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Titles included in this collection are listed in the volumes published by the Cornell University Press in the series The Literature of the Agricultural Sciences. 1991-1996, Wallace C. Olsen, series editor. THE RURAL MIND AND SOCIAL WELFARE THE UNIVEKSITY OP OHIOAQO PREB8 OHIOAaO, ILLINOIS THE BAEEB A TAYLOR COHFAnT ■ IW TOBS THE CAHBKIDOE UHITERSITT PRESS LOHDOa THE MARUZEN-KABUSBIEI-EAISHA tOKVO, fnUtA, KIOTO, rUCDOKA, UHDAI THE HISSION BOOK COMPAHT THE RURAL MIND AND SOCIAL WELFARE By ERNEST R. GROVES Author of Uiing the Resources of the Country Churchy Rural Problems of Today^ etc. With Foreword By KENYON L. BUTTERFIELD President of Massachusetts j^ricultural College rw(^ \^y THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS " Copyright igaa By I5E University of Chicago All Rights Reserved Published June 1923 Composed and Printed By The University of Chicago Press Chicago, llUnots, U.S.A. TO CATHERINE, ERNESTINE, AND RUTH PREFACE The supreme need of our time is social sanity. Civilization has been shaken until at every point there are evidences of our social insecurity. Herd- suggestion was never more powerful nor more menacing. The ever-increasing drift of people to the cities provides, as the social psycholo- gists, McDougall and Trotter, have pointed out, the ideal breeding-conditions for that crowd- suggestibility which more than anything else may endanger our convalescing civilization. Those who call attention to the social risk involved in this movement of population to the cities assume that people who live in the country contribute to our national life influences of sub- stantial social worth. The character of urban experience has been well analyzed and its social value is generally recognized. This book attempts ' to analyze in detail the rural social mind for the purpose of emphasizing its significance in our national life. Rural people have a greater social- fimction than merely to grow food for city dwellers. They also contribute to modern society attitudes of mind of indispensable value. Not that country people are inherently different from city people. Living in a different environment they naturally viii Preface develop characteristic habits of mind. National welfare needs their social influence, and for that reason the problem of rural prosperity is a matter of concern to all our people. Fortunately this fact is beginning to be recognized by all thoughtful leaders of public policies. The increasing atten- tion which everjrwhere in the United States is being given to rural matters is based upon neither sentimental nor class interests. It does not represent selfish sectionahsm. Rural welfare, on t the contrary, is of national concern because it influences for good the country as a whole. The psychic contribution of the farming population is indispensable in our social life, for it provides mental qualities which urban people largely lack. " As out civiHzation grows more urban we need all the more to appreciate the social value of rural experience. Ernest R. Groves Boston University Boston, Massachusetts CONTENTS PAGE Foreword xiii I. Introduction i The Psychological Era. Significance of the Instincts. Importance of Social Psychology. New Interest in Rural Psychology. Problem of Rural Psychology. II. The Social Contribution of Primitive Agri- culture . . 12 Social Influence of Agriculture. The Beginning of Agriculture. Savage Agriculture. Condi- tions of Agricultural Civilization. Mental Results of Agricultural Mode of Life. III. City Drift ... ... 24 Complex Causes of City Drift. World-wide Character of City Drift. City Drift in the United States. Rural Depletion. Decrease in Rural Leadership Material. Social Advantages of Balancing Rural and Urban Populations. IV. Country Life and the Herd Instinct . . 44 Social Appeal of the Urban Environment. Strength of the Gregarious Instinct. Un- natural Growth of Cities. Effect of the Great War upon the Gregarious Instinct. City Dictatorship and Prestige. Influence of Gre- garious Tendencies upon Policies of Govern- ment. Danger to Individualism. Significance of Suggestion. Craving for Intense Stimula- tion of Gregarious Life. Rural Reform and the Gregarious Instinct. X Contents PAGE V. The Instinct of Self-Assertion ... 67 Self-Assertion and Social Evolution. Self- Assertion and Its Neurotic Expression. Theory of Adler. Self-Assertion in the Urban Environ- ment. Class Struggle and Class Consciousness. Competitive Types in the Country. Village Prestige. Value of Rivalry in the Country. Self-Assertion and Rural Organization. Rural Welfare Demands Adequate Self-Expression for Farmers. VI. The Parental and the Sex Instincts . . 86 Parental Instinct and Social Organization. McDougall's Description. The Rural Family. Family Ambition and Rural Progress. Com- radeship of the Rural Family. Competition between Rural Families. Pity in the Country. Influence of Sex upon Rural Social Conditions. .-j> Necessary Contact with Sex. Difference between Rural Communities in Regard to Sex Standards. The Rural Housekeeper Problem. Sex Sublimation in the Coimtry. VII. Fear 108 Description of Fear. Fear in Primitive and Animal Life. Fear and Childhood. Rural Superstitions and the Child. Fear as Motive. Fear and Rural Organization. Fear and Isolation. Fear and Tragedies. Fear and Rural Consciousness. VIII. PuGNAOTY, Curiosity, Workmanship, Acqui- sition 127 Rural Opportunities for Pugnacity. Patho- logical Quarrels in the Country. Curiosity and — » Isolation. Gossip. Curiosity and Agricultural Progress. Vigor of Instinct of Workmanship. Contents xi PAGE Transitory Products of the Country. Com- munity Spirit and Workmanship. Miser. Land Hunger. The Farmer and Property Rights. IX. Play 144 Nature of Play. Play and Democracy. Play and Co-operation. Too Little Recreation in the Country. Social Risk of Denying Recrea- tion. New Policy of Rural Church regarding Recreation. Inherent Limitations of the Rural Environment. The Problems of Recreational Policy. Rural Reading. Need of a Progres- sive Rural Library. The Farm Journals. The Daily Newspaper and the Rural Mind. X. The Country Church and the Rural Mind 164 Social Importance of the Country Church. Difficulties of the Rural Pastor. Causal Char- acter of Rural Experience. The Church and Childhood. The Rural Church and Rural Resources. The Social Character of the Pro- gram of the Country Church. The Social Responsibilities of the Rural Church. XI. The Psychology of Rural Organization . 