
 bella, Mariana, the body of Marcelia, Doctors, Seruants ". Sforza 
 exhorts the servants to care (47-8), remarks how pale Marcelia 
 looks (60) and speaks of the snow white hand (63), all of which 
 elements figure in the direction above in much the same way. 
 Sforza also evidently kisses the hand (63) as does the Tyrant. 
 In fact, we might almost say that Massinger has here given his 
 scene directions in verse, a characteristic method of procedure 
 with him. 
 
 The next section in both plays has to do with getting the poi- 
 soner on the scene. In The Second Maiden's Tragedy, the Ty- 
 rant sends for a painter who is to produce the semblance of life ; 
 in The Duke of Milan, the supposed Jewish ,doctor offers his serv- 
 ice. Massinger has here adapted the situation to his plot, which 
 imposes the condition that Sforza shall consider Marcelia living 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 27 
 
 while the Tyrant has no delusions of the kind, merely a mad 
 whim of the moment. Yet even he wishes he could " send for 
 one to renew heat within her bosom ". In both plays, the corpse 
 is then painted; in The Second Maiden's Tragedy, the Tyrant 
 being by ; in The Duke of Milan, Sf orza being off, another neces- 
 sary change. Finally comes the exposure, brought about volun- 
 tarily on the part of the poisoner in The Second Maiden's Tragedy, 
 involuntarily in The Duke of Milan because of exigencies of plot. 
 In both, the poisoner glories in his deed; but in The Second 
 Maiden's Tragedy he is made king, while in The Duke of Milan 
 he is led to his doom, the alteration being again demanded by exi- 
 gencies of plot. It .may be noticed, too, that the place of the 
 ghost in The Second Maiden's Tragedy is taken in The Duke of 
 Milan by Eugenia, she being the injured in honor. Massinger 
 thus avoids a ghostly visitation for which he seems to have had 
 no special inclination, if we may judge by the fact that only once 
 in his unassisted work, in The Unnatural Combat, does he deal 
 in such. Thus, in conduct, the two scenes are so much alike that 
 we may consider the scene in The Duke of Milan an adaptation 
 of that in The Second Maiden's Tragedy. 
 
 Corroborative of this conclusion is Massinger's use of many 
 of the same ideas that occur in V, 2, of The Second Maiden's 
 Tragedy. Says the Tyrant (2244-47) • 
 
 I can see nothing to be mended in thee 
 but the too constant patenes of thy cheecke 
 I'de giue the kingdome, but to purchase ther 
 the breadth of a red Rose, in naturall coloure 
 
 Sf orza, according to Pescara (V, 2, 39-41 ) : 
 
 swore, 
 Prouided they recouer'd her, he would Hue 
 A priuate man & they should share his dukedom. 
 
 The Tyrant says to the corpse (2260-64) ■ 
 
 It is no shame for thee most silent mistris 
 to stand in need of Arte, when youthe 
 and all thy warm frendes has forsooke thee, 
 weemen aliue are gladd to seeke her frendship 
 to make vp the faire nomber of their graces 
 
28 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Again, when Gouianus does not see at once that the face wants 
 jpainting, the king says to him (2294-5) : 
 
 thy apprehension has to grosse a felme 
 to be ymploid at Court \ 
 
 Francisco says to the corpse (V, 2, 183-8) : 
 
 jioftr ladiship lookes pale 
 But I, your Doctor, haue a ceruse for you. 
 See my Eugenia, how many faces 
 That are adored in Court borrow these helpes. 
 And passe for excellence, when the better part 
 O. them are like to this 
 
 it is along this line that Francisco's remarks run as he paints the 
 corpse. Gouianus, as he paints, says {2^1'^-ig) : 
 
 A religious trembling shakes me by the hand 
 and bidds me put by. such unhallowed business 
 but reveng calls fort 
 
 Eugenia, as she watches the painting, says (V, 2, 197-9) : 
 
 / tremble. 
 And thus to tirannise vpon the dead 
 Is most inhumane. 
 Franc [isco].. Come we for reuenge[?] 
 
 Other minor instances might be quoted, but these will show how 
 Massinger echoes, as it were, tiiany of the ideas and to a slight 
 degree the expressions of The Second Maiden's Tragedy. 
 
 One other part of this play may have had its effect upon Mas- 
 singer. In Act IV, sc. 3 (1856-62), the. Tyrant says, speaking 
 to the corpse of the Lady : 
 
 / once read of a Herod whose affection 
 pursued a virgins loue, as I did thine 
 whoe for the hate she owd him kilde her self 
 (as thow to rashlie didst,) ti;** out all pittie: 
 yet he preserud her bo die dead in honie 
 and kept her longe after her funerall. 
 
 This reference is to another Herod story or to another version 
 of the Herod-Mariamne story. It would seem, then, that Mas- 
 singer might have found in The Second Maiden's Tragedy the 
 germ of suggestion for combining the Herod story and the poison 
 catastrophe. At any rate, it is evident that he got the poison 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 29 
 
 catastrophe from this play, but here again it was a case of adapta- 
 tion, the method of the student, rather than a case of direct 
 copying. 
 
 Indeed, so noticeable is the likeness here that some would 
 assign Massinger a part in The Second Maiden's Tragedy. 
 Tieck^* would identify the play with Massinger's supposed trag- 
 edy. The Tyrant, as the principal character is the "Usurping 
 Tirant" and as in his opinion the whole conduct of the play is 
 such as we would expect from the youthful Massinger. Phelan^'^ 
 follows Tieck, restating his theory. Boyle^° says: "From the 
 metrical character of the play it is in vain to look for help as it 
 has no very prominent peculiarities. On the whole, in spite of 
 the metrical difficulties and the want of allusions distinctly con- 
 necting it with other Massinger plays, I feel disposed to regard it 
 as an early, anonymous and unsuccessful attempt of our author's 
 who made use of the death scene in his later play." Later^' he 
 says, "Massinger's hand is traceable in the first two acts." It 
 will be seen that he gives no proof for his opinion ; in fact, admits 
 that it cannot be proved by the characteristics he has used 
 throughout his work as tests of Massinger. 
 
 Oliphant,^' however, says : " the play contains no sign of 
 either" Fletcher or Massinger. Fleay^® did not feel that Mas- 
 singer had any hand in it. Schelling'" does not think is belongs 
 to Tourneur " much less does it seem the youthful effort of a born 
 dramatist such as Massinger ". I myself can not find in the play 
 any trace of Massinger's characterization, speech structure, re- 
 peated phrases and ideas, or metrical peculiarities. Lack of these 
 cannot in my opinion be accounted for by saying that this is a 
 youthful work, for Massinger's style and mental habit did not 
 change, but merely developed and are as distinct in the earliest 
 of his known work as in the latest. Therefore, I have no hesita- 
 tion in saying that Massinger had nothing to do with the writing 
 of The Second Maiden's Tragedy. 
 
 2* Shakespeare's vorschule. Leipzig, 1823, Vol. 2, vorrede, p. xl ff. 
 
 25 Anglia, 11, 47. 
 
 28 Engl. Stud., IX, 234. 
 
 "D. N. B., article Massinger, XXXVII, iia. 
 
 28 Engl. Stud., XIV, 76. 
 
 29 Biog. Chron., ii, 330. 
 so Eliz. Dram., i, 599. 
 
30 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Massinger, then, has taken the Herod-Mariamne story of Jo- 
 sephus, recast it in the Othello type, and set it for interest in 
 Italian history of the time of the Sforzas. The last scene of the 
 story he has modeled upon The Second Maiden's Tragedy. 
 
 MASSINGER AS POET-DRAMATIST 
 
 If we would know a writer's artistic theory, we should attempt 
 to look at his problems and his work through his own eyes and 
 see what he himself thought and said about them, what his artistic 
 aims were. Fortunately we have some statements from Mas- 
 singer himself as to what should be expected and praised in a 
 play. In the Prologue to The Emperor of the East, he mentions 
 rather prominently the " proportion " " and the scope " of the 
 " invention " of the play as merits. In his commendatory verses 
 to Shirley's Grateful Servant, he gives his own poetic aims and 
 aspirations in the points he finds to praise : 
 
 Here are no forced expressions, no rack'd phrase; 
 
 No Babel compositions to amaze 
 
 The tortured reader; no believed defence 
 
 To strengthen the bold Atheist's insolence 
 
 No obscene. syllable, that may compel 
 
 A blush from a chaste maid; but all so well 
 
 Express'd and order'd, as wise men must say 
 
 It is a grateful poem, a good play. 
 
 Thus Massinger insists upon three things as essential : good order 
 or plot, moral content in word and character, and good expression. 
 These lines contain in brief Massinger's whole artistic aim and 
 theory. The things that he insists upon he is eminent in. His 
 aim and results are conscious. 
 
 The "Stage-Poet" 
 
 Massinger was not the inspired poet but the conscientious 
 workman of more than usual ability. This clever workmanship 
 is shown in the stage craft, plotting, or " ordering " of his plays. 
 His plots are well worked out according to a definite method of 
 procedure and however much one may dissent from his taste and 
 judgment at times, one feels that he has carefully considered 
 what he is doing and has a definite purpose in it. First, he se- 
 lects the five most important, and at the same time most striking, 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 31 
 
 points in his story. Each of these he makes the cHmax of an 
 act. The first act is introductory, having as its climax the incit- 
 ing motive of the play, the problem whose solution gives tragedy 
 or comedy. This is a rule of his construction, almost without 
 exception. The fifth act of course contains the denouement, the 
 solution of the problem. With the climax of the third act, the 
 action of the play takes its final turn, enters its final phase. The 
 fourth act is the connecting link between the climax of the third 
 and that of the fifth. It usually, leads just up to the denouement, 
 the catastrophe, but if the catastrophe is double — as it often is 
 in the stage-poet, Massinger, who can't pass the opportunity for 
 a good climax — one catastrophe forms the climax of the fourth 
 act. In much the same way, the second act connects the climax 
 of the first and that of the third. Thus the climaxes of the first, 
 third, and fifth acts in any story of Massinger are fixed by the 
 purpose he has in the play. The climax of the fourth is also 
 fixed in case the catastrophe is double, that of the second is most 
 variable of all. 
 
 The Duke of Milan well illustrates Massinger's formula. In- 
 deed the fact that this play has the fifth act at all instead of end- 
 ing with the fourth act is characteristic of Massinger's purpose 
 and method of construction. His purpose, to show : 
 
 ther's no trust 
 In a foundation that is built on lust. 
 
 demands catastrophe for Sforza. Looking at his material, he 
 finds five points of naturally high interest in the development of 
 the story. First, the giving of the secret command; second, the 
 revealing of the secret command to Marcelia ; third, Marcelia's 
 break with Sforza because of the secret command, the turning 
 point; fourth, Sforza's rash execution of Marcelia; fifth, the 
 effect on Sforza. Neither the moralist in him nor the playwright 
 w^th his eye to stage effect would permit him to sacrifice the last 
 act. Consequently thesg points were fitted into his formula. 
 
 Fletcher also usually tries to close his Act with a climax, a big 
 scene, but he has no care for careful preparation or regular con- 
 struction leading up to this climax. He must have at least one 
 big scene, with which to close his Act; if he can manage to get 
 more to the Act, the more the better. A fundamental difference. 
 
32 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 too, between the closing scenes of the two dramatists is that Mas- 
 singer's emphasized scene is, as I have said, nearly always an im- 
 portant section of the main story; Fletcher's may be merely a 
 striking humorous scene which might be left entirely out without 
 detriment to the plot. This is indeed typical of Fletcher's atti- 
 tude toward plot. To him that plot was best which furnished a 
 thread upon which the greatest number of striking situations 
 might be strung, naturally, incidentally, or accidentally. He 
 paints each striking situation which suggested itself, to the limit 
 of its possibilities with little regard to its importance. His excel- 
 lence is in the scene, the situation, rather than in the whole. His 
 acts are often arbitrary divisions of the play, not natural, as it is 
 the scene or situation upon which he centers his attention. 
 Therefore, Fletcher's work is likely to be sketchy and undigested, 
 a charge which cannot be brought against Massinger's" plots. 
 
 Massinger's formula for his first act or introduction is also 
 capable of rather definite statement. He gets his action under 
 way at once and works up to the exciting motive for a climax. 
 The question at issue is brought forward in the first scene and 
 is often fully before us within the first one hundred lines. His 
 favorite method of presenting this is by the conversation of two 
 of the characters, in which the problem is stated and the charac- 
 ters and relations of the principal figures are given us. Then 
 with this preparation, the principal characters are brought on, 
 and begin the. action at once. This introductory conversation, 
 however, may be between the principal characters themselves as 
 in The Picture, where no past history is needed to explain the sit- 
 uation. Such a device necessarily has a tendency to become 
 merely mechanical, to show too evidently the purpose it is in- 
 tended to serve. But Massinger usually manages to motivate the 
 device in some natural way, for instance, Cleon in The Emperor 
 of the East has just returned from six years travel and wishes to 
 know the news. 
 
 In this respect, too. The Duke of Milan^is a characteristic Mas- 
 singer play. The author begins with a striking scene, calculated 
 to catch the attention at once, the drunken conversation of 
 Graccho and Jovio. Having thus caught the attention, he pro- 
 ceeds by means of a conversation between two courtiers to get- 
 before us the necessary information as to the situation — ^the im- 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 33 
 
 pending climax of the war, the love of Sforza for his wife, and 
 the trouble that exists between her and Sforza's mother and sis- 
 ter — all in a scene of one hundred and twenty-six lines. With 
 the second scene begins the action, which gets well under way 
 in the third. Another habit of Massinger is well illustrated here 
 in his preparation for the entrance of Marcelia. The drunkards 
 are crying healths in her name, the lords discuss and praise her, 
 the ladies discuss and envy her, the gentlemen are thinking of 
 her, and she finally enters in state with the Duke bowing before 
 her. Massinger in his best work prepares carefully for the 
 smaller climax within the act just as he does for the grand climax 
 at the end of it. From the beginning, the action moves steadily 
 and directly forward to the inciting motive of the play, Sforza's 
 secret command to Francisco to kill Marcelia in event of his fail- 
 ure to return. The first act, then, is a unit with its own action 
 rising to a striking climax of high interest. 
 
 This indeed is true of each act in the play. The second act 
 begins with a preparatory conversation between two lords, con- 
 necting the action of this act with that of the preceding and pre- 
 paring for further developments. It then works up naturally to 
 the climax at the end with Francisco's proposal and 'betrayal of 
 the command in deepened colors, and Marcelia's fainting, proud 
 defiarice, and scornful taunt to do his worst. The third likewise 
 begins with a preparatory conversation, and works through vari- 
 ous turns to the climax of Marcelia's cold reception of Sforza 
 and his " temporary insanity ", to use the modern phrase. The 
 fourth begins with a scene preparatory for Graccho's attempted 
 revenge and closes with the grand climax of the play, the death 
 of Marcelia at Sforza's own hand. Up to this point there has 
 been a regular rise in the action of the play as a whole and this 
 is the triie climax of interest. 
 
 The fifth act is very noticeably a unit with its own climax and 
 really constitutes a separate thread of the play. In fact, it might 
 almost be considered as a separate tragedy forming the conclu- 
 sion to the preceding. This fault in construction is the result in 
 good part of two characteristics which are usually to be accounted 
 to Massinger for excellencies. The one is his habit of unity and 
 directness of development, taking only one thing at a time. As 
 a consequence of this characteristic, his plots are usually single. 
 
34 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 He rarely handles double or complicated plots and when he does, 
 is not always successful, for they are sometimes too clearly double 
 or complicated and not sufficiently fused together, as in The Par- 
 liament of Love. The whole story of The Duke of Milan to the 
 beginning of the fifth act has proceeded in almost direct line, with 
 as few changes and shifts as possible.^^ ' At this point, therefore, 
 it is necessary to go back and bring up the Eugenia story at which 
 he has before but hinted darkly. The other characteristic is his 
 habit of keeping certain elements of the story concealed as long 
 as posssible in order to obtain suspense or surprise. A very good 
 illustration of this habit is to be found in the whispered request 
 of A New Way to Pay Old Debts. But in The Duke of Milan, 
 though he has put his sign posts at the beginning and at the end 
 of the second act so that the break may not be too great, we over- 
 look them, are at a loss to account for the true reason of Fran- 
 cisco's plotting and must readjust ourselves when we do find the 
 reason. His fifth act, then, violates the unity of the play by in- 
 troducing a new motive or action, not because he did not plan it 
 carefully, but because he did and simply erred in his judgment. 
 This is characteristic of all: Massinger's work, his plays are care- 
 fully plotted and proceed with precision along prepared though 
 sometimes mistaken lines. 
 
 The habit of writing with the act as unit may have been fos- 
 tered by Massinger's early training as a collaborator. In his col- 
 laboration, certain sections of the play were assigned him, each 
 of which sections he worked up as a separate unit whether it 
 were a scene or an act. It is significant that in all but a very few 
 cases Massinger was given the first act to work out,^^ since care- 
 
 31 As an illustration of how careful he has been to keep the thread of 
 the story without break, we may notice his treatment of the time element 
 in the play. By the necessities of the case Sforza's journey between the 
 end of the first act and that of the third had to occupy considerable time. 
 In order to bridge over the break Massinger used the device of double 
 time. For a full discussion of this, see note to I, i, 4. 
 
 32 In eighteen collaborated plays where Massinger has any considerable 
 part {Rarnavelt, Bloody Brother, Custom of the Country, Double Mar- 
 riage, Elder Brother, Fair Maid of the Inn, False One, Fatal Dowry, Little 
 French Lawyer, Love's Cure, Lovers' Progress, The Prophetess, Queen of 
 Corinth, Sea Voyage, Spanish Curate, Thierry and Theodoret, Very 
 Woman, Virgin Martyr), as critics agree, Massinger wrote the entire first 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 35 
 
 fully plotted work is especially necessary here in order to get the 
 facts before us. These first acts are worked out regularly ac- 
 cording to the first act formula stated above. It is equally sig- 
 nificant that in collaboration Massinger writes in almost every 
 last act, as there again careful work is required to gather up the 
 threads of the play in unified completeness. The usual division 
 of labor seems to have been for Massinger to work out the plot 
 and to write about one third of the play, for the other author to 
 write the other two thirds. Massinger's one third contribution 
 consisted in hisj.^writing the first act almost without exception, in 
 his usually giving considerable aid in the last act, and in writing 
 some of the most dignified scenes within the play, especially trial 
 scenes. If it was possible to combine these three types of con- 
 tribution in one thread or plot of the story, it was usually done. 
 It seems, then, that Massinger's strength was recognized as lying 
 in plot and serious scene. 
 
 Indeed we know that this was the contemporary estimate of 
 his ability. Langbaine (1691) tells us that Massinger's plays 
 "were highly esteem'd of by the Wits of those times, for the 
 purity of stile, and the Oeconomy of their Plots ". In a poem 
 " On the Time Poets ",^^ printed in 1656, we are told of : 
 
 Massinger that knowes 
 
 The strength of plot to write in verse and prose 
 
 Whose easie Pegasus will amble ore 
 
 Some threescore miles of fancy in an houre.^* 
 
 The recognition of this ability of Massinger is summed up for 
 us by his friend and admirer Sir Aston Cockaine in the catch- 
 phrase which Mr. Cunningham has used on his volume, "The 
 Stage-poet ". This Massinger was in an eminent degree and this 
 it was that he aimed to be, if we ministerpret not his own pre- 
 viously quoted testimony. 
 
 It is interesting to note that so modern a critic as Professor 
 
 act of twelve, the major portions of two more, and had no part in the first 
 act of only three. In the same plays, he wrote the entire last act of six 
 and had a hand, usually a main one, in all save one. I intend to treat this 
 matter more fully in a later work. 
 
 32 The Shakespeare Society's Papers, Vol. Ill, p. 172. 
 
 3* It' may be noticed in passing that the attribution here of prose to 
 Massinger is necessitated by the need of a rhyme for " knows." 
 
36 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Brander Matthews^^ places the same kind of estimate upon Mas- 
 singer as did his contemporaries. " A dramatic poet he is be- 
 yond question, but he is far greater as dramatist than he is as 
 poet. . . . His merit is in the structure and conduct of each of 
 his plays as a whole. ... It is only when he is considered as a 
 playwright, pure and simple, that Massinger shows to best advan- 
 tage and that he takes rank over his contemporary rivals. As a 
 playwright, pure and simple, Massinger demands a place imme- 
 diately after Shakespeare." This statement I accept as a just 
 estimate of Massinger's power as a playwright He was the 
 conscientious, skilled workman. 
 
 The "Moral" Character Portrayer 
 
 When we consider Massinger's treatment of character, we 
 still find careful planning. Each play as a whole usually has a 
 purpose, a moral underlying; and lest we might overlook it, he 
 often drives it home with his moral tag at the end. 
 
 May we make use of 
 This great example, and learn from it, that 
 There cannot be a want of power above 
 To punish murder and unlawful love! 
 
 There yoy have the moral of The Unnatural Combat. 
 
 And learne from this example, ther's no trust 
 In a foundation that is built on lust. 
 
 There is the guiding principle of The Duke of Milan, and so on. 
 Of course, this tendency would appear most plainly in his most 
 serious plays, but even in the lighter plays, whether the moral 
 element be labeled at the end or not, it is always to be felt in the 
 play. His characters and their actions will consequently be 
 shaped to make evident this underlying moral purpose. 
 
 With such an aim, the characters are likely to be types rather 
 than individuals. Even Sir Giles Overreach is the emphasized 
 type, the "humor" character. This purpose accounts also for 
 the lack of convincingness of some of Massinger's villains or 
 those who are not whoUygood. There is no gradual process of 
 
 35 C. M. Gayley, Representative .English Comedies, Vol. II, Introduc- 
 tion to A New Way to Pay Old Debts. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 37 
 
 deterioration in character. They simply shift from good to bad 
 when the exigencies of plot demand it. Still, when we come to 
 the end, we know clearly what Massinger intended his character 
 'to be, whether we agree that he has succeeded in making it that 
 or not. Therefore, we find no puzzling questions of interpreta- 
 tions, of character. He does not permit himself to be carried 
 away into irregularities by throwing his whole interest into the 
 painting of some unit of humanity that has fascinated him. A- 
 conscious craftsman, he has a story to bring forward, usually 
 with a moral purpose behind it. Therefore, he must have the 
 types of persons who would logically work out that story. They 
 are made accordingly. Thus it is that we often feel that his char- 
 acters have a certain stiffness and aloofness, that they move but 
 not with their own motion. So it is easy in The Duke of Milan 
 to see to what type Massinger intended each of his characters to 
 belong. Sforza is a proud, noble, but doting prince ; Marcelia 
 is an equally proud, noble, and loving princess ; and Francisco is 
 intended to be the gentleman seeking to redress his wounded 
 honor, etc. But I can not feel that any one of them attains to 
 the rank of individuals. 
 
 Massinger's characterization, then, is not for character's sake 
 primarily, but for his moral story's sake ; and each scene, almost 
 each speech, contributes definitely to the advancement of the 
 story. Such an attitude on Massinger's part accounts for the 
 objection often raised that his actors speak out of character, that 
 his pUre heroine, for instance, will betray a knowledge of evil and 
 will speak of it in a manner that would raise our suspicion in a 
 real person, or that his modest heroine trumpets her own praises 
 abroad. The knowledge displayed by the heroine is not her own 
 but Massinger's. So is also her insistence upon her virtue and 
 goodness. Massinger wants us to know that she stands for all 
 goodness and can do no wrong. Therefore he, speaking through 
 her, tells us so in order that there may be no mistake. 
 
 The encounter between Francisco and Marcelia, II, i, well 
 illustrates this attitude of Massinger's. Their conversation is a 
 debate covering the various phases of the point at issue rather 
 than a qualrrel resulting from the righteous anger of an insulted 
 woman. It is a. question with Marcelia of that abstract posses- 
 sion of hers called chastity. If Francisco -will find a single act 
 
38 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 of hers so loosely carried as to lead one to hope to gain her favor, 
 she will be his strumpet. Because of this attitude, the characters 
 often have the air of impersonality. They speak of these various 
 abstract qualities as if they were mere concrete physical posses- 
 sions, they tell us what they feel instead of showing us how they 
 feel, speaking of their own emotions as if they belonged to some 
 one else. The same attitude is quite as apparent in Massinger's 
 treatment of his evil characters, Francisco for instance. We are 
 never long at a loss to know how he regards them, it is with full 
 disapprobation. In this he contrasts strongly with Fletcher, who 
 was not troubled with conscientious scruples. If ever the moral 
 side of a thing entered Fletcher's hea'd, he doesn't show it. 
 Therefore, his characters of the worse sort are sketched in with 
 a lightness and sympathy which makes them real, understandable 
 human beings. Massinger, lacking- this sympathy, produces un- 
 real, unrelieved, automata of evil. 
 
 These facts are but the result of a general characteristic in 
 Massinger. He has a tendency to let his characters tell us what 
 they are and feel rather than to make them speak and act in such 
 a way as to show us what they are and feel. At the crisis of 
 action, one of his characters is likely to inform us, " I feel a 
 sudden alteration ". Not only does the character inform us of 
 his or her own symptoms, but we are likely to have our attention 
 called to them by the comments of other characters, informing us 
 of what we are supposed to be. observing for ourselves. The 
 scene between Sforza and the Emperor (III, i) is a case in point. 
 Ihe comments of the three soldiers call our attention to the points 
 which the author wishes us especially to notice and for which the 
 scene was written. Sforza has not come in the usual fashion of 
 a suitor, nor is he a flatterer ; but speaks nobly, winning the admi- 
 ration of the soldiers so that the Emperor does not seem to act 
 fast enough but sits like a block. Such are the comments, such 
 is the purpose of the scene. These speeches in this case serve the 
 double purpose of first, pointing to the main facts of the scene, 
 giving the attitude that is to be taken toward Sforza, and the in- 
 terpretation that is to be put on his actions, and second of break- 
 ing up the long speeches. Such a device is here not wholly inef- 
 fective, but it is decidedly overworked when we have our attention 
 called to some action that we should plainly see taking place be- 
 fore our eyes as : 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 39 
 
 She frownes as if 
 Her looks could fright us 
 
 (II, I, I2I-2.) 
 
 It is as if the careful stage poet were puttting his stage directions 
 in the text. Under modern conditions, Massinger's stage direc- 
 tions would be worked out in more detail than George Bernard 
 Shaw's. Some character, too, is practically certain, either after 
 the others have gone, or in an aside, to tell us what problem is 
 facing him or her and sometimes tells us what is to be the course 
 of action, though the conclusion is often " something I shall do ". 
 The problem is also often brought before us by means of argu- 
 ment or debate, in which Massinger delighted. Now most of 
 these things help toward clearness of plot and story, but they are 
 blemishes upon character drawing. The playwright overshadows 
 the creator of character. 
 
 This attitude also explains the fact that Massinger's charac- 
 ters sometimes become bombastic. It is the natural result of 
 characterisation with stage effect chiefly in view. If you wish 
 your characters to rise to the occasion, let them talk louder, and 
 paint things more luridly. Yet Massinger's natural dignity and 
 seriousness act as a check upon him and it is only upon very great 
 occasions, such as Sforza's sorrow for Marcelia, that he becomes 
 disagreeably bombastic. Perhaps even there, the fact that Sf orza 
 is mad should be taken into consideration. 
 
 All these considerations point to one conclusion, Massinger, 
 in the drawing of character, worked from the outside, at best 
 drew types. He could reason out in logical sequence what the 
 guiding principles of his characters should be and what were the 
 acts that in a moral world would correspond to these; but when 
 he tried to put this in the concrete form of character, he was not 
 able to breathe into his creations that breath of life which would 
 cause them to live and move and have their being. 
 
 Yet to admit that he does work with types, that he does char- 
 acterise from the outside is not necessarily to condemn him abso- 
 lutely. Such a method will hardly give us the vivid personal 
 feeling that comes from the truly psychologized character, but it 
 has the advantage of presenting clearly and at a glance what the 
 author intended his audience to understand, it gets across the 
 foot lights easily and without effort. It is the stage method, 
 
 4 
 
40 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 even more strongly used by Fletcher; and is precisely what we 
 would expect of the conscientious workman who is striving to 
 meet the stage condition he knows so well, from long experience 
 and observation. 
 
 As has been said, we know where to place each character : we 
 judiciously praise or blame, perhaps like or dislike ; but we do not 
 passionately take sides and love or hate. Of course, the attitude 
 we take is the correct one from Massinger's point of view, for 
 he is aiming more to make clear to us the problems of the play 
 than to make us take an attitude toward the characters as such. 
 We are rather to take our attitude toward them because of that 
 for which they stand. 
 
 This moral purpose which lies behind all his more serious 
 plays and is not absent from his lightest, accounts for much in 
 Massinger. It is in scenes where some moral or ethical princi- 
 ple is involved that he does his most realistic work and im- 
 presses one most with his earnestness, for he is there speaking 
 his own deep convictions through the mouthpiece of his charac- 
 ter. He is not the impersonal portrayer of characters, he takes 
 sides very definitely in his work. Thus it is that Camiola of The 
 Maid of Honor is so well and sympathetically treated. She was 
 morally right and was making what Massinger con,sidered a great 
 choice. Therefore, for her he has no blame. He could for the 
 time being become that character and describe it from the inside. 
 It is only with such characters, and in such situations that he is 
 ever able to do this. Still one must not get the impression that 
 the work is clumsily done. He has observed for himself and has 
 observed the observation of others ; that is, there was a body ol 
 dramatic literature behind him and certain types had become 
 fairly well established. These he, like other playwrights, took 
 over and used. Thus, in characterisation also Massinger is the 
 clever, serious workman, not the poetic genius. 
 
 The Conscious Stylist 
 
 Massinger's style, too, reveals careful efifort. It is smooth 
 and well polished except in a few places where he has intention- 
 ally made the speech and verse rough and irregular in an at- 
 tempt to show emotion. Therefore, a rOugh line calls for atten- 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN ' 41 
 
 tion at once. His style has a steady, slow, long, oratorical sweep 
 about it that is peculiarly his own. Various factors contribute 
 to the making of this style. The earher blank verse of Eliza- 
 bethan times was marked by regularity as to number of feet, 
 syllables, and accents and each line was taken as a unit, that is, 
 was end stopped. Gorboduc was sufficiently regular in these re- 
 spects to win even Pope's praise. In an efifort towards greater 
 freedom, there had been progressive change in two main direc- 
 tions. First, monotonous regularity of the line was broken up 
 by the added syllable of the double or feminine ending. Second, 
 the line ceased to be the iron-clad unit and we find run-on lines. 
 Some writers followed one direction, others the other. Beau- 
 mont,^' with his smooth flowing style, needing the larger unit, 
 chose the way of the run-on line. He has a comparatively high- 
 percentage of these (20 to 30%) and a low percentage of double 
 endings (10 to 20%). Fletcher, with his swift, clear-cut, con- 
 vefsational style, needed the smaller unit. Therefore, we find 
 comparatively few run-on lines (10% or under) in Fletcher. On 
 the other hand, we find a very high percentage (60% or over) 
 of double, not infrequently triple, endings. But Fletcher was 
 not content even with this and we find also a large number of tri- 
 syllabic feet, contractions, and slurrings within the line itself. 
 
 Massinger worked about equally along both these lines. His 
 percentage of run-on lines (about 32 to 52% in his uncoUabo- 
 rated plays) is large. Thus he is composing by large units, by 
 verse periods in fact. This leads to his fitting in parenthetic and 
 explanatory sections from time to time. But even in his longest 
 and at first sight seemingly most hopelessly involved sentences, 
 there is a smooth regularity of flow and oratorical completeness. 
 To attempt to break these up into short sections in reading is to 
 spoil Massinger. He also uses a large percentage of double end- 
 ings (40 to 50% in his uncollaborated plays). This avoids the 
 monotony of the perfectly regular verse, for though Massinger 
 is eminently dignified, almost pompous at times if you will, he 
 is not often stiff. Then, too, Massinger secures a heavy enjam- 
 bement by frequent light endings (2.05 to 5.80% in his uncol- 
 laborated plays) and by occasional weak endings (as much as 
 
 3« These are Boyle's figures, given in New Shakespeare Society Trans- 
 actions, 1886. 
 
42 * THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 3.05% in one case, though a somewhat variable quantity). Both 
 the double and the light and weak endings tend toward an easier, 
 a more prose-like style. He does not use slurrings and contrac- 
 tions to any considerable extent. On the contrary, he has a 
 tendency as might be expected of his dignified style, to give each 
 syllable full value, especially with words ending in " ion ". For 
 instance, in The Duke of Milan we find pas-si-ons. III, 3, 112; 
 af-fec-ti-on, 131; mo-ti-on, 136. The peculiarity with Massin- 
 ger's dissolution is that it occurs frequently , within the line, not 
 merely at the end. As a result of these characteristics, Massinger 
 gets a style that is. more involved, more stately, more formal than 
 Beaumont's; one that is less loose, less conversational than 
 Fletcher's, an oratorical style in fact. It is in part for this rea- 
 son that Massinger makes his best impression in dignified scenes, 
 such as trial scenes, where a question is to be argued, or where 
 his hero or heroine makes a high appeal on moral or ethical 
 grounds. Perhaps it is to some extent due to this style that we 
 feel his characters are rather far-away in ordinary conversation, 
 as if they were speaking a part. 
 
 It is worthy of notice that in his versification, Massinger has 
 caught two of the most characteristic tricks of Fletcher versifi- 
 cation. One^' of these is the repetition of an idea or the addition 
 of some qualifying phrase as if in after thought. Massinger re- 
 peats in much the same way but his repetition is almost purely for 
 emphasis and is likely to be a word for word repetition, while 
 Fletcher only repeats much the same idea as if he were playing 
 with it, ringing the changes on it. The following examples illus- 
 trate this difference. 
 
 "And a woman, 
 
 A woman beat 'em, Nennius ; a weak woman, 
 
 A woman, beat these Romans ! " 
 
 Bonduca, I, I (47a). 
 
 s' Repetition for emphasis is frequent in this play. 
 
 Cf. I, 3, 70; I, 3, 74-5; I, 3- 313; n, I, 20-1 ; II, I, 115; II, I, 156-7; II, 
 
 1, 188; II, I, 27S-6; II, I, 282; II, I, 284-S; II, I, 298-9; II, I, 383; II, I, 
 387; II, I, 388-9; II, I, 402-3; III, I, 262; III, I, 265-6; III, 2, 76-7; HI, 
 
 2, 97; III, 2, 119; III, 3, 16; IV, 2, 36; V, I, 67'-8; V, 2, 2221-3; V, 2, 248. 
 
 Closely akin to this is the addition of a further qualification connected 
 by "and" Cf. II, i, 154-S; IV, 3, 278-9; V, i, 102-3; V, i, 157-8. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 43 
 
 " And, by mine honour, much drink, valiant drink : ^ 
 
 Never tell me, thou shalt have drink. I see, 
 Like a true friend, into thy wants; 'tis drink." 
 
 Bonduca, I, i(49a). 
 
 " You are in love, I know it; 
 You are an ass, and all the camp shall know it ; 
 A peevish idle boy, your dame shall know it ; v 
 
 A wronger of my care, yourself shall know it." 
 
 Bonduca, I, i(49b). 
 
 " For 'tis a deed of Night, of Night Francisco.'' 
 
 Duke of Milan, I, 3, 313. 
 
 " I defie thee. 
 Thee, and thy pardons, proud one." 
 
 II, I, 156-7. 
 
 " Learne Women, learne to trust in one another ; 
 There is no faith in Manr'Sforza is false, 
 False to Marcelia." 
 
 II, I, 387-9- 
 
 Much the same distinction holds true of their added phrases, 
 Massinger adds for emphasis, Fletcher as an afterthought. The 
 second of these tricks is the ending a line with an extra mono- 
 syllable, most characteristic when it is heavy, as " too ". Mas- 
 singer does this rather frequently, as may be seen by the exam- 
 ples quoted under the footnote.^' 
 
 38 I, 1, 52; I, 3, 183 ; II, I, go; III, i, SS ; IV, i, 21 ; IV, 3, 495 V, 2, 65 ; 
 V, 2, 148; V, 2, 188; V, 2, 19s. 
 
 He used " so " in the same way. Cf. I, 3, 215 ; I, 3, 230; I, 3, 270; I, 3, 
 346; II, I, 12; II, I, 344; III, I, 74; IV, I, II. 
 
 "then" is used in the same way— I, 3, 308; III, 2, 54; IV, 2, 63; IV, 
 3, 182; IV, 3, 281. 
 
 "to"— II, 1,339- 
 
 "now"— III, 2, 64; IV, 3, 286. 
 
 "there"— III, i, 42; V, i, 161. 
 
 " out "—II, I, 175. 
 
 "at "-II, 1,338. 
 
 " no "—III, 2, 5. 
 
 •• off "—IV, 3, 124- 
 
 " this "—II, 1,257. 
 
 "part"— III, I, 10. 
 
 " thus "—III, 3, 22. 
 
 " done "—IV, 3, 273. 
 
44 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Therefore, 'while these characteristics are valuable for sepa- 
 rating Fletcher's work from Beaumont's, they need to be used 
 with caution, when it is a question of Fletcher or Massinger. Mr. 
 Bullen's statement^' that the ending of a line with an emphatic 
 extra monosyllable is a "practice in which he (Fletcher) stands 
 alone " is incorrect. Mr. Boyle made the same supposition in his 
 treatment of A New Way to Pay Old Debts. Here, too, it seems 
 that Massinger has been the apt pupil of Fletcher. The Duke 
 of Milan is an excellent specimen of Massinger's style. There 
 are several opportunities for speech making well used, the best 
 of which is perhaps Sforza's really noble speech before the Em- 
 peror. If Massinger is read in the full, deep, dignified, con- 
 trolled style of the orator, each part falls into its place and the 
 period is natural ; if not he is a " howling wilderness " of de- 
 pendent clauses and parenthetical statement. It is this larger 
 element that Swinburne missed in his brilliant little imitation of 
 Massinger contained in his article upon him. The phrases are 
 there, the idea is there, the seeming loose eleihents of the sentence 
 are there ; but they are not bound together in the oratorical period 
 that is characteristic of Massinger. The speeches just mentioned 
 are splendid illustrations of this style at its best, since, from the 
 nature of his style, it is in trial scenes or scenes requiring set 
 speeches,, such as the above, that Massinger makes his best im- 
 pression. 
 
 Naturally, such a style as we have described does not lend 
 itself to the give and take conversation of- comedy as readily as 
 Fletcher's. It does not fit the jesting of a clown or the suppos- 
 edly simple nothings of a lover. Consequently we need not ex- 
 pect the bright sparkling comedy of wit and words, so frequent 
 in Shakespeare. Neither has Massinger the droll sense of humor 
 characteristic of Beaumont. As a result, his comic scenes are 
 not especially successful. In The Duke of Milan the opening 
 speeches of the gentlemen, who are supposedly at least the pro- 
 verbial three sheets in the wind, are good examples of his comic 
 element. In spite of their infirmities, they keep their dignified 
 oratorical tone. One can hardly help comparing them in this 
 respect with the drunkards in The Coxcomb (I, 5, 6), or those 
 in The Tempest, whom I have a sneakihg suspicion Massinger 
 
 89 D. N. B., XIX, 30Sb. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 45 
 
 thought he was imitating, as he more obviously attempted to do 
 in The Bashful Lover, III, i. 
 
 Probably another element of his nature is here involved. The 
 lighter comic material of the time was rather broad, to say the 
 least. Massinger, the professional playwright, must have comedy 
 and consequently must use the accepted material ; but there is 
 something of elephantine floundering about his use of it. Fletcher, 
 with his rapidity of style and lightness of touch, is eminently 
 fitted for this work, really takes some enjoyment in it and suc- 
 ceeds in making it go. Whatever attitude we may take toward 
 the moral side of it, we must admit the humor. But Massinger 
 evidently has no especial joy in the necessary duty, and the result 
 is far from pleasing. I do not recall a single comic scene of this 
 type that is altogether satisfactory. The one that at first sight 
 comes nearest being satisfactory is the opening scene in The Rene- 
 gad o with the clerk crying his wares. Yet here (as throughout 
 the play) the comedy lies more in the "humor" of the clerk. 
 This limitation of Massinger seems to have been realized at the 
 time, as he almost never deals with the comic element in the col- 
 laborated plays. 
 
 Indeed, in comedy Massinger succeeded best in the " humor " 
 type. Sylli, probably his most successful comic character of the 
 lighter type, is distinctly a " humor " character, even to his name. 
 The whole play of the New Way to Pay Old Debts is distinctly 
 of the "humor" type and Sir Giles Overreach is distinctly a 
 humor character as is Greedy, both being placarded with their 
 names. In fact, this, I think, accounts for Massinger's great 
 success with the New Way. It is rather serious comedy, if we 
 can accept it as comedy at all, and only avoids tragedy by a 
 perilous device. In view of the New Way to Pay Old Debts, I 
 feel that it is rather unfortunate that Massinger was not more 
 under the influence of Jonson and less under that of Fletcher, 
 that he did not follow Jonson in the " humor " comedy rather 
 than Fletcher in the line of Tragicomedy, for to me it seems that 
 Fletcher has been the shaping influence here. Massinger col- 
 laborated with him for years and succeeded to his position. He 
 seems to have tried to keep up the popular tradition, the " brand." 
 It may be noted that the New Way was not for the King's Men 
 but for the Queen's. Besides, as the literary workman, he would 
 
46 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 naturally keep his eye on the trade and this was the day of the 
 tragicomedy, the tragedy of blood had had its day and had been 
 superseded. The " humor " comedy was especially fitted for him 
 because the lighter witty touches are not needed and his habit of 
 directness, following one line, is especially fitted for this type, 
 the strong feature of which is the emphasizing one element in a 
 character so as to make it a guiding principle. For its purpose, 
 too, of holding certain traits up for reprobation it would have 
 suited Massinger well. 
 
 Massinger succeeds best, then, both in Tragedy and Comedy 
 where a certain element of dignity and directness is required. 
 
 Massinger's Habit of Repetition 
 
 Massinger has one characteristic, however, extending through 
 construction, characterisation and style which calls for separate 
 attention, that is the trick of repetition. Now, naturally most 
 writers have a tendency to repeat. Fletcher does so often, espe- 
 cially in construction and characterisation ; but Massinger repeats 
 more often and more exactly, even in sentiments, phrasing, and 
 words. The taking to task of Sforza by Stephano is parallelled 
 in situation and sentiment in The Picture i, 2, where Eubulus 
 takes the king to task for his too great worship of his wife. In 
 fact, as Gifford points out, in his note at the end of The Duke of 
 Milan (see last note), there is an interesting parallel between the 
 two plays as a whole. 
 
 This bent of repetition is especially shown in Massinger's 
 tendency to use certain phrases and expressions which have al- 
 most the appearance of formulae to be used on certain fixed occa- 
 sions. |For instance, see the village nurse comparison of Duke 
 of Milan, IV, 3, 2^4-5; Renegado, I, i (134b) ; New Way, V, i 
 (420b). In each case, the indecision and mere talk of a charac- 
 ter is compared in very similar terms with the action of a village 
 nurse and contrasted with the action the character should take. 
 Thus the situation, idea, and expression is very similar in all 
 the cases. These formulae tend to go in cycles as one would 
 naturally expect. The example I have quoted covers possibly 
 five years. So true is this that, if one could get a thorough list 
 of parallels, it would afford a rather strong indication of the 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 47 
 
 position of a play in the series. In proving a disputed play, this 
 matter of parallels is perhaps the strongest piece of evidence. 
 Parallels, together with the metrical tests, enable one to say with 
 a great degree of certainty in what plays Massinger certainly 
 wrote, provided he wrote the section entire and it has not been 
 tampered with. All of these characteristics reveal Massinger as 
 the skillful playwright. 
 
 Final Estimate of The Duke of Milan 
 
 The result of all these qualities in The Duke of Milan is a 
 carefully plotted play whose faults lie fundamentally in the judg- 
 ment and taste of the author, not in carelessness. It has two 
 points where this judgment and taste were noticeably bad, the 
 ladies' quarrel of the second act and the disconnectedness of the 
 fifth act. It may be said in Massinger's favor that he learned 
 better how to present a quarrel between ladies so that in the 
 clashes in The Emperor of the East, especially in those between 
 Pulcheria arid Eudocia, we do not find such low, undignified, 
 treatment. 
 
 Thefaultof the fifth act is a graver charge and, while it is to be 
 explained, is not to be excused. The act stands by itself as a unit, 
 and, as I have already said, might almost be considered as a 
 sequel to the first part. The climax of the play is reached at the 
 end of the fourth act and matters should be brought to a con- 
 clusion at once if the emotional tone is to be held. But Mas- 
 singer deliberately lets the attention drop and goes into a rather 
 long preparation for another element in the story. But not only 
 is there a break in emotional continuity, there is also a shift in 
 our attitude toward the characters of Francisco and Sforza. 
 New elements are brought to our attention in the characters of 
 both, which call for a readjustment of attitude toward them. As 
 I have shown, Massinger intended to warn us ; but his sign posts 
 were not striking enough. The effect is still further to intensify 
 the break. Massinger may have felt this and have tried to offset 
 it by an unusually striking last scene. But in his strikingness he 
 has become merely theatrical and in his height bombastic. It is 
 a far cry from a Sforza to an Othello. Yet we must reiiiember 
 that here, too, he did but use the general accompaniment of such 
 
48 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 scenes in his time, lurid descriptions and bombastic expressions. 
 As compared with the poison scene in the Wife for a Month, 
 IV, 4, this seems rather mild. Still the fifth act must be consid- 
 ered a serious blemish upon the play. 
 
