LD 1385 1921 J ^ Cornell University Library LD 13851921 The inauguration of Livingston Faf™"''' 3 1924 010 243 396 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Robert Horn THE INAUGURATION OF LIVINGSTON FARRAND FOURTH PRESIDENT OF CORNELL UNIVERSITY OCTOBER 20, 1 92 1 ITHACA, NEW YORK PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 1921 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924010243396 THE INAUGURATION OF LIVINGSTON FARRAND FOURTH PRESIDENT OF CORNELL UNIVERSITY OCTOBER 20, 192 1 ITHACA, NEW YORK PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITt 1921 01 in LD Cornell UnJv^ystn / NOTE THE exercises attending the laying of the corner stone of the Laboratory of Chemistry took place on the afternoon of the day of President Farrand's in- auguration. The proceedings and addresses of that occasion are recorded in a separate pamphlet published by the University. On Friday, October 21, 1921, the day after the in- auguration, the College of Architecture held a convoca- tion to celebrate the semi-centennial anniversary of the founding of the college. The proceedings and address- es of that occasion are recorded in a separate pamph- let published by the University. CONTENTS Introduction 7 President Murray Bartlett's Invocation . . 9 Judge Frank H. Hiscock's Address 10 Presentation of the Charter and Seal and Installation of President Farrand .... 17 President Farrand's Inaugural Address ... 18 Dean William A. Hammond's Address 35 Foster M. Coffin's Address 2^ President A. Lawrence Lowell's Address ... 37 President Harry Woodburn Chase's Message . 38 President Marion LeRoy Burton's Address . 39 President Ray Lyman Wilbur's Address ... 44 Governor Nathan L. Miller's Address .... 47 The Inaugural Dinner 49 List of Delegates 50 INTRODUCTION A T a meeting of the Board of Trustees of Cornell University ■^ *- held on June 21, 1921, Dr. Livingston Farrand was unan- imously elected President of the University. President Jacob Gould Schurman's resignation had taken effect on June 23, 1920. Albert William Smith, Dean of Sibley College of Mechanical Engineering, Emeritus, had been Acting President during the academic year 1920-21. Soon after President Farrand's election, a committee of the Board decided that his inauguration should take place on Thursday, October 20, 1921, and a joint committee of Trustees and Faculty was appointed to make the arrangements. Invitations were sent, in the name of the Trustees and Faculty, to about two hundred universities and colleges to be represented by delegate at the inauguration. Virtually all of them responded to the invitation by sending cordial expressions of good will, and about one hundred of them appointed delegates to attend the ceremonies. The eighty or more Cornell alumni associations and clubs were invited to send delegates, and about thirty of them did so. The committee of arrangements determined that the inaugural exercises should take place in Bailey Hall on the morning of the appointed day, that exercises attending the laying of the corner stone of the Laboratory of Chemistry should be held on the afternoon of the same day, and that in the evening the Trustees and Faculty should give a dinner to the President and Mrs. Farrand. All regular exercises of the University were suspended on the day of the inauguration. On the morning of October 20 the Board of Trustees assembled at Morrill Hall and the Faculty and delegates assembled at Prudence Risley Hall, and all went in procession to Bailey Hall. THE EXERCISES OF INAUGURATION HE Rev. President Murray Bartlett of Hobart College pro- nounced the invocation: T O Eternal Father of the souls of men, who art the Spirit of Wisdom, the Guide unto all truth; we bless Thee for the faith, the hope, the love that lead men out of the darkness of ignorance into the light of knowledge. In the lives of those great ones who have led the way to the freedom of man's soul, we acknowledge Thy presence and Thy inspiration. Especially, this day, do we praise Thee for the clear vision, the undoubting courage of those who builded here a place of learning where all earnest men, with untrammeled spirit, might seek in mutual fellowship every phase of the Truth that makes us free. That the trust bequeathed by them has been kept, that the torch handed down by them has flamed un- dimmed; we thank Thee. We bless Thee for the in- crease in mankind's happiness, the spread of social justice, the growth of human brotherhood that have come from the labors of those who have worked and learned in this fair home of Truth. In these present years, so full of portent, when the foundations of the earth have been shaken, we ask Thy guidance, that this place may shine as a beacon light in the darkness and that it may stand as a city of sure foundations, set upon a hill. Grant a full competency of the spirit of Thy wisdom to him who is to be the leader of a band of Truth-seekers lo The Inauguration of and the chief servant in a great Ministry of Service, that peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety may be estabhshed among us for all generations; to the glory of Thy holy name and the welfare of all mankind. Amen. Judge Frank Harris Hiscock, Chairman of the Board of Trustees, delivered the introductory address: JUDGE HISCOCK'S ADDRESS President Smith., President-elect Farrandy Guests, Cornel- Hans and Friends of Cornell: THE pleasant duty has been assigned to me of saying a few words introductory of these exercises which mark the commencement of a new period in our history, of welcome to the guests who have so honored us by their presence, and in formal presentation of the new President-elect. For the second time within a short period this Uni- versity comes to an occasion which will always be memorable in its history. A little more than two years ago Cornellians and friends of Cornell gathered from all quarters to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the graduation of the first class and to recall without unseemly vanity but with deep gratitude and justifiable pride the struggles, sacri- fices and achievements of half a century. We rejoiced over the past and hailed the future. Today, on the second occasion, we have come to- gether to inaugurate a new President who shall espe- cially guide the destinies of our Alma Mater as we go forward to meet that future. The inauguration of a new President means very much to Cornell. Three men have covered the space President Farrand 1 1 of over fifty years by their incumbency of the office and since the term of one of these was only seven years it comes that in our retrospective vision the personalities of two presidents stand out as having spanned by their administrations almost a half-century of the foundation and growth of the University. The first of these, next to the Founder himself, was its creator. He it was who with persistent effort and untiring zeal helped to stay the temptation on the part of the State to fritter away by division into inefficient fragments the land scrip bounty of the nation and instead to devote it in its un- broken entirety to the establishment of one great univer- sity which should be worthy of and an honor to the State. He it was who more than any one else definitely formulated the policy and defined the course by which the new University should break away from the tradi- tional and rather narrow limitations of college education then prevalent and enter upon that broader and more liberal field of education where no particular study had unquestioned and inherited superiority over any other, but where any branch of useful knowledge was respected according to its merits and might be pursued. And he it was whose genius laid the educational foundations of the University so broadly and firmly that they were able to bear the wonderful and unexpected expansion of succeeding years. The other President, with a tenure of twenty-five years so recently completed, was able with great ability and breadth of vision wisely to guide and co-ordinate the great expansion which came during his administra- tion in many quarters. His administration was indeed the fortunate beneficiary of that greatly increased demand for scientific and professional education which, I 2 The Inauguration of commencing in the late eighties, resulted in the un- expected growth of many colleges and universities which were able to meet that demand. But let us remember that however fortune may have favored him in this re- spect he had the scholarship, largeness of view and abili- ty to so guide and fashion this expansion as to produce the Cornell of today. And now after an unexpected interregnum during which the office of President has been most efficiently and acceptably administered by one of our honored Deans suddenly called into service, we have come together formally to place upon the short and distinguished roll of Cornell's presidents a new and honored name and to inaugurate one who we hope and expect will for many years continue the devoted and fruitful work of those who have preceded him. It is commonplace to say that the problems of any great enterprise never end. One achievement but paves the way for some new one. And if this is true of an ordinary business or industrial enterprise, how much more must it be true of a great university which is en- gaged in preparing young men and women intellectual- ly and spiritually to take an active part in leading and guiding the progress of the world. Our new President will not have the same trials and anxieties as his pred- ecessors, but he will have others in their places. The upheaval of a world war which has destroyed so much that was old and created so much that is new, which as its aftermath seems to have developed so many new doctrines and theories, will not spare university thought, objects and organization from its consequences and re- sulting demands. We cannot foresee all of the effects of this influence, but, without attempting to forecast in President Farrand i 3 the slightest degree the policies of the new administra- tion, we can predict with reasonable certainty some of them. The almost inevitable effect of what has happened will be to increase the demand for scientific research and for vocational and professional instruction. In the stupendous effort the world must make to lift itself out of the chaos of destruction which has been wrought upon it, and to replace