181 Psychology the Basis of Organization. The Beginning of a Rural Psychology. Organiza- tion in Its Relation to Gregariousness. The Strategy of Rural Organization. The Local Leader and Problems of Community Organiza- tion. Fear and Lack of Rural Organization. The Community Expression of the Instinct of Possession. Rural Organization and the Family. Organization and Rural Advancement. The Duplication of Rural Organizations. Index 203 FOREWORD When new enterprises on behalf of rural devel- opment are under consideration there are always those who remark that "fanners are no different v from other people." This is one of those half- truths harmful chiefly because they form excuses for delaying progressive measures. Sometimes this particular error prevents the inauguration of ade- quate courses of study in agricultural schools and agricultural colleges. Sometimes it stands in the way of proper adaptation of a church program or a school curriculum to the needs of the country- side. For the fact is that the farmers are different. They are not peculiar nor imique nor inferior. ► They are just different. They live imder differ- ent conditions from city people; they think in dif- ferent terms; they breathe a different atmosphere; they handle their affairs differently — ^perhaps be- cause they have different affairs to handle. This difference is not a difference in essential hmnan quaUties but merely the effect of environ- ment upon inherent traits. Fanners are quite like * other people in their fimdamental instincts; but these instincts discharge through different channels • from those that exist in the crowded city and xiv Foreword hence bring oftentimes different results, so different as to produce the "rural mind." In this book Professor Groves has indicated just what happens and why it happens. A scholar familiar with modem sociology, trained in psy- chology, a student of first-hand material in the rural field, for a long time teacher in an agricul- tural college, the author is eminently fitted to deal with this particular problem. He has given us a book at once scholarly and practical. Scholarly because it reaches down to grasp the best in social science; and practical because it gives validity to certain methods of rural organization and develop- ment. It is eminently a book for all rural leaders to read and to ponder. Kenyon L. Butterfield INTRODUCTION This book is an analysis of the social experiences of country people. It attempts to bring together such psychological knowledge as at the present time is likely to prove useful in an imderstanding of the problems of rural life. It especially draws material from the rapidly developing social psy- chology. Although in the process of being made, social psychology already has established regard- ing the conduct of men and women facts and prin- ciples of great value in the interpretation of the rural environment. The importance of the psychic side of country life fortunately no longer needs defense. The time was that scant attention was given to the mental elements in the rural environment even by leaders in country-life interests. Within the last ten years, however, in harmony with the increased emphasis that has been placed upon the psychological in every realm of life, students of rural affairs have been more and more concerned with the mental factors operating in rural society. This is indeed the psychological era. We are all conscious of the large place in our social life given to the mental sciences. Every event has 2 The RmtAL Mnro and Sociai. Welfare its psychological element. Psychic interpretation is never absent from any analysis of social phe- nomena. In our period psychological discussion holds the prominent place that formerly was occu- pied by biological science. Just as Darwin and his followers by their advancement of zoological science forced thinking people everjrwhere to give to evolution and its allied problems the central place in thought, so of late the valuable contribu- tions made by men working on psychological problems in the various fields of the science have enabled us to see in a new and inviting way the enormous place in human society filled by the activities of the mind. It is being generally recognized that a new mine has been discovered rich with material of greatest value for the under- standing of social experience. There is indeed a widespread conviction that it is folly to attempt any interpretation of man's social behavior unless we first of all do justice to the psychological influences which permeate it at every point. - Social psychology has especially stressed the instincts.- Until recently they were relatively neglected because the instinctive character of man's social life was obscured by the fact that the himian instincts express themselves in such complicated reactions as compared with the more simple behav- ior of the animal. ^ Instincts furnish the basic raw material for man's social actions, but this is worked Introduction 3 upon by experience and appears largely in the form of social habits. The primary place instincts hold in the social activities and desires of man is author- itatively expressed in these words: The equipment of instincts with which a human being is at birth endowed must be considered in two ways. It consists, in the first place, of definite and unlearned mechanisms of behavior, fixed original responses to given stimuh. These areTat the same time, the original driving forces of action. An instinct is at once an unlearned mechanism for making a response and an unlearned tendency to make it. That is, given certain situations, human beings do not simply utilize inborn reactions, but exhibit inborn drives or desires to make those reactions. There is thus an identity in man's native endowment between what he can do and what he wants to do. Instincts must thus be regarded as both native capacities and native desires. Instincts define, therefore, not only what men can do, but what they want to do. They are at once the primary instruments and the primary provocatives to action. As we shaE presently see in some detail, human beings may acquire mechanisms of behavior with which they are not at birth endowed. These acquired mechanisms of response are caUed habits. And with the acquisition of new responses, new motives or tendencies to action are estab- lished. Having learned how to do a certain thing, indi- viduals at the same time learn to want to do it. But just as aU acquired mechanisms of behavior are modifications of some original instinctive response, so all desires, interests, and ideals are derivatives of such original impulses as fear, curiosity, self-assertion, and sex. AU human motives can be traced back to these primary inborn impulses to make these primary inborn responses.' ' I. Edman, Human Traits and Their Social Significance, pp. i8-ig. 4 The Rural Mind and Social Welfare Although psychologists recognize the funda- mental significance of man's instinctive behavior they do not at present agree in their classification - of the human instincts.- Some regard man as pos- sessing two only — ^hunger and sex — while others distinguish twenty times as many. This difference of opinion in no way lessens the importance of man's instinctive behavior as it appears in his social life. The characteristic impulsive activities of the adult may represent indeed not a pure instinctive reaction but a more complicated com- posite of instinct and habit, which on that account is no less strong or automatic. One of our most skilled investigators states this fact as follows: We are inclined to take the point of view here also that most of these asserted instincts are really consolidations of instinct and habit. In certain of them, such as manipula- tion, the original activities predominate. In certain others, e.g., adornment, hunting, habitation, etc., the pattern as a whole is largely composed of habit elements. It should again be reiterated here that so far as the functioning and value of these attitudes to the organism, so far as the r61e they play in daily life, so far as their back- ward and forward reference in the life history of the individual are concerned, it makes not a whit's difference what factors these capacities are analyzable into. The . geneticist is likely to overemphasize the number of original tendencies; the psycho-analyst, to underestimate them. . He reduces instincts almost as a class to a few stereotyped factors connected with the (from his standpoint, funda- mental) sex phenomena. The fact of