 Massinger, then, is characterised throughout by careful, se- 
 rious workmanship, and it is by this means that he attains his 
 ends rather than by inspired insight into character or the unfor- 
 gettable word and phrase. The impulse to write seems to come 
 from without, from the force of circumstances rather than from 
 within ; his is not the feeling that he needs must write and in that 
 lies all pleasure. 
 
 Massinger's Conception of Tragedy 
 
 What, then, was Massinger's idea of tragedy? As we will 
 have seen from the preceding discussions, it was not the Shake- 
 spearian idea, which is grounded in character. We have no 
 study of the small defect appearing, and relentlessly and inevi- 
 tably growing to its full tragic conclusion, carrying before it both 
 good and bad. We find no Hamlet, Lear, Macbeth, Othello. 
 Nor is it the tragedy of Beaumont, who follows at a distance in 
 the Same school with his Evadne. It is rather the tragedy of 
 Fletcher, with much the same ideal that is shown in Valentinian 
 or Bonduca. This idea is to present a tragic story, laying em- 
 phasis upon the outward horror-giving manifestations rather 
 than upon the inner struggle. Such a tragedy, therefore, pre- 
 sents an ordered sequence of striking situations which will get 
 directly across to the eye and emotions, it presents not the depth 
 but the tumult of the soul. To make this appeal stronger, the 
 merely physical side is dwelt upon. Bonduca and her daughters 
 meeting deatk, Theocrine thrust forth in The Unnatural Combat 
 with the final sweep of ghosts,- dead-doing thunder and lightning 
 and horrors generally are good exSimples. As Mr. Cunliffe says,*" 
 "this emphasis upon the outward horrors and the steadfastness 
 with which the characters meet .death are traits of the Senecan 
 school as well as the bombastic language in which these are likely 
 to be expressed." Striking, theatrically effective if you will; but 
 not the best and deepest tragedy. Yet the dignified Massinger 
 
 *" Influence of Seneca on Elizabethan Tragedy. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 49 
 
 never goes quite to such extremes as does Fletcher and he is con- 
 sequently more convincing. In individual scene, Massinger does 
 not rise so high as Fletcher, but tlje reverse is true when we 
 consider plays as a whole and in this difference lies Massinger's 
 advantage over Fletcher as a tragic dramatist. Massinger, with 
 his careful, definite plan, gets his effect by a constantly and stead- 
 ily increasing interest, holds the attention till the action as a 
 whole is before us. His work is a unit, a whole. Fletcher has 
 very striking individual scenes, but he has not this power of 
 cumulative tragic suspense. His work is, therefore, likely to be 
 uneven in quality and to sacrifice everything to a strong, theatri- 
 cally effective scene. In fact, the two writers were rather the 
 complements each of the other. The power of Fletcher in poetic 
 expression and striking situation joined with Massinger's supe- 
 rior craftsmanship would have produced a tragedy which would 
 have been on the side of mere action and theatrical effectiveness, 
 what Shakespeare's tragedies are on the side of character. 
 
 Massinger's Rank 
 
 Our final estimate of Massinger will to a great degree be de- 
 termined according as we insist on the importance of the careful 
 working out of the mechanics of the play, the playwright side, 
 or whether we take the more romantic attitude and insist upon 
 the tone, the characterisation, the poetry of the play. It is, 
 . therefore, not surprising that the German theses rank Massinger 
 highly, many placing him next Shakespeare himself. 
 
 In accord with this, too, is Professor Brander Matthews*^ 
 feeling: "A dramatic poet he is beyond question, but he is far 
 greater as dramatist than he is as poet. His inferiority to Mar- 
 lowe, for example, as a poet is as obvious as his superiority over 
 Marlowe as a playwright. His merit is in the structure and con- 
 duct of each of his plays as a whole ; and this is not detachable 
 and portable like the unforgettable phrases of Marlowe. There 
 is an even eloquence in Massinger's writing, but scarcely a single 
 sentence wherein he has packed ' infinite riches in a little room.' 
 As Mr. Symons says, it is not hard to find in plenty lines that are 
 
 " C. M. Gayley, Representative English Comedies, Introduction to 
 a New Way to Pay Old Debts. 
 
50 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 easy, flowing, vigorous, persuasive, ' but nowhere a line in which 
 colour and music make a magical delight of golden concords.' . . . 
 " It is only when he is (jonsidered as a playwright, pure and 
 simple, that Massinger shows to best advantage and that he takes 
 rank over his contemporary rivals. As a playwright, pure and 
 simple, Massinger demands a place immediately after Shake- 
 speare, and it is upon Shakespeare that he has plainly enough 
 modelled himself." This quotation well sums up and shows the 
 attitude, the reaction, of the two types of thought to Massinger. 
 According as you value more, dramatic technique, or dramatic 
 poetry and characterisation so will you value Massinger. In the 
 first, his rank must be high, in the second, it is lower. 
 
EDITOR'S NOTES ON TEXT 
 
 This is a critical edition with apparatus. Its aim is to present 
 the text, as nearly as possible, as Massinger wished it printed. 
 Therefore, all accepted emendations have been inserted into the 
 text of the first quarto with brackets, and in most cases a note 
 has been made giving the reason for the change. Abbreviated 
 stage directions have been completed in brackets and a few have 
 been inserted where they might be of advantage to the reader. 
 In such cases, I have usually followed Gifford. In a few cases, 
 stage directions have been returned to their proper places from 
 the positions in which they were put because of lack of space in 
 the first quarto. All such changes from the first quarto are given 
 in the notes. The play has been lined, which necessitated re- 
 arrangement of lines in a few cases. In such cases, the original 
 arrangement is given in a note. The very few simple misprints 
 of letters are noted. All variations in wording up to and includ- 
 ing GifiEord's second edition have been noted at the bottom of the 
 page, also all important changes in punctuation. The reading of 
 the first quarto appears first at the left of the page, then the read- 
 ing of any of the later editions which disagree, the editions being 
 arranged in chronological order. I have used Gififord's second 
 edition for reference, mentioning the first only when it varies. 
 Gj and N taken together will give the difference of Gifford's 
 second edition from his first. 
 
 51 
 
Qi = first quarto, 1623. 
 Q2 = second quarto, 1638. 
 
 C = Coxeter's edition, 1759. 
 M = Mason's edition, 1779. 
 
 N ^ Massinger's MS. note in a quarto of 1623. See 
 
 Introduction. 
 Gi = Gifford's first edition, 1805. 
 
 G = Giiford's second edition, 181 3. 
 
 52 
 
THE DVKE 
 
 OF 
 
 MILLAINE. 
 
 A TRAGJEDIE. 
 
 As it hath beene often adted by his Maiefties 
 feruants, at the blacke Friers. 
 
 Written by Philip Massinger Gent. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 t 
 
 Priii[t]ed by B. A. for Edward BlacMnore, and are 
 
 to be fold at his fhop at the great South 
 
 doore of Pauls. 1623. 
 
[Vpon This Worke Of His Beloued Friend 
 The Avthor. 
 
 I Am fnap't already, and may goe my way; 
 The Poet Critick's c[om]e; I hiare him jay, 
 This Towne's mijtooke, the Author's Worke's a Play. 
 He could not miffe it; he will ftrait appeare 
 At such a baite; 'twas laid on purpofe there 
 To take the vermine, and I haue him here. 
 Sirra, you wilbe nibling; a fmall bitt 
 {A fillable), when yo' are i' the hungry fitt 
 Will ferue to ftay the ftomache of your witt. 
 Poole: Knaue; what's worfe ffor worfe cannot depraue thee. 
 And were the diuell now inftantly to haue thee. 
 Thou canft not inftance fuch a worke to faue thee, 
 'Mongjt all the ballets which thou doft cqmpofe. 
 And what thou ftil'ft thy Poems, ill as those. 
 And, void of rime and reafon, thy worfe Profe. 
 Yet like a rude lack-fause in Poefie, 
 With thoughts vnbleft and hand vnmannerly, 
 Rauifhing branches from Apollo's tree: 
 Thou mak'ft a garland {for thy touch vnfit) 
 And boldly deck' ft thy pig-brain'd fconce with it, 
 As if it were the Supreme Head of wit. 
 The blameles Mufes blufh, who not allow 
 That reuerend Order to each vulgar brow; 
 Whofe finfull touch prophanes the holy Bough. 
 Hence (f hallow Prophet) and admire the ftraine 
 Of thine owne Pen, or thy poore Copefmat's veine: 
 This Piece too curious is for thy coarfe braine. 
 Here witt {more fortvnate) is ioyn'd with Art, 
 And that moft f acred Frenzie beares a part, 
 Infuf'd by Nature in the Poet's^ heart. 
 Here may the Puny-wits themfelues direct; 
 Here may the Wi[f]eft find what to affect; 
 And Kings may learne their proper Dialect. 
 
 Oh then, deare friend: thy Pen thy Name fhall fpread. 
 
 And shal'ft thou write, while thou fhall not be read, 
 
 Thy Mufe muft labour, when thy Hand is dead. W. B.] 
 
 "come", the original has "cane" which the second quarto emends as 
 given. Hazlitt retains " cane " 
 
 " Wisest ", the original has " Wilest " which the second quarto emends 
 as given. Hazlitt emends " Vilest ". 
 
TO THE RIGHT 
 
 HONOVRABLE AND MVCH 
 
 ESTEEMED FOR HER HIGH 
 BIRTH, BVT MORE ADMI- 
 
 red for her vertue, the Lady KATHE- 
 
 RINE STANHOPE, wife to 
 
 PHILIP LORD STANHOP, 
 
 Baron of Shelford. 
 
 A> 
 
 lDAM : // / were not mo ft affured that 
 workes of this nature, hath found both pa- lo 
 
 tronage, and protection, amongft the greateft 
 Princeffes of Italic, and are at this day che- ^ 
 
 rifhed by perfons mo ft eminent in our king- 
 dome, I fhould not prefume to offer this my 
 weake, and imperfect labours, at the altar of your fauour, let the 15 
 example of others more knowing, and more experienced in this 
 kind (if my boldneffe offend) pleade my pardon, and the rather 
 fince there is no other meanes left mee {my miffortunes hauing 
 caft me on this courfe, to publifh to the world, if it hold the leaft 
 good opinion of mee) that I am euer your Ladyfhips creature 20 
 
 vouchfafe therefore with the neuer fayling clemency of Your 
 Noble difpofition, not to contemne the tender of his duty, who 
 while hee is, will euer bee. 
 
 An humble feruant to your 
 
 Ladylhip, and yours. 25 
 
 PHILIP M[A]SS[I]NGER. 
 10 hath] Q2 C M G, have. 
 12 Princesses] Q2 C M, Princes. 
 14 this] Q2 C M G, these. 
 17 kind] G, kindness. 
 26 Messenger] Qj C M N G, Massinger. 
 5 55 
 
THE NAMES OF THE 
 ACTORS. 
 
 Ludouico Sforza. a fuppofed Duke of Millqine. 
 
 Signior Francifco. his efpeciall fauorite. 
 
 Tiberio. "1 ^ , , , . ^ , „ 
 q , >two Lords of his L own] ell. 
 
 Pefcara, a Marqueffe, and friend to Sforza. 
 Graccho. a creaUire of Mariana fifter to Sforza. 
 
 [iovio T . "1 
 
 Giouanni \<^oumers. ^ 
 
 Charles the Emperour. 
 Hernando ] > 
 
 Medina -Captaines to the Emperour. 
 
 [Alphonso] 
 
 Marcelia. the Dutches wife to Sforza. 
 
 Ifabella. mother to Sforza. 
 
 Mariana. wife to Francifco, and fifter to Sforza. 
 
 Eugenia. fifter to Francifco. 
 
 2. PoftS. 
 
 A Beadle. 
 
 Waiters. 
 
 Mutes. 
 
 [Three Gentlemen.] 
 
 [Fiddlers.] 
 
 [Two Doctors.] 
 
 [A Gentlewoman.] 
 
 The bracketed names are Gifford's except as noted below. 
 
 Iovio] Julio, G. 
 
 Alphonso] inserted C M G. 
 
 2 Posts] Two couriers, G. 
 
 A Beadle] An Officer, G. 
 
 Waiters. Mutes] Giiards, Servants, Attendants, G. 
 
 56 
 
THE DVKE OF 
 MILLAINE. 
 
 Act[us] Prim[i] Scae[na] Pri[ma]. 
 Graccho, louio, Giouanni, with Flagons. 
 
 Gra. Take euery man his flagon : giue the oath 
 To al you meet : I am this day, the ftate drunkard ; 
 (I am fure againft my will) Arid if you finde 
 A man at ten, that's fober, hee's a Traitor, 
 And in my name arreft him. 
 
 lo. Very good Sir: 5 
 
 But fay hee be a Sexton ? 
 
 Gra. If the bells. 
 
 Ring out of tune, as if the ftreet were burning. 
 And he cry 'tis rare Muficke : bid him fleepe, 
 'Tis a figne he has tooke his liquour ; And if you meet 
 An officer preaching of fobriety, lo 
 
 Vnleffe he read it in Geneua print. 
 Lay him by the heeles. 
 
 lo. But thinke you tis a fault 
 
 To be found fober? 
 
 Gra. It is Capitall Treafon, 
 
 Or if you Mittigate it, Let fuch pay 
 
 Fortie Crownes to the poore ; But giue a pention 15 
 
 To all the magiftrates, you find finging catches, 
 Or their Wiues dauncing; For the Courtier [']s reeling. 
 And the Duke himfelfe, (I dare not fay diftemperd, 
 But kind, and in his totteripg chaire caroufing) 
 
 They doe the countrie feruice. If you meet, 20 
 
 One that eates bread, a child of Ignorance, 
 And bred vp in the darkeneffe of no drinking 
 [Againft his will you may initiate him] 
 
 B 
 I, I, Stage direction, louio] G, Julio, wherever it occurs in scene. 
 I, I, 9 tooke] G, ta'en. 
 I, I, 23. See Introduction, Early Editions, note I. 
 
 57 
 
58 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 In the true pofture, though he die in the taking 
 
 His drench, it fkilles not : What's a priuate man 25 
 
 For the publike honour? we haue nought elfe to thinke on. 
 
 And fo deere friends, copartners in my trauailes 
 
 Dfinke hard ; and let the health run through the City, 
 
 Vntill it reele againe : and with me crie : 
 
 Long Hue the Dutches. Enter Tiberio Stephana. 
 
 lo. Heere are two Lords ; what thinke you ? 30 
 
 Shall we giue the oath to them ? 
 
 Gra. Fie, no : I know them, 
 
 You neede not fweare'em ; your Lord, by his pattent 
 Stands bound to take his roufe. Long Hue the Dutches. 
 
 Exit Gra[ccho] Io[uio and Giouanni.] 
 
 Step. ' The caufe of this, but yefterday the court. 
 Wore the fad Huerie of diftruft, and f eare ; 35 
 
 No fmile, not in a buffon to bee feene, 
 Or common iefter ; The great Duke himfejf e. 
 Had forrow in his face : which waited on 
 By his mother, fifter, and his f aireft Dutches, 
 
 Difperf'd a filent mourning through all Millaine: 40 
 
 As if fome great blow had been giuen the State, 
 Or were at leaft expected. 
 
 Tib. Stephana, 
 
 r know, as you are noble, you are honeft, 
 And capable of fecrets, of more weight, 
 
 Then now I fhall deliuer. If that Sforza, 45 
 
 The prefent Duke, (though his whole life hath beene. 
 But one continued pilgrimage, through dangers. 
 Affrights, and horrors : which, his Fortune, guided 
 By his ftrong ludgement, ftill hath ouercome) 
 
 Appeares now fhaken, it deferues no wonder. 50 
 
 All that his youth hath laboured for : the harueft 
 Sowen by his induftry, readie to be reap'd, to, 
 Being now at the ftake ; And all his hopes cpnfirmd, ^ 
 Or loft for euer. 
 
 Step. I know no fuch hazard: ■ 
 
 [His guards are ftrong, and fure, his coffers full] 55 
 
 I, I. 33/34 Exit] C M G, Exeunt. 
 
 I, 1, 38 which waited] Q2 C M G, which, waited. 
 
 I, I, S3 at the stake] C M G, at stake, 
 
 I, I, 5S- See Introduction, Early Editions, note i. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 59 
 
 The people well affected ; And fo wifely 
 
 His prouident care hath wrought : that though warre rages 
 
 In moft parts of our wefterne world, there is 
 
 No enemie neere vs. 
 
 Tib. Dangers that we fee 
 
 To threaten ruine, are with eafe preuented : 60 
 
 But thofe ftrike deadly, that come vnexpected ; 
 The lightning is farre off : yet foone as feene. 
 We may behold the terrible effects. 
 That it produceth. But He helpe your knowledge. 
 And make his caufe of feare familiar to you. 65 
 
 The warre fo long continued betweene 
 The Emperour Charles, and Francis the French King 
 Haue interreft'd in cithers caufe, the moft 
 Of the Italian Princes: Among which Sforza, 
 
 As one of greateft power, was fought by both, 70 
 
 But with affurance hauing one his friend. 
 The other liu'd his enemie. 
 
 Step. Tis true. 
 
 And 'twas a doubtfuU choice. 
 
 Tib. But hee, well knowing. 
 
 And ha[t]ing too, (it feemes) the Spanifh pride. 
 Lent his affiftance to the King of France: 75 
 
 Which hath fo farre incenf'd the Emperor, 
 That all his hopes, and honours are embark'd. 
 With his great Patrons Fortune. 
 
 Step. Which ftands faire. 
 
 For ought I yet can heare. 
 
 Tib. But fhould it change. 
 
 The Duke's vndon. They haue drawne to the field 80 
 
 Two royall armies, full of fierie youth, 
 Of equall fpirit to dare, and power to doe : 
 So neere entrench'd, that 'tis beyond all hope, 
 Of humaine councell, they can er'e be feuerd, 
 
 Vntill it be determin'd by the fword, 85 
 
 Who hath the better caufe. For the fucceffe, 
 
 I, I, 66 warre] M G, wars. 
 
 I, I, 68 interrest'd] G,.int'eress'd. See note. 
 
 I, I, 74 having] M G, hating. 
 
60 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Concludes the victor innocent, and the vanquifh'd 
 
 Moft miferably guilty. How vncertaine, 
 
 The Fortune of the warre is, children know ; 
 
 And, it being in fufpence, on whofe f aire Tent, 90 
 
 Win'gd victory wil make her glorious ftand ; 
 
 You cannot blame the Duke, though he appeare, 
 
 Perplex'd, and troubled. 
 
 Step. But why then. 
 
 In fuch a time when euery knee fhould bend, 
 
 For the (ucceffe, and fafetie of his perfon, 95 
 
 Are thefe lowd triumphs ? In my weake opinion, 
 They are vnfeafonable. 
 
 Tib. I iudge fo too ; 
 
 But onely in the caufe to be excuf'd. 
 It is the Dutchefje Birth-day : once a yeere 
 
 Solemniz'd, with all pompe, and ceremony : 100 
 
 In which, the Duke is not his owne, but hers : 
 Nay, euery day indeed, he is her creature. 
 For neuer man fo doted ; But to tell 
 The tenth part of his f ondneffe, to a ftranger, 
 Would argue me of fiction. 
 
 Step. She's indeed, 105 
 
 A Lady of fnoft exquifite forme. 
 
 Tih. She knowes it. 
 
 And how to prize it. 
 
 Step. I I ne're heard her tainted. 
 
 In any point of honour. 
 
 Tib. On my life, 
 
 Shee's conftant to his bed, and well deferues 
 
 His largeft Fauours. But when beauty is 1 10 
 
 Stampt on great women, great in birth, and fortune. 
 And blowne by flatterers greater then it is, 
 'Tis feldome vnaccompanied with pride ; 
 Nor is fhee, that-way free. Prefuming on 
 
 The Dukes affection, and her owne Defert, 115 
 
 Shee beares her felfe with fuch a Maieftie, 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 61 
 
 Looking with fcorne on all, as things beneath her : 
 
 That Sforzas mother, (that would loofe no part 
 
 Of what, was once herlowne) : Nor his faire Sifter, 
 
 (A Lady t00[,] acquainted with her worth[)] 120 
 
 Will brooke it well ; And howfoer'e, their hate. 
 
 Is fmother'd for a time, Tis more then f eard. 
 
 It will at length breake out. 
 
 Step.' Hee, in whofe power 'tis, 
 
 Turne all to the beft. 
 
 Tih. Come, let vs to the Court, 
 
 We there fhall fee, all brauery, and coft, 125 
 
 That art can boaft of. 
 
 Step. He beare you company. Exeunt. 
 
 [Actus Primi, Scaena Secunda.] 
 Enter Francifco, Ifabelld, Marianai.^ 
 
 Ma. I will not gpe, I fcorne to be a fpot 
 In her proud traine. 
 
 If a. Shall I, that am his mother. 
 
 Be fo indulgent, as to waite on her, 
 That owes me duty? 
 
 Fra. Tis done to the Duke, 
 
 And not to her. And my fweet wife remember, 5 
 
 And Madam, if you pleafe[,] receiue my councell. 
 As Sforza is your fonne, you may command him. 
 And as a fitter you may challenge from him, 
 A brothers loue, and Fauour: But this graunted[,] 
 Confider hee's the Prince, and you, his Subiects, 10 
 
 And not to queftion, or contend with her. 
 Whom hee is pleafd to honour; Priuate men 
 Preferre their wiues : and fhall hee being a Prince, 
 And bleft with one that is the Paradice 
 
 Of fweetneffe, and of. beauty, to whbfe charge, 15 
 
 The ftocke of womens goodneffe is giuen vp, 
 Not vfe her, like her felf e ? 
 
 Ifa. You are euer forward. 
 
 To fing her praifses[.] 
 
 Ma. Others are as faire, 
 
 Ba 
 I, I, 120 too acquainted] C M, too, acquainted. 
 I, 2, 6 please receiue] Q2 C M G, please, receive, 
 I, 2, 18 praiises] Qa "praises." 
 
62 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 I am fure as noble. 
 
 Fra. I detract from none, 
 
 In giuing her, what^'^s due. Were fhe deform^'^d, 20 
 
 Yet being the Dutches, I ftand bound to ferue her. 
 But as fhe is, to admire her. Neuer wife. 
 Met with a purer heate her husbands f eruer ; 
 A happie paire, one in the other bleft : 
 
 She confident in her felfe, hee's wholy hers, 25 
 
 And cannot feeke for change : and he fecure 
 That tis not in the power of man to tempt her. 
 And therefore, to conteft with her that is 
 The ftronger, and the better part of him, 
 
 Is more then folly ; You know him of a nature, 30 
 
 , Not to be play'd with : and fhould you forget 
 To obey him as your Prince, hee'le not remember, 
 The dutie that he owes you. 
 
 Ija. Tis but trueth: 
 
 Come cleere our browes, and let vs to the banquet. 
 But not to ferue his Idoll. 
 
 Ma. I fhall doe, 35 
 
 What may become the fitter of a Prince, 
 But will not ftoope, beneath it. 
 
 Fra. Yet be wife. 
 
 Sore not too high to fall, but ftoope to rife. Exeunt. 
 
 [Actus Primi, Scaena Tertia.] 
 Enter three Gentlemen jetting forth a banquet. 
 
 1. Ge. Quicke, quicke for loues fake, let the court put on 
 Her choiceft outfide : Coft, and brauerie , 
 
 Be onely thought of. 
 
 2. Gent. All that may be had 
 To pleafe the eye, the eare, tafte, touch, or fmell. 
 Are carefully prouided. 
 
 3. Gen. Ther's a Mafque, 5 
 Haue you heard what's the inuention ? 
 
 I. Gent. No matter, 
 
 It is intended for the Dutches honour. 
 And if it giue her glorious attributes, 
 
 I, 2, 19 sure as noble] C G, sure, as noble. 
 I, 3, 7 intended] Qz, indeed. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 63 
 
 As the moft faire, moft vertuous, and the reft, 
 'Twill pleafe the Duke. They come. 
 
 3. Genti-i All is in order. lo 
 
 Enter Tiberio, Stephana, Francifco, Sforsa, Marcellia, 
 Ifabella, Mariana, attendants 
 
 Sfo. You are the Miftris of the f eaft, fit heere ; 
 O my foules comfort : And when Sforsa bowes 
 Thus low to doe you honour, let none thinke 
 The meaneft feruice they can pay my loue, 
 
 But as a faire addition to thofe tytles, 15 
 
 They ftand poffeft of. Let me glory in 
 My happineffe, and mightie Kings looke pale 
 With enuie, while I triumph in mine owne. 
 O mother looke on her, fifter admire her : 
 
 And fince this prefent age yeelds not a woman 20 
 
 Worthy to be her fecond, borrow of 
 Times paft : and let imagination helpe 
 Of thofe canoniz'd Ladies Sparta boafts of. 
 And, in her greatneffe, Rome was proud to owe 
 
 To fafhion [one] : yet ftill you muft confeffe, 25 
 
 The Phoenix of perfection ner'e was feene. 
 But in my faire Marcelia. 
 
 Fra. She's indeede 
 
 The wonder of all times. 
 
 Tib. Your excellence, 
 
 (Though I confeffe you giue her but her owne) 
 
 Enforces her modeftie to the defence 30 
 
 Of a fweet blufh. 
 
 Sfo. It neede not my Marcelia; 
 
 When moft I ftriue to praife thee, I appeare 
 A poore detracter : For thou art indeed 
 So abfolute in bodie, and in minde. 
 
 That, but to fpeake the leaft part to the height, 35 
 
 Would aske an Angels tongue : and yet then end 
 In filent admiration ! 
 
 I jab. You ftill court her, 
 
 I) 3. 2S fashion : and] N G, fashion one : yet. 
 I, 3, 30 Enforces] G, Forces. See note. 
 I, 3, 32 most I] Qs, I most. 
 I, 3, 34 absolute] Qz C M, perfect both. 
 
64 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 As if fhe were a Miftris, not your wife. 
 
 Sfo. A Miftris mother ? fhe is more to me, 
 And euery day, deferues more to be fu'de too. 40 
 
 Such as are cloyd with thofe they haue embrac'd. 
 May thinke their wooing done : No night to mee, 
 But is a brydall one, where Himen lights 
 His torches f refh, and new : And thofe delights, 
 
 Which are not to be cloth'd in ayrie founds, 45 
 
 Inioyd, beget defires, as full of heat. 
 And louiall feruor, as when firft I tafted 
 Her virgin fruit ; Bleft night, and be it numbred 
 Amongft thofe happy ones, in which a bleffing 
 
 Was by the full confent of all the Starrs, 50 
 
 Confer'd vpon mankind. 
 
 Marc. My worthieft Lord, 
 
 The onely obiect I behold with pleafure : 
 
 My pride, my glory, in a word my all ; , 
 
 Beare witneffe Heauen, that I efteeme my felfe 
 
 In nothing worthy of the meaneft praife, 55 
 
 You can beftow, vnleffe it be in this. 
 That in my heart I loue, and honor you. 
 And but that it would fmell of arrogance. 
 To fpeake my ftrong defire, and zeale to ferue you : 
 I then could fay, thefe eyes yet neuer faw 60 
 
 The rifing Sun, but that my vowes, and prayers. 
 Were fent to Heauen, for the profperitie 
 And faf ety of my Lord ; Nor haue I euer 
 Had other ftudie, but how to appeare 
 
 Worthy your f auour : and that my embraces, 65 
 
 Might yeeld a f ruitf uU Harueft of content, 
 For all your noble trauaile, in the purchafe. 
 Of her, that's ftill your f eruant ; By thefe lips, 
 (Which pardon mee, that I prefume to kiffe) 
 
 Sfo. O fweare, for euer fweare. 
 
 Marce. "^ I ne're will feeke ' 70 
 
 Delight, but in your pleafure : and defire, 
 
 I, 3, 70 O sweare] Q2 C M, O sweet. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 65 
 
 When you are [fated] with all Earthly glories, 
 And age, and honours make you fit for Heauen, 
 That one Graue may receiue vs. 
 
 Sf. 'Tis belieu'r, 
 
 Belieu'd, my bleft One. 
 
 Mari. How fhe winds her felfe 75 
 
 Into his Soule ! 
 
 Sf. Sit all : Let others feed 
 
 On thofe groffe Gates, while Sforza banquets with 
 Immortall Viands, tane in at his Eyes. 
 I could Hue euer thus. Command the Eunuch 
 
 To fing the Dittie that I laft compos'd, 80 
 
 In prayfe of my iWarc^/Ja. [Ent{er) Poft\ From whence? 
 
 Post. From Pauie, my dread Lord. 
 
 5"/. Speake, is all loft? 
 
 Poft. The Letter will in forme you. 
 
 Fran. How his Hand fhakes. 
 
 As he receiues it? 
 
 Mari. This is fome allay 
 
 To his hot paffion. 
 
 Sf. Though it bring death, ile read it. 85 
 
 May it pleafe your Excellence to vnderftand, that the ve- 
 rie houre I wrot this, I heard a bold defiance deliuered by a 
 Herald from the Emperor, which was chearefuUy receiu'd 
 by the King of France. The battailes being readie to ioyne, 
 and the Vantguard committed to my charge, inf orces me 90 
 
 to end abruptly. 
 
 Your Highneffe humble Seruant, 
 
 Gafpero. 
 Readie to ioyne. By this, then I am nothing, ' 
 Or my Eftate fecure. 
 
 Marc. My Lord. 
 
 Sf. To doubt, 95 
 
 Is worfe then to haue loft : And to defpaire, 
 Is but to antidate thofe miferies, 
 
 C 
 
 I, 3, 72 seated] C M G, salted. 
 
 I, 3, 81 Post] G, " Courier " throughout. 
 
 I, 3, 84-S Q2, This . . . passion, one line. See note. 
 
 I, 3, 89 hattailes] C M, battle. 
 
 I. 3. 92 Q2 C M Gi, omit " humble ". 
 
 I, 3, 97 those] Q2, these. 
 
66 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 That muft fall on vs. All my hopes depending 
 
 Vpon this battailes fortune ; In my Soule 
 
 Me thinkes there fhould be that Imperious power, lOO 
 
 By fupernaturall, not vfuall meanes, 
 
 T'inf orme me what I am. The caufe confider'd, 
 
 Why fhould I f eare ? The French are bold and ftrong, 
 
 Their numbers full, and jn their counfels wife : 
 
 But then, the haughtie Spaniard is all Fire, 105 
 
 Hot in his executions ; Fortunate 
 
 In his attempts ; Married to victorie : 
 
 I, there it is that fhakes me. 
 
 Franc. Excellent Lady: 
 
 This day was dedicated to your Hdnor : 
 
 One gale of your fweet breath will eafily no 
 
 Difperfe thefe Clouds : And, but your felf e, ther's none 
 That dare fpeake to him. 
 
 Marc. I will run the hazard. 
 
 My Lord ? 
 
 Sf. Ha : Pardon me Marcelia, I am troubled ; 
 
 And ftand vncertaine, whether I am Mafter 
 Of ought that's worth the owning. 
 
 Marc. I am yours Sir; 115 
 
 And I haue heard you fweare, I being faf e, 
 There was no loffe could moue you. This day Sir, 
 Is by your guift made mine : Can you f euoke 
 A Grant made to Marcelia? Your Marcelia? 
 
 For whofe loue, nay, whofe honour (gentle Sir) 120 
 
 All deepe defignes, and State affaires def er'd : 
 Be, as you purpos'd, merrie. 
 
 Sf. [Throws away the letter] Out of my fight. 
 And all thoughts that may ftrangle mirth f orfake me. 
 Fall what can fall, I dare the worft of Fate ; 
 
 Though the Foundation of the Earth fhould fhrinke, . 125 
 
 The glorio[u]s Eye of Heauen loofe his Splendor: 
 Supported thus, I'le ftand vpon the rujns, 
 
 I, 3, 104 Q2 omits, "in". 
 
 I, 3, 126 glorions] Qa C M G; glorious. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 67 
 
 And feeke for new' life here. Why are you fad? 
 
 No other fpqrts? By Heauen he's not my friend, 
 
 That weares one Furrow in his Face. I was told 130 
 
 There was a Mafque. 
 
 Franc. They waite your Highneffe pleafure. 
 
 And when you pleafe to haue it. 
 
 Sf. Bid'em enter: 
 
 Come, make me happie once againe. I am rap't, 
 'Tis not to day, to morrow, or the next. 
 
 But all my dayes, and yeeres Ihall be employed 135 
 
 To doe thee honour. 
 
 Marc. And my life to ferue you. A Home. 
 
 [Sf.] Another Poft? Gee hang him, hang him I fay, 
 ,1 will not interrupt my prefent pleafures, 
 Although his meffage fhould import my Head : 
 Hang him I fay. 
 
 Marc. Nay, good Sir, I am pleas'd, 140 
 
 To grant a little intermiffion to you ; 
 Who knowes, but he brings newes, we wifh to heare. 
 To heighten our delights. 
 
 Sf. As wife as faire. 
 
 Ent[er] another Poft. 
 From Gafpero? 
 
 Post. That was, my Lord. 
 
 Sf. How, dead? 
 
 Poft. With the deliuery of this, and prayers, 145 
 
 To guard your Excellencie from certaine dangers. 
 He ceaft to be a Man. 
 
 Sf. All that my f eares 
 
 Could f afhion to me, or my enemies wifh 
 Is falne vpon me. Silence, that harfh muficke, 
 
 'Tis now vnf eafonable ; A tolling Bell, 1 50 
 
 As a fad Harbinger to tell me, that. 
 This pamper'd lumpe of Flefh, muft feaft the Wormes. 
 'Tis fitter for me, I am fick. 
 
 Marc. My Lord. 
 
 I. 3, 137 Franc] Q= C M G, Sf. 
 
 I, 3, 146 Excellencie] Q2, Excellence. 
 
 I. 3, IS3 'Tis fitter] M G, Is fitter. 
 
68 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Sf. Sick to the death, Marcelia, Remoue 
 Thefe fignes of mirth, they were ominous, and but v(herd 155 
 
 Sorrow and ruine. 
 
 Marc. Bleffe vs Heauen ! 
 
 I-fab. My Sonne. 
 
 Marc. What fuddaine change is this ? 
 
 Sf. All leaue the roome; 
 
 He beare alone the burthen of my griefe. 
 And muft admit no partner. I am yet 
 
 Your Prince, wher's your obedience? Stay Marcelia: 160 
 
 I cannot be fo greedie of a forrow. 
 In which you myft not fhare. 
 
 [Exeunt Tiberio, Stephana, Francisco, Isabella, 
 
 Mariana, two Posts, and Attendants. \ 
 
 Marc. And chearefully, 
 
 I will fuftaine my part. Why looke you pale ? 
 Where is that wonted conftancie, and courage. 
 
 That dar'd the worft of Fortune? Where is Sforza? 165 
 
 To whom all dangers that fright common men, 
 Appear'd but Panicque terrors ? Why doe you eye me 
 With fuch fix'd lookes ? Loue, counfell, dutie, feruice. 
 May flow from me, not danger. 
 
 Sf. O Marcelia! 
 
 It is for thee I feare : For thee, thy Sforza 170 
 
 Shakes like a coward ; For my felf e, vnmou'd : 
 I could haue heard my troupes were cut in peeces. 
 My Generjall llaine ; And he, on whom my hopes 
 Of Rule, of State, of Life, had their dependance ; 
 The King of France, my greateft friend, made prifoner 175 
 
 To fo proud enemies. 
 
 Marc. Then you haue iuft caufe 
 
 To fhow you are a Man. 
 
 Sf. All this were nothing. 
 
 Though I ad to it, that I am affur'd 
 For giuing ayd to this vnf ortunate King, 
 
 The Emperour incenc'd, layes his command 180 
 
 On his victorious Army, flefh'd with fpoyle, 
 
 I, 3, 1 54 to the death] C M, to death. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 69 
 
 And bold of conqueft, to march vp againit me, 
 
 And feafe on my Eftates : Suppofe that done too, 
 
 The Citie tane, the Kennels running blood. 
 
 The ranfack'd Temples, falling on their Saints: 185 
 
 My Mother in my fight, tofs'd on their Pikes, 
 
 And Sifter rauifh'd : And my felf e bound f aft 
 
 In Chaines, to grace their Triumph : Or what elfe, 
 
 An Enemies infolence could load me with, 
 
 I would be Sforza ftill ; But when I thinke, 19c 
 
 That my Marcelia (to whom, all thefe 
 
 •Are but as Atomes to the greateft Hill) 
 
 Muft fuffer in my caufe : And for me fuffer 
 
 All Earthly torments ; Nay, euen thofe the damn'd 
 
 Houl for in Hell, are gentle ftrokes, compar'd 195 
 
 To what I f eele Marcelia. 
 
 Marc. Good Sir, haue patience : 
 
 I can as Well partake your aduerfe fortune. 
 As I thus long haue had an ample fhare. 
 In your profperitie. Tis not in the power 
 
 Of Fate to alter me : For while I am, 200 
 
 In fpight oft, I am yours. 
 
 Sf. , But fhould that will 
 
 To be fo fdrc'd Marcelia? And I Hue 
 To fee thofe Eyes I prize aboue mine owne. 
 Dart fauours (though compel'd) vpon another? 
 Or thofe fweet Lip's (yeelding Immortall Nectar) 205 
 
 Be gently touch'd by any but my felf e ? 
 Thinke, thinke Marcelia, what a curfed thing 
 I were, beyond expreffion. 
 
 Marc. Doe hot feed 
 
 Thofe iealous thoughts ; The only bleffihg that 
 
 Heauen hath beftow'd on vs, more then on beafts, 210 
 
 Is, that 'tis in our pleafure when to dye. 
 Befides, were I now in anothers power. 
 There are fo many wayes to let out life, 
 
 I, 3, 193 M G, suffer ! All. 
 I, 3, 201-2. See note. 
 I| 3i 203 mine] M G, my. 
 
?0 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 I would not Hue, for one fhort minute, his ; 
 
 I was borne only yourg, and I will dye fo. 215 
 
 >S"/. Angels reward the goodneffe of this Woman: 
 
 All I can pay is nothing. ■[Ent(er) Francif(co).] Why vncall'd f or ? 
 
 Franc. It is of waight. Sir, that makes me thus preffe 
 Vpon your priuacies. Your conftant friend 
 
 The Marquiffe of Pefcara, tyr'd with haft, 220 
 
 Hath bufineffe that concernes your life and fortunes. 
 And with fpeed to impart. 
 
 Sf. Waite on him hether ; Ex[it] Franc[isco]. 
 
 And deereft to thy Clofet : Let thy prayers 
 Affift my counfels. 
 
 Marc. To fpare imprecations 
 
 Againft my felfe; without you I am nothing. Ex[it] Marc[elia]. 225 
 
 Sf. Thg Marquiffe of Pefcara ; A great Souldior : 
 And though he feru'd vpon the aduerfe partie, 
 Euer my conftant friend. 
 
 Enter Francijco, Pefcara. 
 
 Franc. Yonder he walkes. 
 
 Full of fad thoughts. 
 
 Pefc. Blame him not good Francifco, 
 
 He hath much caufe to grieue : Would I might end fo, 230 
 
 And not ad this, to feare. 
 
 Sf. My deere Pefcara: 
 
 A miracle in thefe times, a friend and happie, 
 Cleaues to a falling fortune. 
 
 Pefc. If it were 
 
 As well in my weake power, in act to raife it, 
 
 As 'tis to beare a part of forrow with you ; 235 
 
 You then fhould haue iuft caufe to fay, Pefcara 
 Look'd not vpon your State, but on your Vertues, 
 When he made fuit to be writ in the Lift 
 Of thofe you fauord. But my haft forbids 
 
 All complement. Thus then. Sir, to the purpofe. 240 
 
 The caufe that vnattended brought me hether, 
 
 I, 3, 226 Pescara;] C M, Pescara?; G, Pescaral i ' ; 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 71 
 
 Was not to tell you of your loffe, or danger ; 
 
 For Fame hath many Wings to bring ill tidings, 
 
 And I prefume you haue heard it : But to giue you 
 
 Such friendly counfell, as perhaps may make 245 
 
 Your fad difafter, leffe. 
 
 Sf. You are all goodneffe, 
 
 And I giue vp my felfe to be difpos'd of, 
 As in your wifedome you thinke fit. 
 
 Pefc. Thus then. Sir. 
 
 To hope you can hold out againft the Emperor, 
 
 Were flatterie in your felfe, to your vndooing ; 250 
 
 Therefore, the fafeft courfe that you can take. 
 Is, to giue vp your felfe to his difcretion. 
 Before you be compeld. For reft affur'd, 
 A voluntarie yeelding may find grace, 
 
 And will admit defence, at leaft excufe : 255 
 
 But fhould you linger doubtfuU, till his Powers 
 Haue feas'd your Perfon; and Eftates perforce. 
 You muft expect extreames. 
 
 5"/. I vnderftand you, 
 
 And I will put your counfell into act. 
 
 And fpeedilie ; I only will take order 260 
 
 For fome Domefticall affaires, that doe 
 Concerne me neerely, and with the next Sun 
 Ride with you ; In the meane time, my beft friend, 
 Pray take your reft. 
 
 Pefc. Indeed, I haue trauaild hard. 
 
 And will embrace your counfell. £;r[ji] Pefcara. 
 
 Sf. With all care, 265 
 
 Attend my Noble friend. Stay you, Prancifco, 
 You fee how things ftand with me? 
 
 Franc. To my grief e: 
 
 And if the loffe of my poore life could be 
 A Sacrifife, to reftore them, as they were, 
 I willingly would lay it downe. 
 
 I, 3, 244-5 you such, 1 „ , , „ -^ c . u c 
 
 -C M G, omit first such. See note. 
 
 }< 
 
 Such friendly 
 
 I, 3, 248 Pesc] Q., Sf. 
 
 I, 3, 240 flatterie in] C M, flatt'ring. 
 
 6 
 
72 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Sf. I thinke fo : 270 
 
 For I haue euer found you true, and thankful, 
 Which makes me loue the building I haue rays'd, 
 In your aduancement : And repent no grace, 
 I haue conf erd vpon you : And beleeue me. 
 
 Though now I fhould repeate my fauours to you, 275, 
 
 The Titles I haue giuen you, and the meanes 
 Sutable to your IJonours, that I thought you 
 Worthy my Sifter, and my Family, 
 And in my Dukedome made you next my felf e : 
 
 It is not to vpbraid you : But to tell you 280 
 
 I find you are worthy of them in your loue, 
 And feruice to me. 
 
 Franc. Sir, I am your Creature : 
 
 And any fhape, that you would haue me weare, 
 I gladly will put on. 
 
 Sf. Thus, then Francifco; 
 
 I now am to deliuer to your truft, 285 
 
 A weightie fecret : Of fo ftrange a nature, 
 And 'twill I know appeare fo monftrous to you. 
 That you will tremble in the execution. 
 As much as I am tortur'd, to command it : 
 
 For 'tis a deed fo horrid, that but to heare it, 290 
 
 Would ftrike into a Ruffian flefh'd in murthers. 
 Or an obdurate Hang-man, foft compaffion ; 
 And yet Francifco (of all Men the deereft, 
 And from me moft deferuing) fuch my ftatfe, 
 
 And ftrange condition is, that thou alone, 295 
 
 Muft know the fatall feruice, and performe it. 
 
 Franc. Thefe preparations. Sir, to worke a ftranger. 
 Or to one, vnacquainted with your bounties, 
 Might appeare vfef ull : But to me, they are 
 
 Needleffe impertinances : For, I dare doe, 300 
 
 What e're you dare command. 
 
 Sf. But thou muft fweare it, 
 
 I, 3, 300 impertinances] C M G, Impertinencies. 
 I, 3, 301 thou] G, you. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 73 
 
 And put into thy Oath, all ioyes, or torments 
 
 That fright the wicked, or confirme the good : 
 
 Not to conceale it only, that is nothing ; 
 
 But whenfoe're my will fhall fpeake, ftrike now : 305 
 
 To 'fall vpon't like Thunder. 
 
 Franc. Minifter 
 
 The Oath, in any way, or forme you pleafe, 
 I ftand refolu'd to take it. 
 
 Sf. Thou muft doe then, 
 
 What no maleuolent Star will dare to looke on, 
 
 It is fo wicked : For which. Men will curfe thee, 310 
 
 For being the Inftrument : And the bleft Angels, 
 Forfake me at my need, for being the Author : 
 For 'tis a deed of Night, of Night Francifco, 
 In which the memorie of all good Actions, 
 
 We can pretend too, fhall be buried quick ; 315 
 
 Or if we be remembred, it fhall be 
 To fright pofteritie, by our example : 
 That haue out-gone all prefidents of Villaines, 
 That were before vs : And fuch as fucceed. 
 
 Though taught in hels black fchoole, fhal ne're com nere vs. 320 
 
 Art thou not fhaken yet ? 
 