what has been destroyed, the universities will be called upon to help by giving more instruction in branches of practical knowledge. That does not mean that the pursuit of cultural studies will wane. In my judgment it will not, but will remain de- voted and constant. But the great increase in the num- ber of those seeking university instruction doubtless will be made up of the former class of students. There will be a more insistent demand than ever for efficient and economical administration in a great uni- versity as well as in a great business. Duplication, extravagance and inefficiency, if there be any, must be eliminated. With almost every university in the coun- try straining its resources in order to pay its professors adequate salaries and to give worthy instruction to the students who are flocking to its doors there must be a survival of the fittest in the courses of instruction, and any course which has not justified itself must give way to a more useful one. I regard it as fortunate that at this time our organi- zation is to be subjected to the examination and analysis of a fresh and untrammeled vision. It would be strange indeed if in fifty years of great growth and necessarily of considerable experimentation there should not have been established some course of instruction or some 14 T^he Inauguration of method of organization adopted which has not justified itself or which has become outworn. If any such there be, their ehmination or amendment will invite the ear- nest attention of the new President and, I am confident, enlist the unselfish co-operation of Trustees and Faculty. But the efforts of the new President, I am sure, will not all be centered on the consideration of purely in- tellectual development and the formulation solely of curricula whether in scientific, vocational or cultural subjects. As we have looked abroad during the past few years we have learned by many and grievous illustrations that mere intellectuality finding expression in impractical theories may be an obstruction rather than an aid to peace, stability and the well-ordered progress of civili- zation. In the mental and spiritual reaction which has follow- ed the war we see almost every relation and principle of life which once seemed firmly established, challenged and attacked. Demoralization and distress are offering a golden opportunity to the malevolent, the visonary and the political and governmental revolutionary. There are those who constantly charge that too much the uni- versities shelter under the guise of academic freedom and the license of undergraduate activities the apostles of propaganda which antagonize and would overthrow those principles of constitutional government and of individual initiative upon which thus far have rested the progress and prosperity of this country. I think that this accusation is greatly exaggerated. At least we can fairly and accurately say that if it has found any justi- fication whatever within the walls of this institution, that justification has been exceptional and rare. President Farrand 1 5 And still we should be blind to our responsibilities if we did not realize that these influences are abroad ready to fasten upon the impressionable and inexperienced minds of those who are here and elsewhere seeking a uni- versity education. This University, the greatest single educational agency of the State — the State happily represented here today by a great and courageous Governor — owes it to the commonwealth which has been so generous in its support, to the fathers and mothers who are trusting their sons and daughters to our care, to see to it that these are not swept away by false and delusive doctrines. And so I can easily be- lieve that no greater purpose will engage the earnest mind of the new President than that of maintaining in and around the University that atmosphere of fidelity to American ideals and institutions which shall permeate the mind of every student and make him the advocate of progress and betterment through constitutional gov- ernment, orderly process and individual responsibility rather than through those alien doctrines which thus far in the test of actual trial have brought failure, in- justice and suffering. With full realization of the problems which would confront him, the responsibility of finding a man who seemed to be especially adapted to solve our problems, has not been one which rested lightly upon those who bore it, and we have counted ourselves fortunate indeed that our search has come to the result which we now contemplate. Into the personality and life of the new President there have entered those influences and that prepara- tion and experience which justify us in looking forward to his administration with sober and well-considered 1 6 The Inauguration of confidence. Dedication to the cause of education is his by inheritance and family association. His family name is no stranger to the records of our University, for his brother was once one of our teachers. As a student he learned the ideals, opportunities and duties of a college education at that great sister university of Princeton, which in all the changes of passing years has never ceased to be the home of splendid traditions, deep thinking and high culture. He learned the art of im- parting to others the knowledge which he had himself acquired, as a professor at that other great sister university, Columbia University, which has become such a force in the field of higher education. As President of Colorado University he studied and prac- ticed the principles of leadership and administration in the liberal and progressive atmosphere of the West. And lastly, and as a valuable experience upon which our minds will dwell with especial emphasis, as Chair- man of the Central Committee of the American Red Cross for several years, he has learned the art of knowing and selecting men, of co-ordinating their efforts, of securing their loyal and sympathetic co-operation and of guiding their combined and harmonious strength to the achievement of desired and beneficial ends. We shall have as our President neither a simple idealist nor a mere mechanical educator, but one who will make fine ideals the guide and inspiration to practical administration and conspicuous accomplish- ment, and, as in the course of these exercises we formally commit to his leadership our university traditions of democracy and earnest purpose, of liberal thought and broad education, of religious observance untrammeled by the limitation of sectarian bonds, of academic President Farrand 1 7 freedom tempered by a sense of deep responsibility, and of undergraduate freedom sobered by the account- ability of self-government, we shall do so in the full confidence that under his administration they will not wane, but will be preserved in undiminished strength and usefulness. Acting President Albert William Smith presented to President Farrand the Charter and Seal of the University, saying: President Farrand, it is my privilege and my very great pleasure to deliver to you the seal and charter of Cornell University. These symbols of the presidential office have been worthily held for more than half a century, and during that time Cornell has gained in power and has acquired a high and strong influence throughout the world. What the future holds no one can say, but it is certain that the human race will move at an accelerated rate toward its manifest high destiny. Cornell must bear its share in this great movement. You are to shape its course. We who have come to know you are sure that these symbols of authority are safe in your keeping. I congratulate you on this your great opportunity. I congratulate Cornell University on its splendid assured future. President Farrand responded: President Smith, in receiving these insignia of office I am deeply conscious of the great service rendered and the high standard set by my predecessors. No inspira- tion could be greater, and I can only say that I shall do what in me lies to follow as worthily as may be in their footsteps. May I add that it is to me a particular pleasure that these marks of office come to me from the I 8 The Inauguration of hands of one of Cornell's most distinguished and best loved sons. Chairman Hiscock formally installed President Farrand in office, saying: President Farrand, I now express to you, in behalf of the Faculty and the Trustees of Cornell, in behalf of all these friends and co-laborers in the cause of education, the wish that your administration may be filled with distinction and durable satisfaction for your- self and with worthy and substantial accomplishment for the University, with the presidency of which you are now formally invested. President Farrand responded: Judge Hiscock, I accept this great trust with practi- cal and full appreciation of the responsibility it carries. I can only say that, from this day on, whatever I have is placed absolutely and unreservedly at the service of Cornell University. President Farrand delivered THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS I PROPOSE, without apology, to exercise the personal privilege of choice of subject attaching to this hour and present for your consideration not a discussion of university organization but rather what seems to me the outstanding peril of the times and the unavoidable responsibility of our centres of intellectual leadership in what is nothing less than a life-and-death struggle to save our democratic ideals and civilization. It is easy, I know, loosely to employ superlatives and other terms of extreme significance and I recognize that President Farrand 19 perspective is necessarily faulty in a picture as complex, extended and indistinct as that presented by the world today. It is perhaps more unjustifiable to paint ex- clusively in colors of gloom, but it is still more inde- fensible to close our eyes to the dangers which threaten our civilization as the result of the destruction of material, mental and moral values by the war and the economic, political and social confusion that has ensued. My thesis, then, is perfectly simple and clear. It is that European civilization, and that means our own, is today engaged in a fight for its very existence; that this fact is not clearly recognized either here or abroad, and that every opportunity must be seized to call attention to the critical aspect of the world situation and, for us in America, to our inevitable involvement in the outcome. There has never been a better demonstration than in these last few years of the delicacy of the mechanism of the accumulation of experience, habits and reactions that we call civilization. We had become accustomed to think of it as a growth of deep root which might bend but not break, or as a structure whose foundations had been so firmly laid in the experience of the centuries that nothing but cosmic cataclysm could bring it low. Yet before our eyes we have seen this growth, over great areas of the world's surface, shattered in a night and chaos and confusion result. Whether this destruction shall extend is of course the world problem, and the answer is not to be sought in any temporary political adjustments, however superficially reassuring. Analysis of the world situation may be made from diflFerent angles of approach, but after all there are not many factors, broadly speaking, which need to be con- sidered. 