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Cornell University Library 
 DC 611.N874H35 
 
 Administration of KBVilillifi^^^ 
 
 CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 OF 
 
 NORMANDY UNDER HENRY I. 
 
 By 
 
 PEOFESSOR CHARLES H. HASKINS 
 
 1' 
 
 /' 
 
 Eeprinted from 'THE ENGLISH HiSTOfilCAL REVIEW,' April, 1909. 
 
 SPOTTISWOODE & CO., LTD., NEW-STEEET SQUARE, LONDON 
 
 1909 
 
DC 
 
 'i^'^lC^^J, 
 
The Administration of N ormandy render 
 
 Henry I 
 
 THE reign of Henry I, which Mr. Round has declared perhaps the 
 most tantalising in English history, is equally tantalising to 
 the student of the history and institutions of Xormandy, where the 
 paucity of documents is even greater than in England for the same 
 period. There is nothing in Normandy which corresponds to the 
 Pipe Roll of 1130 or the local surveys, and the destruction of the 
 records of cathedrals and religious houses has been far greater. 
 Under such circumstances no detailed examination of the working 
 of Norman institutions is possible, but certain facts concerning 
 the administration of the duchy can be discerned, and these are 
 here set forth with the aid, wherever possible, of unpublished 
 material.' 
 
 The starting-point for any study of the government of Normandy 
 under Henry I is the plea, published by Mr. Round in 1899, which 
 established for the first time the existence of the Norman exchequer 
 eo nomine in this reign.^ In this document the great officers of the 
 household — Robert de Courcy, seneschal, Henri de la Pommeraie 
 and William Fitz Odo, constables, "William of Glastonbury, cham- 
 berlain,' and Wigan the marshal —together with Robert the 
 
 ' The materials for this paper were collected under a grant from the Carnegie 
 Institution of Washington. 
 
 ■ ' Bernard the King's Scribe,' in this Eeview, xiv. 417-430. 
 
 ' The office inherited by William from his uncle Walchelin was a chamberlainship 
 (Monasticon, vi. 1000). He also appears in two other documents relating to the 
 administration of justice in Normandy : Eound, ubi supia, p. 424; Liire Xoir de 
 Bayeiix, no. 8. 
 
 A 
 
210 THE ADMINISTBATION OF XORMANDY April 
 
 treasurer^ and two other clerks, sit in judgment as 'barons of the 
 exchequer ' to determine the ownership of apiece of land, as well as 
 to protect possession previously established at the exchequer before 
 John, bishop of Lisieux, Eobert de la Haie, seneschal, and others. 
 With this clue in our hands, we shall have httle difficulty in recog- 
 nising the exchequer in the following charter, in which, this time 
 under the name of the king's curia, it sustains the appeal of the abbot 
 of Fecamp against an infringement of the abbey's haute justice'' 
 by the king's justices. It is not stated that the witnesses to the 
 charter are the members of the court who rendered the decision, 
 but such is doubtless the case. The bishop of Lisieux, the two 
 seneschals, and William of Glastonbury are known to us as barons 
 of the exchequer from the document already mentioned, while 
 William d'Aubigny the butler and Geoffrey de Clinton chamberlain 
 and treasurer " are well-known officers of Henry's household. 
 
 (1) H. rex Angl[orum] iustic[iis] et omnibus baronibuset vie [ecomitibus] 
 et ministris et omnibus fldelibus suis totius terre sue salutem. Soiatis 
 quia iuditio et consideratione curie mee per privilegium ecclesie de 
 Fiscann[o] ex dono et concessione predecessorum meorum remanserunt 
 Rogero abbati Fiscaiiii[ensi] et conventui Fiscann[ensi] .xxi.^ libra de 
 placit[o] de quadam combustione et .xx. libre de plac[ito] de quodam 
 homicidio factis in terra saucte Trinitatis Fiscann[i], unde iustioia mea 
 placitaverat et duellum tenuerat de combustione in curia mea. Ideoque 
 precipio et vole quod amodo teneat predicta abbatia sancte Trinitatis de 
 Fiscann[o] omnes dignitates suas et rectitudines et consuetudines tam in 
 plaoitis quam in omnibus aliis rebus sicut umquam prefata abbatia melius 
 et quietius et honorificencius tenuit tempore predecessorum meorum et 
 sicut carta ecclesie testatur et sicut per breve meum precipio. T[estibus] 
 lohanne Lexovfiensi] episcopo et Roberto de Haia et Roberto de Curceio 
 et Will'elmo de Albeny et Galfr[edo] de Clinton[ia] et Willelmo de 
 Glestingeberia. Apud Rothom[agum].* 
 
 ' Forproof that Robert of Evreux was treasurer, see below, pp. 225f. As the charter 
 there quoted shows that he was chaplain to Stephen, he cannot be the man of this 
 name whose son appears as a claimant for his father's land in Cornwall in 1130, so 
 that Mr. Round's reason for dating his plea before 1130 falls. 
 
 ' Murder and arson were pleas of the crown in Normandy, but had been conferred 
 on certain immunists by ducal grant. See ante, vol. xxiii. 504. For the reign of 
 Henry I the clearest statement is found in his charter of 1134 for Bee : ' Concedimus 
 etiam eisdera monachis ut habeant in tota parochia Becoi omnes regias libertates : 
 murdrum, mortem hominis, plagam, mehaim, sanguinem, aquam, et ignem, sed et 
 latronem in Becci parochia captum undecumque fuerit, et omnes alias regiaa libertates 
 quocumque nomine vocentur, excepto solummodo rapto, de quo honeatius existimavi- 
 nnis seculares quam monachos iudicare : ' Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Lat. 1390.5, 
 f. 9v; Ibid. 1.597B, f. 166v ; Archives Nationales, J.J. 92, f. 17, no. 58; Round, 
 Calendar, no. 375. 
 
 » Pipe Roll, 31 Henry I, 37 ; Monasticon, vi. 220 ; Calendar of Charier Bolls, 
 iii. 275. 
 
 ' The cartulary has ' .xx.' 
 
 " Public Record Office, Cartae Antiquae, S. 3 ; cartulary of Fecamp in the library 
 at Rouen, MS. 1207, no. 7, where only the first of the witnesses is given. 
 
1S)09 IWDEU HKXnr I '111 
 
 It will be observed that the word curia in this charter is used 
 of two different bodies, the exchequer of household officials, probably 
 sitting at Eouen, where the charter is issued, and the king's justices 
 (iusticia), from whose jurisdiction in holding pleas of the crown the 
 abbot claims exemption. In the following documents we see the king 
 and his curia determining questions of title to land, but nothing is 
 said of the composition of the court : 
 
 (2) H. rex Angl[orumj Ric[ardo] episcopo Baioc[ensi] efc omnibus 
 baronibuB et fidelibus suis de Oismeis salutem. Sciatis me concessisse 
 Deo et sancto Martino et monacliis de Troart amodo in perpetuum totum 
 mariscum unde placitum fuit in curia mea inter monachos predictos et 
 Robertum de Usseio. Ipse enim Robertus predictus recognovit rectum 
 eorum quod iniuste earn {sic) clamabat et illam calumpniam marisci quam 
 habebat in eo Deo et sancto Martino clamavit quietam coram me. Et 
 volo et concedo et firmiter precipio ut amodo in pace et honorifice et 
 quiete et perpetualiter teneat ecclesia supradicta totum illud mariscum 
 absque calumpnia et teneat et habeat sicut melius et honorabilius et 
 quietius tenet suas alias res. T[estibus] Roberto com[ite] de Mellent et 
 Nig[ello] de Albinni. Apud Rothomagum.^ 
 
 (3) Notum sit domino Normannieet omnibus heredibus meis,baronibus, 
 prepositis, et ministris quod ego Guillelmus comes de Pontivo cum esseni 
 apud Falesiam ante dominum meum Henricum regem Anglorum habui 
 verbum cum Rogerio de Gratapanchia patre et filio de maresco quod 
 oalumniabantur contra sanctum Martinum ot monacbos eius, et rem 
 gestam et tanto tempore a meis antecessoribus possessam et quomodo 
 liberam et communem regi prefato ostendi. Diiudicavit autem rex et 
 eius curia per verba mea et illorum sancto Martino et monachis remanere 
 marescum quietum et liberum et amplius non debere fieri inde contra 
 eos calumniam. Quapropter precipio omnibus heredibus meis ut bee 
 firmiter in perpetuum teneant. Huius finis testes mei sunt Hugo 
 vicecomes et Robertus f rater eius, Paganus filius Hugonis de Mesdavid, 
 Guillelmus de Corcella, Ascelinus et Serlo capellani. Hec autem facta 
 sunt anno ab incarnatione domini .M.C.XXIX. in pentecosten.'" 
 
 In the following plea," of the year 1111, the judges are named, 
 but they are styled optimatcs and appear to have been taken from 
 the great men of the duchy rather than exclusively from the royal 
 household. Apparently the king was not present. The final 
 agreement, dated 18 December 1138, is interesting for its reference 
 to the justiciarship of "William of Eoumare, created by Stephen on 
 
 ' Original, formerly sealed sur simpl-e qtteiie, in archives of the Calvados, fonds 
 Troarn (Marais, liasse 2, no. 77 bis) ; copy by La Kue in the Collection Maneel at Caen, 
 MS. 159, f. 1. Anterior to 1118, the year of the death of the count of Meulan. 
 
 '" Original, with seal of red wnx in parchment cover, attached sur double quetie. 
 This and a charter of William's son John are found, in original and copy, with the 
 preceding. 
 
 " Original notice, with no sign of having been sealed, in archives of the Seine- 
 Inf^rieure, fends de Jumifeges ; copy by Bigot in the Bibliothfeque Nationale, MS. Lat. 
 10055, f. 84. (Where no indication of the library is given in subsequent references, 
 the MS. is in the Bibliotheque Rationale.) 
 
 A 2 
 
212 THE ADMINISTRATION OF NORMANDY April 
 
 his departure from Normandy toward the close of 1137,^^ and for 
 the list of barons witnessing. The civil strife at Eouen is evidently 
 that of 1090." 
 