 Franc. I grant you moue me : 
 
 But to a Man confirm'd; 
 
 Sf. lie try your temper : 
 
 What thinke you of my Wife ? 
 
 Franc. r^ As a thing Sacred : 
 
 To whofe faire Name, and memorie, I pay. gladly 
 Thefe fignes of dutie. 
 
 Sf. Is fhe not the abftract 325 
 
 Of all that's rare, or to be wifh't in Woman ? 
 
 Franc. It were a kind of blafphemy to difpute it : 
 But to the purpofe Sir. 
 
 Sf. Ad to her goodneffe. 
 
 Her tenderneffe of me. Her care to pleafe me, 
 
 D 
 
 I, 3, 302 or] Q2, all. 
 
 I. 3. 328 ad to her] G, add too, her. 
 
74 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Her vnfufpected chaftity, nere equall'd : 330 
 
 Her Innocence, her honor : O I am loft 
 
 In the Ocean of her vertues, and her graces, 
 
 When I thinke of them. 
 
 Fran. Now I finde the end * 
 
 Of all your coniurations : there's fome feruice 
 
 To be done for thisfweet Lady; If fhe haue enemies 335 
 
 That fhe would haue rempu'd ? 
 
 Sf. Alas Francifco, 
 
 Her greateft enemy is her greateft louer. 
 Yet in that hatred, her Idolater. 
 One fmile of hers would make a fauage tame ; 
 
 One accent of that tongue would calme the Seas, 340 
 
 Though all the wjudes at once ftroue there for Empire. 
 Yet I, for whom fhe thinks all this too little. 
 Should I mifcarry in this prefent iourney, 
 (From whence it is all number to a cypher, 
 
 I ner'e returne with honor) by thy hand 345 
 
 Muft haue her murthered. 
 
 Fra. Murther'd? Shee that loues fo. 
 
 And fo deferues to be belou'd againe ? 
 And I, (who fometimes you were pleas'd to fauor) 
 Pick'd out the inftrument ? 
 
 Sf. Doe not flye off : 
 
 What is decreed, can neuer be recal'd ; 350 
 
 'Tis more than loue to -her, that markes her out, 
 A wifh'd companion to me, in both fortunes : 
 And ftrong affurance of thy zealous faith. 
 That giues vp to thy truft a fecret, that 
 
 Racks fhould not haue forc'd from me. O Francifco: 355 
 
 There is no heauen without her ; nor a hell. 
 Where fhe recides. I aske from her but iuftice, 
 And what I would haue payd to her : had fickeneffe, 
 Or any other accident diuorc'd. 
 Her purer foule, from [her] vnfpotted body. 360 
 
 I. 3, 339 sauage] Q2 salvage. 
 
 I. 3, 343 Qa omits I.' 
 
 I, 3, 360 his] C M N G, her. Gi, his. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 75 
 
 The flauifh Indian Princes when they dye 
 
 Are cheerefuUy attended to the fire, 
 
 By the wife, and flaue, that lining they lou'd beft. 
 
 To doe them feruice in another world : 
 
 Nor will I be leffe honor'd, that loue more. 365 
 
 And therefore trifle not, but in thy lookes, 
 
 Expreffe a ready purpofe to performe, < 
 
 What I command, or by Marcelias foule, 
 
 This is thy lateft minute. 
 
 FroM. 'Tis not feare 
 
 Of death, but loue to you, makes me embrace it ; 370 
 
 But for mine owne fecurity when 'tis done. 
 What warrant haue I ? If you pleafe to ligne one, 
 I fhall, though with vnwillingneffe and horror. 
 Perform your dreadfuU charge. 
 
 Sf. I will Francifco; 
 
 But ftill remember, that a Princes fecirets 375 
 
 Are balme, conceal'd : but poyfon, if difcouer'd. 
 I may c(5me backe ; then this is but a tryall, 
 To purchafe thee, if it were poffible, 
 A neerer place in my affection; but 
 I know thee honeft. ' 
 
 Fran. 'Tis a Character 380 
 
 I will not part with. 
 
 Sf. I may Hue to reward it. Exe[u]nt. 
 
 Actus Seeun[di,] Scae[na] Prima. 
 Tiberio Stephana. 
 
 Ste. How ? left the Court ? 
 
 Tib. Without guard or retinue 
 
 Fitting a Prince. ' 
 
 Ste. No enemy neere, to force him? 
 
 To leaue his owne ftrengths, yet deliuer vp 
 
76 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Himfelf e, as 'twere in bonds, to the difcretion 
 
 Of him that hates him ? 'Tis beyond example : 5 
 
 You neuer heard the motiuesthat indyc't him, 
 
 To this ftrange courfe ? 
 
 Tib. No, thofe are Cabinet councels. 
 
 And not to be communicated, but 
 To fuch as are his owne, and fure ; Alas, 
 
 We fill vp emptie places, and in publique, lo 
 
 Are taught to giue our fuff rages to that. 
 Which was before determin'd : And are faf e fo ; 
 Signiour Francifco (vpon whom alone 
 His abfolute power is with al ftrength confer'd. 
 
 During his abfence) can with eafe refolue you. 15 
 
 To me, they are Riddles. 
 
 Steph. Well, he fhall not be, 
 
 My Oedipus, He rather dwell in darkeneffe. 
 But my good Lord Tiberio, This Francifco, 
 Is, on the fuddaine, ftrangely rays'd. 
 
 Tib. O Sir, 
 
 He tooke the thryuing coUrfe : He had a Sifter, 20 
 
 A faire one too ; With whom (as it is rumor 'd) 
 The Duke was too familiar ; But fhe calt off, 
 (What promifes foeuer paft betweene them) 
 Vpon the fight of this, forfooke the Court, 
 
 And fince was neuer feene ; To fmother this, 25 
 
 (As Honors neuer faile to purchafe filence) 
 FroMcifco firft was grac'd, and ftep by ftep. 
 Is rais'd vp to this height. 
 
 Steph. But how is his abfence borne ? 
 
 Tib. Sadly, it feemes 
 
 By the Dutches : For fince he left the Court, 30 
 
 For the moft part, fhe hath kept her priuate Chamber, 
 No vifitants admitted ; In the Church, 
 She hath been feene to pay her pure deuotions, 
 Seafon'd with teares : And fure her for row's t[r]ue, 
 
 II, I, 29-30 G, rearranges. See note. 
 II, I, 34, ttue] Qj C M G, true. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 77 
 
 Or deepely counterfeited ; Pompe, and State, 35 
 
 And brauerie caft off : And fhe that lately 
 
 Riuald Poppcea in her varied fhapes, 
 
 Or the Egyptian Queene : Now, widow-like, , 
 
 In Sable coluors (as, her Hulbands dangers. 
 
 Strangled in her, the vfe of any pleafure) 40 
 
 Mournes for his abfence. 
 
 Steph. It becomes her Vertue, 
 
 And does confirme, what was reported of her. 
 
 Tib. You take it right; But on the other fide, 
 The darling of his Mother, Mariana, 
 
 As there were an Antipathy betweene 45 
 
 Her, and the Dutches paffions : And as 
 Sh'ad no dependance on her brothers fortune, 
 She ne're appear'd fo full of mirth. 
 
 Steph. 'Tis ftrange. 
 
 Ent[er] Graccho with fidlers. 
 But fee, her f auorite : & accompani'd. 
 To your report. 
 
 Grac. You fhall fcrape, and He fing, 50 
 
 A fcuruie Dittie, to a fcuruie tune. 
 Repine who dares. 
 
 Fidl. But if we fhould offend, 
 
 The Dutches hauing filenc't vs : & thefe Lords, 
 Stand by to heare vs. 
 
 Grac. They, in Name are Lords, 
 
 But I am one in Power : And for the'Dutches, 55 
 
 But yelter-day we were merrie for her pleafure. 
 We now'l be for my Ladies. 
 
 Tib. Signiour Graccho. 
 
 Gr. A poore Man, Sir, a Seruant to the Princes : 
 But you, great Lords, and Councellors of State, 
 Whom I ftand bound to reuerence. 
 
 Tib. Come, we know 60 
 
 You are a Man in grace. 
 
 Grac. Fye, no : I grant, 
 
 D3 
 
 II, I, 36 brauerie] C M, bravery's. 
 II. I, 59 you great] M, you're great 
 
78 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 I beare my fortunes patiently : Serue the Princeffe, 
 
 And haue [ac]ceffe at all times, to her clofet, 
 
 Such is my impudence : When your graue Lordfhips 
 
 Are mafters of the modefty, to attend 6$ 
 
 Three houres, nay fometimes foure; and then bid waite 
 
 Vpon her the next morning. 
 
 Ste. He derides vs. 
 
 Tib. Pray you, what newes is ftirring? you know all. 
 
 Grot. Who, I ? alas, I haue no intelligence 
 At home, nor abroad : I onely fometimes gueffe 70 
 
 The change of the times ; I fhould ask of your Lordfhips 
 Who are to keepe their Honors, who to loofe'em ; 
 Who the Ducheffe fmil'd on laft, or on whom f rown'd. 
 You onely can refolue me : we poore waiters 
 
 Deale (as you fee) in mirth, and foolifh fyddles : 75 
 
 It is our element ; and could you tell me. 
 What point of State 'tis, that I am commanded 
 To mufter vp .this muficke : on mine honefty. 
 You fhould much befriend me. 
 
 Ste. Sirra, you grow fawcie. ^ 
 
 Tib. And would be layd by the heeles. 
 
 Grac. Not by your Lordfhips, 80 
 
 Without a fpeciall warrant ; looke to your owne f takes ; 
 Were I committed, here come thofe would baile me: 
 Perhaps we might change places too. 
 
 Ent[er] Isabella, Mariana. 
 
 Tib. [aside] The Princeffe; 
 
 We muft be patient. 
 
 Ste. [aside] There's no contending. 
 
 Tib. [aside] See, the informing rogue. 
 
 Ste. [aside] That we fhould ftoope 85 
 
 To fuch a Mufhrome. 
 
 Mari. [aside to Graccho] Thou doft miftake ; they durft not 
 Vfe the leaft word of fcorne, although prouok'd. 
 To any thing of mine. [ To Tib. and Steph.] Goe, get you home. 
 And to your feruants, friends, and flatterers, number 
 
 II, I, 63 successe] C M G, access. 
 II, I, 71 of the times] Qa omits the. 
 II, I, 70 should] M, would. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 79 
 
 How many difcents you are noble ; Look to your wiues too, 90 
 
 The fmooth-chin'd Courtiers are abroad.- 
 Tib. No way, to be a Free-man? 
 
 Ex[eunt] Tib[erio and] Steph[ano]. 
 
 Grac. Your Excellence, hath the beft guift to difpatch, 
 Thefe Arras pictures of Nobilitie, 
 I euer read of. 
 
 Mari. I can fpeake fometimes. 95 
 
 Grac. And couer fo your bitter Pills, with fweetneffe 
 Of Princely language to forbid reply, 
 They are greedily fwallowed. 
 
 I-fab. But, the purpofe Daughter, 
 
 That brings vs hither ? Is it to beftow 
 
 A vif it on this Woman ? That, becaufe 100 
 
 She only would be thoght truly to grieue. 
 The abfence, and the dangers of my Son, 
 Proclaimes a generall f adnelie ? 
 
 Mari. If to vexe her. 
 
 May be interpreted to doe her Honor, 
 
 She fhall haue many of 'em ? He make vfe 105 
 
 Of my fhort Raigne : my Lord, now gouernes all : 
 And fhe fhall know, that her Idolater, 
 My Brother, being not by, now to protect her, 
 I am her equall. 
 
 Grac. {aside] Of a little thing. 
 It is fo full of Gall: A Diuell of this fize, no 
 
 Should they run for a wager to be fpitefuU, 
 Gets not a Horf-head of her. 
 
 Mari. On her Birth-day, 
 
 We were forc'd to be nierrie : & now fhe's mufty 
 We muft be fad, on paine of her difpleafure ; 
 
 We will, we will. This is her priuate Chamber, 115 
 
 Where like an Hypocrite, not a true Turtle, 
 She feemes to mourne her abfent Mate, her Seriiants 
 Attending her like Mutes : But He fpeake to her 
 And in a high Key too, [to fiddlers] play anything 
 
 II, I, 98 the purpose] C M Gi, to the purpose. 
 
80 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 That's light and loud enough but to torment her, 120 
 
 And we will haue rare fjrort. Song. Marcelia aboue in blacke. 
 
 Ifab. She frownes, as if 
 
 Her lookes could fright vs.. 
 
 Mart. May it pleafe your greatneffe, 
 
 We heard that your late Phyficke hath not work'd, 
 And that breeds Melancholy, as your Doctor tells vs : 
 To purge which, we that are born your Highneffe Vaffals, 125 
 
 And are to pl'ay the f ooles to doe you feruice, 
 Prefent you with a fit of mirth : what thinke you 
 Of a new Anticke ? 
 
 Ifab. 'Twould fhow rare in Ladies. 
 
 Mari. Being intended for fo fweet a creature, 
 Were fhe but pleas'd to grace it. 
 
 Ifab. Fye, fhe will, 130 
 
 Be it nere fo meane : Ihee's made of courtefie. 
 
 Mari. The Miftreffe of all hearts ; one fmile I pray you 
 On your poore feruants, or a Fidlers fee : 
 Comming from thofe faire hands, though but a Ducat, 
 We will infhrine it as a holy relique. 135 
 
 Ifab. 'Tis Wormewood, and it workes. ; 
 
 Marc. If I lay by 
 
 My feares, and grief es (in which youfhould be fharers) 
 If doting age could let you but remember. 
 You haue a fonne ; or f rontlef fe impudence. 
 
 You are a fifter ; and in making anfwere, 140 
 
 To what was moft vnfit for you to fpeake. 
 Or me to heare : borrow of my iuft anger. 
 
 Ifab. A fet fpeech on my life. 
 
 Mari. ' Pen'd by her Chaplaine.- 
 
 Marce. Yes, it can fpealce, without inftruction fpea"ke ; 
 And tell your want of manners, that y'are rude, ' 145 
 
 And fawcily rude, too. 
 
 Grac. Now the game begins. 
 
 Marce. You durit not elfe on any hire or hope, 
 
 II, I, 126 fooles] M G, fool. 
 II, I, 144 it] C M, I. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 81 
 
 (Remembring what I am, and whofe I am) 
 Put on the defperate boldneffe, to difturbe 
 The leaft of my retirements. 
 
 Mari. . Note her now. 150 
 
 Marc. For both fhal vnderftand ; though th'one prefume 
 Vpon the priuiledge due to a Mother, 
 The Duke ftands now on his owne legs, and needs 
 No nurfe to leade him. 
 
 I fab. How, a Nurfe? 
 
 Marce. A dry one. 
 
 And vfeleffe too: But I am merciful!, 155 
 
 And dotage fignes your pardon. 
 
 Ifab. I defie thee, 
 
 Thee, and thy pardons, proud one. 
 
 Marc. For you,. Puppet. 
 
 Mari. What, of me? Pine-tree. 
 
 Marc. Little you are, I grant. 
 
 And haue as little worth, but much leffe wit, 
 
 You durft not elfe, the Duke being wholly mine, 160 
 
 His power and honour mine, and the alleageance, 
 You owe him, as a Subiect, due to me. 
 
 Mdri. To you? 
 
 Marc. To me : And therefore as a Vaffal, 
 
 From this houre learne to ferue me, or, you'l f eele, 
 I muft make vfe of my authoritie, 165 
 
 And as a Princeffe punifh it. 
 
 Ifab. A Princeffe? 
 
 Mari. I had rather be a Slaue vnto a Moore, 
 Than know thee for my equall. 
 
 Ifab. ScornefuU thing. 
 
 Proud of a white Face. 
 
 Mari. Let her but remember 
 
 The Iffue in her Legge : 
 
 Ifab. The charge, fhe puts 170 
 
 The State too, for Perfumes. 
 
82 THE DUKE OF MILAN ' 
 
 Mari. And, howfoe're 
 
 She feemes, when fhe's made vp : As Ihe's her felf e, 
 She ftinkes aboue ground. O that I could reach you, 
 The little one you fcorne fo, with her nayles, 
 
 'Would teare your painted Face, & f cratch thofe Eyes out. 175 
 
 Doe but come downe. 
 
 Marc. Were there no other way. 
 
 But leaping on thy Neck, to breake mine owne, 
 Rather than be outbrau'd thus. 
 
 [Exit above.] 
 
 Grac. [aside] Fourtie Ducats 
 
 Vppn the little Hen : She's of the kind. 
 And will not leaue the Pit. 
 
 Mari. That it were lawful! 180 
 
 To meete her with a Ponyard, and a PiftoU ; 
 But thefe weake hands fhall fhew my fpleene. 
 Enter Marc[eUa] below. 
 
 Marc. Where are you ? You Modicum, you Dwarf e. 
 
 Mari. Here, Gianteffe, here. 
 
 Ent[er] Francifco, Tib[erio,] Steph[ano and Guards.] 
 
 Franc. , A tumult in the Court? 
 
 Mari. . Let her come on. 
 
 Franc. What winde hath rais'd this tempeft ? 185 
 
 Seuer 'em, I command you. What's the caufe ? 
 Speake Mariana. 
 
 Mari. I am out of breath ; 
 
 But we fhall meete, we fhall. And doe you heare. Sir, 
 Or right me on this Monfter (fhe's three foote 
 
 Too high for a Woman) or ne're looke to haue, 190 
 
 A quiet houre with me. 
 
 I jab. If my Sonne were here. 
 
 And would endure this ; May a Mothers curfe 
 Perfue, and ouertake him. 
 
 Franc. O forbeare. 
 
 In me he's prefent, both in power, and will ; 
 
 And Madam, I much grieue, that in his abfence, 195 
 
 There fhould arife the leaft diftafte to moue you : 
 It being his principall, nay only charge, 
 
 II, I, 173 above ground] G, above the ground. 
 II, I, 189 foote] M G, feet. 
 
THE BUKE OF MILAN 83 
 
 To haue you in his abfence leru'd, and honour'd, 
 As when iiimfelfe perform'd the wiUing Office. 
 
 Mari. This is fine, yfaith. 
 
 Grac. I would I were well ofif. 200 
 
 Franc. And therefore, I befeech you Madam, f rowne not 
 (Till moft vnwittingly he hath deferu'd it) 
 On your poore Seruant ; To your Excellence, 
 I euer was, and will be fuch : And lay. 
 
 The Dukes authoritie, trufted to me, 205 
 
 With willingneffe at your feet. 
 
 Mari. O bafe. 
 
 Ifab. We are like 
 
 To haue an equall ludge. 
 
 Franc. But fhould I finde 
 
 That you are touc[h]'d in any point of Honor, 
 Or that the leaft neglect is falne vpon you, 
 I then ftand vp a Prince. 
 
 Fidl. [to Graccho] Without reward, 210 
 
 Pray you difmiffe vs. 
 
 Grac. Would I were fine Leagues hence. 
 
 Franc. I will be partial to none, nqt to my felfe. 
 Be you but pleas'd to fhew me my offence. 
 Or if you hold me in your good opinion. 
 Name thofe that haue offended you. 
 
 Ifab. I am one, 215 
 
 And I will iuftifie it. 
 
 Mari. Thou art a bafe Fellow, 
 
 To take her part. 
 
 Franc. Remember, fhe's the Dutcheffe. 
 
 Marc. But vs'd with more contempt, than if I were 
 A Peafants Daughter : Bayted, and hooted at 
 
 Like to a common Strumpet : With lowd noyfes, 220 
 
 Forc'd from my prayers : And my priuate Chamber 
 (Which with all willingneffe I would make my Prifon 
 During the abfence of my Lord) deni'd me. 
 But if he e're returne. 
 
 II, I, 208 touc'd] Q2 C M G, touch'd. 
 II, I, 212 G, rearranges. See note. 
 
84 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Franc. Were you an Actor, 
 
 In this lewd Comedie ? 
 
 Mari. I marrie was I, 225 
 
 And yvill be one againe. 
 
 I fab. rie ioyne with her. 
 
 Though you repine at it. 
 
 Franc. Thinke not then, I fpeake 
 
 (For I ftand bound to honour, and to ferue you) 
 But that the Duke, that Hues in this great Lady, 
 
 For the contempt of him, in her, commands you 230 
 
 To be clofe Prifoners. 
 
 Ifab. Mari. Prifoners? 
 
 Franc. Beare them hence. 
 
 This is your charge my Lord Tlberio, 
 And Stephana, this is yours. 
 
 Marce. I am not cruell. 
 
 But pleas'd they may haue Hbertie. 
 
 Ifab. Pleas'd, with a mifchiefe. 
 
 Mari. I'le rather liue in any loathfome Dungeon, 235 
 
 Than in a Paradice, at her intreatie : 
 And, for you vpstart. * 
 
 Steph. There is no contending. 
 
 Tib. What fhall become of thefe ? 
 
 Franc. See them well whip'd, 
 
 As you will anfwere it. 
 
 Tib. Now Signiour Graccho, 
 
 What thinke you of your greatneffe? 
 
 Grac. I preach patience, 240 
 
 And muft endure my fortune. 
 
 Fidl. I was neuer yet 
 
 At fuch a huntf-vp, nor was fo rewarded. 
 
 Exe{unt\ omnes, prefer Fra[ncifco] & Marcel[ia]. 
 
 Fr. Let them firft know themfelues, & how you are 
 To be feru'd, and honour'd : Which, when they conf effe. 
 You may againe receiue them to your fauour : 245 
 
 II, I, 240 What thinke you] Q, C M, What's become. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 85. 
 
 And then it will fhew nobly. 
 
 Marce. With my thankes, 
 
 TheDuke fhall pay you his, If he returne 
 To bleffe vs with his prefence. 
 
 Franc. There is nothing 
 
 That can be added to your f aire acceptance : 
 
 That is the prize, indeed : All elfe, are blankes, 250 
 
 And of no value. As in vertuous actions, 
 The vndertaker finds a full reward. 
 Although conf er'd vpon vnthankefull Men ; 
 So, any feruice done to fo much fweetneffe, 
 
 (Howeuer dangerous, and fubiect to 255 
 
 An ill conftruction) in your fauour finds 
 A wifh'd, arid glorious end. 
 
 Marce. From you, I take this 
 
 As loyall dutie, but in any other. 
 It would appeare groffe flatterie. 
 
 Franc. Flatterie, Madam? 
 
 You are fo rare, and excellent in all things, 260 
 
 And rais'd fo high vpon a Rock of goodneffe. 
 As that vice cannot reach you : who, but looks on 
 This Temple built by Nature to Petfection, 
 But muft bow to it : and out of that zeale. 
 Not only learne to adore it, but to loue it. 265 
 
 Marce. [aside] Whither will this fellow ? 
 
 Franc. Pardon therefore Madam, 
 
 If an exceffe in me of humble dutie. 
 Teach me to hope (and though it be not in 
 The power of Man to merit fuch a bleffing) 
 
 My pietie (for it is more than loue) 270 
 
 May find reward. 
 
 Marce. You haue it in my thankes : 
 
 And on my hand, I am pleas'd, that you fhal take 
 A full poffeffion of it. But take heed. 
 That you fix here, & feed no hope beyond this ; 
 
 E3 
 II, I, 261-2. See note. 
 II, I, 268-71 G, omits brackets. . 
 II, I, 274 this] G, it. 
 
86 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 If you doe, 'twill proue fatall. 
 
 Franc. Be it death, 275 
 
 And death with torments. Tyrants neuer found out : 
 Yet I muft fay I loue you. 
 
 Marce. As a Subiect, 
 
 And 'twill become you. 
 
 Franc. Farewell circumftance : 
 
 And fince you are not pleas'd to vnderftand me. 
 
 But by a plaine, and vfuall forme of fpeech : " 280 
 
 All fuperftitious reuerence lay'd by, 
 I loue you as a Man, and as a Man 
 I would enioy you. Why do you ftart, and flye me ? 
 I am no Monfter, and you but a Woman : 
 
 A Woman made to yeeld, and by example 285 
 
 Told it is lawfull ; Fauours of this nature. 
 Are, in our age, no miracles in the greateft : 
 And therefore Lady^ 
 
 Marce. Keepe of. O you Powers! 
 
 Libidinous Beaft, and ad to that vnthankfuU 
 
 (A crime, which Creatures wanting reafon, flye from) 290 
 
 Are all the Princely bounties, fauours, honours, 
 Which (with fome preiudice to his owne wifedome) 
 Thy Lord, and Rayfer hath confer'd vpon thee. 
 In three dayes abf ence buried ? Hath he made thee 
 (A thing obfcure, almost without a name) 295 
 
 The enuie of great Fortunes ? Haue I grac'd thee. 
 Beyond thy rancke? , And entertain'd thee, as 
 A Friend, and not a Seruant? And is this. 
 This impudent attempt to taint mine Honour, 
 The f aire returne of both our ventur'd fauours ? 300 
 
 Franc. Heare my excufe. 
 
 Marce. The Diuell may plead mercie. 
 
 And with as much affurance, as thou yeeld one. 
 Burnes Luft fo hot in thee ? Or, is thy pride 
 Growne vp to fuch a height, that, but a Princeffe, 
 
tHE DUKE OF MILAN 87 
 
 No Woman can content thee ? And ad to that, 305 
 
 His Wife, and Princeffe, to whom thou art ti'de 
 
 In all the bonds of Dutie ? Reade my life. 
 
 And finde one act of mine fo loofely carried, 
 
 That could inuite a moft felfe-louing-Foole, 
 
 Set of, with all that fortune could throw on him, 310 
 
 To the leaft hope to find way to my f auour : 
 
 And (what's the worft mine enemies could wifh me) 
 
 I'le be thy Strumpet. 
 
 Franc. 'Tis acknowledg'd Madam, 
 
 That your whole courfe of life hath been a patterne 
 For chaft, and vertuous Women; In your beautie 315 
 
 (Which I firft faw, and lou'd) as a faire Criftall, 
 I read your heauenly mind, cleere and vntainted ; 
 And while the Duke did prize you to your valew 
 (Could it haue been in Man to pay that dutie) 
 
 I well might enuie him, but durft not hope 320 
 
 To ftop you, in your full carreer of goodneffe : 
 But now I find, that he's f alne from his fortune, 
 And (howfoeuer he would appeare doting) 
 Growne cold in his affection : I prefume. 
 
 From his moft barbarous neglect of you, 325 
 
 To offer my true feruice : Nor ftand I bound. 
 To looke back on the curtefies of him, 
 That, of all liuing Men, is moft vnthankfuU. 
 
 Marce. Vnheard-of impudence! 
 
 Franc. You'l fay I, am tnodeft. 
 
 When I haue told the Storie. Can he taxe me 330 
 
 (That haue receiu'd fome worldly trifles from him) 
 For being ingratef uU ? When, he that firft tafted. 
 And hath fo long enioy'd your fweet embraces 
 (In which, all bleffings that our fraile condition 
 
 Is capable of, is wholy comprehended) 335 
 
 As cloy'd with happineffe, contemnes the giuer 
 Of his f elicitie ? And, as he reach'd not, 
 
 II, I, 30s that] G, it. 
 
 II, I, 332 ingratefuU] C M G, ungratefull. 
 
 II, I, 335 is] M G, are. 
 
 7 
 
00 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 The mafter-peice of mifchiefe, which he aymes at, 
 
 Vnleffe he pay thofe f auours he ftands bound to, 
 
 With fell and deadly hate ? You thinke he loues you, 34c 
 
 With vnexampled f eruor : Nay, dotes on you. 
 
 As there were fomething in you more than Woman : 
 
 When on my knowledge, he long fince hath wifh'd. 
 
 You were among the dead : And I, you fcorne fo, 
 
 Perhaps, am your preferuer. 
 
 Marce. Bleffe me good Angels, 345 
 
 Or I am blafted. Lyes fo falfe, and wicked. 
 And fafhion'd to fo damnable a purpofe. 
 Cannot be fpoken by a humane tongue. 
 My Husband, hate me ? Giue thy felf e the Lye, 
 
 Falfe, and accurs'd; Thy Soule (if thou haft any) 350 
 
 Can witneffe, neuer Lady ftood fo bound, 
 To the vnfained affection of her Lord, 
 As I doe, to my Sforza. If thou would'ft worke 
 Vpon my weake credulitie, Tell me rather. 
 
 That the Earth moues ; The Sunne, and Starres, ftand ftill ; 355 
 
 The Ocean keeps nor Floods, nor Ebbes ; Or that, 
 Ther's peace betweene the Lyon, and the Lambe ; 
 Or that, the rauenous Eagle, and the Doue, 
 Keepe in one Ayery, and bring vp their yong : 
 
 Or any thing that is auerfe to Nature : . 360 
 
 And I will fooner credit it, than that 
 My Lord can thinke of me, but as a lewell, 
 He loues more than himfelf e, and all the World. 
 
 Franc. O Innocence, abus'd! Simplicitie coufen'd! 
 It were a finne, for which we haue no name, 365 
 
 To keepe you longer in this wilfull errour. 
 
 Reade his affection here; [Gives her a paper.] And then obferue 
 How deere he holds you ; 'Tis his Character, 
 Which cunning yet, could neuer counterfeit. 
 
 Marce. 'Tis his hand, I am refolu'd oft. 370 
 
 rie try what the Infcription is. 
 
 II, I, 343 Qa omits since. 
 
 II, I, 350 "accurs'd; Thy Soule . . can" "accurs'd thy Soul" Mason. 
 
 II, I, 359 ayery] M, aviary. 
 
 II, I, 370-1 G, rearranges. See note. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 89 
 
 Fran. Pray you doe fo. 
 
 Marc, [reads] You know my pleafure, & the houre of Marcelias 
 death, which f aile not to execute, as you will anfwere the 
 contrarie, not with your Head alone, but with the ruine of 
 your whole Famely. And this written with mine owne 375 
 
 Hand, and Signed with my priuie Signet, fhall be your fuf- 
 ficient Warrant. Lodouico Sforza. 
 
 I doe obey it, euerie word's a Poynard, 
 And reaches to my Heart. She f wanes. 
 
 Fran. What haue I done? 
 
 Madam, for Heauens fake. Madam. O my Fate ! 380 
 
 rie bend her body : This is yet fome pleafure, 
 I'le kiffe her into a new life. Deare Lady : 
 She ftirs : For the Dukes fake, for Sforza' s fake. 
 
 Marc. Sforzas? Stand off: Though dead, I will be his, 
 And euen my Afhes fhall abhorre the touch 385 
 
 Of any other. O vnkind, and cruell. 
 Learne Women, learne to truft in one another ; 
 There is no faith in Man : Sforza is f alfe, 
 Falfe to Marcelia. 
 
 Franc. But I am true, 
 
 And Hue to make you happie. All the Pompe ; 390 
 
 State, and obferuance you had being his, 
 Compar'd to what you fhall enioy when mine. 
 Shall be no more remembred. Loofe his memory, 
 And looke with chearef ull beames on your new Creature : 
 And know what he hath plotted for your good, 395 
 
 Fate cannot alter. If the Emperour, 
 Take not his life, at his returne he dyes. 
 And by my Hand : My Wife, that is his Heire, 
 Shall quickly follow ; Then we Raigne alone. 
 
 For with this Arme I'le fwim through Seas of blood, 400 
 
 Or make a Bridge, arch'd with the bones of Men, 
 But I will grafpe my aymes in you my deereft, 
 Deereft, and beft of Women. 
 
 F 
 II, I, 387 Q2 omits " in ". 
 II, I, 397 G, " dies. And". 
 II, I, 402 graspe my aymes] C, grasp my arms ; M, grasp you in my arms. 
 
90 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Marc. Thou art a Villaine ? 
 
 All attributes of Arch-Villaines made into one. 
 
 Cannot expreffe thee. I preferre the hate 405 
 
 Of Sforza, though it marke me for the Graue, 
 Before thy bafe affection. I am yet 
 Pure, and vnfpotted, in my true loue to him ; 
 Nor fhall it be corrupted, though he's tainted ; 
 
 Nor will I part with Innocence, becaufe 410 
 
 He is found guiltie. For thy felf e, thou art 
 A thing, that equall with the Diuell himfelf e, 
 I doe deteft, and fcorne. 
 
 Franc. Thou then art nothing : 
 
 Thy life is in my power, difdainef ull Woman : 
 Thinke on't, and tremble. 
 
 Marc. No, though thou wert now 415 
 
 To play thy hangmans part. Thou well may'ft be 
 My Executioner, and art only fit 
 For fuch employment; But ne're hope tohaue, 
 The leaft grace from me. I will neuer fee thee. 
 
 But as the fhame of Men : So, with my curfes 420 
 
 Of horror to thy Confcience in this life ; 
 And paines in Hell hereafter : I fpit at thee. 
 And making haft to make my peace with heauen. 
 Expect thee as my Hangman. Ex[it\ Marc[eUa]. 
 
 pranc. I am loft. 
 
 In the difcouerie of this fatall fecret. 425 
 
 Curs'd hope that flatter'd me, that wrongs could make her 
 A ftranger to her goodnef fe ; All my plots 
 Turne back vpon my felf e ; But I am in. 
 And muft goe on ; And fince I haue put off 
 
 From the Shoare of Innocence, guilt be now my Pilot. 430 
 
 Reuenge firft wrought me, Murther's his Twin-brother, 
 One deadly fin then helpe to cure another. [Exit Francisco.] 
 
 II, I, 430 now] Q2, thou. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 91 
 
 Actus Ter[tii,] Scae[na] Prima. 
 Enter Medina, Hernando, Alphonfo. 
 
 Med^. The fpoyle, the fpoyle, 'tis that the foldior fights for ; 
 Our victorie as yet affords vs nothing, 
 But wounds, and emptie honor. We haue paft 
 The hazard of a dreadful! day, and f orc'd 
 
 A paffage with our Swords, through all the dangers, 5 
 
 That Page-like waite on the fucceffe of warre ; 
 And now expect reward. 
 
 Hern. Hell put it in 
 
 The Enemies mind to be defperate, and hold out: 
 Yeeldings, and compofitions will vndoe vs ; 
 
 And what is that way giuen, for the moft part, lo 
 
 Gomes to the Emperours Coffers, to defray 
 The charge of the great action (as 'tis rumor 'd) 
 When vfually, fome Thing in Grace (that ne're heard 
 The Canons roring tongue, but at a Triumph) 
 
 Puts in, and for his interceffion f hares, 15 
 
 All that we fought for : The poore Soldior left 
 To ftarue, or fill vp Hofpitalls. 
 
 Alph. But when 
 
 We enter Townes by force, and carue our felues, 
 Pleafure with pillage, and the richeft Wines, 
 
 Open our fhrunke-vp vaines, and poure into 'em 20 
 
 New blood, and f eruor. 
 
 Med. I long to be at it ; 
 
 To fee thefe Chuff es, that euerie day may fpend 
 A Soldiors entertainement for a yeere, 
 Yet make a third meale of a bunch of Rayfons ; 
 
 Thefe Spunges, that fuck vp a Kingdomes fat 25 
 
 (Batning like Scarabes in the Hung of Peace) 
 To be fquees'd out by the rough hand of warre ; 
 And all that their whole Hues haue heap'd together, 
 
 Fa 
 III, I, 7 And now expect] Q2, And now we expect. 
 Ill, I, 12 the great] M, that great. 
 Ill, I, 22 chuff es] M, choughs. 
 Ill, I, 24 third] M, thin. 
 
92 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 By cous'nage, periurie, or fordid thrift, 
 With one gripe to be rauifh'd. 
 
 Her. I would be towfing 30 
 
 Their faire Madona's, that in little Dogges, 
 Monkeis, and Paraquito's confume thoufands; 
 Yet for the aduancement of a noble action, 
 Repine to part with a poore Peice of Eight : 
 
 Warres plagues vpon 'em : I haue feene 'em ftop 35 
 
 Their fcornefull nofes firft,.then feeme to fwone 
 At fight of a buflfe lerkin, if it were not 
 Perf um'd, and hid with Gold ; Yet thefe nice wantons, 
 ( Spurd on by Luft, couer'd in f ome difguif e. 
 
 To meete fome rough Court Stalion, and be leap'd) 40 
 
 Durft enter into any common Brothell, 
 Though all varieties of ftinke contend there ; 
 Yet prayfe the entertainment. 
 
 Med. I may Hue, 
 
 To fee the tatteredft Raskals of my troupe. 
 
 Drag 'em out of their Clofets, with a vengeance : 45 
 
 When neither threatning, flattering, kneeling, howling, 
 Can ranfome one poore lewell, or redeeme 
 Themfelues, from their blunt woing. 
 
 Her. My maine hope is, 
 
 To begin the fport at Millaine : Ther's enough. 
 
 And of all kinds of pleafure we can wifh for, 50 
 
 To fatisfie the moft couetous. 
 
 Alph. Euerie day 
 
 We looke for a remoue. 
 
 Med. For Lodowick Sforza 
 
 The Duke of Millaine, I, on mine owne knowledge, 
 Can fay thus much ; He is too much a Soldior, 
 
 Too confident of his owhe worth, too rich to ; 5S 
 
 And vnderftands too well, the Emperor hates him. 
 To hope for compofition. 
 
 Alph. On my life. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 93 
 
 We need not feere his comming in. 
 
 Her. On mine, 
 
 I doe not wifh it : I had rather that 
 
 To fhew his valor, he'd put vs to the trouble 60 
 
 To sketch him in by the Eares. 
 
 Med. The Emperor. 
 
 Enter Charles the Emperor, Pefcara, &c. Attendants. 
 
 Charl. You make me wonder. (Nay it is no councell, 
 You may pertake it Gentlemen) who would haue thought, 
 That he that fcorn'd our proffer'd amitie. 
 
 When he was fued to ; fhould, ere he be fummond, 65 
 
 (Whither perf waded to it by bate feare, 
 Or flatter'd by falfe hope, which, 'tis vncertaine) 
 Firft kneele for mercie ? 
 
 Med. When your Maieftie, 
 
 Shall pleafe to inftruct vs, who it is, we may 
 Admire it with you. 
 
 Charl. Who, but the Duke of Millaine, 70 
 
 The right Hand of the French : Of all that ftand 
 In our difpleafure, whom neceffitie 
 Compels to feeke our f auour, I would haue fworne 
 Sforza had been the laft. 
 
 Her. And fhould be writ fo. 
 
 In the lift of thofe you pardon. Would his Citie 75 
 
 Had rather held vs out a Seidge like Troy, 
 Then by a fein'd fubmiffion, he fhould cheate you 
 Of a iuft reuenge: Or vs, of thofe faire glories 
 We haue fweat blood to purchafe. 
 
 Med. With your honour 
 
 You cannot heare him. 
 
 Alph. The fack alone of Millaine 80 
 
 Will pay the Armie. 
 
 Charl. I am not fo weake. 
 
 To be wrought on as you feare ; Nor ignorant, 
 That Money is the finew of the Warre ; 
 
94 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 And [on] what termes foeuer he feeke peace, 
 
 'Tis in our power to grant it, or denie it. 85 
 
 Yet for our glorie, and to fhew him that 
 
 We haue brought him on his knees ; It is refolu'd 
 
 To heare him as a Supplyant. Bring him in ; 
 
 But let him fee the effects of our iuft anger. 
 
 In the Guard that you make for him. Ex[it] Pifcara 
 
 Hern. I am now 90 
 
 FamiHar with the iffue (all plagues on it) 
 He will appeare in fome deiected habit, 
 His countenance futable ; And for his order, 
 A Rope about his neck ; Then kneele, and tell 
 
 Old Stories, what a worthy thing it is 95 
 
 To haue power, and not to vfe it ; Then ad to that 
 A Tale of King Tigranes, and great Pompey, 
 Who faid (forfooth, and wifely) 'Twas more -honor 
 To make a King, then kill one : Which, applyed 
 
 To the Emperor, and himfelf e, a Pardons granted 100 
 
 To him, an Enemie ; and we his Seruants, 
 Condemn'd to beggerie. 
 
 En[ter] Sforza 
 
 Med. Yonder he comes, 
 
 But not as you expected. 
 
 Alph. He lookes, as if 
 
 He would out-face his dangers. 
 
 Hern. I am coufen'd: 
 
 A fuitor in the Diuels name, 
 
 Med. Heare him fpeake. 105 
 
 Sf. I come not (Emperor) to inuade thy mercie. 
 By fawning on thy fortune ; Nor bring with me 
 Excufes, or denials. I prof effe 
 
 (And with a, good Mans confidence, euen this inftant, 
 That I am in thy power) I was thine enemie; no 
 
 Thy deadly and vow'd enemie ; One that wifh'd 
 Conf ufion to thy Perfon and Eftates ; 
 And with my vtmoft powers, and deepeft counfels 
 
 III, I, 84 and what] C M G, and on what. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 95 
 
 (Had they been truely followed) f urther'd it : 
 
 Nor will I now, although my neck were vnder iiS 
 
 The Hang-mans Axe, with one poqre fillable 
 
 Confeffe, but that I honor'd the French King, 
 
 More then thy felfe, and all Men. 
 
 Med. By Saint laques, 
 
 This is no flatterie. 
 
 Her. There is fire, and Spirit in't ; 
 
 But not long liu'd, I hope. 
 
 Sf. Now giue me leaue, 120 
 
 (My hate againft thy felfe, and loue to him 
 Freely acknowledg'd) to giue vp the reafons j 
 
 That made me fo affected. In my wants 
 I euer found him faithfully Had fupplyes 
 
 Of Men and Moneys from him ; And my hopes 125 
 
 Quite funke, were by his Grace, bouy'd vp againe : 
 He was indeed to me, as my good Angell, 
 To guard me from all dangers. I dare fpeake 
 (Nay muft and will) his prayfe now, in as high 
 
 And lowd a key, as when he was thy equall. 130 
 
 The benefits he fow'd in me, met not 
 Vnthankefull ground, but yeelded him his owne 
 With f aire encreafe, and I ftill glorie in it. 
 And though my fortunes (poore, compar'd to his. 
 And Millaine waigh'd with France, appeare as nothing) 135 
 
 Are in thy f urie burnt : Let it be mentioned. 
 They feru'd but as fmall Tapers to attend 
 The folemne flame at this great Funerall : 
 And with them I will gladly waft my felfe, 
 
 Rather then vndergoe the imputation, 140 
 
 Of being bafe, or vnthankefull. 
 
 Alph. Nobly fpoken.. 
 
 Her. I doe begin, I know not why, to hate him 
 Leffe then I did. 
 
 Sf. If that then to be gratefuU 
 
 III, I, 135 appeare] Q2 appears. 
 Ill, I, 138 this] M, his. 
 
yb THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 For curtefies receiu'd ; Or not to leaue 
 
 A friend in his neceffities, be a crime 145 
 
 Amongft you Spaniards (which other Nations 
 
 That like [you] aym'd at Empire, lou'd, and cherifh'd 
 
 Where e're they found it) Sforza brings his Head 
 
 To pay the forfeit ; Nor come I as a Slaue, 
 
 Piniond and fetterd, in a fquallid weed, 150 
 
 Falling before thy Feet, kneeling and howling. 
 
 For a f orftal'd remiffion ; That were poore. 
 
 And would but fhame thy victorie : For conqueft 
 
 Ouer bafe foes, is a captiuitie. 
 
 And not a triumph. I ne're fear'd to dye, 155 
 
 More then I wifh'd to Hue. When I had reach'd 
 
 My ends in being a Duke, I wore thefe Robes, 
 
 This Crowne vpon my Head, and to my fide 
 
 This Sword was girt ; And witneffe truth, that now 
 
 'Tis in anothers power when I fhall part 160 
 
 With them and life together, I am the fame. 
 
 My Veines then did not fwell with pride ; nor now. 
 
 They fhrinke for f eare : Know Sir, that Sforza ftands 
 
 Prepar'd for either fortune. ^ 
 
 Her. As I liue, 
 
 I doe begin ftrangely to loue this fellow ; 165 
 
 And could part with three quarters of my fhare 
 In the promis'd fpoyle, to faue him. 
 
 Sf. But if example 
 
 Of my fidelitie to the French (whofe honours. 
 Titles, and glories, are now mixt with yours ; 
 
 As Brookes deuowr'd by Riuers, loofe their names) 170 
 
 Has power to inuite you to make him a friend, 
 That hath giuen euident proof e, he knowes to loue. 
 And to be thankef uU ; This my Crowne, now yours. 
 You may reftore me : And in me inftruct 
 
 Thefe braue Commanders (Ihould your fortune change, 175 
 
 Which now I wifh not) what they may expect, 
 
 III, I, 147 your] C M G, you. 
 
 Ill, I, 163 They shrinke] M G, Shrink they. 
 
 Ill, I, 166 C M G, " share in 
 
 The promised ." 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 97 
 
 From noble enemies for being faithful!. 
 
 The charges of the warre I will defray, 
 
 And what you may (not without hazard) force, 
 
 Bring freely to you : I'le preuent the cryes i8o 
 
 Of murther'd Infants, and of rauifh'd Mayds, 
 
 Which in a Citie fack'd call on Heauens iuftice, 
 
 And ftop the courfe of glorious victories. 
 
 And when I know the Captaines and the Soldiors, 
 
 That haue in the late battle, done beft feruice, 185 
 
 And are to be rewarded ; I, my felfe 
 
 (According to their quallitie and merrits) 
 
 Will fee them largely recompenc'd. I haue faid. 
 