2 The Inauguration of One may take up the political aspect and dwell upon the significance of new national boundaries and newly- awakened national and racial aspirations, or one may- emphasize the economic phase of the problem in all its ramifications, or one may choose those less measurable but more fundamental and important considerations — the factors of human vitality and of folk psychology which underlie and affect all the activities of individual or of national life. Disorder in any one of these great fields is serious. In no one of them — and this is a point I wish to emphasize — in no one of them would confusion be necessarily fatal. Viewed in relation to the present European chaos, if the effects of the war were confined to any one of the fields mentioned, recovery would be, conceivably, relatively easy and, possibly, relatively prompt. It is, however, the coincidence of disorder in all of them that renders the present situation so critical and makes general disaster inevitable unless the public opinion of the world is thoroughly awakened and a conscious and informed sense of responsibility aroused and made effective. We are not primarily concerned today with the question as to whether the present situation is the result of the war or the war but one striking expression of the storm to which our civilization was being subjected and of the revolution through which the world undoubt- edly was and is passing. A satisfactory answer to that question might be academically ihteresting but would not perceptibly clarify the field. What is certain is that the war forced into bold relief and gave energy of high potential to certain factors which together present the disquieting threat. It is entirely conceivable that whereas without the war civilization, in its ponderous President Farrand 2 i course of evolution, might have surmounted the succes- sive obstacles it met, it now may go down before the overwhelming force of the combination of dangerous conditions with which we are face to face. I shall not digress to discuss the question as to whether or not European civilization is worth saving. At least it represents, broadly speaking, the best we have; at least, using the term European to cover our own, faulty as it is, it best expresses those principles of individual opportunity, of liberty and of justice which we are accustomed to regard as the ideals of our Amer- ican democracy. The two aspects of the situation most prominently in the public eye, the political and the economic, are to my mind not the most important. It is of course obvious that until those problems are solved or at least reduced to simpler terms, the reestablishment of any- thing approaching stability is impossible. This is not the place to discuss the wisdom of the action by which Central and Eastern Europe were, by edict, carved into a new and strange pattern. It may or may not have been wise, but the fact is obvious that out of countries and nations of centuries of standing and habits there was in a day created a number of new and independent republics. It is not difficult to picture the situation so brought about. Take for example the so- called Baltic Provinces. Suddenly there are established three new countries, Esthonia, Latvia and Lithuania, each one small, say a million and a half of population, no laws, no currency, no national habits, yet each, of course, imbued with patriotic aspirations. Each was called upon to take its place in the family of nations upon a moment's notice and was faced with the stupend- 2 2 The Inauguration of ous problem of establishing, out of hand, the entire ma- chinery of national operation, and that while still struggling against all the material hardships resulting from the war. Similarly, on a larger scale, picture if you will the situation in Poland when there were suddenly brought together three diverse populations; Poles to be sure, but Poles who had lived for generations under three different dominations, Russian, German and Austrian. During long years, while retaining the fervor of Polish tradition, they had, nevertheless, developed the fixed habits and customs which went with the particular nationality under which each group had lived. The surprising thing is that as much unity was obtainable as has been the case. In Poland, even more than in the northern provinces, the economic situation was desperate, for there had been widespread destruc- tion on every side, and military operations were still active. Under the circumstances the establishment of political stability was impossible. The dismemberment of the Austro-Hungarian Em- pire, the creation of Czecho-Slovakia, the expansion of Serbia into Jugo-Slavia — all these, added to the Russian collapse in the East and the forcibly established new frontiers both on the East and on the West, are more than enough to explain the political confusion presented by Central and Eastern Europe. The economic aspect of the problem is of course infinite in its complexity, yet certain of its phases are being forced into prominence. The first necessity is obviously to reestablish production in order to replace the widespread destruction of war. The obstacles to such reestabhshment are many. The moral paralysis President Farrand 23 of industry which was so striking and discouraging a phenomenon in the first two years following the Armistice shows marked improvement, but there have arisen the baffling walls of depreciated currencies and the break- down of transportation. What in simpler days might have been incidents have now become the vital factors in the economic problem. There could be no better demonstration of the complete interdependence of nations which the last century has brought about. The increase of populations, notably urban, with the special- ization of industry, has made economic independence, even relatively speaking, forever impossible. Lacking raw materials, the fall in the exchange values of money has made purchase impossible, and there is a growing despair as to the reestablishment of production. The world has become involved in one of those vicious circles made familiar by the war and to break which no practi- cable method has yet been suggested. It would appear that at the present time the problem of international exchange takes first place in its demand for solution. In its effects on the immediate welfare of the coun- tries under discussion the breakdown of transportation is perhaps even more significant. Except in certain restricted areas the harvests have been good and food exists. In spite of this, shortage to the point of starvation has been seen from the Baltic to the Mediter- ranean. The explanation lies, of course, in the fact that transportation has been impossible. A survey of the railroad map of Europe as it existed before the war shows a system covering all parts of the continent from France to Russia, completely articulated and organized and operated with freedom and efficiency. Now sud- 2 4 The Inauguration of denly, by fiat from Paris, the establishment of eight to ten independent nations has divided the existing rail- road system into independent blocks and for practical purposes international transportation in Eastern Europe has broken down and communication stops at the frontier. This, added to the destruction of roadbeds and of rolling stock, has completely demoralized what is in our modern day a first essential of economic existence. Another temporary but profoundly disturbing factor is that of displaced populations. Every country in Europe is struggling with the problem of the refugee. The most difficult and pathetic of these groups is at the moment, of course, that of the Russians. The best estimates indicate two millions of Russian refugees thrust out of their own country and now, in desperate plight, scattered among other populations already over- burdened with their own personal arid national prob- lems. There is no solution in sight except international action, and the probabihty of such in the near future is not high. Certainly the burden cannot be carried by private philanthropy. At this moment in Poland the already difficult situ- ation is complicated by the appearance at the Russian frontier of hundreds of thousands, probably a million, exiles returning to their homes. They had fled from Poland before the German drive in 191 5, have been held in Russia and are now being repatriated by agree- ment with the Soviet Government. Without resources of any kind, homes and fields devastated, they are left to make a living if they can or starve. The latter is the probability during the coming winter. The economic situation that exists throughout the great area of eastern and central Europe is desperate. President Farrand 25 That group of countries had been accustomed to look both to the east and to the west for their commercial development. But to the east lies Russia in a state of complete economic and social collapse. To the west lies Germany slowly reestablishing herself. Her mate- rial equipment was practically unimpaired but she lacks raw materials and coal. What is equally serious from the German point of view is the fact that before the war and under normal conditions nearly one-half of Ger- many's commerce was toward the east. That market is now entirely shut off. She must look to the west and to the Americas for her immediate field of activity and under the present conditions the difficulties which lie in the path of her reestablishment are obvious. We must, however, do Germany the justice to say that even now her well known characteristic of industry is reasserting itself and she is making striking progress toward eco- nomic rehabilitation. Unfortunately, the basis of her apparent recovery is not as evident as its superficial ac- tivity. In western Europe the situation is undoubtedly brighter. France is rapidly rehabilitating herself and is safe provided complete collapse does not occur in the east and overwhelm her. The same is true of Belgium. In Italy the situation is more confused, but even in that country grounds for optimism appear. If any one of these countries were the only one con- cerned, or if in all of them the economic consideration were the only one in question, pessimistic predictions would be out of place because recovery would be certain. It is, as remarked a few moments ago, the combination of factors which creates the appalling gravity of the situation. 