' ' ';^i»l Date Due Cornell University Library F 269 R171858 Ramsay's History of South Carolina, from olin 3 1924 028 789 737 The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028789737 R A_ M: S A. Y'S HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT I .\ 1670 TO THE YEAR 180 8. By DAYID EAMSAY, M. D. ' The Muse of History has been bo mucli in love with Mars, that she has seldom conTersed with Minerva." — Henry. COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. PtIBLISHED AND SOLD BY W. J. DUFFIE, NEWBERRY, S. 0. PRINTED BT WAI.KEH, EVANS « CO. CHARLESTON 1858 T THE YOUTH OF CAKOLINA, WHOSE ANCESTORSj COLLECTED FROM VARIOUS NATIONS OF THE OLD WORLD, HATE COALESCED INTO ONE IN THE NEW, AND WHO, AFTER TWO REYOLUTIONS, IN LESS THAN ONE CENTURY, HAVING ACQUIRED LIBERTY AND INDEPENDENCE, MADE A PRUDENT USE OF THESE INESTIMABLE BLESSINGS, BY ESTABLISHING, ON THE BASIS OF REASON AND THE BIGHTS OF MAN, A SOLID, EFFICIENT, AND WELL BALANCED GOVERNMENT, WHOSE OBJECT IS PUBLIC GOOD, WHOSE END IS PUBLIC HAPPINESS, BY WHICH INDUSTRY HAS BEEN ENCOURAGED, AGRICULTURE EXTENDED, LITERATURE CHERISHED, RELIGION PROTECTED, AND .JUSTICE CHEAPLY AND CONVENIENTLY ADMINISTERED TO A RAPIDLY INCREASING POPULATION. IN HOPES THAT THE DESCENDANTS OF SUCH SIRES WILL LEARN, FROM THEIR EXAMPLE TO LOVE THEIR COUNTRY AND CHERISH ITS INTERESTS, THE FOLLOWING HISTORY IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR. CONTENTS OF VOLUME I, CIVTL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. Chap. Page ^ I. Population — .- . _ 1 II. Proprietary Government from its Commencement in 1670, till its Aboli- tion in 1719 14 III. The Revolution in 1719 from Proprietary to Royal Government 31 IV. Royal Government from 1720 to 1776 53 MILITARY HISTORY, FROM 1670 TO 1776. V. Sec. 1. Contests with Spaniards 70 " 2. Contests with Indians 84 " 3. Military Operations against Pirates 113 VI. The settlement of the Back Country 118 THE CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA FROM A BRITISH PROVINCE TO AN INDEPENDENT STATE. VII. Sec. 1. Of Introductory Events and Taking of Arms 124 " 2. Of the Extinction of Royal Authority and of the Royalists 141 " 3. Of the Formation of a Regular Constitution 148 *' 4. Of the Attack of the Fort on Sullivan's Island by Sir Peter Parker and Sir Henry Clinton, and the Invasion of the Cherokees by Colonel Williamson 152 5. Of Independence and the Alliance with France 162 6 Campaign of 1779 167 7. Campaign of 1780— Fall of Charlestown 181 8. Campaign of 1781 223 9. Marion's Brigade 228 10. Campaign of 1781 continued 237 11. Campaign of 1782 249 12. Revolutionary Miscellaneous History 252 CONTENTS OF VOL. II. Chap. "Page I. Ecclesiastical History of South Carolina 1 II. Medical History 28 III. Le^al and Constitutional Histoi-y 68 IV. Fiscal History 90 V. Agricultural Plistnry 112 VI. Commercial History 130 VII. Of the Arts 136. VIII. Natural History 152 IX. Literary History 196 X. Miscellaneous Histoij — Virtues^ Vices, Customs, Diversions, &c., of the inhabitants - 213 Dress - 227 Complexion 228 Manners and Character 228 Fecundity, Population, and Longevity 231 XL Civil History, from the termination of the Revolutionary War in 1783 to the year 1808 235 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF LITERARY MEN, AND OTHER DISTINGUISHED CHARACTERS. Lionel Chalmers, M. D 251 Rev. Richard Clarke 251 William Henry Drayton 252 Christopher Gadsden 253 Rev. Commissary Garden 256 Alexander Garden, M. D 256 Maj. John James 257 Sir Nathaniel Johnson 258 John Lining, M. D 260 Henry Laurens 260 John Laurens 264 Gabriel Manigault 266 Peter Manigault 267 Thomas Reese, D. D 267 Col. William Rhett 268 John Rutledge 269 Edward Rutledge 272 Rev. Josiah Smith, A. M 273 Rev. William Tennent, A. M 274 Nicholas Trott, L. L. D 275 William Wi-agg - 276 APPENDIX. Number Tagi: I. A Statistical Account of Edisto Island 278 11. A Statistical Account of St. Stephen's District 291 III. A Statistical View of Pendleton District 295 IV. A Statistical Account of Orangeburg District 299 V. A Statistical Account of Beaufort 3qj VI. A Statistical Account of Georgetown 3Q2 VIL A Statistical Account of Claremont District 305 VIII. A Statistical Account of Camden 3Qg IX. A General View of the upper country 307 PREFACE, Tho growing importance of the United States excites an increasing curiosity to be acquainted with their early history. Of their wars and of their late revolulion much has been written, but a development of the causes which, in less than two centuries, have raised them from poverty to riches — from ignorance to knowledge — from weakness to power — from a handful of people to a mighty multitude — from rude woodsmen to polished citizens — from colonies guided by the leading strings of a distant island to a well regulated, self-governed community, has not been sufficiently the subject of attention. It is a work of too much mag- nitude to be incorporated in a general history of the whole, and cannot be done to purpose otherwise than by local histories of particular provinces or states. Much useful knowledge on these subjects is already lost, and more is fast hastening to oblivion. A considerable portion of it can now only be recovered by a recurrence to tradition — for records of many events worthy of being transmitted to posterity have either never been made, or if made have been destroyed. Every day that minute local histories of these states are deferred is an injury to posterity — for by means thereof more of that knowledge which ought to be transmitted to them will be irrecoverably lost. These views were so forcibly impressed on the author of the following work, that he began many years ago tn collect materials for writing a detailed history of the State in which Providence had cast his lot. In vain did he expect complete information from public records. On many interesting subjects they were silent — the most early were illegible — others were lost in the hurricanes or fii'es which at several successive periods have deso- lated Charleston, Much of what escaped from these calamities was destroyed in the invasions of the State by the British in 1779 and 1780. Of what remained every practicable use was made ; but to remedy their defects, application was made to the only repositories of facts on which reliance could be placed. This was the recol- lection of old citizens and especially of such as were the descendants of the first settlers. To them, in the year 1798, he addressed a circular letter and queries on a variety of subjects connected with the history of Carolina.* These were sent to * Sir— Having made some progress in. collecting materials for a general History of South-Carolina from its first settlement, I beg tlie favor of you to furnish me, in Charleston, with information on aay sub- jects that may properly be incorporated in such a work; and in particular, with answers to all or any of the following inijuiries, at least as far as they respect the vicinity of your residence- If you should not have leisure for this purpose, I request that you would put them in the hands of some suitable person who may be willing to collect and transmit the wished-for information. I am, your most obedient, humble servant, Charleston, November 19, 1798, DAVID RAMSAY. The time when the settlement of your parish or county began ? the date of the oldest grants of land ; and the place from which the first settlers migrated, with some account of the most remarkable of them ? The Indian name of your parish or county ; what tribes of Indtans formerly occupied It? notice of their monuments and relies which may remain ? if they have disappeared, when and by what means ? if still in your settlement, or the vicinity, what is their present state, condition and number? Biographical anecdotes of persons in your settlement, who have been distinguished for their ingenuity, enterprise, literature, talents civil or military ? Topographical* descriptions of your parish or county, or its vicinity— its mountainp, rivers, ponds, animals, useful and rare vegetable productio^ns ; stones, especially such as may be useful for mills, lime, architecture, pavements, or for other purposes ; remarkable falls, caverns, minerals, sands, clays, chalk, flint, marble, pitcoal, pigments, medicinal or poisonous substances, their uses and antidotes ? The former and present state of cultivation; what changes has it undergone ; an account of the first introduction of rice, indigo, Ac. Tour ideas of further icnprovements, either as to the introduction of new staples or the improvement of the old, or with respect to roads, bridges, canals, opening the navigation of the rivers or boatahle waters-? An estimate of the expenses and profits of a well-cultivated field, of any given dimensions, say 20 acres, in tobacco, cotton, rice, wheat, or corn, with the average price of land ? The distiuetion of soils, with a notice of the productions to which they are respectively best adapted; a notice of the different kinds of useful timber ; the proportioa between cleared and uncleared land ; and of the proportions between the number of inhabitants and number of acres ? What are the natural advantages in your vicinity for the erection of mills, and for other labor-saving machinery ; for catching and curing fish, and for raising stock ? Singular instances of longevity and fecundity ? observations on the weather, epidemic and other diseases, and the influence of the climate or of particular situations, employments or aliments ; and especially the effects of spirituous liquors ou the human constitution? Is your population, distinguishing white from black, increasing, decreasing, or stationary ; and the causes and evidences thereot? Vlll PREFACE. well informed persona in every part of the State, and afterwards printed in the newspapers. In consequence thereof, much useful information has been received. All the early histories which treat of Carolina were attentively perused, but from them little of consequence could be obtained. Dr. Hewat's historical account of the rise and progress of the colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, was read with much more advantage — on it greater reliance was placed — and of it more use has been made, than of all the histories which had preceded. To him every Carolinian ought to be obliged for preserving many useful facts which otherwise would before this day have been forgotten. His valuable work was written shortly before the American Revolution, when tradition went further back and was more recent than at present. Much of the information contained therein is said to have been de- rived from Lieutenant-Governor William Bull, who had been a public officer since 1740, and who was the son of Lieutenant-Governor Bull, and the gi-andson of Stephen Bull, wbo had held public offices in succession from the very hrst settle- ment of the colony. For the thirty-four eventful years of revolutionary war and civil improvements which have intervened since Dr. Hewat wrote and the year 1808, the author has been a cotemporary witness of all, and an actor in several of the scenes which are the ground-work of the history of South Carolina in that inter- esting period. Chalmers' political annals of the united colonies also afforded many statements of which use has been made. His knowledge was derived from an authentic source, the plantation office. In dates and early matters of fact, where he differed from other writers, his authority has been considered as paramount; but in matters of opinion, his assertions have been received with large allowance for the principles and feelings of a man who, in consequence of his adherence to the King of Great Britain, was not permitted to continue an inhabitant of the United tJtates during their revolutionary struggle for independence. Governor Drayton's view of South Carolina affords more interesting detailed views of the interior economy of the State than had ever been given. His official station and duties as governor opened to him sources of information inaccessible to all preceding writers. Much original matter preWously unnoticed is contained in his valuable work, and of it use has been made in the following pages. After the proposals had been issued for publishing the History of South Carolina, and the greater part of it had been written, a flood of local intelligence, in answer to the preceding queries, poured in on the author.. Much of this came too late to be incorporated in its proper place ; it was too valuable to be suppressed, and was therefore introduced in the appendix in the form of statistical accounts. To his many correspondents, the author returns the warmest acknowledgments for their valuable communications, which will be noticed in their proper place To the Reverend Donald M'Leod he is under very particular obligations for his minute, accurate, and satisfactory account of Edisto Island, and he begs leave to recom- mend it to others as a model worthy of imitation. If one or more persons in the different districts or other portions of the State, will take thp trouble of furnishing statements on the plan of Mr. M'Leod, the author pledges himself, if his life is spared, to connect the whole in one view, and give it to the public as a statistical account of South Carolina. If this proposal should be carried into effect a collec- tion of facts useful to philosophers, legislators, physicians and divines, would be brought to light. The interior economy of the State, which is now the least known of any one in the Union, would become the most known. South Carolina would rise in the esteem of the citizens of other States, many of whom, from not knowing better, load it with reproaches it does not deserve, and deny it much of that credit to which it is justly entitled. • , „, DAVID RAMSAY. Charleston, December oist, 1808. Whattnanufactures are. earned on? how have they been affected br the independence of tho^P ^fntos and by the establishment of the federal constitution ; and your thou-hts on the farther imnrovP^pitSnf thera? what public libraries have you ? what encouragement is ffiven to schools! anA r.nii,iir.. ■; T^^ -li,!;*: has been done, or is doinff, to advance literature or diffuse knowledge ' ^^^ ''°"^S" ^ '"''^ ^^^' What churches are there iu your parish or county; how long have they been erected ■ how are fh«v supplied with preachers? how are they attended on days of public worship f what harbeendont or i^ doing, to promote morality and religion among the people ? "wue, or isa The date, extent, consequences, and other circumstances of freshets, whirlwinds hurrirnnpq +>. remarkable events, which have taken place, as far back as can be recollected in your county °^ • i,'i CIYIL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. C H A P T'E R I . Population. Columbus, by the discovery of America, introduced the Old World to an acquaintance with the new. No sooner was the existence of a Western Continent known to the maritime powers of Europe, than they eagerly rushed forth to seize a portion of it for themselves. Though that part of the Ameri- can coast which stretches from the 36lh degree of north lati- tude to St. Augustine, was claimed by Spain, England and France, yet they all for a long time neglected it. Nearly two centuries passed away subsequent to its discovery, before any permanent settlement was established in the tract of country which is now called Carolina and Georgia. That germ of civilized population which took root, flourished, and spread in South Carolina, was first planted at or near Port Royal, in 1670, by a few emigrants from England, under the direction of William Sayle, the first Governor of the province. Dis- satisfied with that situation, they removed, in 1671, to the Western banks of Ashley river, and there laid the foundation of old Uharlestown, on a plantation now belonging to Elias Lynch Horry. This site was injudiciously chosen, for it could not be approached by vessels of large burden, and was therefore abandoned. A second removal took place to Oyster Point, formed by the confluence of the rivers Ashley and Cooper. There, in the year 1680,* the foundation of the present city of Charleston was laid, and in one year, thirty houses were built. Neither the number of these first settlers, nor their names, with the exception of William Sayle and Joseph West, have reached posterity. They could not, however, have been many ; for all of them, together with provisions, arms, and utensils, requisite for their support, defence, and comfort, in a country inhabited only by savages, were brought from England to Carolina in two vessels. To increase the population, was a primary object. There is no evidence of * A monument in the Circular Church, erected to the memory of Kobert Tradd, states, "that he was the first male child born in Charlestown," and "that he died on the 30th of March, 1731, in the 52d year of his age." Though the precise time of his birth is not mentioned, tlie whole accords witli other historic evidence, that Charlestown began to be built in 1G80. 1 CIVIL HISTORY. any plan to procure settlers of any uniform description, either as to politics or religion, farther than that a decided preference was given to protestants. The emigrants were a medley of different nations and principles. From England the colony re- ceived both Roundheads and Cavaliers, the friends of the parlia- ment, and the adherents to the royal family. The servants of the crown, from motives of policy, encouraged the emigration of the former; and grants of land were freely bestowed on the latter, as a reward of their loyalty. Liberty of conscience, which was allowed to everyone by the charter, proved a great, encouragement to emigration. The settlement commenced at a period when conformity to the Church of England was urged with so high a hand, as to bear hard on many good men. In the reign of Charles the Second and James the Second, and till the revolution, which was eighteen years subsequent to the settlement of the province, dissenters la- bored under many grievances. They felt much and feared more; for, in common with many others, they entertained serious apprehensions of a popish successor to the crown of England. Men of this description, from a laudable jealousy of the rights of conscience, rejoiced in the prospect of securing religious liberty, though at the expense of exchanging the endearments of home, and cultivated society for the wilds of America. Such cheerfully embraced the offers of the pro- prietors ; and from them Carolina received a considerable number of its earliest settlers. The inducements to emigration were so many and so various, that every year brought new adventurers to the province. The friends of the proprietors were allured to it by the prospect of obtaining landed states at an easy rate. Others took refuge in it from the frowns of fortune^ and the rigor of creditors. Young men reduced to misery by folly and excess, embarked for the new settlement, where they had leisure to reform, and where necessity taught them the unknown virtues of prudence and temperance, llestless spirits, fond of roving, were grati- fied by emigration, and found in a new country abundant scope for enterprise and adventure. Besides individual emigrants, the colony frequently received groupes of settlers, from their attachment to particular leaders some common calamity, or general impulse. The first of these was a small colony from Barbadoes, which arrived in 1671, under the auspices of Sir John Yeamans, who had ob- tained a large grant of land from the proprietors. With these were introduced the first, and for a considerable time the only slaves that were in Carolina. Shortly after, the colony received a valuable addition to its strength from the Dutch settlement of Nova-Belgia. This in POPULATION. 6 1674 was conquered by England, and thereupon acquired the name of New York After their subjugation, many of the Dutch colonists, dissatisfied with their new masters, determined to emigrate. The proprietors of Carolina offered them lands, and sent two ships for their accommodation, which conveyed a considerable number of them to Charlestown. Stephen Bull, Surveyor General of the colony, had instructions to mark out lands on the southwest side of Ashley river, for their ac- commodation. They drew lots for their property, and formed a town which was called Jamestown. This was the first col- ony of Dutch settlersin Carolina. Their industry surmounted incredible hardships, and their success induced many from ancient Belgia afterwards to follow them to the western world. The inhabitants of Jamestown, finding their situation too nar- row, spread themselves over the country, and the town was deserted. In 1 679, King Charles II. ordered two small vessels to be pro- vided at his expense, to transport to Carolina several foreign protestants, who proposed to raise wine, oil, silk and other pro- ductions of the south. Though they did not succeed in en- riching the country with these valuable commodities, their descendants form a part of the present inhabitants. The revocation of the edict of Nantz, fifteen years subse- quent to the settlement of Carolina, contributed much to its population. In it, soon after that event, were transplanted from France the stocks from which have sprung the respect- able families of Bonneau, Bounetheau, Bordeaux, Benoist, Boiseau, Bocquet, Bacot, Chevalier, Cordes, Courterier, Chas- taignier, Dupre, Delysle, Dubose, Dubois, Deveaux, Dutarque, De la Consiliere, De Leiseline, Douxsaint, Dupont, Du Bour- dieu, D'Harriette, Faucheraud, Foissin, Faysoux, Gaillard, Gendron, Gignilhat, Guerard, Godin, Girardeaux, Guerin, Gourdine, Horry, Huger, Jeannerette, Legare, Laurens, La Roche, Lenud, Lansac, Marion, Mazyck, Manigault,* Melli- * A letter written in French by Judith Manigault, the wife oi' Peter Manigault, who were the foiuulers of the worthy family of that name, may give some faint idea of the sufferings of these French protestant refugees. This lady, when about twenty years old, embarked in ItiSS for Carolina, by the way of London. After her arrival, she wrote to her brother a letter, giving an account of her ad- ventures. This letter translated into English, is as follows: — " Since you desire it, I will give you an account of ourquitting France, and of our arrival in Carolina. During eight months, we had suffered from the contributions and the quartering of the soldiers, with many other inconveniences. We therefore resolved on quitting France by night, leaving the soldiers in their beds, and abandoning the house with its furniture. We contrived to hide ourselves at Romans, in Dauphigny, for ten days, while a search was made after us; but our hostess being faithful, did not betray us when questioned if she had seen us. From thence we passed to Lyons — from thence to Dijon — from which place, as well as from Langres, my eldest brother wrote to you ; but I know not if either of the letters reached you. He informed you that we were quitting France. He went to Madame de Choiseul's, which was of lio avail as she was dead, and her son-in-law had the command of 4 CIVIL HISTORY. champ, Monzon, Michau, Neufville, Prioleau,* Peronneau, Perdriau, Porcher, Postell, Peyre, Poyas, Ravenel, Royer, Simons, Sarazin, St. Julien, Serre, Trezevant. These, and several other French protestants, in consequence of the revocation of the Edict of Nantz, repaired to Carolina, and became useful inhabitants. Many of their descendants have been, and are, respectable and distinguished citizens.* They generally at first established themselves on Santee every thing: moreover, he gave us to understand that he perceived our intentioa of quitting France, and if we asked any favors from him, he would inform against us. We therefore made the best of our way for Metz, in Lorraine, where we embarked on the river Moselle, in order to go to Treves — from thence we passed to Cochieim, and to Coblentz — from thence to Cologne, where we quilted the Rhine, to go by land to Wesel — where we met with an host, who spoke a little French, and who informed us we were only thirty leagues from Lunenburg. We knew that you were in winter quarters there, by a letter of yours, received fifteen days before our departure from France, which mentioned that you should winter there. Our deceased mother and myself earnestly besought my eldest brother to go that way with us; or, leaving us with her, to pay. you a visit alone. It was in the depth of winter: but he would not hear of it, having Carolina so much in his head that he dreaded losing any opportunity of going thither. Oh, what grief the losing so fine an opportunity of seeing you at least once more, lias caused me I How have I regretted seeing a brother show so little feeling, and how often have I reproached him with it ! but he was our master, and we were constrained to do as he pleased. We passed on to Holland, to go from thence to England. I do not recollect exactly the year, whether 'Si or 'S5, but it was that in which King Charles of England died, fFeb. 1085.) We remained in London three months, waiting for a passage to Carolina. Having embarked, we were sadly ofl': the spotted fever made its appearance on board our vessel, of which disease many died, and amono- them our aged mother. Nine months elapsed before our arrival in Carolina. We touched at two ports— one a Portuguese, and the other an island called Bermuda, belonging to the English, to refit our vessel, which had been much injured in a storm! Our Captain having committed some misdemeanor, was put in prison, and the vessel seized. Our money was all spent, and it was with great dilficulty we pro- cured a passage in another vessel. Alter our arrival in Carolina, we suffered every kind of evil. In about eighteen months our elder brother, unaccustomed to the hard labor we had to undergo, died of a fever. Since leaving France we had experienced every kind of aBlictiou— disease— pestilence— famine— poverty— hard labor. I have been for six months together without lasting bread, working the o-round like a slave ; and I have even passed three or four years without always havin" it when I wanted it. God has done great things for us, enabling us to bear up under°so many trials. I should never have done, were I to attempt to detail to you all our adven- tures. Let it sufiice that God has had compass ion on me. and changed my fate to a more happy one, for which glory be unto him." The writer of the'above letter died in 1711, seven years after she had given birth to Gabriel Manigault, who in a lon»- and uselul lite accumulated a iortune so large, as enabled him to aid the asvluiu of his persecuted parents with a loan of $2-20,000, for carrying on its revolutionary struggle for liberty and independence. This was done at an early period of the contest when no man was certain whether it would terminate in a revolution or a rebellion. "The Rev. Elias Prioleau, the founder of the eminently respectable flimily of that name in Carolina, migrated thither soon after the revocation of the Edict of Nantz, and brought with him from France a considerable part of his nrotesiant congregation. He was the grandson of Amhoine Prioli, who was elected IW of Venice in ihe year 101&. Many of his numerous descendants, who were born and constantly resided in or near Charleston, have approached or exceeded ,h»^^ 70tb year; and several have survived, or now survive their bOth. ' tThree of the nine Presidents of the old Congress which conducted the TIni.ed States through the revolutionary war, were descendants of French npm . . refugees, who had migrated to America in consequence of the revoc»,,'„ J fi" Edict of Nantz. The persons alluded to were Henry Laurens,of South p °r John Jay, of New York ; and Elias Boudinot, of New Jersey. "-arolma; POPULATION. 5 river ; and from them that part of the country in old maps was called French Santee. Besides these French refugees who came directly from France, there was a considerable number which, after a short residence in the northern countries of Europe and of America, particularly New York, repaired to Carolina, as a climate more similar to the one from which they had been driven, than the bleaker regions to which they had first resorted. Thus Carolina became a general rendezvous of French protestants, as had been originally contemplated by one of their distin- guished leaders, shortly after the discovery of America.* In the year 1696, Carolina received a small accession of inhabitants, by the arrival of a congregational church from Dorchester in Massachusetts, who, with their minister, the Rev. Joseph Lord, settled in a body near the head of Ashley river, about twenty-two miles from Charlestown. In the year 1713 the Assembly passed a law directing the public receiver to pay out of the treasury, fourteen poimds current money to the owners or importers of each healthy male British servant, not a criminal, betwixt the age of twelve and thirty years. No considerable groups of settlers are known to have emi- grated to South Carolina, between 1696 and 1730, but the province continued to advance in population from the arrival of many individuals. It in particular received a considerable accession of inhabitants from Georgia, at the first settlement of that Colony. The Colonists there were prohibited the use -'■"As early as the year 1562 Admiral Coligny, a zealous Huguenot, formed a pro- ject for founding an asylum for French protestants in America. He succeeded so far as to afJect a settlement under the direction of John "Ribault somewhere on the coast of Carolina, most probably on or near the island of St. Helena. These French settlers not being well supported, became discontented; and afterwaMs the whole of them put to sea, with a scanty stock of provisions. Pinched with hunger, they killed one of their number, who consented to be made a victim to save liis comrades. The survivors were taken up by an English ship, and carried into England. Two years after, or in 1564, M. Rene Laudonniere, with a consider- able reinforcement, arrived at the river of May on the same coast after it had been aliandoned. This second groupe of French protestants was killed by Pedro Melendez a Spanish officer, who had received orders from his King to drive the Huguenots out of the country, and to settle it with good Catholics. In execution of this order he hung several of the French settlers, and suspended over them a label signifying, "I do not do this as to Frenchmen, but as to Lutherans.'' The Spanish conquerers took the stand of the vanquished French and fortiiied it. But their cruelty was retaliated by Dominique De Gourges, who soon after sailed from France with a considerable force. On his arrival he successfully attacked the Spanish settlement, and after killing many in action, he hung the survivors on the same trees in which his countrymen had been previously hung, and with a sear- ing iron, impressed on a tablet of wood this inscription. "I do not do this as to Spaniards, but as to robbers and murderers." The victors, after razing the forts and destroying the settlement, returned to France. The country, thus abandoned by both French and Spaniards, remained in the undisturbed possession of the Indians for more than a hundred years. Soon after the end of that period, it was taken possession of by the English, and under their auspices became an asylum for French protestants, as it had been originally intended by Admiral Coligny. 6 CIVIL HISTORY of spirituous liquors, and were not sviffered to own slaves. Sev- eral of thern soon found that Carolina would suit them better. In a few years after the royal purchase of the province in 1729, vigorous measures, which shall be hereafter related, were adopted by government for filling the country with inhabitants. Contracts were made — bounties offered — free lands assigned — and other inducements held out to allure settlers. The door was thrown open to protectants of all nations. Besides the distressed subjects of the British dominions, multitudes of the poor and unfortunate closed with these offers; and emigrated from Switzerland, Holland and Germany. Between the years 1730 and 1750, a great addition was made to the strength of the province from these sources; Orangeburg, Congaree, and Wateree, received a large proportion of the German emigrants. Numbers of palatines arrived every year. The vessels which brought them over usually returned with a load of rice, and made profitable voyages. After some time the King of Prus- sia suddenly ptit a stop to this intercourse, by refusing to the emigrating palatines a passage through his dominions. Wil- liamsburg township was the rendezvous of the Irish. The Swiss took their stand on the northeast banks of the river Savannah. Soon after the suppression of the rebellions of 1715 and 1745, in Scotland, many of the vanquished High- landers were transported to, or voluntarily sought an asylum in South Carolina. In the course of eighty-years, or about the middle of the 18th century, the most valuable landj5 in the low country were taken up; and settlements were gradually progressing West- wardly on favorite spots in the middle and upper country. The extinction of Indian claims by a cession of territory to the King, was necessary to the safety of the advancing settlers. This was obtained in 1755. In that year Governor Glen met the Cherokee warriors in their own country, and held a treaty with them. After the usual -ceremonies were ended the Governor made a speech to the assembled warriors in the name of his King ; representing his great power, wealth, and goodness, and his particular regard for his children the Chero- kees. He reminded them of the happiness they had long enjoyed by living under his protection; and added, that he had many presents to make them, and expected they would surrender a share of their territories in return. He informed them of the wicked designs of the French, and hoped thev would permit none of them to enter their towns. He de- manded lands to build two forts in their country, to protect them against their enemies, and to be a retreat to their friends and allies, who furnished them Avith arms, ammunition hatchets, clothes, and everything that they wanted. ' POPULATION. 