 (4) In nomine domini nostri lesu Christi ad noticiam presentium et 
 memoriam futurorum ad evitandam in posterum rerum oblivionem et 
 adverse partis controversiam litteris annotamus et apicibus subsequentibus 
 non abolendis temporibus commeniamus qualiter pontificante papa 
 Pasobali anno ab incarnatione domini .M°.C°.XI°. sub rege Henrico 
 abbas Ursus et postea ecclesie romane presidente papa Innoeentio 
 regnante rege Step'iano abbas Willelmus anno ab incarnatione domini 
 .M°.C''.XXX°.VIII''. calumpniam quam heredes Clari, Balduinus videlicet 
 et Clarus frater eius, de mansione que est apud Eothomagum turris 
 Eainerii cognominata et a beato Audoeno sanoto Philiberto et ecclesie 
 Gemmeticensi iure perpetuo possidenda donata, sicut principali eomitis 
 Eicardi auctoritate karta teste roboratum est, diffinierunt. Que res se ita 
 habet : Dominante in Normannia Eotberto comite in urbe Eothomagensi 
 gravis dissensio inter partes Pilatensium scilicet et Calloensium exorta 
 est que multa civitatem strage vexavit et multos nobilium utriusque partis 
 gladio prostravit. Inter quos partis Pilatensium erat quidam rebus et 
 nomine quem supra diximus valde Clarus qui abbati et monacbis 
 Gemmeticensibus pro suo actu et merito plurimum erat carus. Hie ergo, 
 quia domus prefata in munitiori loco consistit, rerum metuens eventum, 
 ut ibi hospes degeret expetiit et pro sua probitate et bonitate ad tempus 
 impetravit. Quo decedente et rege Henrico principante filius ipsius 
 Balduinus hereditario iure mansionem ibidem, violenter voluit optinere, 
 sed abbate Ursone equitatem iudioii reposcente in causam vocatus et 
 nichil rationis dicere visus, iudicio optimatum eadem domo exire et 
 deinceps carere iussus est. Qui videlicet iudices hi fuerunt : Gaufridus 
 Eotbomagensis archiepiscopus, lohannes Luxoviensis episcopus, Eotbertua 
 comes Mellenti, "Willelmus comes Warenne, Gislebertus de Aquila, 
 Willelmus camerarius de Tancardivilla, Willelmus de Ferrariis. 
 
 NonnuUis postea evolutis annis cum Balduinus obisset in primordio 
 excellentissimi regis Stephani, Clarus eiusdem frater super eodem negocio 
 regias aures pulsare et abbatem Willelmum oepit vexare. Que causa 
 multis locis et temporibus varie tractata est et muliismodis ut penitus 
 finiretur a nobilibus et prudentibus viris utrinque amicis elaboratum est. 
 Tandem in hoc rei summa devenit ut idem Clarus ab abbate iiii"'. marchas 
 argenti acceperit et fide data quod nee ipse nee quisquis suorum pro se 
 vel per se de predicta domo ulterius calumpniam moveret abiuravit et 
 filios suos qui tunc non aderant infra .xl. dies adventus eorum ab abbate 
 conventus ad id se inclinaturum sub eadem fide promisit. Itaque 
 
 Willelmo de Eoumara iusticiam regis in Normannia conservante, dominica 
 natale domini proxima precedente quando (?) idem natale mortalibus cunctis 
 honorandum subsequente proxima dominica erat celebrandum, apud 
 Eothomagum in domo que fuerat Audoeni Postelli ista pactio a Godoboldo 
 de sancto Victore reoitata ac perorata est et pecunia Glaro tradita est, sub 
 
 " ' Neustrie vero iustieiarios Guillelmum de Eolmara et Eogerium viceoomitem 
 aliosque nonnullos oonstituerat : ' Orderiens, v. 91. 
 " Id. iii. 351 ff. 
 
1909 UXDER IIEXny I 213 
 
 principibus baronibus et testibus his: Ludovico abbate sancti Georgii, 
 Gualeranno comite j\Iellenti, Willelmo comite Warenne fratre tins. 
 Hugone de Gornaco, Eotberto de Noto Burgo, lohaune de Lunda, liogerio 
 de Paviliaco, Eadulfo de Bosco Eohardi, Eotberto Wesnevall', Osberno do 
 Kailliaco, Ingelranno de Wascolio, \\'alterio de Cantelou, Waleranno de 
 Mellente et Willelmo de Pinu, luhel consanguineo Clari, Luca pincerna, 
 Godeboldo de Sancto Victore, Alveredo fratre eius, Stephano filio Eadulfi, 
 Eadulfo filio Eotberti, Urselino de Wanteria, Eadulfo de Bellomonte, 
 lohanne fratre eius, Eadulfo filio Eainboldi. Ex parte abbatis Gisleberto 
 de Mara fidei susceptore, Geroldus ad barbam, Eaiualdo Yulpe, Willelmo 
 Clarello, Eotberti filiolo, Waltero de Eudonisvilla, Eadulto Calcaterram 
 fratre eius, Eabello filio Goscelini. 
 
 So far the evidence respecting judicial organisation has beer, of 
 a rather general character, but when we come to investigate the 
 royal justices we are on firmer ground. The existence of a regular 
 body of Norman justices under Henry I is plain, first of all, from 
 their enumeration with the other royal officurs in the addresses of 
 his general charters, and is clearly seen from the writs directed 
 iusticiis suis Normannie '■'^ and from the clause, perpetuated under 
 Geoffrey and Henry II, nisi fcccris iusticin inea faciat.^^ The king's 
 justices are mentioned as early as 1108 in a charter for ^luutebourg,"* 
 and about the same time— in any case not later than the following 
 year — we find a chief justiciar, incus jnoprius iustitiariuti . . . qui 
 
 " Livre Noi>' de Bayeux, no. 8 ; Round, Calendar, nos. 107, f>7o. Cf. Round, 
 no. 479 ; Delisle, Cartulaire normand, no. 737, and nos. 15 and 18, printed below. The 
 following writ, from a vidimus of the vioomte of Pontaudeujer in 133H, is unprinted : 
 ' H. rex Angl[orum] iusticiar[iis] Norni[annie] salutem. Mando vobis quod facialis 
 habere abbati de Fiscampo terram et prata de marisois de Aisi ita bene et plenarie et 
 iuste piout comes de Mellent ea tenuit de eo tempore suo, ne super hoc inde amplius 
 clamorem audiam. T[este] canc[ellario] apud Bonam Villam.' Archives of the Seine- 
 Inf^rieure, fonds de Fecamp, box A (Aisier). 
 
 '* See no. 13 below and the Livre Noir, no. 37. A vidimus of Philip the Fair of 
 1313 offers another example : ' H. rex Angl[orum] W[illelmo] de Eoumara salutem. ' 
 Sicut . . abbatissa sancti .Imandi JIaeelina et ecclesia sua saisite fueruut de ecclesia 
 sua de Eoumara et de hiis que ad ecclesiam pertinent anno et die qua pater meus f uit 
 vivus et mortuus et postea earn tenuit tempore patris et fratris mei et meo et Emma 
 abbatissa post earn hucusque, sic precipio quod inde amodo versus neminem ponatur 
 in placito, quia hoc est statutum terre mee. ISed bene et in pace teneat sieut ecclesia 
 sua in retro tenuit hucusque. Et nisi feceris archiepiscopus et iustipia mea facient. 
 T[este] R[oberto] de Ver apud Rothomagum.' Archives of the Seine-Inferieure, fonds 
 de St. Amand ; Archives Nationales, JJ. 49, no. 48; copy in MS. Lat. 17131, f. 100. 
 On the importance of the nisi feceris clause compare Bigelow, History of Procedjire, 
 p. 79. 
 
 '" ' Volo autem et districte precipio ne iusticie mee manum mittant pro iusticia 
 facienda in villa Montisburgi diebus mercati sive nundinarum.' Delisle, Cartulaire 
 iKunnaitd, no. 737. The charter is witnessed by Anselm, and Henry was absent from 
 England from the summer of 1108 until after Anselm's death. The same phrase 
 appears in a, charter for Montebourg purporting to emanate from William Rufus 
 (Livre Blanc de Montebourg, in archives of the Manche, H. 8391, f. 1 ; Gallia 
 Christiana, xi., instr. 229; Neustria Pia, 672), but it is evident from the witnesses 
 that this has been forged on the basis of the charter of Henry I. 
 
214 HIE ADMINISTRATION OF NORMANDY April 
 
 super omnes alios vice mea kistiiiam tenet,^'' or, rnore succinctly, 
 i^lsticia mea capitalis.''^ Ordinarily, as in the Fecamp charter, printed 
 above (no. 1) and in nos. 5 and 6 below, the ■word iustitia denotes 
 the body of justices.^' 
 
 What is perhaps our clearest bit of evidence respecting the 
 justices of Henry I is contained in the ' Emptiones Eudonis,' a 
 document of 1129-31^° which comprises a series of notices of the 
 acquisitions made by St. Etienne of Caen, under the administra- 
 tion of abbot Eudo (1,107-1140). Of the suits here recorded the 
 first came before the king and the whole curia at Arganchy ; besides 
 the bishop of Lisieux, two of the barons who attest are household 
 officers, namely Eobert de Courcy, seneschal, and William of 
 Tancarville, chamberlain (d. 1129 ^'). In the second case, which is 
 prior to 1122, we find a full court {tocius iusticie) of five justices 
 sitting in the castle at Caen, where the exchequer of the later 
 twelfth century regularly held its sessions ; John of Lisieux, 
 Eobert de la Haie, and Hugh de Montfort, constable,^^ are among 
 the judges, but we are hardly justified in assuming that this was a 
 meeting of the exchequer. The action of the justices in deputing 
 
 " Charters for St. Pierre-sur-Hive, Gallia Christiana, xi., instr. 156-160. The 
 first of these, witnessed by William, archbishop of Kouen, who died in February 1110, 
 is anterior to Henry's departure for England in the preceding May ; it may have suffered 
 some alterations, but the original of the other charter is still preserved in the archives 
 of the Calvados. 
 
 '* This phrase occurs in a charter for Beaubec which has come down to us with 
 the style of Henry II, but has the witnesses of a charter of Henry I and is apparently 
 cited in a charter of Stephen which accompanies it in the cartulary : ' Prohibeo ne de 
 aliqua possessione sua trahantur in causam nisi coram me vel coram iusticia mea 
 capitali. Et nichil retineo in aliquo predictorum preter oraciones monachorum. 
 T[estibus] episcopo Bern[ardo] de sancto David, W[iUelmo] de Tano[ardivilla] 
 cam[erario], E[ogero?] filio Eicardi apud Clarendonam : ' Vidimus of 1311 (badly 
 faded), and Coutumier de Dieppe (G. 851, f. 57v), in archives of the Seine Infferieure ; 
 Archives Nationales, JJ. 46, f. 37v. 
 
 " Other examples are the assistance given Babel of Tancarville by the canons of 
 St. Barbe ' erga iusticiam regis Henrici ' (Round, Calendar, no. 568) ; n transaction 
 under Henry II ' in castello Cadomi coram iustitia regis ' (Deville, Analyse d'un ancien 
 cartulaire de S. Etienne de Caen, p. 52) ; and the following notice in a cartulary of 
 Troarn : ' Willelmus rex et Eogerius comes dederunt nobis decimam de crasso pisce 
 Retisville, quara Robertas de Turpo nobis voluit auferre sed reddidit coactus iusticia 
 regis Henrici ' (MS. Lat. 10086, f. 5v). 
 