2 6 The Inauguration of And there is one factor not yet touched upon which is to my mind the most serious of all — and that is the factor of human vitality. The sooner we realize that human vitality in Europe has been completely undermined by the experiences of these last seven years the sooner will it be possible to devise and perhaps participate in possible steps for the reestabhshment of the world's energy. Recall, if you will, the eight million lives wiped out in battle or as the direct result of military operations. Stunning as that blow was, it is as nothing compared to the infiltration of disease and the results of malnutrition throughout the civilian population which followed in the wake of war. Remember too that the birth rate was cut in half and that the general death rate increased to an alarming degree. The result of all this is that even where reestabhsh- ment of production might be materially possible, it will be inevitably checked by the lack of human vitality with which adequately to operate. There is no single aspect of the whole problem to my mind so fundamen- tally serious as this particular one, and it is this under- lying all other factors and added to them which makes the situation appallingly critical. Throughout the territory in question, as elsewhere, there are in general two great groups of devitalizing forces, the epidemic diseases, of which typhus is perhaps the most fatal and widespread, and then that group of slower development but which is much more difficult to handle and which is associated with malnutrition and lowered standards of living. Of these, of course, tuber- culosis is the most significant example. Dramatic as the attack of typhus, cholera and other President Farrand 27 epidemic diseases may be, too much stress should not be laid upon them as factors of ultimate importance to reestablishment. They are relatively easily controlled. It is, on the other hand, the problem of those under- mining diseases associated with profound malnutrition which gives most serious concern. To cite Poland as perhaps typical of the situation, while accurate statistics are as yet naturally not availa- ble, the reports from city populations in that country make clear that there today exists a mortality from tuberculosis in excess of six hundred per hundred thou- sand inhabitants. Considering what this means in terms of morbidity and depleted vitality in the living population, a situation of the greatest gravity is evi- dent. It is a mortality at least six times what it should be, taking the more favored countries of Western Europe and America as standard. What has been said of Poland is true to a heightened degree of Austria. The tuberculosis mortality in Vienna has doubled since 19 14 and the increase is particularly marked in children. The rate in Vienna in children under five years has reached the staggering figure of 665 per 100,000 as compared with 84 in England and Wales, which we may take for comparative purposes. In Hungary the situation is similar, although the economic conditions are more promising. It is needless to take up in succession the nations so affected. The situation described is illustrative of the general conditions in Eastern Europe. It is still conceivable that this vital problem can be solved, but it is one to be met only by united action and that with adequate and speedy help. The reestablish- ment of economic stability will of course go far to 2 8 The Inauguration of rectify the conditions signalized by malnutrition and to which much of the appalling devitalization can be laid. There still remains a problem, the solution of which we do not see. It is the problem of the European child. He has been subjected now for seven years to profound undernourishment. We deal here in figures which the human mind can hardly comprehend. A rough esti- mate, but one as careful as the material in our hands will warrant, makes it evident that there are in Europe today no less than eleven million war orphans, mean- ing by that children of whom at least one parent has been lost as a result of war conditions. There are still more who, although not orphaned, have been subjected to an equal degree of hardship and lack of care as a result of hostilities. What we find, therefore, is a vast child population no longer develop- ing normally, but one which already shows all the defects, deformities and abnormalities which necessarily accompany prolonged privation and illness. Lack of development, both physical and mental, lack of care and training, inevitable under the circumstances, mark the generation to which we must look forward in the next twenty years as that upon whose shoulders the civilization of Europe must rest; and the prospect is not reassuring. The specific remedy is of course not apparent. Palliatives may be applied and it is only fair to say that in spite of economic prostration, all the nations con- cerned are giving such attention to the child problem as their resources and the immediate demands of polit- ical survival permit. It remains true, however, that unless the situation is thoroughly and internationally President Farrand 29 apprehended and responsibility accepted, even relative restoration is out of the question. It is, I repeat, no one consideration but the combina- tion of factors now existing which makes the situation a crisis in every sense of the term. And it is literally true that unless improvement sets in the civilization of Europe cannot stand. I shall not discuss the disillusionizing moral reaction whose expressions have become so evident nationally and internationally since the Armistice. While dis- couraging and thus far nullifying the realization of certain great ideals for which the war was fought, there is evidence that idealism still exists and can be made effective if comprehension of the situation is complete. For us as Americans the always reassuring fact is the existence of that spirit of unselfish service in every group of the population which sprang to such impres- sive expression in the hour of national trial and which still survives if only it can be successfully invoked. Why, it may be asked, should this occasion be chosen for presenting so forbidding a picture? The reason is simple. Unless international responsibility is recognized, disaster is inevitable, and unless we as Americans accept our part, that disaster is hastened. As a practical problem, then, we have to assess our resources and determine the agencies to which we can turn with any hope of profitable response. Before considering this particular point, let us admit at once that it is no new question that is now presented but rather a dangerously accentuated presentation which the war has brought about. That for a genera- tion our civilization has been under indictment is recognized by every thinking mind. More than that. 30 The Inauguration of social and economic maladjustment has been a dis- turbing element since the dawn of history and probably before. Never solved, it has been dealt with in different epochs in different ways. Absolutism has in local instances quieted the surface without stilling the turmoil which seethed below. Anarchy has at times expressed the brute strength of the victims without offering an endurable substitute for the conditions against which the protest was made. Even that great, many-sided social movement, of which the French Revolution formed the political apex, significant as were its effects on western civilization, could do no more than print in indelible lines, where all the world might read, the story of society's struggle and state in certain terms the factors in society's task. That the problem has per- sisted through the ages without solution is no reason for complacent evasion of the question now, for it. is clear that a world-wide realignment of fundamental forces has presented a new battle front. That a permanent solution can be devised or even relatively permanent adjustment effected is out of the question. Complete solution would of course postulate social, economic and industrial stagnation. It must be always evident that each advance in the world's know- ledge serves to disturb any approach to equilibrium. Every discovery of science, applied as it always is to practical affairs, must inevitably affect the economic status and thus in turn react upon the social relations. Further, we must not forget that both time and space may and do have a profound effect upon civic needs and upon social responsibility. Even standards of ethics evolve with culture. What is moral and good at one time and in one place may be immoral and President Farrand 3 i wrong in another age and in another quarter of the globe. There is much more than a grain of truth in Pascal's dictum: "There is nothing just or unjust which does not change its quahty with a change of chmate. Three degrees of latitude overturn the whole science of life." But, complex as the problem may be and unsuccess- ful as the struggles of the past may have been, the teaching of history does not warrant an attitude of hopelessness. Each historic upheaval has served to raise the general level of society and its relations. The fact that ultimate solution seems unattainable does not mean that enormous improvement may not be within our reach. Anarchy and absolutism cannot be admitted as the only alternatives at the world's disposal, and there