7 When the Governor had finished his speech, Chiilochcullak arose, and in answer spoke to the following effect: " What I now speak, our father the great King should hear. We are brothers to the people of Carolina ; one house covers us all." Then taking a boy by the hand, he presented him to the Gov- ernor saying, " We, our wives, and our children, are all chil- dren of the great King George ; I have brought this child, that when he grows up. he may remember our agreement on this day, and tell it to the next generation, that it may be known forever." Then opening his bag of earth, and laying the same at the Governor's feet, he said : " We freely surrender a part of our lands to the great King. The French want our posses- sions, but we will defend them while one of our nation shall remain alive." Then delivering the Governor a string of wampum, in confirmation of what he said, he added ; " My speech is at an end — it is the voice of the Cherokee nation. I hope the Governor will send it to the King, that it may be kept for ever." At this congress, a prodigious extent of territory was ceded to the King of England. Deeds of conveyance were drawn up, and formally executed, by the head men of the Cherokees in the name of the whole nation. It contained not only much rich land, but an air and climate more healthy than in the maritime parts. It exhibited many pleasant and romantic scenes, formed by an intermixture of beautiful hills — fruitful valleys — rugged rocks — clear streams, and pleasant waterfalls. The acquisition, at that time, was of importance to Carolina; for it removed the savages at a greater distance from the set- tlements, and allowed the inhabitants liberty to extend back- wards in proportion as their numbers increased. After the cession of these lands, governor Glen built a fort about three hundred miles from Charlestown. This was after- wards called fort Prince George, and was situated on the banks of the river Savannah, and within gun shot of an Indian town called Keowee. About an hundred and seventy miles farther down, a second stronghold, called fort Moore, was con- structed in a beautiful commanding situation, on the banks of the same river. In the year following a third fort was erected, called fort Loudon, among the upper Cherokees, situated on Tennessee river, upwards of five hundred miles from Charlestown. At the time Governor Glen was procuring additional terri- tory for South Carolina, the events of war were furnishing inhabitants for its cultivation. The province of Nova Scotia was originally settled by the French, under the name of Acadie. When the province was surrendered to the English, by the treaty of Utrecht, it was stipulated for the inhabitants CIVIL HISTORY. that they should be permitted to hold their lands on condi- tion of taking the oath of allegiance to their new sovereign. With this condition they refused to comply, without annexing to it as a qualification that they should not be called upon to bear arms in defence of the province. Though this qualification to their oaths of allegiance, which was acceded to by the commanding officer of the British forces, was afterwards disallowed by the crown, yet the French inhabitants of Nova Scotia continued to consider themselves as neutrals. Their love of France, however, would not permit them to conform their conduct to the character they had assumed. In all the contests between the two nations, re- specting the possession of their countrj^, or the boundaries of Nova Scotia, their conduct was influenced rather by their wishes than their duty, and about three hundred of them were captured in the year 1755, with the French garrison of Beau Sejour, fighting against the English. In the obstinate conflict which was then commencing be- tween France and England for American territory, the con- tinuance of these acadian neutrals in Nova Scotia was thought dangerous. To expel them from the country, leaving them at liberty to choose their place of residence, would be to reinforce the French in Canada. A council was held for the purpose of deciding on the destinies of these unfortunate people; and the severe policy was adopted of removing them from their homes, and dispersing them among the other British colonies. This harsh measure was immediately put into execution. About 1500 of them were sent to Charles- town. Some of these exiles have risen to wealth and distinc- tion in Carolina, though it was not originally their country either by birth or choice; but most of them in a short time after peace, left the country. They were, in general, a hard working people. Among them were several industrious fisher- men, who plentifully supplied the market with fish. Soon after the conclusion of the treaty, between Governor Glen and the Indians, the settlers began to stretch backward, and occupied land above an hundred and fifty miles from the shores of the Atlantic. New emigrants from Ireland, Ger- many, and the northern colonies, obtained grants in these interior parts; and introduced the cultivation of wheat, hemp, flax, and tobacco, for which the soil answered better than in the low lands near the sea. Their cattle, sheep, hoo^s and horses, multiplied rapidly ; having a country of vast^ extent to range over, they found plenty of provisions in almost every season. New settlers were invited to these hilly and more healthy parts, where they labored with greater safety than among the swamps. By degrees, public roads were made POPULATION. 9 and they conveyed their produce in wagons to the capital, where they found an excellent market for all their productions. The lands thus obtained by treaty form the present districts of Edgefield, Abbeville, Laurens, Newberry, Union, Spartan- burg, York, Chester, Fairfield and Richland. Their value, in a few years after their cession, was enhanced by the peace of Paris, in 1763; for the stipulations therein contained gave security to the frontiers, and settled all disputes about the boundaries of the English colonies. By the cession of Florida it removed troublesome neighbors, and left the sav- ages so much in the power of the English as to deter them from future hostilities. The population of the newly acquired territory, form that period, increased with unusual rapidity. The assembly, desirous of strengthening their frontier, wisely appropriated a large fund for bounties to foreign protestants, and such industrious poor people of Britain and Ireland, as should resort to the province within three years and settle on the inland parts. Two townships, each containing 48,000 acres, were laid out to be divided among emigrants, allowing one hundred acres for every man, and fifty for every woman and child, that should come and settle in them. The face of the country in those interior parts, is variable and beautiful. The air mild and wholesome, and the soil exceedingly fertile. The salubrity of the climate, connected with the provincial bounty, and the fertility of the soil, induced great numbers to fix themselves in these western regions. About the same time, a remarkable affair happened in Germany, by which South Carolina received a considerable acquisition. One Stumpel, who had been an officer in the King of Prussia's service, being reduced at the peace, applied to the British Ministry for a tract of land in America; and having got some encouragement, returned to Germany, where, by deceitful promises, he seduced between five and six hun- dred ignorant people from their native country. When these poor palatines arrived in England, Stumpel, finding himself unable to perform his promises, fled, leaving them without money or friends, exposed in the open field, and ready to perish through want While they were in this starving con- dition, a humane clergyman took compassion on them, and published their deplorable case in a newspaper. He pleaded for the mercy and protection of government, until an oppor- tunity might offer of transporting them to some of the British colonies. A bounty of three hundred pounds was allowed them. Tents were ordered for the accommodation of such as had been permitted to come ashore, and money was sent for the relief of those that were confined on board. The public spirited citizens of London chose a committee to raise money 10 CIVIL HISTORY. for the relief of these poor palatines. In a few days these unfortunate strangers, from the depth of indigence and dis- tress, were raised to comfortable circumstances. The com- mittee, finding the money received more than sufficient to relieve their present distress, applied to the king to know his royal pleasure with respect to the future disposal of the German protestants. His majesty, sensible that his colony of South Carolina had not its proportion of white inhabitants, signified his desire of transporting them to that province. Accordingly two ships of two hu'ndred tons each were provided for their accommodation, and provisions of all kinds laid in for the voyage. An hundred and fifty stand of arms were given to them for their defence after their arrival in America. Every thing being ready for their embarkation, the palatines broke up their camp and proceeded to the ships, attended by several of their benefactors, of whom they took their leave with songs of praise to God in their mouths and tears of gratitude in their eyes. In the month of April, 1764, they arrived at Charlestown, and presented a letter from the lords commissioners for trade and plantations to Governor Boone; acquainting him that his majesty had been pleased to take the poor palatines under his royal care and protection ; and, as many of them were versed in the culture of silk and vines, had ordered that a settlement be provided for them in Carolina, in a situation most proper for these purposes. The assembly voted five hundred pounds sterling to be distributed among them. That they might be settled in a body, one of the two townships was allotted for them and divided in the most equitable manner into small tracts, for the accommodation of each family, and all possi- ble assistance was given towards promoting their speedy and comfortable settlement. In the same year Carolina received 212 settlers from France. Soon after the peace of Paris, the Rev. Mr. Gibert, a popular preacher, prevailed on a number of persecuted pr'o- testant families to seek an asylum in South Carolina. On his solicitation, the government, of England encouraged the project, and furnished the means of transportation. Mr. Gibert repaired to England, and directed the movements of the refugees. They found it necessaiy to leave France pri- vately, at different times, and in small numbers. After leaving their native country, they rendezvoused at Plymouth and sailing from that port arrived in Charlestown in April 'l764. They were received by the Carolinians with great kindness and hospitality. They, generally, retired to spend the ap- proaching summer in Beaufort. But in the month of October following they returned to Charlestown, and set out for the POPULATION. 11 back country, having lost but one of their number since tVieir landing. The province furnished them with the means of conveyance to Long Cane. Vacant lands were laid out for their use; and they received warrants for the quantities of land granted to them respectively, by the bounty of the Pro- vincial Assembly. On their arrival at the place assigned them, they gave it the name of New Bourdeaux, after the capital of the province from which most of them had emi- grated. They have been distinguished for their industry and good morals. The climate has agreed so well with them, that they have generally enjoyed good health, and several of them have survived their 80th year. The manufacture of silk is still continued among them. The nephew of the original projector of the settlement is one of the present rep- resentatives of Abbeville district, in the State Legislature. This was the third groupe of settlers Carolina received from France. Besides foreign protestants, several persons from England and Scotland resorted to Carolina after the peace of 1763. But of all other countries, none has furnished the province with so many inhabitants as Ireland. Scarce a ship sailed from any of its ports for Charlestown that was not crowded with men, women, and children. The bounty allowed to new settlers, induced numbers of these people to resort to Carolina. The merchants finding this bounty equivalent to the expenses of the passage, persuaded the people to embark. Many causes may be assigned for this spirit of emigration from Ireland, but domestic oppression was the most powerful and prevalent. JSTor were these the only sources from which an increase of population was at this time derived. Notwithstanding the vast extent of territory contained in the provinces of Virginia and Pennsylvania, a scarcity of improvable lands began to be felt in these colonies, and poor people could not find vacant spots in them equal to their expectations. In Carolina the case was different ; for there large tracts of the best lands lay waste. This induced many of the northern colonists to migrate to the South. About this time above a thousand families with their effects, in the space of one year resorted to South Carolina, driving their cattle, hogs, and horses over land before them. Lands were allotted them in its western woods, which soon became the most populous parts of the province. The frontiers were not only strength- ened and secured by new settlers, but the old ones began to stretch backward, and the demand for lands in the inte- rior parts every year increased. From the time in which America was secured by the peace of 1763, and particularly 12 CIVIL HISTORY. for the twelve subsequent years, the province made rapid progress in agriculture, numbers and wealth. In the revolutionary war which commenced in 1775, little addition was made either to the population or settlements in South Carolina. But this was amply compensated by the multitudes from Europe and the more northern parts of America, which poured into the State, shortly after the peace of 1783. The two new western districts now called Pendle- ton and Greenville, which were obtained by treaty founded on conquest from the Cherokee Indians in 1777, filled so rapidly with inhabitants, that in the year 1800 they alone contained upwards of 30,000 inhabitants; which exceeded the population of the whole province in the 64th year from its first settlement. Hitherto Carohna had been an asylum to those who fled from tyranny and persecution — to the exile — the weary and heavy laden — the wretched and unfortunate — and to those who were bowed down with poverty and oppression. A new variety of human misery was lately presented for the exercise of its hospitality. The insecurity of life, liberty, and pro- perty, in revolutionary France, and the indiscriminate massacre of Frenchmen in St. Domingo, drove several hun- dreds in the last years of the 18th century to the shores of Carolina. They were kindly received; and, such as were in need, received a temporary accommodation at the expense of the public. Most of them fixed their residence in or near Charleston. These were the last groupe of settlers the State received from foreign countries. The new States and Territories to the southward and westward, draw to them so many of the inhabitants of South Carolina, that emigration from it at present nearly balances migration to it. Its future population must in a great measure depend on the natural increase of its own inhabitants. So much of the soil is unimproved, or so imperfectly cultivated, that the introduction and extension of a proper system of husbandry will afford support to ten Jimes the number of its present inhabitants. So many and so various have been the sources from which Carolina has derived her population, that a considerable period must elapse, before the people amalgamate into amass possessing an uniform national character. This event daily draws nearer; for each successive generation drops a part of the peculiarities of its immediate predecessors. The in- fluence of climate and government will have a similar effect. The different languages, and dialects, introduced by the set- tlers from different countries, are gradually giving place to the English. So much similarity prevails among the de- POPULATION, 13 scendants of the early emigrants from the Old World, that strangers cannot ascertain the original country of the ancestors of the present race. If comparisons among the different nations which have contributed to the population of Carolina were proper, it might be added that the Scotch and Dutch were the most useful emigrants. They both brought with them, and gen- erally retained in an eminent degree, the virtues of industry and economy so peculiarly necessary in a new country. To the former. South Carolina is indebted for much of its early literature. A great proportion of its physicians, clergymen, lawyers, and schoolmasters, wer.e from North Britain. The Scotch had also the address frequently to advance them- selves by marriage. The instances of their increasing the property thus acquired, are many — of their dissipating it, very few. Emigrants from all countries on application readily ob- tained grants of land ; either by private agreement from the proprietors, or from officers appointed by them, and acting under their instructions. The fees of office were not unrea- sonable. The price first fixed by the proprietors, was at the rate of £20 sterling for a thousand acres, and an annual quit-rent of one shilling for every hundred acres. When a warrant for taking up land was obtained, the person in whose favor it was granted had to choose where it should be located. It was then surveyed and marked. Plats and grants were also signed, recorded and delivered to the purchasers. This was the common mode of obtaining landed estates in Carolina, and the tenure was a freehold. They who could not ad- vance the purchase money, obtained their lands on condition of their paying one penny annual rent for every acre. The first settlers, having the first choice of lands, had great ad- vantages ; and many of their descendants now enjoy large and valuable estates, purchased by their ancestors for incon- siderable sums. This mode of settlement by indiscriminate Jocation, dispersed the inhabitants over the country without union or system. The settlers generally preferred the sea coast — the margins of rivers — and other fertile grounds; and gradually located themselves westwardly on the good land, leaving the bad untouched. For the first eighty years, they had advanced very little beyond an equal number of miles ; but in the following fifty, they stretched to the Alleghany Mountains nearly three hundred miles from the ocean. While the people of New England extended their settlements exclusively by townships, presenting a compact front to the Indians, and co-extending the means of instruction in religion and learning with their population, South Carolina, in com- 14 CIVIL HISTORY. mon with the other Southern provinces proceeding on the former plan, deprived her inhabitants of the many advantages connected with compact settlements. These evils are now done away; for, since the revolution, nearly all the vacant land in the State has been taken up. They who have been obliged to content themselves witli the long neglected poor lands, have the consolation that what they lost one way is made up in another; for it is found, that the high and dry pine land is by far the most healthy. CIVIL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. CHAPTER II. Proprietary Government, from its Commencement in 1670, till its Abolition in 1719. In the course of the 130 years in which South Carohna increased from a handful of adventurers to 345,591 inhab- itants, the government was changed, first from proprietary to regal; and secondly, from regal to representative. The first continued forty-nine years, the second fifty-seven; and the third, after a lapse of thirty-two years, is now in the bloom and vigor of youth, promising a long duration. Near the end of the fifteenth century, the King of England, according to currently received opinions, obtained a property in the soil of North America, from the circumstance that Cabot, one of his subjects, was the first Christian who sailed along the coast Property thus easily acquired, was with equal facility given away. Charles the Second, soon after his restoration to the throne of his ancestors, granted to Edward, Earl of Clarendon, George, Duke of Albemarle, Wil- liam, Lord Craven, John, Lord Berkeley, Anthony, Lord Ash- ley, Sir George Carteret, Sir William Berkeley, and Sir John Colleton, all the lands lying between the 31st and 36th degree of north latitude. In two years more he enlarged the grant from the 29th degree of north latitude to 36° 30', and from these points on the sea coast westwardly in parallel lines to the Pacific ocean. Of this immense region the King constituted them absolute lords and proprietors, with the reservation of the dominion of the country to himself and successors. These extensive limits underwent many changes from the resump- tion of royal charters; treaties — particularly those of 1763 and PKOPRIETAKT GOVERNMENT, 1670 1719. 15 1783; royal instructions to governors; boundary lilies run and settlements made by authorized commissioners; State cession to Congress; conquests from and treaties with Indians. The present situation and limits of South Carolina are as follows. It is situated in North America; between 32 and 35° 8' and 6° 10' west longitude, from Washington, the seat of government of the United States of America. North Caro- lina stretches along its northern and northeastern frontier; Tennessee along its northwestern, and Georgia along its south- ern frontier; and the Atlantic ocean bounds its eastern limits. South Carolina is bounded northwardly by a line commenc- ing at a cedar stake marked with nine notches on the shore of the Atlantic ocean, near the mouth of Little river, then "pursuing by many traverses a coast west-north-west, until it arrives at the fork of Catauba river; thence due west until it arrives at a point of intersection in the Apalachean moun- tains. From thence, due south until it strikes Chatuga, the most northern branch or stream of Tugoloo river. Thence along the said river Tugoloo to its confluence with the river Keowee; thence along the river Savannah, until it intersects the Atlantic ocean by its most northern mouth ; thence north- eastwardly, along the Atlantic ocean, including the islands, until it intersects the northern boundary near the entrance of Little river. These boundaries include an area somewhat triangular, of about 24,0080 square miles ; whereof 9,570 lie above the falls of the rivers, and 14,510 are between the falls and the Atlantic ocean. King Charles the Second also gave to the lords proprietors of Carolina authority to enact, with the assent of the freemen of the colony, any laws they should judge necessary; to erect courts of judicature, and to appoint judges, magistrates and officers; to erect forts, castles, cities and towns; to make war, and in case of necessity, to exercise martial law; to build har- bors, make prrts, and enjoy customs and subsidies, imposed with the consent of the freemen, on goods loaded and un- loaded. The King also granted to the proprietors, authority to allow indulgences and dispensations in religious aff"airs, and that no person to whom such Uberty should be granted was to be molested for any difference of speculative opinions with respect to religion, provided he did not disturb the peace of the community. The preamble of this grant states, "That the grantees being excited with a laudable and pious zeal for the propagation of the gospel, begged a certain country in the parts of America, not yet cultivated and planted, or only inhabited by some bar- barous people who had no knowledge of God." Invested with these ample powers, the proprietors formed a joint stock for 16 CIVIL HISTORY. the transportation of settlers to their projected colony. To induce adventurers, they declared, " That all persons settling on Charles river, to the southward of Cape Fear, shall have power to fortify its banks, taking the oath of allegiance to the King, and submitting to the government of the proprietors: that the emigrants may present to them thirteen persons, in order that they may appoint a Governor and council of six, for three years; that an assembly, composed of the Governor, the council, and delegates of the freemen, should be called as soon as the circumstances of the colony would allow, with power to make laws, which should be neither contrary to the laws of England, nor of any validity after the publication of the dissent of the proprietors : that every person should enjoy the most perfect freedom in religion: that during five years every freeman should be allowed one hundred acres of land and fifty for every servant, paying only one half-penny an acre: that the same freedom from customs which had been conferred by the royal charter should be allowed to every one." Such were the original conditions on which Carolina was planted. And thus it was established upon the broad foundation of a regular system of freedom, both civil and religious. The proprietors, anxious to improve their property, with the aid of the celebrated John Locke, framed a constitution and laws for the government of their colony. These were in sub- stance as follows: "The eldest of the eight proprietors was always to be Palatine, and at his decease was to be succeeded by the eldest of the seven survivors. This Palatine was to sit as President of the Palatine's Court, of which he and three more of the proprietors made a quorum, and had the manage- ment and execution of the powers of their charter. This Court was to stand in room of the King, and give their assent or dissent to all laws made by the Legislature of the colony. The Palatine was to have power to nominate and appoint the Governor, who, after obtaining the royal approbation, became his representative in Carolina. Each of the seven proprietors was to have the privilege of appointing a deputy to sit as his representative in Parliament, and to act agreeably to his instructions. Besides a Governor, two other branches, somewhat similar to the old Saxon constitution, were to be established; an upper and lower House of Assembly: which three branches were to be called a Parliament, and to consti- tute the Legislature of the country. The parliament was to be chosen every two years. No act of the Legislature was to have any force unless ratified in open Parliament, during the same session, and even then to continue no longer in force than the next biennial Parliament, unless in the meantime it be ratified by the hands and seals of the Palatine and three PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670 1719. 17 proprietors. The upper house was to consist of the seven deputies, seven of the oldest landgraves and cassiques, and seven chosen by the Assembly. As in the other provinces, the lower house was to be composed of the representatives from the different counties and towns. Several officers were also to be appointed, such as an admiral, a secretary, a chief justice, a surveyor, a treasurer, a marshal, and register; and besides these, each county was to have a sheriff and four jus- tices of the peace. Three classes of the nobility were to be established, called barons, cassiques, and landgraves ; the first to possess twelve, the second twenty-four, and the third forty- eight thousand acres of land, and their possessions were to be unalienable. Military officers were also to be nominated; and all inhabitants, from sixteen to sixty years of age, as in the times of feudal government, when regularly summoned, were to appear under arms, and in time of war to take the field. With respect to religion, three terms of communion were fixed. First, to believe that there is a God. Secondly, that he is to be worshipped. And thirdly, that it is lawful, and the duty of every man when called upon by those in authority, to bear witness to the truth. Without acknowledging which, no man was permitted to be a freeman, or to have any estate or habitation in Carolina. But persecution for observing dif- ferent modes and ways of worship, was expressly forbidden ; and every man was to be left full liberty of conscience, and might worship God in that manner which he thought most conformable to the Divine will and revealed word. Notwithstanding these preparations, several years elapsed before the proprietors of Carolina made any serious efforts towards its settlement. In '1667 they fitted out a ship, gave the command of it to Captain William Sayle, and sent him out to bring them some account of the country. He sailed along the coast of CaroUna, where he observed several large navigable rivers emptying themselves into the ocean ; and a fiat country covered with woods. He attempted to go ashore in his boat, but observing some savages on the banks of the rivers, he desisted- Having explored the coast and the mouths of the rivers, he returned to England. His report to the proprietors was favorable. He praised their possessions, and encouraged them to engage with vigor in the execution of their project. Thus encouraged, they began to make preparations for sending a colony to commence a settlement. Two ships were procured; on board of which a number of adventurers embarked with provisions, arms, and utensils requisite for building and cultivation. William Sayle, who had visited the country, was appointed the first Governor of it; and received a commission, bearing date 2 18 CIVIL HISTORY. July 26th, 1669. The expenses of this first embarkation amounted to twelve thousand pounds sterling. The settlers must have been few in number, and no ways adequate to the undertaking.* The country now called Carolina, on which they settled, was then an immense hunting ground filled with wild animals; overgrown with forests — partly covered with swamps, and roamed over, rather than inhabited, by a great number of savage tribes, subsisting on the chase and often at war with each other. Governor Sayle first landed at or near Beaufort, early in 1670, but soon moved northwardly and took possession of some high ground on the western banks of Ashley river, near its mouth; and there laid the foundations of old Charles- town. This was also abandoned ; and in 1680 Oyster Point, at the confluence of Ashley and Cooper rivers, was fixed upon as the seat of government, and head-quarters of the settle- ment. Soon after his arrival governor Sayle died, and was succeeded by Joseph West; and he by Sir John Yeamans, who left the colony, and was succeeded by Joseph West on a second appointment. These changes took place in the short space of four years. The people, who had hitherto lived under a species of military government, began about this time to form a Legislature for establishing civil regula- tions. In the year 1674 the freemen of Carolina, meeting by summons at old Charlestown, elected Representatives for the government of the colony. There was now the Governor, and Upper and Lower House of Assembly; and these three branches took the name of Parliament. Of the laws passed by them nothing is known. The first law which has been found on record in the office of the Secretary of the Province, is dated May 26th, 1682 ; eight years subsequent to the first meeting of the first Parliament in Carolina. Many were the difficulties with which these settlers had to-contend. They were c^bliged to stand in a constant posture of defence. While one party was employed in raising their little habitations, another was always kept under arms to watch the Indians. » We have the authority of John Archdale, Governor of South Carolina in 1695, that the number of hostile Indians was considerably lessened about the time this settlement took place. In the second page of his description of South Carolina, printed in 1707, in London, he observed. •' That in the first settlement of Carolina, the hand of God was eminently seen in thinning the Indians to make room for the English. As for example; in Carolina in which were seated two potent nations, called the Westoes and Savannahs, which contained inanv thou- sands, who broke out into an unusual civil war; and thereby reduced themselves into a small number: and the Westoes, the more cruel of the two were "at the last forced quite out of that province ; and the Savannahs continued' n-ood friends nd useful neighbors to the English. But again it at other tiines nleased Ahnigbty God to send unusual sicknesses amongst them, as the small nox &c to lessen their numbers; so that the English, in comparison to the sLnSni-ds' have but little Indian blood to answer for." '"^ bpaniards, PROPEIETART GOVERNMENT, 1670 1719. 19 While they gathered oysters with one hand for subsistence, they were obliged to carry guns in the other for self-defence. The only fresh provisions they could procure were fish from the river, or what game they could kill with their guns. They raised their scanty crops not only with the sweat of their brows, but at the risk of their lives. Except a few negroes, whom Sir John Yeamans and his followers brought with them from Barbadoes, there were no laborers' but Europeans. Till the trees were felled, and the grounds cleared, domestic animals could afford to the planters no assistance. White men, exposed to the heat of the climate and the terrors of surrounding savages, had alone to encounter the hardships of clearing and cultivating the ground. Provisions, when raised, were exposed to the plundering parties of Indians. One day often robbed the planter of the dear-bought fruits of a whole year's toil. European grains, with which were made the first experiments of planting, proved suitable neither to soil nor climate. Spots of barren and sandy land, which were first and most easily cleared, poorly rewarded the toil of the cultivator. It was difficult for the proprietors to furnish a regular supply of provisions. All the horrors of a famine were anticipated. The people feeling much, and fearing more, threatened to compel the Governor to abandon the set- tlement.* One sloop was dispatched to Virginia, and another to Barbadoes to bring provisions. Before their return a sup- ply arrived from England, together with some new settlers, which reanimated the expiring hopes of the colonists. ~ It might have been expected that these adventurers, who were all embarked on the same design, would be animated by one spirit and zealous to maintain harmony and peace among themselves; for they had all the same hardships to encounter, and the same enemies to fear; yet the reverse took place. The most numerous party in the country were dissenters from the established Church of England. A number of cavaliers having received ample grants of lands, brought over their families and effects and also settled in Carolina. The cava- liers were highly favored by the proprietors, and respected as men of honor, loyalty and fidelity. They met with great encouragement, and were generally preferred to offices of trust and authority. The puritans, on the other hand, viewed them with jealous eyes ; and having sufliered from them in England, could not bear to see the smallest atom of power committed to them in Carolina. Hence the seeds of strife * A similar measure had been carried into effect by some French settlers, who had located themselves on the coast of CaroUna, about 120 years before. Their settlement was abandoned in less than two years after its commencement, and was never renewed. 20 CIVIL HISTORY. and division which had been imported into the colony, began not only to spring, but to grow rank. No common dangers nor difRcnlties could obliterate the prejudices and animosities which the first settlers had contracted in England. The odious terms or distinction which had prevailed in the mother country, were revived and propagated ainong the people of the infant colony. While one party was attached to the Church of England the other, which had fled from the rigor of ecclesiastical power, was jealous above all things of their religious liberties and could bear no encroachment on them. The same scenes of debate and contention which had taken place in England, for some time before and after the restora- tion of Charles the Second, were acted over again on the little theatre of Carolina ; but without bloodshed or legal persecution. Another source of difficulty arose to government from the different manners of the colonists. Several of the first emi- grants, unaccustomed to rural labors and frugal simplicity, were pampered citizens; whose wants luxury had increased and rendered impatient of fatigue. By such, the sober lives and rigid morals of the puritans were made the objects of ridicule. The puritans on the other hand, exasperated against their scorners, violently opposed their influence among the people. Hence arose difficulties in framing laws — in distrib- uting justice — and in maintaining public order. Governor West was at no small pains to restrain these dissentions; but having a Council composed of cavaliers, was unable to calm the tumult. In spite of his authority the puritans and cava- liers continued to insult and oppose each other. In conse- quence of their fierce contentions, the colony was distracted with domestic differences, and poorly prepared for defence against external enemies. Disputes between the proprietors and settlers, were also of an early origin. In most measures for the immediate support of the colony, they for some time cordially concurred; but this was of short duration. The same scenes which for more than 5000 years had taken place in the Old World, began to open in this set- tlement of the new. Those who govern and those who are governed, think they can never gain too much on each other. The existence of a court and country party, results from the na- ture of man; and is found more or less in every Government The first contest between the proprietors and the settlers, was respecting advances for the encouragement of the settlers. The former for some time gratuitously supplied the latter with provisions, clothes, and farming utensils. The proprietors afterwards annually sent out similar supplies to be exchanged with the colonists for the productions of their labor, or sold PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670 1719. 