 And now expect my fentence. 
 
 Alph. By this light, 
 
 'Tis a braue Gentleman. 
 
 Med. How like a block 190 
 
 The Emperor fits? 
 
 Her. He hath deliuer'd reafons, 
 
 Efpecially in his purpose to enrich 
 Such as fought brauely (I my felfe am one, 
 I care not who knowes it) as, I wonder, that 
 
 He can be fo ftupid. Now he begins to ftirre, 195 
 
 Mercie an't be thy will. 
 
 Charl. Thou haft fo farre 
 
 Outgone my expectation, noble Sforsa 
 (For fuch I hold thee) And true conftancie, 
 Rais'd on a braue foundation, beares fuch palme. 
 
 And priuiledge with it ; That where we behold it, 200 
 
 Though in an enemie, it does command vs 
 To loue and honour it. By my future hopes, 
 I am glad, for thy fake, that in feeking fauour. 
 Thou did'ft not borrow of vice her indirect. 
 
 Crooked, and abiect meanes : And for mine owne, 205 
 
 (That fince my purpofes muft now be chang'd 
 Touching thy life and fortunes) the world cannot 
 
 * G 
 
 III, I, 191 reasons] M, reason. 
 Ill, I, 194-S. See note. 
 
98 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Taxe me of leuitie, in my fetled councels ; 
 
 I being neither wrought by tempting bribes, 
 
 Nor feruile flatterie; but forc'd vnto it, 210 
 
 By a faire warre of vertue. 
 
 Hern. This founds well. 
 
 Charl. All former paffages of hate be buried ; 
 For thus with open armes I meete thy loue, 
 And as a friend embrace it : j^nd fo f arre 
 
 I am from robbing thee of the leaft honor, 215 
 
 That with my hands, to make it fit the fafter, 
 I fet thy Crowne once more vpon thy head : 
 And does not only ftile thee, Duke of Millaine, 
 But vow to keepe thee fo : Yet not to take 
 
 From others to giue only to my felf e, 220 
 
 I will not hinder your magnificence 
 To my Commanders, neither will I vrge it, 
 But in that, as in all things elfe I leaue you 
 To be your owne difpofer. Florish. Ex[it] Charl[es &c.] 
 
 Sf. May I Hue 
 
 To feale my loyaltie, though wit|i loffe of life 225 
 
 In fome braue feruice worthy Caefars f [a]uor. 
 And I fhall dye moft happy. Gentlemen, 
 Receiue me to your loues, and if henceforth 
 There can arife a difference betweene vs, 
 
 It fhall be in a Noble emulation, 230 
 
 Who hath the faireft Sword, or dare go fartheft. 
 To fight for Charles the Emperor ? 
 
 Hern. We embrace you. 
 
 As one well read in all the points of honor. 
 And there we are your SchoUers. 
 
 Sf. True, but fuch 
 
 As farre out-ftrip the Mafter ; we'le contend 235 
 
 In loue hereafter, in the meane time pray you. 
 Let me difcharge my debt, and as in earneft 
 Of what's to come, deuide this Cabnet : 
 In the fmall body of it there are lewels, 
 
 III, I, 210 unto] G, into. 
 Ill, I, 220 my selfe] C M, thyself. 
 Ill, I, 226 fovor] Q2 C M G, favour. 
 Ill, I, 237 in] G, an. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 99 
 
 Will yeeld a hundred thoufand Piftolets, 240 
 
 Which honor me to receiue. 
 
 Med. You bind vs to you. 
 
 Sf. And when great Charles comands me to his prefence, 
 If you will pleafe to excufe my abrupt departure, 
 Designes that moft concerne me next this mercie, 
 Calling me home, I fhall hereafter meete you, 245 
 
 And gratifie the fauor. 
 
 Her. In this |ind all things, 
 
 We are your Seruants. 
 
 Sf. A name I euer owe you. 
 
 Ex[eunt] Med[ma] Her[nando and] Alph[onso]. 
 
 Pefc. So Sir, this tempeft is well ouerblowne, 
 And all things fall out to our wifhes. But 
 
 In my opinion, this quicke returne, 250 
 
 Before you haue made a partie in the Court 
 Among the great ones (for thefe needy Captains 
 Haue little power in peace) may beget danger. 
 At leaft fufpition. 
 
 Sf. Where true honor Hues, 
 
 Doubt hath no being, I defire no pawne 255 
 
 Beyond an Emperors word for my affsurance : 
 Befides, Pefcara, to thy felfe of all men 
 I will confeffe my weakeneffe, though my State 
 And Crown's reftored me, though I am in grace 
 
 And that a little ftay might be a ftep 260 
 
 To greater honors, I muft hence. Alas, 
 I Hue not here, my wife, my wife Pefcara, 
 Being abfent I am dead. Prethe excufe, 
 And do not chide for freindfhip fake my f ondnes 
 But ride along with me, I'le giue you reafons, 265 
 
 And ftrong ones, to plead for me. 
 
 Pefc. Vfe/our owne pleafure, 
 
 I'le here you companie. 
 
 Sf. Farewell griefe, I am ftor'd with 
 
 Two bleffings moft defir'd in humaine life, 
 A conftant friend, an vnfufpected wife. [Exeunt.] 
 
 Gj 
 III, I, 246-7 Rearranged with CMC See note. 
 Ill, I, 262 M omits second " my wife ". 
 Ill, I, 264 freindship] G, friendship's. 
 Ill, I, 269 an] M, and. 
 
100 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Actus Ter[tii,] Scae[na] Secunda. 
 Enter Graccho, [in charge of an] Officer. 
 
 Offic. What I did, I had warrant for ; you haue tafted 
 My Office gently, and for thofe foft ftrokes. 
 Flea bitings to the lerks I could haue lent you, 
 There does belong a feeling. 
 
 Grac. Muft I pay 
 
 For being tormented and difhonor'd ? 
 
 Off. ,Fye no, 5 
 
 Your honouri^'^s not empar'd in't : What's the letting out 
 Of a little corrupt blood, and the next way too ? 
 There is no Chirurgion like me to take off 
 A Courtiers Itch that's rampant at great Ladies, 
 
 Or turnes knaue for preferment, or growes proud 10 
 
 Of their rich Clokes, and Sutes, though got by brokage, 
 And fo forgets his betters. 
 
 Grac. Verie good Sir, 
 
 But am I the firft man of qualitie, 
 That e're came vnder your fingers ? 
 
 Off. Not by a thoufand. 
 
 And they haue faid I haue a luckie hand to, 15 
 
 Both men and women of all forts haue bow'd 
 Vnder this fcepter. I haue had a fellow 
 That could indite forfooth, and make fine meeters* 
 To tinckle in the eares of ignorant Madams, 
 
 That for defaming of great Men, was fent me 20 
 
 Thredbare and lowfie, and in three dayes after 
 Difcharged by another that fet him on, I haue feene him 
 Cap a pe gallant, and his ftripes wafh'd of 
 With oyle of Angels. 
 
 Grac. 'Twas a foueraigne cure. 
 
 Off. There was a [Sectarie] to, that would not be 25 
 
 Conformable to the Orders of the Church, 
 
 III, 2, 7 corrupt] C M, corrupted. 
 Ill, 2, 8 chirurgion] G, surgeon. 
 Ill, 2, II and] Qa, or. 
 Ill, 2, II their] G, his. 
 Ill, 2, 13 am I] Qi, I am. 
 Ill, 2, 18 meeters] Qz, meefer. 
 Ill, 2, 25 Secretarie] N G, Sectary. 
 Ill, 2, 26 To the orders] Qj, To orders. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 101 
 
 Nor yeeld to any argument or reafon, 
 
 But ftill rayle at authoritie, brought to me, 
 
 When I had worm'd his tongue, and trufled his hanches, 
 
 Grew a fine Pulpet man, and was benefic'd. 30 
 
 Had he not caufe to thanke me ? 
 
 Grac. There was phifidce 
 
 Was to the purpose. 
 
 Off. Now for women, 
 
 For your more confolation, I could tell you 
 Twentie fine ftories, but I'le end in one. 
 And 'tis the laft that's memorable. ■ 
 
 Grac. Prethe doe, 35 
 
 For I grow wearie of thee. 
 
 Off. There was lately 
 
 A fine fhe waiter in the Court, that doted 
 Extreamely" of a Gentleman, that had 
 His maine dependance on a Signiors fauor 
 
 (I will not name) but could not compaffe him 40 
 
 On any tearmes. This wanton at dead midnight 
 Was found at the exercife behind the Arras 
 With the 'forefaid Signior ; he got cleare off, 
 But fhe was feis'd on, and to faue his honor, 
 
 Indur'd the lafh ; And though I made her often 45 
 
 Curuet and caper, fhe would neuer tell. 
 Who play'd at pufh-pin with her. 
 
 Grac. But what foUow'd? 
 
 Prethe be briefe. 
 
 Off. . Why this Sir, fhe deliuered, 
 
 Had ftore of Crownes affign'd her by her patron. 
 Who forc'd the Gentleman [,] to faue her credit, 50 
 
 To marie her, and fay he was the partie 
 Found in Lobs pound. So, fhe that before gladly 
 Would haue been his whore, raignes o're him as his wife, 
 Nor dares he grumble at it. Speake but truth then. 
 Is not my Office luckie ? 
 
 III, 2, 27 or] Qj C M G, of. 
 
 Ill, 2, 31 he not] Q2, not he. 
 
 Ill, 2, 32 G adds " sir " after " women " 
 
 III, 2, 47-8 C M, arrange as one line " But . . . briefe ". 
 
102 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Grac. Goe, ther's for thee, 55 
 
 But what will be my fortune? 
 
 Off. If you thriue not 
 
 After that foft correction, come againe. 
 
 Grac. I thanke you knaue. 
 
 Off. And then knaue, I will fit you. 
 
 Ex [it] Officer. 
 
 Grac. Whipt like a rogue ? no lighter punifhment [ferve] 
 To ballance with a little mirth : 'Tis well, 60 
 
 My credit funke for euer, I am now 
 Fit companie, only for Pages and for foot boyes. 
 That haue perufed the Porters Lodge. Enter two Gentlemen. 
 
 1. Gentlem. See lulio. 
 Yonder the proud flaue is, how he lookes now 
 After his caftigation? 
 
 2. Gentlem. As he came 65 
 From a clofe fight at Sea vnder the Hatches, • 
 
 With a fhe Dunckerke, that was fhot before 
 
 Betweene winde and [water]. And he hath fprung a leake too. 
 
 Or I'me coufen'd. 
 
 1. Gentlem. Lets be merie with him. 
 
 Grac. How they ftare at me ? am I turn'd to an Owle ? 70 
 
 The wonder Gentlemen ? 
 
 2. Gentlem. I read this morning 
 Strange ftories of the paffiue fortitude 
 
 Of men in former ages, which I thought 
 
 Impoffible, and not to be beleeued. 
 
 But now I looke on you, my wonder ceafes. 75 
 
 Grac. The reafon Sir? 
 
 2. Gentlem. Why Sir you haue been whip'd 
 
 Whip'd fignior Graccho. And the whip I take it. 
 Is to a Gentleman, the greateft tryall 
 That may be of his patience. 
 
 Grac. Sir, I'le call you 
 
 To a ftrickt account for this. 
 
 2. Gentlem. I'le not deale with you, 80 
 
 [Vnleffe I haue a Beadle for my fecond.] 
 
 Ill, 2, 59 strive] M G, serve. 
 
 Ill, 2, 63 two Gentlemen] G alters to Julio and Giovanni throughout. 
 See note. 
 
 Ill, 2, 68-9 Rearranged with G. See note. 
 
 Ill, 2, 68 weather] G, water. 
 
 Ill, 2, 81. See Introduction, Early Editions, note i. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 103 
 
 And then I'le anfwere you. 
 
 i.Gentlem. Farewell poore Grace/so. Ex[eunt] Gentlem[en]. 
 
 Grac. Better and better ftill, If euer wrongs 
 Could teach a wretch to find the way to vengence, 
 Enter Franc[ifco] & Seruant. 
 Hell now infpire me. How, the Lord Protector ! 85 
 
 My ludge I thank him. Whether thus in priuate, 
 I will not fee him. [Stands aside] 
 
 Franc. If I am fought for, 
 
 Say I am indifpos'd, and will not heare, 
 Or fuits, or futors. 
 
 Seru. But Sir, if the Prmces 
 
 Enquire, what fhall I anfwere ? 
 
 Franc. Say, I am rid 90 
 
 Abrode to take the ayre, but by no meanes 
 Let her know I am in Court. 
 
 Seru. So I fhall tell her. Ex{it] feruant.'' 
 
 Franc. Within there, Ladies. Ent[er] a Gentlewoman 
 
 Gentlew. My good Lord, your pleafure ? 
 
 Franc. Prethe let me begge thy fauor for acceffe 
 To the Dutches. 
 
 Gentlew. In good footh my Lord I dare not, 95 
 
 She's verie priuate. 
 
 Franc. Come ther's gold to buy thee 
 
 A new gowne, and a rich one. 
 
 Gentlew. [This/will tempt liie] I once fwore 
 If e're I loft my maiden-head, it fhould be 
 With a great Lord as you are, and I know not how, 
 I feele a yeelding inclination in me, 100 
 
 If you haue appitite. 
 
 Franc. Poxe on thy maiden-head. 
 
 Where is thy Lady? 
 
 Gentlew. If you venter on her. 
 
 She's walking in the Gallerie, perhaps 
 You will find her leffe tractable. 
 
 Franc. Bring me to her. 
 
 Ill, 2, 90 rid] C M, rode. 
 Ill, 2, 97. See note. 
 8 
 
104 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Gentlew. I feare you'l haue cold entertainment, when 105 
 
 You are at your iourneys end, and 'twere difcretion 
 To take a fnatch by the way. 
 
 Franc. Prethe leaue fooling. 
 
 My page waites in the lobbie, giue him fweet meats, 
 He is trayn'd vp for his Mafters eafe, 
 And he will coole thee. Ex[eunt] Franc[isco] & Gentl[e]w[oman]. 
 
 Grac. [comes forward] A braue difcouerie beyond my hope, no 
 A plot euen offer'd to my hand to worke on. 
 If I am dull now, may I Hue and dye 
 The fcorne of wormes & flaues, let me confider, 
 My Lady and her Mother firft committed 
 
 In the fauor of the Dutches, and I whip'd, 115 
 
 That with an Iron pen is writ in braffe 
 On my tough hart, now growne a harder mettal, 
 And all his brib'd approches to the Dutches 
 To be conceal'd, good, good. This to my Lady, 
 
 Deliuer'd as I'le order it, runs her mad. 120 
 
 But this may proue but courtfhip, let it be 
 I care not fo it feed her lealoufie. Ex [it]. 
 
 Actus Ter [tii,] Scae [na] Ter [tia] . 
 Enter Marcelia, Francifco. 
 
 Marc. Beleeue thy teares or oathes ? Can it be hop'd, 
 After a practice fo abhor'd aiid horred. 
 Repentance e're can find thee ? 
 
 Franc. Deere Lady, 
 
 Great in your fortune, greater in your goodnes. 
 
 Make a fuperlatiue of excellence, 5 
 
 In being greateft in your fauing mercie. 
 I doe confeffe, humbly confeffe my fault, 
 To be beyond all pittie ; my attempt. 
 So barberoufly rude, that it would turne 
 A faint-like patience, into fauage f urie : lo 
 
 III, 3, 3 Deere] G, Dearest. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 105 
 
 But you that are all innocence and vertue, 
 
 No Ipleane or anger in you of a woman, 
 
 But when a holy zeale to pietie fires you, 
 
 May, if you pleafe, impute the fault to loue. 
 
 Or call it beaftly luft, for 'tis no better, 15 
 
 A finne, a monftrous finne, yet with it, many 
 
 That did proue good men after, haue bin tepted. 
 
 And thogh I am croked now, 'tis in your powre 
 
 To make me ftraight againe. 
 
 Marc, [aside] Is't poffible 
 
 This can be cunning? 
 
 Franc. But if no fubmiffion, 20 
 
 Nor prayers can appeafe you, that you may know, 
 'Tis not the feare of death that makes me fue thus. 
 But a loathed deteftation of my madneffe, 
 Which makes me wifh to liue to haue your pardon [ ;] 
 I will not waite the fentence of the Duke 25 
 
 (Since his returne is doubtfull) but I my felfe 
 Will doe a fearefuU iuftice on my felfe. 
 No witneffe by but you, there being no more 
 When I offended : yet before I doe it. 
 
 For I perceiue in you no fignes of mercie, 30 
 
 I will difclofe a fecret, which dying with me. 
 May proue your ruine. 
 
 Marc. Speake it, it will take from 
 
 The burthen of thy confcience. 
 
 Franc. Thus then Madam, 
 
 The warrant by my Lord fign'd for your death. 
 
 Was but conditionall, but you muft fweare 33 
 
 By your vnfpotted truth, not to reueale it. 
 Or I end here abruptly. 
 
 Marc. By my hopes 
 
 Of ioyes hereafter, on. 
 
 Franc. Nor was it hate 
 
 That forc'd him to it, but exceffe of loue 
 
 H 
 III, 3, 12 or] Q,, nor. 
 Ill, 3, 22 Q2 omits " that ". 
 
106 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 And if I [ne're] returne, fo faid great Sforza, 40 
 
 No liuing man deferuing to enioy 
 
 My beft Marcelia[, w]ith the firft newes 
 
 That I am dead, for no man after me 
 
 [Muft] e're enioy her, [fjaile not to kill her[.] 
 
 But till certaine proofe 45 
 
 Affure thee I am loft (thefe were his words) 
 
 Obferue and honor her as if the [foule] 
 
 Of womans goodneffe only dwelt in hers. 
 
 This truft I haue abus'd and bafely wrong'd, 
 
 And if the excelling pittie of your mind 50 
 
 Cannot f orgiue it, as I dare not hope it, 
 
 Rather then looke on my offended Lord, 
 
 I ftand refolu'd to punifh it. [Draws sword.] 
 
 Marc. Hold, 'tis forgiuen, 
 
 And by me freely pardned. In thy faire life 
 
 Hereafter ftudie to deferue this bountie 55 
 
 [Which] thy true penitence (fuch I beleeue it) 
 Againft my refolution hath forc'd from me. 
 But that my Lord, my Sforza fhould efteeme, 
 My life fit only as a page, to waite on 
 
 The various courfe of his vncertaine fortunes, 60 
 
 Or cherifh in himfelfe that fenfuall hope 
 In death to know me as a wife, afflicts me. 
 Nor does his enuie leffe deferue my anger, 
 Which though fuch is my loue, I would not nourifh. 
 Will flack, the ardor that I had to fee him 65 
 
 Returne in fafetie. 
 
 Franc. But if your entertainment 
 
 Should giue the leaft ground to his iealoufie. 
 To raife vp an opinion I am falfe, 
 You then diftroy your mercie. Therfore Madam 
 (Though I fhall euer looke on you as on 70 
 
 My lines preferuer, and the miracle 
 Of human pitty) would you but vouchfafe, 
 In companie to doe me thofe faire graces 
 
 III, 3, 40 e're] C M G, ne'er. 
 Ill, 3, 44 Might] G, Must. 
 Ill, 3, 44-s. See notes. 
 Ill, 3, 47 seale] N G, soul. 
 Ill, 3, 48 hers] C M, her. 
 Ill, 3, 56 With] C M G, Which. 
 Ill, 3, 63 my] Q2 C M G, mine. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 107 
 
 And f auors which your innocencie and honor 
 
 May fafely warrant, it would to the Duke 75 
 
 (I being to your beft felfe alone known guiltie) 
 
 Make me appear e moft innocent. 
 
 Marc. Haue your wifhes, 
 
 And fome thing I may doe to try his temper, 
 At leaft to make him know a conftant wife, 
 
 Is not fo flau'd to her hufbands doting humors, 80 
 
 But that fhe may deferue to line a widow. 
 Her fate appointing it. 
 
 Franc, [aside] It is enough, 
 
 Nay all I could defire, and will make way 
 To my reuenge, which fhall difperfe it felfe 
 On him, on her, and all. [Exit.] Shout, and Flour [i]fh. 
 
 Marc. What fhout is that? 85 
 
 Ent[er] Tiberio & Stephano 
 
 Tib. All happines to the Dutches, that may flow 
 From^the Dukes new and wifh'd returne. 
 
 Marc. He's welcome. 
 
 Steph. How coldly fhe receiues it. 
 
 Tib. Obferue their encounter. 
 
 Flourifh. Ent[er] Sforza, Pefcaria, Ifabella, 
 Mariana, Graccho, & the reft. 
 
 Mar. What you haue told me Graccho is beleeu'd. 
 And I'le find time to ftur in't. 
 
 Grac. As you fee caufe, 90 
 
 I will not doe ill offices. 
 
 Sf. 1 haue ftood 
 
 Silent thus long Marcelia, expecting 
 When with more then a greedie haft thou would'ft 
 Haue flowne into my armes, and on my lippes 
 
 Haue printed a deepe welcome. My defire 95 
 
 To glaze my felfe in thefe faire eyes, haue borne me 
 With more then human fpeede. Nor durft I ftay 
 In any Temple, or to any faint 
 To pay my vowes and thankes for my returne. 
 Till I had feene thee. 
 
 III, 3, 74 innocencie] C M G, innocence. 
 Ill, 3, 88 their] G, the. 
 Ill, 3. 9S desire] G, desires. 
 Ill, 3, 96 haue] Q2, hath. 
 
108 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Marc. Sir, I am moft happie icx) 
 
 To looke vpon you fafe, and would expreffe 
 My loue and duty in a modeft fafhion, 
 Such as might fute with the behauior 
 Of one that knowes her felfe a wife, and how 
 
 To temper her defires, not like a wanton 105 
 
 Fierd with hot appetite, nor can it wrong me 
 To loue difcreetly. 
 
 Sf. • How, why can there be 
 
 A meane in your affections to Sforza? 
 Or any act though neare fo loofe that may 
 
 Inuite or heighten appetite, appeare 1 10 
 
 Immodeft or vncomly. Doe not moue me. 
 My paff ions to you are in extreames. 
 And know no bounds, come kiffe me. 
 
 Marc. I obey you. 
 
 Sf. By all the ioyes of loue, fhe does falute me 
 As if I were her grand-father. What witch, 115 
 
 With curfed fpels hath quench'd the amorous heat 
 That liued vpon thefe lips ? Tell me Marcellia, 
 And truly tell me, is't a fault of mine 
 That hath begot this coldneffe, or neglect 
 Of others in my abfence? 
 
 Marc. Neither Sir, 120 
 
 I ftand indebted to your fubftitute. 
 Noble and good Francifco for his care, 
 And f aire obferuance of me : There was nothing 
 With which you being prefent could fupply me. 
 That I dare fay I wanted. 
 
 Sf. How ! 
 
 Marc. The pleafures 125 
 
 That facred Hymen warrants vs excepted. 
 Of which in troth you are too great a doter,- 
 And there is more of beaft in it then man: 
 Let vs loue temperatly, things violent laft not. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 109 
 
 And too much dotage rather argues folly 13° 
 
 Then true afifection. 
 
 Grac. [aside to Mariana] Obferue but this, 
 And how fhe prays'd my Lords care and obferuance, 
 And then iudge Madam if my intelligence 
 Haue any ground of truth. 
 
 Mari. [aside to Graccho] No more, I marke it. 
 
 Steph. [aside to Tiberio] How the Duke ftands? 
 
 Tib. [aside to Stephanp] As he were routed there, 135 
 
 And had no motion. 
 
 Pefc. My Lord, from whence 
 
 Growes this amazement? 
 
 Sf. It is more[,] deare my friend. 
 
 For I am doubtfuU whether I haue a being. 
 But certaine that my lifes a burthen to me, 
 
 Take me ba[c]ke good Pefcara, fhow me to Caefar, 140 
 
 In all his rage and furie I [difclaime] 
 His mercie, to Hue now which is his guift. 
 Is worfe then death, and with all ftudied torments. 
 Ma/rcelUa is vnkind, nay worfe, growneicold 
 
 In her affection, my exceffe of feruor, 145 
 
 Which [yet] was neuer equal'd, growne diftaftfuU. 
 But haue thy wifhes woman, thou fhalt know 
 That I can be my felfe, and thus fhake ofif 
 The fetters of fond dotage. From my fight 
 
 Without reply, for I am apt to doe 150 
 
 Something I may repent. [Exit Marcelia] O, who would place 
 His happiijeffe in moft accurfed woman. 
 In whom obfequioufneffe ingenders pride, 
 And harfhneffe deadly [hatred]. From this howre 
 I'le labour to forget there are fuch creatures ; 155 
 
 True friends be now my miftriffes. Cleere your browes. 
 And though my heart-ftrings cracke f or't, I will be 
 To all, a free example of delight : 
 We will haue fports of all kinds, and propound 
 
 H, 
 III, 3, 140 bake] Q2 C M G, back. 
 Ill, 3, 141 discliame] Qs C M G, disclaim. 
 Ill, 3, 145 excesse] Qz, access. 
 Ill, 3, 146 it] C M G, yet. 
 Ill, 3, 154 deadly] N G, deadly hatred. 
 
110 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Rewards to fuch as can produce vs new. i6o 
 
 [Vnfatisfied] though we furfeit in their ftore. 
 
 And neuer thinke of curs'd Marcelia more. Ex[eunt]. 
 
 Actus Quart [i,] Scae[na] Prim [a]. 
 Enter Francijco, Graccho 
 
 Franc. And is it poflible thou fhould'ft forget 
 A wrong of fuch a nature, and then ftudie 
 My faf etie and content ? 
 
 Grac. Sir, but allow me 
 
 Only to haue read the elements of Courtfhip 
 
 (Not the abftruce & hidden [arts] to thriue there) 5 
 
 And you may pleafe to grant me fo much knowledge, 
 That iniuries from one in grace, like you, 
 Are noble fauours. Is it not growne common 
 In euerie feet, for thofe that want, to fufifer 
 
 From fuch as haue to giue ? Your Captaine caft ■ lo 
 
 If poore,though not thought daring, but approu'd fo[,] 
 To raife a coward into name, that's rich. 
 Suffers difgraces publiquely, but receiues 
 Rewards for them in priuate. 
 
 Franc. Well Obferu'd. 
 
 Put on, we'le be familiar, and difcourle 15 
 
 A little of this argument. That day, 
 In which it was firft rumour'd, then confirm'd. 
 Great Sforza thought me worthy of his fauor, 
 I found my felfe to be another thing, « 
 
 Not what I was before. I paffed then 20 
 
 For a prittie fellow, and of prittie parts too. 
 And was perhaps receiu'd fo : but once rais'd. 
 The liberall Courtier made me Mafter of 
 Thofe vertues, which I ne're knew in my felfe. 
 
 If I pretended to a ieft, 'twas made one 25 
 
 By their interpretation. If I ofifer'd 
 To reafon of Philofophy, though abfurdly, 
 
 III, 3, 161 unsatisfiz'd] Q2 C M G, unsatisfied. 
 
 IV, I, S acts] C M G, arts. 
 IV, I, 27 Qi omits " of ". 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 111 
 
 They had helps to faue me, and without a blufh 
 
 Would fweare, that I by nature had more knowledge, 
 
 Then others could acquire by any labor. 30 
 
 Nay all I did indeed, which in another 
 
 Was not remarkeable, in me fhew'd rarely. 
 
 Grac. But then they tafted of your bountie. 
 
 Franc. True, 
 
 They gaue me thofe good parts I was not borne too. 
 And by my interceffion they got that, 35 
 
 Which (had I crols'd them) they durft nothaue hop'd for. 
 
 Grac. All this is Oracle. And fhall I then. 
 For a f oolifh whipping leaue to honour him, 
 That holds the wheele of Fortune ? No, that fauors 
 Too much of th'antient f reedome : Since great men 40 
 
 Receiue difgraces, and giue thankes, poore knaues 
 Muft haue nor fpleene, nor anger. Though I loue 
 My limbes afwell as any man, if you had now 
 A humor to kick me lame into an office. 
 
 Where I might fit in State, and vndoe others, 45 
 
 Stood I not bound to kiffe the foot that did it ? 
 Though it feeme ftrange there haue been fuch things feene 
 In the memorie of man. 
 
 Franc. But to the purpofe, 
 
 And then, that feruice done, make thine owne fortunes. 
 My wife, thou fay'ft, is iealous, I am too 50 
 
 Familiar with the Dutches. 
 
 Grac. And incens'd 
 
 For her commitment in her brothers abfence, 
 And by her Mothers anger is fpur'd on 
 To make difcouerie of it. This her purpofe 
 
 Was trufted to my charge, which I declin'd 55 
 
 As much as in me lay, but finding her 
 Determinately bent to vndertake it. 
 Though breaking my faith to her may deftroy 
 My credit with your Lordfhip, I yet thought, 
 Though at my peril, I ftood bound to reueale it. 60 
 
 IV, I, 34 They] Q^, the. 
 IV, I, 47 haue] Qz, hath. 
 
112 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Franc. I thanke thy care, and will deferue this fecret, 
 In making thee acquainted with a greater, 
 And of more moment. Come into my bofome. 
 And take it from me. Canft thou thinke, dull G.raccho, 
 My power, and honours, were confer'd vpon me, 65 
 
 And ad to them this forme, to haue my pleafures 
 Confin'd and limited? I delight in change. 
 And fweet varietie, that's my heauen on earth. 
 For which I loue life only. I confeffe. 
 
 My wife pleas'd me a day, the Dutches, two, 70 
 
 (And yet I muft not fay, I haue enioy'd her) 
 But now I care for neither. Therefore Graccho, 
 So farre I am from {topping Mariana 
 In making her complaint, that I defire thee 
 To vrge her to it. 
 
 Grac. That may proue your ruine, 75 
 
 The Duke alreadie being, as 'tis reported, 
 Doubtfull fhe hath play'd falfe. 
 
 Franc. There thou art cofen'd. 
 
 His dotage like an ague keeps his courfe. 
 And now 'tis ftrongly on him. But I loofe time. 
 
 And therefore know, whether thou wilt or no, 80 
 
 Thou art to be my inftrument, and in fpite 
 Of the old fawe, that fayes, it is not fafe 
 On any termes to truft a man that's wrong'd, 
 I dare thee to be falfe. 
 
 Grac. This is a language 
 
 My Lord, I vnderftand not. 
 
 Franc. You thought, firra, 85 
 
 To put a trick on me for the relation 
 Of what I knew before, and hauing woon 
 Some weightie fecret from me, in reuenge 
 To play the traytor. Know thou wretched thing. 
 By my command thou wert whip'd, ,& euery day 90 
 
 I'le haue thee frefhly tortur'd, if thou miffe 
 In the left charge that I impofe vpon thee. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 113 
 
 Though what I fpeake, for the moft part is true, 
 
 Nay, grant thou had'ft a thoufand witneffes 
 
 To be depos'd they heard it, 'tis in me 95 
 
 With one word (fuch is Sforza's confidence 
 
 Of my fideHtie not to be fhaken) 
 
 To make all void, and ruine my accufers. 
 
 Thetefore looke to't, bring my wife hotly on 
 
 T'accufe me to the Duke (I haue an end in't) lOO 
 
 Or thinke, what 'tis makes man moft miferable. 
 
 And that fhall fall vpon thee. Thou wert a f oole 
 
 To hope by being acquainted wifh my courfes 
 
 To curbe and awe me, or that I fhould Hue 
 
 Thy flaue, as thou did'ft fawcily diuine. 105 
 
 For prying in my councels, ftill liue mine. 
 
 £.«•[»*] Franc[ifco]. 
 Grac. I am caught on both fides. This 'tis for a punie 
 In Policies Protean Schoole, to try conclufions . ' 
 
 With one that hath commenc'd & gon out doctor. 
 If I difcouer, what but now he bragg'd of, no 
 
 I fhall not be beleeu'd. If I fall off 
 From him, his threats and actions go togeither. 
 And ther's no hope of fafetie, till I get 
 A plummet, that may found his deepeft counfels. 
 I muft obey and ferue him. Want of fkill 115 
 
 Now makes me play the rogue againft my will. 
 
 Ex[it] Grac[cho]. 
 
 Actus Quart [i,] Scae[na] Secund[a]. 
 Enter Marcelia, Tiberio, Stephana, Gentlewoman. 
 
 Marc. Command me from his fight, & with fuch fcofne 
 As he would rate his flaue. 
 
 Tib. 'Twas in his furie. 
 
 Steph. And he repents it Madame. 
 
 Marc. Was I borne 
 
 To'bferue his humors, or, becaufe he dotes, 
 Muft I run mad ? 
 
 I 
 
 IV, I, 107 punie] G, puisne. 
 
 IV, I, 112-IS Gifford alters the construction by placing a comma after 
 " together ", a period after " safety ", a comma after " counsels ", and a 
 colon after " him ". 
 
114 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 / 
 
 Tib. If that your Excellence 5 
 
 Would pleafe but to receiue a feeling knowledge 
 Of what he fuffers, and how deepe the leaft 
 Vnkindneffe wounds from you, you would excufe 
 His haftie language. 
 
 Steph. He hath payed the forfeit 
 
 Of his offence, I'me fure, with fuch a forrow, lo 
 
 As, if it had been greater would deferue 
 A full remiffion. 
 
 Marc. Why, perhaps he hath it, 
 
 And I ftand more afflicted for his abfence. 
 Then he can be for mine ? So pray you, tell him. 
 But till I haue digefted fome fad thoughts, 15 
 
 And reconcil'd paffions that are at warre 
 Within my felf e, I purpofe to be priuate. 
 And haue you care, vnleffe it be Francifco, 
 That no man be admitted. 
 
 [To Gentlewoman who goes out.] 
 
 Tib. [aside to Stephano] How Francifco! 
 
 i [Miftreffes, 20 
 
 Steph. [aside to Tiberio] He,that at euerie ftage keeps liuerie 
 The ftallion of the State ! 
 
 Tib. [aside to Stephano] They are things aboue vs. 
 And fo no way concerne vs. 
 
 Steph. [aside to Tiberio] If I were 
 The Duke (I freely muft confeffe my weakeneffe) 
 
 Ent[er] Fra[ncifco]. 
 I fhould weare yellow breeches. Here he comes. 
 
 . Tib. Nay fpare your labour, Lady, we know our exit, 25 
 
 And quit the roome. 
 
 Steph. Is this herpriuacie? 
 
 Though with the hazard of a check, perhaps. 
 This may goe to the Duke. [Exeunt Tiberio and Stephano.] ' 
 
 Marc. Your face is full 
 
 Of feares and doubts. The reafon? 
 
 Franc. O beft Madam, 
 
 They are not counterfeit. I your poore conuert, 30 
 
 That only wifh to line in fad repentance, 
 
 IV, 2, 25 exit] C M G, Duty. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 115 
 
 To mourne my defperate attempt of you, 
 
 That haue no ends, nor aymes, but that your goodneffe 
 
 Might be a witneffe of my penitence, 
 
 Which feene would teach you, how to loue your mercie, 35 
 
 Am robb'd of that laft hope. The Duke, the Duke, 
 
 I more then f eare, hath found, that I am guiltie. 
 
 Marc. By my vnfpotted honor, not from me. 
 Nor haue I with him chang'd one fillable 
 Since his returne, but what you heard. 
 
 Franc. Yet, malice 40 
 
 Is Eagle-ey'd, and would fee that which is not. 
 And lealoufie's too apt to build vpon 
 Vnfure foundations. , 
 
 Marc. lealoufie ? 
 
 Franc, [aside] It takes. 
 
 Marc. Who dares but only thinke, I can be tainted ? 
 But for him, though almoft on certaine proofe, 45 
 
 To giue it hearing, not beleefe, deferues 
 My hate for euer. 
 
 Franc. Whether grounded on 
 
 Your noble, yet chaft fauors fhowne vnto me. 
 Or her imprifonment, for her contempt 
 
 To you, by my command, my frantique wife 50 
 
 Hath put it in his head. 
 
 Marc. Haue I then liu'd 
 
 So long, now to be doubted? Are my fauors 
 The theames of her difcourfe? Or what I doe, 
 That neuer trode in a fufpected path, 
 
 Subiect to bafe conftruction ? Be vndanted, 55 
 
 For now, as of a creature that is mine, 
 I rife vp your [protectreffe] . All the grace 
 I hither to haue done you, was beftowed 
 With a fhut hand. It fhall be now more free. 
 
 Open, and liberall. But let it not, 60 
 
 Though counterfeited to the life, teach you 
 
 I2 
 IV, 2, 57 Protrectresse] Qo C M G, protectresse. 
 
116 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 To nourifh fawcie hopes. 
 
 Franc. May I be blafted 
 
 When I proue fuch a monfter. 
 
 Marc. I will ftand, then,- 
 
 Betweene you, and all danger. He fhallltnow, 
 
 .Sufpition o're-turnes, what confidence builds, 65 
 
 And he that dares but doubt, when ther's no ground. 
 Is neither to himfelfe, nor others found. 
 
 Ex[it] Marc[elia]. 
 
 Franc. So, let it worke, her goodneffe, that deny'd, 
 My feruice branded with the name of Luft, 
 
 Shall now deftrOy it felfe. And fhe fhall finde, 70 
 
 When he's a futbr, that brings Cunning arm'd 
 With power to be his aduocates, the denyall 
 Is a difeafe as killing as the plague, 
 And chaftitie a clew, that leads to death. 
 
 Hold but thy nature, Duke, and be but rafh, 75 
 
 And violent enough, and then at leafure 
 Repent. I care not. 
 
 And let my plots produce this long'd-f or birth. 
 In my reuenge I haue my heauen on earth. 
 
 Ex[it] Franc[ifco]. 
 
 Act [us] Quart [i,] Scae[na] Tert[ia]. 
 Enter Sforza, Pejcara, three Gentlemen. 
 
 Pefc. You promis'd to be merrie. 
 
 1. Gentlem, There are pleafures , 
 And of all kinds to entertaine the time. 
 
 2. Gentlem. Your excellence vouchfafing to make choice 
 Of that, which belt affects you. 
 
 Sf. Hold your prating. 
 
 Learne manners too, you are rude. 
 
 3. Gentlem. [aside\ I haue my anfwere, S 
 Before I ask the queftion. 
 
 Pefc. I muft borrow 
 
 The priuiledge of a friend, and will, or elfe 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 117 
 
 I am, like thefe, a feruant, or what's worfe, 
 A parafite to the forrow, Sforza worfhips 
 In fpite of reafon. 
 
 Sf. Pray you vfe your freedome, lo 
 
 And fo farre, if you pleafe, allow me mine, 
 To heare you only, not to be compel'd 
 To take your morall potions. I am a man. 
 And thogh philofophy your miftriffe rage f or't, 
 
 Now I haue caufe to grieue, I muft be fad, 15 
 
 And I dare fhew it. 
 
 Pefc. Would it were beftow'd 
 
 Vpon a worthier fubiect. 
 
 Sf. Take heed, friend. 
 
 You rub a fore, whofe paine will make me mad. 
 And I fhall then forget my felfe and you. 
 Lance it no further. 
 
 Pefc. Haue you ftood the fhock 20 
 
 Of thoufand enemies, and out-fac'd the anger 
 Of a great Emperor, that vowed your ruine. 
 Though by a defperate, a glorious way, 
 That had no prefident ? Are you return'd with honor, 
 Lou'd by your fubiects ? Does your fortune court you, 25 
 
 Or rather fay, your courage does command it? 
 Haue you giu'n proofe to this houre of your life, 
 Profperitie (that fearches the beft temper) 
 Could neuer puffe you vp nor aduerfe fate 
 
 Deiect your valor ? Shall'[,] I fay, thefe vertues, 30 
 
 So many and fo various trials of 
 Your conftant mind, be buried in the f rowne 
 (To pleafe you I will fay fo) of a faire woman? 
 Yet I haue feene her equals. 
 
 Sf. Good Pefcara, 
 
 This language in another were prophane, 35 
 
 In you it is vnmannerly. Her equall ? 
 I tell you as a friend, and tell you plainly 
 
118 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 (To all men elfe, my Sword fhould make reply[)] 
 
 Her goodneffe does dildaine comparifon, 
 
 And but her felfe admits no paralell. 40 
 
 But you will fay fhe's' crolfe, 'tis fit fhe fhould be 
 
 When I am foolifh, for fhe's wife, Pefcara, 
 
 And knows how f arre fhe may difpofe her bounties, 
 
 Her honour faf e : or if fhe were auerfe, 
 
 'Twas a pretention of a greater finne 45 
 
 Readie to fall vpon me, for fhe's not ignorant 
 
 But truly vnderftands how much I loue her. 
 
 And that her rare parts doe deferue all honour, 
 
 Her excellence increafing with her yeeres to, 
 
 I might haue f alne into Idolatry, 50 
 
 And from the admiration of her worth, 
 
 Bin taught to think there is no power aboue her, 
 
 And yet I doe beleeue, had Angels fexes, 
 
 The moft would be fuch women, and affume 
 
 No other fhape, when they were to appeare 55 
 
 In their full glorie. 
 
 Pefc. Well Sir, I'le not crgffe you. 
 
 Nor labour to diminifh your efteeme 
 Hereafter of her, fince your happineffe 
 (As you will haue it) has alone dependance 
 
 Vpon her fauour, from my Soule, I wifh you 60 
 
 A faire attonement. 
 
 Ent[er] Tib[erio] & Steph,\ano\. 
 
 Sf. Time, and my fubmiffioii 
 
 May worke her to it. O ! you are well return'd, 
 Say, am I bleft ? hath fhe vouchfaf 'd to heare you ? 
 Is there hope left that fhe may be appeas'd? 
 
 Let her propound, and gladly I'le fubfcribe 65 
 
 To her conditions. 
 
 Tib. She Sir, yet is froward. 
 
 And defires refpite, and fome priuacie. 
 
 Steph. She was harfh at firft, but ere we parted, feem'd not 
 Implacable. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 119 
 
 Sf. Ther's comfort yet, Tie -ply her 
 Each houre with new Embaffadors of more honors, 70 
 
 Titles, and eminence. My fecond felfe 
 Francifco, fhall folicit her. 
 
 Steph. [mutters aside'\ That a wife man, 
 And what is more, a Prince, that may command. 
 Should fue thus poorely, and treat with his wife. 
 As fhe were a victorious enemie, 75 
 
 At whofe proud feet, himfelfe, his State, and Countrey, 
 Bafely beg'd mercie. 
 
 Sf. What is that you mutter ? 
 
 rie haue thy thoughts. 
 
 Steph. You fhall, you are too fond. 
 
 And feed a pride that's fwolne too bigge alreadie, 
 And furfeits with obferuance. 
 
 Sf. ' O my patience ! 80 
 
 My vaffall fpeake thus ? 
 
 Steph. Let my head anfwere it 
 
 If I offend. She that you thinke a Saint, 
 I f eare may play the Diuel. 
 
 Pefc. {aside'\ Well faid old fellow. 
 
 Steph. And he that hath fo long ingrofs'd your fauours. 
 Though to be nam'd with reuerence. Lord Francifco, 85 
 
 Who as you purpofe, fhall folHcite for you, 
 I think's too neere her. 
 
 [Sforza draws his sword.] 
 
 Pefc. Hold Sir, this is madneffe. 
 
 Steph. It may be thy conferre of [ioining] Lordfhips, 
 I 'me fure he's priuate with her. 
 
 Sf. Let me goe, 
 
 I fcorne to touch him, he deferues my pittie,. 90 
 
 And not my anger, dotard, and to be one 
 Is thy protection, els thou durft not thinke 
 That loue to my Marcella hath left roome 
 In my full heart for any lealous thought. 
 That idle paffion dwell with thick-skind Tradef-men, 95 
 
 IV, 3, 88 winning] N G, joining. 
 
 IV, 3, 95 thick-skind] C M, thick-scuU'd. 
 
 9 
 
120 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 The vndeferuing Lord, or the vnable, 
 
 Lock vp thy owne wife f oole, that muft take phyficke 
 
 From her young Doctor [phyficke] vpon her backe 
 
 Becaufe thou haft the palfey in that part 
 
 That makes her actiue, I could fmile to thinke , lOO 
 
 What wretched things they are that dare be iealous, 
 
 Were I match'd to another Meff aline. 
 
 While I found merit in my felf e to pleafe her : 
 
 I fhould beleeue her chaft, and would not feeke 
 
 To find out my owne torment, but alas, 105 
 
 Inioying one that but to me's a Di[a]n, 
 
 I'me too fecure. 
 
 Tib. [aside] This is a confidence 
 Beyond example. 
 
 Ent[er] Grac[cho,] Ifab[ella,] Mar[iana]. 
 
 Grac. There he is, now fpeake, 
 Or be for euer filent. 
 
 Sf. If you come 
 
 To bring me comfort, fay, that you haue made no 
 
 My peace with my Marcelia. 
 
 Ifab. ' I had rather 
 
 Waite on you to your f unerall. 
 
 Sf. You are my mother, 
 
 Or by her life you were dead elfe. 
 
 Mar. Would you were. 
 