is still ground for confidence that democratic ideals will survive and conquer. The necessity of the time is to define, if possible, the ends toward which we should individually and collectively strive and the methods we must employ. We have as our first necessity to arouse an appre- ciation of collective interest, to establish common ideals of the common good, and to enlist the forces of humanity and justice and knowledge for the improvement of the world welfare. Under relatively simple conditions this has not been an impossible task. The early history of our own country carries its illuminating lesson. The little Puritan communities of New England achieved results, the effects of which have persisted and on which we still build our governments and more or less order our lives. And why? Because they were communities of like- minded men — because they had the same ideals of 2 2 The Inauguration of religion and liberty and life. Every person believed in the same standards of conduct; they revered the same righteousness and they hated the same iniquity; they had the same conception of the general good. The question is not as to whether their conception was sound and their customs admirable. The fact remains that common ideals produced results and the lesson thus taught may well be taken to heart in this present day. I am far from urging that we shall sacrifice individ- uality or that all men should be moulded on the same pattern. What is desirable is that the same ideals, nationally and internationally, shall be inculcated in our youth and stimulate our common action. It is impera- tive that the great space which separates knowledge and ignorance, wealth and poverty, righteousness and vice shall be diminished. It is essential that tolerance shall replace arrogance, that self-interest shall modify its claims and that service to one's fellows shall be recog- nized as of all motives the most worth while. What then are the agencies to which we can turn with any hope of profitable response? It must be entirely clear that it is elsewhere than in the field of active struggle for individual advantage that we must look for aid. It must be to those agencies which are consciously concerned with the propagation of ideals and with the training of intelligence that we must first direct the appeal. Sweeping aside all minor consider- ations, there is but one hope of solution and that is the spread of knowledge, coupled with a broad idealism and above all a readiness to give that service which is essential to the survival of our modern democracies. The implications of what I have been saying must President Farrand 33 be entirely apparent. There is one institution above all others to which our attention inevitably turns today, and that is our educational system. Perhaps the most serious fact of human psychology is that mental plasticity ceases with youth. The acquisition of new ideals outside the purely personal is for the most part denied to those who have passed their earlier years. It is therefore in those who are still receptive that the new habits must be implanted. It is in those in- stitutions to which this youth is entrusted that the new social language must be taught and the new social outlook must be learned. Of these there is none which carries the measure of responsibility that is placed upon the colleges and universities of the land. There is probably no field of organized endeavor in which the habit of self-examination is more active than in that of higher education. In spite of that fact, there is no activity on which the hand of tradition lies with heavier weight. I do not propose to enter a discussion of the purposes of the university, but we may as well recognize the fact that we are undergoing scrutiny both from within and from without. There are those who view with disquiet many of the later university tendencies. They recognize that character and good citizenship and sound bodies are excellences to be desired for all, but they sometimes argue that these do not constitute the purpose of institutions of learning. They would admit that education certainly should not hinder their growth, but would deny them a place in the focus of academic attention. I cite these forebodings not to scout them nor to condemn them. I cite them rather to suggest that the danger lies not in the substitution of another ideal as 34 The Inauguration oj that of the fundamental enterprise but in the possible emphasis upon a false ideal of citizenship and life. There is a very real danger that conventional success shall be erected as the goal of highest endeavor and that frank individualism shall be encouraged to a point where it will preclude the recognition of the common good. It will be a grave day for our national life when the "inquisition of truth," to borrow Bacon's phrase, and the cultivation of learning shall be elbowed to the side in our American universities, but it will constitute an equal peril when our institutions of learning fail to hold aloft and at the front the standard of high character, of sensitive honor, of sound citizenship and service to man. The logic of the situation seems perfectly clear. The world is being tried as with fire. Society is in revolution. Our civilization .is not only under indict- ment, it is fighting for very existence. Solution is not to be reached by local adjustment. Acceptance of international responsibility is unavoidable. Dogma- tism and intolerance, whether national or individual, will be fatal. An informed citizenship — a citizenship imbued with the ideals of true democracy and that spirit and habit of service without which democracy cannot stand, is indispensable. It is a long struggle in which we are engaged. It is to the rising generation that the world must turn for help. It is to a youth trained to see clearly, to view broadly, to judge fairly and to act fearlessly that we must look for better things. The responsibility for his production lies most heavily upon our organized foundations of learning. In our present situation they are the saving institutions of society. No responsibility could be more grave — no President Farrand 35 opportunity could be more inspiring. It was for leader- ship in such emergencies that the great sisterhood of universities represented here today has been established. To assume its part of the burden and to discharge its share of this responsibility Cornell resolutely sets its face, confident of the outcome — more convinced than ever of the inspired wisdom of its founders — and con- fident first and last of the vitaUty of those ideals of individual opportunity, of liberty, and of justice upon which our American democracy is founded and without which life itself is not worth living. Professor William Alexander Hammond, Dean of the Uni- versity Faculty, presented greetings from the Faculty of the University: DEAN HAMMOND'S ADDRESS Mr. President, I have the honor and the pleasure of extending to you the welcome of the University Faculty, of which you are now the presiding officer. We congrat- ulate you on taking your place in a line of distinguished presidents and we await with satisfaction your edu- cational leadership. There are few offices of greater responsibility, dignity, and opportunity. You will be relieved of the duty, except where it is self-imposed, of class-room teaching. The professors will teach the students and you. Sir, will teach the Faculty. This, I hope, you will regard as an equitable division of labor. Your problems will be no less difficult and, we trust, no less agreeable than ours. Our combined functions ex- haust the fundamental business of the University. The University exists for the instruction of youth and for the extension of the boundaries of knowledge through re- search. For both of these phases of the University's life 36 The Inauguration of we bespeak your constant support and deep sympathy. We look forward with confidence to your success as an administrator, to an administration of wise and wide vision, and we feel the utmost assurance that you will be blessed by the single-hearted loyalty and co-operation of Trustees, Faculty, Alumni, and students. Surveying in imagination the unfolding years, we see the Uni- versity gloriously expanding under your creative hand, adding its increasing share to the sum of truth, and lay- ing solid foundations for the betterment of our civili- zation in the improved education and training of the rising generations. Foster Meldrum Coffin, Alumni Representative at the Uni- versity, presented greetings from the Alumni: MR. COFFIN'S ADDRESS President Farrand, it is my great privilege this morning to speak not merely for the eighty-three alumni clubs, nor for the fifty-three classes represented here, but for those thirty thousand men and women who during the last fifty years have gone forth from Cornell, to settle in all corners of the earth, to engage in all walks of life. Her sons and daughters, wherever they may be today, are giving a thought to Cornell. They are thinking particularly of you. Dr. Farrand, the new leader who takes command at a time when there are decisions to be made and policies to be shaped which may well determine the future of the University. From the brand-new alumni who won their sheep- skins only last June back to the four old grads who still survive from the Class of '69, Cornellians everywhere heard with a deep sense of gratification and reassurance the news of your selection and acceptance as president President Farrand 37 of their Alma Mater. Their pleasure is increased with your formal inauguration, and they look into the future with the confidence that you possess those qualities of mind and heart which will raise Cornell to an even higher level among the great universities of the world. In the solution of those many problems which peculiarly affect alumni they are hopeful to have the benefit of your advice and counsel, and hopeful, too, that you will at all times call upon them for service — service to you personally as well as to Cornell. President A. Lawrence Lowell presented greetings from Har- vard University for the Eastern universities: PRESIDENT LOWELL'S ADDRESS To these festivities I am charged to bring the greet- ings of the older Eastern universities. But the message that I bear to this great seat of learning, of congratu- lation for the work that it has done, of confidence in that which it