 ■'" It falls between the release of Galeran de Meulan in 1129 (Simeon of Durham, 
 ii. 283 ; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle ; Orderieus, iv. 463) and the death of Richard of 
 Coutances, 18 November 1131 {Gallia Christiana, xi. 874 ; Sistoriens de France, 
 xxiii. 475). Henry was absent in England from 15 July 1129 to September 1130, 
 and again beginning with the summer of 1131 (Simeon of Durham, ii. 283 ; Henry 
 of Huntingdon, p. 252 ; Eobert of Torigni, i. 185 ; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle). 
 
 " Annals of St. Wandrille, Histoire littiraire de la France, xxxii. 204. In the 
 Pipe Eoll of 1130 we find, not William, but Rabel of Tancarville. If, as seems likely, 
 the order of notices in the ' Emptiones ' is chronological, the judgment at Arganchy 
 was rendered before 1118, the year of the death of William count of Evreux, who 
 makes the grant which follows next but one. 
 
 '''' Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, 326. Hugh revolted in 1122, and was kept in 
 close coniiucmcnt after his capture in ll'Jd : Orderieus, iv. 441, 458, 463. 
 
1!^09 UNDER IlEXRV I 215 
 
 one of their number to take surety from the disturber of the 
 monks should be noted. The proceedings in the third case took 
 place likewise in the castle at Caen, before the king and three 
 justices. Here the justices are sharply distinguished from the 
 barons," and Roger Marmion, who acted as justice in the preceding 
 case, attests simply as a baron.-^ 
 
 (5) Emit Eudo abbas a Willelmo de capella molendinuui de Diocioue 
 iuxta Divam viginti duabus hbris in prima emptione, de quo molendino 
 desaisitus per Robertum Frellam dedit prefatus abbas predicto Willelmo 
 alias .xxii'". libras ut ipsura molendinum contra predictum Robertum 
 disrationaret et sancto Stephano adquietaret. Que disratiocinatio et 
 adquietatio facta fuit apud Argenteium ante regem Henricum ibique 
 ia presentia ipsius regis et tocius curie recognitum fuitipsum molendinum 
 esse de fedio regis. Cuius rei testis est rex ipse et barones ipsius, 
 Johannes scilicet Lexoviensis episoopus, Robertus de Curceio, Willelmus 
 de Tancardivilla, Willelmus Pevrellus, Rainaldus de Argenteio. Testes 
 utriusque emptionis et tocius consummationis ex paite sancti Stepbani : 
 Robertus de Grainvilla, Warinus de Diva, Willelmus Rabodus et fratres 
 eius. Ex parte Willelmi : Willelmus frater eius, Robertus de Hoiot, 
 Radulphus filius Ansfride, Malgerius de Bosavalle, Rainaldus films Asa. 
 Dedit etiam predictus abbas uxori eiusdem Willelmi pro concessione huius 
 venditiouis, quia ipsum molendinum de eius maritagio erat, xl. solidos 
 rotomagensium. Testes : Robertus portarius, Rogerius cumerarius, 
 Warinus Cepellus, Willelmus cocus et alii plures. . . . 
 
 Rogerius filius Petri de Fontaneto in castello C'adomi in presentia 
 tocius iusticie reddidit sancto Stephano terram illam et omnes decimaa 
 illas quas ipse sanctus a Godefrido avo illius et a patre suo habuerat 
 easque eidem sancto deinceps firmiter in perpetuum tenendas concessit 
 Et quia idem Rogerius abbatem et monachos pro eisdem decimis sepius 
 vexaverat, ex consideratione iusticie Gaufrido de Sublis fidem suam 
 affidavit quod nunquam amplius damnum contrarium ac laborem inde 
 sancto Stephano faceret sed manuteneret et bene adquietaret. Et ut bee 
 omnia firmissimo et indissolubili vinculo sancto Stephano teneret, abbas 
 et monachi societatem quam predecessores illius in monasterio habuerant 
 illi concesserunt et insuper de caritate .xl. solidos et unum equum ei 
 dederunt. Testes ipsa iusticia, Johannes scilicet Luxoviensis episcopus, 
 Robertus de Haia, Hugo de Monteforti, Gaufridus de Sublis, Rogerius 
 Marmio. Ex parte sancti Stephani : Raunulfus de Taissel et Ricardus 
 filius eius, Radulfus de Hotot, Aigulfus de Mercato et nepotes illius. Ex 
 parte Rogerii : Radulfus sororius eius, Anschitillus heres de Hotot, 
 Radulfus de Juvinneio. . . . 
 
 Huius autem ville -' ecclesiam quam sanctus Stephanus antiquitus in 
 magna pace tenuerat Herbertus quidam clericus ei modis quibuscumque 
 poterat auferre querens abbatem et monachos inde diu fortiter vexavit. 
 
 -■< CI. Delisle, Bibliotlu'que de V I'xole des Chartcx, x. 273. 
 
 ■-' Roger Marmion was dead in 1130, when his son paid relief for his lands ; Pipe 
 lloll, 31 Henry I. 111. 
 
 -' .Sictavillu (Setiiuuvillc-en-Bts~in). 
 
216 THE ADMINISTRATION OF NORMANDY April 
 
 Quorum vexationi Henricus rex finem imponere decernens utrisque ante 
 se in eastello Cadomi diem constituit placitandi. Die igitur constituto 
 abbas et monaohi cum omnibus que eis necessaria erant ipsi regi et 
 iusticie placitum suum obtulerunt. Herberto aulem ibi in audientia 
 regis et tocius iusticie necnon et baronum deficiente, de prefata ecclesia 
 ipsius regis et iusticie iudicio sanctus Stephanus saisitus remansit, nemini 
 deinceps amplius inde responsurus. Testes huius rei ipse rex Henricus 
 et iusticia, lohannes videlicet Luxoviensis episcopus, Eobertus de Haia, 
 Gaufridus de Sublis, et barones Eadulfus 'Taisso, Eogerius Marmio, 
 Willelmus Patricius, Eobertus Garbonellus. Ex parte sancti Stephani : 
 Eannulfus de Taissello et filii eius Willelmus et Eicardus, Eobertus de 
 Grainvilla, Eadulfus de Hotot, Warinus de Diva et filii eius. . . . 
 
 Has emptiones quas fecit predictus abbas et donationes quas fecerunt 
 suprascripti barones ego Henricus rex Anglorum concede et sigilli mei 
 assertione confirmo. Huius rei sunt testes cum signis suis subscripti 
 barones. Signum Hentrioi regis. S. Eicardi tBaiocensis episoopi. S. 
 lohannis j Luxoviensis episcopi. S. Eicarfdi Constanciensis episoopi. 
 tS. Turtgisi Abrincensis episcopi. S. Eotberti de sigillo. S. Eobertti 
 Sagiensis episcopi. S. Eobertti comitis Gloecestrie. S. Waleranfni 
 comitis de Mellent. S. Eobertti de Haia. S. Eogetrii vicecomitis. S. 
 Wilfeltmi de Albigneio. S. Eobertti filii Bernardi.^^ 
 
 The following document is of greater interest for the procedure 
 than for the composition of the king's court ; unfortunately it is 
 known only through an extract from a lost cartulary, and the 
 omitted portions are plainly of importance. A certain Fulc, who 
 seems to be the overlord of the abbot of Troarn in respect of a cer- 
 tain fief — the language is not free from ambiguity — also claims the 
 
 ^^ Original, endorsed ' Emptiones Eudonis,' in archives of the Calvados, H. 1834, 
 no. 13-5 bis. The charter, which measures 57 by 66 centimetres, is ruled in dry point 
 and divided into four columns ; there is a double queue but no trace of a seal. (A 
 copy by Hippeau is in the Bibliotbfeque Nationale, MS. Lat. n.a. 1406, fi. 76-85v). 
 The witnesses are printed hy Delisle, Histoire de S. $aiweur-le-Vicomte, pitees, 
 no. 47; the slip which makes John, bishop of Seez, appear as Robert between two 
 other Eoberts is not' of the sort one expects in an original, and the crosses seem to 
 have been made by the same hand, so that we may have only an early copy. 
 There can be no doubt of the genuineness of the contents, as the substance of the 
 notices is reproduced, without the names of justices or witnesses, in one of Henry I's 
 great charters for St. Etienne in the same archives (H. 1833, no. 12-8 ; 63 by 
 52 centimetres). The witnesses of this are given by Delisle, Gartulaire normand, 
 no. 828 ; they are identical with those of another charter for the same monastery, 
 evidently issued at the same time (H. 18.83, no. 12 bis-3 bis; 74 by 52 centimetres). 
 The two are incorporated by Henry II into a single charter, printed in Neustria Pia, 
 pp. 628-638 (Bound, Calendar, no. 463). The ' Emptiones Eudones ' were transcribed 
 into the lost cartulary of St. Etienne, a full analysis of which is in the library 
 of St. Genevieve at Paris (MS. 1656), whence it has been published by Deville. 
 Analyse d'un ancien cartulaire de Vahbaye de 8. Etienne de Caen (Evreux, 1905, 
 reprinted from the Revue Catholique de Kormandie, xiv., xv.). The notices which 
 mention the king's justices are quoted from Deville's text (pp. 44-49), which is 
 incomplete and very carelessly printed, by Mr. L. W. Vernon Harcourt, His Grace the 
 Steward, pp. 26f. 
 
1909 UXDER HEXRY I 217 
 
 right to receive from the abbot the entertainment of a man and a 
 horse. The king eomtnands the abbot to defend the suit, and a duel 
 IS waged and, in accordance with a practice abundantlj' exemplified 
 in the later exchequer rolls, recorded at Caen before the king's 
 justices, who decide in favour of the abbot. Fulc, or rather, as 
 before, his guardian for him, then brings forward another claim, 
 this time to a church and twenty acres of land, and the justices 
 order the abbot to do him right ; but the suit is abandoned at tlie 
 instance of the patron of the monastery, William, count of Ponthieu. 
 It should be noted thp.t while the first plea is held per iiissum n-fiis 
 Ilenrici, Henry had been absent from Normandy fur nearly two 
 years. There was nothing to prevent the plaintiff's securing his 
 writ from England, but it was probably granted by the justices in 
 Normandy, as in the ensuing complaint. A notice of this kind 
 must not be pressed too hard, but there is no indication that the 
 procedure was exceptional, and there is interest in the suggestion 
 which the account affords of the justices' issuing writs in the king's 
 name and taking jurisdiction in disputes- between a lord and his 
 vassal. The case also illustrates the procedure in the wager of 
 battle as described by Glanvill : ^' the plaintiff offers battle through 
 a champion who still preserves the name, if not also the character, 
 of a witness. The only justice named besides the bishop of 
 Lisieux is William Tanetin,^' who appears to be acting individually 
 when the suit is dismissed. 
 