 To your difhonor, and fince dotage makes you 
 
 Wilfully blind, borrow of me my eyes, 115 
 
 Or fome part of my fpirit. Are you all flefh ? 
 A [lumpe] of patience only? No fire in you? 
 But doe your pleafure, here your Mother was 
 Committed by your feruant (for I fcorne 
 
 To call him hufband) and my felfe your fifter, 120 
 
 If that you dare remember fuch a name, 
 Mew'd vp to make the way open and free 
 For the Adultreffe, I am vnwilling 
 To fay a part of Sforza. 
 
 IV, 3, 98 Doctor vpon] C M, supply "and", N G, supply "phy- 
 
 sicke ". 
 
 IV, 3, 106 Dion] Q2 C M G, Dian. 
 IV, 3, 117 limbe] N G, lump. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 121 
 
 Sf. Take her head off, 
 
 She hath blafphem'd, and by our Law muft dye. 125 
 
 I fab. Blafphem'd, for calling of a whore, a whore ? 
 
 Sf. O hell, what doe I fuffer? 
 
 Mar. Or is it treafon 
 
 For me that am a fubiect, to endeuour 
 To faue the honour of the Duke, and that 
 
 He fhould not be a Wittall on record. 130 
 
 For by pofteri[ti]e 'twill be beleeu'd 
 As certainly as now it can be prou'd, 
 Francifco the grea[t] Minion, that fwayes all, 
 To meet the chaft embraces of the Dutches, 
 Hath leap'd into her bed. 
 
 , Sf. Some proofs vile creature, 135 
 
 Or thou haft fpoke thy laft. 
 
 Mar. The publique fame. 
 
 Their hourely priuate meetings, and' euen now 
 When vnder a pretence of griefe or anger. 
 You are deny'd the ioyes due to a husband, 
 
 And made a ftranger to her, at all times 140 
 
 The dore ftands open to him. To a Dutchman 
 This were enough, but to a right Italian, 
 A hundred thoufand witneffes. 
 
 Ifab. Would you 
 
 Haue vs to be her bawdes ? 
 
 Sf. O the mallice 
 
 And enuie of bafe women, that with horror 145 
 
 Knowing their owne defects and inward guilt, , 
 Dare lye, and fweare, and damne, for what's moft falfe, 
 To caft afperfions vpon one vntainted, 
 Y'are in your natures deuils, and your ends 
 
 Knowing your reputation funke for euer, 150 
 
 And not to be recouer'd, to haue all, 
 Weare your blacke liuerie. Wretches, you haue rays'd 
 A Monumentall trophy to her pureneffe, 
 
 K 
 IV, 3, 131 posterie] Q2 C M G, posterity. 
 IV, 3, 133 grear] Qj C M G, great. 
 IV, 3, ISO reputation] C M, reputations. 
 
122 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 In this your ftudied purpofe to depraue her, 
 
 And all the fhot made by your foule detraction i55 
 
 Falling vpon her fure-arm'd Innocence, 
 
 Return's vpon your felues, and if my loue 
 
 Could fuffer an addition, I'me fo farre 
 
 From giuing credit to you, this would teach me 
 
 More to admire & ferue her, you are not worthy i6o 
 
 To fall as facrifices to appeafe her. 
 
 And therefore Hue till your own enuy burft you. 
 
 I fab. All is in vaine, he is not to be mou'd. 
 
 Mar. She has bewitcht him. 
 
 Pefc. 'Tis fo paft beliefe, 
 
 To me it fhewes a fable. 
 
 Ent[er] Fran[cifco] & a seruemt. 
 
 Franc. On thy life 165 
 
 Prouide my horfes, and without the Port 
 With care attend me. 
 
 Seru. I fhall my Lord. 
 
 Ex[it] seru[ant.] 
 
 Grac. [aside'\ He's come. 
 
 What [gim]cracke haue we next? 
 
 Franc. Great Sir. 
 
 Sf. ■ Francifco, 
 
 Though all the ioyes in woman are fled from me 
 In thee I doe embrace the full delight 170 
 
 That I can hope from man. 
 
 Franc. I would impart, 
 
 Pleafe you to lend your eare, a waightie fecret, 
 I am in labour to deliuer to you. 
 
 Sf. All leaue the roome, 
 
 [Exeunt Isabella, Mariana, and Graccho.] 
 [to Pefcara] excufe me good Pefc[ara]. 
 Ere long I will waite on you. 
 
 Pefc. You fpeake Sir 175 
 
 The language I fhould vfe. [Exit.] 
 
 Sf. [to Tiberio and Stephana.] Be within call, 
 Perhaps we may haue vfe of you. 
 
 Tib. We fhall Sir. 
 
 [Exeunt Tiberio and Stephana.] 
 
 Sf. Say on my comfort. 
 
 IV, 3, 168 What cracke] C M NG, insert "gim". 
 
 IV, 3, 169 woman] C, women. 
 
 IV, 3, 174 Pesc] Qa C M G, Pescara. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 123 
 
 Franc. Comfort? No, your torment, 
 
 For fo my fate appoints me, I could curfe 
 The houre that gaue me being. 
 
 Sf. What new monfters i8o 
 
 Of miferie ftand readie to deuoure me? 
 Let them at once difpatch me. 
 
 Franc. Draw your fword then. 
 
 And as you wifh your own peace, quickly kil me, 
 Confider not, but doe it. 
 
 Sf. Art thou mad ? 
 
 Franc. Or if to take my life be too much mercy, 185 
 
 As death indeed concludes all human forrowes. 
 Cut off my nofe and eares, pull out an eye, 
 The other only left to lend me light 
 To fee my owne deformities : Why was I borne 
 
 Without fome mulct impos'd on me by nature? 190 
 
 Would from my youth a lothfome leprofie 
 Had runne vpon this face, or that my breath 
 Had been infectious, and fo made me fhun'd 
 Of all focieties : curs'd be he that taught me 
 
 Difcource or manners, or lent any grace 195 
 
 That makes the owner pleafing in the eye 
 Of wanton women, fince thofe parts which others 
 Value as bleffings, are to me afflictions. 
 Such my condition is. 
 
 Sf. I am on the racke, 
 
 Diffolue this doubtfuU riddle. 
 
 Franc. That I alone 200 
 
 Of all mankind that ftand moft bound to loue you. 
 And ftudie your content fhould be appointed, 
 Not by my will, but forc'd by cruell fate 
 To be your greateft enemie, not to hold you 
 
 In this amazement longer, in a word, 205 
 
 Your Dutches loues me. 
 
 Sf. Loues thee ? 
 
 ■K2 
 
124 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Franc. Is mad for me, 
 
 Purfues me hourely. 
 ■ Sf. Oh ! 
 
 Franc. And from hence grew 
 
 Her late neglect of you. 
 
 Sf. O women! women! 
 
 Franc, I labour'd, to diuert her by perfwafion, 
 Then vrg'd your much loue to her, & the danger, 210 
 
 Denyd her, and with fcorne. 
 
 Sf. 'Twas like thy felfe. , 
 
 Franc. But when I faw her fmile, then heard her fay. 
 Your loue and extreme dotage as a Cloke 
 Should couer our embraces, and your power 
 
 Fright others from fufpition, and all fauours 215 
 
 That fhould preferue her in her innocence. 
 By luft inuerted to be vs'd as bawdes, 
 I could not but in dutie (though I know 
 That the relation kils in you all hope 
 
 Of peace hereafter, and in me 'twill fhew 220 
 
 Both bafe and poore to rife vp her accufer) 
 Freely difcouer it. 
 
 Sf. Eternall plagues 
 
 Purfue and ouertake her, for her fake 
 To all pofteritie may he proue a Cuckold, 
 
 And like to me a thing fo miferable 225 
 
 As words may not expreffe him, that giues truft 
 To all deceiuing women, or fince it is 
 The will of Heauen to preferue mankind. 
 That we muft know, & couple with thefe ferpents. 
 No wifeman euer taught by my example 230 
 
 Hereafter vfe his wife with more refpect 
 Then he would doe his Horfe that do's him feruice, 
 Bafe woman being in her creation made 
 A flaue to man, but like a village nurfe 
 Stand I now curfing, and confidering when 235 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 125 
 
 The tameft foole would doe? Within there, Stephana, 
 Tiberio, and the reft, I will be fuddaine, 
 And fhe fhall know and f eele loue in extreames, 
 Abus'd knowes no degree in hate. 
 
 Ent[er] Tib[erio] Step[hano and] Guard. 
 
 Tib. My Lord. 
 
 Sf. Goe to the Chamber of that wicked woman. 240 
 
 Steph. What wicked woman. Sir? 
 
 Sf. The deuill my wife. 
 
 Force a rude entry, and if fhe refufe 
 To follow you, drag her hither by the hayre 
 And know no pittie, any gentle vfage 
 
 To her will call on cruelty from me 245 
 
 To fuch as fhew it. Stand you ftaring ! Goe, 
 And put my will in act. 
 
 Steph. Ther's no difputing. 
 
 Tib. But 'tis a tempeft on the fuddaine rays'd. 
 Who durft haue dreamt of ? 
 
 Ex[eunt]' Tib[erio] Steph[ano and Guards.] 
 
 Sf. Nay, fince fhe dares damnation, 
 
 I'le be a furie ^o her. 
 
 Franc. Yet great Sir, 250 
 
 Exceed not in your furie, fhe's yet guiltie 
 Only in her intent. 
 
 Sf. Intent. Francif CO? 
 
 It does include all fact, and I might fooner 
 Be won to pardpn treafon to my Crowne, 
 Or One that kil'd my Father. 
 
 Franc. You are wife, 255 
 
 And know what's beft to doe, yet if you pleafe 
 To proue her teipper to the height, fay only 
 That I am dead, and then obferue how f arre 
 She'le be tranfported. I'le remoue a little. 
 
 But be within your call : now to the vpfhot, 260 
 
 How e're I'le fhift for one. Ex[it] Franc[ifco]. 
 
 Enter Tiberio, Stephano, Marcelia, Guard. 
 
 Marc, [as she comes in] Where is this Monfter? 
 
 IV, 3> 239 in] Qs C M, of. 
 
126 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 This walking tree of lealoufie, this dreamer, 
 
 This horned beaft that would be ? O are you here Sir ? 
 
 Is it by your commandement or allowance, 
 
 I am thus bafely vs'd?, Which of my vertues, 265 
 
 My labours, feruices, and cares to pleafe you 
 
 (For to a man fufpitious and vnthankefuU, 
 
 Without a blufh I may be mine owne trumpet) 
 
 Inuites this barbarous courfe ? Dare you looke on me 
 
 Without a feale of fhame ? 
 
 Sf. Impudence, 270 
 
 How vgly thou appear'ft now ? Thy intent 
 To be a whore, leaues thee not blood enough 
 To make an honeft blufh, what had the act done? 
 
 Marc. Return'd thee the difhonor thou deferueft 
 Though willingly I had giuen vp my felfe 275 
 
 To euerie common letcher. 
 
 Sf. Your chiefe minion. 
 
 Your chofen fauourite, your woo'd Francifco, 
 Has deerely pay'd for't, for wretch, know he's dead, 
 And by my hand. 
 
 Marc. The bloodyer villaine thou, 
 
 But 'tis not to be wonder'd at, thy loue 280 
 
 Do's know no other obiect, thou haft kil'd then 
 A man I doe profeffe I lou'd, a man 
 For whom a thoufand Queenes might well be riuals, 
 But he (I fpeake it to thy teeth) that dares be 
 
 A lealous foole, dares be a murtherer, 285 
 
 And knowes no end in mifchiefe. 
 
 Sf. I begin now* ftabs her. 
 
 In this my luftice. 
 
 Marc. ' Oh, I haue f ool'd my felfe 
 
 Into my graue, and only grieue for that 
 Which when you know, you haue flaine an Innocent 
 You needs mult fuflfer. 
 
 Sf. ^ An Innocent? Let one 290 
 
 IV, 3, 266 cares] Qa, care. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 127 
 
 Call in Francif CO, [Ex{it) Steph(ano)] for he Hues (vile creature) 
 To iuftifie thy falfhood, and how often 
 With whorifh flatteries thou haft tempted him, 
 I being only fit to Hue a ftale, 
 
 A bawd and propertie to your wantonneffe. 295 
 
 Ent[er] Steph[ano]. 
 
 Steph. Signior FroMcifco Sir, but euen now 
 Tooke horse without the Ports. 
 
 Marc. We are both abus'd. 
 
 And both by him vndone, ftay[,] death[,] a little 
 Till I haue cleer'd me to my Lord, and then 
 
 I wilHngly obey thee. O my Sforza, 300 
 
 Francif CO was not tempted, but the Tempter, 
 And as he thought to win me fhew'd the warrant 
 That you fign'd for my death. 
 
 Sf. Then I beleeue thee, 
 
 Beleeue thee innocent too. 
 
 Marc. But being contemn'd, 
 
 Vpon his knees with teares he did befeech me 305 
 
 Not to reueale it, I foft-hearted foole 
 Judging his penitence true, was won vnto it. 
 Indeed the vnkindneffe to be fentenc'd by you 
 Before that I was guiltie in a thought, 
 
 Made me put on a feeming anger towards you, 310 
 
 And now behold the iffue ; as I do. 
 May heauen f orgiue you. dyes. 
 
 Tib. Her fweet foule has left 
 
 Her beauteous prifon. 
 
 Steph. Looke to the Duke, he ftands 
 
 As if he wanted motion. 
 
 Tib. Griefe hath ftopt 
 
 The organ of his fpeech. 
 
 Steph. Take vp this body 315 
 
 And call for his Phyfitians. 
 
 Sf. O my heart-ftrings. 
 
 [Exeunt omnes with body] 
 
 IV, 3, 299 me to] Qa C M, my self unto. 
 
128 T^E DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Actus Quint[iJ Scae[na Prima]. 
 Enter Francifco, [and] Eugenia [in male attire]. 
 
 Franc. Why could'ft thou thinke Eugenia that rewards, 
 Graces, or fauours though ftrew'd thick vpon me 
 Could euer bribe me to forget mine honour ? 
 Or that I tamely would fit downe, before 
 
 I had dry'd thefe eyes ftill wet with fhowers of teares 5 
 
 By the fire of my reuenge ? Looke vp my deereft 
 For that proud-faire that thiefe-like ftep'd betweene 
 Thy promis'd hopes, and rob'd thee of a fortune 
 Almoft in thy poffeffion, hath found 
 
 With horrid proofe, his loue fhe thought her glorie lo 
 
 And affurance of all happineffe, 
 But haft'ned her fad ruine. 
 
 ^ug. Doe not flatter 
 
 A griefe that is beneath it, for how euer 
 The credulous Duke to me proued falfe & cruel. 
 
 It is impofible he could be wrought , 15 
 
 To looke on her, but with the eyes of dotage. 
 And fo to ferue her. 
 
 Franc. Such indeed I grant 
 
 The ftreame of his affection was, and ran 
 A conftant courfe, till I with cunning malice 
 
 (And yet I wrong my act, for it was luftice) 20 
 
 Made it turne back-wards, and hate in extreames 
 Loue banifh'd from his heart to fill the roome, 
 In a word, know the f aire Marcelia's "dead. 
 
 Eug. Dead ! 
 
 Franc. And by Sfdrza's hand, do's it not moue you? 
 How coldly you receiue it ? I expected 25 
 
 The meere relation of fo great a bleffing 
 Borne proudly on the wings of fweet reuenge 
 Would haue cal'd on a facrifice of thankes, 
 
 V, I, Heading, Prim.] Q2, Quint. 
 
 V, I, II and assurance] C M G, and an assurance. 
 
 V, I, 21 back-wards] C M G, backward. 
 
 V, I, 23 C M, omit " the " 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 129 
 
 And ioy not be bounded or conceal'd 
 
 You entertaine it with a looke, as if 30 
 
 You wjfh'd it were vndone ! 
 
 Eug. Indeed I doe. 
 
 For if my forrowes could receiue addition, 
 Her fad fate would encreafe, not leffen 'em. 
 She neuer iniur'd me, but entert&in'd 
 
 A fortune humbly offer'd to her hand, 35 
 
 Which a wife Lady gladly would haue kneel'd for. 
 Vnleffe you would impute it as a crime. 
 She was more faire then I, and had difcretion 
 Not to deliuer vp her virgin fort 
 
 (Though ftraight befieg'd with flatteries, vowes, & teares) 40 
 
 Vntill the Church had made it fafe & lawfuU. 
 And had I been the miftris of her iudgement 
 And conltant temper, skilfuU in the knowledge 
 Of mans malitious falfhood, I had neuer 
 
 Vpon his hell-deepe oathes to marrie me, 45 
 
 Giuen vp my faire name, and my mayden honor 
 To his foule luft, nor liu'd now being branded 
 In the forhead for his whore [,] the fcorne & fhame 
 Of all good women. 
 
 Franc. Haue you then no gall. 
 
 Anger, or fpleene familiar to your fexe ? 50 
 
 Or is it poffible that you could fee 
 Another to poffeffe what was your due. 
 And not growe pale with enuie ? 
 
 Eug. Yes of him 
 
 That did deceiue me. Ther's no paffion that 
 
 A maid fo iniur'd euer could partake of 55 
 
 But I haue deerely fuffer'd. Thefe three yeeres 
 In my defire, and labour of reuenge, 
 Trufted to you, I haue indur'd the throes 
 Of teeming women, and will hazard all 
 Fate can inflict on me but I will reache 60 
 
130 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Thy heart falfe Sforsa. You haue trifled with me. 
 
 And not proceeded with that fiery zeale 
 
 I look'd for from a brother of your fpirit. 
 
 Sorrow forfake me, and all fignes of griefe 
 
 Farewell for euer ; Vengeance arm'd with f urie 65 
 
 Poffeffe me wholy now. 
 
 Franc. The reafon fifter 
 
 Of this ftrange metamorphofis ? 
 
 Bug. Aske thy feares, 
 
 Thy bafe vnmanly feares, thy poore delayes, 
 Thy dull forgetfuilneffe equall with death. 
 
 My wrong elfe, and the fcandall which can neuer 70 
 
 Be wafh'd off from our houfe but in his blood, 
 Would haue ftirr'd vp a coward to a deed 
 In which, though he had falne, the braue intent 
 Had crown'd it felf e with a f aire monument 
 
 Of noble refolution. In this fhape 75 
 
 I hope to get acceffe, and then with fhame 
 Hearing my fodaine execution, iudge 
 What honor thou haft loft in being tranfcended 
 By a weake woman. 
 
 Franc. Still mine owne, and dearer, 
 
 And yet in this you but poure oyle on fire, 80 
 
 And offer your affiftance where it needs not. 
 And that you may perceiue I lay not fallow. 
 But had your wrongs ftamp'd deeply on my hart 
 By the Yron pen of vengeance, I attempted 
 
 By whoring her to cuckold him, that failing 85 
 
 I did begin his tragedie in her death, 
 To which it feru'd as Prologue, and will make 
 A memorable ftorie of your fortunes 
 In my affur'd reuenge, only beft fifter 
 
 Let v's not loofe our felues in the performance, 90 
 
 By your rafh vndertaking, we will be 
 As fuddaine as you could wifh. 
 
 V, I, 62 and not] M, and nor. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 131 
 
 Eug. Vpon thofe termes 
 
 I yeeld my felfe and caufe to be difpos'd of 
 As you thinke fit. Ent[er a] feruant 
 
 Franc. Thy purpofe? 
 
 Seru. Ther's one Graccho 
 
 That foUow'd you it feemes vpon the tract, " 95 
 
 Since you left Millaine, that's importunate 
 To haue acceffe, and will not be deni'd, 
 His haft he faies concernes you. 
 
 Franc. Bring him to me, Ex [it] feruant 
 
 Though he hath-lay'd an ambufh for my life, 
 
 Or apprehenfion, yet I will preuent him ' lOO 
 
 And worke mine own ends out. Entler] Grac[cho]. 
 
 Grac. [aside] Now for my whipping. 
 
 And if I now out-ftrip him not, and catch him. 
 And by a new and ftrange way to, hereafter 
 I'le fweare there are wormes in my braines. 
 
 Franc. Now my good Graccho, 
 
 We meet as 'twere by miracle. 
 
 Grac. Loue, and dutie, 105 
 
 And vigilance in me for my Lords faf etie, 
 Firft taught me to imagine you were here. 
 And then to follow you. Al's come forth my Lord 
 That you could wifh conceal'd. The Dutcheffe wound 
 In the Dukes rage put home, yet gaue her leaue no 
 
 To acquaint him with your practifes, which your flight 
 Did eafily confirme. 
 
 Franc. This I expected, 
 
 But fure you come prouided of good counfaile 
 To helpe in my extreames. 
 
 Grac. I would not hurt you. 
 
 Franc. How? hurt me? Such another word's thy death, 115 
 
 Why dar'ft thou thinke it can fall in thy will, 
 T'outliue what I determine ? 
 
 Grac. [aside] How he awes me? 
 
132 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Franc. Be brief e, what brought thee hither ? 
 
 Grac. Care to informe you, 
 
 You are a condemn'd man, purfu'd, and fought for, 
 And your head rated at ten thoufand Ducates 120 
 
 To him that brings it. 
 
 Franc. Very good. 
 
 Grac. All paffages 
 
 Are intercepted, and choyce troopes of horfe 
 Scoure o're the neighbour plaines, your picture fent 
 To euerie State confederate with Millaine, 
 
 That though I grieue to fpeake it, in my iudgement 125 
 
 So thicke yotfr dangers meet, and run vpon you. 
 It is impoffible you fhould efcape 
 Their curious fearch. 
 
 Eug. Why let vs then turne Romanes, 
 
 And falling by our owne hands, mocke their threats. 
 And dreadfull preparations. 
 
 Franc. 'Twould fhow nobly, 130 
 
 But that the honour of our full reuenge 
 Were loft in the rafh action : No Eitgenia, 
 Graccho is wife, my friend to, not my feruant. 
 And I dare truft him with my lateft fecret. 
 
 We would (and thou muft helpe vs to performe it) 135 
 
 Firft kill the Duke, then fall what can vpon vs. 
 For iniuries are writ in braffe, kind Graccho, 
 And not to be forgotten. 
 
 Grac. He inftructs me 
 
 What I fhould doe. 
 
 Franc. What's that ? 
 
 . Grac. I labour with 
 
 A ftrong defire t'affift you with my feruice, 140 
 
 And now I am deliuer'd oft. 
 
 Franc, [aside to Eugenia] I tould you. 
 Speake my oraculous Graccho. 
 
 Grac. I haue heard Sir, 
 
 V, I, 128 Q2 omits then. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 133 
 
 Of men in debt, that layd for by their creditors 
 
 (In all fuch places where it could be thought 
 
 They would take Ihelter) chofe for fanctuarie, 145 
 
 Their lodgings vnderneath their creditors nofes, 
 
 Or neere that prifon to which they were defign'd 
 
 If apprehended, confident that there 
 
 Thfey neuer fhould be fought for. 
 
 Eug. 'Tis a ftrange one! 
 
 Franc. But what inf erre you from it ?. 
 
 Grac. This my Lord, 150 
 
 That fince all wayes of your efcape are ftop'd, 
 In Millaine only, or what's more, i'the Court 
 (Whether it is prefum'd you dare not come) 
 Conceal'd in fome difguife you may Hue faf e. 
 
 Franc. And not to be difcouered ? 
 
 Grac. But by my felfe. , 155 
 
 Franc. By thee? Alas I know thee honeft[,] Graccho. 
 And I will put thy counfell into act. 
 And fuddainly. Yet not to be vngratefuU 
 For all thy. louing trauell to preferue me. 
 
 What bloody end foe're my ftarres appoint, 160 
 
 Thou fhalt be fafe good Graccho. Who's within there? 
 
 Grac. In the deuils name what meanes he ? 
 
 Ent[er] feruants. 
 
 Franc. Take my friend 
 
 Into your cuftodie, and bind him faft, 
 I would not part with him. 
 
 Grac. My good Lord. 
 
 Franc. Difpatch, 
 
 'Tis for your good to keepe you honeft[,] Graccho, 165 
 
 I would not haue ten thoufand Ducates tempt you 
 (Being of a foft arid waxe like difpofition) 
 To play the traytor, nor a f oolifh itch 
 To be reueng'd for your late excellent whipping 
 
 Giue you the opportunitie to ofifer 170 
 
 My head for fatisfaction. Why thou foole, 
 
 L3 
 V, I, 145 for] M, far. 
 . V, I, 162 Qs omits " In the devils name ". 
 
134 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 I can looke through, & through thee, thy intents 
 
 Appeare to me as written in thy f orhead 
 
 In plaine and eafie caracters. And but that 
 
 I fcorne a flaues bafe blood fhould ruft that fword 175 
 
 That from a Prince expects a fcarlet dye. 
 
 Thou now wert dead, but liue only to pray 
 
 For good fucceffe to crowne my vndertakings. 
 
 And then at my returne perhaps I'le free thee 
 
 To make me further fport. Away with him, 180 
 
 I will not heare a fillable. 
 
 Ex[eunt] feruants with Grac[cho]. 
 We muft truft 
 Our felues Eugenia, and though we make vfe of 
 The counfaile of our feruants, that oyle fpent. 
 Like fnuff es that doe offend we tread them out. 
 
 But now to our kft Scene, which we'le fo carry, 185 
 
 That few fhall vnderftand how 'twas begun. 
 Till all with halfe an eye may fee 'tis don. Exeunt. 
 
 Actus Quint [i,] Seae[na] Secund[a]. 
 Enter Pefcara, Tiberio, Stephana. 
 
 Pefc. The like was neuer read of. 
 
 Steph. In my iudgement 
 
 To all that fhall but heare it, 'twill appeare 
 A moft impoffible fable. 
 
 Tib. For Francijco, 
 
 My wonder is the leffe becaufe there are 
 
 Too many Prefidents of vnthankefuU men S 
 
 Rays'd vp to greatneffe, which haue after ftudied 
 The ruine of their makers. 
 
 Steph. But that melancholy, 
 
 Though ending in diffraction, fhould worke 
 So farre vpon a man as to compell him 
 
 To court a thing that has nor fence, nor being, 10 
 
 Is vnto me a miracle. 
 
 Pefc. 'Troth I'le tell you, 
 
 V, I, 177 wert] M, were. 
 
 V, 2, I read] Q2, heard. 
 
 V, 2, 10 nor seijce] C M, not sense. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 135 
 
 And briefly as I can, by what degrees 
 
 He fell into this madneffe, When by the care 
 
 Of his Phyfitians he was brought to life, 
 
 As he had only pafs'd a fearefuU dreame, 15 
 
 And had not acted what I grieue to thinke on, 
 
 He call'd for f aire Marcelia, and being told 
 
 That fhe was dead, he broke forth in extreames, 
 
 (I would not fay blafphem'd) & cri'd that heauen 
 
 For all th'offences that mankind could doe, 20 
 
 Would neuer be fo cruell as to rob it 
 
 Of fo much fweetneffe, & of fo much goodneffe, 
 
 That not alone was facred in her felf e, 
 
 But did preferue all others innocent 
 
 That had but conuerfe with her : Then it came 25 
 
 Into his fancie that fhe was accus'd 
 
 By his mother & his fifter, thrice he curs'd 'em. 
 
 And thrice his defperate hand was on his fword 
 
 To haue killd 'em both, but he reftrayn'd, & they 
 
 Shunning his furie, fpite of all preuention 30 
 
 He would haue turn'd his rage vpon himfelfe. 
 
 When wifely his Phyfitians looking on 
 
 The Dutches wound, to ftay his readie hand, 
 
 Cry'd out it was not mortall. 
 
 Tib. 'Twas well thought on. 
 
 Pejc. He eafily beleeuing what he wifh'd, 35 
 
 More then a perpetuitie of pleafure 
 In any obiect elfe, flatter'd by hope 
 Forgetting his owne greatneffe, he fell proftrate 
 At. the doctors feet, implor'd their ay d, & fwore, 
 
 Prouided they recouer'd her, he would Hue 40 
 
 A priuat man, & they fhould fhare his dukedom. 
 They feem'd to promife faire, and euerie houre 
 Varie their iudgements as they find his fit 
 To fuffer intermiffion, or extreames. 
 For his behauiour fince — 
 
 10 
 
136 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Sf. [within] As you haue pitty 45 
 
 Support her gently. 
 
 Pefc. Now be your owne witneffes, 
 
 I am preuented. 
 
 Enter Sforza, Ifab[ella,] Mari[ana,] the body of 
 Marc[elia,] Doctors, Seruants. 
 
 Sf. Carefully I befeech you, 
 The gentleft touch torments her, & then thinke 
 What I fhall fuffer. O you earth [l]y gods, 
 
 You fecond natures, that from your great mafter 50 
 
 (Who ioyn'd the limbes of torne Hyppolytus, 
 And drew vpon himfelfe the Thunderers enuie) 
 Are taught thofe hidden fectets that reftore 
 To life death wounded men. You haue a patient 
 
 On whom to'xpreffe the excellence of art, 55 
 
 Will bind e'ne heau'n your debtor, though It pleafes 
 To make your hands the organs of a worke 
 The faints will fmile to looke on, & good Angels 
 Clap their Celeftiall wings to giue it plaudits. 
 
 How pale and wan fhe lookes ? O pardon me, 60 
 
 That I prefume dyde o're with bloody guilt. 
 Which makes me I confeffe, far, far vnworthy 
 To touch this fnow-white hand. How cold it is ? 
 This once was Cupids fire-brand, and ftill 
 
 'Tis fo to me. How flow her pulfes beat to ? 65 
 
 Yet in this temper fhe is all perfection. 
 And Miftris of a heat fo full of fweetneffe. 
 The bloqd of virgins in their pride of youth 
 Are balles of Snow or Ice compar'd vnto her. 
 
 Mar. [aside to Isabella] Is not this ftrange? 
 
 I fab. [aside to Mariana] O croffe him not deere daughter, 70 
 Our Confcience tells vs we haue been abus'd. 
 Wrought to accufe the innocent, and with him. 
 
 Are guiltie of a fact ! 
 
 Ent[er] a feruant[, and zvhifpers Pefcara.] 
 
 Mar. [aside to Isabella] 'Tis now paft helpe. 
 
 V, 2, 48 gentlest] Qa, least. 
 V, 3, 49 earthy] N G, earthly. 
 V, 2, 54 death] Qa, dead. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 137 
 
 Pefc. [to servant^ With me? What is he? 
 
 Ser. He has a ftrange afpect, 
 
 A lew by birth, and a Phyfitian 75 
 
 By his prof effion as he fayes, who hearing 
 Of the Dukes phrenfie, on the forfeit of 
 His life will vndertake to render him 
 Perfect in euery part. Prouided that 
 
 Your Lordfhips fauour gaine him free acceffe, 80 
 
 And your power with the Duke a faf e protection, 
 Till the great worke be ended. 
 
 Pefc. Bring me to him, 
 
 As I find caufe I'le doe. 
 
 Exe[unt] Pefc[ara] & Ser[uant]. 
 
 Sfor. How found fhe fleepes! 
 
 Heauen keepe her from a lethergie ; how long 
 
 (But anfwere me with comfort' I befeech you.) 85 
 
 Do's your fure iudgement tell you that thefe lids 
 That couer richer iewells then themfelues 
 Like enuious night will barre thefe glorious funnes 
 From fhining on me? 
 
 1. Doct. We haue giuen her Sir, 
 
 A fleepy potion that will hold her long, 90 
 
 That fhe may be leffe fenfible of the torment. 
 The fearching of her wound will put her to. 
 
 2. Doct. Shee now feeles litle, but if we fhould [wake] her. 
 To heare her fpeake would fright both vs and you, 
 
 And therefore dare not haften it. 
 
 Sf. ' I am patient, 95 
 
 You fee I doe not rage, but waite your pleafure. 
 What doe you thinke fhe dreames of now ? for fure 
 Although her bodies organs are bound faft. 
 Her fancy cannot flumber. 
 
 I. Doct.- That Sir, lookes on 
 
 Your forrow for your late rafh [act] with pitty loa 
 
 Of what you fuffer for it, and prepares 
 
 To meet [the] free confeffion of your guilt ' 
 
 M 
 
 V, 2, 93 make] Q2 C M G, wake. 
 
 V, 2, icx) art] Q2 C M G, act. 
 
 V, 2, 102 with] M G. the. 
 
138 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 With a glad pardon. 
 
 [Sf.] Shee was euer kind 
 
 And her difpleafure though call'd on, fhort Hu'de 
 Vpon the leaft fubmiffion. O you powers 105 
 
 That can conuey our thoughts to one another 
 Without the [aid] of eies, or eares, affift me, 
 Let her behold me in a pleafing dreame, 
 Thus on my knees before her (yet that duty 
 
 In me is not fufficient) let her fee me no 
 
 Compell my mother (from whom I [tooke] life) 
 And this my fifter, Partner of my being. 
 To bow thus low vnto her, let her heare vs 
 In my acknowledgement freely conf effe 
 
 That we in a degree as high are guilty, iiS 
 
 As fhe is innocent ; bite your tongues, vile creatures, 
 And let your inward horror fright your foules 
 For hauing belide that pureneffe, to come neere which 
 All women that pofterity can bring forth 
 
 Muft be, though ftriuing to be good, poore Riualls. 120 
 
 And for that dog Francifco (that feduc'd me 
 In wounding her to raife a temple built 
 To Chaftitie and fweetneffe) let her know 
 I'll follow him to hell, but I will find him. 
 
 And there Hue a fourth fury to torment him. 125 
 
 Then for this curfed hand and arme that guided 
 The wicked fteele, I'll haue them ioynt by ioynt. 
 With burning irons feard of, which I will.eate. 
 I being a vultur fit to taft fuch carrion, 
 Laftly. 
 
 I. Doct. You are too lowd. Sir, you difturbe 130 
 
 Her fweet repofe. 
 
 [Sf.] I am hufh'd, yet giue vs leaue 
 
 Thus proftrate at her feet, our eies bent downewards,' 
 Vnworthy, and afham'd to looke vpon her, 
 T'expect her gracious fentence. 
 
 V, 2, 103 Forza] Q2 C M G, Sfor. Same change for rest of scene ex- 
 cept line 169. 
 
 V, 2, 107 end] C M G, aid. 
 
 V, 2, III looke] Qs, C M G, took. 
 
 V, 2, 132 downewards] C M, downward. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 139 
 
 2. Doct. Hee's paft hope. 
 
 I. Doct. The body to, will putrifie, and then 135 
 
 We can no longer couer the impofture. 
 
 Tibe. Which in his death will quickly be difcouer'd[.] 
 I can but weepe his fortune. 
 
 Steph. Yet be carefull, 
 
 You loofe no minute to preferue him, time, 
 May leffen his diftraction. 
 
 Ent[er] Pefca[ra, with] Fran[cifco, as a Jew doctor, 
 and] Eugen[ia]. 
 Franc. I am no God fir. 140 
 
 To giue a new life to her, yet I'le hazard 
 My head, I'le worlce the fenceleffe trunke t'appeare 
 To him as it had got a fecond being, / 
 
 Or that the foule that's fled from't were call'd backe, 
 To gouerne it againe, I will preferue it 145 
 
 In the firft fweetneffe, and by a ftrange vaper 
 Which I'le infufe into her mouth, create 
 A feeming breath, I'le make her vaines run high to 
 As if they had true motion. 
 
 Pefc. Doe but this. 
 
 Till we vfe meanes to win vpon his paffions 150 
 
 T'indure to heare fhee's dead with fome fmall patience 
 And make thine owne reward. 
 
 Franc. The art I vfe 
 
 Admits no looker on, I only aske 
 The fourth part of an hower to perfect that 
 I boldly vndertake. 
 
 Pefc. I will procure it. 155 
 
 2. Doct. What ftranger's this? 
 
 Pefc. Sooth me in all I fay 
 
 There is a maine end in't. 
 
 Franf. Beware. 
 
 Euge. I am warn'd. 
 
 Pefc. Looke vp Sir chearefuUy, comfort in me 
 Flowes ftronglie to you. 
 
 [Sf.] From whence came that found ? 
 
 V, 2, 137 his] C M, her. 
 
140 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Was it from my Marcelia? if it were i6c 
 
 I rife and ioy will giue me wings to meet it. 
 
 Pej. Nor fhall your expectation be deferrd 
 But a few minuts, your Phyfitians are 
 Meere voice, and no performance, I haue found 
 
 A man that can do wonders, do not hinder 165 
 
 The Dutches wifht recouery to inquire. 
 Or what he is, or to giue thankes, but leaue him 
 To worke this miracle. 
 
 Sf. Sure, 'tis my good Angell, 
 
 I do obey in all things ; be it death 
 
 For any to difturbe him, or come neere 170 
 
 Till he be pleafd' to call vs, 6 be profperous 
 And make a Duke thy Bondman. 
 
 Exe[unt] all but Franc[ifco] & Eugenia. 
 
 Franc. Tis my pu[r]pcffe 
 
 If that to fall a long wifht facrifice 
 To my reuenge can be a benefit. 
 I'll firft make faft the dores, foe. 
 
 Euge. , You amaze me 175 
 
 What foUowes now? 
 
 Franc. A full conclufion 
 
 Of all thy wifhes, looke on this, Eugenia, 
 Eu'n fuch a thing, the proudeft faire on earth 
 (For whofe delight the elements are ranfack'd 
 
 And art with nature ftudie[d] to preferue heir) 180, 
 
 Muft be when fhe is fummond to appeare 
 In the Court of death, but I loofe time. 
 
 Euge. What meane you? 
 
 Franc. Difturbe me not, your Ladifhip lookes pale 
 But I, your Docter, haue a cerufe for you. 
 
 See my Eugenia, how many faces 185 
 
 That are ador'd in Court borrow thefe helpes, 
 
 [Paints the cheeks] 
 And paffe for excellence, when the bette[r] part 
 Of them are like to this, your mouth fmells foure to. 
 But here is that fhall take away the fent, 
 
 [Paints the lips] 
 
 V, 2, 172 pupose] Qs C M G, purpose. 
 
 V, 2, 180 studies] G, studied. 
 
 V, 2, 187 bettet] Qj C M G, better. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 141 
 
 A precious antidote old Ladies vfe 190 
 
 When they would kiffe, knowing their gummes are rotten : 
 Thefe hands to, that difdaind' to take a touch 
 
 [Paints the hands] 
 From any lip, whofe [owner] writ not Lord 
 Are now but as the courfeft earth, but I 
 
 Am at the charge, my bill not to be paid t0[,] 195 
 
 To giue them feeming beauty, foe tis done 
 How do you like my workmanfhip ? 
 
 Eugen. ' I tremble 
 
 And thus to tirannize vpon the dead 
 Is moft inhumane. 
 
 Franc. Come we for reuenge, 
 
 And can we thinke on pitty ? now to the vpfhott, 200 
 
 And as it proues applaud it. My lord the Duke 
 Enter with ioy, and fee the fuddaine [change] 
 Your feruants hand hath wrought. 
 
 Ent[er Sf]orza, and the reft. 
 
 [Sf.] I Hue againe 
 
 In my full confidence that Marcelia may 
 Pronounce my pardon. Can fhe fpeake yet ? 
 
 Franc. No, 205 
 
 You muft not looke for all your ioyes at once. 
 That will aske longer time. 
 
 Pefca. Tis wondrous ftrange! 
 
 [Sf.] By all the dues of loue I haue had from her.. 
 This hand feemes as it was when firft I kift it, 
 
 Thefe lips inuite to, I could euer feed 210 
 
 Vpon thefe rofes, they ftill keepe their colour 
 And natiue fweetneffe, only the nectar's wanting 
 That like the morning dew in flowry May 
 Preferu'd them in their beauty. 
 
 Enter Graccho 
 
 Grac. Treafon, treafon. 
 
 Tiber. Call vp the guard. 
 
 Franc, [aside] Graccho! then we are lo,ft. 215 
 
 [Enter Guard] 
 
 Grace. I am got off. Sir lew, a bribe hath done it 
 For all your ferious charge ; ther's no difguife can keepe ' 
 
 ■ Ms ■ ' ■ ; ' ■' 
 
 V, 2, 193 honour] N G, owner. 
 
 V, 2, 202 chance] Qs C M G, change. 
 
142 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 You from my knowledge, 
 
 [5"/.] Speake. 
 
 Grace. I am out of breath, 
 
 But this is. 
 
 Franc. Spare thy labor foole, [disclosing himself] Francifco. 
 
 All. Monfter of Men. 
 
 Franc. Giue me all attributes 220 
 
 Of all you can imagine, yet I glory 
 To be the thing I was borne, I am Francifco, • 
 Francifco that was raif'd by you. And made 
 The Minion of the time[,] The fame Francifco, 
 
 That would haue whor'd this trunke when it had life, 225 
 
 And after breath'd a iealoufie vpon thee 
 As killing as thole damps that belch out plagues. 
 When the foundation of the earth is fhaken ; 
 I made thee doe a deed heauen will not pardon 
 Which was to kill an innocent. 
 
 [Sf.] Call forth the tortures 230 
 
 For all that flelh can f eele. 
 
 Franc. I dare the worft. 
 
 Only to yeeld fome reafon to the world 
 
 Why I purfud' this courfe, looke on this face [reveals Eugenia] 
 Made old by thy bafe falfhood, 'tis Eugenia. 
 
 [Sf.] Eugenia. 
 
 Franc. Do's it ftart you Sir ? my Sifter, 235 
 
 Seduc'd and f ool'd by thee, but thou mult pay 
 The forfet of thy fallhod, [ojt'de] do's it not worke yet? 
 What ere becomes of me (which I efteeme not) 
 Thou art mark'd for the graue, I haue giuen thee poifon 
 In this cup, now obferue me, [which] thy [lust] 240 
 
 Carowfing deeply of, made thee forget 
 Thy vow'd, faith to Eugenia. 
 
 Pefc. O damn'd villaine! 
 
 I fab. How do you Sir? 
 
 V, 2, 217-8 C M G, rearrange. See note. 
 
 V, 2, 219 Franc] Qo Sf. 
 
 V, 2, 219 thy] Q2 your. 
 
 V, 2, 223-4 Rearranged with CMC See note. 
 
 V, 2, 240 with] C M N G, which. 
 
 V, 2, 240 last] N G, lust. 
 
THE DUKE OF MILAN 143 
 
 [Sf.] Like one, 
 
 That learnes to know in death what punifhment 
 
 Waites on the [breach] of faith, 6 now I feele ■ 245 
 
 An ^tna in my entrailes, I haue liu'd 
 A Prince, and my laft breath fhalbe commaund 
 I burne, I burne, yet er'e life be confum'd 
 Let me pronounce vpon this wretch all torture 
 That witty cruelty can inuent. 
 
 Pefc. Away with him. 250 
 
 Tibe. In all things we will ferue you. 
 
 Franc. Farewell fifter, 
 
 Now I haue kept my word, torments I fcorne, 
 I leaue the world with glory, they are men 
 And leaue behind them name and memory, 
 That wrong'd doe right themfelues before they die. 255 
 
 Ste. A defperate wretch. Exe[unt] guard with Franc[ifco]. 
 
 [Sf.] I come death, I obey thee. 
 
 Yet I will not die raging, for alas, 
 My whole life was a phrenfie. Good Eugenia 
 In death f orgiue me, As you loue me beare her 
 
 To fome religious houfe, there let her fpend 260 
 
 The remnant of her life, when I am afhes 
 Perhaps fhee'U be appeaf'd, and fpare a prayer 
 For my poore foule. Bury me with Marcelia 
 And let our Epitaph be — {Dies^ 
 
 Tibe. His fpeech is ftop'd. 
 
 Steph. Already dead. 
 
 Pejc. It is in vaine to labour 265 
 
 To call him backe, wee'll giue him funerall, 
 And then determine of the ftate affaires 
 And learne from this example, ther's no truft 
 In a foundation that is built on luft. 
 
 Exeunt [omnes with bodies]. 
 FINIS. 
 
 V, 2, 24s breath] Qa C M G, breach. 
 
NOTES 
 
 TITLE PAGE 
 
 The title page here given is a representation, not a facsimile. There 
 is a misprint of "r" for "t" in "Prin[t]ed" 
 
 The title page of the second quarto is the same as that of the first 
 with the exception of the printer's device, and the advertisement at the 
 foot of the page wiiich reads : 
 
 LondoHj 
 
 Printed by lohn Raworth for Edward Blackmore, and 
 
 are to be sold at his shop, at the signe, of the 
 
 Angel in Pauls Churchyard. 1638. 
 
 PREFATORY VERSES 
 
 My quarto hasn't the prefatory verses, which I quote from Hazlitt, 
 reference below. 
 
 Their authorship is a disputed question. Davies (quoted by Gifford) 
 says that " 'Tis the opinion of Mr. Reed, that the initials W. B. stand for 
 William Brown. ... I see no reason to think otherwise." Gifford takes 
 Davies to task and thinks the verses may " with some probability, be re- 
 ferred to W. Basse, a minor poet, whose tribute of praise is placed at the 
 head of the commendatory verses on Shakespeare : or to W. Barksted, 
 author of Myrrha the Mother of A'donis, a poem, 1607. Barksted was an 
 actor." 
 
 Yet Mr. W. C. Hazlitt prints these verses in his edition of "The 
 Whole Works of William Browne,'' II, p. 359, saying, " I think there can 
 be little doubt of the pen from which they proceeded." Mr. Bullen also in 
 his article upon Browne in D. N. B. thinks they " may be safely assigned " 
 to him. 
 