the matter seems to iNTEODDCnON 5 be that in most cases there is no need of detailed analysis of these attitudes. Those that we have cited and many others function as wholes in the daily lives of all indi- viduals. They are as potent and real as if they were inborn and began to function in earliest infancy with all the completeness they exhibit in adult life." It is not to be expected that such a revolution- ary movement as is represented by present social psychology would be welcomed with open arms by all those who feel themselves coming under the dominant interpretation of a vigorous science. In spite of our appreciation of the increasing impor- tance of psychology, there are few who do not sense a degree of protest against the new interpreter of life. This inward irritation with respect to psycho- logical explanation, of which there is evidence in every quarter, is another demonstration of the large place psychology now holds in the analysis of social life. The significance of the recent progress in psy- chology consists in the fact that the frontier of causal science has once again been advanced. In the realm where causal explanation has been most uncertain and least satisfactory we are beginning to have an understanding of the laws governing mental experience. It is clear that the establish- ment of laws that explain conduct must have a very important influence upon the social life of the I John B. Watson, Psychology from the Standpoint of a Behaviorist, pp. 261-62. 6 The Rural Mind am) Social Welfare future. Another step has been taken by man in his long historic effort to control for his own wel- fare the social environment in which his life moves and has its being. Although there may be exag- geration with reference to the certainties of our knowledge regarding mental behavior, and defense- less dogmatism on the part of some, there can be no question that the science is making rapid headway. Psychology has invaded practically every field of human endeavor, yet no contribution coming from the science is of greater significance than that which is brought under the term social psychology. The former philosophical attempts at psychological interpretation with their individualistic point of view have been swept aside, and the entire science has come to look upon the individual as under- standable only in his social relations. ); Social psy- chology, in a special way not possible to other branches of the science, has undertaken the inter- preting and systematizing of the behavior of men and women. In so far as social psychology has attempted to deal with concrete social problems it has devoted itself thus far almost exclusively to the urban field. ' This was inevitable. Urban problems have the center of the stage. Urban Ufe is spectacular and dominating. Modern life exaggerates urban inter- ests. Industry, which furnishes such a quantity of Introduction 7 problems for psychological analysis, thrives in urban centers. We have as a result of these conditions an ever-increasing fund of knowledge, brought together by psychology in recent years, which is of the utmost value in understanding urban society. The same influences that have given emphasis to urban matters have tended to hold rural experi- ences in the background. There is no rural psychology comparable to our urban psychology. . This, however, is not because country life is destitute of problems or material for analysis, but merely because the science has relatively ignored the rural environment.* For many reasons there has recently come to be an increased emphasis on rural welfare. From various motives and from many sources, men and women have seriously con- sidered the needs of country folk. The prosperity and cultural attainment of country people is of such tremendous social significance that there is bound to be an increasing attention devoted to rural problems. In order that satisfactory progress can be made by rural sociology and rural economics, and especially by rural organization, there must be a rural psychology able to bring to the rural worker the same assistance the lurban worker gets from the science. There is evidence that this fact is already recognized. Radical changes of thought with reference to the character of rural-life prob- 8 The Rural Mind and Social Welfare lems have recently shown themselves in new and broader policies on the part of those interested in rural welfare. Those who have undertaken responsibilities with reference to the economic and social well- being of the country are already recognizing that a rural psychology is seriously needed. More and more the mental side of the rural situation is receiving attention. We have traveled a long distance from the position formerly occupied by those who thought our only problem in the country was to make the farmer more skilful in his produc- tive efforts. Rural statesmen are not only see- ing the need of having psychological knowledge of rural problems, but are also beginning to value the psychological contributions that the rural people give to national and international society. Although the farmer is not isolated from the conmion influences of his time and place, and fortunately very largely shares the life that con- centrates in the city, he nevertheless has his own peculiar experiences which have a psychic content. - Because of this he is able to bring into national consciousness his own special psychic influences. Any effort to construct a njral psychology must * first of all recognize the character of the problem. Man brings to his environment inherited instincts , which need to be adjusted to the demands placed, upon them by the social life of those among whom Introduction 9 he lives. This is the universal social problem present equally in the rural and urban environment. Rural psychology, therefore, must undertake to disclose the working of human instincts under the conditions provided in the country.- Such an undertaking will necessarily disclose a consider- able difference between the influences of the open country, the village, the suburban, and the city environment. In the country the problem of anal- ysis is least difficult. To a large extent the working- of the various instincts can be followed in detail and the environmental influence traced in the most simple environment with greatest certainty. As a result of the building up of rural psychol- ogy, material will be brought together that must considerably influence every undertaking for rural welfare. Light will necessarily be thrown upon the work of the church and the school and the family. A more conscious control can be exercised over these fundamental institutions in their opera- tions within the field of instinct. Most of all the programs for rural improvement will be influenced, and greater unity on the part of those who have at heart the good of the country will naturally follow. It is important, therefore, that psychology be attracted into the field of rural life and that every encouragement be given the science in its endeavor to build up a systematic understanding of the mental life of country people. 