will do, is shared by every college and every scholar in the land. No different greeting can be brought where all must think alike. Ponce de Leon searched our country for the Fountain of Perpetual Youth. He sought in vain , not because the place was wrong, but because he sought it out of time. He thought that such a fountain should be nature's work, whereas it can be made by man alone. The legend of the Greeks tells us that where the winged Pegasus had struck his foot a spring gushed out. No Pegasus makes springs for us; and yet, wherever here — whether in the great city, in the smaller town, or on the country-side — learning has set her foot, there has welled up a fountain of perpetual youth. Not that we who drink thereof shall not grow old. We would not 38 The Inauguration of have it so. But there is an ever rushing, ever growing, stream of youth that in these halls conies upward to the light. It never ceases. Always bright with youth- ful hopes, it flows away to gladden and enrich our com- monwealth. Into that stream — the promise of the land — we pour that which we have to give of knowledge and of wisdom, drawn from the long heritage of thought and from discoveries of the present day. The various insti- tutions have different things to give; but each gives what it can, thankful that others give what it has not; for all the colors of the spectrum must be blended to make the pure white light. He whose light is partial sees partially. He whose light is dim sees faintly. Any one has light enough to be visionary, but only he that clearly sees can see a vision. It is for all the watch-towers of learning so to throw their rays upon the path of life that our people may have clear white light to guide them on their way. President Farrand : I know not whether we should most congratulate you, or Cornell University, or the country. A telegram from President Harry Woodburn Chase was read, conveying greetings from the University of North Carolina for the Southern universities, as follows : PRESIDENT CHASE'S MESSAGE Prevented by urgent affairs from attending today, may I assure you that the colleges and universities of the South extend to Cornell and to her new President heartiest felicitations and good wishes. We all con- fidently anticipate for you a future even greater than President Farrand 39 your great past. In confronting the perplexing prob- lems with which American colleges and universities must grapple during the next decade, may you be granted wisdom and vision to contribute even more largely to the solution of the educational problems of the nation. President Marion LeRoy Burton presented greetings from the University of Michigan for the Central universities: PRESIDENT BURTON'S ADDRESS It surely must be pertinent and entirely fitting upon an occasion such as this to discuss in a generic sense the university president. We are not gathered here merely to glorify a person whom we all hold in the highest esteem. This day marks the beginning of a new admin- istration at a great university. We are naturally thinking of educational questions and administrative problems. It seems appropriate, therefore, in an im- personal and objective manner to attempt a brief description of the real president of a true university. It can all be gathered up in the one word "respect." The man who actually possesses this quality will make a president. The man who lacks it will fail despite intellectual brilliance, vigorous initiative, and clever resourcefulness. By respect is meant actual regard, if not reverence, for worth and excellence in whatever forms or quantities they may appear. I. Respect for persons is indispensable to the real president. He must be prepared to meet all types of human beings. A university is a natural museum for the exhibition of unusual and fascinating types of personalities. Every one must be cherished for the 40 The Inauguration of particular phase of truth which he illustrates. He must be properly mounted and displayed. His unique- ness and differentiation enhance his value. No person must be sacrificed to the system of classification. Genuine respect makes autocratic methods impossible. Every man is put where he will be at his best. The institution will exist for the individual and not the in- dividual for the institution. The true president treats every person as a person. This respect will naturally produce a genuine regard for the opinions and judgments of every one associated with the university. Practically, it means that the president has not made up his mind before a case is presented. He has facilities for taking on new ideas. He possesses mental furnishings which make it possible for these ideas to adjust themselves with ease and comfort to their new home. He is, then, a good listener. He knows what people mean regardless of how they say it. He senses their unformulated desires and their unexpressed emotions. By some instinctive method, wholly natural and unstudied, he makes it easy, even tempts people, to be confidential and to say bluntly and candidly everything they have thought and felt upon the subject. In fact, without intending it, he entices people to tell more than they had ever dreamed of revealing. He gets at the truth. The real president, as a respecter of persons, wel- comes all sincere and honest opposition. He is not conducting a personal enterprise. He is merely a primus inter pares. He is eager not for personal praise but for institutional achievement. His chief fear is for the university. He is very jealous for its name. Opposition, therefore, which points out defects in President Farrand 41 organization, mistakes in policy, or weaknesses in the morale of the institution is to him the source of real encouragement. He is extremely sensitive to criticism which bears upon the vital affairs of the university but he is not concerned overmuch about himself. He is quite obtuse to purely gratuitous criticism. He culti- vates a deep regard for the feelings and even the preju- dices of those who with him are working honestly for the welfare of the school. He shows his respect for others by manifesting real patience with the slow proc- esses of various organizations, faculties, and com- mittees. He constantly reveals his entire willingness to give others ample time for reaching their conclusions. He respects persons as persons. II. The real president must respect himself. He must not only give attention to others, but he must hear what he himself has to say. Having listened well, having gathered the opinions of others, he must then bring to bear upon his problems his own judgment. He must be independent if he is to respect himself. If he be- comes a mere collector of opinions, subject to every whim and caprice, he will be a weak and vacillating man. He cannot be described in terms of leadership. His self-respect in the last analysis will rest upon his integrity. Too many presidents have been called " liars. " It is unnecessary here to tell humorous stories or to justify or even deny these accusations. Too frequently these charges have arisen from the failure of administrators to avoid even the appearance of evil. So the self-respecting president must aim constantly to tell persons the disagreeable, and, at times, discouraging and even discrediting facts. The real president insists 4-2 The Inauguration of upon others receiving accurate impressions. He avoids creating false hopes. He knows he must live with himself. Where then does the true president find a feasible and tenable attitude to himself? Doubtless most of the criticisms of a president arise from the false as- sumptions which attribute unworthy motives to him. The problem of self is not an easy one for any man. Perhaps it is unfortunately accentuated for a university president. His self-respect will depend upon his actual success in putting himself where he belongs. A single atom of officiousness destroys his usefulness. Pride of office in a university is intolerable. Self-forgetfulness, in spite of newspaper publicity, is primary. But this is purely the negative side of this phase of his problem. While entirely unconscious of himself, the true presi- dent is tremendously conscious of the cause which he represents. As Ruskin has described it, he knows that the power is not in him but through him. He is conscious of authority only as the representative of a great and noble institution. He has felt the thrill of responsi- bility. He possesses dignity — the dignity which inevi- tably inheres in a great institution and a mighty task. III. The real president respects facts. Since the past represents great substantial facts, he is not an ingrate, an iconoclast, or a revolutionist. Similarly, he must know how to weigh evidence. He is not disturbed by vain imaginings, impossible assertions, or groundless de- ductions. He is not amazed by waves of passion and emotion. He knows that a safety valve is a necessity alike for steam boilers and intellectual engines. He is not alarmed or discouraged even by the frequently reversed conclusions of weary faculties. President Farrand 43 He knows too that scientifically accurate data is essential. Within proper limitations, and always with a discriminating interpretation of them, he believes in gathering facts, in tabulating statistics, in preparing graphic charts, in studying salary scales, in considering sizes of classes, and in preparing paper records of the training and experience of prospective appointees. But if he is a real president with an inborn respect for facts he never forgets that the human data, which can never be charted, must be the determining factor. So he sees the man. He endeavors to judge personal qualities. He becomes a specialist in being human. He must ac- quire the skill of putting his finger on the salient facts. He must possess common sense and exercise good judg- ment. While he is always a true respecter of persons, he never forgets that principles are fundamental. He must take the long look. He must treat issues as issues. IV. The real president in his respect for facts will acquire a profound respect for the future. He will come quickly to understand that the discovery of the future is actually possible. The facts, correctly interpreted, will emphasize the necessity of reverence for that future. The future is merely the facts that are coming. He early discerns the wisdom of settling questions before they