 (6) xxiiii" folio veteris cart[arii]. Notum sit omnibus quod anno 
 millesimo centesimo tricesimo tercio in mense maio per clamorem 
 Fulconis filii Fulconis et Rog[erii] Pelavillani vitrici eius qui custodinbat 
 eum et terram illius et per iussum regis Henrici tenuit domnus abbas 
 Andreas placitum et rectitudinem illis de procuratu unius bominis et 
 unius equi quern dicebant ipsum filium Fulconis debere habere ab ipso 
 abbate in feudo cum alio feudo suo. Et in ipso placito fuit inde duellum 
 iudicatum et captum inter Hugonem de Alimannia qui testis erat filii 
 Fulconis et Rad[ulfum] filium Fulberci. Deinde in eodem mens-e apud 
 Cad[omum] recordatum est duellum coram iusticia regis, scilicet coram 
 •lohanne episcopo Lex[oviensi] et Willelmo Tanetin et aliis, et iudicavic 
 curia regis quod habere non debebant quod requirebant, &c. Post finem 
 huius duelli fecit clamorem Eog[erius] Pelavillanus coram iusticia regifi 
 quod abbas Troarnensis toUebat filio Fulconis ecclesiam de Turfredivilla -•' 
 et .XX. aoras terre, et precepit iusticia regis ut abbas rectitudinem inde 
 teneret ill[is]. Interea venit Troarnum Willelmus comes Pontivorum 
 dominus Troarnensis abbatie et interrcgavit ip&um Rog'erium] si de 
 
 " ii. 3. 
 
 M William Tanetin appears as dapifer (of the count of Ponthieu ?) in 1127, and as 
 tenant of the count in 1135 (Round, Calendar, nos. 590, 970). He is frequently 
 mentioned in the cartulary of Troarn in documents ranging from 1117 to 1135 
 (MS. Lat. 10086, ff. 30v. 31, 152v). 
 
 -" Touffreville (Calvados), canton of Troarn. 
 
 A .1 
 
218 THE ADMINISTRATION OF NORMANDY April 
 
 hoc vellet placitare, et respondit Eog[erius] quod in pace dimittebat ex 
 toto in iinem comiti et abbati, etc., totum id est et placitum et eoclesiara 
 et terram, coram ipso comite et Willelmo Tanetin iusticiario regis. 
 Plures sunt testes.^" 
 
 The activity of the justices is also seen from writs like the 
 following, which should be compared with one in the Livre Noir of 
 Bayeux,^' addressed to the bishop of Lisieux, Eoger de Mandeville, 
 and William son of Ansgot, and ordering them to do full justice 
 to the bishop of Bayeux as regards any disturbance of his rights : 
 
 (7) Henricus rex Anglorum lohanni episcopo Lexoviensi et Eogerio 
 de Magn[avilla] salutem. Precipio vobis ut faciatis tenere plenum 
 rectum abbati de Cadomo de aqua de Vei[m] desicuti ipsa iacebat ad 
 manerium in tempore patris mei, ita ne inde clamorem audiam.<*^ 
 
 With respect to the personnel of the king's court the docu- 
 ments published above, taken with the order of precedence in the 
 address of the king's charters,^' fully substantiate Mr. Bound's 
 assertion that bishop John of Lisieux was the head of the Norman 
 exchequer ; and while the title is not given him in any document 
 so far known, there can be no doubt that he held the office of 
 chief justiciar. Next to the bishop, Kobert de la Haie, the sene- 
 schal, appears as the principal member of the court, indeed the 
 absence of these two on account of illness is the occasion of 
 explanation.^^ Eobert seems to have been the chief lay officer of 
 the Norman administration, for his name heads the list of laymen 
 both in the address and the testing clause of Henry's charters 
 except when be is preceded by some one of the rank of count. '^ 
 When Eobert de la Haie is not one of the court, the other Norman 
 
 »» Troarn cartulary, MS. Lat. 10086, f. SSv ; copy by the abb^ La Eue iu MS. 
 Caen 64, i. 46v. 
 
 " No. 29; also in Livre Rouge (MS. Lat. n.a. 1828), no. 29. 
 
 '- Library of St. Genevieve, MS. 1656, f. 20 ; incorrectly printed by Deville, 
 Analyse, p. 18. 
 
 »' Bound, Calendar, nos. 282, 569, 1436 (cf. no. 611) ; Ordericus, iv. 435. 
 
 '* Ante, vol. xiv. 426. 
 
 '* Ibid. xiv. 424; supra, nos. 1, 5; infra, nos. 9, 11, 12, 14, 17; Ordericus, 
 V. 435 ; Round, Calendar, nos. 107, 122, 123, 168, 197, 398, 724, 924, 998, 1191, 
 1388, 1436 (where Mr. Round and the editor of the Livre Noir, no. 34, have Richard, 
 but the cartulary has simply E.) ; Calendar of Charter Bolls, ii. 137 ; Calendar of 
 Patent Rolls, 1330-34, p. 334, 1334-38, p. 249 ; MS. Lat. 11058, f. 8 (charter of Feb- 
 ruary 1131 for Seez, given at Eouen). Such exceptions to the precedence of Eobert 
 in the testing clause as are found in Eound, nos. 373, 375, 411, and Monasticon, vi. 
 1071, are not originals ; but no. 1052 in Eound (from a copy by Gaigni^res) and 
 no. 828 in the Cartulaire normand of Delisle seem to be real exceptions. The place 
 of Eobert de la Haie in the Norman administration shows the need of serious modifi- 
 cation in Mr. Vernon Harcourt's view of the unimportance of the seneschal's office in 
 this reign; indeed, in view of the almost uniform precedence of the seneschals in 
 Henry's charters, it is impossible to maintain that they show ' no trace of pre-eminence 
 over other household functionaries ' (His Grace the Steward, p. 24). 
 
1909 UXDEn HKXRY I 219 
 
 seneschal, Eobert de Courcy, is the first lay member. The jus- 
 ticiar and the seneschal would thus seem to have been the im- 
 portant elements in the court. 
 
 In certain of Henry's writs we find a distinction drawn between 
 his iusticia Xormannic and other justices in a way which suggests 
 at first sight the chief justiciar in contrast to his colleagues, but 
 more probably has reference to justices who were local or were 
 at least acting locally. Thus a writ in favour of the canons of 
 Bayeux is addressed iitsticiis suis Xormannic et Willelmo Glast\on\i^ 
 et Eudoni Baiocensi et G[aiifrido'] de Subles.^^ Another writ, 
 evidently issued in the vacancy of the see between 1133 and 1135, 
 is directed insticiis et custodibus episcnpatits Baioccnsis, who are 
 ordered to execute a decision of the king's curia in a case between 
 two of the bishop's vassals — ct nisi feccritis iusHcia Xiinn[an)iie] 
 faciat fieri.^'' There are also writs addressed to local justices in 
 particular districts : iustitie et vicccuiniti Archarum,"^ iusticiariis ct 
 7ninistris de sancto Marcalfo et de Vairccilla,^^ insticiis Constantini, 
 iusticiis Constantini et Vallornarum,^" Ahjaro de sancte Marie ecclcsia 
 ceterisque iusticiis Constantini.*'^ In the first of these instances the 
 justice and vicecomes may be one and the same, as occurs in 
 England at this period,^^ and the same persons may be acting as 
 justices and custodes in the Bayeux writ ; but it is not likely that 
 the justices and ministri of St. Marcouf were identical, and the 
 justices of the Cotentin have no other title and are evidently royiil 
 judges for the district, whether itinerant or acting under local com- 
 missions it is impossible to say. In some instances, as when the 
 bishop of Lisieux is associated with local magnates like Eoger de 
 Mandeville and William Tanetin, the court may have consisted of an 
 itinerant justiciar and a local judge. In order to follow out questions 
 connected with the local administration of justice, we should need 
 to examine a considerable number of writs, or at least a 
 considerable group of those relating to a particular district or 
 religious establishment ; and the Norman writs of Henry's reign 
 are few and scattered.*' Not all of the following documents for 
 the abbey of Montebourg relate to the administration of justice, 
 but they are printed here because they form an interesting group 
 
 ^' Livre Noir, no. 8 ; Chevalier, Ordinaire et Coutumier de VEglise de Bayeux, 
 p. 419 ; Round, Caleiidar, no. 1437. 
 
 " Livre Noir, no. 37, ^» Round, Calendar, no. 398. =' No. 9, below. 
 
 " No. 11, below. 
 
 *' Henry I for H^auville, a priory of Marmoutier : Vidimus in archives of the 
 Manche ; copy in MS. Grenoble, 1402, f. 232 ; printed in Bevue Caiholigue de 
 Normandie, x. 350 (1900). 
 
 « Stubbs, Constitutional History, 6th ed. i. 423; Round, Geoffrey de Mande- 
 ville, 106 ff. 
 
 " The two most important sets of such writs are those in the Livre Noir of 
 Bayeux (nos. 8, 29, 34, 37, 38) and the charters and writs relating to Euvermeu 
 calcudarcil by Mr. Round {Calendar, nos. S'X) 3'.)~^}. 
 