21 to them at a small advance on the original cost. After expending upwards of £ 18,000 sterling, in this manner, for the encouragement of the settlement, they wished to hold their hands and to leave the settlers to depend on their own exer- tions. The difRculties attendant on the first stage of cultivation furnished the inhabitants with apologies for soliciting a con- tinuation of the customary supplies, and a farther extension of time to pay for them. The economy of the proprietors and the necessities of the settlers, could not easily he compromised. The one thought they had already done too much; the other that they had not received enough. To the latter, requesting a supply of cattle to be sent out to them, the proprietors re- plied, as a reason for their refusal, " That they wished not to encourage graziers but planters." It is from this epoch that we may date the prosperity of Carolina; because she was then taught a lesson, which it is of the greatest importance for every individual and every state to know, " That she must altogether depend on her own exer- tions." Two parties arose; one in support of the prerogative and authority of the proprietors, the other in defence of the rights and liberties of the people. The former contended that the laws received from England respecting government, ought to be implicitly observed. The latter kept in view their local circumstances, and maintained that the free men of the colony were under obligations to observe them only so far as they were consistent with the interests of individuals, and the prosperity of the settlement. In this situation, no governor could long support his power among a number of bold adven- turers, who were impatient of every restraint which had the least tendency to obstruct their favorite views. Whenever he attempted to interpose his feeble authority, they insulted his person and complained of his administration till he was re- moved from office. In the short space of four years, from 1682 till 1686, there were no less than five Governors; Joseph Morton, Joseph West, Richard Kirle, Robert Quarry and James Colleton. The last named, who was a landgrave, and brother to one of the proprietors, as well as Governor, determined to exert his au- thority in compelling the people to pay up their arrears- of quit-rents ; which, though very trifling, were burdensome, as not one acre out of a thousand, for which quit-rents were demanded, had hitherto yielded any profit. For this purpose, Governor Colleton wrote to the proprietors, requesting them to appoint such deputies as he knew to be most favorably dis- posed towards their government, and would most readily assist him in the execution of his office. Hence the interest of the 22 CIVIL HISTORY. proprietors and that of the people, were placed in opposite scales. The more rigorously the Governor exerted his author- ity, the more turbulent and riotous the people became. The little community was turned into a scene of confusion. Landgrave Colleton, mortified at the loss of power, was not a little puzzled in determining what step to take. Gentle means, he perceived, would be vain and ineffectual. One ex- pedient was suggested, which he and his council flattered themselves might induce the people, through fear, to return to his standard and support the person who alone had author- ity to punish mutiny and sedition. This was to proclaim martial law, and try to maintain by force of arms the propri- etary jurisdiction. Accordingly, without letting the people into'his secret, he caused the militia to be drawn up as if some danger had threatened the country, and publicly proclaimed martial law at their head. His design, when discovered, served only to exasperate. The members of assembly met, and taking this measure under their deliberation, resolved that it was an encroachment upon their liberties, and an un- warrantable exertion of power, at a time when the colony was in no danger. The Governor insisted on the articles of war, and tried to carry the martial law into execution ; but the dis- affection was too general to admit of such a remedy. In the year 1690, at a meeting of the representatives, a bill was iDrought in and passed for disabling landgrave James Colleton from holding any office or exercising any authority, civil or military, within the province. So exasperated were they against him that nothing less than banishment could appease them ; and therefore they gave notice to him that in a limited time he must depart from the colony. During these public commotions, Seth Sothell, pretending to be a proprietor by virtue of some regulations lately made in England, usurped the government of the colony. At first, the people seemed disposed to acknowledge his authority; but afterwards, finding him to be void of every principle of honor and honesty, they abandoned him. Such was the in- satiable avarice of this usurper, that his popularity was of small duration. Every restraint of common justice and equity was trampled upon by him, and oppression extended her iron rod over the distracted colony. The fair traders from Barba- does and Bermuda, were seized as pirates, by order of this Governor, and confined until such fees as he was pleased to enact, were paid. Bribes from felons and traitors, were ac- cepted to favor their escape. Plantations were forcibly taken into possession, upon pretences the most frivolous; planters were compelled to give bouds for large sums of money to procure from him liberty to remain in possession of their pro- PROPEIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670 1719. 23 perty. These, and many more acts of the like atrocious nature, were committed by this rapacious Governor during the short time of his administration. At length the people, weary of his impositions and extortions, agreed to take him by force and ship him off for England. Then he humbly begged of them liberty to remain in the country, promising to submit his conduct to the trial of the assembly at their iirst meeting. When the assembly met, thirteen different charges were brought against him, and all supported by the strongest evi- dence ; upon which, being found guilty, they compelled him to relinquish the government and country for ever. An ac- count of his infamous conduct was drawn up and sent to the proprietors, which filled them with astonishment and indigna- tion. He was ordered to England to answer the accusations brought against him, and was informed that his refusal would be taken as a further evidence and confirmation of his guilt. The law for disabling landgrave James Colleton from holding any authority, civil or military, in Carolina, was repealed ; and strict orders were sent out to the grand council to support the power and prerogative of the proprietors. But, to com- pose the minds of the people, they declared their detestation of such unwarrantable and wanton oppression, and protested that no Governor should ever be permitted to grow rich on their ruins. Hitherto South Carolina had been a scene of contention and misery. The fundamental constitution, which the pro- prietors thought the most excellent form of government upon earth, was disregarded. The Governors were either ill quali- fied for their office, or the instructions given them were inju- dicious. The inhabitants, far from living in friendship and harmony among themselves, had also been turbulent and ungovernable. The proprietary government was weak, un- stable, and little respected. It did not excite a sufficient inter- est for its own support The title of landgraves were more burthensome than profitable; especially as they were only joined with large tracts of land, which, from the want of laborers, lay uncultivated. The money arising from the sale of lands and the quit-rents, was inconsiderable — hard to be collected, and by no means equal to the support of government. The pro- prietors were unwilling to involve their English estates for the improvement of American property ; and, on the whole, their government was ill supported. Another source of controversy between the proprietors and the people, was the case of the French refugees. Many of these, exiled from their own country towards the close of the 17th century, had settled in the province; particularly in 24 CIVIL HISTORr. Craven county.* They were an orderly, industrious, religious people. Several brought property with them which enabled them to buy land, and settle with greater advantages than many of the poorer English emigrants. While they were busy in clearing and cultivating their lands, the English set- tlers began to revive national antipathies against them and to consider the French as aliens and foreigners, legally entitled to none of the privileges and advantages of natural born sub- jects. The proprietors took part with the refugees, and in- structed their Governor, Philip Ludwell, who, in 1692, had been appointed the successor of Seth Sothell, to allow the French settled in Craven county, the same privileges and liberties with the English colonists ; but the people carried their jealousy so far, that at the next election for members to serve in the Assembly, Craven county, in which the French refugees lived, was not allowed a single representative. At this period, the Assembly of South Carolina consisted of twenty members, all chosen in Charlestown. A further cause of dissention respected the trial of pirates. The proprietors, mortified at the inefficacy of the laws in bringing these enemies of mankind to justice, instructed Gov- ernor Lee to change the form of drawing juries ; and required that all pirates should be tried and punished by the laws of England, made for the suppression of piracy ; but this inno- vation in the laws of the colony, was opposed by the people. There subsisted a constant struggle between the inhabitants and the officers of the proprietors. The former claimed great exemptions on account of their indigent circumstances. The latter were anxious to discharge the duties of their trust, and to comply with the instructions of their superiors. When quit-rents were demanded, some refused payment; others had nothing to offer. When actions were brought for their recov- ery, the planters murmured and were discontented at the terms of holding their lands. The fees of the Courts and Sheriffs were such that, in all actions of small value thev exceeded the debt. To remedy this inconvenience, the As- sembly made a law for empowering Justices of the Peace to hear, and finally to determine all causes hot exceeding forty shillings sterling. This' was agreeable to the people, but not to the officers of justice. Governor Ludwell proposed to the Assembly to consider of a new form of a deed for holding « South Carolina, soon after its first settlement, was divided into four counties Berkeley, Craven, Colleton and Carteret. Berkeley county filled the space round the capital; Craven to the northward; and Colleton contained Port' Roval and the islands in its vicinity, to the distance of thirty.miles. Carteret lay to the south- PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670 1719. 25 lands, by which he encroached on the prerogative of the pro- prietors, incurred their displeasure, and was soon after removed from the government. To find another man equally well qualified for the trust, was a matter of no small difficulty. Thomas Smith, being in high estimation for his wisdom and probity, was deemed to be the most proper person to succeed Ludwell. Accord- ingly, a patent was sent out creating him a landgrave;* and, together with it, a commission investing him with the gov- ernment of the colony. Mr. Ludwell returned to Virginia, happily relieved from a troublesome office ; and landgrave Smith, in the year 16 93, under all possible advantages, entered on it. He was previously acquainted with the state of the colony, and with the tempers and dispositions of the leading men in it. He knew that the interests of the proprietors, and the prosperity of the settlement, were inseparably con- nected. He was disposed to allow the people, struggling under many hardships, every indulgence consistent with the duties of his trust. The government of the province still remained in a con- fused and turbulent state. Complaints from every quarter were made to the Governor, who was neither able to quiet the minds of the people nor to afford them the relief they wanted. The French refugees were uneasy that there was no provincial law to secure their estates to the heirs of their body, or the next of kin ; and feared that on the demise of the present possessors, their lands would escheat to the proprietors and their children become beggars. The English colonists, also, perplexed the Goveriior with their complaints of hardships and grievances. At last, landgrave Smith wrote to the pro- prietors that he despaired of ever uniting the people in inter- est and affection — that he and many more, weary of the fluctuating state of public affairs, had resolved to leave the province ; and that he was conviiiced nothing would bring the settlers to a state of tranquility and harmony, unless they * This patent, dated May 13th, 1691, after reciting the authority of the propri etors to constitute titles and honors in the province; and to prefer men of merit, and to adorn such with titles and honors: and also stating the fundamental con- stitutions by which it was established — ^"Ihat there should be landgraves and cassiques, who should be perpetual and hereditary nobles and peers of the pro- vince ; and that Thomas Smith, a person of singular merit, would be very service- able by his great prudence and industry;" proceeds to constitute him landgrave, together with four baronies of 12,000 acres of land each : and it farther declares, *'that the said title and four baronies should for ever descend to his heirs, on paying an annual rent of a penny, lawful money of England, for each acre." If the proprietary government had continued, the title, honors, emoluments and lands derived from this patent, would now be possessed by Thomas Smith, son of Henry, who is the lineal heir of the original Thomas Smith. Such have been the changes which, in the course of a little more than a century, have taken place, that this is the only known instance in which any one oi Mr. Locke's Carolina nobility can trace back his pedigree to the Original founder. 26 CIVIL HISTORY. sent out one of the proprietors with full powers to redress grievances, and settle differences in their colony. The proprietors resolved to try the expedient landgrave Smith had suggested, and sent out John Archdale, a man of considerable knowledge and discretion — a quaker and a pro- prietor. The arrival of this pious man occasioned no small joy among all the settlers. Private animosities and civil discords seemed for a while to lie buried in oblivion. The Governor soon found three interesting matters demanded his particular attention: to restore harmony and peace among the colonists: to reconcile them to the jurisdiction and authority of the pro- prietors: and to regulate their policy and traffic with the Indians. Such was the national antipathy of the Enghsh settlers to the French refugees, that Archdale found their total exclusion from all connection with the legislature was abso- lutely necessary ; and therefore issued writs of elections di- recting them only to Berkeley and Colleton counties. Ten members for the one and ten for the other, all Englishmen, were accordingly chosen by the freemen of the same nation. At their meeting the Governor made a seasonable speech to both houses, acquainting them with the design of his appoint- ment — his regard for the colony — and great desire of con- tributing towards its peace and prosperity. They in return presented affectionate addresses to him, and entered on public business with temper and moderation. Governor Archdale, by his great discretion, settled matters of general moment to the satisfaction of all excepting the French refugees. The price of lands, and the form of conveyances, were fixed by law. Three years' rent was remitted to those who held land by grant, and four years to such as held them by survey with- out grant. It was agreed to take the arrears of quit-rents either in money or commodities at the option of the planters. Magistrates were appointed for hearing causes between the settlers and Indians, and finally determining all differences between them. Public roads were ordered to be made, and water passages cut for the more easy conveyance of produce to the market. Some former laws were altered, and such new statutes made as were judged requisite for the government and peace of the colony. Public affairs began to put on an agree- able aspect, and to promise fair towards the future welfare of the settlement. But as for the French refugees, the Governor could do no more than to recommend to the English free- holders to consider them in the most friendly point of hght and to treat them with lenity and moderation. No man could entertain more benevolent sentiments with respect to the savages, than Governor Archdale. To protect PROPKIETART GOVERNMENT, 1670 1719. 27 them against insults, and establish a fair trade and friendly intercourse with them, were regulations which humanity re- quired and sound policy dictated. But the rapacious spirit of individuals could be curbed by no authority. Many advan- tages were taken of the ignorance of Indians in the way of traffic. Several of the inhabitants, and some of those who held high offices, were too deeply concerned in the abomina- ble trade to be easily restrained from seizing their persons and selling them for slaves to the West India planters. Governor Archdale having finished his negotiations in Car- olina, made preparations for returning to Britain. Though the government, during his administration, had acquired con- siderable respect and stability, yet the differences among the people still remained. Former flames were rather smothered than extinguished, and were ready on the first stirring to break out and burn with increased violence. Before he embarked the Council presented to him an address, to be transmitted to the proprietors, expressing "the deep sense they had of their Lordship's paternal care for the colony, in the appointment of a man of such abilities and integrity to the government, who had been so happily instrumental in establishing its peace and security." They observed, " that they had now no contending factions nor clashing interests among the people, excepting what respected the French refugees ; who were unhappy at their not being allowed all the privileges and liberties of Eng- lish subjects, particularly those of sitting in assembly and voting at the election of its members, which could not be granted them without losing the affections of the Enghsh settlers and involving the colony in civil broils — that Governor Archdale, by the advice of his council, chose rather to refuse them these privileges than disoblige the bulk of the English settlers — that by his wise conduct they hoped all misunder- standings between their Lordships and the colonists were happily removed — that they would for the future cheerfully concur with them in every measure for the speedy population and improvement of the country — that they Avere now levy- ing money for building fortifications to defend the province against foreign attacks, and that they would strive to maintain harmony and peace among themselves." Governor Arch- dale received this address with peculiar satisfaction, and promised to present it to the proprietors. After his arrival in England he laid this address, together with a state of the country and the regulations he had estab- lished in it, before the proprietors; and showed them the necessity of abolishing many articles in the constitutions, and framing a new plan of government. Accordingly they began to compile new constitutions from his information. Forty- 28 CIVIL HISTORY. one different articles were drawn up, and sent out, by Robert Daniel, for the better government of the colony. But when Governor Joseph Blake, successor of Archdale, laid these new laws before the Assembly for their assent and approbation, they treated them as they had done the former constitutions; and instead of taking them under deliberation laid them aside. The national antipathies against the French refugees in process of time began to abate. In common with others, they had defied the danger of the desert and given ample proofs of their fidelity to the proprietors, and their zeal for the suc- cess of the colony. They had cleared little spots of land for raising the necessaries of life, and in some measure surmounted the difficulties of the first state of colonization. At this favor- able juncture the refugees, by the advice of the Governor and other friends, petitioned the legislature to be incorporated with the freemen of the colony and allowed the same privi- leges, and liberties, with those born of English parents. Ac- cordingly an act passed in 1696 for making all aliens, themi inhabitants, free — for enabling them to hold lands, and to claim the same as heirs to their ancestors, provided they either had petitioned, or should within three month's petition. Gov- ernor Blake for these privileges and take the oath of allegi- ance to King William. This same law conferred liberty of conscience on all Christians, with the exception of papists. With these conditions the refugees, who were all Protestants, joyfully complied. The French and English settlers being made equal in rights, became united in interest and affection, and have ever since lived together in peace and harmony. This cause of domestic discord was scarcely done away, when another began to operate. In the year 1700 a new source of contention broke out between the upper and lower houses of Assembly. Of the latter Nicholas Trott was made Speaker, and warmly espoused the cause of the people, in opposition to the interest of the proprietors. The Governor and Council claimed the privilege of nominating public offi- cers, particularly a Receiver General, until the pleasure of the proprietors was known. The Assembly, on the other hand, insisted that it belonged to them. This occasioned much altercation, and several messages between the two houses. However, the upper house appointed their maa The lower house resolved that the person appointed by them was no Public Receiver, and that whoever should presume to pay money to him as such should be deemed an enemy to the country. Trott denied that they could be called an upper house, as they differed in the most essential circumstances, from the House of Lords in England ; and therefore inducecl 29 the Assembly to call them the proprietors' deputies, a,nd to treat them with indignity and contempt, by limiting them to a day to pass their bills and an hour to answer their mes- sages. At that time Trott was eager in the pursuit of popu- larity ; and by his uncommon abilities and address succeeded so far, that no man had equally engrossed the public favor and esteem, or carried matters with so high a hand in oppo- sition to the proprietary counsellors. In the fourteen years which followed Governor Archdale's re- turn to England, or from 1696 to 1710, there were four Gov- ernors ; Joseph Blake, James Moore, Sir Nathaniel Johnson, and Edward Tynte. The principal events, in this period, were an unsuccessful invasion of St. Augustine by the Carolinians, and a successful defence of the province against an attack of the French and Spaniards; which shall be more particularly explained in their proper places. In Governor Johnson's administration, which lasted from 1702 to 1709, parties in Church and State ran high, and there were great commotions among the people ; but on the death of Governor Tynte, in 1710, a civil war was on the point of breaking out. When Tynte died, there remained only three deputies of the Lords proprietors. Robert Gibbes, one of these three, was chosen and proclaimed Governor ; but by the sudden death of Mr. Turbevil, one of the three deputies, who in the morning of the election day had voted for Colonel Broughton, another of the three deputies, but upon adjourn- ment to the afternoon changed his mind and voted for Robert Gibbes, it was discovered that Robert Gibbes had obtained the said second vote of Turbevil by bribery. Colonel Broughton laid claim to the government, alleging Turbevil's primary and uncorrupted vote in his favor. Gibbes insisted on his right,* as having added his own vote to Turbevil's and thereby obtained a majority ; and in consequence thereof was proclaimed Governor, and quietly settled in the administration. Each persisted in his claim. Many sided with Broughton, but more with Mr. Gibbes. Broughton drew together a number of armed men at his plantation, and proceeded to Charlestown. Gibbes having intelligence thereof, caused a general alarm to be fired and the militia to be raised. At the approach of Broughton's party to the walls and gates of Charlestown, Gibbes ordered the drawbridge, standing near the intersection of Broad and Meeting streets, to be hauled up. After a short parley, Broughton's party asked admit- *These particulars relative to the contest between Gibbes and Broughton for the office of Governor are stated on the authority of an old manuscript in the hand- writing of the venerable Thomas Lamboll, a native of South Carolina, who died in the year 1775, upwards of 80 years old. 30 CIVIL HISTOKT. tance; Gibbes from within the walls inquired why they came armed in such a number, and if they would own him for their Governor ? They answered, that they heard there was an alarm and were come to make their appearance in Charlestovvn ; but would not own him, the said Gibbes, to be their Govervor. He of course denied them entrance; whereupon many of them gallopped round the walls towards Craven's bastion, to get entrance there ; but being prevented they soon returned to the drawbridge. By this time some of the inhabitants of the town, and many sailors appearing there in favor of Broughton, they proceeded to force a passage and let down the drawbridge. Gibbes' party opposed, but were not allowed to fire upon them. After blows and wounds were given and received, the sailors and men of Broughton's party prevailed so far as to lower down the drawbridge over which they entered and proceeded to the watch-house in Broad street. There the two town companies of militia were posted under arms and with colors flying. When Brough- ton's party came near they halted, and one of them drew a paper out of his pocket, and began to read ; but could not be heard, because of the noise made by the drums of the militia. Being balked, they marched towards Granville's bastion, and were escorted by the seamen on foot who were ready for any mischief As they passed the front of the militia, whose guns were presented and cocked, one of the sailors catching at the ensign, tore it off the staff. On this provocation some of the militia, without any orders, fired their pieces, but no- body was hurt. Captain Brewton resolutely drew his sword, went up to the sailor, who had committed the outrage, and demanded the torn ensign. Captain Evans, a considerable man of Broughton's party, alighted and obliged the sailor to return it. Broughton's party continued their march for some time, and then proclaimed Broughton Governor. After huz- zaing, they approached the fort gate, and made a show of forcing it ; but observing Captain Pawley with his pistol cocked, and many other gentlemen with their guns presented and all forbiding them at their peril to attempt the gate, they retired to a tavern on the bay ; before which they first caused their written paper or proclamation to be again read, and then dis- mounted. After much altercation, many reciprocal messages and answers, aud the mediation of several peace-makers, the controversy was referred to the decision of the Lords proprietors ; and it was agreed that Colonel Gibbes should continue in the administration of government, until they de- termined which of the two should be obeyed as Governor. Their determination was in favor of neither. The proprietors appointed Charles Craven, who then held their commission REVOLUTION OF 1719. 31 as Secretary, to be Governor. He was proclaimed in form, and took upon him the administration. During his govern- ment, the province was involved in two sharp contests with the Indians. One in North Carolina with the Tuscaroras, and another much more distressing with the Yaniassees, which were ably and successfully conducted by the Governor, as shall be related in its proper place. On his departure for England, in 1716, he appointed Robert Daniel, Deputy Gov- ernor. In the year following, Robert Johnson, son of Sir Nathaniel Johnson, succeeded to the office of Governor. He was the last who held that office under the authority of the proprietors. CIVIL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. CHAPTER III. The Revolution in 1719, from Proprietary to Royal Gov- ernment. In the administration of Robert Johnson, a revolution from proprietary to a regal system of government was accom- plished. The explosion took place in the year 1719; but the train of events which occasioned it was of prior origin. From the first settlement of the province, short had been the inter- vals of contention between the proprietors and the people; but from the year 1715, various causes contributed to widen the breach and destroy all confidence between them. One in particular, which had a decided influence, resulted from the war of 1715, between South Carolina and the Yamassee In- dians. While this hard struggle was pending, the legislature made appHcation to the proprietors for their paternal help; but, being doubtful whether they would be inclined to involve their English estates in debt for supporting their property in Carohna, they instructed their agent, in case of failure with them, to apply to the King for relief. The merchants entered cordially into the measure for making application to the King, and perceived at once the many advantages which would accrue to them from being taken under the immediate care and protection of the crown. It was alleged that ships of war would soon clear the coast of sea robbers, and give free scope to trade and navigation — that forces by land would over-awe the warlike Indians — prevent their inroads, and procure for 32 CIVIL HISTORY. the inhabitants peace and security. The people in general, were dissatisfied with living under a government unable to protect them. They therefore were very unanimous in the proposed application to the crown for royal protection. About the middle of the year 1715 the agent for Carolina waited on the proprietors, with a representation of the ca- lamities under which their colony labored from the ravages of Indians and the depredations of pirates. He acquainted them that the Yamassees, by the influence of Spanish emissaries, had claimed the whole country as their ancient possession; and had conspired with many other tribes to assert their right by force of arms, and therefore urged the necessity of sending immediate relief to the colony. But not being satisfied with their answer, he petitioned the house of commons in behalf of the distressed Carolinians. The commons addressed the King, praying for his interposition and immediate assistance. The King referred the matter to the lords commissioners of trade and plantations. The lords of trade made an objection that the province of Carolina was one of the proprietary gov- ernments; and were of opinion, that if the nation should be at the expense of piotecting it, the government thereof ought to be vested in the crown. Upon which Lord Carteret wrote a letter to the following effiect: "We, the proprietors of Carolina, are utterly unable to afford our colony suitable assistance in this conjuncture ; and, unless his majesty will graciously please to interpose, we can foresee nothing but the utter destruction of his majesty's faithful subjects in those parts." The lords of trade asked Lord Carteret, "What sum might be necessary for that service, and whether the govern- ment of the colony should not devolve on the crown if Great Britain should agree to bear the expense of its defence?'' To v/hich Lord Carteret replied: "The proprietors submitted to his majesty what sum of money he should be pleased to grant for their assistance ; and in case the money advanced for this purpose should not in a reasonable time be repaid, they humbly conceived that then his majesty would have an equi- table right to take the government under his immediate care and protection.'' The same year a bill was brought into the House of Com- mons in England, for the better regulation of the charter and proprietary governments in America; the chief design of which was to reduce all charter and proprietary governments into regal ones. Men conversant in the history of past ages, particularly in that of the rise and progress of different States, had long foreseen the rapid increase of American colonies; and wisely judged that it would be for the interest of the kingdom to purchase them for the crown as soon as possible. REVOLUTION OP 1719. 33 One of the ostensible grounds on which the proprietors had obtained their charter, was the prospect of their propagating the Gospel among the Indians. Their total neglect of this duty, contrasted with the active policy of the Spaniards at St Augustine, was considered by the inhabitants as a pro- curing cause of all their sufferings from the Yamassee war. To answer the public exigences growing out of that war, large emissions of paper money were deemed indispensable. While struggling amidst these hardships, the merchants of London complained to the proprietors of the increase of paper money as injurious to trade. In consequence of which they directed the Governor to reduce it. These several matters formed a circle of embarrassment from which the inhabitants saw no prospect of extrication, but from throwing themselves on the crown, for protection. They referred their war with the In- dians to the neglect of the proprietors in conciliating their affections. The proprietors, when called upon to assist in re- pelling the attacks made by these neglected Indians, declared themselves incompetent. On application for royal aid, they were told by ministers that it was unreasonable to expect it while they were the tenants of the proprietors. Disappointed of aid from both, they had made exertions to defend themselves ; but the proprietary Governor, agreeably to his instructions, thwarted their endeavors to equalize and lessen the expenses of the war by an emission of paper money. A dissatisfaction with the proprietors, and an eagerness to be under the imme- diate protection of the crown, became universal. This was increased from another source. The Yamassees being expelled from Indian land, the Assembly passed two Acts to appropriate these lands gained by conquest, for the use and encouragement of such of his Majesty's sub- jects as should come over and settle upon them. Extracts of these two Acts being published in England, and Ireland, five hundred persons from Ireland transported themselves to Carolina to take the benefit of them. But the whole project was frustrated by the proprietors, who claimed these lands as their property and insisted on the right of disposing of them as they thought fit. Not long afterwards, to the litter ruin of the Irish emigrants, and in breach of the provincial faith, these Indian lands were surveyed by order of the proprietors for their own use, and laid out in large baronies. By this harsh usage the old settlers, having lost the protection of the new comers, deserted their plantation and left the frontier open to the enemy. Many of the unfortunate Irish emigrants, having spent the little money they brought with them, were reduced to misery and perished. The remainder removed to the northern colonies. 3 34 CIVIL HISTORY. The struggle between the proprietors and possessors of the soil became daily more serious. The provincial Assembly passed about this time some very popular laws. One for the better regulation of tbe Indian ' trade, by which Com- missioners were nominated to carry it on and to apply the profit arising from it to the public benefit and defence. Another was for regulating elections; by which it was enacted "that every parish should send a certain number of representatives, not exceeding thirty-six in the whole, and that they should be ballotted for at the different parish churches." This, though much more convenient to the settlers than their former custom of electing all the members in Charlestown, was disa- greeable to some members of the Council who perceived its tendency to lessen their influence at elections. Chief Justice Trott and William Rhett, Receiver General, men of great abil- ities and influence, opposed both these bills. Though they could not prevent their passing in Carolina, they had influence enough with the proprietors to send them back repealed. The colonists were exasperated; and in severe language censured the proprietors as tyrannical, regardless of the convenience of the inhabitants, and unfeeling for their distresses. The Yamassee Indians, smarting under their recent defeat as shall be hereafter related, were sanguinary and vindictive. Being supplied with arms and ammunition from the Span- iards, they were so troublesome as to make it necessary for the Assembly to maintain a company of Rangers to protect their frontier settlers. Presents were necessary to preserve the friendship of other Indian tribes. Three forts were also erected and garrisoned for the defence, and at the cost of the province. These public expenses consumed the fruits of the planter's industry. The law appropriating the profits of the Indian trade, for the public protection, had been repealed by the proprietors. Public credit was at so low an ebb, that no man was willing to trust his money in the provincial treasury. None would risk their lives in defence of the colony without pay; and the province, oppressed with a load of debt, was utterly unable to furnish the necessary supplies. The people complained of the insufliciency of that government which could not protect them, and at the same time prevented the hiterposition of the crown for their relief Governor Daniel joined them in their complaints ; and every one seemed ar- dently to wish for those "advantages, which other colonies enjoyed under the immediate care and protection of a power- ful sovereign. Robert Johnson, who, in 1717, succeeded Robert Daniel as Governor, had instructions to reduce the paper currency. He recommended to the Assembly to consider of ways and REVOLUTION OP 1719. 