10 The Rural Mind and Social Welfake As the science progresses in its ability to enter the rural environment, it will discover that a great part of its material is common to all country ■people the world over. Fundamental influences that coerce and transform, express and satisfy, the instinctive cravings of men and women in the' country are neither local nor national. It will follow that the rural problem will never be con- ceived in narrow terms by well-trained students. It will not even be confirmed within the limits of nationality. When social psychology can analyze the elements common to all country people as a result of their environmental experiences, then we shall have a basis for international rural policies. Rural statesmanship will come under the momen- tum of a world-viewpoint. REFERENCES ON INTRODUCTION The references have been selected with a view to pro- viding the reader with the material most likely to prove useful for additional study. Although few of them treat the rural mind specifically, each contributes something of value in its interpretation. Edm^, I., Human Traits and Their Social Significance, chap. ii. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1920. Elliot, T. D., "A Psychoanalytic Interpretation of Group Formation and Behavior," American Journal of Sociology, November, 1920. Fans, E., "Are Instincts Data or Hypotheses?" American Journal of Sociology, September, 1921. Introduction i i Galpin, C. J., Rural Life, chap. ii. New York: Century- Co., 1918. Groves, E. R., "The Mind of the Farmer," Publications of the American Sociological Society, II, 47-53. Hunter, W. S., "The Modification of Instinct from the Standpoint of Social Psychology," Psychological Review, July, 1920. McDougaU, W., An Introduction to Social Psychology, chaps, i, ii, and iii. Boston: Luce & Co., 1918. Park, R. E., and Burgess, E. W., Introduction to the Science of Sociology, pp. 73-85. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1921. Parmelee, M., Science of Human Behavior, chap. xiii. New York: MacmiUan, 1913. Tansley, A. G., The New Psychology and Its Relation to Life, chap. xvii. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1920. Tead, O., Instincts in Industry, chap. i. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1918. Vogt, P. L., Introduction to Rural Sociology, chap. x. New York: Appleton, 191 7. Watson, J. B., Psychology from the Standpoint of a Behav- iorist, chap. vii. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1919. White, W. A., The Mental Hygiene of Childhood, chap. ii. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1919. II THE SOCIAL CONTRIBUTION OF PRIMITIVE AGRICULTURE The evolution of agriculture reveals social and psychic consequences of the greatest importance. No discovery has had such significance for human society as did the first planting of seed for the purpose of harvest. Such evidence as we have of the obscure beginning of agriculture points to Asia as its place of origin. However simple in its first stages the planting may have been, it started influences that were destined to revolutionize man's mental and social habits. The lessening of the hunter's mind traits and the coming of the farmer's represents in its social results the greatest psychic epoch in human culture. From the beginning primitive agriculture illustrated the psychological influences of the fanning vocation by the contribu- tions it made to the developing social mind of those who learned the advantage of getting food supply by the cultivation of the soil. Civilization and agriculture are indissolubly linked together. It was by means of the gradual development of an agricultural mode of life that primitive man was able to arrive at a degree of social permanency. The tremendous significance Peimitive Agricultuke 13 of this transition from a wandering existence deeply impressed racial tradition and led the thinking of antiquity to ascribe to agriculture a divine origin.' Brahma in Hindustan, Isis in Egj^jt, Demeter in Greece, and Ceres in Italy were credited with thfe founding of agriculture. In evolutionary history agriculture in its begin- nings goes back to Neolithic man. In the distinc- tive features of the Neolithic epoch the most important economic progress consisted in a rudi- mentary knowledge of agriculture. By the use of crude implements, gradually introduced, a simple cultivation of a few plants and seeds became pos- sible, and an increased food supply. As a result of this larger and more stable food supply Neo- lithic man was led away from his nomadic mode of life to a more or less permanent settlement.' Savage man's widespread custom of offering a human sacrifice or of performing at seed-planting time ceremonies that are vestiges of former sacri- ficial practices suggests that primitive agriculture may have originated in connection with the burial ' of the dead.' The graves were necessarily shallow due to the inadequate tools for deep digging, and the earth was often heaped over the dead, forming mounds. The food material, especially wild grains, buried with the dead or placed upon the mound » Osbom, Men of the Old Stone Age, p. 4q6. ' Frazer, Golden Bough. 14 The Rural Mind and Social Welfare may have ifesulted in the first sowing of seed and given rise in the primitive mind to the idea that the plants which later appeared and bore fruit were expressing the life of the departed. It would follow that when the thought of deliberately sow- ing for a harvest later arose, the' ceremonial burial in some form or other would continue as a necessary part of harvest preparation. In the more recent experience of savage peoples we find illustration of primitive man's entrance upon the agricultural life. Writing of the Papuans of New Guinea and of the Torres Straits a modem authority gives this vivid description of the change from the mobile to the semi-settled life: The Papuans are the first to change the digging-stick into the hoe, a useful implement in tilling the soil. In this first form of the hoe, the point is turned so as to form an acute angle with the handle to which it is attached. Hence the soil is not tUled in the manner of the later hoe-culture proper; nothing more is done than to draw furrows into which the seeds are scattered. In many respects, how- ever, this primitive implement represents a great advance over the method of simply gathering food as practised when the digging-stick alone was known. It is the man who makes the furrows with the hoe, since the loosening of the ground requires his greater strength; he walks ahead, and the woman follows with the seeds, which she scatters into the furrows. For the first time, thus, we discern a pro- vision for the future, and also a common tilling of the soil. The gathering of the fruits generally devolves upon the woman alone. But even among the Papuans this first Primitive Agricultuhe 15 step in the direction of agriculture is found only here and there. The possibility of external influences therefore remains." Primitive soil cultivation was of course at first of the simplest character. It consisted perhaps merely in protecting the growing plants until matured and then harvesting them. When the food supply became exhausted the settlement moved to another site. An interesting illustration of this primitive tjT)e of agriculture appears in a recent description of Stone Age conditions in Dutch New Guinea.' The valuable study that has been made of the gathering of wild rice by the North American Indians of the Upper Lakes pictures the same type of agriculture carried on by people of a somewhat higher culture.^ Before any considerable progress in the cultiva- tion of the soil could ensue certain indispensable conditions had to be brought about. First of all there had to be a suitable climate and soil. In addition the higher mode of life required protection from the warring enemy ever ready to plunder, a degree of security from insect pests, a fixed settle- ment, and, most important of all probably, pressing need of food. The conditions of savage life as ■ Wilhelm Wundt, Elements of Folk Psychology, p. 126. "Wollaston, Pygmies and Papuans. The Stone Age Today in Dutch New Guinea, p. 101. 