congeal into rigid, troublesome facts. He begins quickly to realize that living organisms grow, that universities are no exception to this law and that they must be related wisely to the changing social order. With a world torn by war, with a rudely shaken and twisted social order, with political and economic issues of paramount importance thrust upon us with a sudden- ness that is startling and disconcerting, the universities 44 The Inauguration of are faced by duties and responsibilities which static institutions cannot meet. Clarification, therefore, is essential. New tendencies must be discerned. New principles must be formulated. The future must be reckoned with. The real president has creative tasks of the highest order. Not only must future developments of the material equipment be anticipated and provided for but the whole trend of education must be analyzed with discrimination and foresight. Serving with his colleagues, he must aim to maintain and to elevate the standards of the university. He must assist in the high task of developing an atmosphere which is in- vigorating and stimulating. He must recognize the power of morale. He must see that his highest task is not merely in keeping the machine going smoothly, as difficult and imperious as that demand is, but his eye must be on the future — his real master. Lack of respect at this point is fatal, while true vision is irresistible. CONCLUSION The university president accepts a task at once diffi- cult and fascinating. It calls for sensitiveness of spirit. It utilizes every resource of courage. It demands co- gency of thought. It requires spiritual vision. Respect is found near the apex of human virtues. The mark of a real president of a true university is deep, genuine, thoroughgoing respect. President Ray Lyman Wilbur presented greetings from Leland Stanford Junior University for the Western universities: PRESIDENT WILBUR'S ADDRESS President Farrand, Friends of Cornell: I am going to speak to you but for a moment. Mr. President, you are going to be talked to enough, but in President Far rand 45 the name of the Western universities and of the medical profession of America I extend to you the heartiest of congratulations in your new opportunity. Out west we like to tell the story of the western man who came to New York to get his share of power and the world's goods, and who disappeared somewhere, and one of his friends asked him one day, "Where have you been?" He said, "I had to go back to get my vision stretched. " We are sending back to the east today a man who has been out west and had his vision stretched. There is something about our piled-up mountains, our broad plains, our lack of civilization perhaps, that does stretch the vision. You saw that in the inaugural address. It is a great thing to have a man that has his vision stretched at the head of a university like this. We need it now particularly, because the American frontier, having gone from the Atlantic to the Pacific, is now coming back toward the east. Cornell stands, as those in the west see it, at the new frontier of America, going out toward the Atlantic, trying to pick up and make Americans of the people there. There are a few scattered outposts in different places along the coast, some of them represented here, and we look for very much from them, with the co-operation of Cornell standing, as I said, at the frontier, America has exploited its natural resources to an unlimited degree. We have lived upon everything that we had stored up. That is the way we made our money and built our universities and made our success, and now we face the fact that we are in a smaller coun- try, in a smaller world, in a man-made age, and the question before us is. Can education and science keep up with human needs? We do not know. We do 46 The Inauguration of know that the control of sunlight through chlorophyl has more to do with determining human welfare than anything else, and that this institution is one of those where a study is made of that particular problem, for whether we burn coal or eat food or wear raiment or use supplies, we go back to that control of sunlight through chlorophyl. It illustrates the new problems of a new age. We must store up for ourselves and not live on the resources built up in thousands of years by the world. It is a more complicated age in which we live. A boy cannot now get ready to serve in his teens. A physician has to spend half his life in preparation. Consequently education is the only protection that we have as we go along. In places like this are our safe- guards and the only real safeguards that we have. As we look into the perils pictured by the new president of this institution we realize that to know, to have knowledge, is absolutely essential. The world is full today of information enough, of many varieties, most of it arterio-sclerotic. Some of it is academic, but it is the poorest kind of information we have, opinion information, as opposed to facts. I say sometimes that opinions are mere obstinate thought-growths that peo- ple cannot get rid of and that control them, and most of us spend a good deal of time trying to prove something we want or think is right. We use our minds for that purpose instead of advancing forward. A place like this ought to be a stopping place for that kind of mind, and they ought to stop before they get too far into the faculty group, because, if we are to meet our problems, if we are to solve the great difficulties that face social animals — and we are social animals, with President Far rand 47 all the problems of social animals, the public health, food supply, discipline, idealism, and so on — if we are to do all those things we need the soundest kind of leadership. Cornell should be congratulated today because, as it faces this problem, it has a man at the head who is a biologist, a physician, a scientist, an administrator, and, above all, a lover of men. The Governor, the Honorable Nathan L. Miller, presented greetings from the State of New York: GOVERNOR MILLER'S ADDRESS Judge Hiscpck, Dr. Farrand, Ladies and Gentlemen: Trying to heed the admonition which has just been spoken, that you have been talked to enough, I wish to express the very great pleasure it affords me to be here and, as the spokesman of the State, to add a word of greeting to the very able, scholarly, fitting, and, if I may say so, beautiful words that have been spoken here today. The State of New York is, of course, deeply interested in this great university. Its interest was manifested at its foundation, and that interest has been shown by a constantly expanding liberal policy toward the University, until today its annual budget for the State colleges, wholly apart from unusual or extraordinary appropriations for construction or other- wise, has reached a considerable sum; but the University upon its part has more than justified that interest. Of course, in a large sense that justification has been found in the work of the University in preparing our youth for citizenship, but in a lesser sense, and even measured by pecuniary standards, the State has been amply repaid, because, apart from the teaching work of the University, the research work conducted by the two State colleges, the dissemination of scientific 4 8 The Inauguration of knowledge which those colleges have undertaken, and more recently the extension work more actively carried on, reach into every part of our State, come in contact directly with our people engaged in the pursuits affected by the work of those two colleges, and I undertake to say that the vast improvement of agriculture in this State has been due to the work of Cornell University more than to any other single cause. Now, there is no likelihood of any change of State pohcy. If there is to be any change it will have to be along the line of greater Hberality. I do not wish to raise too highly your expectations, because we must remember that good things come slowly, and it is a very good thing for us, too, that they do not come too rapidly; so I am making no promises as to what will be done in the immediate future, but I can say to you that you can rest assured that there will be no abatement on the part of the State, because, even if those in authority were so minded, the work of this great University has come so closely under the observation of the people of this State that they would not suffer such abatement to occur. I congratulate you, upon your assuming the great task and responsibility of instructing the Faculty of Cornell, that it has safely emerged from the crisis which has confronted many of our colleges and universities, and still confronts some. Our unusual economic con- dition and the distress of our colleges and universities succeeded in arousing such a public spirit that Cornell and many other similar institutions have succeeded in making some preparation at least to provide, I will not say adequately, but at least more decently for the Faculty over which you will preside. I think we may President Far rand 49 be congratulated upon the certainty, with the changes in economic conditions now to occur in the opposite direction, that the provisions already made, as the years go by, will become more and more effective, for of course it is a commonplace to say, but on an occasion like this one is always minded to emphasize the fact, that the faculty of an institution like this really con- stitute the institution. Although men and women choose this great calling from motives not pecuniary, yet they must receive a sufficient money compensation to be able to live as befits their position, to make some pro- vision for sickness and old age, and to devote them- selves to their great calling without disturbance by the petty cares of life. And so you are entering upon your great work at an auspicious time. I congratulate you upon your op- portunity for work of transcendent (importance. I congratulate this great University and the State of New York upon the fact that you. Sir, have demonstrated the character, the capacity, and the possession of the equipment to undertake that work and to maintain the traditions of this University. The exercises ended with the playing of "Alma Mater" on the organ, while the audience stood. THE INAUGURAL DINNER A dinner given by the Trustees and Faculty to the President and Mrs. Farrand concluded the exercises of the day. The dinner