35 means for sinking it. The Indian war had occasioned a scarcity of provisions. Large emissions of paper money sunk its value. Both contributed to raise the price of country commodities. The merchants and money lenders were losers by these bills of credit, and the planters, who were generally in debt, gained by them. Hence great debates about paper money arose in the Assembly, between the planting and mer- cantile interests. The Governor had so much influence as to prevail with the Assembly to pass a law for sinking and pay- ing otf their bills of credit in three years, by a tax on lands and negroes. Their act for that purpose gave great satisfac- tion both to the proprietors and people concerned in trade. This compliance of the Assembly with the Governor's in- structions, gave him some faint prospect of reconciling them by degrees to the supreme jurisdiction of the proprietors; but his hopes were of short duration. The planters, finding the tax act burdensome, began to complain, and to contrive ways and means for eluding it, by stamping more bills of credit. The proprietors, having information of this, and also of a design formed by the Assembly to set a price on country commodities, and make them at such a price a good tender in law for the payment of all debts, enjoined their Governor not to give his assent to any bill framed by the Assembly, nor to render it of any force in the Colony before a copy thereof should be laid before them. About the same time the King, by his order in council, signified to the proprietors that they should repeal an act passed in Carolina of pernicious conse- quence to the trade of the mother country, by which " a duty of ten per cent, was laid on all goods of British manufacture imported into that province." Accordingly, this act, together with that "for regulating elections," and another "for declar- ing the right of the Assembly to nominate a public receiver," were all repealed and sent to Governor Johnson in a letter, which enjoined him instantly to dissolve the Assembly and call another to be chosen in Charlestown, according to the ancient usage of the province. The proprietors considered themselves as possessing not only power to put a negative on aU laws made in the Colony, but also to repeal such as they deemed pernicious. Governor Johnson, sensible of the evil consequences that would attend the immediate execution of these orders, con- vened his council to take their advice on what was most proper to be done. When he communicated his orders and instructions from England, the majority of the council were astonished. But as the Assembly were at that time deliber- ating on the means of paying the provincial debt, it was agreed to postpone the dissolution of the house until the busi- 36 CIVIL HISTORY. ness before them should be finished. As the repeal of the duty law was occasioned by an order from the King in coun- cil, they resolved to acquaint the Assembly immediately with the royal displeasure at that clause of the law which laid an impost duty on all goods manufactured in Great Britain, and to advise them to make a new act, leaving out the clause which had given otfence. Though great pains were taken to conceal the Governor's instructions, yet they were divulged, and excited violent resentments. The Assembly entered into a warm debate about the proprietors' right of repealing laws passed with the assent of their deputies. Many alleged that the deputation given to them was like a power of attorney sent to persons at a distance, authorizing them to act in their stead, and insisted that, according to the charter, they were bound by their assent to acts as much as if the proprietors themselves had been present and confirmed them. Chief Justice Trott was suspected of holding a private cor- respondence with the proprietors, to the prejudice of the Carolinians. On that and several grounds he was the object of their hatred and resentment. Richard Allein Whitaker, and other practitioners of the law, charged him with base and iniquitous practices. No less than thirty-one articles of com- plaint against him were presented to the Assembly, setting forth, among. other things, "that he had contrived many ways to multiply and increase his fees; that he had contrived a fee for continuing causes from one term to another, and put off the hearing of them for years ; that he took upon him to give advice in causes depending in his courts, and not only acted as counsellor in these cases, but had drawn deeds between party and party, some of which had been contested before him as Chief Justice, and in determining of which he had shown great partiality ; and lastly, complaining that the whole judicial power of the province was lodged in his hands, he being at the same time sole Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, King's Bench and Vice Admiralty, so that no prohibi- tion could be lodged against the proceedings of these courts, otherwise than by his granting one against himself He was, at the same time, a member of the council, and of conse- quence a Judge of the Court of Chancery. These articles of complaint were well grounded, and the facts alleged were supported by strong evidence before the Assembly. But as the Judge held his commission from the proprietors, he denied that he was accountable to the Assem- bly for any part of his judicial conduct, and declared that he would answer no where but in England. The Assembly, however, sent a message to the Governor and Council, re- questing that they would concur in representing his conduct REVOLUTION OP 1719. 37 to the proprietors ; and in praying them either to remove him from his seat in the courts of justice, or at least to confine him exclusively to one jurisdiction ; and to grant to the people a right of appealing from his judgments. The Governor and Council, convinced of the maladministration of the Judge, agreed to join the Commons in their representation. But they thought it most prudent and respectful to send one of their counsellors to England with their memorial. Francis Yonge, a man of considerable abilities, who had been present at all their debates, was pitched upon as well qualified for giving their lordships a faithful account of the whole matter. Accordingly he sailed for England, and arrived in London early in the year 1719. Soon after his arrival he waited on Lord Carteret, the pala- tine; but his lordship referred him to the other proprietors for an answer to his representation. When they met, Yonge de- livered to them a letter from Governor Johnson — the articles of complaint against Chief Justice Trott — and the joint ad- dress of the Governor, Council, and Assembly, praying to have him removed entirely from the bench, or confined to a single jurisdiction. This memorial was far from being agreeable to the pro- prietors ; some of them inferred from it that the people were industrious in searching for causes of dissatisfaction, with a view to shake the proprietary authority. Others had re- ceived letters from Trott, which intimated that Yonge, though an officer of the proprietors, had assisted the people in form- ing plausible pretences for that purpose. For three months Yonge attended the palatine's court, to accomplish the ends of his appointment. After all he was given to understand, that the business on which he came was extremely disa- greeable to them — that the trouble he had taken, and the otfice he had accepted as agent for the people, were inconsist- ent with his duty as one of the deputies bound to act in conformity to their instructions. They declared their displea- sure with the members of the Council who had joined the lower house in their complaints against Trott — removed them from the board — appointed others in their place — and increased the number of members from seven to twelve. They told Yonge that he also would have been deprived of his seat but for the high respect they had for Lord Carteret, -the absent palatine, whose deputy he was. With respect to Chief Jus- tice Trott, they had too much confidence in his fidelity and ca- pacity to remove him from his office. On the contrary, they sent him a letter thanking him for his excellent speech in defence of their right of repealing all laws made in the colony, to- gether with a copy of the articles of complaint against him. At the same time they informed him that it was their opinion, 38 CIVIL HISTORY. and order, that he should withdraw from the Council-board whenever appeals from his judgments in the inferior courts were brought before the Governor and Council as a Court of Chancery. Such was the result of Yonge's negotiation in Britain. The proprietors were displeased with him, and also with Governor Johnson, for joining the other branches of the Legislature in their late representation. By the return of Yonge they sent out their repeal of the late popular acts of the Legislature, their list of new counsellors, with positive orders to the Governor to publish immediately the repeal of the late popular laws — to convene the new Counsellors for the dispatch of business — to dissolve the Assembly chosen ac- cording to the late act, and to cause a new Assembly to be elected according to the old act which required all the electors to meet and vote in Charlestown. Governor Johnson on receiving these new orders and in- structions, instantly foresaw the difficulty of executing them. Determined, however to comply, he summoned his Council of twelve, whom the proprietors had lately nominated. These were William Bull, Ralph Izard, Nicholas Trott, Charles Hart, Samuel Wragg, Benjamin de la Consiliere, Peter St. Julian, William Gibbon, Hugh Butler, Francis Yonge, Jacob Satuf, and Jonathan Skrine. Some of these accepted the appoint- ment, but others refused to serve. Alexander Skene, Thomas Broughton, and James Kinloch, members of the former board, being now left out of the new list of counsellors, were disgusted and joined the people. The present Assembly was dissolved; and writs were issued for electing another in Charles- town, according to the ancient usage of the province. The general duty act, from the proceeds of which all public debts were defrayed, and the act respecting the freedom of election were repealed. In consequence of which, public credit was destroyed, and the Colonists were obliged to have recourse to the old inconvenient manner of elections in Charlestown. The act declaring the right of the Commons to nominate a Public Receiver was also annulled, and declared to be contrary to the usage of Great Britain. The Governor had in- structions to refuse his assent to all laws respecting the trade and shipping of Great Britain, which any future Assembly might pass, until they were first approved by the proprietors. The provincial debts incurred by the Indian war, and the ex- pedition against pirates not only remained unpaid, but no more bills of credit were allowed to be stamped for answering the public demands. The Colonists considered the new Council of twelve, instead of the old one of seven, as an in- novation in the proprietary government ; exceeding the char- tered power granted their lordships, and subjecting them to a REVOLUTION OF 1719. 39 jurisdiction tbreign to the constitution of the province. The complaints of the whole Legislature against Chief Justice Trott were not only disregarded, but he was privately ca- ressed and publicly applauded. These grievances were ren- dered the more intolerable, from the circumstance that the suffering colonists could indulge no hopes of redress under the existing system of proprietary government. It may be thought somewhat astonishing, that the proprie- tors should have persisted in measures so disagreeable and so manifestly subversive of their authority. Many were the hardships from the climate, and the danger from savages, with which the colonists had to struggle; yet their landlords, instead of rendering their circumstances easy and comfortable, seemed rather bent on doubling their distresses. The people could no longer regard them as indulgent fathers, but as tyrannical legislators that imposed more on them than they were able to bear. It was the duty of the proprietors to listen to their complaints, and redress their grievances. It was their interest to consult the internal security and population of their colony. But perhaps the troubles and miseries suffered by the colonists, ought to be ascribed to their lordships' shameful inattention rather than to their tyrannical disposition. Lord Carteret, the palatine, held high offices of trust under the crown, which required all his time and care. Some of the proprietors were minors, others possessed estates in England, the improvement of which engrossed their attention. Having reaped little or nothing from their American possessions, and finding them every year becoming ijiore troublesome and expensive, they trusted the affairs of their colony too much to a clerk or secretary who was no ways interested in their prosperity. Chief Justice Trott, in whose integrity and fidelity the proprietors placed unlimited confidence, held of them many offices of trust and emolument. Being dependent on them for the tenure of his office, and the amount and payment of his salary, he strongly supported their power and pre- rogative. The proprietors depended on his influence and eloquence, to make their favorite measures go down with the people. Trott vindicated their authority in gratitude for favors received, and in the expectation of receiving more. A reciprocal chain of dependence and obligation was formed between them. This interested policy was carried too far. The chain broke. A new order of things took place. In consequence of which Trott's influence was completely destroyed, and the power of the proprietors forever an- nihilated. About this time, a rupture having taken place between the courts of Great Britain and Spain, a project for attacking 40 CIVIL HISTORT. South Carolina and the Island of Providence was formed at the Havanna. Governor Johnson having received advice from England of this design, resolved to put the Province in a posture of defence. For this purpose he summoned a meeting of Council, and of such members of Assembly as were in town, to inform them of the intelligence he had received and to desire their advice and assistance in case of any sudden emergency. He told them of the shattered con- dition of the fortifications, and urged the necessity of speedy reparations. To meet the expense he proposed a voluntary subscription, and headed it with his own signature to a large amount as an example to others. The members of Assembly replied, "that a subscription was needless, as the income of the duties would be sufficient to answer the purpose intended." The Governor objected, "that the duty law had been repealed, and no other yet framed in its place." To which the members of Assembly answered, "they had resolved to pay no regard to these repeals, and that the public receiver had orders from them to sue every man that should refuse to pay as that law directed." Chief Justice Trott told them, "if any action or suit should be brought into his courts on that law, he would give judgment for the defendant." The con- test between the parties became warm, and the conference broke up before anything was determined upon for the public safety. The memlaers of Assembly resolved to hazard the loss of the Province to the Spaniards, rather than yield to the Council and acknowledge the right of the proprietors to repeal laws which had been regularly passed. Governor Johnson judging it prudent to be always in the best posture of defence, called a meeting of the field officers of the militia, ordered them to review their regiments, and fixed a place of general rendezvous. At this meeting they received their orders with their usual submission, and called together the different regiments on pretence of training the men. But before this time the members chosen to serve in Assembly, though they had not met in their usual and regular way at Charlestown, had nevertheless held several private meetings in the country to concert measures for revolting from their allegiance. They had drawn up an association for uniting the whole Province in opposition to the proprietary government. This was proposed to the people at the public meeting of the militia, as an opportunity the most favorable for procuring a general subscription. The people oppressed and discontented, eagerly embraced the proposal; and almost to a man subscribed this bond of union, in which they promised to stand by each other in defence of their rights, against the tyranny of the proprietors and their officers. The ^Buosiad JO suoiss9joid jsaqSiq aqj qjiAV jqSnBjj qSnoqj 'iBn^l siqj pgjapisuoo aouiaAOf) eqj, 'os op o^ raiq pasiApB puB 'pajajjo snqi }U8uiui9AoS aqj jdaooBiouoq qqm jqSiui aq j^qj uoiuido iiaqi sb }i qabS os{b iaq J, 'Siii^ aqi Jo jpqaq ui uiaqi raojj }uataui3A0§ aqj jo aouBidaooB siq jsanbaj oj ajdoad aqi JO uouBuimia^gp aqj jo puB 'juarauiaAoS ijiajaudoad aqi jjo A\o.iqj o; uopBioossB yeiBuaS aqj jo uiiq pauiioj -UI Asvfl qoiqAV m iAv/Ady[V[g^ uiBqi;^ puB 'ubSo^; aSjoaf) 'auajis japuBxa^y Xq pauSis puB 'eiil 'qigS -isqtuaAoj*^ ajBp SuiiBaq jajja^ b paAiaoai aq |nun ia§UBajs aipua u-b sbay uos -uqof loujaAof) 'suotjobsubji puis 'sSunaara jaioas asaqj ojl •sagajiAiid auiBS aqj iofua oj UBqj aioin Suiqjou paiisap Aaqj jBqi 'uAiOJO aqj jo uoijoa^oid puB aiBO ajBipamuii aqj japun ajaAv qotqAv samopo aq^ jo ssauiddBq jBaiS aq} jo a^doad aqj paouTAUoD iiqSnojoqj os pBq Aaqx 'sjojaudoid aqi 0} aonBi§a[jB paounouai Aaqj sb uoos sb oibd siq japun Auojoo aqi ai^B} pinoAv §1113 aqj jBqj sadoq qjm saApsniaqi paiajjBp puB 'sSuiqj asaqi ]jb pajapisuoo pBq Aaqx "uoijoajoid sji JO asuadxa aqj ajoq qoiqAV laAvod jBqj oj Suopq p^noqs aouiA -oi(j aq} JO juamujaAoS aq} }Bq} 'noiuido jo aiaAV apBjj^ jo spio^; aq} }Bq} puB i juauiuiaAog qsT}ua; aq} uiojj aoui3}sissB loj paqdds ipqqnd pBq 'jbav aassBuiB^ aq} ui aouiAOJj Jiaq} puajap 0} sjo}audoj:d aq} jo A}qiqBui aq} jo snoiosuoo '}aia}.iB9 pioq; }Bq} pauuojui uaaq p-sq iaqx 'sauo |BSai 0}ui sjuara -uiaAoS AjB}aiidoid puB aa}JBqo jjb Suionpai loj 'suouiraog JO astiofj aq} 0}u; }q§uoiq uaaq pBq \i]C[ b }Bq} os^b Avauj{ Aaqx ■ja}iBqo aq} }suib§b Suipaaoojd jo spoq}atu |Bn}oajja }sora aq} JO japisuoo o}'[Bjauaf) io}ioips puB Aaujo}}yjaq pa.iapjo uaq} pBq A}sa['Bj\[ laq Avoq — auuy uaan^ jo u§Tai aq} §uunp sjaajj JO asnojj aq} ui passed pBq }BqAV putra o} paijBoaj Aaqx "iAaiA ui pBq iaq} pua }Baj8 aq} Suqaadsai uiB}Tig uiojj paAiaoai pBq Aaq} }uauia§Binooua aq} puB 'saouBAauS aiaq} JO lapisuoo 0} sSupaaui }uant)aij p^aq A^qraassy jo sjaqiuaui jaq}0 {BiaAas puB apj •}uarauiaAo§ jiaq} jo ouqBj Suua}}0} aq} uALop §uq|nd ui aApoB puB sno|i39z auiBoaq aq 'sjo}aTjd -Old aq} Aq pasn qi sb jpsuitq Suiiapisuog "sjaotgo jtaio aq} asoddo 0} asodind uo uasoqo sbav qoiqAV 'if^quiassy A\au siq} JO jaqraaiu •b pa}oaia sbav 'jiounoQ aq} raojj papnpxa A|a}B[ 'auajjs japuBxa^y -asnoq aq} o}ui ubiu auo Suiiq }on p]noo Aaq} }Bq} iB|ndodun os aaaAv 'aouangui aAisua}xa pBq Aiiaui -joj oqAi '}}aqa puB }}OJj^ 'uAvo}saiaBqo ui uoi}oa|a aq} }y •§ui3 aq} JO uoi}oa}ojd aq} japun saAjasuiaq} Suijq p|noqs Aaq} |i}un paaoojd 0} pauiuija}ap 'uiaq} }joddns o} aidoad aq} aonpui o} sb jbj os auoS puB 'jjOAaj o} uoi}U]osaj Jiaq} pauijoj SuiABq 'ijquiassy jo sjaqmam aqj^ ■}{ ui pajjnouoo pBq s}UB}iqBqui aq} qB AjJBau sjBa s^ioujaAof) aq} paqoBai }i ajojaq }Bq} 'ioajoas qons qjiAv pantjoj sbav AoBiapajuoo X^ "eiil -lo jJoixnioAaH 42 CIVIL HISTORY respect, as an insult; but especially the advice contained therein, which he deemed derogatory both to his integrity and fidelity. The letter, however, served to give him notice of the association and the resolution of the people which it was his duty to defeat For this purpose he hastened to town, summoned his Council — informed them of the association, and required their advice and assistance about the most effectual methods of breaking it up and supporting the pro- prietary government. The Council, unable to determine what was best to be done, advised the Governor to take no present notice of the proceedings, but to wait events. In the meantime, the members of Assembly were using their utmost diligence among the people to keep them firm to their purpose, having got almost every person, except the officers and particular friends of the proprietors, to sign the association. All agreed to support whatever their representa- tives should do for disengaging the colony from the yoke of the proprietors, and putting it under the government of the King. Having thus fortified themselves by the union of the inhabitants, the Assembly met to take bolder and more decisive steps. Being apprehensive that the Governor would immedi- ately dissolve them, they instantly came to the following reso- lutions. "Firstly: that the several laws* pretended to be repealed are still in force, and could not be repealed but by the General Assembly of the province : and that all public officers and others do pay due regard to the same accordingly. Secondly: that the writs whereby the present representatives were elected, are illegal, because they are signed by such a Council as the proprietors have not a power to appoint; for this Council consists of a greater number of members than that of the proprietors, which is contrary to the design and original intent of their charter. Thirdly: that the represen- tatives cannot act as an Assembly, but as a convention dele- gated by the people to prevent the utter ruin of the province till His Majesty's pleasure be known." And lastly: "that the lords proprietors have by such proceedings unhinged the frame of their government and forfeited their rights to the same — and that an address be prepared to desire Governor Johnson to take the government upon him in the King's name — and to continue the administration thereof until his majesty's pleasure be known." * The titles of the laws repealed by the proprietors, and adhered to by the Car- olinians as unrepealed, were — ^ 1st. An act for declaring the rights of the House of Commons, for the time being- to nominate a public receiver. 2d. An act entitled an act for laying an impost on negroes, liquors, and other goods and merchandize, t^:c. 3d. An act entitled an act to ascertain the form of electing members to represent the inhabitants ia general assembly. REVOLUTION OP 1719. 43 Agreeably to the last resolution, an address was drawn up and signed by Arthur Middleton, as President, and twenty- two members of the convention, to be presented to Johnson. In the meantime, the Governor sent a message to the house, acquainting them that he was ready, with his council, to re- ceive and order them to choose a speaker. They came to the upper house in a body, and Arthur Middleton addressed him in the following words : " I am ordered by the representatives of the people, here present, to tell you that according to your honor's order, we are come to wait on you. I am further ordered to acquaint you that we own your honor as our Gov- ernor, you being approved by the King; and as there was once in this province a legal council representing the propri- etors as their deputies, which constitution, being now altered, we do not look on the gentlemen present to be a legal Coun- cil; so I am ordered to tell you that the representatives of the people disown them as such, and will not act with them on any account." The Governor and council, struck with astonishment at the spirit of the convention, and suspecting that they were sup- ported by the people, were greatly puzzled while deliberating on the measures they should take to recall them to the obe- dience of legal authority. Some were for opposing violence to violence ; and thought the best way of bringing them back to their allegiance, would be to terrify them with threats and confiscations. Others were of opinion that the defection was too general to admit of such a remedy, and that mild expos- tulations were more proper; and if such gentle means failed, the Governor might then dissolve them and put an end to the dispitte. But on the other hand, dangers hung over the country ; and the only fund for repairing the fortifications being lost by the repeal of the general act duty, it was neces- sary that money should be provided by some new law for public purposes. If the Governor dissolved the house, how could the province be put in a posture of defence against a Spanish invasion^with which it was threatened ? If he should suffer them to sit while they had resolved that the proprietors had fortified their right to the government, and refused on any account to act with his council, he might be chargeable with a breach of his trust. The result of their deliberations was a message from the Governor and Council, desiring a conference with the House of Assembly. To which they returned for answer, that "they would not receive any message or paper from the Governor, in conjunction with the gentlemen he was pleased to call his Council." Finding them inflexible, and resolute, the Governor was obliged to give way to the current ; 44 CIVIL HISTORY. and therefore, in two days afterwards, sent for them in his own name, and delivered to them a long and elaborate speech, and furnished them with a written copy of it. In this he soothed the popular leaders — expostulated and reasoned with them — remonstrated against their measures — and attempted to alarm them and their followers with the conseqences of their conduct ; but all in vain. The Assembly was neither to be shaken by persuation, nor intimidated by threats. After a short pause, they returned with the following answer : " We have already acquainted you that we would not receive any message or paper from your honor, in conjunction with the gentlemen you are pleased to call your Council, therefore, we must now repeat the same ; and beg leave to tell you, that the paper you read and delivered to us we take no notice of, nor shall we give any further answer to it but in Great Britain." Immediately after, they came with an address to the Gov- ernor, avowing their resolution to cast off all obedience to the proprietary government ; declaring him to be the most fit per- son to govern them — and entreating him to take upon him the government in the name of the King. This flattering address concluded in the following manner : " As the well-being and preservation of this province, depends greatly on your complying with our requests ; so we flatter ourselves that you, who have expressed so tender regard for it on all occasions, and particularly in hazarding your person in an expedition against the pirates for its defence, we hope sir, that you will exert yourself at this time for its support; and we promise your honor on our parts, the most faithful assist- ance of persons duly sensible of your great goodness, and big with the hopes and expectation of his majesty's countenance and protection. And we further beg leave to assure your honor, that we will in the most dutiful manner address his sacred majesty. King George, for the continuance of your government over us ; under whom we doubt not to be a hap- py people." To this address the Governor replied : " I am obliged to you for your good opinion of me; but I hold my commission from the true and absolute lords and proprietors of this province, who recommended me to his majesty, and I have his appro- bation : it is by that commission and power I act, and I know of no authority which can dispossess me of the same but that of those who invested me with it. In subordination to them I shall always act, and, to my utmost, maintain their lordship's just power and prerogatives without encroaching on the people's rights. I do not expect or desire any favor from you, only that of seriously taking into consideration the ap- REVOLUTION OF 1719. 45 proaching danger of a foreign enemy and the steps you are taking to involve yourselves, and this province, in anarchy and confusion." The representatives having now fully declared their inten- tions, and finding it impossible to win over the Governor to a compliance with their measures, began to treat him with in- difference and neglect. He, on the other hand, perceiving that neither harsh nor gentle means could recall them to their allegiance, issued a proclamation for dissolving the House. The representatives ordered his proclamation to be torn from the marshal's hands. They met upon their own authority, and choose Colonel James Moore their Governor, who was a man excellently qualified for being a popular leader in peril- ous adventures. To Governor Johnson he was no friend ; having been by him removed from his command of the mili- tia, for warmly espousing the cause of the people. In every new enterprise he had been a volunteer ; and in all his under- takings was resolute, steady, and inflexible. A day was fixed for proclaiming him, in the name of the King, Governor of the province; and orders were issued for directing all otficers, civil and military, to continue in th eirditferent places and employments till they should hear further from the con- vention. Johnson some time before had appointed a day for a gen- eral review of the provincial militia, and the Convention fixed on the same day for publicly proclaiming Moore. The Gov- ernor having intelligence of their design, sent orders to Col. Parris the commander of the militia to postpone the review to a future day. Parris, though a zealons friend to the revolu- tion, assured him his orders should be obeyed. Notwith- standing this assurance, on the day fixed when Governor Johnson came to town, he found, to his surprise, the militia drawn up in the market-square, now the site of the National Bank, colors flying at the forts and on board all the ships in the harbor; and great preparations making for the proclama- tion. Exasperated at the insults offered to his person and authority, he could not command his temper. Some he threatened to chastise for flying in the face of government, to which they had sworn fidelity ; with others he coolly rea- soned, and endeavored to recall them by representing the fatal consequence that would attend such rash proceedings. But advancing to Parris, he asked him " how he durst appear in arras contrary to his orders ?" and commanded him in the King's name, instantly to disperse his men. Colonel Parris replied " he was obeying the orders of the Convention." The Governor in great rage walked up towards him, upon which Parris immediately commanded his miUtia to present their 46 CIVIL HISTOET. muskets at him, and ordered him " to stand off at his peril." The Governor expected during this struggle that some friends, especially such as held offices of profit and trust under the proprietors, would have supported him, or that the militia would have laid down their arms at his command ; but he was disappointed; for all either stood silent, or kept firm to the standard of the convention. Vain were the efforts of his single arm in opposition to so general a defection. Even Trott and Rhett in this extremity forsook him and kept at a distance, the silent and inactive spectators of their master's ruined authority. After this the members of Convention, attended and escorted by the militia, publicly marched to the fort; and there pro- claimed James Moore governor of the province in the name of the King, which was followed by the loudest acclamations of the populace. Upon their return they proceeded to the election of twelve counsellors, after the manner of the royal provinces. Of these Sir Hovenden Walker was made Presi- dent. The revolutioners had now their Governor, Coimcil and Convention, and all of their own free election. In conse- quence of which, the delegates published a declaration in which they justified the measures they had adopted; and pledged themselves to support the new Governor, and com- manded all officers, civil and military, to pay him all duty and obedience. After this declaration was solemnly published, Johnson retained but small hope of recalling the people to obey the proprietary authorities. Still, however, he flattered himself that the men who had usurped the government would not long remain in a state of union and peace. In this expecta- tion he called together the civil officers of the proprietors, and ordered them to secure the public records, and shut up all of- fices against the revolutioners and their adherents. In the meantime, the delegates of the people were occu- pied in regulating public affairs. • They took a dislike to the name of Convention, as different from that of the other regal governments in America, and voted themselves an Assembly, and assumed the power of appointing all public officers. In place of Nicholas Trott, they made Richard AUein Chief Jus- tice. Another person was appointed provincial secretary, in the room of Charles Hart. But William Rhett and Francis Yonge secured to themselves the same offices they held from the proprietors. Col. John Barnwell was chosen agent for the province, and embarked for England with instructions and orders to apply to the king, and lav a state of their public proceedings before him, and to beseech his majesty to take the province under his immediate care and protection. A new duty REVOLUTION OF 1719. 