3jenks, "The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes," Bureau 0} American Ethnology Reports, XIX, 1013-1137. 1 6 The Ruxal Mikd and Social Welfare revealed by travelers and scientists are such as to make agriculture, even when started, a hazardous undertaking. Insect pests, especially in the trop- ics, make the harvesting and storing of food exceed- ingly difficult and at times impossible.' The enemy is seldom absent. With rude tools the task of clear- ing land and keeping it clear is something even civilized man would hesitate to assume. Habits formed by nomadic existence rebel against the ordeal of a settled life. The transition to a feeble begiiming of the agri- cultural life is usually forced upon savages by the need of food.^ The savage learns the value of plants and discovers the possibility of their cultiva- tion before he is equal to the foresight, patience, and drudgery required by soil cidtivation. Even when he begins to get his food supply from the growing of vegetables he still hunts and fishes for the greater part of his provisions. Since the sav- age, wherever we find him living at his lowest level '-of culture, places the burden of gathering vegetable vfood upon the woman it seems safe to suppose ^that primitive man's first step toward the agri- cultural mode of life resulted from the drudgery that was forced upon the woman. However haphazard and meager the beginning of the conscious use of soil for plant cultivation, it 'Wollaston, op. cit., pp. s8-S9- ' Thomas, Source Book for Social Origins, pp. 65-66. Prtmitive Agricultdre 17 marked a very great social advance and one that» had the strongest influence upon the habits of primitive man. The effect of vocation upon the civilized individual is well recognized. Doctor, lawyer, engineer, farmer, each has certain char- acteristics which are the product of his vocational experiences. '^In a far greater degree, by changes difficult to imagine, the giving up of an exclusive interest in hunting, fishing, or even cattle-breeding as a means of food production and the turning to the raising of vegetables created for primitive man a new set of vocational habits of the largest conse- quences for social development.* The dramatic factor of the hunt was by slow gradations discoimted for the greater advantages of a more reliable and abimdant source of food. The distance between hunger and the means of procuring food for its satisfaction widened, and it became possible for the attention to turn to the process itself. It is this separation between the present stimulus of hunger and the activities it prompts with the hope of future satisfaction that furnishes opportunity for those mental and social traits to develop that are the basis of the civilized conditions of life. Self-control in imdertaking labor which was not expected immediately to bring its rewarding satisfactions, increasing attention to the slow processes by which plant food is provided, inventive skill in devising more and more useful i8 The Rural Mind and Social Welfare tools, greater sense of prudence in the attempt to store food — these were some of the mental products of the coming of the new vocational experience. The tendency to linger at a settlement, the acceleration of the development of the division of labor, on a sex basis at first, the growth in the idea of property and law — these were among the impor- tant social products of the higher agrarian culture. - These social advantages were meager, however, until men as well as women took up the task of tilling the soil.- We find sometimes among savages that a part of the agricultural work may be car- ried on by men and the balance by the women. For example, among the Mafulu peoples of New Guinea, Williamson' describes a division of labor which puts upon the men the cutting down of trees and the making of fences, while the clearing of the underbrush is put upon the women. It is likely that stem necessity forced primitive man to make use of his superior strength in providing for the women an opportunity to carry on their simple form of agriculture. Everything we know about" the savage teaches us that the primitive male could not have taken kindly to the new vocational experiences thrust upon him. The reason is obvi- ous. He was turning from a means of food-getting that made a tremendous appeal to his instincts • and was attempting tasks for which his training ' R. W. Williamson, The Ways of the South Sea Savage, p. 233. Primitive AoMctaTBEt: tg and mental equipment made him unfit. This readjustment of vocation-habits was the most difficult and the most important man ever has undertaken. To value it aright in its social con- sequences one must regard it not merely as provid- ing a better source of food; its significance as a teacher of new attitudes of mind and new modes of social experience must also be appreciated. . The rapid and radical social change in savage society due to the introduction of agriculture is well brought out by the following description of Major Leonard's: With the progress from a hunting life to agriculture an improvement and development had taken place in the social scale. The families, or first social units, had increased and multiplied, and necessitated a further extension of premises and a greater area for cultivation. This expansion of the units, as in the previous stage of development, but in increasing ratio, had developed into communities which necessitated greater demands, among which religious and moral principles figured most prominently.' The mental factors developed with hunting . and fishing habits could not be utilized to any extent under an agricultural regime, but they did not pass out of hmnan history an utter loss. As has been pointed out by John Dewey ,^ they found new expression. In the words of present-day psy- chology they were sublimated. In place of hunt- ' A. G. Leonard, The Lonuer Niger and Its Tribes, p. loi. ' Thomas, op. cit., p. i86. 20 The Rural Mind and Social Welfare ing animals for food, and other humans for the satisfaction of killing them, new forms of pursuit originated. When the development of agriculture •. reached a stage that permitted the gathering of such a surplus of food as made possible the city with a population dependent upon outside support for sustenance, then the spirit of the hunt was given an adequate vocational expression by the pressure and competition of urban life. Business especially offered the zest and struggle and even the craft of the himter's Ufe. The dramatic appeal of primi- tive life was more than matched by the satisfactions of commercial competition. Even the pleasure of , contests with the enemy was provided by the antagonisms of classes. The ancient handicap of the agricultural voca- tion still remains. From a hunter's viewpoint it is even yet a prosaic occupation and in large measure likely so to continue. It has a dramatic element in the never-ending struggle of the wits of man against the untoward happenings of season and climate, but the average imagination cannot grasp this form of contest so easily as it does the spectacular conflicts furnished by the commercial strife of man against man in the cities. The theory' has been advanced that this differ- ence in the appeal of coimtry and city