 Now theje are also commendatory verses signed W. B. to the Bond- 
 man. These two sets of verses are evidently by the same author because 
 of identity of tone and thought; but they are so radically different in both 
 tone and expression from the , other commendatory verses written by 
 Browne, those to C. Brooke and those to Drayton, that I cannot accept the 
 attribution to Browne of either the commendatory verses to the Duke of 
 Milan or those to the Bondman. 
 
 Mr. Gordon Godwin prints these hues in his edition of Browne, but 
 notes (II, 314) that they have been assigned to Basse also. However, 
 Mr. R. Warwick Bond, in his edition of " The Works of William Basse," 
 pp. 119-^2, gives it as his opinion concerning the verses to the Bondman, 
 " On grounds of style I think they are more probably by Basse, though in 
 this case he has little to gain from the allowance of his claim." On the 
 
 144 
 
NOTES 145 
 
 same grounds, it is ray belief that both the verses to the Bondman and 
 those to the Duke of Milan are to be attributed to Basse. 
 
 DEDICATION 
 
 Ded. s-6. Lady Katherine Stanhope. Katherine, daughter of Francis, 
 Lord Hastings, married Philip Stanhope in i6os, to whom she bore six 
 sons. She died Aug. 28, 1636. Stanhope was created Baron of Shelford 
 for the consideration of £10,000, Nov. 7, 1616 (Court and Times of James 
 I, I, 426, 436). He was created Earl of Chesterfield Aug. 4, 1628 (Doyle, 
 D. N. B.). 
 
 There is also in existence a MS. copy of a rhymed letter (see Appen- 
 dix 11) by Massiriger to the same lady, entitled, " A Newyeares 'Guift pre- 
 sented to my Lady and M" the then Lady Katherine Stanhop now Coun- 
 tesse of Chesterfeild (Engl. Stud., 26, 6-7; Athenaeum, 1906, 2, 273. 
 The letter, then, must have been written before Aug 4, 1628, the title 
 after. Seemingly this poem was written before the publication of the 
 ■Duke of Milan (1623) as he says concerning his praise of her, "I haue 
 heretofore been silent," which would not be true after that date. It may 
 have been written shortly before this play was dedicated to her and bear 
 reference to his intention in the lines : 
 
 " But there may be a tyme when I shall dare 
 To tell the world and boldly what yu are." 
 
 Yet another and more intimate connection with the play is possible. 
 The " Newyeares Guift " may be a copy of the play itself, in which these 
 lines were originally written, as were the lines to Foljambe in the copy of 
 the same play presented to him (Giflford, IV, 593). His statement of the 
 nature of a work that would live seems to point to a work of this kind 
 rather than to the letter itself. 
 
 "... a Work that should indure 
 Must haue a Genius in it, strong, as pure ". 
 
 As New Years day came 2Sth of March the quarto could easily have been 
 ■printed since its license over two months before. However, this last theory 
 is only a possibility, not a certainty. 
 
 Ded. 10. " workes . . . hath." Abbott calls this the " Third person 
 plural in th" (334). This, form is common and need not be changed. Cf. 
 II, 1, 334-5, for a somewhat similar case. 
 
 Ded. 12. " Princesses of Italie." The second quarto prints " Princes " 
 followed by Coxeter and Mason. The reading of the first quarto is pref- 
 erable here as a lady is addressed. Massinger uses the phrase " Italian 
 Princes " also, in his dedication to A New Way to Pay Old Debts where a 
 man is concerned. In both connections he isiquoting authority for what he is 
 doing. Professor Parrott. calls my attention to a similar use by Chapman 
 in his dedications to the Widow's Tears and Revenge of Bussy. See his 
 note on the dedication of the Widotifs Tears (The Comedies of George 
 Chapman, 807). 
 
146 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Ded. 26. " Mr. Malone had convinced himself that the proper name 
 of our poet was Messenger, because it is' so spelt in the title-page of the 
 first edition of the Duke of Milan. In this copy [quarto with Massinger's 
 notes], it is corrected as we now have it, and as it stands at the bottom 
 of his little address" (Gifford, I, iii. ^ Note.). In the copy which I have 
 used , the name is spelled correctly on the title page but incorrectly in the 
 dedication. It is spelled " Massinger " in the autograph signature to the 
 tripartite letter (Greg, Henslowe Papers, frontispiece facsimile). 
 
 ACT I, SCENE I 
 
 The text begins on B. There are two leaves preceding, the recto of 
 the first being the title page, verso blank; recto of second bearing the 
 dedication, verso list of actors. The page lettering is often cut away but 
 I have not thought such omissions of sufficient importance to be noted. 
 
 I, I. Scene direction. Directions as to scene I have placed in the 
 notes. Mason follows Coxeter in all stage directions, making only very 
 slight changes in spelling, etc. Therefore, I shall quote only Coxeter. 
 Gifford disagrees from both wherever he is not obliged to agree. 
 
 In this instance, Coxeter has, " Scene, a public Place in Pisa " ; Gif- 
 ford " Milan. An outer Room in the Castle." I would prefer " A street 
 in Milan." In reality, as in the other plays of the time, it is doubtful if 
 the author definitely localized the scene. Hence my relegation of such 
 directions to the notes. 
 
 I, I. Stage direction. "Enter louio.'' Gifford says this appears to 
 be a misprint for Julio because he identifies this character with one of the 
 two gentlemen of III, 2, 63, called " lulio " in the text. The identification 
 is, I think, improbable. (For my reason, see note on III, 2, 63, stage direc- 
 tion.) Besides, the name occurs only once there. Now in Believe As Ye 
 List Massinger regularly wrote the names of characters out in full before 
 speeches. If this was his regular method, the printer would have had the 
 full name before him five, times in this scene. I see no reason therefore 
 for supposing a misprint 
 
 . I, I. Stage direction. Giovanni says nothing in this scene and does 
 not appear again in the play by name. He should go off with the other 
 two, as Gifford recognized, after line 33. 
 
 I, I, I. " giue the oath" (see also I, I, 31). Graccho may mean 
 that they shall make all they meet swear upon their flagons in imitation of 
 Caliban. 
 
 " I'll swear upon that bottle to be thy true subject." 
 
 Tempest II, 2, 130. 
 
 I, I, 4. " The Duke of Milan (1623) seems, by the close continuity of 
 the action, to be concluded in four consecutive days ; the only specific , 
 allusions to time are the mention of festivities in honor of the duchess' 
 birthday as 'yesterday' (2, i) and the injunction, on this holiday, 'if you 
 find a man at ten that's sober, he's a traitor' (I, i) " (The Presentation 
 of Time in the Elizabethan Drama, Mable Buland, page 18). 
 
NOTES 147 
 
 To these must be added " In three dayes absence buried" (II, i, 294). 
 In the opening conversation of Act II -we are led to suppose that the time 
 is next morning after the happenings of the first act, but in the description 
 of the duchess' behavior (29-41) we must suppose a longer time. Again 
 in II, I, 56, the feasting of the first act is spoken of as having taken place 
 "yesterday"; but in line 294, Sforza's memory is spoken of as being 
 buried in three days absence. Therefore, it seems to me that Massinger 
 is using the well known device of double time to bridge over the break 
 causd by Sforza's journey. As to fixing the period occupied by the action 
 of the play, I do not see how it can be done with definiteness, but Mas- 
 singer tried to create the impression of continuous action. 
 
 I, I, s. I have placed the second half line to the right in order to 
 show the lining. In the quarto, no such distinction is made. I have fol- 
 lowed this plan throughout. 
 
 I, I, 6. If we are to believe Sir Thomas Overbury, the sexton would 
 be willing enough to take the " oath.'' He says in his character of a 
 Sexton (Characters, 1614), "He could willingly all his life time be con- 
 finde to the church-yard ; at least within five foot on't : for at every church 
 stile, commonly ther's an ale-house : where let him be found never so idle- 
 pated, he is still a grave drunkard ... he will hold argument in a taverne 
 over sack, till the deall and himselfe be both at a stand." 
 
 Jovio may raise the question of the sexton's exemption because he had 
 night duties which he would not be supposed to leave to celebrate. How- 
 ever, according to Graccho, not even the sexton is to be exempt. 
 
 I, I, 6-7. "'If the. bells ring out of tune,' i. e. backward: the usual 
 signal of alarm on the breaking out of fires. So in the City Match (Jasper 
 Mayne) : 
 
 ' Then, sir, in time 
 You may be remember'd at the quenching of 
 Fired houses, when the bells ring backward, by 
 Your name upon the buckets.' " Gifford. 
 
 (Act II, Scene 3, page 230 in H's Dodsley, Vol. XIII.) 
 
 1,1,9. "tooke." Gifford has altered this participial form consistently 
 to " ta'en " in this play and all others whose quartos I have examined. 
 
 " Owing to the tendency to drop the inflection en, the Elizabethan 
 authors frequently used the curtailed forms of past participles which are 
 common in Early English.'' (Abbott, 343.) 
 
 I, I, II. "Vnlesse he read it in Geneua print." "Alluding to the 
 spirituous liquor so called," Mason. 
 
 There is also the punning reference to the Geneva Bible which was 
 printed in readable Roman type. A man who could read any but the 
 clearest print was not drunk enough. 
 
 This punning reference occurs also in the Merry Demi of Edmonton, 
 II, I, 63-4, where the host says to the smith, who is drunk, " Smith, I see 
 by thy eyes thou hast bin reading little Geneua print." 
 
148 the' duke of MILAN 
 
 I. I, 14-15- 
 
 " Or if you Mittigate it, Let such pay 
 Fortie Crownes to the poore," 
 
 There were three statutes against drunkenness in the reign of James 
 I. I James I, cap. p, provided that every innkeeper was to be fined " ss. 
 currant money of England, to the vse of the Poore of the Parish where 
 each offence shall be committed" if he permitted drunkenness in his 
 place. 4 James I, cap. S, provided that every person who should be drunk 
 must pay a fine of five shillings for the use of the poor. If he refused to 
 pay the fine, it might be levied from his property ; or if he didn't have that 
 much property, " Then the Offender or Offenders shall bee committed 
 to the Stockes for euerie Offence, there to remaine by the space of thre 
 houres." si James I, cap. j (A. D. 1623-4), strengthens the preceding act 
 considerably. 
 
 It is, of course, to the second of these that reference is made here, 
 Graccho recommends that offenders receive, the maximum penalty of 
 being laid by the heels and greatly exaggerates the fine that is to be im- 
 posed in case of mercy. Of course, it is natural to think of the law against 
 drunkenness when drunkards are presented but this law seems to have 
 been on Massinger's mind especially about this time as he satirizes the 
 enforcing of the same law in Love's Cure, IV, 3 (171b) (references to 
 the Beaumont and Fletcher plays are to.Darley's edition) : 
 
 " Alg. Now we'll go search the taverns, commit such 
 As we find drinking, and be drunk ourselves 
 With-what we take from them.'' 
 
 Massinger's part of this play is supposed to date about 1623. He refers 
 to this law again, together with that against swearing, in the Unnatural 
 Combat, IV, 2 (S7b) : 
 
 "To be often drunk, and swear, yet pay no forfeit 
 To the poor." 
 
 Possibly this interest is to be accounted for by agitation which led to the 
 enactment of the more stringent third law in 1623-4. Ben Jonson also 
 refers to this law in Bartholomew Fair, IV, 3 (1614) : " Stay, Bristle, here 
 ish anoder brash of drunkards, but very quiet, special drunkards, will pay 
 de five shillings very well." 
 
 I, I, 17. "the Courtier's reeling." All preceding editors seem to re- 
 gard " Courtiers " as the plural of the noun. It was easy for an apos- 
 trophe to drop out as it did in III, 2, 6, " honours," where there is no 
 ambiguity, however. The construction, " the Courtier," occurs again, IV, 
 I, 23. 
 
 I, I, l8-ig. " Duke . . . kind and in his tottering chaire carousing,'' 
 Cf. 
 
 " drunken men 
 Are ever loving." 
 The Chances, I, I (495a). Fletcher scene. 
 
NOTES 149 
 
 I. I. 32-3. " Lord . . . bound ... to take his rouse." " As drunk 
 as a begger. This Proverb begins now to be disused^ and people instead 
 of it are ready to say, As drunk as a Lord : so much hath that vice (the 
 more is the pity) prevail'd among the Nobility and Gentry of late years.'' 
 (John Ray, Proverbs, page 104, no. 18.) 
 
 I, I, S3. C. M. G.; all omit "the" from the phrase "at the stake" 
 of the quartos, seemingly because of the meter. The omission, however, 
 is not necessary, and where I have found the phrase in Massinger, it' is 
 "at the stake," though there is no doubt about the meter in the other 
 cases. Cf. Bond., I, 2 (losa) ; IV, 3, (122a) ; P. L., IV, 5 (i86b) ; D. F., 
 Ill, I (236a) ; N. W., Ill, 2 (403a). References throughout are to Cun- 
 ningham's Massinger. 
 
 I, I, S9-60. 
 
 " Dangers that we see 
 To threaten ruine, are with ease preuent'ed." 
 
 In the table at the back of Lodge's Seneca, we find " Afflictions that 
 are seene, are slight, 720." On page 720, in the margin we find " afflictions 
 that are foreseen are slight " ; in the text, " Those things that are long 
 time foreseene assault us more leasurely." (Lodge's Seneca, ed. 1620, 
 p. 720.) For other parallels frohi Lodge's Seneca, see notes to III, i, 
 219-20; IV, 3, 102; V, 2, 227-8. 
 
 I, I, 66-8. " warre . . . have " Mason and Gifford write " wars," but 
 as the quarto construction is a common one of the time, I let it stand. 
 For the same construction see III, 3, 95-6. Abbott does not give a sepa- 
 rate section to this construction but quotes two illustrations under 337. 
 
 I, I, 68. Gifford prints " interess'd " and remarks, " So the old copies. 
 The modern editors, much to the advantage of the rhythm, read : ' Have 
 interested,' etc. Probably they were ignorant of such a word as interess " 
 My copy of the first quarto reads " interrest'd ", second " interest'd ". 
 Believe As Ye List, MS. II, 2 (6o6b), reads: 
 
 ■■ such men as were interresstd 
 In the greate cause ". 
 
 Therefore, I believe my quarto has the correct form. Gifford may have 
 had a first quarto with slight variations from mine as he makes a positive 
 statement which mine does not bear out again, I, 3, 30. So the New Eng- 
 lish Dictionary which quotes this passage as an example under " Interess 
 v. 4 " should probably shift it to " Interest v. 4 ". 
 
 I, I, 74. The sense here seems to demand "hating", which would 
 would require only the mistaking by the printer of a " t " for a "v ". This 
 mistake would be easily made in Massinger's handwriting, especially when 
 the letter is followed by an " i " as it is here. 
 
 I, I, 74. " Spanish pride ". The phrase " Spanish pride " would come 
 very naturally to Massinger at this time when negotiations for the un- 
 popular Spanish match were at their highest pitch. It was in February, 
 1623, that Charles made his visit of courtship to the Spanish Court. It 
 
150 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 will be remembered that Massinger was refused license for Believe As 
 Ye List later because of its treatment of Spanish affairs. Cf. i, 3, 105. 
 I, I, 8s-6. 
 
 " Untill it be determin'd by the sword, 
 Who hath the better cause". 
 Cf. 
 
 " Let their swords determine 
 Who hath the better cause ". 
 The False One, I, i (389a). (A Massinger scene.) 
 
 I, I, 88. " Most miserably guilty." A Massinger expression. Cf. 
 U. C, V, 2 (6ib) ; Fat. D., IV, 4 (380a). 
 I, I, 90-91. 
 
 " on whose f aire Tent 
 Win'gd victory will make her glorious stand." 
 
 Precisely the same figure occurs in False One, I, I (390b),*' and 
 Prophetess, IV, 4 (17b), both of which scenes are assigned by Boyle, Oli- 
 phant, Fleay, and Macaulay to Massinger, in which assignment I concur. 
 
 With the change of " win'gd " to " plumed " it occurs in M. H., i, 2 
 (258a) ; and Pict., II, 2 (29Sa) ; with the further change of " tent " to 
 "helmet" U. C, II, i (42b). 
 
 I, I, 120. Massinger's line has a caesural pause in the oratorical cen- 
 ter, the two halves balancing, in this line after " too ". Consequently, 
 " too " does not modify " acquainted ", and the line should be punctuated 
 and read as Coxeter and Mason have indicated. The second half of the 
 parenthesis is omitted in the quarto but should be placed at the end of the 
 line where the quarto has a comma. 
 
 I, I, 126. " Exeunt " has been moved down a line. 
 
 ACT I, SCENE 2 
 
 I, 2. There is no division marked here in the quarto or for scene 3. 
 All other scene divisions are marked. The divisions may have been made, 
 however, and for some reason have been crossed out as so many are in 
 Believe As Ye List, MS. • 
 
 I, 2, Scene direction. C, M " Scene changes to the Court." G " An- 
 other Room in the same ". Seemingly the scene is " A room in the 
 Palace ". 
 
 I, 2, Stage direction. A comma is placed after Mariana by mistake 
 for a period. A few other mistakes of the same kind appear. Cf. I, 3, 10. 
 I, 2, I. 
 
 " I scorne to be a spot ". 
 " Mariana alludes to the spots (eyes) in the peacock's tail." Gifford. 
 Cf. " So rare are true deservers lov'd or known, 
 That men lov'd vulgarly are ever none. 
 Nor men grac'd servilely for being spots 
 In princes trains, though borne even with their crowns." 
 
 (Chapman, Byron's Conspiracy, III, 2, 232-235, Parrott.) 
 
NOTES 151 
 
 I, 2, 6. The second quarto, followed by all the modern editors, places 
 a comma after " please ", which is probably correct, as it carries out the 
 parallelism of the sentence. The caesural pause after " please " indicates 
 the same reading. Cf. Emp. I, 2 (32Sa). Quarto. "And if you please, 
 ask some about the court ". I do not find the construction with " to " 
 omitted after please in Massinger. 
 
 I, 2, g. The first quarto has a period after " graunted ". I have fol- 
 lowed the second in substituting a comma. 
 
 I, 2, i8. The period is omitted after " praises ". Such a mistake is 
 very rare in this quarto. I have noted no other case in the text, though 
 there are a very few others in the name abbreviations. 
 
 I, 3, 20. In the quarto, the apostrophe is one letter too far forward 
 in " wha'ts " and " defor'md ". It is placed correctly in I, 3, 6. See oppo- 
 site error in ner'e, I, 3, 26, 70; also ne're, I, 3, 345. 
 
 1, 2, 32. Qi. " To 'obey ". I suspect the apostrophe is before " obey '' 
 because fhe printer intended to omit the " o ". Cf . IV, 2, 4, " To 'bserve ", 
 an exact parallel. 
 
 ACT I, SCENE 3 
 
 I, 3. Coxeter and Mason have no specific scene for this. Gifford has 
 "A State Room in the same", which is sufficiently correct though "ban- 
 queting hall " would probably be better. See note on I, 2.' 
 
 I, 3, 6-10. Compare this sentiment with that of Beaumont: 
 
 " Lys. Strato, thou has some skill in poetry; 
 
 What think'st thou of the masque? will it be well? 
 Stra. As well as masques can be. 
 Lys. As masques can be? 
 Stra. Yes; they must commend their king, and speak in praise 
 
 Of the assembly, bless the bride and bridegroom 
 
 In person of some god; they're tied to rules 
 
 Of flattery." 
 
 Maid's Tragedy, I, i, 5-11. Variorum. 
 
 The definition of each is about the same, " A piece of flattery " Beau- 
 mont has given us illustrations of his definition in the masque concerning 
 which this was said and in the " Masque of the Inner Temple " 
 
 We do not know that Massinger wrote so elaborate a masque as the 
 latter, but he has a masque in the Picture, II, 2 (295b-296a). In the City 
 Madam, V, 3 (4S4b) and the Guardian, IV, 2 (481b) he has representa- 
 tions containing the same elements, classic figures, ' music, and dance, 
 though he does not there dignify them with the name of masque. Perhaps 
 these latter might better be classified as pageant, pantomime, or dumb 
 show. 
 
 His masques, in form, seem' to follow the Fletcher formula fairly 
 well: 
 
 " Tis not half an hour's work : 
 A Cupid and a fiddle, and the thing's done." 
 
 The Elder Brother, II, 2. (Fletcher scene.) 
 
 11 
 
152 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 I, 3, 10. A comma appears after " Gent." by mistake for a period. 
 
 I, 3, 20-1. 
 
 "this present age yeelds not a woman 
 Worthy to be her second ". 
 
 The same expression occurs in D. P., I, 2 (227a) ; Emp., I, I (321a). 
 
 Ii 3, 23. " Of those canoniz'd Ladies Sparta' boasts of ". 
 Cf. " What the canonized Spartan ladies were ". 
 
 Virgin Martyr, V, 2 (33a). 
 
 I, 3, 25. Here the printer misread " and " for " one " This is very 
 easy to do in Massinger's handwriting as the " e " and the " d " are very 
 much alike, the only difference being in size. This is one of the errors 
 that Massinger corrected in the Folj'ambe qtiarto. 
 
 !> 3> 30. " ' Forces her modesty '. So the edition of 1623, which Coxe- 
 ter does not appear to have often consulted. He reads, after that of 1638, 
 enforces, though it destroys the metre. Mr. M. Mason, of course, follows 
 him". (Giflford.) 
 
 Again Gifford makes a positive statement which is not borne out by 
 my first quarto. See note, I, i, 68. The reading of the quartos does not 
 destroy the meter of the line as may be seen when it is read in connection 
 with the preceding lines. Instead, it gives a smoother reading. Mas- 
 singer's lines should not be considered singly but as a part of the larger 
 structure in which they occur. 
 
 I. 2> 34- For " absolute " the second quarto reads " perfect both ". It 
 is noticeable that on the reverse of the page, about one line lower down 
 and a little to the right we find an analogous change, line 70 of Q. reads 
 " sweet " for the first " swear " of Qi. I suspect, therefore, that the copy 
 of the first quarto from which the second was printed was slightly injured 
 here, and the printer supplied the gap to the best of his ability. This may 
 have been the case also in II, i, 240. Of course, " sweet " for " swear " 
 is in itself a perfectly plausible misprint. 
 
 Ii 3) 35- " speake the least part to the height " This expression 
 occurs again, Guard., IV, 2 (482a) . 
 
 The phrase " to the height " occurs in other authors of the time, 
 Shakespeare, Fletcher, etc., but I have found it in combination with 
 " speak " nowhere but in Massinger. 
 
 I, 3, 69-70. " (Which pardon mee, that I presume to kisse) 
 
 Sfo. O sweare, for ever sweare." 
 Cf. " Beaumel. By this kiss, 
 
 And this and this. 
 
 Nov. jun. That you would ever swear thus ! " 
 Fat. D., Ill, I (368a). 
 
 I, 3, 72. For the normal construction " sated with " cf . 
 
 ■' sated with 
 The peace and quiet of a country life ". 
 
 Bel, V, I (620b) ; MS. 23 verso. 
 
NOTES 153 
 
 " and when you are sated 
 With thinking of Leosthenes ". 
 
 Bond., Ill, 2 (iisa). 
 
 I, 3, 8i. The direction has been moved from the right margin at end 
 of the line. 
 
 I, 3, 82. The spelling and metrical position of " Pavie " indicate its 
 pronunciation, Pa'vy. 
 
 Ii 3, 83. Giflford makes the Post go out, doubtless to serve as the 
 second Post a few lines later. I rather think that he remained, as did 
 the second, till the general exit. The table of dramatis personae seems 
 to bear this out by its entry, " 2 Posts " 
 
 I, 3, 84-5. " This . . . passion " is printed in the second quarto as 
 one line. The second quarto rearranges often, not seemingly upon metri- 
 cal grounds, but rather to save space, as the text is closely printed, Qi 
 does not often do this. Qs rearranges also in I, 3, 92; II, i, 206-7; HI, !• 
 61; III, I, 105; III, I, 141; III, I, 211; III, 2, 24; III, 2, 104; III, 3, 125; 
 IV, 2, 2; IV, 2, 19; IV, 2, 43; IV, 3, 83; IV, 3, 167; IV, 3, 177; IV, 3> 184; 
 
 IV, 3, 206; IV, 3, 207; IV, 3, 208; IV, 3, 211; IV, 3, 247; V, I, 23; V, I, 
 114; V, I, 121; V, I, 138. 
 
 Ij 3, 143- In the quarto, this direction is placed at the end of the 
 second half line. 
 
 I, 3, 153. Mason and Giflford alter " 'Tis " to " Is ". I prefer to keep 
 the quarto reading as I think it is correct; and with its broken construc- 
 tion, more appropriate under the circumstances. 
 
 I, 3, 162. I have inserted here Giflford's directions, with the addition 
 of " two Posts ", there being no direction at this point in the quartos or 
 editions preceding Giflford's. 
 
 I, 3, 169. " flow from me ". A recurring phrase. Cf . Ill, 3, 86-7 ; 
 
 V, 2, 158-9. 
 
 I, 3) 193- There is no mark of punctuation at the end of this line in 
 the quartos. Mason and Giflford place an exclamation mark here, which 
 in many ways gives a preferable reading but not an absolutely neces- 
 sary one. 
 
 I, 3. 199-200. 
 
 " Tis not in the power 
 Of Fate to alter me". 
 
 Cf. II, I, 396. 
 
 I, 3, 202. This passage has always given trouble. There is no break 
 metrically or in the quartos. Giflford says Massinger made no correction 
 here in the Foljambe quarto. Either, then, he overlooked it, or it is as he 
 intended it. Coxeter and Mason read : 
 
 " But were that Will, 
 To be so, f orc'd, Marcelia ? " 
 
 Giflford inserts " be " before " forced " in his first edition but leaves a 
 blank in the same place for his second. Either reading gives the evident 
 
154 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 meaning of the passage. The Coxeter reading has the advantage of being 
 metrical and clear but requires a slight emendation. Giflord's final inter- 
 pretation would leave the text intact but requires an obscure construction 
 that is to me very un-Massingerian. Therefore I prefer the Coxeter 
 reading but do not regard the evidence for it sufficiently strong to make 
 emendation absolutely certain. 
 
 I, 3. 203. Mason and Gifford both print " my " instead of " mine " 
 I am not sure that the change was intentional, but if so, I see no reason 
 for it. Before vowels ''mine" is the regular form in this play. Cf. I, 3, 
 371, ■■ mine owne security ". 
 
 I. 3> 2i3r-4. " There are so many wayes to let out life, I would not 
 live, for one short minute his ". 
 
 Cf. P. L., IV, 2 (183a) ; Very Woman, V, 4 (S24a), where we are 
 told there are " a thousand doors " 
 
 Cunliffe (Influence of Seneca on Elizabethan Tragedy, 23-4) quotes 
 several instances of this idea and gives it's source as Seneca's Thebais, 
 iSi-3 : 
 
 " ubique mors est. optume hoc cauit deus. 
 eripere vitam nemo non homini potest, 
 at nemo mortem; mille ad banc aditus patent." 
 
 He considers that Massinger's most important debt to Seneca,' how- 
 ever, is " the Stoical fortitude with which [his] characters are inspired in 
 face of death" (p. 116). Seneca is mentioned by Massinger, M. H., IV, 
 3 (27^) ; R. A., Ill, 2 (208a) ; Emp., V, i (348a). 
 
 I, 3, 217. In the quarto the stage direction is at the end of the line, 
 thus "Why vncall'd for?) Ent. Francis." 
 
 I, 3, 240. " Thus then. Sir ". Another Massinger formula. Cf . I, 3, 
 248 ; I, 3, 284. He uses " then " very frequently. 
 
 I, 3) 243. " For fame hath many wings to bring ill tidings ". 
 
 Cf. " 111 news, madam. 
 
 Are swallow wing'd, but what's good walks on crutches " 
 
 Pict., II, I (292a). 
 
 For the description of Fame, see Virgil's Aeneid, 4, 173-88. 
 I, 3, 244-5. This stands in the quartos : 
 
 " But to give you such, 
 Such friendly counsell." 
 
 Massinger does repeat sometimes from one line to the next; but as 
 this case would give an extra foot and is not at all necessary the first 
 " such " is probably a misprint 
 
 I. 3, 301- Gifford alters " thou " to " you " He has done so either 
 unintentionally or inconsistently ashe retains a perfect parallel in 308. 
 
 I> 3. 322. For semicolon marking interrupted speech see Simpson, 
 Shakespearean Punctuation, p. 60. 
 
 I, 3, 325. " signes of dutie " Coxeter and Mason insert ^ stage 
 direction " Kneels " which is probably correct. 
 
NOTES 155 
 
 I, 3, 325-6. 
 
 " Is she not the abstract 
 Of all that''s rare, or to be wish't in Woman? " 
 
 This is a repeated Massinger expression. Ci. R. A., I, 2 (196a) ; 
 M. H., IV, 3 (273b) ; Pict, I, 2 (287b) ; Emp., IV, 5 (344a) ; D. P., Ill, 
 I (238b). 
 
 I, 3, 328. " Ad to her goodnesse " I can not agree with Gifford who 
 reads " too ". I have not found an undoubted instance of such a con- 
 struction in Massinger. As it stands, it is a Massinger construction. Cf. 
 I, 3, 178; II, I, 289; III, I, 96; IV, I, 66. 
 
 I, 3, 336. The mark of punctuation is badly blurred in the first quarto 
 but I think it is probably the question mark, as it is in the second quarto. 
 
 I, 3, 350- " What is decreed, can never be recal'd ". The reference 
 is probably to the decree of Fate, not Sforza's decree. Cf. New Way, 
 V, I (420b) : 
 
 "what's decreed 
 Above, we cannot alter." 
 
 I, 3i 36Q " his unspotted body ''. " His '' was corrected to " her " by 
 Massinger in the Foljambe quarto. We might have supposed as much 
 from the parallel passage, IV, 3, 312-3. 
 
 ACT II, SCENE I 
 
 II, I. Coxeter and Mason, " Scene, a Court belonging to the Palace." 
 Gifford " The same. An open space before the Castle." Either will do 
 as the scene is evidently before Marcelia's room, her first appearance being 
 on the upper stage. 
 
 II, I, 3. "To leave his owne strengths." Massinger is rather fond 
 of such plurals. This word occurs in the plural in Ren., V, 3 (i6ia) ; 
 M. H., Ill, 3 (269b), V, 2 (282a) ; Pict., IV, 4 (313a) ; N. W., I, 2 (392a) ; 
 Bash., V, 3 (S58a) ; Bond. (Q), I, 2 (102a) ; R. A. (Q), V, i (220b). 
 
 II, I, 9. "owne and sure". This phrase occurs in R. A., Ill, 2 
 (207b); Bel, III, 3 (6ioa). 
 
 II, I, 17. " Oedipus ", the solver of riddles. Cf. R. A., Ill, 2 (209b) ; 
 D. P., IV, I (245a) ; Pict., Ill, s (302a) ; Emp., II, i (328a). 
 
 II, I, 29-30. Giflford arranges: 
 
 " Sadly, it seems by the dutchess ; 
 For since he left the court. 
 For the most part, etc." 
 
 The quarto reading gives only one imperfect line; 28. Gifford's gives 
 two, 28 and 30. The imperfect lines are few in this play. 
 II, I. 37-8. 
 
 " she that lately 
 Rivald Poppaea in her varied shapes. 
 Or the Aegyptian Queene.'' 
 
156 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Cf. "But SO adorn'd as if she were to rival 
 
 Nero's Poppaea or the Egyptian queen." 
 
 Very Woman, II, 3 (soia). 
 
 II, I, 48. In the first quarto this direction is placed in the margin 
 opposite line 49 and first half-line of 50. 
 
 II, I, 57. " Ladies ". The possessive singular. Graccho is servant of 
 the princess Mariana, line 58- 
 
 II, I, 83. This direction is placed in the first quarto in the margin 
 following the second half-line of 83. 
 
 II, I, 84. " There is no contending ". The characteristic phrase of 
 Stephano from now on. Cf. II, i, 237; IV, 3, 247. 
 
 II, I, 85. Graccho is evidently talking to Mariana when Tiberio says, 
 " See, the informing rogue." Giflford noted this, attaching to the pre- 
 ceding stage directions, line 83, " Graccho whispers the latter." 
 
 II, I, 92. In the first quarto, this stage direction follows the first 
 half-line of 92. 
 
 II, I, 94. "Arras pictures of Nobilitie". Empty forms of nobility 
 with no more real power than the pictures on arras. 
 
 II, I, 105. The question mark was used regularly in exclamations. 
 See Simpson, Shakespearean Punctuation, p. 85. 
 
 II, I, 109. 
 
 "Of a little thing, 
 It is so full of gall". 
 
 Gifford notes here the frequent allusion to the size of the actors in plays 
 of the time, one of which is Midsummer Night's Dream (III, 2, 282 ff.), 
 the quarrel in which between Hermia and Helena he considers the model 
 and authority for this scene in the Duke of Milan. It cannot be accepted 
 as authority for the scene, however, as it is in comedy, this in tragedy. 
 
 , Gifford also things the part of Mariana was " not improbably " taken 
 by Theophilus Bourne, who acted Paulina, a woman " low of stature " in 
 the Renegado, I, 2 (135b), and mentions that Domitilla in the Roman 
 Actor, who was called "Dwarf", IV, i (211b), was played by John Hun- 
 nyman. We have no record that Bourne ever belonged to the King's men. 
 When he played Paulina in the Renegado, licensed 1624, printed 1630, he 
 was a member of the Princess Elizabeth's men. Hunnyman is first men- 
 tioned in the Roman Actor (Oct. 11, 1626), and is evidently very young 
 at that time as he is called " Dwarf " He could not, then, have taken 
 the part, which must have been taken by a boy just beginning about 1622, 
 for Mariana is " little" (II, i, 109). It could hardly have been Holcombe, 
 as he had come into the company before 1619. It may have been James 
 Horn, who is mentioned in the Pilgrim, last of the list and therefore pre- 
 sumably is an actor of women's parts; or John Thompson, who is cer- 
 tainly in the company before 1623, playing the part of Julia to Sharp's 
 Duchess in the Duchess of Malfi. I suspect Thompson took the part. 
 
 Since Richard Sharp played the chief women's parts for the King's 
 Company from before 1619 to about 1623, it is practically certain that he 
 
NOTES 157 
 
 played the part of Marcelia, he being now " three f oote " too tall for a 
 woman (II, i, 189). 
 
 Cf. II, I, 158; II, I, 189-90. Cf. M. H., II, 2 (261b). "Of a little 
 thing ". 
 
 II, I, no. "It, Used in childish language, and hence contemptuously 
 or humorously, of a person ", N. E. D. Compare Abbott 228. 
 
 This same construction occurs later, line 144, where Marcelia uses it 
 sarcastically as expressing the attitude of Isabella and Mariana to' her. 
 
 II, I, 121. "Song" "This, like many others, does not appear; it 
 was probably supplied at pleasure by the actors." GiiTord. In this con- 
 nection, it is interesting to note a parallel case in Believe As Ye List MS. 
 In the margin (leaf 20, recto) appears the direction, " Harry : Willson : 
 & Boy ready for the song at the Arras." About forty-five lines later, 
 " The Lute strikes & then the Songe." 
 
 II, I, 142. The period is the commonest form of marking an inter- 
 rupted speech. See Simpson, Shakespearean Punctuation, p. 84. Cf. II, 
 I, 162; III, I, 21. 
 
 II, I, 145. "Y'are". This contraction occurs only once more in the 
 quarto, IV, 3, 149. It is common in Fletcher, rare in Massinger. Cf. 
 Variorum edition of Beaumont and Fletcher, II, 103 ff., Spanish Curate, 
 edited by R. B. McKerrow, introduction, dealing with " you " and " ye ". 
 
 II, I, 154. There may be a double meaning to the word "dry" here, 
 dry and wrinkled from age. 
 
 II, 1, 169-70. Giflford thinks Massinger is indebted for this touch 
 " to the treacherous loquacity of the dutchess's waiting woman, in her 
 midnight conference with Don Quixote" (Part II, Chap. XLVIII). 
 
 But compare the following: 
 
 " Abig. Thou'rt a vile man : God bless my issue from thee ! 
 
 E. Love. Thou hast but one, and that's in thy left crupper, 
 That makes thee hobble so : you must be ground 
 I' the breech like a top; you'll never spin well else.'.' 
 
 Scornful Lady, V, I, at end, Cambridge reprint. 
 
 Massinger, then, may have got his suggestion either directly or indi- 
 rectly from Don Quixote. It seems probable that this book started the 
 comic treatment of " issue " though the word was common enough. Cf: 
 the woman with an " issue " of the Bible. 
 
 II, I, 173. Gifford print's " aboue the ground ". The phrase occurs 
 as "above ground" in the Bondman, quarto 1624, II, 3 (nib), and in 
 the Fat. D., I, i (3SSa). Therefore, the quarto reading is correct. Ac- 
 cording to Giflford's text, this form occurs also, Renjf IV, i (1543). 
 
 II, I, 179. "She's of the kind". "A chicken of the right kind". 
 Guard., IV, i (480a). Cf. II, I, 112; II, i, 2191 
 
 It is interesting to note that Massinger has used in the space of 
 slightly over a hundred linesj figures from the three principal sports of 
 the time — cock-fighting, horse-racing, bear-baiting. 
 
 II, I, 182. This stage direction followed line 181 in the quarto. 
 
 II, I, 212. Gifford rearranges : 
 
158 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 " I will be partial 
 To none, not to myself." 
 
 I consider the original correct. 
 
 II, I, 242. In the first quarto, this direction is placed opposite the 
 three half-lines beginning with the second half line of 240. 
 
 II, I, 261-2. Coxeter and Mason read : 
 
 " And rais'd so high upon a Rock of Goodness 
 That Vice can never reach you." 
 
 II, I, 274. " beyond this ". Marcelia is referring to " this " favor of 
 kissing her hand. Why Gifford should have substituted " it " for ." this " 
 I cannot see. 
 
 II, I, 275-6. "Be it death. 
 
 And death with torments." 
 
 A Massinger expression. Cf. Ill, 3, 143; R. A., I, i (ipsb). 
 
 II, I, 289. "Libidinous" This adjective is quite common in Mas- 
 singer. Cf. U. C, V, 2 (62b) ; Bond., IV, 3 (122a) ; P. L., V, i (190a) ; 
 Pift, III, 4 (301b) ; Guard., I, i (460b), V, 2 (487a) ; Bash., Ill, 3 (S44a). 
 
 n, 1, 305. "ad to that". Gifford changes "that" to "it", but the 
 quarto reading is the Massinger construction. See II, i, 289, for pre- 
 cisely the same expression. Also cf. Ill, 1, 96. 
 
 II, I, 307-11. For same sentiment cf. P. L., II, 3 (174a)-. 
 
 II, I, 315-16. This seems to mean " It was your beauty, and not your 
 other qualities, that I first saw and loved ", but it may mean " Your beauty 
 which I loved the first time I saw it ", or " Your beauty which I was the 
 first to see, and love ". 
 
 II, I, 334-5. Cf. note to Ded. 10. 
 
 II. I. 35S- Massinger evidently held the Ptolemaic system of the 
 universe, in which he was not behind his time. " In England few men of 
 eminence had at this period (Milton's) embraced the new astronomical 
 doctrines, aiyl up to and beyond the middle of the seventeenth century the 
 majority of those who represented the intellect and learning of the coun- 
 try professed their adherence to the old Ptolemaic beliefs. . , . Bacon 
 (1561-1626) persistently rejected them, as did also many other men of 
 learning who lived at that time. . . . From his youth iip to his thirtieth 
 year, Milton (born 1608) may be regarded as having been a consistent 
 Ptolemaist." (Thomas N. Orchard, Milton's Astronomy, 98-9.) 
 
 II. 1 1 35^- " Or that, the ravenous Eagk, and the Dove 
 
 Keepe in one Ayery, and bring up their yong." 
 Cf. " On» aerie with proportion ne'er discloses 
 
 The eagle and the wren" 
 
 Maid of Honor, I, 2, (258b). 
 
 II, I, 370-1. Gifford attaches " I'll try " to the preceding line. I have 
 followed the quartos, as I see no advantage in rearrangement. 
 
 11,1,381. " I'le bend her body ". " Thus, in the Maid's Tragedy : 
 
NOTES 159 
 
 'I've heard, if there be any life but bow 
 The body thus, and it will show itself ' ". 
 
 Gifford. 
 Cf. Bash., Ill, 3 (54Sa). 
 
 II, i> 393- " be no more remembred ". Frequently repeated. Cf. 
 Ren., IV, 3 (iS7a) ; R. A., I, 4 (199b). 
 
 II. I. 397- Gifford ha;s slightly altered this by putting a period after 
 dies. He thereby spoils a typical Massinger expression. Cf . IV, 3, 278-g ; 
 V, I, 23-4. 
 
 II, I, 40io-i. 
 
 " For with this Arme I'le swim through Seas of blood, 
 Or make a Bridge, arch'd with the bones of Men ". 
 Cf. " I would not go through open doors, but break 'em 
 
 Swim to my ends through blood ; or build a bridge 
 Of carcasses". 
 
 Jonson's Cataline, III, 2. 
 
 II, I, 403. The question mark is often used where we would use a 
 mark of exclamation. Cf. Ill, i, 191; III, 2, 65; III, 3, 13S; IV, 2, 14; 
 IV, 3, 271. See P. Simpson's Shakespearean Punctuation, section 37. 
 
 ACT III, SCENE I 
 
 III, I, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason " Scene, The Imperial 
 Camp." Gifford, " The Imperial Camp, before Pavia ". Gifford's seems 
 the better. 
 
 Ill, I, 19-21. " Of all kinds of nutriment, wine was thought to con- 
 tribute most to the formation of blood. Cf. Marlowe, second part of 
 Tamburlaine the Great (III, ii, 3297-8) : 
 
 'Filling their empty vaines with aiery wine. 
 That being concocted, turnes to crimson blood.' " 
 
 (P. A. Robin, The Old Physiology in English Literature, p. 107.) 
 Ill, I, 24. That is to say, they make three meals of a bunch of raisins. 
 Massinger considered that to make one meal upon a bunch was bad 
 enough. Cf. D. P., II, 2 (231b). 
 
 "But Italians, 
 That think when they have supp'd upon an olive, 
 A root, or bunch of raisins, 'tis a feast". 
 
 "'Surely', says Plotwell, in the City Match (III, 3., p. 265, Hazlitt's 
 Dodsley, XIII), 
 
 ' Surely, myself. 
 Cipher his factor, and an ancient cat. 
 Did keep strict diet, had our Spanish fare. 
 Four olives among three ! My uncle would 
 Look fat with fasting; I have known him surfeit 
 Upon a bunch of raisins, swoon at sight 
 
160 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Of a whole joint, and rise an epicure 
 From half an orange ' ". 
 
 afford. 
 Ill, I, 25-7. 
 
 " These Spunges that suck up a Kingdomes fat 
 
 To be squees'd out by the rough hand of warre ''. 
 
 This figure is repeated Bel., V, i (62ia). 
 
 " Batning like Scarabes in the dung of Peace ". 
 
 This figure is repeated, Pict., II, 2 (294b). 
 Ill, I, 31-2. 
 
 " Their faire Madona's, that in little Dogges, 
 Monkeis, and Paraquito's consume thousands ". 
 
 Cf. New Way, IV, 3 (416a), for same list of pets. Compare Beau- 
 mont in the Woman Hater, II, i (433a) : 
 
 " women that were created only for the preservation of little dogs ". 
 
 Ill, I, 84. Both the sense and the meter require the insertion of 
 " on ", which was supplied by Coxeter. 
 
 111,1,95-6. "what a worthy thing it is 
 
 To have power, and not to use it ". 
 
 This thought is repeated, U. C, V, 2 (62a) ; Bash., II, 3 (S46a). 
 
 Ill, I, 147. "Your" for "you" occurs in Thierry and Theodoret, 
 II, I (p. 28, 130, Cambridge Reprint) ; a Massinger scene, as Boyle, Oli- 
 phant, Fleay, and Macaulay/ agree. Thus the mistake is probably due to 
 Massinger's handwriting. , 
 
 III, I, 163-4. '■ stands Prepar'd for either fortune ". Cf. Bond., Ill, 
 3 (ii6b) ; Bel, I, i (596a). 
 
 Ill, I, 191. "He hath deliver'd reasons". Mason emended to "rea- 
 son ", but Massinger regularly uses the plural. 
 
 Cf. " When I have yielded reasons " 
 
 Bond., V, 3 (131b). 
 " These his letters 
 Will yield you further reasons." 
 
 Great Duke, I, i (2253). 
 " I'll yield you reasons ". 
 
 Bel, III, 3 (6i2b). 
 Ill, I, 194-S. Coxeter and Mason read: 
 
 " I care not who knows it) I wonder he 
 Can be so stupid ". 
 
 Ill, I, 199-200. (Constancy) "beares such palme 
 
 And priviledge with it". 
 
NOTES 161 
 
 Cf. " To think what privilege and palm it (clothing) bears 
 
 Here, in the court ! " 
 
 Jonson's Every Man Out Of His Humour, III, 3. 
 
 111,1,219-20. "Not to take 
 
 From others to give only to my selfe ". 
 