was served in the Old Armory at a quarter after seven o'clock. About seven hundred persons were present, including Trustees and their wives, members of the Faculty and their wives, and delegates. Judge Hiscock presided and Emeritus Professor Thomas Frederick Crane was toastmaster. The speakers were President James Rowland Angell of Yale University, President Sir Robert Alexander Falconer of the University of Toronto, and Emeritus Professor Liberty Hyde Bailey. l5o] LIST OF DELEGATES UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES IN ORDER OF THEIR ESTABLISHMENT University of Paris: Professor Henri Chamard University of Toulouse: Professor J. Cavalier University of Louvain : Professor Maurice de Wulf University of Seville: Archer M. Huntington, A.M., Litt.D. University of Edinburgh: Professor Sutherland Simpson, D.Sc, M.D., F.R.S.E. Harvard University: President A. Lawrence Lowell, Ph.D.,.LL.D. Yale University: President James Rowland Angell, A.M., LL.D., Litt.D. Professor Max Farrand, Ph.D. University of Pennsylvania: Dean Warren Powers Laird, Sc.D. Princeton University: President John Grier Hibben, Ph.D., LL.D., L.H.D. Dean William Francis Magie, Ph. D., LL.D. Washington and Lee University: President Henry Louis Smith, Ph.D. Columbia University: Dean Herbert Edwin Hawkes, Ph.D. Director William Alciphron Boring, Fellow A.LA. Brown University: Professor Walter Cochrane Bronson, A.M., Litt.D. Rutgers College and the State University of New Jersey: Dean Jacob Goodale Lipman, Ph.D. Dartmouth College: Professor Albert Henry Washburn, A.M., LL.B. [51] University of the State of New York: The Hon. Walter Guest Kellogg, B.A., LL.D. The Hon. John Mason Clarke, D.Sc, LL.D. University of Pittsburgh: Chancellor John Gabbert Bowman, A.M., LL.D. University of North Carolina: President Harry Woodburn Chase, Ph.D. University of Vermont: Professor Ernest Albee, Ph.D. Williams College: Professor Carroll Lewis Maxcy, M.A. Bowdoin College: The Hon. De Alva Stanwood Alexander, LL.D. Union University: Chancellor Charles Alexander Richmond, A.M., D.D., LL.D. University of New Brunswick: Professor Robert M. Raymond, B.A., D.Sc. University of South Carolina: President William Spenser Currell, Ph.D., LL.D. United States Military Academy: Lieutenant Colonel C. G. Mettler, U. S. Army Ohio University: Professor Ralph Clewell Super, A.B. Hamilton College: President Frederick Carlos Ferry, Ph.D., Sc.D., LL.D. Auburn Theological Seminary: The Rev. President George Black Stewart, D.D., LL.D. The Hon. Charles Irving Avery, B.S. Dalhousie University: Dean James Edwin Creighton, Ph.D., LL.D. University of Cincinnati: Professor Frank Thilly, Ph.D., LL.D. Colgate University: President pro tempore Melbourne Stuart Read, Ph.D. University of Virginia: Professor Thomas Leonard Watson, M.S., Ph.D. Indiana University: Professor Alfred Mansfield Brooks, A.M. [52] Amherst College: President Alexander Meiklejohn, Ph.D., LL.D. George Washington University: Harry C. Davis, L.H.D. McGill University: *Professor Alexander Miller Gray, B.Sc. Hobart College: President Murray Bartlett, M.A., D.D. Western Reserve University: President Charles Franklin Thwing, LL.D, Litt.D. University of Toronto : President Sir Robert Alexander Falconer, K.C.M.G., M.A., LL.D. Denison University: President Clark Wells Chamberlain, Ph.D. New York University: Dean Marshall S. Brown, A.M. University of Alabama: President George Hutcheson Denny, Ph.D., LL.D., D.C.L. University of Leeds: Henry Drysdale Dakin, D.Sc, Sc.D. Wesleyan University: President William Arnold Shanklin, A.M., D.D., LL.D. L.H.D. Lafayette College: President John Henry MacCracken, LL.D. Wabash College: Professor Jacob Richard Schramm, Ph.D. Haverford College: President William Wistar Comfort, Ph.D., Litt.D., LL.D. Oberlin College: Dean Charles Nelson Cole, Ph.D. Alfred University: President Boothe Colwell Davis, Ph.D., D.D., LL.D. Union Theological Seminary: President Arthur Cushman McGiffert, Ph.D., D.D., LL.D. 'Deceased October 13, 1921. [S3] De Pauw University: President George Richmond Grose, D.D., LL.D. University of Michigan : President Marion LeRoy Burton, Ph.D., LL.D. Professor Emil Lorch, A.M. Mount Holyoke College: Professor Ellen Bliss Talbot, Ph.D. University of Missouri: Professor Cassius J. Keyser, Ph.D., LL.D. Queen's University: Principal Bruce Taylor, M.A., D.D., LL.D. Meadville Theological School: The Rev. J.A. C. Fagginger Auer, B.D. Bucknell University: The Rev. John D. W. Fetter, A.B. University of Buffalo: Mr. Edward J. Barcalo State University of Iowa: President Walter Albert Jessup, Ph.D. College of the City of New York: Professor Thomas Andrew Story, Ph.D., M.D. University of Wisconsin : Professor Charles Forster Smith, Ph.D., LL.D. University of Rochester: President Rush Rhees, D.D., LL.D. Northwestern University: Professor Henry Seely White, Ph.D., LL.D. Cornell College: The Hon. Edgar Truman Brackett, A.M., LL.D. Washington University: Professor Jacob Richard Schramm, Ph.D. Elmira College: President Frederick Lent, Ph. D. Pennsylvania State College: Assistant Professor John Edwin Perry, B.S. in C.E. St. Lawrence University: Dean Edwin Lee Hulett, M.A. Massachusettes Institute of Technology: Director William Emerson [54] Vassar College: Dean Ella McCaleb, A.B. University of Washington : Professor Ernest William Schoder, Ph.D. University of Kansas: Chancellor Ernest Hiram Lindley, Ph.D. University of Maine: Professor Jeremiah Sweetser Ferguson, M.S., M.D. Lehigh University: Vice-President Natt M. Emery, M.A., Litt.D. University of Illinois: Professor Loring Harvey Provine, B.S., A.E. Massachusetts Agricultural College: Acting President Edward Morgan Lewis, A.M. University of California: Professor Donald English, B.S., M.B.A. Iowa State College: • President Raymond Allen Pearson, M.S., D. Agr., LL.D. University of Minnesota: Professor Charles Peter Berkey, M.S., Ph.D. Wells College: President Kerr Duncan Macmillan, A.B., B.D., S.T.D. Boston University: Professor Raymond Frank Piper, S.T.B., A.M. University of Nebraska: Professor Rollin Adams Emerson, D.Sc. Swarthmore College: Vice-President John Anthony Miller, Ph.D. Ohio State University: President William Oxley Thompson, A.M., D.D., LL.D. Syracuse University: Chancellor James Roscoe Day, S.T.D. , D.C.L., LL.D., L.H.D. University of Manitoba: President James Alexander MacLean, Ph.D., LL.D. Smith College: Professor Harvey G. Townsend, Ph.D. University College of Wales: Mr. David Charles Davies [55] Vanderbilt University: Charles Cason, B.A. Colorado College: George Foster Peabody, A.M., LL.D. Wellesley College: President Ellen Fitz Pendleton, A.M., LL.D., Litt.D. Johns Hopkins University: President Frank J. Goodnow, LL.D. University of Colorado: Acting President Oliver Clarence Lester, Ph.D. Case School of Applied Science: President Charles Sumner Howe, Ph.D., D.Sc, LL.D. University of Liverpool : Professor John L. Todd, B.L., LL.D. University of North Dakota: Maxwell Mayhew Upson, B.A., M.E. University of Arizona: President Rufus Bernhard von Kleinsmid, A.M., Sc.D., J.D. Pomona College: Professor Earle Hesse Kennard, Ph.D. University of Oklahoma: Professor Victor Elvert Monnet University of Chicago : Professor Herbert Joseph Davenport, Ph.D. Leland Stanford Junior University: President Ray Lyman Wilbur, A.M., M.D., LL.D. Rhode Island State College: President Howard Edwards, M.A., LL.D. State College of Washington: Assistant Extension Professor Doris Schumaker, B.S. University of Birmingham : Professor John Henry Muirhead, M.A., LL.D. Carnegie Institute of Technology: President Arthur Arton Hamerschlag, Sc.D., LL.D. Clark University: Charles Herbert Thurber, Ph.D. Rice Institute: President Edgar Odell Lovett, Ph.D., LL.D. [56] SOCIETIES AND CORPORATIONS American Academy in Rome: Professor William A. Boring, Fellow A.I.A. Association of American Universities : Chancellor Ernest Hiram Lindley, Ph.D. United States Bureau of Education: George Frederick Zook, Ph.D. American Institute of Architects: Dan Everett Waid, B.S. Beaux-Arts Institute of Design : Director Lloyd Warren American Red Cross: Albert Ross Hill, Ph.D., LL.D. New York State Experiment Station: Director Roscoe Wilfred Thatcher, A.M., D.Agr. President Charles R. Mellen The City of Ithaca: Harry George Stutz, LL.B. Board of Education of Ithaca: Mr. Clinton D. Bouton Ithaca Board of Commerce: Charles Edward Treman, B.L. CORNELL ALUMNI ASSOCIATIONS AND CLUBS Associate Alumni of Cornell University: Edwin Nash Sanderson, C.E., M.E. Cornellian Council: George Davis Crofts, A.B., LL.B. Cornell Association of Class Secretaries: Andrew Joseph Whinery, A.B. Federation of Cornell Women's Clubs: Mrs. Charles W. Curtis (Stephanie Marx), B.L. Cornell Club of Bingham ton: Frank Merritt Dyer, M.D. Buffalo Club of Cornell Women : Mrs. Walter Charles Nichols (Helen Mae Colgrove), LL.B. [57] Cornell Women's Club of the Bay Cities of California: Mrs. Finis Ewing Yoakum (Wilhelmine Catherine Wiss- mann), A.B. Cornell Club of Central New York: George Wallingford Noyes, A.B. Cornell Women's Club of Cleveland: Mrs. WiLLARD Beahan (Bessie Bell DeWitt), A.B. Cornell Club of Corning: Edwin John Carpenter, jr., A.B., LL.B. Cornell Club of Herkimer County: Mrs. LooMis BuRRELL (Lois Watson Wing), A.B., A.M. Cornell Club of Ithaca: Paul Smith Livermore, A.B., LL.B. Cornell Women's Club of Ithaca: Mrs. Blin Sill Cushman (Jessie Rathbun Manley), B.S. Cornell Association of Maryland: Walter George Distler, C.E. Cornell Alumni Association of Milwaukee: Lewis Leeds Tatum, M.E. Cornell Club of Mount Vernon : Albert Hunt White, B.S. Cornell Club of New England: Samuel Wiley Wakeman, M.E. Cornell Club of Northern New Jersey: Andrew Joseph Whinery, A.B. Cornell Club of New York: James Harvey Edwards, C.E. Cornell Women's Club of New York: Mrs. Herbert Donnton Williams (Nina Kathryn Van Dyne), A.B. Cornell Alumni Club of Omaha: John Webster Towle, C.E. Cornell Club of Northwestern Pennsylvania: Professor Charles Joseph Ling, B.S., Ph.D. Cornell Club of Philadelphia: Godfrey Ruhland Rebmann, jr., M.E. Cornell Club of Rochester: Frank Ernest Gannett, A.B. [58] Cornell Women's Club of Rochester: Alice Juliet Street, A.B. Cornell University Club of Springfield : Myron Asher Allen, C.E. Cornell Club of Syracuse : Judge Leonard Callender Crouch, Ph.B. Cornell Alumni Association of Western New York: Senator Parton Swift, Ph.B. Ths MoniU Fn«, Fulton, N. T.