vocations has tended toward an ethnic stratification in Cen- ' Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 537-39- Primitive Agriculture 21 tral Europe. The head shape that characterizes the Teutonic racial tjrpe, it is claimed, is more commonly found in the urban population, the ■broad-headed, representative of the Alpine race being predominantly rural. In this stratification of race head forms are included mental traits. The Alpine tj^je is defined as rural-minded, tenacious in its grip upon the soil. It represents conserva- tism and is indisposed to migrate. To this racial type belongs the peasant. On the other hand the mobile Teuton,* the long-headed type^ loves the city with its opportunity for energetic competition and for dominance. Therefore, when within any territory there is a considerable mingling of the two races, he furnishes the greater part of the urban population. This theory, which is by no means an established fact of science, calls attention to the natural attractiveness of the city for the more pugnacious and domineering individuals of a population. Those who are by instinct fitted for • a struggle with persons must seek urban conditions for their highest social satisfaction. The other type, on the contrary, firm in a primitive love for the soil and well equipped for a patient but ceaseless contest with nature, is most at home in the small village or open country. The hunter has by no means limited himself in modern life to business and class competition. The mental cravings typical of the hunter find frequent 22 The Rdkal Mind and Social Welfare and periodic expression in warfare. How deep these cravings are and how persistent is clearly shown by the large place war holds in the record of modern history. Since the first appearance of agriculture human nature has suffered a social dual-v ism. The hunter-warrior's impulses have made for war; the shepherd-farmer's for peace.' The aver- age modern man finds himself impelled toward the captivating emotional orgasm of war and also toward the pleasures and opportunities of the orderly and productive life of peace. The normal' influence of rural experience tends toward peace and attaiimient of satisfaction by productive labor. The urban mind is more easily inflamed into the* war mind and started upon a violent career.' War draws out the impetuous impulses of the hunter's disposition, and with the return of peace the citizen turns to ordinary occupations with relief. It is in terms of war, however, that he still expresses his profound political loyalty, and from war experi- ences that he constructs his strongest traditions. As the agriculturists little by little narrowed the hunter's territory by bringing the soil under per- manent cultivation, so the social mind originating from the farming experience makes slow headway against the powerful appeal of war upon man's most primitive and irrational cravings. ' "A Rustic View of War and Peace," Papers for the PresetU, p. 22. Primitive Agricultcke 23 REFERENCES ON THE SOCIAL CONTRIBUTION OF PRIMITIVE AGRICULTURE Bordeau, L., "The Beginnings of Agriculture," Popular Science Monthly, XL VI, 678-88. Elliot, G. F. S., Prehistoric Man and His Story, chaps, xii, xiii. London: Seeley, Service & Co., 1920. Hobhouse, L. T., Wheeler, G. C, and Ginsberg, M., The Material Culture and Social Institutions 0/ the Simpler Peoples, chap. i. London: Chapman & HaU, 1915. Jenks, A. E., "The Wild-Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes," Bureau of American Ethnology Reports, XIX, 1013-1137- Kroeber, A. L., and Waterman, T. T., Source Book in Anthropology, pp. 245-52. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1920. McGee, W J, "The Beginning of Agriculture," American Anthropologist, October, 1895, pp. 350-75. , "The Beginning of Zooculture," American Anthropologist, July, 1897, pp. 215-30. Osbom, H. F., Men of the Old Stone Age, pp. 496-99. New York: Scribner's, 1919. Ratzel, F., The History of Mankind (A. J. Butler, transl.), I, 87-93. London: MacmiUan, 1896. Roth, H. L., "On the Origin of Agriculture," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, August, 1886, pp. 102-36. Ill CITY DRIFT The most significant movement of population today in both Europe and America is the constant migration of people from the country to the cities. This population drift, one of the many results of modern industrialism, is of the greatest social con- sequence. It portrays economic and social motives that indicate an increasing urbanizing of civilized people everywhere. An impetus toward the urban concentration of people, started by the industrial development of the last century, is greatly stimu- lated by the social conditions of the twentieth century. This movement, already excessive, is becoming still more pronounced as a result of conditions created by the experiences of the world-war; and everywhere rural statesmanship is- attempting to cope with the problem. The drift of rural people to the cities appears to be even greater in Europe than in this country. Most of the European cities have been growing faster than our own. In Germany, France, and England especially a constant depopulation of the rural districts is more and more making Europe one vast urban area. From 1881 to 1891 the French cities of thirty thousand inhabitants or over added 24 City Drift 25 to their respective numbers more than three times as many as the total increase of population for the entire country. In the same period Paris absorbed four-fifths of the entire increase of population of France during the decade.^ For France as a whole the rural population has decreased during the sixty years between 1846 and 1906 as much as i6| per cent.' We have startling testimony from a student and lover of rural England regarding city drift in his country: When we turn to the question of the decrease in the inhabitants of English rural districts, it is to find ourselves confronted with some startling figures. I read that in 1851 the agricultural labourers of England and Wales numbered 1,253,800 and that in 1891 they had shrunk to about 780,700. What the census of 1901 shows their num- ber to be I do not yet know, but I shall be much surprised if it records any advance. Taking it on the 1891 basis, however, it would seem that whereas between 1851 and 1 89 1 the population of England and Wales had increased by about a half, its agricultural inhabitants during this same period had actually decreased by over one-third, with the result that whereas in 189 1 the urban districts could show a total of about 25,000,000 people, the rural districts held only about 7,500,000, that is, some 23 per cent of the popu- lation, as against 77 per cent Uving in towns or their immedi- ate neighbourhood. These figures are very eloquent and very ominous, especially if a careful analysis of those of the ' Ripley, The Races of Europe, p. 540. ' Second Wisconsin Country Life Conference, p. 112. 26 The Rural Mind and Social Welfare last census should prove them to be progressive in the same directions.' In days that are quite recent, as the remarkable Necton document quoted in my chapter on Norfolk shows, folk were haunted by an absolute terror of the over-peopling of the rural districts. Now they suffer from a very different fear. The plethoric population-bogey of 1830 has been replaced by the lean exodus-skeleton of 1902. People are deserting the villages wholesale, leaving behind them the mentally incompetent and the physically unfit; nor, at any rate in many parts of England, — although in this matter East Anglia is perhaps better off than are most other districts, — does the steady flow to the cities show signs of ceasing. Yet — and this is one of the strangest circumstances con- nected with the movement — those cities whither they go are fuU of misery. Disease, wretchedness, the last extremes of want, and the ultimate extinction of their families will be the lot of at least a large proportion of these immigrants.