 " A. Whether a man may give unto himselfe, & requite himselfe " 
 
 Lodge's Seneca, table of Paradoxes. 
 
 The peculiarity of this expression seems to have caused some trouble. 
 Gifford says : " This is the reading of all the old copies, and nothing can 
 be clearer than that it is perfectly proper. The modern editors, however, 
 choose to weaken both the sense and the sentiment, by a conceit of their 
 own: they print, " to give only to thyself"! 
 
 The quoted passage supports the quarto. See also the discussion of 
 this question in Lodge's Seneca, page g8. 
 
 Ill, I, 246-7. This is printed in the quarto thus: 
 
 " In this and all things, we are your Servants " 
 
 I have accepted Coxeter's rearrangement, followed by Mason and 
 Gifford, which the meter requires. The second quarto prints one line 
 speeches as above regularly (see note I, 3, 84-5), but the first quarto does 
 so very rarely. 
 
 ACT III, SCENE 2 
 
 III, 2, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason, " Scene changes to 
 Pisa ". Gifford : " Milan. A room in the Castle." Gifford's is sufficiently 
 accurate. 
 
 Ill, 2, 4. "There does belong a feeling". 
 
 ,Cf . " Nay, since we trade both one way, thou shalt have 
 Some feeling with me : take that ". 
 The Lover's Progress, II, 2 (642b) (Massinger scene). 
 
 " I care not for seeing, I love feeling ; let me feel it here ; aurium 
 tenus, ten pieces of gold ; genuum tenus, ten pieces of silver ". — Dekker's 
 Shoemaker Holiday, IV, S- 
 
 " Feeling " is therefore a slang expression for money, used in the 
 sense of tip, bribe, gratuity. Massinger probably borrowed this word 
 from Dekker, since shortly before the writing of the Duke of Milan he 
 had revised one of Dekker's plays, the Virgin Martyr, and presumably 
 was interested in the work of that author. 
 
 " Feeling " is therefore the correct word and not " feeing " as Cun- 
 ningham, followed by Symons, prints. 
 
 Ill, 2, 6. "honours". See note I, i, 17. 
 
 Ill, 2, 8. " Chirurgion ". Where I have consulted quartos or MS., 
 Massinger always uses this form, not "surgeon". Ci.Bond.,ll,z (iiib) ; 
 R. A., Ill, 2 (208b) ; Emp., IV, 4 (342a) ; Bel, (6ooa). 
 
 Ill, 2, II. Gifford has substituted "his" for "their", but I think 
 the form is probably as Massinger wrote it. The ideas of agreement were 
 
162 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 far Iposer then than now. JBesides, the reference here seems to be rather 
 to the class than to any particular individual. When we remember that 
 Massinger used "Courtier" as plural (IV, i, 23), we may see still further 
 reason for " their " Yet he uses " his " in line 12. 
 
 Ill, 2, 17-8. See Introduction, Date of Composition. 
 
 Ill, 2, 27. All the editors have followed quarto two in reading " of " 
 for " or " of the first quarto, probably being influenced in their choice by 
 the expression in Hamlet, I, 2, 150, " discourse of reason ". The phrase 
 with " of " is quite common. See note to this passage in the Variorum 
 Shakespeare. 
 
 I have found no other instance in Massinger where " of " was sus- 
 pected. Massinger's usual order is " Discourse ", conjunction, parallel 
 word, such as " reason ", " manners '', etc. I see no reason, then, to read 
 with the second quarto. Cf . " discourse or minners ", IV, 3, 195 " dis- 
 course and reason", U. C, II, i '(41a), "discourse and judgement", Cit., 
 Ill, 2 (438b). 
 
 Ill, 2, 32. Gifford supplies the missing syllable in this line with " sir ". 
 He is possibly correct. This word would easily drop out since according 
 to the manuscript of Believe As Ye List this is a contracted form, only 
 the " S " being written in the line. A very little indistinctness might cause 
 it to be overlooked. Cf. I, 3, 117; I, 3, 120; II, i, 19, etc. 
 
 Ill, 2, 35. " And 'tis the last that's memorable." " It is the latest 
 story about women that is worth remembering". 
 
 Ill, 2, 36. Gifford has " little doubt but that this lively story was 
 founded in fact, and well understood by the poet's contemporaries." 
 
 Ill, 2, 42. "Was found at the exercise behind the Arras." Cf. Ren., 
 Ill, 4 (149b). Also compare a passage, not by Massinger, in Two N. K., 
 
 IV, 3 (574a). 
 
 Ill, 2, SS. With the words " Goe, ther's for thee " Graccho probably 
 gives the officer the " feeling " he has asked for. 
 
 Ill, 2, 63. " perused the Porters lodge." " i. e. that have been whipt 
 there. The' porter's lodge, in our author's days, when the great claimed, 
 and indeed, frequently exercised, the right of chastising their servants, 
 was the usual place of punishment. Thus Shirley in the Grateful Servant 
 (Act III, scene i) : 
 
 My friend, what make you here? 
 
 Begone, begone, I say; there is a porter's lodge else, where you may 
 have due chastisement." — Gifford. 
 
 Cf. Jonson's Masque of Augurs. Nares' Glossary gives other in- 
 stances of the same allusion. Actual instances of the custom are to be 
 found in Nichols, Progresses of James I, Vol. II, 490; III, 536. Cf. N. 
 W., I, I (390a). 
 
 Ill, 2, 63. "Enter Julio and Giovanni. This has been hitherto 
 printed. Enter two Gentlemen, though one of them is immediately named. 
 Not to multiply characters unnecessarily, I have supposed them to be the 
 same that appear with Graccho, in the first scene of the first act." — Gifford. 
 
NOTES 163 
 
 I have no doubt that the parts were acted by the same men as in the 
 first scene, since there are usually three actors in this stratum of the 
 play, three drunkards at beginning of first scene, three gentlemen setting 
 forth banquet at beginning of I, 3; Graccho and (two?) fiddlers in Act 
 II, three soldiers at the beginning of Act III, then Graccho and his two 
 tormentors in the scene under discussion. But I see no more necessity 
 for their bearing the same names here than elsewhere. Besides, these are 
 not the friends of Graccho as were those of I, i, the note upon which see. 
 Ill, 2, 65-9. " This speech has been ' conveyed ' by Fletcher or his 
 editor, into his excellent comedy of the Elder Brother: (IV, 2 (147a) ; 
 a Fletcher scene). 
 
 ' They look ruefully, 
 'As (if) they had newly come from a vaulting house, 
 ' And had been quite shot through between wind and water 
 ' By a she-Dunkirk, and had sprung a leak, sir.' 
 
 The meaning is sufficiently obvious." — Gififord. 
 
 In assigning the praise or the blame, however, we need to remember 
 the following passage from Philaster, IV, i (40a). (Beaumont scene.) 
 
 " See how he sinks ! the 
 wench has shot him between wind and water, and, I 
 hope, sprung a leak." 
 
 It was only necessary for Massinger to specify what kind of a ship 
 was concerned. Some have also doubted that the Elder Brother is later 
 than the Duke of Milan, ,h\ii without very good reasons. The " spring a 
 leak " figure is a slang phrase which occurs rather frequently in the works 
 of the time, perhaps half-a-dozen times in The Chances. I have noted a 
 few, I, 3 (496b) ; I, 6 (497a) ; II, 2 (soib) ; III, 2 (so6b). In II, 2, the 
 ship figure also occurs. 
 
 Ill, 2, 67. " she Dunckerke " The famous pirates and privateers of 
 Dunkirk were coming in for a good share of trouble about this time. In 
 the summer of 1622, two privateers were chased by Dutch men-of-war, 
 the one into Aberdeen, the other to Leith. The captain pursuing the ship 
 into Leith continued to fire after entering the harbor, even striking some 
 of the houses in the town. The Dunkirk ships remained all winter 
 w'atched by the Dutchmen. This situation caused a great deal of comment 
 and protest. 
 
 It is possible that Massinger*, having a ship-leak figure such as was 
 pointed out for Philaster in the preceding note, localized the allusion to 
 Dunkirk after these events in 1622. A confirming circumstance is the bad 
 metrical arrangement of part of the section, for which see next note. The 
 mistake in the phrase " wind and weather " for " wind and water ", taken 
 with the metrical trouble, is practically conclusive proof that the MS. was 
 in a bad state at this place from rewriting. 
 
 Ill, 2, 68-9. Printed in quarto : 
 
 " Betweene winde and weather. 
 And he hath sprung a leake too, or I'me cousen'd." 
 
164 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 I have Accepted Gifford's rearrangement of these lines as they are 
 roughly metrical. 
 
 The quarto reads " winde and weather ", evidently for " winde and 
 water ". As " winde and weather " is a proverbial expression of the time, 
 it is probable that Massinger or the printer inadvertently made the sub- 
 stitution. 
 
 Ill, 2, 84. Direction in margin opposite 85 and 86. 
 
 Ill, 2, 89. " Princes ". This is an old spelling, though the usual form 
 in this quarto is " Princesse ". Cf. it, i, 62. 
 
 Ill, 2, 97. " This will tempt me " is printed in the right margin, oppo- 
 site the first and second half lines of 97. It does not fit into the metrical 
 scheme and was probably so printed for that reason. In this, it is like 
 the section inserted in III, 3, 44, only section III, 2, 97, is not necessary 
 to the sense. As I admit the other, I must admit this, and it can be put 
 in only one place. Gifford regards it as an "' addition of the prompter, or 
 an unnecessary interpolation of the copyist, which spoils the metre." It 
 may be only an actor's " gag ". 
 
 Ill, 2, 108. " My page waites in the lobbie, give him sweetmeats ". 
 " I've sweet meat in my closet shall content him 
 Be his palate ne'er so curious ". 
 
 Bond., I, 2 (loib). 
 
 Ill, 2, 116. 
 
 " That with an Iron pen is writ in brasse 
 On my tough hart". 
 
 This figure is repeated, V, i, 83-4. See also-V, i, 137. Cf. Bel., I, 
 1 (S9-b). 
 
 ACT III, SCENE 3 
 
 III, 3, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason " Scene changes to an 
 Apartment in the Palace ". Gifford " Another Room in the same ". I 
 prefer Gifford's. 
 
 Ill, 3, 17. Note the dash over the " e ", the old abbreviation for " m ". 
 This is its only occurrence in this play. It occurs occasionally in the 
 manuscript of Believe As Ye List. It occurs also in other quartos, usually 
 in a long line where space is necessary as here. 
 
 Ill, 3, 24. Qi has a period at the end of this line. 
 Ill, 3, 3S-6. " but you must sweare 
 
 By your unspotted truth ''. 
 
 Cf. Bond., IV, 3 (123a). 
 
 Ill, 3, 40-48. " I have regulated this speech, which was exceedingly 
 harsh and confused in all the printed copies, according to Massinger's 
 manuscript corrections. The repetition must be attributed to the embar- 
 rassed state of Francisco's mind. 
 
 In the seventh line, the poet has altered seal of woman's goodness 
 (the reading of all the copies) to sojtl." — Gifford. 
 
NOTES 165 
 
 Gifford's text differs from that of the- quartos in four respects — in 
 substituting "ne'er " for " e're ", line 40 ; " Must " for " Might ", line 44 ; 
 insertion of the passage" — Faile not", etc., which stood in the margin, 
 line 44 ; and in substituting " soul " for " seale ", line 40 — only the last of 
 which is specifically stated to have been altered by Massinger, the others 
 presumably being covered by the blanket statement. Of the three, the first 
 is evidently required by the context, the second is preferable but not nec- 
 essary, the third is a necessary insertion but the position was originally in 
 doubt. Gifford omits the section entirely from his first edition but in his 
 second agrees with Coxeter and Mason in placing it in line 44, a significant 
 fact since Gifford disagrees with his predecessors wherever possible. 
 
 Gifford accounts for the repetitions by the embarrassed state of 
 Francisco's mind but they seem to me to be more likely due to the em- 
 barrassment of the printer in deciphering Massinger's corrections. I 
 account for the repetition by supposing that the printer inserted parts of 
 both the original and the revised form. The same kind of error occurs 
 twice in Love's Labour's Lost, IV, 3, 296-354, and V, 2, 827-879. Mas- 
 singer would then in the dedicatory copy to Foljambe have smoothed the 
 error over as nicely as he could, giving us the foi;m that Gifford has 
 recorded. I have replaced the period of line 42 by a comma, have printed 
 " With " and " Faile " in small letters, and have inserted a period after 
 "her". 
 
 Ill, 3, S4-S. 
 
 ' " In thy faire life 
 Hereafter studie to deserve this bountie". 
 
 A repeated Massinger sentiment and phrase. Cf. Ren., V, 2 (i6ob) ; 
 Emp., II, I (32gb) ; Guard., V, 4 (490b). Also Fat. D., IV, 4 (380b) (a 
 Massinger scene). 
 
 Shakespeare has the same sentiment in the Tempest, III, 3, 79-82: 
 
 " whose wraths to guard you from 
 
 is nothing but heart sorrow 
 
 And a clear life ensuing." 
 
 Ill, 3, 56. The quarto has " with " where the sense requires " which ". 
 The same mistake occurs in V, 2, 240, where Massinger corrected it in 
 the Foljambe quarto. The misreading is pr&bably connected with the fact 
 that Massinger abbreviates " which ", " w " in the line and " ch " sus- 
 pended thus "w""". See line 2 of Believe As Ye List MS. The "c" 
 thus looks somewhat like a " t " in the same position. The type of " h " 
 is different, however, in the two connections. Professor Parrott tells me 
 this substitution is common in Chapman also. 
 
 Ill, 3, 63. " my " changed to " mine " by Gifford following Q« C M. 
 Cf. I, 3, 203, where he made the opposite change following M. 
 
 Ill, 3, 85. This direction stands in the quarto opposite second half- 
 line of 82. 
 
166 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 III, 3, 95-6. "desire . , . have". Gifford prints "desires"', but see 
 note on I, i, 66-8. 
 
 Ill, 3, IIS. This reference to witch and witchcraft was far from a 
 figure of speech to the Jacobean audience. H. D. Traill, Social England, 
 Vol. IV, page 8s, says : " With the accession of James a change came over 
 the feeling of those in power. During the later years of Elizabeth tract 
 after tract appeared, calling for severe punishment upon witches, but 
 with no result: the English trials, up to now, had been characterised 
 rather by folly than ferocity, the new rule was marked by ferocious folly. 
 For forty years Scotland had been engaged in witch hunting with the 
 result that 8,ooo human beings are believed to have been burnt between 
 1560 and 1600 ; and for the last ten years of the century the king had been 
 at the head of the hunt." Traill then gives an account of James's search 
 for witches occasioned by the storm he had passed through on his return 
 from Denmark, May, 1590. "Thirty of the accused were burnt alive on 
 one day in 1591. . . . James himself wrote a work on Demonology against 
 Scot and Wierus, a continental writer who had taken a fairly sensible 
 view ". A rigid act was passed in 1604 against witchcraft, prohibiting 
 among other things the procuring of love, under which 70,000 persons 
 were executed up to 1680. So the expression in this line and that in IV, 
 3, 164, are to be taken seriously. We may see from this how Massinger 
 could make such use of the supernatural in the Virgin Martyr and of 
 magic in the Picture. 
 
 Ill, 3, 140-1. The pointing of the modern editors, removing the 
 comma after " Caesar " and placing a semicolon after " furie ", slightly 
 changes the reading of the original. 
 
 Ill, 3, 146. "it" for "yet" is a common misprint of the time (cf. 
 Gentleman Usher, V, 3, 72), due usually to the fact that the contracted 
 form of " yet " (y') is so much like " it ". But Massinger does not use 
 the contracted form in Believe As Ye List MS. 
 
 III, 3, 157. "heart-strings", cf. IV, 3, 316. "also the hart is bounde 
 with certayne Ligamentes to the backe part of the brest, but these Lyga- 
 mentes touche not the substaunce of the Hart, but in the ouerpart they 
 spring foorth of him, and is fastened, as is aforesayed". {The Anatomie 
 of The Bodie of Man, Thomas Vicary^ Edition of 1548 as reissued in 
 IS77.) 
 
 ACT IV, SCENE i 
 
 IV, I, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason, "An Apartment in the 
 Palace ". Gifford, " The same. A Room in the Castle." This scene may 
 be in a room of the castle, but it might also be a street scene. 
 
 IV, I, 5. It seems to have been hard for the printer to distinguish 
 between "art" and "act", as he made just the opposite mistake in V, 2, 
 100. The two words would be easily confused in Massinger's writing. 
 However, " acts " in the sense of " records " is barely possible here. 
 
 See note to Thierry and Theodoret, II, i (Dyce, 123), a Massinger 
 
NOTES 167 
 
 scene, where the same phrase " hidden acts " of the folios has been 
 emended to " hidden art's " 
 
 IV, I, II. No punctuation at end of line in either quarto. 
 
 IV, I, SO- The comma is often used to set off a noun clause. See 
 Simpson, Shakespearean Punctuation, p. 41. 
 
 IV, I, 108-9. " To try conclusions, a very common expression, is, to 
 try experiments . . . commenced, and gone out, which occur in the next 
 line, are University terms." — Gifford. Cf. Emp., II, i (331a). 
 
 ACT IV, SCENE 2 
 
 IV, 2, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason, " Scene changes to an- 
 other Apartment". Gifford, "Another Room in the same". Either is 
 correct, but Gifford's is preferable in statement. 
 
 IV, 2, 20. "Liverie Mistresses", " trans f. [from livery horse] , punk ", 
 N. E. D. Cf. Very Woman, II, 3 (504a). , 
 
 IV, 2, 21. " The stallion of the State ". Ci. Thierry and Theodoret, 
 II, 2 (412a) ; Monsieur D'Olive, I, i, 238. See Guard., Ill, 6 (476b). 
 
 IV, 2, 23. Direction placed opposite 24 in quarto. 
 
 IV, 2, 24. " I should weare yellow breeches." 
 
 "For he that's jealous of his wife's being bad. 
 Must have his legs with yellow stockings clad." 
 
 Poor Robin, 1670. 
 (Lean's collectanea, II, 275.) 
 Cf. Emp., IV, 5 (344b), "fatal yellow". 
 
 IV, 2, 25. " we know our exit ". This has been changed by all the 
 editors to "duty", although Gifford notes in his second edition (1813), 
 " Massinger has made no alteration (in the autograph copy) here, so that 
 exit is perhaps the genuine reading." I have no doubt that the quarto is 
 correct, for Massinger, with the other writers of his time, often spoke in 
 terms of the stage. The fact that " exit " is italicized in the second quarto 
 is of little weight, since the quarto itself, as we have seen, is merely a 
 reprint of the first, and this marking only shows the opinion of the second 
 quarto's editor or printer. However, in a similar situation, Pict., IV, 4 
 (312a), Baptista says "I know my duty" 
 
 IV, 2, 27. "hazard of a check". A repeated phrase. Cf. Ren., IV, 
 3 (156b) ; Emp., II, I (327b) ; Fat. D., I, i (3S3a). 
 
 ACT IV, SCENE 3 
 
 IV, 3, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason have no statement of 
 scene here. Gifford, " Another Room in the same ", which may or may 
 not be correct, as there is no way of telling whether the room is the same 
 or another. Certainly no distinction would have been made on the Eliza- 
 bethan stage. 
 
 IV, 3, 30. I have inserted a necessary comma after " Shall ". 
 
 IV, 3, 38. I have supplied the second half of the parenthesis after 
 " reply " as it is found in the second quarto. 
 
 12 
 
168 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 IV, 3, 88. While the quarto reading " winning " for " ioining " seems 
 an impossible printer's error from modern handwriting, it is a very easy 
 mistake in Massinger's. He makes the first part of his "w" taller than 
 the rest and nearly closes the latter part, very closely resembling his " o "- 
 Thus " io " and " w " may readily be interchanged. The remaining parts 
 of the two words differ only in the matter of single for double " n ", a 
 comparatively unimportant difference in the spelling of the time. 
 
 IV, 3, 95. " Thick skinn'd is the reading of both the quartos ; the 
 modern editors (C and M) . . . displaced it for thick-skuU'd. It is not 
 to want of understanding, but to a bluntness of feeling, that the speaker 
 alludes." — Gifford. 
 
 The same adjective occurs. Bond., Ill, I (113a). 
 
 IV, 3, 97-8. 
 
 "that must take physicke 
 From her young Doctor physicke upon her backe ". 
 
 Repeated in Bond., J, 2 (looa). 
 
 IV, 3, 98. " From her young doctor physic. The old copies had a 
 break here to shew that the word was illegible at the press : Coxeter and 
 M. Mason filled up the space with and. I chose rather to continue the 
 break, in which the possessors of the first edition may now, if the.y please, 
 insert the genuine word, which is taken from Massinger's corrected copy." 
 Gifford. 
 
 IV, 3, 102. "Were I match'd to another Messaline". Cf. P. L., I, 4 
 _(i67a) ; he uses the form Messalina, Guard., Ill, 6 (476a). , 
 
 The reference is to Valeria Messalina, third wife of the emperor 
 Claudius I. " Her character is drawn in the darkest colours by the almost 
 contemporary pencils of Tacitus (Ann., XI, i, 2, 12, 26-38) and the elder 
 Pliny (H. N., X, 63) by the satirist Juvenal {Sat., VI, 115-135; X, 333- 
 336; XIV, 331), who makes her the example of female profligacy and by 
 ' the historian Dion Cassius (IX, 14-18, 27-31), who wrote long after any 
 motive remained for exaggerating her crimes". (Dictionary of Greek and 
 Roman Biography, Sir William Smith.) Messalina also appears in Sue- 
 tonius Claud., 17, 26, 27, 29, 36, 37, 39; Nero, 6; Vitell., 2; Seneca Mort. 
 Claud.; Jpsephus Antiq., XX, 8§i ; Bell, II, i2§8. 
 
 Massinger would have had access to most of these, as many of them 
 had been translated. But he probably used Lodge's Seneca (1614), if we 
 may judge from the form pf the name. In all the originals and transla- 
 tions which were listed above, the form of the name is Messalina. Says 
 Justus Lipsius, whose comment Lodge is translating, in his argument 
 prefixed to the book " Of consolation to Helvia ", page 739 : " This Booke 
 was written during the time of his Exile, which was about the first yeare 
 of Claudius Reigne ... by the suggestion of impure Messalline. This 
 publike Harlot objected against hifti that he had committed adultery with 
 Julia Germanicus Daughter, and charged Seneca therewith. Of this have 
 we spoken in his Life ". In the life Chap. V, he speaks of " that impudent 
 Harlot, (I mean Messaline) and that loathsome beast Claudius." Tone 
 
NOTES 169 
 
 and form point to this as Massinger's source. See note to I, I, 59-60; 
 III, I, 219-20; V, 2, 227-8. He would have found from Lodge's transla- 
 tion of Josephus, which he probably used for the plot of his tragedy 
 (Antiq., XX, 5, page 521), "Claudius had before time put Messalina his 
 wife to death, for the jealousie that hee had of her". Outside of Mas- 
 singer, I have found two other allusions to this person in the drama of 
 the time. Four Plays in One, Triumph of Honor, I, i (sosa), has Messa- 
 line, Valentinian, IV, i (454b), has Messalina, both plays seemingly ante- 
 dating Lodge's translation of Seneca. 
 
 IV, 3, 108. This direction was placed in margin opposite second 
 half-line of 108 and first of 109. 
 
 IV, 3, 131. The metre requires "posterity'', of which "' posferie '' is 
 an obsolete form. See Glossary. " Posterie " is rare and early, the latest 
 example quoted by the New English Dictionary being 1565. 
 
 IV, 3, 141-3. "To a Dutchman 
 
 This were enough, but to a right Italian, 
 A hundred thousand witnesses." 
 
 Cf . " I am no Italian, 
 
 To lock her up; nor would I be a Dutchman, 
 To have my wife my sovereign, to command me ". 
 The Little French Lawyer, III, i (422a) (a Massinger scene) . 
 
 This idea is given in full in Barnavelt, II,- 2 (a Fletcher scene), where 
 the Spanish and Italian methods of dealing with a wife are used in con- 
 trast to the Dutchman's unsuspicious subjection. 
 IV, 3, I45-4. 
 
 " Would you have us 
 To be her bawdes ? " 
 
 I have rearranged on metrical grounds, as the quarto reading gives 
 two irregular line^, this gives two fairly regular. A four-foot line is 
 rare in Massinger, one in this play, I, i, 93. 
 
 IV, 3, 187. " Cut off my nose and eares ". Such punishment was not 
 infrequent in Massinger's day. A famous case is that of Jonson and 
 Chapman. According to Drummond {Ben Sanson's Conversations, p. 20. 
 Shakespeare Society Publications, Vol. VIII) " He (Jonson) was dilated 
 by Sir James Murray to the King, for writting soitiething against the Scots 
 in Eastward Hoe, and voluntarily imprissoned himself with Chapman and 
 Marston, who had written it amongst them. The report was that they 
 should then [have] had their ears cut and noses." 
 
 IV, 3, 190. " Mulct, n. f Misused by Massinger for : A blemish. Cf. 
 quot 1619, which Massinger has unintelligently imitated. 1619. Fletcher, 
 etc., Knt. Malta, III, 3 (142a), 'chastity that lodges in deformity, appears; 
 rather/A mulct impos'd by nature, then a blessing \' N. E. D. The scene 
 in which the quoted expression occurs is given by Boyle, Oliphant, Bullen,, 
 and Fleay to Massinger. He has used the same expression here. There- 
 fore, he has not uninteUigently imitated Tletcher, but has merely r'epeatead 
 
170 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 his own figure of speech, often in later examples in eUiptic form. Cf. 
 M. H., I, 2 (2s8b) ; U. C, IV, i (54a) ; Emp., IV, S (344a) ; in participial 
 iorm, Bond., V, 3 (130a) ; R. A., I, 3 (198b). 
 
 IV, 3, 234-5. "but like a village nurse 
 
 Stand I now cursing". 
 Cf. "Village nurses 
 
 Revenge their wrongs with curses ". 
 
 N. W., V, I (420b). 
 
 For the same idea, see Re.n., I, 1 (134b) ; and the same general idea, 
 U. C.,V, 2 (63a). 
 
 IV, 3, 262. " This walking tree of lealousie ". 
 
 Cf. " Green indeed is the colour of lovers ''. 
 
 L. L. Lost, I, 2, 91. 
 
 IV, 3, 270. As the meter seems to indicate, this is possibly the rare 
 variant " impudencie '', meaning shamelessness, immodesty, from which 
 the printer dropped the " i ", giving the regular form. 
 
 Cf. Jonson's Every Man in his Humor 
 
 " I warrant thee he will do it of himself with much impudency ". 
 
 Ill, 4. 
 " Out on thee, more than strumpet's impudency." 
 
 V, I. 
 
 IV, 3, 291. The direction "Ex. Steph" stood at the end of the line.' 
 
 IV, 3, 298. As here, the vocative often was not set off by commas. 
 See Simpson, Shakespearean Punctuation, p. 21. 
 
 ACT V, SCENE i 
 
 V, I, Stage direction. Coxeter and Mason, " Out of the Dutchy of 
 Milan". Gifford, "The Milanese. A Room in Eugenia's House'*. The 
 scene is hot at court, is probably in the Dutchy of Milan (121-128), and 
 is probably in Eugenia's house; but we can not fix the place more defi- 
 nitely. 
 
 V, I. With the first part of this scene, compare the breaking of 
 somewhat similar news by Abdella to Mountferrat, Act IV, Scene i, 
 Knight of Malta. Boyle, Oliphant, BuUen, Fleay, and Macaulay (with a 
 question) assign this scene to Massinger. 
 
 V, I, II. The "an" inserted by editors is not needed for the sense 
 and spoils the rhythm. The line lacks the opening unstressed syllable, to 
 some extent supplied by the feminine ending of the preceding line. 
 
 V, I, 39. " virgin fort ". This phrase is repeated in R. A., I, 2 
 2 (196b). The same figure occurs, Pict., I, i (286b) ; III, I (299a) ; cf. 
 "virgin flower." N. W.,Y, i (416b). 
 
 V, I, 48. I substitute punctuation of Q2. None in Qi. 
 
 V, I, 73-4. This is the only instance of rhyming lines in this play 
 that occurs within a Speech. This was probably unintentional, as in his 
 unassisted work Massinger uses rhymes usually only to mark exits. 
 
NOTES 171 
 
 V, I, 80. " but poure oyle on fire ". Cf. Virg., I, i (2b) ; U. C, II, 
 3 (46a). 
 
 V, I, 127. " let us then turne Romanes ". A frequent expression of 
 the time for committing suicide. Cf. M. H., IV, 3 (274a). 
 
 V, I, 156. No comma to separate vocative in either quarto, in accord- 
 ance with the punctuation of the time. See Simpson, Shakespearean 
 Punctuation, pp. 20-22. 
 
 V, I, 162. " In the devils name ". This phrase is omitted from the 
 second quarto (1638) ; Gifford thinks because of the licenser. 
 
 The expression occurs in the Unnatural Combat, V, 2 (63a), pub- 
 lished 1639, and also before in this play, III, i, 105, where it could not be 
 omitted without spoiling the entire speech. 
 
 The authorities had become very strict in such matters by this time. 
 Says Sir Henry Herbert, January 9, 1633, " The kinge is pleasd to take 
 faith, death, slight, for asseverations, and no oaths, to which I doe humbly 
 submit as my master's judgment; but under favour conceive them to be 
 oaths, and enter them here, to declare my opinion and submission ". 
 (Malone, 3, 235). 
 
 " The Master's condemnation of oaths extended over printed plays as 
 well as stage presentations. It is worth while to glance at his activity in 
 this line during these years. Since the passage of the statute of 1606 
 such expurgation had been attended to with more or less rigor. Later 
 editions of plays originally printed before the statute, frequently show 
 reformations of this sort. The Jonson Folio of 1616, for example, ex- 
 hibits such substitutions as ' Believe me ' for ' By Jesu ' Later reissues 
 of plays often show still more rigorous emendations. Herbert's energy 
 in eliminating oaths seems, during part of his administration at least, to 
 have been applied vigorously to the press. Interesting examples of his 
 very fussy alterations in this line may be seen in the fourth quarto of 
 Philaster, published in 1634." (Government Regulation of the Elizabethan 
 Drama, U. V. Gildersleeve, p. 128.) 
 
 It is possible, then, that Herbert struck this out, overlooking the first. 
 This same asseveration occurs in III, 3 (169a), of the Spanish Curate 
 (1622), s scene given by Boyle, Oliphant, Fleay and Macaulay to Mas- 
 singer. 
 
 V, I, 165. See note to V, i, 156. 
 
 V, I, 181. Direction in margin opposite lines 179-80. 
 
 ACT V, SCENE 2 
 
 V, 2, Scene direction. Coxeter and Mason, " An inner Apartment in 
 the Palace ". Gifford, " Milan. A Room in the Castle "- Either is cor- 
 rect but Gifford's is preferable in statement. 
 
 V, 2, 45. The mark of punctuation after •' since " is blurred, but 
 is probably a dash as in the second quarto, though it may have been a 
 period. Both marks have been used under like circumstances ; the dash 
 once, II, I, 288, and is used again V, 2, 73, 264; the period in most other 
 
172 THE DUKE OF MILAN , 
 
 cases. Cf. IV; 2, 240; V, 2, 130. The comma is used once V, 2, 218. 
 Each of the three methods was common at the time. See P. Simpson's 
 Shakespearean Punctuation, sections 9, 36. 
 
 V, 2, 45. The direction " within " is printed in the quarto in the right 
 margin opposite this line. 
 
 V, 2, 47, Stage direction. Cf. "Enter Soldiers W" The Ladye ii 
 Musick They bringe . . . kisses the hande A song within in Voyces." 
 The Second Maiden's Tragedy, 161 1, V, 2. (Malone Society 
 Reprints, 1909, p. 70.) 
 This directions shows how the present action was probably carried 
 out. See Introduction, Borrowing from Second Maiden's Tragedy. 
 V, 2, 50-52. 
 
 "your great master 
 (Who io3m'd the limbes of torn Hyppolytus 
 And drew upon himselfe the Thunderers envie) ". 
 Cf. " And he, that join'd again the scatter'd limbs 
 
 Of torn Hippolytus, should be forgotten ''. 
 
 Custom of the Country, II, i (iiib). 
 
 A Massinger scene according to Boyle, Oliphant, Fleay, and Macaulay. 
 Cf. Very Woman, II, 2 (500a). 
 
 "Above the art of Aesculapius, 
 That drew the envy of the thunderer ". 
 
 Jonson, AL, IV, i 49a (1897). 
 
 Massinger seems to have borrowed this expression of Jonson. 
 
 V, 2, 58-9. " The saints will smile to looke on, & good Angels 
 Clap their Celestiall wings to give it plaudits." 
 
 Cf. M. H., V, I (279b). 
 
 It seems probable that Massinger got this figure from Tourneur: 
 
 " O angels, clap your wings upon the skies. 
 And give this virgin crystal plaudites " 
 
 Revenger's Tragedy, II, i (38). 
 
 V, 2, 82. The first quarto has an apostrophe after "till", a printer's 
 error. 
 
 V, 2, 82. " great worke be ended ". Cf. U. C, III, 2 (50a) ; Bond., 
 IV, 2 (i20b) ; M. H., V, 2 (280b) ; Guard., I, i (460b). 
 
 V, 2, 88. The first quarto prints " Li'ke ", an evident printer's error. 
 
 V, 2, 93. ■■ make " and " wake " would be easily mistaken as " m " 
 and " w " considerably resemble each other in Massinger's writing. 
 
 V, 2, 100. "art" for "act". Cf. note on IV, I, 5. 
 
 V, 2, 102. The printer was probably influenced by the " with " in the 
 succeeding line. The reading of " with " seems to have been a personal 
 peculiarity of his. Cf. Ill, 3, S6; V, 2, 240. 
 
 V, 2, 103. From this to the end of the play, with one exception, line 
 168, the first quarto prints Forza. 
 
NOTES 173 
 
 V, 2, III. "looke life" The context shows that this must have been 
 intended for " tooke life '', as the second quarto reads. This is parallelled 
 in Bond., II, i (107a). 
 
 " And the least spark of honor that took life 
 From your sweet breath ". 
 
 V, 2, 128. This is a version of the revolting " carbonado " figure so 
 frequent with writers of the' time. 
 
 Cf. " And, if that I were hungry, I might freely 
 
 Eat mine own carbonadoes, and be chronicled 
 For a cannibal never read of I " 
 
 Bel. IV, 3 (6i8a,b). 
 Cf. Bond., Ill, 3 (iisb). 
 
 V, 2, 137. " Which in his death will quickly be discover'd ". This 
 passage seems to mean "Which will quickly cause his death when it is 
 discovered ". No mark of punctuation at end of line. 
 
 V, 2, 140. Direction stood in the quarto opposite second half-line 
 of 140. 
 
 V, 2, 140-1. " I am no God sir. 
 
 To give a new life to her ". 
 Cf. " We are no gods, sir. 
 
 If she be dead, to make her new again ". 
 
 Valentinian, IV, i (4S4a) (Fletcher). 
 
 V, 2, 159. " From whence " Note the redundant " from " which was 
 common in Massinger's time. 
 
 V, 2, 171. The contraction "pleasd"' is what we would expect judg- 
 ing by the manuscript of Believe As Ye List, since the past tense is regu- 
 larly spelled " de " there. From the changes in forms of contraction, this 
 section of the quarto would seem to have been set by a different man. 
 Cf. 192 " disdaind' ". See the note on V, 2, 103, for the mistaken printing 
 of Sforza's name, also note the number of printer's errors from about 
 line 100 to the end. 
 
 V, 2, 180. Gifford is probably right in substituting " studied " for 
 " studies " as the former fits the connection better and on the whole seems 
 more Massingerian. 
 
 V, 2, 207. " Tis wondrous strange ". Cf . " O day and night, but this 
 is wondrous strange ". — Hamlet, I, 5, 164. 
 
 Massinger uses this expression rather frequently. Cf. Bond., V, 3 
 (129a) ; Emp., IV, S (34Sa). 
 
 V, 2, 217-8. Coxeter, followed by Mason and Gifford, removed " can 
 keepe " from the end of 217 to beginning of 218. There is a line with an 
 extra foot even with this. Therefore I prefer to keep it with 217 as does 
 the quarto. 
 
 V, 2, 223-5. Rearranged. Stood in quarto : 
 " Francisco that was rais'd by you. 
 
174 THE DUKE CF MILAN 
 
 And made the Minion of the time 
 
 The same Francisco, That would have whor'd this trunke 
 when it had \iie," 
 
 I have rearranged this on metrical grounds following Coxeter, Mason, 
 and Gifford. 
 V, 2, 227-8. 
 
 " As killing as those damps that belch out plagues, 
 When the foundation of the earth is shaken " 
 
 " We have said that after great Earthquakes, there ordinarily f ol- 
 loweth a pestilence : neither is this to be wondered at, because many pesti- 
 lent things lye hidden in the depth. The Aire it selfe, that is imprisoned 
 in eternall obscurity, either by the intermission of the Earth, by his owne 
 idlenesse, is pernicious unto those that suck the same : either being cor- 
 rupted by the malignitie of hidden fires, when it is sent from a farre off, 
 it soilet'h and infecteth the other Aire which is pure, and breedeth new 
 sicknesses in them who breath the same, whereunto they have not been 
 accustomed. Furthermore, there are certaine unprofitable and pestilent 
 waters, hidden in the hoUo-wes and secrets of the earth, and the cause why 
 they are such is, because they have neither flux nor reflux, nor are beat 
 upon by any freer wind. Being then thus thick and covered with an 
 obscure myst they have nothing in them that is not pestilent, and contrary 
 to our bodies. The Aire likewise that is intermixed with them, and that 
 lyeth amidst those Marishes when it raiseth it selfe, spreadeth a generall 
 corruption, and killeth those that draw the same." 
 
 " But when it (venomous vapor) hath gotten an issue, it spreadeth 
 that eternall venome which it hath gathered in a duskie colde, and infernall 
 night, & infecteth the aire of our region. For the best are over-come by 
 the worst. Then likewise that pure aire is translated and changed into 
 evill : whence proceed sodain and continuall death, & monstrous sicknesses, 
 as proceeding from new causes. The contagion continueth more or lesse, 
 according to the continuance & vehemencie of the earthquake and ceaseth 
 not unt'ill the spacious extent of the heavens, and the agitation of the 
 windes hath dissipated those venemous vapours ". 
 
 Lodge's Seneca,' 1620, pages 882-3, chapters XXVII, XXVIII. 
 
 V, 2, 233-4. Is Eugenia represented as being prematurely withered 
 by sorrow, or shall we take this as merely figurative language? 
 
 Cf. Emp., V, 3 (3Soa). 
 
 V, 2, 240. " In this cup ". " In the lips of Marcelia ''. — Gifford. 
 
 V, 2, 245-6. " feele an Aetna ". Aetna figures frequently in poison 
 scenes of the time. Cf. Valentinian, V, i (461a). Wife for a Month, IV, 
 4 (584a). For the same expression applied to anger cf. Virg., Ill, 2, 
 (i8b). 
 
 V, 2, 264. Notice the speech broken off in death. The author of the 
 time usually let his character finish his speech before he killed him, but 
 see the death of Hotspur, Hen., IV ; V, 4, 86 ,for the same thing. 
 
 V, 2, 268-9. 
 
NOTES 175 
 
 " And learne from this example, ther's no trust 
 In a foundation that is built on lust ". 
 
 This is Massinger's characteristic tag, pointing the moral of the play. 
 Lust as a foundation of love cannot be trusted. Marcelia reproved Sforza 
 for being too great a doater on those pleasures that Hymen warranted 
 them, III, 3, 125-131. Because of his passion and consequent jealousy, he 
 brought his great catastrophe upon himself and his death results from 
 his lust before marriage. Thus Massinger traces the troubles of the play 
 back to one source, Sforza's lustful love. 
 
 The moral tag occurs in stated form, U. C; R. A.; M. H.; Pict.; Cit.; 
 Bash.; Bel. In most of his other plays there is a strong pointing toward 
 it in the final speeches. 
 
 V, 2, end. " The Duke of Milan has more substantial connexion with 
 the Picture than with Othello. In his uxoriousness, — his doating en- 
 treaties of his wife's favours, — his abject requests of the mediation of 
 others for him, &c. &c. Sforza strongly resembles Ladislaus; while the 
 friendly and bold reproofs of his fondness by Pescara and Stephano pre- 
 pare us for the rebukes afterwards employed against the same failing by 
 the intrepid kindness of Eubulus. And not only do we find this similarity 
 in some of the leading sentiments of the two plays, but occasionally the 
 very language of the one is carried into the other." — Gifford. 
 
APPENDIX I 
 
 Printers and Publishers of the Quartos 
 
 The men connected with the first quarto were Edward Black- 
 more and George Norton as publishers and Bernard Alsop as 
 printer ; those with the second were Edward Blackmore publisher 
 and John Raworth printer. I give a short account of each, from 
 the Stationers' Register, in the order named. 
 
 Edward Blackmore took up his freedom April 3, 1615. First 
 publication registered . May 5, 1618. PubHshed from 1618 to 
 1658. Died September 8, 1658. He, in partnership with John 
 Harrison, owned the Bondman (1624) also. 
 
 George Norton was the son of Robert Norton of Helmdon in 
 the county of Northampton, yeoman. He was apprenticed to 
 Thomas Man citizen and stationer of London for seven years 6 
 September, 1602, took up his freedom 4 December, 1609, regis- 
 tered his first publication 4 July, 1610. The Stationers' Register 
 records the transfer of three books by him, first on 12 May, 1619 ; 
 second, his share of the Duke of Milan, 5 May, 1623 ; third, 23 
 November, 1623. It may be, therefore, that he sold his interest 
 in the Duke of Milan because he was going out of business about 
 that time. Published from 1610 to 1623, according to Arber. 
 
 " B. A. for Edward BlackmOre . . . 1623." Fleay says "B. 
 A [Hot] for E. Blackmore 1638." The date is incorrect as John 
 Raworth printed the quarto of 1638. The name is incorrect also, 
 as the earliest Allot to appear in the Stationers' Register was 
 Robert, who published only, according to Arber, from 1626 to 
 1635. The reference, then, is not to Allot. The Roman Actor 
 shows this conclusively, and shows just as conclusively who B. A. 
 was. It was "Printed by B. A. and T. F. for Robert Allot" 
 1629. Now B. A. and T. F. are the partners, Bernard Alsop and 
 Thomas Fosset. B. A. and T. F. also printed the 1631 quarto 
 of the Virgin Martyr. 
 
 Bernard Alsop was apprenticed to Humfrey Lympenny 25 
 December, 1601, for the term of eight years ; transferred to Wil- 
 
 176 
 
PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS OF THE QUARTOS 177 
 
 liam White 7 June, 1603 ; took up his freedom February 7, 1610; 
 registered his first publication 5 March, 1618; took Thomas 
 Fosset as his partner, according to Arber by 1620 when they 
 bought oiit Thomas Creed. Alsop printed and pubHshed 1616 
 to about 1650. According to H. R. Plomer (A Dictionary of the 
 Booksellers and Printers Who Were at Work in England, Scot- 
 land and Ireland from 1641 to 1667) Alsop was the partner of 
 Thomas Creed in 161 6, who either retired or died in the succeed- 
 ing year, and "nine years later he entered into partnership with 
 Thomas Fawcett, or Forsett." Plomer is probably right, as Pos- 
 set's name does not appear in the Duke of Milan 1623. 
 
 John Rawortk took up his freedom February 6, 1632. Printed 
 and published from 1635 to 1645. In Sir John Lambe's list of 
 Printers [S. R. IV, 528] to be included in the Star Chamber 
 Decree we find: "21 John Ra worth is said to be an honest man 
 and may come in in steed of his father Richard Raworth yat is 
 an arrant knave ". Accordingly, he was made one of the twenty 
 Master Printers in the Star Chamber decree of July 11, 1637. 
 [S. R. IV, 532.] 
 
 To these may be added a short account of Anthony Gilmyn, 
 on whose authority, together with that of Sir John Ashley, the 
 play was printed. 
 
 Anthony Gilmyn had three terms as warden, the term being 
 one year; first beginning 8 July, 1618; second 9 July, 1622; third 
 9 July, 1625. Since he is associated with Ashley, and since the 
 Duke of Milan was licensed 20 January, 1623, it was in his second 
 term. Son of Richard Gilmyn of Blenchingley in the county of 
 Surrey, gent., apprenticed to Robert Walley citizen and "sta- 
 coner " of London for the term of eight years i November, 1587, 
 took up freedom 15 May, 1601, admitted to livery of company 
 2 July, 1603, first registered publication 29 August, 1618. 
 
APPENDIX II 
 
 A Newyeares Guift presented to my 
 Lady and M™ the then Lady 
 Katherine Stanhop now Countesse 
 of Chesterfield. 
 
 By Phill: Messinger. 
 