47 law for raising money to defray the various expenses of gov- ernment was passed. Orders were given for the immediate repairs of the fortifications at Charlestown ; and William Rhett was nominated inspector-general of the projected re- pairs. To their new Governor they voted two thousand five hundred pounds, and to their Chief Justice eight hundred pounds current money, as yearly salaries. To their agent in England they transmitted one thousand pounds sterling. To defray these and the other expenses of government, an act was passed for laying a tax on lands and negroes, to raise thirty thousand pounds Carolina money, for the service of the current year. When they began to levy the taxes imposed by this act, Johnson and some of his party refused to pay; giving for reason that the act was not made by lawful authority. On 'account of his particularcircumstances, Johnson was excused; but they resolved to- compel every other person to submit to their jurisdiction, and obey their laws. They seized the effects or negroes of such as refused — sold them at public auction — and applied the money for the payment of their taxes. Thus in spite of all opposition, they established themselves in the full possession of all the powers of government. In the meantime Johnson received certain advice that the Spaniards had sailed from the Havanna, with a fleet of four- teen ships and a force consisting of twelve hundred men, against South Carolina and Providence, and it was uncertain which of the two they would first attack. At this time of imminent danger, the late Governor endeavored to recall the people to subjection; and sent to the Convention a letter, in which he attempted to alarm them by representing the dan- gerous consequences of military operations under unlawful authority; but they remained firm to their purpose, and, with- out taking any notice of the letter, contined to do business with Moore as they had begun; and in concert with him, adopted measures for the public security. They proclaimed mardal law, and ordered the inhabitants of the province to Charlestown for its defence. All the officers of the militia ac- cepted their commissions from Moore, and engaged to stand by him against all foreign enemies. For two weeks the pro- vincial militia were kept under arms at Charlestown, every day expecting the appearance of the Spanish fleet which they were informed had sailed from the Havanna. The Spaniards resolved first to attack Providence, and then to proceed against Carolina ; but by the conduct and courage of captain Rogers, at that time governor of the island, they were repulsed, and soon after lost the greatest part of their fleet in a storm. The Spanish expedition having thus proved abortive, the 48 CIVIL HISTORY. Flamborongh man-of-war, commanded by Captain Kildesley, returned from Providence island to her station at Charlestown. About the same time his majesty's ship Phoenix, commanded by Captain Pierce, arrived from a cruise. The commanders of these two men-of-war were caressed by both parties; but they publicly declared for Johnson, as the magistrate invested with legal authority. Charles Hart, secretary of the province, by orders from Governor Johnson and his Council, had se- creted and secured the public records so that the revolulioners could not obtain possession of them. The clergy refused to marry without a license from Johnson, as the only legal ordi- nary of the province. These and other inconveniences, from the unsettled state of things, rendered several of the people more cool in their affection for the popular government. At this juncture, Johnson, with the assistance of the captains and crews of the ships of war, made his last and boldest effort for subject- ing the colonists to his authority. He brought up the ships- of-war in front of Charlestown, and threatened its immediate destruction, if the inhabitants any longer refused obedience to legal authority. But they having arms in their hands, and forts in their possession, defied his power. They were neither to be won by flattery, nor terrified by threats, to submit their necks any more to the proprietary yoke. Johnson feeling his impotence, made no more attempts for the recovery of his lost authority. In the meantime, the agent for Carolina had procured a hearing from the lords of the regency and council in Eng- land, the King being at that time in Hanover; who gave it as their opinion that the proprietors had forfeited their charter, and ordered the attorney general to take out a scire facias against it. An act of parliament was passed in Britain for establishing an agreement with seven of the eight proprietors for a sur- render to the King of their right and interest not only in the government, but in the soil of the province. The purchase was made for 17,500 sterling. At the same time seven-eighths of the arrears of the quit-rents due from the colonists to the proprietors were purchased on behalf of the crown for £5,000. The remaining eighth share of the province and of the arrears of quit-rents were reserved out of the purchase by a clause in the act of parliament, for John, Lord Caitaret. About the same time the province was subdivided by the name of North and South Carolina. Upon a review of these transactions, we may observe: that although the conduct of the Carolinians, during this struggle, cannot be deemed conformable to the strict letter of the writ- ten law, yet necessity and self-preservation justify their con- REVOLUTION OF 1719. ,49 duct; while all the world must applaud their moderation, union, firmness, and wisdom. When the proprietors first ap- plied to the King for a gram of this large territory, at that time occupied by heathens, they said they were excited thereto by their zeal for the propagation of the Christian faith ; yet they used no effectual endeavors for that purpose. The society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts employed and supported missionaries for the conversion of the heathens; but their best endeavors were inadequate to the extent of the work. The proprietors by their charter were empowered to build churches and chapels withinthe bounds of their pro- vince, for divine worship ; yet they left the burden of this en- tirely to the inhabitants, who received no encouragement or assistance towards its accomplishment, except from the society incorporated for the propagation of the gospel. The proprie- tors were empowered by their charter to erect castles and forts for the protection and defence of the colony, but the people were obliged to raise all these at their own expense. By the charter his majesty saved to himself, his heirs and successors, the sovereign dominion of the province; yet the proprietors assumed to themselves a despotic authority in repealing and abrogating laws made by the Assembly and ratified by their deputies in Carolina. They not only tyrannized over the colony, but employed and protected officers ten times more tyrannical than themselves. When the whole Legislature complained of Chief Justice Trott, they paid no regard to their complaints, and absolutely refused to remove him from the bench, or even to limit his jurisdiction. In times of immi- nent danger, when the colony applied to them for assistance, they were either unable or unwilling to bear the expense of its protection. When the Assembly allotted the lands obtained by conquest from the Yamassee Indians, for the encourage- ment of settlers to strengthen the provincial frontiers, the pro- prietors claimed the sole right of disposing of these lands', and frustratfed a judicious plan for preserving public security. When the trade of the province was infested by pirates, the inhab- itants could neither obtain a force sufficient to extirpate them, nor a confirmation of their laws made for defraying the ex- pense of such expeditions as the Assembly had fitted out against them. The proprietors, at the request of the London merchants had cried down the current money of the province, stamped for answering the public exigencies. The people saw no end of their troubles. Pressing distress dictated the necessity of some remedy. No expedient appeared to them so proper and effectual as that of throwing themselves under the. immediate care and protection of the crown of Great Bri- tain. Disgusted with the feeble proprietary Government, they, 4 50 CIVIL HISTORY. therefore, by one bold and irregular effort, entirely shook it off; and a revolution fruitful of happy consequences resulted, to their great relief and unspeakable satisfaction. From the first settlement of the colony, one perpetual strug- gle subsisted between the proprietors of the province and the cultivators of its soil. A division somewhat similar to that of the court and country parties in England eady sprung up in the settlement, and kept it in continual agitation. The people considered the proprietary claims of power as incon- sistent with their rights ; hence they became turbulent, and were seldom satisfied with their Governors in their public capacity, however esteemed and beloved as private men. The hands of Government were always weak, and the instructions and regulations received from England were for the most part ill adapted to the local circumstances of the people and the first state of colonization. The great distance and compUcated hardships of the Carolinians all concurred to render their revolutionary measures not only excusable, but necessary. The revolution in England had exemplified and confirmed the doctrine of resistance, when the executive magistrate vio- lates the fundamental laws and subverts the constitution of the nation. The proprietors had done acts which, in the opinion of the lords in regency, amounted to a forfeiture of their char- ter; and they had ordered a writ of scire facias to be taken out for repealing their patent and rendering the grant void. By these means all political connections between the propri- etors and people of Carolina was entirely dissolved, and a new relation formed ; the King having taken the provinces under his immediate care and made it a part of the British Empire. In the forty-nine years of the proprietary Government of South Carolina, there were twenty-three Governors.* To this office Joseph West was thrice appointed; and Joseph Morton and Joseph Blake, each twice. Joseph West was the only one who served as long as eight years. James Colleton and Seth Sothell were disgraced by the people, and Rob^t John- son was deposed by the same authority. Of the several proprietary governments in British America, few or none have answered. Too often have they been under- taken and carried on with the contracted views of land-job- » These were as follows: William Sayle, c-ommissioned in England, 2filh July, 1669; JosephWest,2Sth August, 1671; Sir John Yeamans, 26th Deoeniber, 1671; Joseph West, second time, 13th August, 1674; Joseph Morton, 26th September, 16S2 ; Joseph West, third time, 6th September, 1684 ; Sir Richard Kirle, unknown; Colonel Robert Quarry, do.; Joseph Morton, second lime, 16S5; James Colleton, 16S6; Seth Sothell, 1690; Philip Ludwell, 1692; Thomas Smith, 1093; Joseph BlaUe, 1694; John Archdale, 1695; Joseph Blake, second time, 1696; James Moore, 1700; Sir Nathaniel Johnson, 1703; Edward Tynte, December, 1709; Robert Gibbes, 1710; Charles Craven, 1712; Robert Daniel, 1716; Robert Johnson, 1717- deposed in December, 1719. REVOLUTION OP 1719. 61 bers. To propagate the gospel among the native heathens was generally the ostensible design; but to make money by the sale or rents of lands rising in value from the introduction of settlers, was for ttte most part the governing motive of private proprietors. To obtain a great income, from a small expenditure, was the leading object of their policy. They were therefore slow in defending and protecting their tenants. The subjects of subjects often fare worse than the subjects of Kings. Between limited monarchy and representative government, there seems to be no middle ground for political happiness. In the course of the 18th century. South Carolina underwent two revolutions, the last of which took place in 1776. Several of the actors in this are yet alive, and must be struck with the resemblance of the measures adopted by their predecessors and themselves for accomplishing these great and similar events. In both cases, a well-intentioned people, alarmed for their rights, were roused to extraordinary exertions for securing them. They petitioned, in a legal channel, for a redress of their grievances; but that being refused, they proceeded to bolder measures. Before they took decisive steps from which there was no honorable retreat, they both cemented their union by an association generally signed by the inhabitants. The physical force of government in all countries rests with the governed; but from the want of union and concert, they often quietly submit to be ruled with a rod of iron, or make such feeble, injudicious efforts in the cause of liberty as incur the penalties of rebellion, instead of gaining the blessings of a change for the better. The case was otherwise in Carolina. In both revolutions, an honest people engaged by a solemn agreement to support each other in defence of their rights, and to yield obedience to the leaders of their own appoint- ment. When they had bound themselves by the tie of an association, they seized their arms, took the forts and maga- zines into possession, and assumed the direction of the militia. A new government, without confusion or violence, virtually superseded the existing authority of the proprietary Governor in one case, and of the King's representative in the other. The revolutioners in both respectfully asked their former Governors to join them; but from principles of honor and delicacy they declined. On their refusal they became pri- vate persons, and the people proceeded without them to organize every department of Government by their own au- thority. The popular leaders in one case called themselves a Convention of the people, and in the other a Provincial Con- gress; but in both, when the revolution was completed, they voted themselves an Assembly, passed laws in the usual man- ner, and by manifestoes justified their conduct to the world. 52 CIVIL HISTORY. In these proceedings neither party nor faction had any hand. The general interests of the great body of the settlers, were the pole st-ar by which public measures were regulated. The people, guided neither by private views nor selfish ends, and acting in unison, eventually found their labors crowned with success; and that each change of government produced for their country a melioration of its circumstances. A whole generation passed away, and a new one sprung up in the interval, between these two revolutions, though only fifty- seven years distant. No individual has been recognized as an actor in both. But the name of Middleton was conspicu- ous in the first, and more so in the last. Arthur Middleton was President of the Convention of the People in 1719; his son, Henry Middleton, President of the Congress of the United Colonies in 1774; and his grandson, Arthur Middleton, was one of the subscribers to the famous Declaration of Indepen- dence in 1776, by which South Carolina became a sovereign State. The proprietary Government of Carolina maybe termed its infancy. When it ceased in 1719, St. Stephen's was the fron- tier of the province. Forts were erected there in St. John's, on Colonel Glaze's land, near Dorchester, Dorchester, Wiltown, and other places about the same distance from the coast; and were necessary to defend the settlers from the Indians. The former rarely ventured fifty miles from the Atlantic. The lat- ter occupied what is now called the upper and middle country of Carolina, and were very troublesome neighbors. Their distressing incursions occasionally penetrated as low as Goose creek. Charlestown was not perfectly safe, for it was exposed to danger both from them and the Spaniards. As much of it as lies between the Central Market and Water street, the Bay, and Meeting street, was fortified both on the land and water side. Much of that part of it which lay to the west of Meet- ing street, and the north and south of Broad street, was either a forest, or laid out in farms, gardens, orange-groves or orch- ards, with here and there a straggling house. Peltry or lum- ber, with a little rice, were the only exports of the province. The planters were better satisfied with a dollar per hundred for the last article, than they have been for years past with three. The coast was infested with pirates, and they made several captures near the bar of CharlestQwn. There were incessant contentions between the inhabitants and the propri- etors; great dissensions between the Episcopalians and Dis- senters, and for several years bitter animosities between the French refugees and English settlers. There was very little real money in the province. The planters were clamorous for bills of credit, and the merchants and others very much ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720 1776. 53 opposed to their increase and protracted circulation. The police of the country was without energy. Demagogues en- deavored to gain popularity by flattering the people, while others were equally active in courting the favor of the propri- etors by personal attentions, and by vindicating their claims. The real good of the people was a secondary object with both. The government was not administered for the benefit of the governed. The latter were dissatisfied, and by a judicious exertion of their inherent rights, obtained a change for the better. CIYIL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. CHAPTER IV. Royal Governme7it from 1720 to 1776. The form of government conferred on Carolina when it became a royal province, was formed on the model of the British Constitution. It consisted of a Governor, a Council and Assembly. To them the power of making laws was committed. The King appointed the Governor, and delegated to him his constitutional powers. The Council was appointed by the King to advise the Governor, and to assist in legisla- tion; and was intended to represent the House of Lords. The Assembly, like the House of Commons in Great Britain, consisted of the representatives of the people; and was elected by them to be the guardians of their lives, liberties, and property. The Governor convened, prorogued, and dissolved the Assembly, and had a negative on the bills of both houses and the execution of the laws. He also had powers of chan- cery, admiralty, of supreme ordinary, and of appointing magistrates and militia officers. After bills received his as- sent they were sent to Great Britain for royal approbation. But were obligatory as laws in the meantime, unless they were passed with a saving clause. The Governor received his instructions from England, and it was his duty to transmit authentic accounts of the state of his province, that these instructions might be founded in truth and utility. This is a general sketch of the royal government given to the privince of Carolina, in lieu of the proprietary system. The change soon appeared to be for the better. Early in 1721 General Francis Nicholson arrived in South Carolina, with a royal commission to be Governor. He was generous, bold, and steady. Possessing the firmness, integrity 54 CIVIL HISTORY. and honor of a soldier, he was well qualified for discharging the duties of his exalted station. The people received him with uncommon demonstrations of joy. The voice of mur- mur and discontent, together with the fears of danger and oppression, were banished from the province. The people resolved to forget former animosities, and to bury past offences in eternal oblivion. The only contention was who should be the most zealous in promoting the union, peace, and prosperity of the settlement. They looked upon themselves as happily delivered from a confused and distracted state ; and anticipated all the blessings of freedom and security. Soon after his arrival, Governor Nicholson issued writs for the election of a new Assembly. The persons returned as members entered with great temper and cheerfulness on the regulation of provincial affairs. They choose James Moore, their late popular Governor, to be Speaker of the House; and their choice was confirmed by the King's representative. The first business they engaged in was to pass an act de- claring, that they recognized and acknowledged his sacred majesty. King George, to be the rightful sovereign of Gr^at Britain, France, and Ireland, and of all the dominions and provinces belonging to the empire ; and in particular his un- doubted right to the province of Carolina. All actions and suits at law, commenced on account of the late administration of James Moore by particular persons, were declared void;, but all judicial proceedings under the same administration, were confirmed. These acts were judged proper and ne- cessary for estabisliing harmony among the inhabitants. Nicholson had the address to unite all parties ; and by the wisdom and equity of his administration, to render the whole community happy under their new government and highly pleased with the change. Though he was bred a soldier, and was profane and passionate, yet he was not insensible of the great advantage of religion to society and contributed not a little to its interest in Carolina. On his application to the So- ciety in England for propagating the gospel in foreign parts, they sent out teachers, money, and books, for the instruction of the inhabitants, and also supplied the province with cler- gymen ; and gave each of them a yearly allowance, over and above the provincial salary. He also, with great zeal, urged the usefulness, and necessity, of provincial establishments for the promotion of literature. Governor Nicholson, who was well acquainted with the manners of savages, applied himself with great zeal to regulate Indian affairs, and to form treaties of friendship with the different tribes around the settlement. As most of the broils between the settlers and the Indians had been occasioned by by the former taking unauthorized possession of lands claimed ROTAL GOVERNMENT, 1720 1776. 55 by the latter, to prevent future quarrels from that source, he sent a message to the Cherokees, a numerous and warlike nation, acquainting them that he had presents to make them and would meet them at the borders of their territories, to hold a general congress, to treat of mutual friendship and commerce. They rejoiced at a proposal which implied they were a free people, and immediately the chiefs of thirty-seven different towns set out to meet him. At this congress the Governor gave them several presents — smoked the pipe of peace — and afterwards marked the bound- aries of the lands between them and the English settlers. He also regulated all weights and measures, that justice might be done them in the way of traffic — appointed an agent to superintend their affairs, and proposed to nominate one war- rior as commander-in-chief of the whole nation, before whom all complaints were to be made, and who was to acquaint the Governor with every injury done them. After which the Indians returned to their towns, highly pleased with their generous brother and new ally. The Governor then proceeded to conclude a treaty of commerce and peace with the Creeks, who were also at that time a numerous and formidable nation. He likewise appointed an agent to reside among them, whose business was to regulate Indian affairs in a friendly and equi- table manner, and he fixed on Savannah river as the boundary'- of their hunting lands, beyond which, no settlements were to extend. The policy respecting Indians had hitherto proceeded on the idea of peace and commerce with independent neighbors, and seemed to have little more in view than a share in their superfluous lands and the tranquility of the English settle- ments ; but about this time the projects of the French, for uniting Canada and Louisiana, began to be developed. They had extended themselves northwardly from the Gulf of Mex- ico, and eastwardly from the upper parts of the river Missis- sippi, and had made many friends among the Indians to the southward and westward of Carolina. To counteract the views of the French, Great Britain wished to convert the Indians, on her borders, into allies or subjects. Treaties of union and alliance with them were therefore deemed proper and necessary. For this purpose Sir Alexander Cumming was appointed and sent out to conclude a treaty of alliance with the Cherokees. These Indians occupied the lands about the head of Savannah river, and backwards among the Apa- lachian mountains. The country they claimed as their hunting ground was of immense extent. The inhabitants of their different towns, were computed to amount to more than twenty thousand. Of these, six thousand were warriors, 56 CIVIL HISTOET. fit on any emergency to take the field. An alliance with such a nation was an object of the highest consequence, both to Carolina and the mother country ; the latter of which was now engaged for the defence and protection of the former. At)oi;t the beginning of the year 1730, Sir Alexander Gum- ming arrived in Carolina and made preparations for his journey to the distant hills. When he reached Keowee, about 300 miles from Charlestown, the chiefs of the lower towns met and received him with marks of friendship and esteem. He immediately despatched messengers to the middle, the valley, and overhill settlements ; and summoned a general meeting of all their chiefs to hold a congress with him at Nequasee. In the month of April the chief warriors of all the Cherokee towns assembled at the place appointed. After the various Indian ceremonies were over, Sir Alexander made a speech to them; acquainting them by whose authority he was sent, and representing the great power, and goodness, of his sovereign King George : how he and all his other subjects paid a cheerful obedience to his laws, and of course were pro- tected by him from all harm : that he had come a great way to demand of Moytoy, and all the chieftains of the nation, to acknowledge themselves the subjects of his King, and to promise obedience to his authority; and as he loved them, and was answerable to his sovereign for their good and peace- able behavior, he hoped they would agree to what he should now require of them. Upon which, the chiefs falling on their knees, solemnly promised fidelity and obedience, calling upon all that was terrible to. fall upon them if they violated their promise. Sir Alexander then, by their unanimous consent, nominated Moytoy commander and chief of the Cherokee nation, and enjoined all the warriors, of the different tribes to acknowledge him as their King to whom they were to be ac- countable for their conduct. To this they also agreed, provided Moytoy should be made answerable to Sir Alexander for his behavior to them. After which, many presents were made to them, and the congress ended to the satisfaction of both par- ties. The crown was brought from Tenassee, their chief town, which, with five eagle tails and four scalps of their ene- mies, Moytoy presented to Sir Alexander, requesting him, on his arrival at Britain, to lay them at his majesty's feet. But Sir Alexander proposed to Moytoy that he should depute sorae of their chiefs to accompany him to England, there to do hom- age in person to the great King. Six of them agreed and accompanied Sir Alexander to Charlestown, where, being joined by another, they embarked for England. Being admitted into the presence of the King they, in the name of their nation, promised to continue forever his maj- ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720 1776. 57 esty's faithful and obedient subjects. A treaty* was accord- ingly drawn up and signed by Alured Popple, Secretary to the lords commissioners of trade and plantations on one side, and by the marks of the Indian chiefs on the other. The Cherokees, in consequence of this treaty, for many years re- mained in a state of perfect friendship and peace with the colonists, who followed their various employments in the neighborhood of these Indians without the least terror or molestation. * The preamble to this treaty recites " That, whereas, the six Chiefs, with the consent of the whole nation of Cherokees, at a general meeting of their nation at Nequassee, were deputed by Moytoy, their chief warrior, to attend Sir Alexander Cunimiitg to Great Britain, where they had seen the great King George: and Sir Alexander, by authority from Moytoy and all the Cherokees, had laid down the crown of their nation, with the scalps of their enemies and feathers of glory at his majesty's feet, as a pledge of their loyalty. And, whereas, the great King had commanded the lords commissioners of trade and plantations, to inform the In- dians that the English on all sides of the mountains and lakes, were his people, their friends, his friends, and their enemies, his enemies — that he took it kindly the great nation of Cherokees had sent them so far to brighten the chain of friendship between him and them, and between his people and their people ; that the chain of friendship between him and the Cherokees is now like the sun which shines both in Britain and also upon the great mountains where they live, and equally warms the hearts of Indians and Englishmen; that as there is no spots or black- ness in the sun, so neither is there any rust or foulness on this chain. And as the King has fastened one end to his breast, he desired them to carry the other end of the chain and fasten it to the breast of Moytoy of Telliquo, and to the breasts of all their old wise men, their captains and people, never more to be made loose or broken. The great King and the Cherokees being thus fastened together by a chain of friendship, he has ordered, and it is agreed, that his children in Carolina do trade with the Indians, and furnish them with all manner of goods they want, and to make haste to build houses and plant corn from Charlestown towards the towns of the Cherokees behind the great mountains. That he desires the English and Indians may live together as children of one family; that the Cherokees be always ready to fight against any nation, whether white men or Indians, who shall dare molest or hurt the English — that the nation of Cherokees shall, on their part, take care to keep the trading path clean — that there be no blood on the path where the English tread, even though they should be accompanied with other people with whom the Cherokees may be at war. That the Cherokees shall not suffer their people to trade with white men of any other nation but the Enghsh, nor permit white men of any other nation to build any forts or cabins, or plant any corn among them upon lands which belong to the great King; and if any such at- tempt shall be made, the Cherokees must acquaint the English Governor there- with, and do whatever he directs, in order to maintain and defend the great King's right to the country of Carolina. That if any negroes shall run away into the woods from their English masters, the Cherokees shall endeavor to apprehend them and bring Ihem to the plantation from whence they run away, or to the Gov- ernor, and for every slave so apprehended and brought back, the Indian that brings him shall receive a gun and a watch-coat ; and if by any accident, it shall happen that an Englishman shall kill a Cherokee, the king or chief of the nation shall first complain to the English Governor, and the man who did the harm shall be pun- ished by the English laws as if he had killed an Englishman ; and in like manner if any Indian happens to kill an Englishman, the Indian shall be delivered up to the Governor, to be punished by the same English laws as if he were an English- man.'" This was the substance of the first treaty between the King and the Cherokees, every article of which was accompanied with presents. A speech was at the same lime addressed to the Indians, in which they were informed "that these were the words of the great King whom they had seen; and as a token that his heart was open and true to his cliildren the Cherokees, and to all their people, a belt was given the warriors, which, they were told, the King desired them to keep 58 CIVIL HISTORY. About the beginning of the year 1731, Robert Johnson, who had been proprietary Governor of Carolina, arrived with a commission, investing him with a similar ofBce in behalf of the crown. He brought back these Indian chiefs, possessed with the highest ideasof the power and greatness of the Eng- lish nation, and pleased with the kind and generous treatment they had received. This new Governor, from his knowledge of the province, was well quahfied for his high office; and had a council to assist him, composed of the most influential inhabitants. Thomas Broughton was appointed Lieutenant Governor, and Robert Wright, Chief Justice. The other members of the Council were William Bull, James Kinlock, Alexander Skene, John Fenwicke, Arthur Middleton, Joseph Wragg, Francis Yonge, John Hamerton and Thomas Waring. Mr. Johnson had acted with great spirit in opposing the Carolinians in 1719, when they threw oS the proprietary gov- ernment ; but they had Uberality enough to consider him as having acted solely from a sense of duty and honor. He was not only well received in his new oflace, but the Assembly honored him after his death by erecting a handsome monu- ment to his memory in St. Philip's church, highly applauding his adrhinistration. For the encouragement of the people, now connected with the mother country, several favors were granted them. The restraint upon rice, an enumerated commodity, was partly and show to all their people, to their children, and children's children, to confirm what was now spoken, and to bind this agreement of peace and friendship between the English and Cherokees as long as the rivers shall run, the mountains shall last, or the sun shall shine." In answer to which SIcijagustah, in name of the rest, made a speech to the following effect: " We are come hither from a mountainous place, where notiiing but darkness is to be found — but we are now in a place where there is light. We look upon you as if the great King were present — we love you as representing the great King — we shall die in the same way of thinking — the crown of our nation is different from that which the great King George wears, and from that we saw in the tower, but to us it is all one — the chain of friendship shall be carried to our people — we look upon the great King George as the sun and as our father, and upon ourselves as his children; for though we are red and you are white, yet our hands and hearts are joined together. When we shall have acquainted our people with what we have seen, our children from generation to generation will always remember it. In war we shall always be one with you — the enemies of the great King shall be our enemies — his people and ours shall be one, and shall die together. We came hither naked and poor as the worms of the earth; but you have every thing, and we that have nothing must love you, and will never break the chain of friendship which is between us. This small rope we show you is all that we have to bind our slaves with, and it may be broken, but you have iron chains for yours— however, if we catch your slaves, we will bind them as well as we can, and deliver them to our friends and take no pay for it. Your white people may very safely build houses near us ; we shall hurt nothing that belongs to them, for we are children of one father, the great King, and shall live and die together." Then laying down his feathers upon the table, he added : "This is our way of talking, wiiich is the same thing to us as your letters in the book are to you, and to you, beloved men, we deliver these feathers in confirmation of all we have said." ROTAL GOVERNMENT, 1720 1776. 59 taken oif ; and that it might arrive more seasonably and in better condition at market, the colonists were permitted to send it directly to any port sonthward of Cape Finisterre. A bounty on hemp was also allowed by parliament. The arrears of quit-rents, bought from the proprietors, were remitted by the liberality of the crown. For the benefit of trade, their bills of credit were continued, and seventy-seven thousand pounds were stamped and issued by virtue of an act of the Legislature, called the appropriation law. Seventy pieces of cannon were sent out by the King; and the Governor had instructions to build one fort at Port Royal, and another on the river Alatamaha. An independent company of foot was allowed for their defence by land, and ships of war were sta- tioned on the coast for the protection of trade. From these and several other benefits conferred on the colony, it soon began to emerge from the depths of poverty, and rapidly rose to a state of ease and affluence. As a natural consequence of its domestic security the credit of the province, in England, increased. The merchants of London, Bristol and Liverpool, turned their eyes to Carolina as a new and promising channel of trade; and established houses in Charlestown for conducting their iDusiness with the planters, and poured in slaves for cultivating their lands, and manufactures for supplying their plantations, and furnished them with both on credit and at a cheap rate. With this increased force, the lands were cleared and cultivated with greater facility. The lands rose in value, and men of fore- sight and judgment began to look out and secure the rich spots for themselves. The produce of the province in a few years was doubled. From this period, its exports kept pace with the imports, and secured its credit in England. Hitherto, Carolina had made small progress in cultivation. The face of the country appeared like a desert, with little spots here and there cleared. The colonists were slovenly farmers, owing to the vast quantities of lands and the easy and cheap terms of obtaining them. They were more indebted for a good crop to the natural richness of the soil, than to their own culture and management. They had abundance of the neces- saries and several of the conveniences of life. But their habitations were clumsy, miserable wooden huts. Charles- town, at this time, consisted of between five and six hundred houses, mostly built of timber, and neither comfortable nor well constructed. Henceforward the province improved in building as well as in other respects. Many ingenious arti- ficers and tradesmen of different kinds, found encouragement in it, and introduced a taste for brick buildings, and more neat and pleasant habitations. As the colony increased, the 60 CIVIL HISTORY. face of the country exhibited an appearance of industry and plenty. For the farther security of Carolina, the settlement of a new colony between the rivers Alatamaha and Savannah was, about the year 1732, projected in England. This large terri- tory lay waste without any civilized inhabitants. The new province was called Georgia in honor of the King, who greatly encouraged the undertaking. While the security of Carolina against external enemies, by this settlement of Georgia, engaged the attention of the British government, the means of its internal improvement and popu- lation were not neglected. John Peter Pury, of Neufchatel in Switzerland, having formed a design of leaving his native country, paid a visit to Carolina, in order to inform himself of the circumstances and situation of the province. After viewing the lands he returned to Britain. The government entered into a contract with him, and agreed to give lands and four hundred pounds sterling for every hundred effective men he should transport from Switzerland to Carolina. Pury having drawn up a flat- tering account of the soil and climate,* and of the excellence and freedom of the provincial government, returned to Swit- zerland and published it among the people. Immediately one hundred and seventy Switzers agreed to follow him, and were transported to the fertile and delightful province as he described it. Not long afterwards two hundred more came and joined them. The Governor, agreeably to instructions, allowed forty thousand acres of land for the use of the Swiss settlement on the northeast side of Savannah river ; and a town was marked out for their accommodation, which was called Purysburg, from the name of the principal promoter of the settlement. Mr. Bignion, a Swiss minister, whom they had engaged to go with them, having received Episcopal ordination from the Bishop of London, settled among them for their religious instruction. The Governor and Council, happy in the acquisition of such a force, allotted to each of them his separate tract of land and gave every encourage- ment in their power to the people. The Swiss emigrants began their labors with uncommon zeal and energy ; highly elevated with the idea of possessing landed estates. But in a short time they felt the many inconveniences attending a change of climate. Several of them sickened and died, and others found the hardships of the first state of colonization * This may be found ia Anderson's History of Commerce. It proceeds on the idea that countries lying in tlie 32d degree of North latitude, (the site of Palestine and of South Carolina,) are remarkable for their fertility; the production of the most valuable commodities, and other good qualities. ROTAL GOVERNMENT, 1720 1776. 