220 THE ADMINISTRATION OF NORMANDY April 
 
 which has not as yet been published.** The allusion to pleas of 
 the forest in No. 11 should be noted, although there is reference 
 to such pleas as early as the reign of Eobert the Devil.*^ 
 
 (8) H. rex Arigl[orum] vicec[omitibus] et prepositis et ministris suis 
 tocius Costantini salutem. Precipio vobis quod non capiatis hominem 
 aliquem vel nampnum eius aliqua occasione in mercato de Monteborc die 
 ipso quo mercatum est, si eum alia die et alibi in terra mea eos capere 
 poteritis. Quia nolo quod mereatum elemosine mee per occasionem 
 destruatur. T[este] E[obertoJ comite Gloec[estrie] apud Argent [onum?] 
 per WiUelmum Glastonie.^* 
 
 (9) H. rex Angl[orum] iusticiariis et ministris de sancto Malculpho 
 et de Varrevilla ^^ et omiiibus domiuis de quibus abbatia de Monteborc 
 tenet, salutem. Precipij quod abbatia de Monteburgo teneat omnia sua 
 ita bene et quiete et bonorifice sicut liberior abbacia tocius Normannie, 
 et nominatim elemosinam meam terram de Foucarvilla liberam et 
 quietam de teloneo et de verec et de omnibus consuetudinibus et de 
 omnibus querelis. Nolo enim ut habeant occasionem mittendi manum 
 ullo modo super elemosinam meam. Quod si quid iniurie fecerint, videat 
 iusticia mea ne perdam rectum meum ; abbacia namque est propria 
 mea eapella et ideo precipio vobis ut eam custodiatis. T[este] E[oberto] 
 de Haia. Apud Eoth[omaguml.''* 
 
 (10) H. rex Anylie K[ioardo] Constantiensi episcopo et vicec[omiti- 
 bus] et omnibus baronibus et fidelibus suis de Costent[ino] salutem. 
 Sciatis me concessisse abbatie sancte Marie Montisburgi eeclesiam de 
 Morl'arivilla ''^ cum feria et terris et decimis et omnibus rebus ipsi ecclesie 
 pertinentibus, quam Sanson de Morfarvilla predicte abbatie dedit et con- 
 cessit concessione Roberti de Novo Burgo domini sui et fratrum eius. 
 Et volo et precipio firmiter ut bene et in pace et quiete et bonorifice 
 teneat. T[estibus] Eoberto de Novo Burgo et Willelmo de Albinneio. 
 Apud Rothomagum.^" 
 
 " The cartulary of Montebourg in the Biblioth^que Nationale (MS. Lat. 10087) 
 was unknown to Mr. Round, as were the valuable copies of documents relating to the 
 Cotentin which were made by Pierre Mangon at the end of the seventeenth century 
 and are now preserved in the library of Grenoble (MSS. 1390-1402). Cf. Delisle, 
 'Les Memoires de Pierre Mangon, vicomte de Valognes,' Annuaii'e de la Manche, 
 1891, pp. 11-42. 
 
 '^ Charter for Cerisy, Neustria Fia, 431 ; Monasticon, vii. 1073. 
 
 '* MS. Lat. 10087, no. 8, where the writ is dated ' apud Dug.' The vidimus in the 
 archives of the Manche (H. 8426, 8527) and in the Archives Nationales (JJ. 52, f. 62, 
 JJ. 118, f. 258) ; MSS. Grenoble 1395, ff. 9, 58, and 1402, f. 64v ; and Add. MS. 15605 
 of the British Museum, ff. 13v, 14v, 26, all have ' Argent.' For the contents of the 
 privileges of the market of Montebourg, see Delisle, Cartulaire nm-mand, no. 737. 
 
 ■" S. Marcouf is in the canton of Montebourg. Varreville and Foucarville are in 
 the canton of Sainte-M6re-Eglise (Manche). 
 
 •" MS. Lat. 10087, no. 9 ; also in Lime hlanc (archives of the Manche, H. 8391), 
 f. 2 ; MS. Lat. 12885, f. 161 ; Add. MS. 15605, ff. 13v, 14v, 26. Vidimus in archives 
 of the Manche, H. 8426, 8427, 1088 1 , and in Archives Nationales, J J. 52, f . 62, JJ. 118, 
 f. 258. Copies in MSS. Grenoble 1395, f. 28v, and 1402, f. 35v, and in the Baluze 
 MSS. of the Biblioth^que Nationale, MS. 58, ff. 38, 39v. In MS. Grenoble 1395, 
 f. 9, there is a copy of this writ (from a vidimus of 1315) addressed 'episcopo Con- 
 st[antiensi] et iusticpis] Norm[annie] et omnibus . . .' 
 
 " Montfarville (Manche), canton of Quettehou. '° MS. Lat. 10087, no. 10. 
 
1909 UNDER HENRY 1 221 
 
 (11) H. rex Angl[orum] iustic[iisj Costentini et Willelmo de Bruis et 
 forestariis suis salutem. Mando vobis atque precipio quod pennittatis 
 habere monachos de Montisburg[o] tot arbores in Bruis" ad focum suum 
 quot ebdomade habentur in anno et materiam ad sua edificia et pas- 
 nagium suum quietum et omnes consuetudines suas liberas et quietas, et 
 de tot arboribus sint quieti forestarii in placitis meis de quot garantiza- 
 verint eos monachi per suas taillias. T[este] B[oberto] comite Gloe- 
 c[estrie] apud Roth[oniagumJ per E[obertum] de Haia.'^ 
 
 (12) H. rex Angl[orum] Ric[ardo] episcopo de Constanc[iis] et 
 W[illeImo] de Alben[neio] salutem. Precipio ut Unfredus de Alben[neio] 
 teneat terram suam in pace et quiete et decimam de Morsalines *■' et 
 molendinum et quicquid habefcin eadem villa, et concedo ut ecclesia de 
 Montebo[r]c post mortem Unfredi eamdem terram habeat in quiete et pace 
 sicut Unfridus earn eidem ecclesie dedit. T[este] R[obertoj de Haia. 
 Apud Roth[omagum].'^ 
 
 (13) H. rex Angl[orum] ^^[illelmo] de Albin[neio] salutem. Pre- 
 cipio quod ecclesia de Monteburgo de elemosina mea teneat terram suam 
 de Morsalinis quam Unfridus de Adevilla ei dedit concessu patris tui ita 
 bene et in pace et iuste et quiete sicut breve patris tui quod habent 
 testatur. Et nisi feceris iusticia mea faciat, ne inde amplius clamo- 
 remaudiam pro penuria plene iusticie vel recti. T[este] R[oberto] comite 
 Gloec[estrie] apud Alg' per W. Filiastr[um].^^ 
 
 (14) H. rex Angl[orum] Ric[ardoJ de Ansgervilla, W. de sancto 
 Germano salutem. Precipio vobis quod faciatis ita iuste habere abbati 
 de Montisburgo octavam partem ecclesie de Herrevill' ^^ sicut habet 
 octavam partem terre eiusdem ville et desicut venit in curiam meam ut 
 illam partem disrationaret versus monachos de Haivill' et homines 
 suos et illi defecerunt se illuc veniendi ad diem suum inde sumptum et 
 datum ; ita ne super hoc amplius clamorem inde audiam. T[e8te] 
 R[oberto] de Haia per Thomam de Ponte episcopi. Apud Rothomagum." 
 
 (151 H. rex Anglie episcopo Constanc[ieQsi] et iusticpis] Normannie 
 et omnibus dominis de quibus abbatia de Montisburgo et ecclesia sua tenet, 
 salutem. Precipio quod abbas de Montisburgo et ecclesia sua teneant 
 terras et homines et ecclesias et decimas et molendina et consuetudines et 
 omnia sua ita bene et in pace sicut abbatia Fiscan[ni], quod enim ad me 
 pertinet in ea omne concessi illi in elemosina. T[este] R[oberto] de Ver. 
 Apud Rothom[agum].=* 
 
 " Brix (Manche), canton of Valognes. 
 
 " MS. Lat. 10087, no. 11 ; archives of the Manche, H. 8426, 8427 ; Archives 
 Nationales, JJ. 52, f. 62, JJ. 118, f. 258; MS. Grenoble 1395, f. 9: British Museum, 
 Add. MS. 15605, ii. 13v, 14. In MSS. Grenoble 1395, f. 29, and 1402, f. 35v, the writ 
 begins : ' H. r[ex] Angl[orum] iustpciis] Constantiui et VaUonparmn] et forestariis 
 de Bruis.' Cf. Henry's general confirmation, Delisle, Cartulaire nm-maiid, no. 737. 
 
 '' Morsalines (Manche), canton of Quettehou. 
 
 >' MS. Lat. 10087, no. 12. " Ibid. no. 13. 
 
 '« Helleville (Manche), in the canton of Les Pieux, not far from the priory of 
 H^auville. 
 
 " MS. Lat. 10087, no. 14. 
 
 " Ibid. no. 15 (where the witness appears as ' E. de Weu ') ; lAvre blanc 
 (H. 8931), f. Iv; MS. Lat. 12885, f. 161; Add. MS. 15605, ff. 13v, 14v, 26; MS. 
 Grenoble l&9o, f. 28v; vidimus in archives of the Manche, H. 8426, 8427, 8692, 
 
222 THE ADMINISTRATION OF NORMANDY April 
 
 William de Brix and Eichard d'Angerville are also found as 
 royal judges in the Cotentin in a document relating to the abbey of 
 St. Sauveur, where the king's justices are apparently sitting in the 
 feudal court of Nigel the vicomte.^^ It is not clear whether any of 
 the other witnesses to this charter are royal judges.^" 
 
 (16) Sciant etiam omnes quod monachi sancti Salvatoris omnes 
 decimas et maxime medietatem campartorum, quod est deoima pro qua 
 inceptum fuit, totius terr^ Nigelli vicecomitis et suorum omnium 
 hominum diraciocinaverunt in curia sua, quibusdam eius militibus et 
 vavassoribus contradicentibus, quibusdam concedentibus. Et ibi nemiue 
 resistente sed omnibus adquiescentibus iudicatum est atque diffinitum 
 tam a regis quam a Nigelli iudicibus ut abbati^ extunc et deinceps 
 recta decima et maxime medietas campartorum a predictis sine calumpnia 
 redderetur. His testibus : Willelmo de Bruis, Eicardo de Ansgervilla, 
 Eogero de Eufo Campo, Waltero de Hainou, Eogero Subart.^'^ 
 
 The Norman evidence, like that for England in the same period, 
 does not suffice to give a clear picture of the judicial sj^stem, 'yet it 
 is plain that there is such a system and that it is creating a body of 
 law. The justices issue writs, take sureties, try pleas of the crown, 
 and hear possessory as well as petitory actions. If we may trust 
 Henry I's charter for the town of Verneuil in the form in which it 
 has reached us, the use of writs is already so common that they 
 are granted by local officers, although the writ concerning land 
 stands on a different footing from the others.^^ Very likely the 
 king's court administered some form of procedure by sworn 
 inquest ; such inquests were certainly held by Henry's command, and 
 within ten years of his death they had developed into regular 
 assizes."' 
 
 Of the fiscal side of the Norman administration no records have 
 
 and in Archives Nationales, JJ. 52, f. 62, JJ. 118, f. 258. In MS. Grenoble 1402, f . 35v, 
 the witness is given as ' Eie. de Eedvers.' 
 
 =' Cf. the presence of Henry I's judges in the court of the bishop of Exeter, 
 ante, vol. xiv. 421. 
 