 Madame 
 
 Before I ow'd to you the name 
 Of Seruant, to your birth, your worth your fame 
 I was soe, and t'was fitt since all stand bound 
 To honour Vertue in meane persons found 
 Much more in you, that as borne great, are good 
 W" is more then to come of noble blood 
 Or be A Hastings ; it being too well knowne 
 An Empresse cannot challenge as her owne 
 Her Grandsire's glories ; And too many staine 
 W" their bad Actions the noble straine 
 From whence they come. But as in you to be 
 A branch to add fresh honor to the tree 
 By vertue planted, and adorne it new 
 Is graunted vnto none or very few 
 To speake you further would appeare in me 
 Presumption or a seruants flattery 
 But there may be a tyme when I shall dare 
 To tell the world an4 boldly what y" are 
 Nor sleight it Madame, since what some in me 
 Esteeme a blemish, is a guift as free 
 As their best fortunes, this took from the graue 
 Penelopies chastitie, and to it gaue 
 Still liuing Honors ; this made Aiax strong 
 Vlisses wise : such power lies in a Song 
 W"" Phoebus smiles on w* can find no vrne 
 While the Sea his course, or starres obserue their turne 
 Yet t'is not in the power of tinckling Rime 
 That takes rash iudgments and deceiue[s] the tyme 
 
 178 
 
PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS OF THE QUARTOS 179 
 
 W"' Mountebanke showes a worke that should indure 
 
 Must haue a Genius in it, strong, as pure 
 
 But you beginne to smile, as wondring why 
 
 I should wi-ite thus much to y" now since I 
 
 Haue heretofore been silent may y" please 
 
 To know the cause it is noe new disease 
 
 Growne in my iudgment, nor am I of those 
 
 That thinke good wishes cannot thriue in prose 
 
 Aswell as verse : but that this Newyeares day 
 
 All in their loues and duties, what they may 
 
 Present vnto you ; though perhaps some burne 
 
 W* expectation of a glad returne 
 
 Of what they venture for: But such I leaue 
 
 To their deceiptfull guifts giuen to deceiue 
 
 What I giue I am rich in, and can spare 
 
 Nor part for hope w'* ought deserues my care 
 
 He that hath little and giues nought at all 
 
 To them that haue is truly liberall. 
 
 Athencenum, July-December, 1906, p. 273. 
 
GLOSSARY 
 
 This glossary is intended to include all words or constructions 
 that need explanation, either from being obsolete, archaic or pecu- 
 liar in any other way. I have used the New English Dictionary 
 from the beginning through " Spring ", and the sections Su.- 
 Subterraneous, T-Trinity. For words not included in these sec- 
 tions, I have used the Century Dictionary principally. Abbrevia- 
 tions and symbols are those of the N. E. D. ' 
 
 References without title are to the Duke of Milan. Refer- 
 ences to other plays give act, scene and page in Cunningham's 
 edition. Title abbreviations are evident. 
 
 Accent, sh. poet. A word. I, 3, 340. 
 
 Act, V. To do, perform. V, 2, 16. 
 
 Act, sb. Action, operation. Arch. Or a state of accomplished fact or 
 reality as distinguished from intention, possibility, etc. Obs. I, 3, 259; 
 IV, 3, 247. 
 
 Admiration, sb. Wonder, astonishment. Arch. I, 3, 37. 
 
 Admire,, v. To wonder or marvel at. Arch. Ill, I, 70. 
 
 Admit, V. trans. Be capable of. Obs. or Arch. Now with of. I, 
 
 3, 255. 
 
 Affright, sb. A cause or source of terror. Arch. I, i, 48. 
 
 Againe, adv. In return. Obs. or Arch. I, 3, 347. 
 
 Ague, sb. An acute or violent fever. Obs. IV, i, 78. 
 
 Allay, sb. Check, stoppage, retardment. Obs. I, 3, 84. 
 
 Amazement, sb. Mental stupefaction, frenzy. Obs. Ill, 3, 137. 
 
 An, conj. = if. Arch and dial. Ill, i, 196. 
 
 Angel, sb. An old English gold coin, called more fully at first the 
 Angel-Noble, having as its device the archangel Michael standing upon, 
 and piercing the dragon. In 6 Edw. VI it was los. ; it was last coined by 
 Charles I. Ill, 2, 24. 
 
 Answere, v. trans. To' atone for, make amends, suffer the conse- 
 quences, especially with it as object. Obs. II, i, 239; IV, 3, 81. 
 
 Anficke, sb. A grotesque pageant or theatrical presentation. Obs. 
 11, I, 128. 
 
 Approch, sb. Power of approaching, access. Arch. Ill, 2, 118. 
 
 Approve, v. Prove. Obs. IV, i, 11. 
 
 Argue, V. To convict. Obs. I, i, 105. Cf. D. F. II, 3, (233a) ; IV, 
 I (241b) ; M. H. I, 2 (2s8a) ; Emp. V, i (347b).. 
 
 Argument, sb. Theme, subject. Obs. or Arch. IV, i, 16. 
 
 180 
 
GLOSSARY 181 
 
 As, adv. With finite verb : With the result that. Ohs. and replaced 
 by so that. Ill, i, 194. 
 
 Ashes, sb. commonly in plural, poet, for "mortal remains, buried 
 corpse ''. II, I, 38s ; V, 2, 261. 
 
 Aspect, sb. The regular accentuation. V, 2, 74. Cf. Bond. I, i 
 (pgb), etc. 
 
 Atome, sb. A mote in the sunbeam. Arch, or Obs. I, 3, 192. Cf. 
 Emp. IV, s (34Sb) ; V, 2 (349b). 
 
 Attempt, sb. Construction of. Obs. IV, 2, 32. 
 
 Attend, v. To wait for, await: A person or agent or his coming. 
 Obs. IV, 3, 167. 
 
 Attonement, sb. Reconciliation. Obs. IV, 3, 61. Cf. M. H. V, 2 
 (282b); Bash. Ill, 3 (S43b). 
 
 Author, sb. The prompter or mover of an action. 06*. I, 3, 312. 
 
 Averse, a. Of opposed nature, adverse. Obs. II, i, 360. 
 
 Bait, V. fig. To cause (a person) to be molested, harassed, or perse- 
 cuted. II, I, 2ig. 
 
 ' Battailes, sb. Obsolete form of battles. Battalion. Arch. I, 3, 89. 
 
 Before, conj. Originally with that, now arch. IV, 3, 309. 
 
 Beleeve, v. To accept a thing as authentic. Obs. Ill, 3, i. 
 
 Bent, ppl. a. Phrase To be bent. Const, (arch.) to do (something). 
 IV, I. 57. . : 
 
 Blaspheme, v. intr. To rail, to utter words of abuse. Obs. IV, 
 
 3, 125. 
 
 Blasphemy, j6. Slander, evil speaking, defamation. Obs. I, 3, 327. 
 
 Bountie, sb. Kindness, beneficence. Obs. Ill, 3, 55 ; IV, 3, 43. In 
 plural, virtues, excellencies. Obs. I, 3, 298. 
 
 Brave, o. ' Capital ',' fine '. Arch. Ill, 2, no. 
 
 Bring, v. Phr. Bring on. Lead forward, conduct. Obs. IV, i, 99. 
 
 Brokage, sb. Pimping. Or corrupt farming of offices. Obs. Ill, 2, 
 
 II. Cf. Bond., II, 3 (nib) ; Emp. I, 2 (326a). 
 
 Brooke, v. To endure, tolerate. Now only in negative or preclusive 
 constructions. I, i, 121. 
 
 Buffon, sb. A jester, fool. Arch. I, i, 36. Cf. P. L. Ill, i (176a). 
 
 Burthen, sb. Prevalent form is now burden, but burthen is still often 
 retained for ' capacity of a ship ' and also as a poetic or rhetorical archaism 
 in other senses. Ill, 3, 33. 
 
 But, adv. Phr. but now =: just now, only this moment. Obs. IV, 
 3, 296. 
 
 Phr. but only. But was strengthened by only. Obs. IV, 2, 44. 
 
 Cabinet, Phr. " cabinet counsel = counsel given privately or secretly 
 in the cabinet or private apartment" (N. E. D. which quotes this passage 
 as an example). 
 
 However, I prefer to take counsel here in its sense of a secret as in 
 
 III, I, 62, and read secrets of the cabinet or private apartment. II, i, 7. 
 Call, V. With prep, on, trans, fig. Bring on. Obs. IV, 3, 245 ; V, i, 
 
 28; V, 2, 104. Cf. Bond., Ill, 3 (117b). 
 
182 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Carreer, sb. fig. Formerly, the height, ' full swing ' of a person's ac- 
 tivity. II, I, 321. 
 
 Carry, v. To conduct, manage. Arch. II, i, 308; V, i, 185. 
 
 Carve, v. To apportion at discretion, to take at one's pleasure. Ill, 
 I, 18. 
 
 Cast, ppl. a. Cashiered, discarded. IV, i, 10. 
 
 Catch, sb. Music. Originally, a short composition for three or more 
 voices. I, I, 16. 
 
 Cate, sb. pi. Victuals, food. fObs. I, 3, 77. 
 
 Challenge, v.. To demand as a right. Arch, or Obs. 'I, 2, 8. 
 
 Change, v. Exchange, now the ordinary prose word for this, but 
 'change' is still in dial. arch, and poet. use. IV, 2, 39. 
 
 Charge, sb. Expense, cost. Arch. II, i, 170; III, i, 12. To be at 
 charge: to undergo expense. Obs. V, 2, 195. 
 
 Check, sb. A reproof, reprimand, rebuke. Obs. except dial. IV, 2, 27. 
 
 Chirurgion, sb. Surgeon. Arch. Ill, 2, 8. 
 
 Chuffe, sb. A miser, a close avaricious man, a term of opprobrium. 
 Ill, I, 22. 
 
 Circumstance, sb. Circumlocution, beating about the bush. Arch. II, 
 
 I, 278. 
 
 Cleare, adv. Completely, entirely = clean adv. Obs. Ill, 2, 43. 
 
 Cleer, v. Reflexive (= myself) . Now chiefly arch, and poet. IV, 
 3, 299. 
 
 Closet, sb. Place of private devotion. Arch. I, 3, 223. 
 
 Commence, v. To take the full degree of Master or Doctor in any 
 faculty of a University. IV, i, 109. 
 
 Conclude, v. To demonstrate, prove. Obs. I, i, 87. 
 
 Condition, sb. Nature. Obs. II, I, 334. 
 
 Confirm, v. To establish firmly. I, i, 53. 
 To encourage, strengthen. I, 3, 303. 
 Refl. and pass. To be firmly resolved. Obs. I, 3, 322. 
 
 Conformable, a. spec, in Eng. Hist, conforming to the usages of the 
 Church of England, especially as prescribed by the Acts'of Uniformity. 
 Ill, 2, 26. 
 
 Confusion, sb. Ruiri, destruction. fObsj III, i, 112. 
 
 Conjuration, sb. Solemn appeal or entreaty, adjuration. Arch, or 
 Obs. I, 3, 334. 
 
 Converse, sb. Intercourse = conversation. Obs. V, 2, 25. 
 
 Corrupt, a. The regular accentuation. Ill, 2, 7. Cf. Fat. D. I, 2 
 (3S7b). 
 
 Cost, sb. Outlay, expense. Obs. I, i, 125 ; I, 3, 2. 
 
 Councell, sb. A secret. Obs. Ill, i, 62; IV, i, 106; IV, i, 114. Cf. 
 
 II, I, 7. 
 
 Courses, sb. pi. Ways of action, proceedings, personal conduct or 
 behavior, especially of a reprehensible kind. Arch. IV, i, 103. 
 
 Courtship, sb. The paying of ceremonial or complimentary acts of 
 courtesy to a dignitary. Obs. Ill, 2, 121. 
 
GLOSSARY 183 
 
 Courtcraft, diplomacy. Obs. IV, i, 4. 
 Cracke, v. intr. To snap or split asunder. Obs. Ill, 3, 157. 
 Credulous, a. Believed too readily. Obs. rare. V, i, 13. 
 Crosse, v. Contradict. Obs. IV, 3, 56. 
 Deadly, adv. Fatally, to death. Obs. I, i, 61. 
 
 Death, sb. Phr. to the death, formerly interchanged with to death in 
 all senses, does not do so now. I, 3, 154. 
 
 Deerely, adv. Deeply, keenly. Obs. V, i, s6. 
 Deformity, sb. fig. A moral disfigurement. IV, 3, 189. 
 Deject, V. fig. To abase, humble. Obs. IV, 3, 30. 
 Deliver, v. To communicate, make known. Obs. I, i, 45. 
 Deny, v. To refuse to take or accept. Obs. IV, 2, 68. 
 
 To refuse admittance to. Obs. V, i, 97. 
 Depose, v. pass. To give evidence. Obs. IV, I, 95. 
 Deprave; v. To villify, defame, disparage. Obs. IV, 3, 154. 
 Deserve, v. To pay back, requite. Obs. IV, i, 61. 
 
 trans. Earn, win. Obs. IV, 2, 11. 
 Determine, v. Const, of. Obs. V, 2, 267. 
 
 Discource, sb. The faculty of conversing, conversational power. Obs. 
 IV, 3, 195; 
 
 Talk, conversation. Arch. IV, 2, 53. 
 Discover, v. To reveal, make known. Arch. I, 3, 376; IV, i, no; 
 
 IV, 3, 222. 
 
 Dispatch, v. To make haste, be quick. Obs. or arch. V, i, 164. 
 
 Disperse, v. refl. To diffuse, disseminate. 06*. Ill, 3, 84. 
 
 Dispose, V. Bestow, dispense. Obs. IV, 3, 43. 
 
 Dissolve, V. To solve, explain. Arch. IV, 3, 200. 
 
 Distaste, sb. Annoyance, discomfort. Obs. II, i, ig6. 
 
 Distemper, v. To intoxicate. Obs. I, i, i& Cf. G. D. IV, 2 (24sb). 
 
 Distraction, sb. Mental derangement, madness. Obs. in its full sense. 
 
 V, 2, 8. Cf. New Way V, i (420b). 
 
 Dittie, sb. A song; now a short simple song. I, 3, 80; II, ij 51- 
 
 Domesticall, a. Domestic. (Much used in i6th-i7th c.) Obs. I, 
 3, 261. 
 
 Dote, v. Const, of Obs. rare. Ill, 2, 38. 
 
 Doter, sb. Const, of Obs. rare. Ill, 3, 127. 
 
 Doubt, V. To suspect, have suspicions about. Arch. IV, 2, 52. 
 
 DoubtfuU, a. Apprehensive. Obs. IV, i, 77. 
 
 Draw, V. To lead, bring. Obs. I, i, 80. 
 
 Ducat, sb. Applied to a silver coin of Italy, value about 3s 6d. II, 
 I, 134; II- 1, 178. 
 
 Dunckerke, sb. A privateer of Dunkirk.' Obs. Ill, 2, &;. 
 
 Elements, sb. Originally the four elements, earth, water, air, and 
 fire. Now merely as a matter of traditional custom. V, 2, 179. 
 
 Else, adv. Besides. Formerly common ; now only poet, or arch. IV, 
 3, 38 ; IV, 3, 92. 
 
 End, V. colloquial. To end up, to issue or result in. I, 3, 36 ; III, 
 3. 37- 
 
 13 
 
184 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Enforce, v. trans. To drive by force. I, 3, 30; I, 3, 90. 
 Enjoy, V. To have one's will of a woman. II, i, 283; III, 3, 41. 
 Entertain, v. Deal with, treat. Obs. II, I, 297. 
 To occupy, fill up, wile away. Obs. TV, 3, 2. 
 To receive. Obs. V, i, 30; V, i, 34. 
 Entertainment, sb. Pay, wages. Obs. Ill, I, 23. 
 
 Treatment. Obs. Ill, 2, 105; III, 3, 66. 
 Envie, sb. Wish, desire, longing. Obs. Ill, 3, 63. 
 
 Ill will, enmity. Obs. V, i, 53. 
 Equall, a. Fair, impartial. Obs. II, i, 207. Cf. U. C. I; i (37a). 
 Equall, quasi-adv. Equally. Obs. II, i, 412. 
 Ere, conj. Before. Arch, and dial. Ill, i, 65; IV, 3, 68. 
 Estate, sh. State or condition in general. Arch.; now almost exclu- 
 sively in Biblical phrases. I, 3, 95. 
 
 Property, possessions. Arch, in general sense. I, 3,- 183. 
 Esteeme, v. To think much of, regard as important. Obs. V, 2, 238. 
 Esteeme, sb. Estimation, opinion. Somewhat Arch. IV, 3, 57. 
 Ever, adv. Always. Arch, or literary north, dial. I, 3, 271 ; III, i, 
 124; V, 2, 210; 
 
 Exceed, v. To go too far, to break out. Obs. IV, 3, 251. 
 Excellence, sb. Excellency, a title of honor. Obs. I, 3, 28; II, I, 
 203 ; IV, 2, 5 ; IV, 3, 3. 
 
 Excellent, o. A title of address. Obs. I, 3, 108. 
 Expect, V. trans. To wait for, await. Ohs. II, 1, 424; V, 2, 134. 
 With indirect question as object: To wait to see or know. Obs. 
 or Arch. Ill, 3, 92. 
 Expresse, v. To give an account of, describe. Obs. IV, 3, 226. 
 Extreames, sb. pi. Extremities, straits. Obs. V, i, 114. 
 Fact, sb. Actual guilt, a crime. Obs. IV, 3, 253 ; V; 2, 73. 
 Faire, sb. One of the fair sex, a woman. Now arch, or poet. V, 1, 
 7; V, 2, 178. 
 
 Faire, adv. Auspiciously, favorably. Obs. I, i, 78. 
 Faire, a. Considerable, 'handsome', liberal. Obs. I, 3, 15. 
 Fall, V. With prep. from. To forsake, drop away from. Obs. II, 
 I, 322. 
 
 Phr. to fall in. To occur to. Obs. V, i, 116. 
 Falshood, sb. Falseness, faithfulness. Obs. IV, 3, 292; V, i, 44; 
 V, 2, 237. 
 
 Fame, sb. Quasi personified. Rumor. Now rare, i, 3, 243. 
 Common talk, report. Now rare. IV, 3, 136. 
 • Favor, sb. The action of favoring. Obs. .Ill, 2, 115. 
 Feed, v. intr. To eat. Of persons now only colloquial. Construc- 
 tion on. I, 3, 76. 
 
 Felicitie, sb. Happiness (in modern use with stronger sense, intense 
 happiness). II, i, 337. 
 
 Fie, excl. Expresses disgust or indignant reproach. No longer cur- 
 rent in dignified language. I, I, 31; 11, i, 61. 
 
GLOSSARY 185 
 
 Find, V. Find out. Obs. IV, 2, 37. 
 
 Fit, V. To punish. Obs. except Australian. Ill, 2, 58. 
 
 Fit, sb. spec. A paroxysm of lunacy (formerly viewed as a periodic 
 disease). V, 2, 43. 
 
 Fix, V. To take up one's position or abode mentally. ?Obs. II, i, 274. 
 
 Flesh, V. transf. and fig. To inflame the ardor, rage, or cupidity of a 
 person hy a foretaste of success or gratification. fObs. I, 3, 181 ; I, 
 3, 291. 
 
 Flye, Phr. To fly off. Lit. to start away; 'to revolt' (J.), fig. to 
 break away (from an agreement or engagement). I, 3, 349. 
 
 Fondness, sb. Folly, weakness. Obs. except dial. Ill, i, 264. 
 
 Foolish, a. Humble, insignificant, paltry. Arch, or dial. II, i, 75; 
 IV, I, 38. 
 
 Foot boy, sb. A boy attendant. Obs. Ill, 2, 62. 
 
 Foresaid, a. Aforesaid. Now rare. Til, 2, 43. 
 
 Forme, sb. Beauty, comeliness. Obs. IV, i, 66. 
 
 Freshly, adv. Anew, afresh. Now rare. IV, i, 91. 
 
 Fright, V. To scare, terrify. Now rare except poet, and Sc. Re- 
 placed by frighten. I, 3, 303 ; I, 3, 317. 
 
 Frontlesse, a. fig. Shameless, audacious. Now rare. II, i, 139. 
 
 Froward, a. Hard to please, refractory. (Not now in colloquial use.) 
 IV, 3. 66. 
 
 Gall, sb. Spirit to resent injury or insult. Obs. II, i, no; V, i, 49. 
 
 Gallant, a. Gorgeous or showy in appearance, smart. Arch. Ill, 
 2, 23. 
 
 Game, sb. Fun, sport. Obs. except dial. II, i, 146. 
 
 Get, V, refl. To betake oneself, to go. Now only Arch. II, i, 88. 
 
 Gimcracke, sb. iAn affected showy person, a fop (A term of con- 
 tempt.) Obs. This example is quoted under the above definition in 
 N. E. D., but it seems to me to be " A fanciful notion, also, an underhand 
 design, device, trick." IV, 3, 168. 
 
 Give, V. ' With prep. up. To deliver, render, present. Obs. Ill, 
 
 1, 122. 
 
 Goe, V. Used in imperative as a rebuke or remonstrance. Obs. Ill; 
 
 2, 55- 
 
 Good, V. An adjective of courteous address. Now often jocular or 
 depreciatory. IV, 3, 34. 
 
 Grace, sb. An exceptional favor. 
 
 In grace, phr. In favor. Obs. II, i, 61; III, i, 259; IV, i, 7. 
 To do a person or thing a grace ; to do honor to. Obs. IV, 2. 57. 
 
 Grace, v. To show favor or be gracious to ; also, to countenance. 
 Obs. II, I, 27. 
 
 Gratifie, v. trans. Reward, requite. Obs. Ill, i, 246. 
 
 Greatnesse, sb. Used as a title. Obs. II, i, 122. 
 
 Grieve, v. trans. To regret deeply. Poet. II, i, 101. 
 
 Grosse, a. Coarse, inferior, common. Obs. I, 3, 77. 
 
186 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Harbinger, sb. A forerunner, messenger. Mostly in transf. and fig. 
 senses, and in literary language. I, 3, 151. 
 
 Hath, V. 3d pers. sing. pres. ind. of have. Arch. I, i, 46. 
 
 Heare, v. To accede to, grant a request or prayer. Chiefly in scrip- 
 tural use. Ill, I, 80. 
 
 Heart strings, sb. pi. In old notions of anatomy, the tendons or 
 nerves supposed to brace and sustain the heart. IV, 3, 316. 
 
 Heed, sb. Careful attention, care (now chiefly literary). Especially 
 in the phrase 'To take heed.' IV, 3, 17. 
 
 Heeles, Phr. lay by the heels. Arrest, confine. I, i, 12; II, i, 80. 
 
 Height, Phr. to the height. To the highest or utmost degree. Obs. 
 I, 3. 35 ; IV, 3, 2S7. 
 
 Hen, sb. fig. Used for wife, woman, female. Humorous or low 
 colloq. II, I, 179. 
 
 Hence, adv. With redundant from. IV, 3, 207. 
 
 Hither, adv. Now only literary, in ordinary speech supplanted by 
 'here'. II, i, 99; IV, 3, 243; V, i, 118. 
 
 Honest, a. Virtuous, upright, well-disposed, reliable, trusty. Obs.. 
 I. I, 43 ; I, 3, 380. 
 
 Honesty, sb. Formerly in a wide general sense, including all kinds 
 of moral excellence. Obs. II, i, 78. 
 
 Hope, V. trans, with simple object (=:hope for). Now chiefly poetic. 
 
 IV, 3, 171. 
 
 Horned, a. Cuckolds were fancifully said to wear horns on the brow. 
 06.5. IV, 3, 263. 
 
 Horrid, a. In earlier use, nearly synonymous with horrible. I, 3, 
 290; III, 3, 2; V, I, 10. 
 
 Hors-head, sb. Racing. The length of a horse's head. II, i, 112. 
 
 How, interjection. Elliptical for ' How is it ' ? or ' How say you ' ? 
 Modern equivalent is 'What?' or 'What!' Arch. II, i, i; III, 2, 85; 
 III, 3, 107; III, 3, I2S; IV, 2, 19. 
 
 However, adv. However much, although. Obs. or Arch. V, I, 13. 
 
 Howsoever, adv. Notwithstanding that, albeit = however. Obs. II, 
 
 I, 323. 
 
 Hunts-up, sb. A song or tune to waken huntsmen. A disturbance, 
 uproar. Obs. or dial. II, i, 242. 
 
 If, conj. If that was formerly in use for the simple if. Now arch. 
 
 V, 2, 173. 
 
 Imperious, a. Ruling, dominant. Obs. I, 3, 100. 
 
 Impart, v. To make known, tell, relate. Arch. IV, 3, 171. 
 _ Impute, V. To regard, consider. Obs. V, i, 37. 
 
 In, adv. Involved, entangled in (an action, especially an unlawful 
 one). Obs. II, i, 428. 
 
 Innocencie, sb. Now somewhat rare or arch. = innocence. Ill, 3, 74. 
 
 Innocent, sb. A guiltless person. Obs. IV, 3, 289 ; V, 2, 230. 
 
 Instruct, V. Construction, clause as object. Obs. Ill, i, 69; III, i, 
 174; V, I, 138. 
 
GLOSSARY 187 
 
 Intelligence, sb. Agency for obtaining secret information or news. 
 Obs. II, I, 69. 
 
 The communication of spies, secret or private agents, etc. Obs. 
 
 Ill, 3, 133. 
 
 Intercession, sb. Loosely used for a petition or pleading on one's own 
 belialf. Obs. Ill, i, 15. 
 
 Invert, v. trans. To divert from its proper purpose, to pervert to 
 another use. Obs. IV, 3, 217. 
 
 Issue, sb. Med. A discharge of blood or other matter from the 
 body. II, I, 170. 
 
 Jealous, a. Doubtful, mistrustful. Obs. IV, i, 50. 
 
 Jerk, sb. A stripe, lash. Obs. Ill, 2, 3. 
 
 Jerkin, sb. Arch, or hist. A garment for the upper part of the body 
 worn by men in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. With " bufle ". 
 The military dress Obs. Ill, i, 37. 
 
 Joy, sb. Paradise, heaven, bliss. Obs. or arch. Ill, 3, 38. Cf. U. C. 
 II, I (spb), "after joys". 
 
 Joyne, v. intr. said of the battle. Obs. I, 3, 89. 
 
 Justice, sb. Infliction of punishment. Obs. Ill, 3, 27; IV, 3, 287. 
 
 Keepe, v. Live, lodge. (Freq. in literary use from c 1580 to 1650; 
 now only colloquial, especially at Cambridge University and in U. S.) 
 
 II. I, 359- 
 
 Knave, sb. One of low condition. Now arch. IV, i, 41. 
 
 Know, V. To acknowledge. Obs. II, i, 168. 
 
 To have carnal acquaintance with. Arch. Ill, 3, 62; IV, 3, 229. 
 
 Knowledge, sb. Recognition. Obs. V, 2, 218. 
 
 Largely, adv. Liberally, bountifully. Now arch, and with mixture 
 of extensively, etc. Ill, i, 188. 
 
 Late, a. Recent in date. Now Obs. Of persons, chiefly in phrase 
 of late years. II, i, 123; IV, 3, 208; V, i, 169. 
 
 Latest, a. Last. Now arch, and poet. I, 3, 369; V, i, 134. 
 
 Leap, V. To leap on. Now upon. II, i, 177. 
 
 Leave, v. To abandon, forsake. Now rare or Obs. except in ' to 
 leave off '. Ill, 2, 107. 
 
 To cease, stop. With object infinitive with to. Now only arch. 
 = leave off. IV, i, 38. 
 
 Lewd, a. Low, vulgar, 'base'. Obs. II, i, 225. 
 
 Light, Phr. by this light. Arch. Ill, 1, 189. 
 
 Like, a. Likely. Now somewhat rare in literary use; still common 
 colloquially. II, i, 206. 
 
 Like, used as conj. = 'like as', as. Now generally condemned as 
 vulgar or slovenly. Ill, i, 76; III, i, 147, etc. 
 
 Lob's pound, sb. Now dial. Prison, jail. Also fig. an entanglement, 
 difficulty. Ill, 2, 52. 
 
 Loose, V. To forget. Obs. II, i, 393. 
 
 Lord, sb. A husband. Now only poet, and humorous. II, i, 106; 
 
 III, 3, S8; III, 3, 132. 
 
188 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Love, construction with to arch. I, 3, 351. 
 
 For love's sake, phr. A phrase of strong entreaty. Obs. I, 3, i. 
 Madona, sb. An Italian lady. Obs. Ill, i, 31. 
 Magnificence, sb. Munificence. Obs. Ill, i, 221. 
 Maine, a. Highly important, momentous. Obs. V, 2, 157. 
 Make, w. To be ' compact ' of . Obs. 11,1,131. 
 
 Phr. make a shot. Now arch. IV, 3, ISS- 
 
 Phr. make up. To attire a person suitably for receiving guests. 
 Obs. II, I, 172. 
 
 Malevolent, a. Astrol. Exercising an evil or baleful influence. Obs. 
 
 I> 3, 309. 
 
 Marke, v. To observe. Now poet. Ill, 3, 134. 
 
 Marrie, int. Obs. except arch, or dial. Originally Mary, an excla- 
 mation of asseveration, surprise, etc. II, I, 225. 
 
 Mayd, sb. Maiden. Now only (exc. dial.) arch, or playful. Ill, 1, 
 181 ; V, I, 55- 
 
 Meane, o. Petty, unimportant. fObs. I, 3, 14; I, 3, 55; II, i, 131. 
 
 Meeter, sb. A verse or poem. Obs. Ill, 2, 18. 
 
 Melancholy, sb. The disease supposed to result from having too 
 much 'black bile'; in early references its prominent symptoms are suUen- 
 ness and propensity to causeless and violent anger, and in later references 
 mental gloom and sadness. Obs. II, i, 124. 
 
 Me thinkes, Phr. It seems to me. Now arch, and poet. I, 3, 100. 
 
 Minister, v. To administer. Obs. I, 3, 306. 
 
 Miscarry, v. intr. To meet with death. Obs. I, 3, 343. 
 
 Mischief e, Phr. with a mischief. Used as an expletive. Obs. II, 
 
 I, 234. 
 
 Misse, V. To be unsuccessful. Now arch, or Obs. IV, i, 91. 
 
 Mistris, sb. A sweetheart. Now avoided in ordinary use except in 
 unequivocal contexts. I, 3, 38; I, 3, 39, etc. 
 
 A woman who has the power to control or dispose of something. 
 Now rare. V, i, 42; V, 2, 67. 
 
 Modesty, sb. Moderation ; self control. Obs. II, I, 65. 
 
 Modicum, sb. Applied to a person of small stature. Obs. II, i, 183. 
 
 Moneys, sb. pi. Sums of money. Now chiefly in legal or quasi-legal 
 parlance, or as an archaism. Ill, i, 125. 
 
 Monstrous, a. Unnatural. Obs. I, 3, 287. 
 
 Moore, sb. A Mohammedan, especially a Mohammedan inhabitant of 
 India. II, i, 167. 
 
 More, a. Greater. Obs. Ill, 2, 33. 
 
 Most, absol. (Construed as plural.) The greatest number. Now 
 usually without article ; in early use most and the most were both common. 
 I, i,68;IV, 3, 54. 
 
 Mulct, sb. A penalty of any kind. See note. IV, 3, 190. 
 
 Mushrome, sb. fig. A contemptible person. II, i, 86. Cf. D. F. IV, 
 I (241b). 
 
GLOSSARY 189 
 
 Musicke, sb. A company of musicians. Obs. exc. in military use. 
 II, I, 78. 
 
 Musty, o. Ill humored, peevish. Obs. except dial. II, 1, 113. 
 
 Name, sb. Repute, reputation. Now rare. IV, i, 12. 
 
 Nay, adv. Expresses negation. Now arch, or dial. Ill, i, 62; III, 
 I, i2g. 
 
 Nectar, sb. Applied in Massinger to the moisture on the lips. I, 3, 
 20s ; V, 2, 312. 
 
 Need, v. Phr. it needs. It is needful or necessary. Obs. V, i, 81. 
 
 Neere, a. Intimate with. Obs. IV, 3, 87. 
 
 Neerely, adv. In a special manner, particularly. I, 3, 262. 
 
 Neighbor, a. In aftrib. use, passing into adj. Situated near or close. 
 (Very common c 1580-1700.) V, i, 123. 
 
 Next, a. Phr. the next way. The shortest, most convenient or direct 
 way. Obs. Ill, 2, 7. 
 
 Nor,, conj. Introducing both alternatives. Chiefly poet. II, i, 356; 
 V, 2, 10. 
 
 Obdurate, a. The regular accentuation. I, 3, 292. Cf. U. C. IV, i 
 (56b) ; Ren. V, 3 (i6la) ; C. M. V, 3 (4S5a). 
 
 Observe, v. To treat with attention or regard. Obs. Ill, 3, 47; 
 IV, 2, 4. 
 
 Of, prep. For. Arch. II, i, 109. 
 
 On. Phr. on thy life. On a capital charge. Obs. IV, 3, 165. 
 
 One. indefinite pronoun. Some one. Arch, or Obs. IV, 3, ago. 
 
 Or, conj. Or ... or \s sometimes used in the sense of either . . . or. 
 This is now poetic. II, i, 189-90; III, 2, 89; V, 2, 167. 
 
 Order, v. To treat, manage. Obs. Ill, 2, 120. 
 
 O're, adv. Poetic and dialectical contraction of over. V, 2, 6i. 
 
 Organ, sb. An instrument, a tool. Arch. V, 2, 57. 
 
 Ought, sb. (pron.). Form of aught. Arch. I, 3, 115. 
 
 Outside, sb. Outer garments, clothes. Obs. I, 3, 2. 
 
 Owe, V. To acknowledge as belonging to oneself. Obs. I, 3, 24. 
 ' Oyle, Phr. oil of angels. Gold employed in gifts or bribes. Obs. 
 
 III, 2, 24. 
 
 Panicque, a. In panic terror, etc.; such as was attributed to the action 
 of the god Pan. I, 3, 167. 
 
 Pardon, v. Now excuse me. II, i, 266. 
 
 Parts, sb. pi. Abilities, capacities, talents. Now Arch., rare in speech. 
 
 IV, I, 21; IV, I, 34; IV, 3, 48. 
 
 Parfie, sb. Now shoppy, vulgar, or jocular, the proper word being 
 person. Ill, 2, 51. 
 
 Passage, sb. Incident, event. Obs. or arch. IIIj i, 212. 
 
 Peice, sb. Piece of eight, the Spanish dollar, or peso, of the value 
 of 8 reals, or about 4s 6d. It was marked with the figure 8. Ill, i, 34. 
 
 Perforce, adv. Forcibly, by violence. I, 3, 257. 
 
 Peruse, v. To examine or consider in detail. Arch. Ill, 2, 63. 
 
190 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Phrensie, sb. Mental derangement. Now somewhat rare in its lit- 
 eral sense. V, 2, 77 ; V, 2, 258. 
 
 Physicke, j6. Medicine. (Now chiefly coHog.) II, i, 123; 111,2, 31 ; 
 
 IV, 3, 97. 
 
 Picture, sb. The portrait or likeness of a person. Now rare. V, 
 I, 123. 
 
 Pistolet', sb. Name given certain foreign gold coins in l6th c. rang- 
 ing in value from Ss lod to 6s 8d ; in later times = Pistole. Ill, i, 240. 
 
 Pittie, sb. Clemency, mercy, mildness. Obs. Ill, 3, 50; III, 3, 72. 
 Construction of Obs. V, 2, 100. 
 
 Plague, sb. spec. The oriental or bubonic plague. IV, 2, 73 ; V, 2, 227. 
 
 Please, v. Phr. please you. May it please you. Obs. IV, 3, 172. 
 
 Poore, a. In modest or apologetic use. I, 3, 268; II, i, 58, etc. 
 
 Poorely, adv. Meanly, shabbily. Obs. IV, 3, 74. 
 
 Port, sb. A gate or gateway; from 14th c. usually that of a city. 
 Now chiefly Scotch. IV, 3, 166. 
 
 Post, sb. A courier (now chiefly Hist.). I, 3, 81; I, 3, 137. 
 
 Posterie, sb. Obs. rare. Posterity. IV, 3,. 131. 
 
 Posture, sb. Mil. A particular position of a weapon in drill or war- 
 fare. Obs. I, I, 24. 
 
 Power, sb. PI. Forces, i. e. distinct hosts. Now rare or arch. 1, 
 3, 256. 
 
 Poxe, sb.. In imprecations, or exclamations of irritation or impa- 
 tience. Obs. Ill, 2, loi. 
 
 Practice, sb. An action, a deed. Obs. Ill, 3, 2. 
 
 Prayse, sb. transf. Merit, value, virtue. Arch. Ill, i, 129. 
 
 Preferre, v. With before, construction Obs. II, i, 405-7. 
 
 Preserve, v. To keep alive. Arch. V, 2, 139 ; V, 2, 180. 
 
 President, sb. Obs. form of precedent. I, 3, 318. 
 
 Pretend, v. Phr. pretend to. To put forward as an excuse. 1, 3, 315. 
 
 Prethe, archaic colloquiaUsm for '(I) pray thee'. Ill, i, 263; III, 2, 
 35, 48, 94, 107, etc. 
 
 Prevention, sb. A means of preventing, a preventive, a safeguard. 
 Obs. IV, 3, 45. 
 
 The action of forestalling another person in the execution of his 
 desijgns. Obs. V, 2, 30. 
 
 Prittie, a. Having the proper appearance, qualities or manners of a 
 man. Now Arch. IV, i, 21. 
 
 ■ Privacy, sb. pi. Private or retired places ; private apartments. Now 
 rare. I, 3, 219. 
 
 Private man. Private Soldier. I, i, 25. 
 
 Prize, V. To value. Obs. I, i, 107; I, 3, 203; II, i, 318. 
 
 Properfie, sb. A tool, a ' cat's paw '. Obs. IV, 3, 295. 
 
 Propound, v. To set before one as a reward. Obs. Ill, 3, 159. 
 
 Prove, V. To try, test. Arch, except in technical uses. IV, 3, 257. 
 
 Provide, v. Construction of Obs. V, i, 113. 
 
 Pulpet man, sb. A preacher. Obs. Ill, 2, 30. 
 
GLOSSARY 191 
 
 Pulges, sb. Formerly sometimes construed erroneously as a plural. 
 
 V, 2, 65. 
 
 Punie, sb. A junior or recently admitted pupil or student in a school 
 or university or in the Inns of Court; a freshman. Also fig. or allusively. 
 Obs. IV, I, 107. Cf. P. L. Ill, I (175a). 
 
 Push-pin, sb. A child's game in which each player pushes or fillips 
 his pin with the object of crossing that of another player. Ill, 2, 47. 
 
 Put, V. Phr. put in. To intervene. fObs. Ill, i, 15. 
 
 Phr. put on. To put on one's hat, 'be covered'. IV, I, 15. 
 
 Quallitie, sb. Rank or position. Now rare. Ill, I, 187; III, 2, 13, 
 
 Question, v. To dispute with. Obs. I, 2, 11. 
 
 Quick, a. Alive. Now dial, or arch. I, 3, 315. 
 
 Raise, v. To erase or raze. Obs. V, 2, 122. 
 
 Rampant, a. Lustful, vicious. Obs. Ill, 2, 9. 
 
 Rarely, adv. Finely, splendidly, beautifully. (Frequent in 17th c.) 
 IV, I, 32. 
 
 Recide, v. Obs. form of ' reside ' I, 3, 357. 
 
 Record, sb. The regular accentuation. IV, 3, 130. Cf. M. H. IV, 3 
 (273) ; C. M. II, 3 (436a) ; Bash. L. V, 3 (SS8a) ; Bel. II, 2 (603a). 
 
 Remission, sb. Pardon for a political offence. Now only Hist. Ill, 
 
 I, 152. 
 
 Remove, sb. Departure to another place. Now rare (very common 
 c. 1590-1760). Ill, I, 52. 
 
 Resolve, v. To free from doubt or perplexity. (Common in 17th c.) 
 Obs. II, I, 15. 
 
 To inform, tell a person of a thing. Obs. II, i, 74. 
 To convince one of something. Obs. II, i, 370. 
 
 Restrayn, v. intr. To refrain from something. Now rare. V, 2, 29. 
 
 Rouse, sb. Now arch. A bumper, full draught of liquor. A ca- 
 rousal or bout of drinking. I, i, 33. 
 
 Sadnesse, sb. Soberness. fObs. II, i, 103. 
 
 Say, V. In perf. tense = I have finished speaking. Obs. Ill, i, 188. 
 
 Scholler, sb. A pupil of a master. Now arch, or rhetorical. Ill, 
 I, 234. 
 
 Search, v. To probe a wound. Obs. IV, 3, 28; V, 2, 92. 
 
 Seas, sb. pi. poet, or rhetorical like ' waters ' I, 3, 340. 
 
 Sect, sb. Class or kind of persons. Obs. IV, i, 9. 
 
 Sectarie, sb. In i7-i8th c. commonly applied to the English Protestant 
 Dissenters. Now chiefly Hist. Ill, 2, 25. 
 
 Secure, a. Feeling sure or certain. fObs. I, 2, 26. 
 
 Sensible, a. Cognizant, conscious, aware of. Construction of. Now 
 somewhat rare. V, 2, 91. 
 
 Sensuall, a. Not so darkly colored then as now, more nearly ap- 
 proaching sensuous. Ill, 3, 61. 
 
 Shew, V. With complement. To look, seem, appear. Obs. with sb. 
 IV, 3, 165. Arch, with adjective complement. II, i, 128, 246; IV, 3, 220. 
 
192 THE DUKE OF MILAN 
 
 Shift, V. intr. To manage matters, to make provisions for. Obs. 
 
 IV, 3, 261. 
 
 Shot, V. Of a vessel to receive a shot causing a dangerous leak ; also 
 slang clapt or poxt. Ill, 2, 67. 
 
 Skilles, V. To make a difference, matter. In negative interrogative 
 clauses. Now arch. I, i, 25. 
 
 Sleepy, a. Inducing sleep, soporific. Now rare. V, 2, 90. 
 
 Smother, v. To conceal by keeping silent about, to hush up. (Now 
 with up.) Obs. II, I, 25. 
 
 Sooth, sb. In good sooth. Truly, now arch. Ill, 2, 95. 
 
 Sooth, V. To support or back up a person in a statement. Obs. V, 
 2, 156. - 
 
 Stale, j6. a dupe or laughing stock. Obs. or arch. IV, 3, 294. 
 
 Star, sb. Destiny. Rare. I, 3, 50; V, i, 160. 
 
 Store, sb. Abundance, plenty. Used archaically without the indefi- 
 nite article. Ill, 2, 49. 
 
 Straight, adv. Narrowly, closely. Obs. V, i, 40. 
 
 Submission, sb. Admission, confession. Obs. Ill, 3, 20. 
 
 Taint, v. To accuse of crime or dishonor. Obs. I, i, 107. 
 
 Tax, V. To accuse. Const, for. Obs. (Now with.) II, i, 330. 
 
 Teeming, vbl. sb. Breeding, with child. Obs. V, i, 59. 
 
 Then, conj. Originally same word as Than, conj., which in both 
 senses varied in M. E. and i6th c. between then aild than. I, i, 45, 112, 
 122 ; 1,2, 30, etc. 
 
 Think, v. Phr. think on. Now usually of. I, I, 26; II, I, 415; V, 
 2, 16; V, 2, 34; V, 2, 200. 
 
 Tis. A contraction of it is. Now chiefly used in poetry. Ill, i, 190. 
 
 Touch, V. To concern. Obs. Ill, i, 207. 
 
 Towse, V. To pull a woman about rudely, or indelicately. Obs. Ill, 
 I, 30. 
 
 Tract, sb. Path, way, route. Now rare or Obs.; usually expressed 
 by track. V, i, 95- Cf. M. H. V, 2 (282a). 
 
 Travaile, sb. Exertion, trouble, suffering. Arch. I, 3, 67; V, i, IS9- 
 
 Travailes, sb. in pi. Labors. Obs. I, I, 27. 
 
 Triumph, sb. A public festivity or display of any kind. Obs. Ill, 
 I, 14. 
 
 Trode, Pa. t. of trod. Arch. IV, 2, 54. 
 
 'Troth, sb. Colloq. for in troth as is shown by the apostrophe here. 
 
 V, 2, II. 
 
 Trunke, sb. In literary use, the body. V, 2, 142, 225. 
 
 Undertaker, sb. He who undertakes any action. II, i, 252. Cf. Ren. 
 Ill, 3 (149a) ; N. W. V, I (416b). 
 
 Unto, prep. To,; now somewhat antiquated, but much used in formal 
 or antiquated style. IV, 3, 307; V, 2, 11, 69. 
 
 Use, sb. Construction with of. Obs. IV, 3, 177. 
 
 Want, sb. Time of need. fObs. Ill, i, 123. 
 
GLOSSARY 193 
 
 Weed, sh. Costume. Now commonly in the plural and chiefly in the 
 phrase vndoixfs weeds. Ill, i, 150. 
 
 Whether, adv. An obsolete form of whither. Ill, 2, 86; V, i, 153. 
 
 Wind, V. To twist one's self or worm one's way into or out of some- 
 thing. Ohs. I, 3, 75. 
 
 Witty, a. Clever, skillfully devised. Ohs. V, 2, 250. 
 
 Writ, pa. pple. Obs. or arch, for written. I, 3, 238; III, i, 74. 
 
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