61 much greater than they expected. They became discontented. Smarting under the pressure of indigence and disappointment, they not only blamed Pury for deceiving them, but repented tiieir leaving their native country. According to a new plan, adopted in England, for the more speedy population and settlement of the province, the Gov- ernor had instructions to mark out eleven townships in square plats on the sides of rivers consisting each of twenty thousand acres ; and to divide the land within them into shares of fifty acres for each man, woman, and child that should come to occupy and improve them. Each township was to form a parish, and all the inhabitants were to have an equal right to the river. So soon as the parish should increase to the num- ber of an hundred families they were to have a right to send two members, of their own election, to the Assembly and to enjoy the same privileges as the other parishes already estab- lished. Each settler was to pay four shillings a year for every hundred acres of land, except the first ten years ; during which term they were to be rent free. Accordingly ten town- ships were marked out; two on river Alatamaha, two on Savannah, two on Santee, one on Pedee, one on Wacamaw, one on Wateree, and one on Black river. By this time accounts of the great privileges granted by the Crown, for the encouragement of- settlers in the province had been published through Britain and Ireland ; and many industrious people had resolved to take the benefit of the royal bounty. Multitudes of laborers and husbandmen in Ireland oppressed, by landlords and bishops, and unable to procure a comfortable subsistence for their families, embarked for Carolina. The first colony of Irish people had lands granted to them ; and about the year 1734 formed the settle- ment called Williamsburg township. But notwithstanding the bounty of the Crown they remained for several years in low and distressing circumstances. The climate proved fatal to numbers of them. In consequence of hard labor and scanty provisions at the commencement of the settlement a considerable number, debihtated in body and dejected in spirits, sickened and died. But as this township received frequent supplies from the same quarter, the Irish settlers amidst every hardship increased in number. Having ob- tained' credit with the merchants for negroes they were, relieved from the severest part of their labor. By this aid, and their own industry, spots of land were cleared, which in a short period yielded them plenty of provisions and in time became fruitful estates. In proportion as Carolina flourished and extended, the Spaniards of Florida became more troublesome. At this time 62 CIVIL HISTORY. there were about forty thousand negroes in the province. Long had hberty and protection been promised and proclaimed to them by the Spaniards at St. Augustine. At different times Spanish emissaries had been found secretly persuading them to fly from their masters to Florida, and several had made their escape to that settlement Of these negro refugees, the Gov- ernor of Florida formed a regiment, appointed officers from among themselves, allowed them the same pay, and clothed them in the same uniform with the regular Spanish soldiers. The most sensible part of the slaves in Carolina, were not ignorant of this Spanish regiment, for when they ran away, they constantly directed their course to that quarter. While Carolina was kept in a state of constant fear, an insur- rection, which alarmed the whole province, broke out in the heart of the settlement. In the year 1740 a number of ne- groes having assembled together at Stono, surprised and killed two young men in a warehouse and then plundered it of guns and ammunition. Being thus provided with arms, they elected one of their number captain, put themselves under his command, and marched towards the southwest with colors flying and drums beating. They forcibly entered the house of Mr. Godfrey, and having murdered him, his wife and chil- dren, they took all the arms he had in it, set fire to the house, and proceeded towards Jaoksonborough. In their way they plundered and burnt every house, killed the white people, and compelled the negroes to join them. Governor Bull, returning to Charlestown from the southward met them, and observing them armed, quickly rode out of their way. He crossed over to Johns Island, and from thence came to Charlestown with the first intelligence. Mr. Golightly in like manner met the armed black insurgents, and rode out of their way; but went directly to the Presbyterian church at Wiltown, and gave the alarm. By a law of the province, all planters were obliged to carry their arms to church. Mr. Golightly joined the armed men, thus providentially assembled, and proceeded with them directly from the church, to engage the negroes about eight miles distant. The women were left trembling with fear, while the militia under the command of Captain Bee, marched in quest of" the negroes, who by this time, had become formidable from the number that joined them. They had marched above fifteen miles, and spread desolation through all the plantations in their way. Having found rum in some houses and drank freely of it, they halted in an open field and began to sing and dance by way of triumph. During these rejoicings, the militia came up and stationed themselves iQ different places to prevent their escape. The intoxication ol several of the slaves, favored the assailants. One party ad- ROYAL GOVERNMENT, ] 720 1776. 63 vanced into the open field and attacked them.* Having killed some negroes, the remainder took to the woods, and were dispersed. Many ran hack to their plantations, in hopes of escaping snspicion from the ahsence of their masters ; but the greater part were taken and tried. Such as had been com- pelled to join, contrary to their inchnations, were pardoned ; but the leaders and first insurgents suff'ered death. All Carolina was struck with consternation by this insurrec- tion, in which about twenty persons were murdered, and had not the people in that quarter been armed and collected at church, it is probable many more would have sufi'ered. It was commonly believed, and not without reason, that the Spaniards, by their secret influence and intrigues with slaves had instigated them to this massacre. To prevent further attempts Governor Bull sent an express to General Oglethorpe, with advice of the insurrection, desiring him to double his vigilance in Georgia and seize all straggling Spaniards and negroes. At the same time a company of rangers were em- ployed to patrol the frontiers, and block up all passages by which they might make their escape to Florida. About this time, November 18th, 1740, nearly one-half of Charlestown was consumed by fire. It began about two o'clock P. M., and continued until eight. The houses being built of wood, and the wind blowing hard at northwest, the flames spread with astonishing rapidity. From the south side of Broad street to Granville's Bastion, almost every house was at one time in flames except the north side of Broad street and the north end of the Bay; the trading part of the town, was nearly destroyed. The rum, pitch, tar, turpentine, and gunpowder, in the different stores, served to spread the deso- lating element. A violent wind carried the burning shingles to a great distance. While floating in the air they added to the borrow of the scene, and falling on remote houses, excited new conflagrations rivalling the first. The cries of children and the shrieks of women propagated a general alarm. The anxiety of each individual for his own connections, prevented united exertions for common safety; while flames bursting forth from different quarters at the same time, nearly induced despair of saving any part of the town. The fire continued to spread desolation, until the calmness of the evening closed the ^' The militia attacked the negroes just as they had dined, and were preparing to move off. They had a few minutes before fired the dwelling house at a planta- tion which has been ever since called " Battlefield." As soon as they discovered the white people, their black captain, named Cato, who had two loaded guns, immediately discharged one, and as he stooped to get the other, w^as shot down. After this, the survivors made but little resistance, scattered, and endeavored to escape. The fire in the house was extinguished, afterburning a hole in the floor. This was sulTered to remain open for many years, as a memorial of the transaction. 64 CIVIL HISTORY. dreadful scene. Three hundred of the best buildings wer consumed, which, together with loss of goods and couritr commodities, amounted to a prodigious sum. Few lives wer lost, but the lamentations of ruined families were heard ii every quarter. From a flourishing condition, the town wa; reduced in the space of six hours to a most deplorable state The inhabitants, whose houses escaped the flames, kindly in vited their unfortunate neighbors to them, so that two or thre( famihes were lodged in places built only for the accommoda tion of one. After the legislature met they agreed to maki application to the British parliament for relief It votec twenty thousand pounds sterling, to be distributed among th( sufferers. This relief was seasonable and useful on the on( side, and displayed a generous and noble spirit on the other Since the province was taken under the royal care, it was nursed and protected by a rich and powerful nation. It; government was staple, private property secure, and the privi- leges of the people extensive. The planters obtained lands from the King at a cheap rate. The mother country furnished laborers upon credit; each person had entire liberty to manage his affairs for his own profit and advantage, and having no tythes and very trifling taxes to pay, reaped almost the whole fruits of his industry. He obtained British manufactures at an easy rate, and drawbacks were allowed on articles oi foreign manufacture that they might be brought cheaper to the American market. Frugal industrious planters, every three or four years, doubled their capital and their progress towards independence and opulence was rapid. The plan of setthng townships, especially as it was accom- panied with the royal bounty, proved beneficial in many re- spects. It encouraged multitudes of poor oppressed people in Ireland, Holland, and Germany, to emigrate ; by which means the province received a number of useful settlers. As many of them came from manufacturing towns in Europe, it might haVe been expected that they would naturally have pursued the occupations to which they had been bred and in which their chief skill consisted; but this was by no means the case, for, excepting a few that took up their residence in Charles- town, they applied themselves to grazing and agriculture. By raising hemp, wheat, and corn, in the interior parts of the country, and curing hams, bacon, and beef, they supplied the market with abundance of provisions. As every family of laborers was an acquisition to the country, for the encouragement of settlers to migrate thither and improve the vacant lands, a door was opened to protes- tants of every nation. Lands free from quit-rents for the first ten years were allotted to men, women, and children. With ROYAi; GOVEBNMENT, 1720 1776. 65 their bounty-money they purchased utensils for cultivation, and hogs and cows to begin their stock. The like bounty was allowed to all servants, after the expiration of the term of their servitude. From this period Carolina was found to be an ex- cellent refuge to the poor, the unfortunate, and oppressed. The population and prosperity of her colonies, engrossed the atten- tion of the mother country. His majesty's bounty served to alleviate the hardships inseparable from the first years of cul- tivation ; and landed property animated the emigrants to industry and perseverance. The different townships yearly increased in numbers. Every one, upon his arrival, obtained his grant of land and sat down on his freehold with no taxes, or very trifling ones, and enjoyed full liberty to hunt and fish, together with many other advantages and privileges he never knew in Europe. If they could not be called rich during their own lives, by improving their little freeholds, they commonly left their children in easy circumstances. Even in the first stage, being free and contented, their condition in many re- spects was preferable to that of laborers in Europe. In all improved countries, where commerce and manufacture have been long established and luxury prevails, the lower classes are oppressed and miserable. In Carolina, persons of that description though exposed to more troubles and hardships for a few years, had better opportunities than in Europe for advancing to an easy and independent State. Hence it hap- pened that few emigrants ever returned to their native country; on the contrary, the success and prosperity of the most fortu- nate brought many adventurers and relations after them. Their love to their former friends, aud their natural partiality for their countrymen, induced the old planters to receive the new settlers joyfully and even to assist and relieve them. Each individual possessing his own property, a reciprocal in- dependence produced mutual respect and beneficence. Such general harmony and industry reigned among them that the townships, from a desolate wilderness, soon became fruitful fields. The vast quantities of unoccupied land furnished the poor emigrants with many advantages. While they were encoun- tering the hardships of the first years of cultivation, the incon- veniences gradually decreased in proportion to their improve- ments. The merchants being favored with credit from Britain, were enabled to extend it to the inhabitants. The planters having established their characters for honesty and industry, obtained negroes to assist them in the harder tasks of clearing and cultivating the soil. Their wealth consisted in the in- crease of their slaves, stock, and improvements. Having abundance of waste land, they extended their culture in pro- 5 66 CIVIL HISTORY. portion to their capital. They lived almost entirely on the produce of their estates, and consequently spent but a small part of their annual income. The surplus was yearly added to the capital, and they enlarged their prospects in proportion to their wealth and strength. If there was a great demand at market for the commodities the}'- raised, their progress became rapid beyond expectation. They labored and received in- creasing encouragement to persevere until they advanced to an easy and comfortable state. It has been observed on the other hand, that few of the settlers who brought much pro- perty with them succeeded as well as those who brought little or none. It was pre-eminently a good poor man's country. If the emigrant chose to follow his trade, the high price of labor was no less encouraging. By the indulgence of the merchants, or by the security of a friend he obtained credit for a few negroes. He taught them his trade, and a few good tradesman well employed were equal to a small estate. In a little time he acquired some money; and, like several others in the city whose yearly gain exceeded what is requisite for the support of themselves and families, put it out on interest. The legal interest of the province was ten per cent, till 1748, and eight per cent, from that year till 1777. This high rate induced many who were unwilling to settle plantations, to choose this method of increasing their fortune. If the money lender followed his employment in the capital, or reserved in his hands a sufficiency for family use, and allowed the inter- est to be added yearly to the capital stock, his fortune soon became considerable. Several persons preferred this method of accumulating riches to that of cultivation; especially those whom age or infirmity had rendered unfit for action and fatigue. Notwithstanding the extensive credit commonly allowed by the merchants, the number of borrowers always exceeded that of the lenders of money. Having vast extent of territory the planters were eager to obtain laborers, which raised the de- mand for money and kept up a high rate of interest. The in- terest of money in every country is for the most part according to the demand, and the demand according to the profits made by the use of it. The profits must always be great where men can afford to take money at the rate of eight or ten per cent. In Carolina laborers on good lands cleared their first cost and charges in a few years, and therefore the demand for money to procure them was great The borrower of money obtained his landed estate from the crown. The quit-rents and taxes were inconsiderable. Being both, landlord and farmer he had perfect liberty to manage and improve his plantation as he pleased, and was accounta- ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720 1776. 67 ble to none for the fruits of his industry. His estate furnished him with game and fish, which he could kill and use at pleas- ure. In the woods his cattle, hogs, and horses grazed at their ease attended, perhaps only by a negro boy. He had calves, hogs, and poultry in abundance for the use of his family. He could turn his able laborers to the field, and exert all their energies in raising the staple commodities of the country. Having provision from domestic resources, he could apply his whole crop for the purposes of answering the de- mands of the merchant and money lender. He calculated that his annual produce would not only answer all demands, but bring aa addition to his capital, and enable him to clear and cultivate more land. In proportion as the merchants ex- tended credit to the planters, and supplied them with laborers, the profits of their plantations increased. The lands which were cultivated in South Carolina, for the first eighty years after the settlement of the province, were, for the most part, situated on or near navigable creeks or rivers. The planters who lived fifty miles from the capital were at little more expense, in sending their provisions and produce to its market, than those who lived within five miles of it. The town was supplied with plenty of provisions, and its neighborhood prevented from enjoying a monopoly of its market. By this general and unlimited competition, the price of provisions was kept low. While the money arising from them circulated equally and universally through the country, it contributed, in return, to its improvement. The planters had not only water carriage to the market for their staple commodities, but, on their arrival, the merchant again committed them to the general tide of commerce, and re- ceived, in return, the valuable commodities of every clime. The Carolinians all this time received protection to trade, a ready market, drawbacks and bounties from the mother coun- try. The duties laid on many articles of foreign manufac- ture, on their importation into Britain, were drawn back on their exportation to the colonies. These drawbacks were always in favor of the consumers, and supplied the provin- cial markets with foreign goods nearly as cheap as if they had been immediately imported from the places where they were manufactured. Besides, upon the arrival of such goods in the country, the planters commonly had twelve months credit from the provincial merchant who was satisfied with payment once in the year from all his customers. To the consumers in Carolina, East India goods, German manufac- tures, Spanish, Portugal, Madeira and Fayal wines came cheaper than to those in Great Britain. Coal, salt, and other 68 CIVIL HISTORY. articles, brought by way of ballast, have sometimes sold for less in Charlestown than in London. The colonists were also allowed bounties on several articles of produce exported. For the encouragement ofher colonies, Great Britain laid high duties on such as were imported from foreign countries, and gave the colonists premiums on the same com- modities. The bounties on naval stores, indigo, hemp and raw silk proved an encouragement to industry, and all termi- nated in favor of the planters. The colonial merchants en- joyed perfect freedom in their trade with the West Indies, where they found a convenient and most excellent market for Indian corn, rice, lumber and salt provisions. In return they had , rum, sugar, coffee and molasses cheaper than their fellow subjects in the mother country. Great Britain laid the colonists under some restraints with respect to their domestic manufactures and their trade to foreign ports. Though this policy affected the more northern colonies, it was not prejudicial to Carolina. It served to direct the views of the people to the culture of lands, which was more profitable both to themselves and the mother country. Though they had plenty of beaver skins, and a few hats were manufactured from them, yet the price of labor was so high that the merchant could send the skins to England, import hats made of them, and undersell the manufacturers of Caro- lina. The province also furnished some wool and cotton, but before they could be made into cloth, they cost the consumers more money than the merchant demanded for the same goods ' imported. It afforded leather, but boots and shoes made from it at home were of an inferior quality, and often dearer than the same articles imported from Britain. In like manner, wit?i respect to many other commodities, it was for the ad- vantage of the province, as well as the mother country, to export the raw materials and import the goods manufac- tured. Cultivation was, therefore, the most profitable employ- ment. It was the interest of such a flourishing colony to be always in debt to Great Britain, for the more laborers were sent the more rapidly the colony advanced in riches. If, from an unfavorable season, the planters were rendered unable to pay for the slaves they had purchased, the merchants gener- ally indulged them another year, and sometimes allowed th'em to increase their debt by addititional purchases. This was often found the most certain method of obtaining payment In like manner the merchant had indulgence from England, the primary source of credit. By these forbearances the plan- ter preserved, and often increased, his capital, while the differ- ence of interest between the mother country and the province, ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720 1776. 69 amounting at first to five, and always to three, per cent., was clear gain to the merchants. Such was the general course of prosperity with which the royal province of South Carolina was Ijlessed in the interval between the termination of the proprietary government in 1719, and the American revolution in 1776. No colony was ever better governed The first and second Georges were nursing fathers to the province. Tliey performed to it the full orbed duty of Kings, and their paternal care was returned with the most ardent love and affection of their subjects in Carolina. The advantages were reciprocal. The colonists enjoyed the protection of Great Britain, and in return she had a monopoly of their trade. The mother country received great benefit from this intercourse, and the colony, under her protecting care, became great and happy. In South Carolina an enemy to the Hanoverian succession, or to the British Constitution, was scarcely known. The inhabitants were fond of British manners even to excess. They, for the most part, sent their children to England or Scotland for education, and spoke of these countries under the endearing appellation of home. They were enthusiasts for the government under which they had grown up and flourished. All ranks and orders of men gloried in their connection with the mother country, and in being subjects of the same king. The laws of the British Parliament, confining their trade for the benefit of the protecting parent state, were generally and cheerfully obeyed. Few countries have, at any time, exhibited so strik- ing an instance of public and private prosperity as appeared in South Carolina between the years 1725 and 1775. The inhabitants of the province were, in that half century, in- creased seven fold. None were indigent but the idle and un- fortunate. Personal independence was fully within the reach of every man who was healthy and industrious. All were secure in their persons and property. They were also con- tented 'with their colonial state, and wished not for the smallest change in their political constitution. In the midst of these enjoyments, and the most sincere attachment to the mother country, to their king and his gov- erntnent, the people of South Carolina, without any original design on their part, were, step by step, drawn into a defen- sive revolutionary war, which involved them in every species of difficulty, and finally dissevered them from the parent state. But before we proceed to relate these interesting events, some more early periods of the history of South Carolina must be surveyed. 70 MILITARY HISTORY. THE MILITARY HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, FROM 1670 TO 1776. CHAPTER V- — SECTION I. Contest with Spaniards. All the forms of goverairient, hitherto of force in Carolina, agreed in this particular : that every subject or citizen should also be a soldier. There was a nightly watch maintained in Charlestown ever since it was five years old, and, for the most part, by men hired for the purpose. But in all other times and situations the defence of the country rested solely on the militia, except in cases of great pressing and continued danger. The laws required every freeman of a suitable age, with a few necessary exemptions, to be enrolled as a member of some militia company and to be equipped and trained for public service. The necessity of this was so evident, that till about the middle of the 18th century, the practice was common and the men were enjoined by law to carry their arms to church.* The people could not brook a standing army in time of peace, but were required to be always ready to defend themselves. This was indispensably necessary, in their peculiar situation. The province was not only constantly exposed to internal danger ; but its peace was early and repeatedly disturbed by Spaniards, Indians, and pirates. Carolina, with the English, was the southern part of Virginia; with the Spaniards it was the northern part of Florida. Both claimed by virtue of prior discovery, but the title of the Spaniards was supposed to be strengthened by a grant of the territory from his holiness the' pope. Though the validity of the title of either could not be supported, before an impartial tribunal, yet a century passed away and much mischief was done before the controversy was compromised. The Spaniards considering the settlement of Carolina as an encroachment on Florida, were not scrupu- lous about the means of inducing its relinquishment. They encouraged indented servants to leave their masters, and fly to St. Augustine for protection. They impressed the Indians with unfavorable ideas of the English heretics, and encouraged * The province was saved from much impending distress and desolation by an armed congregation sallying forth from the Presbyterian church at Wiltown in 1740, as has been related. The practice of going armed to churchj was revived for a short time in the revolutionary war. For fifleen or twenty years before thai event, and ever since, it has not been observed; but a formal repeal of the law cannot be recollected. CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS. 71 the former to obstruct the settlements of the latter. To these unneighborly acts were added occasional hostilities. In about three years after the first settlement of the province an armed party of Spaniards, from the garrison of St. Augustine, ad- vanced as far as the island of St. Helena to dislodge or destroy the settlers. Fifty volunteers under the command of Colonel Godfrey marched against the invaders, who, on his approach, evacuated the island and retreated to Florida. About the year 1682, Lord Cardross led a small colony from Scotland which settled on Port Royal Island. These claimed, by an agreement with the proprietors, a co-ordinate authority with the Governor and Council at Charlestown ; but their claims were overruled. The Spaniards sent an armed force in 1786, and dislodged these solitary scotch settlers and most of them returned to their native country.* These hostilities of the Spaniards were retaliated. In 1702, Governor James Moore proposed to the Assembly of Carolina an expedition against the Spanish settlement at St. Augustine. A majority of the Assembly declared for the expedition, and two thousand pounds sterling were voted for the service. They agreed to raise six hundred provincial militia, an equal number of Indians were procured, and vessels impressed to carry the forces. Port Royal was fixed on as the place of rendezvous, and from it in September 1702 the Governor at the head of his warriors embarked. In the plan of operations it had been agreed that Colonel Daniel, with a detached party, should go by the inland pas- sage and make a descent on the town from the land ; while the Governor, with the main body, should proceed by sea and block up the harbor. Colonel Daniel accordingly advanced against the town, entered and plundered it before the Govenor arrived. But the Spaniards having laid up provisions for four months in the castle, retired to it with their money and most valuable effects. Upon the arrival of Governor Moore the place was invested with a force which the Spaniards could not face, and therefore kept themselves shut up in their strong- hold. The Governor finding it impossible to dislodge them, without suitable artillery, dispatched colonel Daniel with a sloop to Jamaica to bring cannon, bombs, and mortars for attacking the castle. In the meantime the appearance of two Spanish ships, one of twenty-two guns, and the other of six- teen, near the mouth of the harbor, induced the Governor to raise the siege, abandon his ships and retreat to Carolina by land. The Spaniards in the garrison were not only relieved * The governmental seal, used for this settlement, -was carried to Scotland ; but, in the year, 1793, it was politely returned by the Earl of Buchan as an object of curiosity, a ad is now placed in the Museum of the Charleston Library. 