 '" William de Brix witnesses charters of Henry I for St. Etienne (Round, Calendar, 
 nos. 1411, 1412 ; Delisle, Gartulaire normand, no. 828). Eichard d'Angerville appears 
 as a witness in January 1101 in the Troarn cartulary (MS. Lat. 10086, f. 149) and in 
 1104 in Delisle, Histoire de Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte, pieces, no. 46. Eoger Suhart 
 was a prominent sub-tenant of the bishop of Bayeux in 1133, Historians de France, 
 xxii. 699 f. (cf. Tardif, Goutumiers de Normandie, i. 1. 112). 
 
 " Inpancarteoi St. Sauveur, British Museum, Add. Ch. 15281, formerly sealed 
 (' sigillum Eogerii vicecomitis '). Printed by Delisle, Histoire de Saint- Sauveur, 
 pieces, no. 48, from the. cartulary of the abbey at St. L6, no. 13, where the words 
 ' tam a regis quam a Nigelli iudicibus ' are omitted. 
 
 <•' ' Et si aliquis burgensium breve aliquod a prelato pecierit, illud habebit sine 
 precio, preter terram : ' Ordonnances des Bois, iv. 639, c. 10. The text of these 
 privileges is quite corrupt; ior prelato (cf. DaCange, s.v.) we should probably read 
 pretore or preposito. 
 
 «' See Haskins, 'The Early Norman Jury,' American Historical Beview, viii. 
 613-640. 
 
1909 UNDER HEXBY I 223 
 
 survived anterior to the exchequer roll of 1180, but a roll of 1136 
 is mentioned in the eighteenth century/* and a careful study of the 
 later rolls and of the incidental evidence of earlier sources shows 
 that the essential features of the exchequer of Henry II existed 
 under Henry I and even earlier. As in England, there was no sharp 
 separation between the judicial and the financial duties of the king's 
 ofScers : in 1123 the iustitiarii regis took possession of the county 
 of Evreux and the lands of the rebels and added them to the 
 king's demesne/' and after Robert of Belleme had been removed from 
 office in 1112 for failure to render account for the royal revenues 
 in his vicomtes of Argentan, Exmes, and Falaise, we find bishop 
 John of Lisieux in charge of the royal stores at Argentan."'^ The 
 system of collection and account which appears in the later 
 rolls, being based upon the vicointe and prevote and not on the 
 newer hailliage of the Angevin dukes, plainly goes back to the time 
 when these were the important local areas ; and the tithes and 
 specific payments charged against the ferms can in many instances 
 be traced back well into the eleventh century.'''' Even the amount 
 of the ferm might long remain unchanged, in spite of such a general 
 revision as was made in 1176 ; the forest of Eoumare, for example, 
 was let at the same amount in 1180 as in 1122.'^^ An excellent 
 illustration of the continuity of the exchequer arrangements is fur- 
 nished by the following extracts from a charter of Henry I for Seez 
 cathedral, in which the ferm of the vicomte is shown to have 
 existed under William the Conqueror : 
 
 (17) Ipsis quoque fratribus regularibus damus et confirmamus quin- 
 decim libras Eothomagensis monete quas dedi in dedicatione ipsius 
 ecclesie in unoquoque anno habendas, scilicet septem libras et decern 
 solidos in teloneo meo de Falesia et septem libras et decem solidos in 
 
 teloneo meo de Oximis Preterea daodecim libras in firma nostra 
 
 de Argentomo et viginti et unum solidos in teloneo eiusdem ville et 
 sexaginta solidos et decem denarios de teloneo nostro de Oximis que 
 dederunt pater meus et mater mea ecclesie Sagiensi ad victum canoni- 
 corum duorum, quod anfciquitus in elemosina statutum fuerat. . . . 
 
 Facta est autem atque confirmata hec pagina apud Diepam anno ab 
 incarnatione dominioa millesimo centesimo trigesimo primo, me Henrico 
 in Anglia regnante et Normanorum ducatum tenente Innocentio papa 
 secundo Ausonie cathedre presidents. S. Hugonis archiepiscopi,*^ 
 
 "' M&moires des Antiqiiaires de Nonnandie, xv. xxs. 
 
 « Ordericus, iv. 453. "" Ibid. iv. 303, 305. 
 
 «' I have tried to throw some light on the fiscal organisation of the eleventh 
 century in a forthcoming paper on ' Normandy under William the Conqueror.' 
 
 ffl ' Et in paroo meo Eothomagi totam decimam feni et .c. solidos de foresta mea 
 de Romare, scilicet decimam per annum : ' Charter of Henry I in 1122 for Notre Dame 
 du Pr6, early copy in archives of the Seine-Inf^rienre, tonds Bonnes Nouvelles, box D. ; 
 certified copy in MS. Lat. n.a. 1245, f. 37. In 1180 the tithe is still 100 solidi (Staple- 
 ton, i. 75)- On the revision of 1176 see F. M. Powicke, ante, vol. xxii. 23. 
 
 ® MS. archidiaconi. 
 
224 THE ADMINISTRATION OF NORMANDY April 
 
 Audini episcopi Ebroicensis, lohannis episoopi Lexoviensig, Eoberti de 
 Haia dapiferi, Unfredi de Bohun dapiferi, Rabelli camerarii, Guillelmi 
 filii Odonis con.estab[ularii], Guillelmi Maledocti cam[erarii]J° 
 
 At Henry's death his treasure was in the castle of Falaise, in 
 charge of Eobert of Gloucester/' and the English Pipe Roll of 1130 
 shows the Norman treasury receiving payments on English accounts 
 and certifying credits by royal writs/^ the officers who receive the 
 money being Osbert de Pont de I'Arche and Nigel nephew of the 
 bishop of Salisbury. Osbert held a ministerivm cainere curifJ'' 
 Nigel is styled treasurer in two documents which he witnessed at 
 Rouen/* but though he was with the king in Normandy through the 
 early months of 1131, he accompanied him to England in the 
 summer of that year/^ and it does not appear that his duties or 
 Osbert's were confined to NormandyJ^ Whatever the exact relation 
 of Nigel ' the treasurer ' to the Norman treasury, there was through- 
 out the twelfth century a special treasurer for Normandy. In the 
 exchequer rolls of 1180 and later the tithes of the Lieuvin, the 
 pays d'Auge, and certain other districts are a fixed charge upon 
 the ferms for the benefit of the treasurer of Normandy,'' a natural 
 extension to one of the royal chaplains of the practice of assigning 
 the tithe of a vicomte to a religious house. That this arrangement 
 goes back to the reign of Henry I appears from the following 
 passage in Stephen's confirmation of the possessions of St. Barbe- 
 en-Auge in 1187 : '^ 
 
 " Library of Alenpon, MS. 177, f. 99, from a copy made from the original in 1521 ; 
 
 . MS. Lat. 11058, f. 8, from the Livre rouge of S^ez cathedral, now in possession of the 
 
 bishop. These items are duly charged in the rolls (Stapleton, Magni Botuli, i. 
 
 Ixxxviii, xovi, cxxxii, 39, 50, 103) except the payment from the prepositura of Falaise, 
 
 which is ten shillings too small in 1180 but appsars in full in 1198 [ibid. ii. 414). 
 
 " Orderious, r. 50 ; Eobert of Torigni, i. 201. 
 
 " Pp. 7, 13, 37, 39, 54, 63. " Ibid. 37. 
 
 '* Bound, Calendar, no. 1388 ; and the following conclusion of a charter of the 
 chapter of Chartres, issued, as appears from the lists in Merlet, Dignitaires de VEglise 
 de Notre-Dame de Chartres, subsequently to 1126 : ' Postea vero Mauricius et Petrus, 
 alii fratres, concesserunt hoc ipsum apud Eotomagum et vadimonia sue concessionis 
 transmiserunt per manus domni Henrici propositi, videntibus et audientibus Andrea de 
 Baldement, Willelmo de Fraxineto,Nigello thesaurario, Heinrico deBicheborc, Eadulfo 
 de Meroato, An soldo de Bellovidere oanonico, Guillelmo de la Veutona, Boberto de la 
 Haie ' (MS. Lat. 5185 I, p. 90, copied from the original). 
 
 " Bound, Calendar, nos. 122-124, 287, 373, 1388 ; Sarum Documenta, p. 7 ; MS. 
 Lat. 11058, f. 3 (charter for S6ez, witnessed at Bouen, February 1131) ; Monasticon, 
 iv. 538, vi. 240, viii. 1271 ; ante, vol, xxiii. 726. 
 
 '^ Cf. the document witnessed by them, ante, vol. xiv. 422, which was probably 
 issued in England. Mr. H. Hall, Bed Book of the Exchequer, coc, seeks to identify 
 them with the milites episcopi of the Constitutio domus regis. 
 
 " Stapleton, Magni Botuli, i. xciii, exxi, 40, 77, 90, 99, 100, 118, 146, 157, 167, 
 168, 246, 461, 549, 560. The chamberlains of the family of Tancarville had a fixed 
 grant from the ferm of Lillebonne under Henry I, Monasticon, vi. 1066 ; Stapleton, i. 
 68, 157. 
 
 " Original, or pretended original, in the archives of the Calvados, fonds de S. Barbe ; 
 Bound, Calendar, no. 570. 
 
1909 UNDER HENRY I 225 
 
 Confirmavi .... decimam de vicecomitatu de Le'vin et Algia qu? 
 sunt de capellaria mea quas Gislebertus de Ebroicis et Eobertus filius 
 eius capellani regis Henrici et mei dederunt et concesserunt eidem 
 §cclesi§. 
 
 It is not here stated that Gilbert of Evreux and his son were 
 treasurers, but we know from other sources that they were. In the 
 history of the foundation of St. Barbe," written at the end of the 
 twelfth century, we read : 
 
 Fuit in diebus superioris Henrici regis Anglorum quidam clericus in 
 urbe Kothomagensi nomine Gillebertus, ex clericali et militari prosapia 
 editus. Hie et Eothomagensia ecclesie precentor et prefati regis thesau- 
 rarius erat. Cum autem filios quinque haberet iuvenes egregios literis 
 deditos et in curia regis nominatos, primogenitum Willelmum sibi annig 
 iam mafcurus in thesaurarii officio ex regis beneplacito subrogavit. In 
 quo etiam officio reliqui fratres, quamdiu superstites fuerunt, ac si iure 
 liereditario sibi invicem successerunt. Guillelmus igitur patris potitua 
 officio, cum pro multiplici preclare indolis probitate regis et procerum 
 gratiam et familiaritatem haberet, tandem spreta mundi maleblandientis 
 prosperitate, spreto iuventutis Acre, spreto pafcre dulcique fratrum 
 consorcio, spreto eciam latere regis Anglorum, regi militare disposuit 
 angelorum. 
 