^ It is interesting to find in a country as rural as Sweden the same urban trend. A recent report of the Swedish government states that if instead of being bound by legal distinctions between town and country, one counts as towns all well-populated places of at least 2,000 inh., the entire town population ' Distribution of urban and rural population of England and Wales in 1901 and igii {Statesman's Year Book, 1921, p. 19): I90I 191 1 Percentage of Increase 7,176,72s 28,162,936 7,907,556 10.3 ' Sir Rider Haggard, Rural England, pp. 565-66. City Drift 27 probably rises to about 1,685,000, corresponding as nearly as may be to 30 per cent of the population The urban population during the nineteenth century increased from scarcely 10 per cent of the whole population to more than 21 per cent. This advance, however, does not begin until the decade beginning 1841, after the abolition of the old guild corporations (1846) ; since then the popula- tion of the towns of Sweden has increased at an unusually rapid rate, far quicker than in Western Europe generally; during quite recent times, since the end of the last century or somewhat later, the increase of urban population, in spite of important incorporations, has gone on somewhat slower, that of rural districts somewhat faster than during the few previous decades. This is chiefly due to the fact already pointed out, that by the side of the old, legally acknowledged towns, new places similar to towns arose, sometimes as suburbs, but often enough as new independent town organizations, or the beginnings of them. The next generation, therefore, will see, in all probability, a great increase in the urban population of Sweden.' - Canada with its vast stretches of fertile land might be expected to escape the world-wide urban trend of population, but, as a matter of fact, the Canadian cities are growing at the expense of the country districts. This fact is impressively revealed by MacDougall's study of Canadian rural life. He reports that the country people formed in Canada according to the census of rgoi, 62.4 per cent of the total population; in 191 1 they had fallen to 54.4 per cent. The city population, 37.6 ' J. Guinchard, Sweden, Vol. I, p. 119. 28 The Rural Mind and Social Welfare in 1901, had increased to 45.6 in 1911. He gives the following evidence of the urban trend in Canada: The proportion of rural to total population has fallen in every Province during the decade; in Prince Edward Island from 85 per cent to 84; in Saskatchewan from 80 to 73 per cent; in New Brunswick from 76 per cent to 71; in Manitoba from 72 to 56 per cent; from 71 per cent to 62 in Nova Scotia and in Alberta; from 60 to 31 per cent in Quebec; in Ontario from 57 per cent to 47 ; and in British Colimibia from 49 to 48 per cent.' Assuming that the natural increase of popvilation is 1.5 per cent per annum, the rural population of the Dominion in 1901, 3,349,516, should have increased by 547,878 before the census was taken in 1911. Of the 1,715,326 immigrants who came to Canada during the decade, approximately one-third at the ports of entry gave farming as their occupa- tion. These, with the same annual rate of increase, give a further augment of 670,258. The rural population thus received an accretion of 1,218,136. The actual growth was 574,878. Therefore 643,258 persons left our country districts during the decade." The magnitude of city drift in the United States is disclosed by the tables given on page 29, from the report of the census of 1910: For the interpretation of these tables the reader must bear in mind that the population residing in cities or incorporated places of 2,500 or more inhabitants, including New England towns of that ' John MacDougall, Rural Life in Canada, p. 23. ' Ibid., p. 29. City Drift 29 size, was classified as urban. Outside New Eng- land towns of 2,500 people or more are usually RURAL AND URBAN POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES, 1880-1910* Year NUUBER Pekcentage Pekcentage OF Increase Total Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural 1910.. 1900.. 1890.. 1880 91,972,266 75,994,575 62,947,714 50,155,783 42,623,383 30,797,18s 22,720,323 14,772,438 49,348,883 45,197,390 40,227,491 35,383,34s 46.3 40. s 36.1 29-5 S3-7 59. 5 63.9 70.5 38.3 3S.S 53.8 9.1 12.3 r3.6 * United Statts Census^ r9io, "Population." p. 53. PROPORTION OF THE POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES, IN CITIES OF 8,000 OR MORE, 1790-1910* Year Number of Places Percentage of Increase Each Decade Percentage of Total Population Percentage of Increase 1910. 1900 i8go. 1880, 1870, i860. 1850. 1840. 1830, 1820. 1810. 1800. 1790. 778 SS6 449 291 226 141 8S 44 26 13 II 6 6 39-8 23.8 S4-2 28.7 60.2 65.8 931 69.2 100. o 18. 1 83 -3 0.0 38.8 331 29.1 22.8 20.9 16. 1 12-5 8.S 6.7 4-9 4-9 4.0 i-3 * United Stales Census, 1910, "Population," p. 54. incorporated. In six states of the Union, Vermont, New Hampshire, Ohio, Indiana, Iowa, and 30 The Rural Mind and Social Welfake Missouri, the rural population, including village population, decreased. An attempt has been made by Professor John M. Gillette to proportion the different elements responsible for the growth of the American cities, and his investigation, based upon the census report of 1910, accounts for the urban increase under the four heads: incorporation, or the addition of urban territory, immigration, natural increase of city population, and rural migration. His results are expressed in the following table: FACTORS OF URBAN INCREASE FOR THE UNITED STATES AS A WHOLE, 1900-1910* Factor Amount Percentage of Urban Increase Incorporation . . . Immigration .... Natural increase . Rural migration . Total 924,000 4,849,000 2,426,000 3,637,000 7.8 41.0 20.5 30-7 11,826,000 100. o * John M. Gillette, "A Study in Social Ttyn^mic^," Quarterly Publications of the American Statistical Association, December, igi6, p. 365. -^The author obtains by a different method of analysis 3,275,000 as the minimum estimate of the amount of rural migration for the decade and con- cludes that the true estimate would fall between the minimum and maximum figures, or about 3,500,000. City Drift 31 Detailed statistics concerning the urban and rural population, based on the census of 1920, are being compiled but are not completed. In a pre- liminary announcement, however. Director Rogers has made public the following: The figures of the present census also show that the trend of population from the country to the city has become greatly accentuated since 1910 and that, for the first time in the country's history, more than half the entire population is now living in urban territory as defined by the Census Bureau. That is to say, of the 105,683,108 persons enumer- ated in the Fourteenth Census, preliminary tabulations show that 54,816,209, or 51.9 per cent, are living in incor- porated places of 2,500 inhabitants or more, and 50,866,899, or 48.1 per cent, in rural territory. At the census of 1910 the corresponding percentages were 46.3 and 53.7, respec- tively, showing a loss of 5.6 per cent in