72 MILITARY HISTORY. but the ships, provisions, and ammunition, belonging to the Carohnians, fell into their hands. Colonel Daniel, on his re- turn, standing in for the harbor of St. Augustine, found to his surprise the siege raised, and with difficulty escaped from the enemy. The Governor lost no more than two men in this expedition, yet it entailed on the colony a debt of six thousand pounds sterling which, at that period, was a grievous burden. The provincial assembly met to concert ways and means for dis- charging it. A bill was brought in for stamping bills of credit, to answer the public exigence, which were to be sunk in three years by a duty on liquors, skins, and furs. This was the first paper money issued in the province, and, for five or six years, it passed at the same value and rate with the ster- ling money of England. Thus war, debt, and paper money, were coeval in Carolina; and connected as cause and effect in the order in which they are mentioned. Four years after the termination of Moore's expedition against St. Augustine the Spaniards and French, then at war with Great Britain, projected a combined attack on Charles- town ; with a view of recovering the province claimed by the Spaniards as a part of Florida. Sir Nathaniel Johnson, then Governor, had been a military man and was well qualified to conduct its defence. No sooner had he received intelligence of the designs of the enemy, than he set every one to work upon the fortifications, appointed a nxxmber of gunners to each bastion, and diligently trained the men to the use of arms. A small fort, called fort Johnson, was erected on James Island and several cannon mounted thereon. Intrenchments were made on White Point, and other suitable places. A guard was stationed on Sullivan's Island, with orders to kindle a number of fires opposite the town equal to the number of ships they might see on the coast. Carolina was at this juncture the southern frontier of the British empire in America; and though it had acquired some degree of strength, was in a feeble state to resist an enemy of force. From its situation there was reason to apprehend that the French and Spaniards would attack it, as it would be an easier conquest than the more populous northern settlements. Before this time a plan had been concerted at the Havanna, for invading it. Monsieur Le Feboure, with a french frigate and four armed sloops, encouraged and assisted by the Spanish Governor of Cuba, sailed for Charlestown. To facilitate the conquest. Monsieur Le Feboure had directions to touch at St. Augustine and carry from it such a force as he judged ade- quate to the enterprise. Upon his arrival there, he received intelligence of an epidemical distemper, which raged at Charles- CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS. 73 town and had destroyed a vast number of inhabitants. In- stead of discouraging, this animated him to proceed with greater expedition. He took on board a considerable number offerees and sailed for Charlestown. The appearance of five seperate smokes on Sullivan's Island, announced to the in- habitants that the same number of ships was observed on the coast. Sir Nathaniel Johnson being at his plantation, several miles from town, Lieut. Col. Wm. Rhett, commanding officer of the militia, immediately ordered the whole of the inhabitants to be put under arms. A messenger was dispatched with the news to the Governor, and letters were sent to all the captains of the militia in the country ordering them to fire alarm guns — raise their companies — and to march with all possible expedi- tion to the assistance of Charlestown. In the evening the enemy's fleet came near to the bar; but, as the passage was intricate and dangerous, they hovered on the coast all night within sight of land. Having come to an anchor, they employed their boats all the next day in sounding the south bar. This delay afforded time for the militia in the country to march to town. Governor Johnson, on his arrival, found the inhabitants in great consternation ; but his presence, as a man of known bravery and military capacity, inspired them with confidence and resolution. He proclaimed martial law at the head of the militia — issued the necessary orders for their conduct, and sent to the Indian tribes in alliance with the colony to come immediately to his assistance. As a contagious distemper was said to rage in Charlestown, the Governor judged it im- prudent to expose his men unnecessarily to danger; and therefore held his headquarters about half a mile distant from the town. In the evening, a troop of horse commanded by Captain George Logan, and two companies of foot under the command of Major George Broughton, reached the capital and kept watch during the night. The next morning a com- pany from James Island, commanded by Captain Drake, another from Wands under Captain Fenwicke, and five more commanded by Captains Cantey, Lynch, Kearn, Longbois, and Seabrook, joined the other militia. The principal force of the province with the Governor at their head, was now assembled in and near Charlestown. The day following, the enemy's four ships and a galley came over the bar, and stood directly for the town, having the ad- vantages of a fair wind and strong tide. When they had advanced so far up the river as to discover the fortifications, they cast anchor a little above Sallivan's Island. The Gov- ernor observing their approach towards the town, marched his 74 MILITARY HISTOET. men into it to receive them ; but finding they had stopped by the way, he had time to call a council of war; in which it was agreed to put some great guns on board of such ships as were in the harbor, and employ the sailors, in their own "way, for the better defence of the town. William Rhett, a man of cour- age and conduct, received a commission to be Vice-Admiral of this little fleet ; and hoisted his flag on board the Crown galley. The enemy sent up a flag of truce to the Governor to sum- mon him to surrender. George Evans, who commanded Granville bastion, received their messenger on his landing from the boat, and conducted him bliiidfolded into the fort, until the Governor was in readiness to receive him. In the mean- time having drawn up his men in such a manner as to make them appear to the greatest advantage, he admitted the French officer; and having first shown him one fort full of men, con- ducted him by a different route to another, where the same men sent by a shorter way were drawn up before hand. Having given him a view of his strength, he demanded the purport of his message ; the officer told him that he was sent by Monsieur Le Feboure, Admiral of the French fleet, to demand a surrender of the town and country, and of their persons as prisoners of war ; adding that his orders allowed him no more than one hour for an answer. Governor Johnson re- plied, " There was no occasion for one minute to answer that message ; that he held the town and country for the Queen of England, and could depend on his men, who would sooner die than surrender themselves prisoners of war ; that he was resolved to defend the place to the last drop of his blood ;" and informed the officer " that he might go when he pleased and acquaint Monsieur Le Feboure with his resolution." The day following, a party of the enemy went ashore on James Island and burnt some houses. Another party, con- sisting of an hundred and sixty men, landed on the opposite side of the river and burnt two vessels in Dearby's creek, and set fire to a store-house. Sir Nathaniel Johnson ordered Cap- tain Drake and his company, with a small party of Indians to James Island, to oppose the enemy on that side. Drake marched against them, but before he could bring up his men the Indians, who ran through the woods with their usual im- petuosity, had driven the invaders to their boats. At the same time advice was brought to town, that the party who landed on Wands neck had killed a number of hogs and cattle and were feasting on the plunder. To prevent their farther pro- gress into the country. Captain Cantey, with one hundred chosen men, was ordered to pass the river privately in the night and watch their motions. Before break of day the CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS. 75 Captain came up and finding them in a state of security, sur- rounded and attacked them hriskly. They were thrown into confusion and fled. Some were killed, others drowned in attempting to make their escape, and the remainder surren- dered prisoners of war. The Carolinians, encouraged and animated by their success at land, determined to try their fortune by sea. Accordingly William Rhett set sail with his fleet of six small ships, and proceeded down the river to the place where the enemy rode at anchor ; but the French perceiving this fleet standing towards them weighed anchor and sailed over the bar. For some days nothing more was heard of them. The Governor ordered Cap- tain Watson, of the Sea Flower, out to sea to examine whether the coast was clear. The Captain returned without seeing the enemy ; but observing some men on shore, whom they had left behind, he took them on board and brought them to town. These men assured the Governor that the French were gone. In consequence thereof orders were given for the cessa- tion of martial law, and the inhabitants began to rejoice at their happy deliverance. But before night, advice was brought that a ship of force was seen in Sevvee Bay, and that a number of armed men had landed from her. Upon examination of the prisoners the Governor found that the French expected a ship of war with Monsieur Arbuset, their General, and a reinforcement of two hundred men to their assistance. The Governor ordered Captain Fenwicke to pass the river and march against them by land, while Rhett with a Dutch privateer and an armed Bermuda sloop sailed round by sea to meet him at Sewee Bay. Captain Fenwicke came up with the enemy and briskly charged them. Though advantageously posted, after a few voliies, they gave way and retreated to their ship. Rhett soon after came to Fenwicke's assistance, and the French ship struck without firing a shot. The Vice Admiral returned to Charlestown with his prize and ninety prisoners. Thus ended Monsieur Le Feboure's invasion of Carolina ; little to his own honor as a commander, and less to the credit and courage of his men. It is probable he expected to find the province in a weak and defenceless situation, and that the Governor would instantly surrender on his appearance before the town. But he was deceived. Governor Johnson was a man of approved courage and conduct. The militia undertook the various enterprises assigned to them with the spirit of men, and success crowned their endeavers. Out of eight hundred who came against the colony, near three hundred were killed and taken prisoners. Among the latter were Monsieur Arbuset, their Commander-in-Chief by land, with several sea ofiicers ; 76 MILITARY HISTOET. who, together, offered ten thousand pieces of eight for their ransom. On the other hand, the loss sustained by the provin- cial militia was incredibly small. The Governor publicly thanked them for the unanimity and courage they had shown in repelling the invaders. The proprietors were so highly pleased with Johnson's good conduct that they made him a present of a large tract of land by a special grant in terms the most flattering and honorable.* Though hostilities had been carried on by the Spaniards against Carolina, to reclaim it as a part of Florida, the bound- aries between these provinces were neither clearly marked nor well understood ; for they had never been settled by any public agreement between England and Spain. To prevent ne- groes escaping to the Spanish territories the Carolinians had built a fort on the forks of the river Alatamaha, and supported a small garrison in it. This gave offence to the Governor of St. Augustine, who complained of it to the court of Madrid as an encroachment on the dominions of Spain. The Spanish Ambassador at London lodged the complaint before the court of Britain, and demanded that orders should be sent to de- molish the fort. It was agreed that the Governors in America on both sides should meet in an amicable manner, and adjust the respective boundaries between the British and Spanish dominions in that quarter. Accordingly Don Francisco Me- nandez and Don Joseph de Rabiero, in behalf of Spain, came to Charlestown to hold a conference on the subject with the executive officers of the government. At their meeting Ar- thur Middleton, President of the Council, demonstrated to the Spanish deputies that the fort, against which complaint had been made was built within the bounds of the charter granted to the proprietors and that the pretensions of Spain to the lands in question were groundless. At the same time he told them that the fort, on the river Alatamaha, was erected for de- fending themselves and their property against the depredations of Indians living under the jurisdiction of Spain. Mr. Mid- * This land and the original special grant are now in the possession of Joseph Maniganlt. This repelled invasion was ridiculed in a humorous burlesque poetn written above one hundred years ago in French, by one of the garrison, probably a French refugee. The poet makes the Governor, in his answer to the inva- ders, requiring an immediate surrender of the town and country to say as fol- lows : " Que s'ils altaquoient notre camp, lis y trOLiveroient bien miUe hommes, Qui ne se battroient pas de pommes, Outre cinq cens Refuges Que la France a repudies, Et reduits presque a l'Indigen9e, Qui ne respiroient que vengence, Ce qu'on leur feroit eprouver, S'ils ozoient nous venir trouver." CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS. 77 dleton then begged to know their reasons " for protecting felons and debtors that fled to them from Carohna, and for encouraging negroes to leave their masters and take refuge at St. Augustine, while peace subsisted between the two crowns." The deputies replied, "that the Governor of Florida would deliver up all felons and debtors ; but had express orders, for twenty years past, to detain all slaves who should fly to St. Augustine for liberty and protection." Mr. Middleton de- clared that he looked on such orders as a breach of national honor and faith, especially, as negroes were as much private property in Carolina as houses and lands." The deputies an- swered, " that the design of the King of Spain was not to injure any one, for he had ordered compensation to be made to the masters of such slaves in money; but that his humanity, and religion, enjoined him to issue such orders for the sake of converting slaves to the Christian faith." The conference ended to the satisfaction of neither party, and matters re- mained as they were ; but soon after the English fort, near the Alatamaha, was burned to the ground ; and the southern frontiers of Carolina were again left naked and defenceless. As no final agreement with respect to the limits of the two provinces had been concluded, the Indians, in alliance with Spain, continued to harrass the British settlements. Scalping parties of the Yamassees frequently penetrated into Carolina — killed white men, and carried off every negro they could find. Though the owners of slaves had been allowed from the Span- ish government a compensation in money for their losses, yet few of them ever received it. At length. Colonel Palmer resolved to make reprisals on the plunderers. For this pur- pose, he gathered together a party of militia and friendly Indians, consisting of about three hundred men, and entered Florida, with a resolution of spreading desolation throughout the province. He carried his arms as far as the gates of St. Augustine, and compelled the inhabitants to take refuge in their castle. Scarce a house or hut in the colony escaped the flames. He destrojred theii; provisions in the fields — drove off their cattle, hogs and horses, and left the Floridians little pro- perty, except what was protected by the guns of their fort. By this expedition, he demonstrated to the Spaniards their weakness; and that the Carohnians, whenever they pleased, could prevent the cultivation and settlement of their province so as to render the improvement of it impracticable on any other than peaceable terms with their neighbors. Soon after these events, the French in Louisiana advanced nearer to Carolina. They erected a stronghold, called fori Alabama, on Mobile river, which was well situated for opening and carrying on a correspondence with the most powerful 78 MILITARY HISTORY. nations, contiguous to the southern British colonies. The Carolinians had good reason to be on their guard against the influence of these new and enterprising neighbors. The tribes of upper creeks, whose hunting lands extended to the fort, were soon won over by promises and largesses to form an alli- ance with the French. The Cherokees lived at a greater distance ; yet by means of the creeks, and other emissaries, the French endeavored to bring them over to their interest The river Mississippi, being navigable several hundred miles from its mouth, opened a communication with the Chocktaws, Chickesaws, and other nations residing near it. The French had, therefore, many convenient opportunities of seducing these Indians from their alliance with Britain. The Presi- dent of the Council of Carolina employed Captain Tobias Fitch among the Creeks, and Colonel George Chicken among the Cherokees, to keep these tribes steady and firm to the Brit- ish interest These agents found no small difficulty in coun- teracting the influence of French policy. From this period, the British and French settlers in America became competitors for power and influence over the Indian nations. And the Carolinians were farther from peace and safety than ever. The French supplied these savages with tomahawks, muskets, and ammunition, by which means they laid aside the bow and arrow, and became more dangerous and formidable ene- mies than they ever had been. By the settlement of Georgia, in 1733, Carolina ceased to be a frontier; but the Spaniards continued to seduce their negroes, and to do other injurious acts. War being declared in 1739, by Great Britain, against Spain, an opportunity was given for attempting the reduction of the fort at St. Augustine, which was considered as the only effectual means of securing the two most southern provinces. General Oglethorpe, of Georgia, projected an expedition for that purpose. He com- municated his design by letter to William Bull, Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, and requested the aid of that province in the common cause. Bull laid the letter before the provincial assembly, recommending to raise a regiment and to give all possible assistance to the enterprise. The As- sembly favored the proposal. General Oglethorpe urged the speedy execution of his pro- ject with a view to surprise the enemy before they could receive a supply of provisions. He declared that no personal toil or danger should discourage his utmost exertions to free Carolina from suc^h neighbors as instigated their slaves to massacre fhem and publicly protected them after such bloody attempts. To concert measures with the greater secrecy and expedition, he went to Charlestown and laid before the Legis- CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS. 79 latiire an estimate of the force, arms, ammunition, and pro- visions which he judged requisite for the expedition. In consequence of which the Assembly voted one hundred and twenty thousand pounds, Carolina money, for the service of the war. A regiment, consisting of four hundred men was raised partly in Virginia and partly in North and South Carolina, and the command was given to Colonel Vanderdussen. Indians were called into service from the different tribes in alliance with Britain. Vincent Price, commander of the ships of war on that station, agreed to assist with a naval force, consisting of four ships of twenty guns each and two sloops. General Oglethorpe appointed the mouth of St. John's river, on the Florida shore, for the place of rendezvous. On the 9th of May, 1740, he passed over to Florida with four hundred select men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians; and on the day following invested Diego, a small fort, about twenty-five miles from St. Augustine. This, after a short resistance, surrendered by capitulation. In it he left a garrison of sixty men, under the command of Lieuten- ant Dunbar, and returned to the place of general rendezvous, where he was joined by Colonel Vanderdussen with the Car- ohna regiment, and a company of Highlanders, under the command of Captain M'lntosh. By this time, six, Spanish half-gall(?ys, with long brass nine-pounders, and two sloops loaded with provisions, had got into the harbor of St. Augus- tine. A few days afterwards the General marched with his whole force, consisting of above two thousand men, regulars, provincials and Indians, to fort Moosa, situated within two miles of St. Augustine. On his approach, the Spanish garrison evacuated this post and retired into the town. Notwithstanding the dispatch of the British army, the Spaniards had collected all the cattle in the neighboring woods, and drove them into the town; and the General found that more difficulty would attend the enterprise than he at first expected. The castle was built of soft stone, with four bastions ; the curtain was sixty yards in length ; the parapet nine feet thick ; the rampart twenty feet high, casemated un- derneath for lodgings, arched over, and made bomb proof. Fifty pieces of cannon were mounted, several of which were twenty-four pounders. The town was also intrenched with ten salient angles, on each of which some small cannon were mounted. The garrison consisted of seven hundred regulars, two troops of horse, four companies of armed negroes, besides the militia of the province, and Indians. The general perceived that an attempt to take the castle by storm would cost him dear, and therefore changed his plan of operations. With the assistance of the ships of war, which 80 MILITARY HISTORY. were lying at anchor off St. Augustine bar, he resolved to turn the siege into a blocl^ade, to shut up every channel by which provisions could be conveyed to the garrison. For this pur- pose, he left Colonel Palmer with ninety-five Highlanders and forty-two Indians at fort Moosa, with orders to scour the woods and intercept all supplies of cattle .from the country by land. He at the same time ordered him to camp every night in a dif- ferent place — to keep strict watch around his camp, and by all means to avoid coming to action. He sent Colonel Vander- dussen, with the Carolina regiment, over a small creek, to take possession of a neck of land called Point Qu artel, more than a mile distant from the castle, with orders to erect a battery upon it ; while he himself with his regiment, and the greatest part of the Indians, embarked in boats and landed on the island of Auastatia. From this island, the General resolved to bombard the town. Captain Pierce stationed his ships so that the Spaniards were cut off from all supplies by sea. Bat- teries were erected, and several cannon mounted on Anastatia Island. General Oglethorpe then summoned the Spanish Gov- ernor to surrender; but the Don sent him for answer "that he would be glad to shake hands with him in his castle." The opportunity of surprising the place being lost, Ogle- thorpe had no other method left but to attack it at the distance in which he then stood. For this purpose he opened his bat- teries against the castle, and at the same time threw a number of shells into the town. The fire was returned with equal spirit both from the Spanish fort,andfrom six half-galleys in the harbor; but so great was the distance, that though they con- tinued the cannonade for several days, litttle execution was done on either side. In the meantime the Spanish Commander, observing the besiegers embarrassed, sent out a detachment against Colonel Palmer which surprised him at fort Moosa; and while his party was asleep, cut them almost entirely to pieces. A few that accidentally escaped went over in a small boat to the Carolina regiment at Point Quartel. About the same time, the blockading vessel stationed at the Metanzas being ordered oif, some small vessels from the Havanna with provisions and a reinforcement of men got into St. Augustine to the rehef of the garrison. A party of Creeks brought four Spanish prisoners to the General, who informed him that the garrison had re- ceived seven hundred men and a large supply of provisions. All prospects of starving the enemy being lost, the army began to despair of forcing the place to surrender. The Carohna troops, enfeebled by the heat — despairing of success— and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marched away in large bodies. The navy being short of provisions, and the usual season of CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS. 81 hurricanes approaching, the Commander judged it imprudent to hazard his majesty's ships by remaining longer on that coast. The General was sick of a fever — his regiment ex- hausted with fatigue and rendered unfit for action by disease. These combined disasters made it necessary to abandon the enterprise. Oglethorpe with extreme regret fell back to Fred- erica. . On the 13th of August, the Carolina regiment returned to Charlestown. Though not one of them had been killed by the enemy, their number was reduced fourteen by disease and accidents. Thus ended the expedition against St. Augustine, to the great disappointment of both Georgia and Carolina. Many reflections were afterwards thrown out against General Ogle- thorpe, for his conduct during the whole enterprise. He, on the other hand, declared he had no confidence in the pro- vincials for that they refused obedience to his orders and at last abandoned his camp and retreated to Carolina. The place was so strongly fortified, both by nature and art, that probably the attempt must have failed though it had been conducted by the ablest officer, and executed by the best disciplined troops. The miscarriage was particularly injurious to Carolina, having not only subjected the province to a great expense, but also left it in a worse situation than it was before the attempt. This invasion of Florida was soon retaliated. The Spaniads had not yet relinquished their claim to the southern extreme of the British colonies. They therefore prepared an arma- ment to expel the English settlers from Georgia. There is reason to believe that if they had succeeded against that infant province, Carolina would have become the scene of their next operations. To accomplish those purposes an armament was prepared at the Havanna ; two thousand forces, commanded by Don Antonio de Rodondo, embarked from that port under convoy of a strong squadron and arrived at St. Augustine in May. Oglethorpe, on receiving intelligence of their arrival in Florida, sent advices of it to Governor Glen of Carolina and made all possible preparations for a vigorous resistance. With his regiment, a few rangers, highlanders, and Indians, he fixed his headquarters at Frederica and waited in expectation of a reinforcement from Carolina. About the last of June the Spanish fleet, amounting to thirty-two sail and carrying above three thousand men under the command of Don Manuel de Monteano, came to anchor off' St. Simon's bar. After sounding the channel, the Don passed through Jekyl sound, received a fire from Oglethorpe at fort Simon's, and proceeded up the Alatamaha beyond the reach of his guns. There the enemy landed and erected a battery with twenty eighteen-pounders mounted on it. Oglethorpe judging his situation at fort Simon's 6 82 MILITARY HISTORT. to be dangerous, spiked the guns, burst the bombs and cohorns, destroyed the stores, and retreated to P'rederica. With a force amounting to little more than seven hundred men, exclusively of Indians, he could not hope to act but on the defensive until the arrival of reinforcements from Carolina. He how- ever, employed his Indians, and occasionally his highlanders, in scouring the woods — harrassing the outposts of the enemy, and throwing impediments in their way. In the attempts of the Spanish to penetrate through the woods and morasses to reach Frederica, several rencounters took place ; in one of ■which they lost a Captain and two Lieutenants killed, and above one hundred of their men were taken prisoners. Ogle- thorpe, learning by an English prisoner who escaped from the Spanish camp that a difference subsisted between the troops from Cuba and those from St. Augustine occasioning a sep- arate encampment, resolved to attack the enemy while thus divided. He marched out in the night with the intention of surprising the enemy. Having advanced within Iwo miles of the Spanish camp he halted his troops, and went forward himself with a select corps to reconnoitre the enemy's situa- tion. While he was endeavoring to conceal his approach, a French soldier discharged his musket and ran into the Spanish lines. The General returned to Frederica, and endeavored to effect by stratagem what could not be achieved by surprise. Appre- hensive that the deserter would discover to the enemy his weakness, he wrote to him a letter; desiring him to acquaint the Spaniards with the defenceless state of Frederica, and the ease with which his small garrison might be cut to pieces. He pressed him to bring forward the Spaniards to an attack; but if he could not prevail thus far, to use all his art and in- fluence to persuade them to stay at least three days more at fort Simons; for within that time he should have a reinforce- ment of two thousand land forces, with six British ships of war. The letter concluded with a caution to the deserter against dropping the least hint of Admiral Vernon's meditated attack upon St. Augustine; and with assurance that for his service, he would be amply rewarded by the British King. Oglethorpe gave it to the Spanish prisoner; who for a small reward, together with his liberty, promised to deliver it to the French deserter. On hts arrival at the Spanish camp, he gave the letter, as Oglethorpe expected, to the Commander-in-Chief, who instantly put the deserter in irons. This letter perplexed and confounded the Spaniards ; some suspecting it to be a strat- agem to prevent an attack on Frederica, and others believing it to contain serious instructions to direct the conduct of a spy. While the Spanish officers were deUberating what measures CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS. 83 to adopt, an incident, not within the calculation of military- skill or the control of human power, decided their counsels. Three ships of force, whieh the Governor of South Carolina had sent to Oglethorpe's aid, appeared oft' the coast. The agreement of this discovery with the contents of the letter, convinced the Spanish Commander of its real intention. The whole army seized with an instant panic, set fire to the fort and precipitately embarked ; leaving several cannon, with a quantity of provisions and military stores. Thus in the moment of threatened conquest, the infant colony was prov- identially saved. Though the Spaniards threatened to renew the invasion, yet we do not find that after this repulse they ever made any attempt by force of arms to gain possession of Georgia or Carolina. For the seventy-two years which had passed away since the settlement of South Carolina, there had been repeated reciprocal invasions of the contiguous Spanish and British provinces. Though hostilities occasionally ceased, bickerings were always kept alive from the constant irritation of im- neighborly, injurious acts; till by the peace of Paris in 1763, the two Floridas were ceded by Spain to Great Britain. From that period, till the commencement of the revolutionary war, the inhabitants of Florida and those of Georgia and Carolina being all subjects of the same King, lived in harmony with each other. No sooner had the American war began, than the former scenes of plunder and devastation recommenced between the contiguous provinces. The Floridas by remaining a part of the British empire, while Georgia and Carolina, became free States, were set in opposition to each other. Hostilities, as is usual among the borderers of contending governments, were rendered more fierce from the circumstance of contiguity. Throughout the war parties from each recipro- cally plundered and harrassed the other ; ostensibly on one side for the advancement of British, and on the other of Amer- ican interests; but in both cases for the private emolument of the actors in these disgraceful scenes. Florida also afi'orded an entrance through which British agents furnished supplies to the Indian tribes adjacent to the new formed American States, and by which they encouraged the former to destroy the latter. Such will ever be the case in the event of war between the sovereigns of Florida, and the citizens of America, Happy are the people whose territories are encircled by obvious^ natural boundaries, easily distinguished but not easily passed. 84 MILITARY HISTORY. SECTION II. Contests with Indians. When South Carolina was settled by the English, it was in the occupation of more than twenty nations, or tribes of In- dians. Their combined numbers were so considerable that had they been guided by a spirit of union, or directed by a Common Council, they would have been able at any time, for many years after the settlement, to have exterminated the new comers. The Indians in their military capacity, were not so inferior to the whites as some may imagine. The superiority of muskets over bows and arrows, managed by Indians in a woody country, is not great. The savage, quick- sighted and accustomed to perpetual watchfulness, springs from his hiding place, behind a bush, and surprises his enemy with the pointed arrow before he is aware of danger. He ranges through the trackless forest like the beasts of prey, and safely sleeps under the same canopy with the wolf and bear. His vengeance is concealed, till he sends the tidings in the fatal blow. Though the Indians viewed with a jealous eye the encroach- ments made on their territorial possessions, they took no effect- ual measures for the defence of their property. Finding many present conveniences to result from their intercourse with the new comers, they acquiesced in their settlement Destitute of foresight, they did not anticipate consequences; nor did they embitter present enjoyments, with forebodings of future evils. To the Indian, a knife, a hatchet, or a hoe, was a valuable acquisition. He observed with what facility the strangers supplied their many wants by means of the various implements they used. The woods fell before the axe — the earth opened before the hoe and spade — and the knife was useful on numberless occasions. He admired the skill of white men in making these articles of ease and profit, and voluntarily offered to them his deer skins, the only riches he had which could procure them. The love of ease was as natural to the one as the other ; and the Indian would rather give to the white settler the profits of a year's hunting, than be without his instruments. Having obtained these, in pro- cess of time he found the tomahawk and musket equally use- ful. These he also coveted, and could not rest till he obtained them. What was at first only convenient, as his wants in- creased became almost necessary. The original bond was therefore progressively strengthened and confirmed. As the channel of commerce opened, the Indian found that he was not only treated with friendship and civility, but that the CONTEST WITH INDIANS. 85 white people were equally fond of his skins, furs, and lands, as he was of their gaudy trinkets and various implements. It was this connection that induced the native inhabitants ofthe forest peaceably to admit strangers, though differing in com- plexion, language, and manners, to reside among them and to clear and cultivate their lands. By these means the first settlers of Carolina readily ob- tained foothold among the native owners of the soil] The proprietors gave instructions to their tenants to cultivate the good will of the aborigines. They also made many presents to them, but nothing appears on record like a formal purchase or transfer of any part of the low country from the one to the other.* Tradition has informed tis that some individuals, from a sense of justice, made private purchases from the In- dians; but in general a liberty to settle was neither asked nor given ; but was taken by white men, and acquiesced in by the savages. Private contentions between them were frequent, but formal hostilities' on national grounds only occasional; many causes of the former existed, and but few of the latter. While the English thought little of Indian rights to lands, the latter were equally regardless ofthe rights of the former to moveable property. (Accustomed to take wild animals where- ever found, they could not readily comprehend the crime of taking such as were tame.) What the English settler called theft, the Indian considered as the exercise of a natural right. The ideas of a civilized and savage man were at greater va- riance in other important matters. If the former in a fit of drunkenness, in the heat of passion, or even in self defence, killed or wounded the latter, nothing less than scalp for scalp — blood for blood — and death for death, could satisfy the sur- viving friends ofthe injured party. If the real criminal could not be found, they claimed the right of retaliating on any per- son ofthe same color or nation that came in their way. They also admitted the voluntary substitution of an innocent person * The people of Carolina hold their lands in the southern and western parts of the State partly by conquest, and partly by treaties with the aborigines. These were valid against the natives. The charters from the sovereigns of England were in like manner good against the grantors and other Europeans, but the rights ofthe present possessors have a higher origin than either of these sources. The earth was made for man, and was intended by the Creator of all things to be improved for the benefit of mankind. The land which could support one savage iniis mode of living, is capable of supporting five hundred under proper cultiva- tion. These wild lands therefore were not the seperate property of the few savages who hunted over them, but belonged to the^common stock of mankind. The first who possessed a vacant spot, and actually cultivated it for some time, ought to be considered as the proprietor of that spot, and they who derive their titles from him have a valid right to the same. This doctrine is agreeable to the judicial determination of the courts of South Carolina with respect to rights in lands derived solely from possession, and is the ground on which the claims of Spain to the whole country can be invalidated. 86 MILITARY HISTORY. as an atonement for one that was guilty, who thereupon was free. This conduct and these rules of action, were hostile to peace. As the forgiveness of injuries is so far from being any part of the creed of Indians, that they consider it as pusillanimous not to avenge the death of their friends, one quarrel often produced another. Feuds which were originally private and personal, soon became public and national, and seldom failed to multiply and extend their tragical effects. The Indians made very free with the planters' stock, and these as freely made use of their arms in defence of their property. Lives were frequently lost in these petty contests. If an Indian was killed, his countrymen poured their vengeance indiscriminately on the innocent and guilty. Governor West found it neces- sary to encourage and reward such of the colonists as would take the field against them for the public defence. Accordingly a price was fixed on every Indian the settlers should take prisoner, and bring to Charlestown. These captive savages were disposed of to the traders, who sent them to the West Indies, and there sold them as slaves. This tratfic was an inhuman method of getting rid of troublesome neighbors, yet the planters pleaded necessity in its vindication. It is certain that the reward for Indian prisoners encouraged bold adven- turers, and the sale of them made a profitable branch of trade. These advantages weighed with interested persons as an ex- tenuation, if not a justification of the practice. The proceeds of the Indians, when sold in the West Indies, were generally returned to the colonists in rum. This appropriation of the gains of the iniquitous traffic was so injurious, that in many instances it was doubtful whether the evil ultimately suffered or that originally committed was greatest. The Carolinians soon found out the policy of setting one tribe of Indians against another, on purpose to save themselves. By trifling presents they purchased the friendship of some tribes whom they employed to carry on war with others. This not only diverted their attention from the white settlers, but encouraged them to bring captives to Charlestown for the pur- pose of transportation to the West Indies. A war commenced in the beginning of the year 1680 with the Westoes, a very powerful tribe between Charlestown and Edisto, which well nigh ruined the infant settlement. The cause of hostilities, thus inconvenient and dangerous, may be found in injuries which had been mutually given and re- ceived. A peace was concluded in the subsequent year, the old giving security foi the good conduct of the young. To prevent the return of similar mischiefs, and to advance justice, the proprietors erected a commission for Maurice Matthews, CONTEST WITH INDIANS. 