 Here we have six successive treasurers. Gilbert ^' must have 
 given up the office some years before 1128, when his son William 
 ' the Treasurer,' having lived as a hermit for a time after his 
 retirement from the court, was made prior of the newly organised 
 community of St. Barbe by its patron Rabel of Tancarville. 
 Gilbert died before 1137," and his fief of Agy, near Bayeux, had 
 been in possession of St. Barbe since 1133 or earlier.*^ William's 
 successor as treasurer was Eobert, sccumlus natus post fiuilldinuiit, 
 
 '■' MS. 1G43 of the library of St. Genevieve, f . 57, printed by Sauvage, La Chronique 
 de Sainle-Barbe-en-Ange (Caen, 1907), 19-20. 
 
 "" A strict interpretation of Stephen's charter might make Gilbert one of his 
 chaplains, but that is out of the question. ' Gislebertus cantor ' witnesses a charter 
 of Archbishop Geoffrey in 1119 (MS. Lat. 17044, f. 19), but this may have been the 
 Gislebertus cantor who witnesses Archbishop Hugh's charters for St. Georges de 
 BochervUle in 1131 (MS. Eouen 1227, ft. 45, 46), for Bee in 1141 (MS. Lat. 13905, 
 f. 90), for Beaubeo in 1142 (archives of the Seine-Interieure, fonds de Beaubec), and 
 for Lire in 1145 (archives of the Eurc, H. 438). As Gilbert the treasurer was of 
 clerical descent, he may be that ' Gislebertus filius Eotberti archidiaconi Ebroicensis ' 
 who offered his son Hugh to Jumi^ges in 1099 (MS. Lat. n.a. 1245, f. 191). He can 
 hardly have been the ' Gislebertus filius Bernardi ' who was a canon of Eouen in 1075 
 (archives of the Seine-Jnferieure, G. 8739). 
 
 " ' In Baiocassino apud Ageium terram de patrimonio Gisleberti de Ebrois quam 
 filii eius dederunt ^cclesi^ S. Barbara pro anima eiusdem Gisleberti qui ibi iacet.' 
 Charter of Hugh, archbishop of Eouen, 1187, confirming the possessions of St. Barbe ; 
 original in archives of the Calvados, fonds de S. Barbe. The possessions at Agy are 
 described more exactly in original charters of Henry II and Philip, bishop of Bayeux, 
 preserved in the sa.me fonds ; cf. Calendar of Charter Boils, iii. 308. 
 
 "-' Inquest of military tenants of the bishop of Bayeux in 1133, Historiens de France, 
 xxiii. 701. 
 
226 THE ADMINISTRATION OF NORMANDY April 
 
 vir in regno nominatissimus,^^ whom we have akeady found sitting 
 in the Norman exchequer.** He must have been in office in 1128 
 and have continued as late as 1136, since he was a chaplain of 
 Stephen. Of the other sons we know nothing save that one was 
 named Eichard *^ and that two of the prior's brothers followed 
 him to St. Barbe."' The Master Thomas of Evreux, who appears 
 as a canon of Eouen in 1165 and subsequently,*' doubtless belonged 
 to this family. Rogents thesaurarius witnesses a royal charter at 
 Eouen in 1135,^' but he is probably to be identified with Eoger, 
 nephew of the abbot of Fecamp, who was a chaplain of Henry I 
 and Stephen.*^ 
 
 The treasurer was not the only chaplain to receive regular 
 allowances from the Norman revenues, but the sources now 
 available do not permit us to follow the others back or ascertain 
 their administrative duties. The dondnica capellaria of St. Cande- 
 le-Vieux at Eouen, for example, tempts our curiosity ; its exemption 
 from the diocese of Eouen requires explanation, and the fact that 
 the authority of the bishop of Lisieux over it seems to have been 
 established under John the justiciar suggests some connexion 
 between these chaplains and the royal administration.^" The 
 whole subject of the royal chapel is one of great obscurity, for 
 England as well as for Normandy, and any facts which may be 
 brought forward concerning it are likely to throw light upon the 
 history of the administrative system. The scantiness of the 
 Norman material for the early twelfth century likewise leaves us in 
 the dark with respect to other members of that official class whose 
 activity at Winchester and elsewhere has been so well illustrated 
 by Mr. Eound's studies.^' The following document introduces us 
 to two such royal clerks : 
 
 (18) H. rex Anglorum archiepiscopo Eothomagensi et iusticiis et 
 baronibus suis de Normannia et \ic[ecoiniti] et burgensibus et rainistris 
 suis de Eotbomago salutem. Sciatis quod conoedo Oyno episcopo 
 
 •' Sauvage, loc. cit. p. 20. '' Above, pp. 209f. 
 
 '' Sauvage, loc. cit. p. 36. He is doubtless the ' Ricardus Ebroicensis canonicus 
 noster' who appears, under 15 January, in the obituary of Rouen cathedral: 
 Historiens de France, xxiii. 359a. 
 
 " Sauvage, loc. cit. p. 25. 
 
 "' Cartulary of Fouoarmont, MS. Rouen 1224, f. 30 (1165) ; MS. Lat. 17135, p. 22 
 (1172) ; Glanville, Histoire du prieurd de Saint-L6, ii. 326 (1177). 
 
 " Bound, Calendar, no. 590. 
 
 "9 Ibid. nos. 124, 289, 295, 541, 1055 ; Ramsey Cartulary, i. 250 ; Monasticon, 
 vi. 700. 
 
 "" The whole history of this exemption is obscure. See Oallia Christiana, xi. 42, 
 774 ; Touseaints Duplessis, Description de la Haute-Nonnandie, ii. 121 ; Formeviile, 
 Histoire de V ivlchi-comti de Lisieux, I. xii-xvi ; Stapleton, Mayni Motuli, i. cxxx, 
 cxxxvii. 
 
 "' Compare besides the article on ' Bernard the Scribe ' frequently cited above, the 
 Victoria History of Uai}tpshirc, i. 430, 536. 
 
1909 UXDKU HEXIiY I 227 
 
 Ebroicensi terram et domum illam de Rothomago que fuit Willelmi 
 Bruni clerici mei quam ipse emit ad opus ecclesie sue de sancta Maria 
 de Ebroicis de Petro filio ipsius W. Bruni et Rannulfo scriptore meo 
 consensu 92 per .c. solpdos] Eotb[omagensium] quos eis inde dedit. Et 
 ideo volo et precipio quod ipse episcopus et ecclesia sua bene et in pace 
 istam teneant et libere sicut predictus Willelmus unquam melius tenuit 
 et honorabilius. Testibus Adel[ulfo] episcopo Carlol[ensi] et comite 
 Leglrec[e8trie] et Eog[ero] de Fisc[anno] et Willelmo de Ely et Radulfo 
 de Hasting[is] apud Rothomagum.'' 
 
 William Brown had been alive in 1130, when he received 
 23s. 4d. by royal writ in Suffolk,'* and had held lands in Win- 
 chester before 1115 in conjunction with William Fitz-Odo, probably 
 the constable of that name."'' Eogerus Brun occurs in the midst 
 of a group of king's clerks in another document of this period."^ 
 Apparently we have here another family of royal clerks, and one 
 cannot help surmising some relationship with that Master Thomas 
 Brown, also a landowner in Winchester,'' who makes his appear- 
 ance, together with another Englishman, the chancellor Richard 
 of ' Sajesby,' at the court of Roger of Sicily in 1137"' and was 
 recalled by Henry II to a position of ' no mean authority ' in the 
 English exchequer."" It is no part of our present purpose to 
 take sides in the controversy respecting the relation of the Anglo- 
 Norman and the Sicilian exchequers to which these facts in 
 Thomas's biography have given rise. In view of what is now 
 known concerning its Byzantine and Saracen antecedents ""* it can 
 no longer be maintained that the Sicilian fiscal system was im- 
 ported from England by Thomas Brown ; but it is not impossible 
 that he may have exerted some influence upon its development, and 
 it is certainly worth noting that, if we are justified in connecting 
 him with the clerks of the same name under Henry I, he probably 
 had some familiarity with the workings of Anglo-Norman adminis- 
 tration before he entered the service of the Sicilian king. 
 
 Precisely to what extent Normandy and England had separately 
 
 '- Cartulary G. 6 has ' scriptore conoessu meo.' 
 
 " Evreux cartularies in the archives of the Eure, G. 122, f. 41v, no. 201 ; G. 12:!, 
 no. 193 ; G. 6, p. 17, no. 11 ; Round, Calendar, no. 289. 
 
 •' Pipe Eoll 31 Henry I, p. S9. " Liber Winton., ff. 3b, 12b. 
 
 "• Ante, vol. xiv. 428. " Pipe Boll 1 Biohard I, p. 205. 
 
 " If we accept, with Kehr, the genuineness of the suspicious charter of that year 
 in which his name first appears. Otherwise (cf. Chalandon in Moyen Age, xvi. 304 ff. 
 and nos. 115 and 135 of Caspar's Regesten) the first mention of him falls in 1140. 
 
 "= Dialogus, i. 5, 6 (ed. Hughes, Crump, and .Johnson, pp. 70, 84, 173, 184). See, 
 besides the article in the Dictionary of National Biography and the literature there 
 cited, Kehr, Die Vrkundcn acr normannisch-sicilischen KUnige, 76 ; Caspar, Roger II, 
 302, 317 f. 
 
 '"° Amari, in Mcmorie dei Lincei, third series, ii. (1878), 420-438; Garufi, 
 'Exhiquier o Diwan,' ArclUvio ator.co italiano, fifth series, xxvii. 225-263; von 
 Hcckcl, ' Das piipbtlichc undsicilischpBcgisterwcsen,' Archivfiir Urkundenforschung, 
 i. 371 ff. (1908). 
 
228 THE ADMINISTRATION OF NORMANDY April 
 
 organised governments under Henry I, it is not possible to say 
 ■without further genealogical study and a more careful examination 
 of the documentary evidence. Wholly distinct the two administra- 
 tions cannot have been, for so long as kingship was ambulatory 
 and the government centred in the royal household, a considerable 
 number of the king's officers must have been common to the 
 kingdom and the duchy. Thus William of Tancarville, though 
 his castle was in Normandy and though he received a fixed grant 
 from the Norman treasury, is styled ' chamberlain of England and 
 Normandy,' '"^ and the seneschalship of Humphrey de Bohun 
 was likewise common to both countries. ^"^ It has indeed 
 been assumed ^"^ that the Constitutio damns regis ^"* of circa 
 1135 is a description of the Norman household, but its only 
 specific reference to Normandy is the mention of the modius 
 Eotomagensis as a standard of measurement, and there is 
 nothing in the arrangements there set forth which might 
 not apply equally well to either side of the Channel. It is, of 
 course, likely that in describing the royal household as it existed 
 at the time of Henry I's death the author of the Constitutio had 
 more freshly in mind the conditions of the sojourn in Normandy 
 during the last two years of the reign — hence the modius Eoto- 
 magensis ; but the Pipe Eoll of 1130 ' affords ample evidence of the 
 existence of a similar establishment in England,' ^°^ and shows at 
 least two of the chief officers of the household receiving the per 
 diem allowance fixed in the Constitutio}^'' Not only the great body 
 of personal servants, but such departments as the chancery and 
 the chapel, certainly followed the king. Thus in the transfretation 
 of 1120, of which the chroniclers have left some record because of 
 the loss of the White Ship, the king was accompanied by chaplains, 
 dapiferi, camerarii, and pincernae?^'' Yet not all forms of personal 
 service were migratory : the office of master baker at Eouen was 
 an hereditary ministerium as early, probably, as Henry I's time ; ^"* 
 
 '"' Annals of St. Wandrille, Histoire UtUraire de la France, xxxii. 204. For the 
 grant from the treasury see ahove, p. 224, note 77. 
 