the proportion for the population living in rural territory. To show more clearly the change in the proportion of the population living in rural territory now as compared with ten years ago, the rural population can be divided into two classes, namely, 9,864,196, or 9.3 per cent of the total population living in incorporated places of less than 2,500 inhabitants, and 41,002,703, or 38.8 per cent of the total population living in what may be called purely country districts. At the census of 1910, the population living in incorporated places of less than 2,500 inhabitants formed 8.8 per cent, while the population living in purely country districts formed 44.8 per cent of the total population. The increase since 1910 in the population as a whole, as before stated, was 14.9 per cent, but during the decade there has been an increase in that portion of the population living in urban territory of 12,192,826, or 28.6 per cent. 32 The Rural Mind and Social Welfare and in that portion living in rural territory of 1,518,016, or only 3.1 per cent; and if the comparison is extended to cover the two classes of rural territory, it appears that that portion living in incorporated places of less than 2,500 inhabitants shows an increase of 1,745,371, or 21.5 per cent, whereas that portion living in purely country districts shows an actual decrease of 227,355, or six-tenths of i per cent. A survey recently made of the town of Sand- wich, New Hampshire, disclosed the influence of the development of manufacturing in New England upon the destiny of a community which has always been strictly rural. The year 1830 represented the beginning of an era of industrial prosperity in New England,' and the population reported at Sandwich for that year is its maximimi. From that time the growth of urban manufacturing and trade started a migration which has not yet ceased. The follow- ing table makes this clear. POPULATION, SANDWICH, NEW HAMPSHIRE 1810 2,232 1820 2,368 1830 2,743 1840 2,625 1850 2,577 i860 2,227 1870 1,854 1880 1,701 1890 1,303 1900 1,077 1910 928 'Population Growth in Southern New England. American Statistical Association Publication. City Drift 33 A striking fact with reference to the city drift is the greater migration of females than males.» Merritt' states that "in practically all countries there is an excess of males in the rural districts and when we compare by sex and by age groups the per- centage of the total population Uving in rural dis- tricts we find an excess of men at all ages." In the United States there is, however, one exception. The predomination of middle-aged negro females in the rural sections of the South causes in most of the counties an excess of negro females. In the other age groups the negro males predominate. In Europe, where agriculture is carried on without* machinery, there is an excess of females in the rural parts; where modern machinery is largely used males predominate. A very important question arises with reference to our national city drift. In how far does this migration mean a depletion of population vitaUty ? . Does it represent a survival in the rural districts of people socially less efficient than those who move to the cities? Professor Edward A. Ross made in 191 1 a walking trip through certain parts of rural New England for the purpose of studying the social life of communities that for some time had been decreasing in population. He found that "Merritt, "Agricultural Element in the Population," Quarterly Publications of the American Statistical Association, March, 19 16, p. 56. 34 The RuRAi Mnro and Social Welfare (4 H > ;z; <: pq 'A * & o o fi Q O O) a, WO O o < 1 is O fO lO O^00 00 Th Tf O^ o> 00 O O CM^ r^co OOO M a H 0> ^vOO OO w « q MOi-iOOvOMfOO* a 1 \0(N CO'-' 0i«'0 ^w 00 1 t^r^-MvooO 0\tow t^ M »o li 5 O d OnOO t^CX) o« o\ »o P4 O^oO M vo o^ to r^ ioiou^miom 5 io«oO lOThtor^O O O O 0*00 r>.00 00 OO PO oo 00 *0 \0 M lo Tj- O^CO Tf to d ooMHoa*OHO g 1 1 B cd ■e O O 0\ 0^ r* t>-00 00 CO 00 i M \OnO»oi-i O^o-^r* CO H OOmc«mOmc)0\ iovo»oviioi/5iov>Tt- c < '^ ^ .:::::: :si 1 : ; : i : : ;^ lO w tir loO u^O iooo w ^ POO PO « lb a 5 00 pot^inioN c*oo 0\ O OvOO O PD PO w O^ O ^ tr^Vi t^ \r) o^ i-t M M fOvO <0 I-* O .0\« toiOM 1 vO 00 »osO r* r* PO "^ i'^ O O M ciO r^O^fOPO lO lO lO ID lO lO 10\0 VO m 1 vO rOlOC4^C*M O O O O t^CO Ht PO eooo 1 OOvcOwOOOHNOPO is 1" r^ O CO r* lo w o -^oo d d oM-^r^d»d dvpo ? 1 04 tH o* ■<*• r^ i77 Crowd, 54 Cruelty, 114, 115 Curiosity, 131-32 Curtis, H. S., quoted, loo-ioi Dramatic hunt, 17 Edman, I., quoted, 3 Europ>ean city drift, 24 Exploitation of farmers, 125 Family: attitude toward agri- culture, 90; competition, 93-94; feuds, 129-31 Farm journals, 161-62 Farmers' characteristics, 13 Fear instinct, 108-11 Fear and organization, 117-18 Federation of churches, 170 Feeble-minded, loi Gillette, J. M., quoted, 30 Gossip, 132-33 Government and gregarious- ness, S3 Governor Eberhart, 43 Gregarious instinct, 46-55 Gregarious leader, 73 Guinchard, J., quoted, 26-27 Haggard, R., quoted, 26 Housekeepers, 103 Howitt, W., quoted, 120-22 Illegitimacy, loi Individualism, 179, 191, 195 Industrial conflict, 1 24 Influence of rural church, 164- 6S Instincts, number of, 4 Intellectual isolation, 168-69 Intellectual value of play, 147, 152 James, W., quoted, 108-9 Land hunger, 140-42 Leadership, 148, 173, 176-77 Leonard, A. G., quoted, 19 Local leaders, 80-82, 188-90 203 204 The Rural Mind and Social Welfare Loss of youth, 37 Lowie, R. H., quoted, no MacDougall, J., quoted, 28 McDougall, William, quoted, 49-50, 86-87 Merritt, E., quoted, 33, 34-3S Minister and science, 171-72 Miser, 139-40 Modem industrialism, 24 Mother love, 86-87 National welfare, viii Neolithic epoch, 13 New England, 33, 37-38 O'Brien, 145-46 Organization, 181-82; and fear, 191-93; and gregari- ousness, 185-88; and pa- rental instinct, 195; and self- assertion, 189-91 Percentage of males, 33-34 Perishable values, 136-37 Pity, 94-96 Play, 144-52; and co-opera- tion, 148, 153-54; and social discipline, 148; and social health, 145; and social unity, 147; and work, 145, 149-50; lack of, 148-49, 152; urban imitation in, ISS-S7, 174 Potential leadership, 116, igo Precocious courtship, 99 Primitive agriculture, 12-13 Prize contests, 77-78 Propaganda, 52 Psychological era, i Psychological laws, 181-83 Psychological progress, 183 Pugnacity instinct, 127-28 Race friction, 118 Reading, 157-60 Recreational poUcies, 155-56 Ross, E. A., quoted, 36-38, 147-48 Rural church program, 175-76 Rural education, 63 Rural libraries, 160 Rural minister: lack of pres- tige, 169; salary, 165-67; training, 167-68 Rural psychology, 7, 8, 9, 183- 85 Rural racial type, 20-21 Rural statesmanship, 77 Savage agriculture, 12-20 Schools and urban viewpoint, 57 Scientific attitude of farmers, 133-34 Second Wisconsin Country Life Conference, 25 Self-assertion, 67-85; and evo- lution, 70 Sense of accomplishment, 136, 138-39; in community pro- jects, 137-38 Sense stimulation, 60-62 Sex, 97, 98 Social diagnosis, 171, 177 Socializing: of the parental instinct, 196; of the schools, 178, 190, 196-97 Social nature of play, 146 Social sanity, vii Suggestion, 55-60 Sweden, 26-27 Index 205 Tragic experiences, 122-23 Trotter, W., quoted, 47-48 Urban increase in United States, 28r-3i Urban pride, 194 Villager, 75-76 Wage earner's discontent, 61, 83> 13s War and city dweUer, 23 Watson, J. E., quoted, 4, s Williamson, R. W., quoted, 18 Wilson, W., quoted, 105, 151- Workmanship, 135-37, i94 World-war, 50-51 Wundt, W., quoted, 105 PRINTED IN THE U.S.A. #