 '"^ Ancient Charters (Pipe Boll Society), no. 27. 
 
 "" Stapleton, i. xxi. Cf. Hall, Bed Book, ccc; Studies in English Official 
 Historical Documents, p. 163. 
 
 '»' Ed. Hearne, Liber Niger, 341-359 ; Bed Book, 807-813. 
 
 '°* Bed Book, ccxciii. 
 
 '"" Pp. 129, 131, 140, where the liveries of the chancellor and William de Pont de 
 I'Arche are reckoned at 5s. a day. 
 
 '"' Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ad ann. ; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 242 ; William of 
 Malmesbury, Oesta Begum, ii. 497 ; cf. John of Worcester (ed. Weaver), p. 33. 
 Orderious (iv. 415-419) mentions by name William, one of the four principal chaplains, 
 William de Pirou, dapifer, and Gisulf the scribe. 
 
 "" Delisle, Cartulaire jiormand, no. 14 ; Bound, Calendar, no. 1280. In the 
 form in which it has reached us, this charter, of which there is also a copy in MS. 
 Lat 9067, f. 141v., has the style of Henry II, and witnesses of Henry I. See Delisle, 
 
1909 UNDER HEXRY I 229 
 
 the larderer had a fixed grant from the farm of Valognes ; "'■• and 
 one of Henry II's Norman sergeants was obliged to serve as marshal 
 whenever the king came to Eouen."" 
 
 The fiscal administration was naturally more stationary than the 
 household proper, for the collection and disbursement of the revenue 
 had to go on in the king's absence ; and, while we know even less of 
 the Norman treasury than of the treasury at Winchester, there was 
 at least a separate treasurer and probably some other permanent 
 officials.'" Yet in this department too a connexion was maintained 
 between the kingdom and the duchy. Treasure was carried back 
 and forth, not only with the king, as on his return from Normandy 
 in 1120,"^ but also at other times, a considerable part of the large 
 sum stored at Falaise at the time of Henry's death having been 
 recently brought from England.'" Such transhipments must 
 have been accompanied, as under Henry 11,'^* by royal officers — 
 indeed the possession of the castle of Porchester by one of the 
 chamberlains of the Exchequer may have been connected with this 
 process of transfer "* — while some system of balancing accounts 
 between the two treasuries is involved in the practice of receiving 
 payments on one side of the Channel to apply on accounts due on 
 the other. Intercommunication of this sort is, of course, quite 
 compatible with the existence of two separate corps of officials, but 
 the appearance in Normandy of the two chamberlains, Geoffrey de 
 Clinton and Eobert Mauduit, as well as such fiscal officers as Nigel 
 nepos episcopi and Osbert de Pont de I'Arche, would seem to indi- 
 cate that the two administrations were not wholly distinct."" In 
 judicial matters the chief link between the kingdom and the duchy 
 
 in BibliotMqiw de I'Ecole des Charles, Ixvii. 395-397 ; Eound, in Archaological 
 Journal, Ixiv. 73-77. 
 
 '"» Stapleton, i. Ixxxiii, 30, 99, 274, 471, 572, 573. As the alms charged against 
 the ferni of Valognes, like the other fixed charges in these rolls, appear to be arranged 
 in chronological order, the assignment to the larderer is probably earlier than the grant 
 to the chapelry of Valognes, transferred to the abbey De Voto by an early charter of 
 Henry II (Eound, Calendar, no. 935). 
 
 "° Delisle, Cartulaire normand, no. 13. 
 
 '" There was also a separate Norman mint at Eouen, and pleas concerning the 
 coinage were held apud arcam mcmete : Eound, Calendar, nos. 1053, 1459 ; Pipe 
 EoU 31 Henry I, p. 122 ; Gallia Christiana, xi. instr. 157. 
 
 "^ Ordericus, iv. 419. 
 
 "s Ibid. V. 50 ; Eobert of Torigni, i. 201. 
 
 "< E.g. Pipe EoU 6 Henry II, p. 47 ; 13 Henry II, p. 193 ; 21 Henry II, p. 200. 
 
 "= Victoria History of Hampshire, i. 432. The history of this Mauduit chamber- 
 lainship is, in spite of Mr. Eound's researches, not yet entirely clear. It is not true 
 that, as the editors of the Oxford edition of the Dialogus suggest (p. 20), the office of 
 William Mauduit was acquired by William de Pont de I'Arche in 1130, for, apart from 
 the fact that WilUam Mauduit would not be mentioned in the Constitutio domus regis 
 if he was no longer in office, we find him receiving money in the camera curie in 
 1130 (Pipe EoU, p. 134) and witnessing as chamberlain in the summer of 1131 {supra, 
 no. 17 ; cf. Eound, Calendar, no. 107). 
 
 "« Cf. introduction to Oxford edition of Dialogues, p. 19, note B. 
 
230 THE ADMINISTRATION OF NOTaiANDY April 
 
 was the king, although the officers who came with him from 
 England might also constitute an important element in the meetings 
 of the Norman curia. In general however the Norman judicial 
 system possessed a considerable measure of distinctness. The 
 eases in which the king sat were more likely to leave a record in 
 the charters, yet we have seen abundant eyidence of the activity of 
 the courts in his absence, and of the existence, in addition to the 
 local officers, of a body of Norman justices, among whom the 
 justiciar and the two seneschals stand out with such prominence as 
 to suggest that they constituted the nucleus of the Norman central 
 government. 
 
 In their journeyings to and fro across the Channel the kings of 
 the twelfth century made use of a royal galley (esneeca) ,^^'' payments 
 for which are a regular item in the Pipe Eolls of Henry II. In 
 the Conqueror's reign this service seems to have been in charge of 
 Stephen Fitz-A.irard,"^ who appears in Domesday holding lands in 
 Berkshire, and is probably the ' Stephanus stirman ' who has a 
 house in Warwick and the rent of two houses in Southampton.^'^ 
 After Stephen's death the privilege does not seem to have passed 
 to his family, and when his son Thomas claimed the feudal right 
 by placing the White Ship at the disposal of Henry I in 1120, 
 provision had already been made for the king's crossing.'^" Who 
 possessed the viinisterium esnecce under Henry I and his grandson 
 we learn from a charter issued by Henry II at the beginning of 
 his reign : — 
 
 Sciatis me reddidisse et concessissc Willelmo et Nicholao, filiis Eogori 
 generi Alberti, et heredibus Bonefacii et Azonis et Eoberti et Radulti 
 fratrum ipsorum ministerium meum de esnecca mea cum liberatione que 
 pertinet et totam terram Eogeri generi Alberti et feoda omnia que ipse 
 Rogerus tenuit in ca^ite de rege H. avo meo et de quocunque tenuisset 
 die qua fuit vivus et mortuus.'^' 
 
 '" ' Rex Anglie ad suam transfretationem navem propriam solet habere. Can- 
 cellarius ei fieri fecit non nnam solam sed tres simul naves optimas : ' Fitz-Stephen, 
 ' Vita S. Thome ' (Materials, iii. 26). It is not clear whether the ministerium of the 
 Hastings esnecca v/hiah was held under Henry I by the ancestors of Boger of ' Burnes ' 
 {Abbreviaiio Placitormn, 39b) was distinct from the service of the esnecca mentioned 
 below. Under Henry II it passed to Hugh de Bee, husband of Eoger's sister lUaria, 
 and was claimed under John by Roger's niece Avicia. 
 
 "" Ordericus, iv. 411. 
 
 '" D.B. i. 52, 636, 238. Stephen Fitz-Airard also appears in a charter of the 
 earlj years of Henry I which permits him to grant lands to Ramsey : Calendar of 
 Charter Bolls, ii. 102, no. 5 (of. nos. 7 and 1.5). 
 
 ''" Ordericus, loc. cit. 
 
 '" British Museum, Campbell Charter, xxix. 9 ; printed in ArduBologia, vi. 116. 
 Cf. Nicolas, History of the Royal Navy, i. 433 ; Guide to Manuscripts exhibited in 
 the Department of Manuscripts (1899), p. 41, no. 17. M. Delisle, who called my 
 attention to the charter, dates it 11-55-56 (Bibliothique de TEcole des Chartes, Ixviii. 
 275, no. S). 
 
1909 UXDEi; JIENRY I 231 
 
 Roger, son-in-law of Albert, is otherwise known. He had held 
 lands in Wallop (Hampshire) before 1130, '2- as well as lands in 
 Southampton which he and his wife gave to the abbey of St. 
 Denis,^^' and he witnessed a royal charter which cannot be earlier 
 than 1123. '^■' The ministerium doubtless came to him from Albert 
 with his wife Avizia, which would carry it well back into Henry's 
 reign. The interesting fact to note is that while none of the names 
 in his family are Anglo-Saxon, and none are necessarily Norman, 
 one at least, Boniface, is evidently Italian,'^"' while the names 
 Albert and Azo, as well as the form Avizia, though not necessarily 
 Italian, point toward Italy. The appearance of an Italian ship- 
 master in charge of the royal galley under Henry I is surely a 
 matter of interest, and suggests that intercourse with the south in 
 this period may well have been more active than is commonly 
 supposed. 
 
 Chables H. Haskins. 
 
 "- Pipe Roll 31 Hemy I, p. 39. 
 
 ''" Calendar of Charter Bolls, iii. 337. 
 
 '-' Charter for Walter de Beauchamp, given at Vaudreuil and witnessed, amonf; 
 others, by Geoffrey as chancellor: Dugdale MS. in the Bodleian Library, L. f. 41. 
 Eyton (Add. MSS. 31941, f. 58, and 31943, £. 79) dates it circa October 1128. 
 
 '" On the rarity of the name Boniface in England in this period see Andrew, in 
 the Numismatic Chronicle, fourth series, i. 208. 
 
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