87 •William Fuller, Jonathan Fits, and John Boone, to decide all complaints between the English and the Indians. Some com- plaints were made against these commissioners, the particulars of which have not reached us. They were discharged and the commission abrogated. In lieu thereof the proprietors ordered that the Indians within 400 miles of Charlestown, should all be taken under their protection. The next Indian war was an offensive one on the part of the Carolinians. The Apalachian Indians, by their connec- tion with the Spaniards, had become troublesome. Governor Moore, in 1702 or 1703, marched at the head of a body of white men and Indian allies into the heart of their settlements. Wherever he went he carried fire and sword. He laid in ashes the towns of those tribes who lived between the rivers Alatamaha and Savannah ; captured many savages, and obliged others to submit to the English government. This exertion of power in that quarter filled the savages with terror of the British arms, and helped to pave the way for the Eng- lish colony afterwards planted between these rivers. The Governor received the thanks of the proprietors, wiped off the ignominy of his expedition against St. Augustine, and pro- cured a number of Indian slaves whom he employed as slaves or sold for his own advantage. The first serious war with the Indians, in which Carolina participated, took place far to the north of Charlestown. This appears to have been entered upon by the natives with a view of exterminating the English settlers. What they might have accomplished in the first years of the settlement, was beyond their power when forty-two years had given it strength and stability. In the year 1712, a dangerous conspiracy was formed by the Indians of North Carolina against the settlers in that quarter. The particular cause of the quarrel is unknown; probably they were offended at the encroachments made on their hunting lands. The powerful tribes of Indians, called Corees, Tuscororas, and some others, united and determined to murder or expel the European invaders. They carried on their bloody design with amazing cunning and profound se- cresy. They surrounded their principal town with a wooden breast-work, for the security of their own families. There the different tribes met together, to the number of twelve hun- dred bowmen, and formed their horrid plot. From this place of rendezvous they sent out small parties, who entered the settlements, under the mask of friendship, by different roads. All of them agreed to begin their murderous operations on the same night. When that night came they entered the planters' houses, demanded provisions, were displeased with MILITARY HISTORY. them, and then murdered men, women and children, withoiu mercy or distinction. To prevent a communication of the alarm through the settlement, they ran from house to house, slaughtering the scattered families wherever they went. None of the colonists knew what had befallen their neighbors be- fore the barbarians reached their own doors. About Roanoke one hundred and thirty-seven settlers fell a sacrifice to savage fury in one fatal night. A Swiss Baron, and almost all the poor palatines who had lately come into the county, were among the slain. Some, who had hid themselves in the woods, escaped, and by alarming their neighbors, prevented the total destruction of that colony. Every family that sur- vived was ordered instantly to assemble at one place, and the militia under arms kept watch over them day and night until relief arrived. Governor Craven lost no time in forwarding a force to their assistance. The Assembly voted four thousand pounds for the service of the war. A body of militia, consisting of six hundred men, under the command of Colonel Barnwell, marched against the savages. Two hundred and eighteen Cherokees, under the command of Captains Harford and Turston; seventy-nine Creeks, under Captain Hastings; forty- one Catabaws, under Captain Cantey, and twenty-eight Yamas- sees, under Captain Pierce, being furnished with arms, joined the Carolinians in this expedition. Hideous and -dreadful was the wilderness through which Colonel Barnwell had to march. To reach North Carolina in time for the relief of the people, the utmost expedition was requisite. It was neither possible for his men to carry with them a sufficient quantity of provisions, together with arms and ammunition, nor to have these things provided at different stages by the way. There was no road through the woods upon which either horses or carriages could conveniently pass. His army had to encounter all manner of hardships and dangers from the climate, the wilderness, and the enemy.. In spite of every difficulty Barnwell advanced, employing his Indian allies to hunt for provisions on the way. At length, having come up with the savages, he attacked them with great execution. In the first battle he killed three hundred Indians, and took about one hundred prisoners. After which the Tuscororas re- treated to their town, within a wooden breast-work. There they were surrounded, many of them killed, and the remain- der forced to sue for peace. Some of Barnwell's men being wounded, and others having sufiered much by watching, hunger and fatigue, the savages easily obtained their request. In this expedition it was computed that Barnwell killed, wounded and captured near a thousand Tuscororas. The CONTEST WITH INDIANS. 89 survivors abondoned their country and joined a northern tribe of Indians on the Ohio river. Of Barnwell's party, five CaroHnians were killed and several wounded. Of his In- dians, thirty-six were killed and between sixty and seventy wounded. Never had any expedition against the savages in Carohna been attended with such difficulties, nor had the conquest of any tribe of them ever been more complete. Although this expedition was well conducted, and proved successful, the expense incurred by it fell heavy on the pro- vince, the revenues of which were ill adapted for such enter- prises. Great harmony at that time subsisted between the Governor and Assembly, and they were well disposed to con- cur in every measure for the public good. The stamping of bills of credit had been used as the easiest method of defray- ing similar expenses. At this time the Legislature thought proper to establish a public bank, and issued ^52,000, in bills of credit, for answering the exigencies of government and for the convenience of domestic commerce. This money was lent out at interest on bonds, secured by landed or personal security, and made payable by easy instalments. In the year 1715 South Carolina was visited with an In- dian war so formidable as to threaten its total extirpation. The numerous and powerful tribes of Indians called Yamas- sees, were the most active in promoting this conspiracy; though every tribe in the vicinity were more or less concerned in it. The Yamassees possessed a large territory, lying back- ward from Port Royal Island, on the northeast side of Savan- nah river, which, to this day, is called Indian land. This • tribe had long been esteemed by the Carolinians as friends and allies. They admitted a number of traders into their town, and several times had assisted the settlers in their war- like enterprises. For twelve months before the war broke out, the traders among the Yamassees observed that their chief warriors went frequently to St. Augustine, and returned loaded with pres- ents. John Fraser, an honest Scotch highlander, who lived among the Yamassees and traded with them, had often heard these warriors tell with what kindness they had been treated at St. Augustine. One had received a hat, another a jacket, and a third a coat, all trimmed with silver lace. Some got hatchets, others knives, and almost all of them guns and am- munition. These warriors told Fraser that they dined with the Governor at St. Augustine, and that he was now their King, and not the Governor of Carolina. About nine days before hostilities commenced, Sanute, an Indian warrior attached to Fraser's family, came to his house and told his wife that " the English were all wicked heretics, 90 MILITARY HISTORY. and would go to hell, and that the Yamassees would also fol- low them if they suflered them to live in their country — that now the Governor of St. Augustine was their King — that there would be a terrible war with the English, and they only waited for the bloody stick to be returned from the Creeks before they began it.'' He told them that " the Yamassees, the Creeks, the Cherokees, and many other nations, together with the Spaniards, were all to engage in it, and advised them instantly to fly to Charlestown." Fraser, not a little aston- ished at the news, asked him how the Spaniards could go to war with the Carolinians while at peace with Great Britain ? To which Sanute replied, the Spanish Governor told him that there would soon be a war with the English, and again ad- vised him to fly with all expedition. Fraser still entertained doubts, but finally resolved to get of the way, and fled to Charlestown with his family and efiects. At the time in which this dark plot was to be put in execu- tion. Captain Nairn, agent for Indian afiairs, and many traders, resided at Pocotaligo, in a state of false security, in the midst of their enemies. The case of the scattered settlers on the frontier was equally lamentable, for they had no suspi- cions of danger. On the day before the Yamassees began their bloody operations. Captain Nairn, and some of the traders, observing an uncommon gloom on the countenances of the savages, went to their chief men, begging to know the cause of their uneasiness, and promising, if any injury had been done, to give them satisfaction. The chiefs replied they had no complaints to make against any one, but intended to go a hunting early the next morning. Captain Nairn accord- ingly went to sleep, and the traders passed the night in appa- rent tranquility. But next morning, about the break of day, being the 15th of April, 1715, all were alarmed with the cries of war. The leaders were under arms, calling upon their followers, and proclaiming aloud designs of vengeance. The young men flew to their arms, and in a few hours massacred above ninety persons in Pocotaligo and the neighboring plan- tations. Mr. Burrows, a Captain of miUtia, by swimming one mile and running ten, after he had received two wounds, es- caped to Port Royal and alarmed the town. The inhabitants generally repaired on board a vessel in the harbor and sailed for Charlestown. But a few families fell into the hands of the savages, and by them were either murdered or made prisoners of war. While the Yamassees, with the Creeks and Apalachians, were advancing against the southern frontiers and spreading desolation and slaughter through the province, the colonists on the northern borders found the Indians down among the settlements in formidable parties. The Caroli- CONTEST WITH INDIANS. 91 nians had entertained hopes of the friendship of the Conga- rees, the Catawbas and Cherokees, but soon found that these nations had also joined in the conspiracy and declared for war. It was computed that the southern division of the enemy consisted of above six thousand bowmen, and the northern of between six hundred and a thousand. Every Indian tribe from Florida to Cape Fear River had joined in this confederacy for the destruction of the settlement. The dispersed planters had no force to withstand such numbers, but each consulting his own safety and that of his family, fled in great consternation to the capital. They who came in, brought the Governor such different accounts of the numbers and strength of the savages, that even the inhabitants of Charlestown were doubtful of their safety. The men in it were obliged to watch every third night. The most spirited measures were pursued both for offence and defence. In the muster roll there were no more than twelve hundred men fit to bear arms. The Governor proclaimed martial law, laid an em- bargo on all ships, and obtained an act of Assembly empow- ering him to impress men, arms, ammunition and stores, and to arm trusty negroes. Agents were sent to Virginia and England to solicit assistance — bills were stamped for the pay- ment of the army and other necessary expenses. Robert Daniel was appointed Deputy Governor in town, and Charles Craven, at the head of the militia, marched to the country against the largest body of savages. In the meantime the Indians on the northern quarter had made an inroad as far as the plantation belonging to John Kearne, about fifty miles from Charlestown, and entered his house apparently in a peaceable manner, but afterwards mur- dered him and every person in it. Thomas Barker, a Captain of militia, collected a party consisting of ninety horsemen, and advanced against the enemy; but was led by the treachery of an Indian guide into a dangerous ambuscade, where a large party of Indians lay concealed on the ground. Barker having advanced into the middle of them before he was aware of his danger, they sprung from their concealment and fired upon his men. The captain and several more fell at the first onset, and the remainder retreated. After this advantage, a party of four , hundred Indians came down as far as Goose creek. Every ■ family there had fled to town, except in one place where , seventy white men and forty negroes had erected a breast- i work and resolved to remain and defend themselves. When ■ the Indians attacked them they were discouraged, and rashly ;. agreed to terms of peace; having admitted the enemy within their works, this whole garrison was barbarously butchered. ',' The Indians advanced still nigher to town, but meeting with- 92 MILITARY HISTORY. Captain Chicken and the Goose creek militia, they were obliged to retreat. By this time the Yamassees, with their confederates, had spread destruction through the parish of St. Bartholomew, and advancing as far as Stono they burned the church at that place, together with every house on the plantations by the way, John Cochran, his wife and four children, Mr. Bray, his wife, two children, and six other persons, having found friends among them, were spared for some days, but while attempt- ing to make their escape' they were retaken and put to death. Such as had no friends among them were tortured in the most shocking manner. The Indians made a halt in their progress to assist in tormenting their prisoners. Governor Craven advanced against the enemy by slow and cautious steps. He knew well under what advantages they fought among their native thickets, and the various wiles and stratagems they made use of in conducting their wars, and therefore was watchful against sudden surprises. The fate of the whole province depended on the issue of the contest. His men had no alternative but to conquer, or die a painful death. As he advanced, the straggling parties fled before him until he reached Saltcatchers, where they had pitched their great catnp. A sharp and bloody battle ensued. Bullets and arrows were discharged with destructive effect from behind trees and bushes. The Indians made the air resound with their horrid yellings and war-whoops. They sometimes gave way, hut returned again and again with double fury to the charge. The Governor kept his troops close at their heels, and chased them from their settlement at Indian Land, until he drove them over Savannah river, and cleared the province entirely of this formidable tribe of savages. What number of his army or of the enemy was killed, we have not been able to learn, but in this Indian war four hundred innocent inhab- itants of Carolina were murdered. The Yamassees, after their defeat and expulsion, went to the Spanish territories in Florida, where they were received with bells ringing and guns firing, as if they had come victo- riously frpm the field. This circumstance, together with the encouragement afterwards given them to settle in Florida, gave reason to believe that this horrid conspiracy was con- trived by Spaniards, and carried on by their encouragement and assistance. From the lowest state of despondencv Charles- town was suddenly raised to the highest pitch of joy. The Governor entered it with some degree of triumph, receiving from all, such applause as his courage, conduct and succeS justly merited. His prosperous expedition had not only dis- concerted the most formidable conspiracy ever formed agairfsi CONTEST WITH INDIANS. 93 the colony, but also placed the inhabitants in a state of greater security than they had hitherto enjoyed. From this period the Yamassee Indians harbored the most inveterate rancour against all Carolinians. Being furnished with arms and ammunition from the Spaniards, they often sallied forth in small scalping parties, and infested the frontiers. One such caught William Hooper, and killed him by cutting oif one part of his body after another till he expired. Another sur- prised Henry Quinton, Thomas Simmons, and Thomas Par- menter, and tortured them to death. Dr. Rose fell into their hands, whom they cut across his nose with a tomahawk, and left him scalped on the spot, apparently dead; but he hap- pily recovered. The Spaniards of St. Augustine, disappointed in their design of extirpating the English settlement in Carolina, had now no other resource left but to employ the vindictive spirit of the Yamassees against the defenceless frontiers of the province. In these incursions they were too successful; many settlers at different times fell a sacrifice td their insatiable revenge. About the year 1718 a scalping party penetrated as far as the Euhaw lands ; where having surprised John Levit and two of his neighbors, they dispatched them with their toma- hawks. They then seized Mrs. Borrows and one of her chil- dren, and carried them off. The child by the way began to cry, upon which they put him to death. The distressed mother being unable to restrain from tears on seeing her child murdered, was informed that she must not weep if she de- sired to live. Upon her arrival at Augustine she would have been immediately sent to prison; but one of the Yamassee Kings declared that he knew herfromher infancy tobea good woman, and begged, but in vain, that she might be sent home to her husband. When Mr. Borrows went to Augustine to procure the release of his wife, he also was shut up in prison with her, where he soon after died ; but she survived. On her return to Carolina she reported to Governor Johnson that the Huspah King, who had taken her prisoner, informed her that he had orders from the Spanish Governor to spare no white man, but to bring every negro alive to St. Augustine ; and that rewards were given to Indians for their prisoners to encourage them to engage in such murderous and rapacious enterprises. At another time a large party of Indians moved towards Charlestown, and killed several of the inhabitants. A fort was constructed in haste at Wiltown into which the women and children were put, with a few old men, for their protec- tion. The militia marched out to meet the Indians, but 'missed them. The Indians soon after appeared in force against this party, but finding they would meet with resistance left it to !go against the plantations. Governor Craven at the head of a 94 MILITARY HISTORY. body of militia fell in with these Indians near Stone Ferry, at the place where Lincoln, in June 1779, attacked the British troops under Provost. A general action took place, in which the Indians were entirely defeated. This was the lastattemptof the Yamassees to disturb the white people to the southward of Charlestown. In a few years after the subjugation of the Yamassees, South Carolina became a royal province. The wise measures adopted by Sir Francis Nicholson, the first royal Governor, the treaties afterwards entered into with the Indians by Sir Alexander Gumming, the settlement of Georgia, and the judicious measures respecting the Indians adopted by Gene- ral Oglethorpe,theGovernorsof Georgia and of South Carohna, together with the increasing strength of the white people, and the decreasing number of the Indians, all concurred in preserving peace with the savages, so far that for forty years subsequent to the Yamassee war in 1715, the peace of the , province was preserved without any considerable or general interruption. In the year 1752 South Carolina was nearly involved in an Indian war, but happily escaped. The Creeks having quar- relled with the Cherokees, took their revenge by killing a party of the latter near the gates of Charlestown. Some Creek war- riors had also scalped a British trader. For these and other out- rages, Governor Glen demanded satisfaction at a public con- gress held for the purpose. The Indians, by their orator Malatchee, apologized for their conduct in a speech that was deemed satisfactory, and peace was preserved. The war between France and England, which commenced in 1754 or 1755, induced both nations to court the friendship of the Indians. The French were assiduous in connecting a chain of influence with the aborigines, from Canada to the mouth of the Mississippi. The British pursued a similar line of policy, but less extensive. Governor Glen held a treaty with the Cherokees in 1755, ostensibly to brighten the chain of friendship, but really to obtain a cession of their lands and a liberty to erect forts on the western frontier, as a barrier against the French on the southwest. Both were granted, as has already been related. In the progress of the war the French were defeated in Canada, and compelled to abandon Fort Duquesne. After they had retreated from the latter down the Ohio, and the Mis- sippi, they had the address to involve the Indians in a serious war with Carolina. By the reduction of Fort Duquesne, the scerje of action was changed from Pennsylvania and Virginia to Carolina; and the influence of the French soon appeared among the upper tribes of Cherokees. An unfortunate quartfil with the Virginians helped to forward their designs. In the CONTEST WITH INDIANS. 95 successful expedition of 1758, against Fort Duquesne, the Cherokees had sent considerable parties of warriors to the assist- ance of the British army. While the savages were returning home from that expedition, through the back parts of Virginia, many of them having lost their horses took possession of such as came in their way. The Virginians, instead of asserting their rights in a legal manner, resented the injury by force of arms, and killed twelve or fourteen of these unsuspicious war- riors. The Cherokees, with reason, were highly provoked at such ungrateful usage; and when they came home, gave a highly colored account thereof to their nation. They became outrageous. Those who had lost friends and relations resolved upon revenge. In vain did the chieftains interpose their au- thority. Nothing could restrain the ferocity of the young men. The emissaries of France among them added fuel to the flame, by declaring that the English intended to kill all the Indian men and make slaves of their wives and children. They in- flamed their resentments — stimulated them to bloodshed, and furnished them with arms and ammunition to revenge them- selves. Parties of young warriors took the field, and rushing down among the white inhabitants murdered and scalped all who came in their way. The commanding officer at Fort Prince George despatched a messenger to Charlestown, to inform Governor Lyttleton that the Cherokees had commenced war. Orders were given to the commanders of the militia immediately to collect their men, and stand in a posture of defence. The militia of the country were directed to rendezvous at Congarees, where the Governor resolved to join them and march to the relief of the frontier settlements. No sooner had the Cherokees heard of these warlike prepa- rations, than thirty-two of their chiefs set out for Charlestown to settle all differences. Though they could not restrain some of their young, men from acts of violence, yet the nation in general was inclined to friendship and peace. As they ar- rived before the Governor had set out on the intended expedi- tion, a council was called; and the chiefs being sent for, Gov- ernor Lytdeton, among other things, told them " that he was ■.>y.;J..^ CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 169 by the House of Representatives in an address, of which the following is a part. "That our cruel and ambitious enemies should turn their arms against these southern States is a cir- cumstance not unexpected. But this last nefarious struggle of our desponding foes will, we trust, under the assistance of Divine Providence, in the end tend more to show their impo- tent malice, than the wisdom of their counsels or the valor of their arms ; for that same spirit which once animated our countrymen to drive them disgraced from our coasts, will again be exerted to efiect the like happy consequences. We conceive ourselves bound by all the difference there is between the horrors of slavery and the blessings of liberty, to use every means in our power to expel them from our country." General Lincoln established his first post at Purysburgh, a small village on the northern banks of the river Savannah. A large proportion of the militia of the State of South Carolina was draughted, put under the command of Colonel Richardson, and marched for the American head quarters. Their numbers Avere considerable, but they had not yet learned the implicit obedience necessary for military operations. Accustomed to activity on their farms, they could not bear the languors of an encampment. Having grown up in habits of freedom and independence on their freeholds, they reluctantly submitted to martial discipline. The royal army at Savannah, being reinforced by troops from St. Augustine, its commanders formed a scheme of ex- tending a part of their forces into South Carolina. Major Gardiner, with two hundred men, was detached to take pos- session of Port Royal Island. Soon after he landed General Moultrie, at the head of an equal number of men in which there were only nine regular soldiers, attacked and drove him off the Island. This advantage was principally gained by two field pieces which were well served by a party of the Charlestown militia artillery, under the command of the Cap- tains Heyward and Rutledge. The British lost almost all their officers, and several prisoners were taken by a small party of Port Royal militia commanded by Captain Barnwell. The Americans had eight men killed, and twenty-two wounded. Among the former. Lieutenant Benjamin Wilkins was the theme of universal lamentation. His country regretted the fall of a worthy man, and an excellent officer. A numerous young family sustained a loss which to them was irreparable. This success of the Americans checked the British, and for the present prevented their attempting any enterprise against South Carolina; but they extended themselves over a great part of Georgia. Their next object were to strengthen them- selves, by the addition of thetories. Emissaries were employed 170 HISTORY OF THE HBVOLtTTION. to encourage them to a general insurrection. Several hun- dreds of them accordingly embodied and marched along the western frontiers of the State. Colonel Pickins, with about three hundred men, immediately followed and came up with them near Kettle creek ; where an action took place which lasted three quarters of an hour. The tories gave way, and were totally routed. Colonel Pickins had nine men killed, and several wounded. The royalists had about forty killed ; in which number was their leader Colonel Boyd, who had been secretly employed by British authority to collect and head these insurgents. By this action the British were totally disconcerted. The tories were dispersed all over the country. Some ran to North Carolina, some wandered not knowing whither. Many went to their homes, and cast themselves on the mercy of the new government. Soon after this defeat, the British retreated from Augusta towards Savannah ; and for the remainder of that season the whole upper country, of both South Carolina and Georgia, enjoyed domestic security. The insurgents on this occasion were the subjects of the State of South Carolina, and owed obedience to its laws. They were therefore tried in a regular manner, by a jury, under the direction of the Courts of Justice appointed by the republican government. Seventy of them were condemned to die by the laws of the State, enacted since the abolition of royal government ; but the sentence of the court was executed only on five of their principals, and all the rest were pardoned, This second unsuccessful insurrection damped the spirit of the tories. Their plans were ill laid, and worse executed. They had no men of ability capable of giving union to their force. They were disappointed in their expectations of aid from the royal army, and had the mortification to see a few of their ringleaders executed for treason and rebellion against the State. As the British extended their posts up the river Savannah on the south side. General Lincoln fixed encampments at Black Swamp and opposite to Augusta. From these posts he crossed the river at Augusta and at Zubly's ferry in two divisions, with the view of limiting the British to the sea coast of Georgia. In the execution of this design General Ash, with fifteen hundred North Carolina militia, and a few Georgia continentals, crossed the Savannah river on the 28th of Feb- ruary 1779; and immediately marched down the country as far as Briar creek. At this place, on the fourth day after his crossing, he was surprised at three o'clock in the afternoon by Lieutenant-Colonel Prevost. This detachment of the royal army, having crossed Briar creek fifteen miles above General Ash's encampment, came unexpectedly on his rear. The CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 171 American militia, completely surprised, were thrown into con- fusion and fled at the first fire, Several were killed, and a considerable number taken. None had any chance of escap- ing but by crossing the river, in attempting which many were drowned; of those who got over safe, a great part returned home. The few continentals, about 60 under Colonel Elbert, fought with the greatest bravery; but the survivors of them, with their gallant leader, were at last compelled to surrender. The whole that remained and rejoined the American camp, did not exceed four hundred and fifty men. This event de- prived General Lincoln of one-fourth of his numbers, and opened a communication between the British, the Indians, and the tories of South and North Carolina. Unexperienced in the art of war, the Americans were fre- quently subject to those reverses of fortune which usually attend young soldiers. Unacquainted with military strata- gems, deficient in discipline, and not thoroughly broken to habits of implicit obedience, they were often surprised ; and had to learn, by repeated misfortunes, the necessity of subordi- nation and the advantages of discipline. Their numbers in the field, to those who are acquainted with European wars, must appear inconsiderable ; but such is the difference of the state of society, and of the population in the old and new world, that in America a few hundreds decided objects of equal magnitude with those which, in European States, would have called into the field many thousands. The prize con- tended for was nothing less than the sovereignty of three rail- lions of people, and five hundred millions of acres of land ; and yet, from the remote situation of the invading power and the thin population of the invaded States, this momentous question was materially affected by the consequences of battles in which only a few hundreds engaged. The series of disasters which had followed the American arms since the landing of the British in Georgia, occasioned among the inhabitants of South Carolina many viell founded apprehensions for their safety. The Assembly of the State, desirous of making a vigorous opposition to the extension of the British conquests, passed a very severe militia law. Hith- erto the penalties for disobedience of orders were inconsidera- ble, but as the defence of the country, in a great measure, depended on the exertions of its inhabitants, much heavier fines were imposed on those who either neglected to turn out or who misbehaved or disobeyed orders. Every effort was made to strengthen the continental army. Additional bounties and greater emoluments were promised as inducements to encour- age the recruiting service. The extent and variety of military operations in the open country pointed out the advantages of 172 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. cavalry ; a regiment of dragoons was, therefore, raised and put under the command of Colonel Daniel Horry. In this time of general alarm, John Rutledge,by the almost unanimous voice of his countrymen, was called to the chair of government. To him and his council was delegated, by the Legislature, power " to do everything that appeared to hirh and them necessary for the public good." In execution of this trust he assembled a body of militia. This corps, kept in constant readiness to march whithersoever public service might require, was stationed near the centre of the State, at Orangeburg. From this militia camp. Colonel Sim- mons was detached with a thousand men, to re-inforce Gen- eral Moultrie, at Black Swamp. The original plan of pene- trating into Georgia was resumed. Lincoln marched with the main army up the Savannah river, that he might give confidence to the country, and lead into Georgia a body of militia encamped in South Carolina, under the command of General Williamson. A small force was left at Black Swamp and Purysburgh, for the purpose of defending Carolina, while offensive operations were about to be commenced in Georgia. General Prevost availed himself of the critical time, when the American army was one hundred and fifty miles up the Savannah river, and crossed over into Carolina from Abercorn to Purysburgh with two thousand men. In addition to this number of regular troops, a party of Indians, whose friend- ship the British had previously secured, were associated with the royal army. Lieutenant-Colonel Macintosh, who com- manded a few continentals at Purysburgh, not being able to oppose this force, made a timely retreat. It was part of Pre- vost's plan to attack Moultrie at Black Swamp, to effect which he made a forced march the first night after he landed on the Carolina side, but he was three hours too late. Moultrie had changed his quarters, and being joined by Macintosh's party, took post at Tiilifinny Bridge, to prevent the incursion of the British intg the State and to keep between them and its capital. General Lincoln, on receiving information of these movements, detached Colonel Harris, with two hundred and fifty of his best light troops, for Charlestown, but crossed the river Savannah, near Angusta, with the main army, and marched for three days down the country towards the capital of Georgia. He was induced to pursue his original intention from an idea that Prevost meant nothing more than to di- vert him from his intended operations in Georgia, by a feint of attempting the capital of South Carolina, and because his marching down on the south side of the river Savannah would occasion very little additional delay in repairing to the defence of Charlestown. Prevost proceeded in his march by :--^.jM CAMPAIGN or 1779. 173 the main road, near the sea coast, without opposition, as far as Coosawhatchie bridge. Lieutenant-ColonelJohn Laurens, with eighteen continentals and a much larger number of militia, was detached to dispute this difficult pass. That gal- lant officer persevered till he was wounded and had lost one- half of his continentals. The British fired in security under the cover of houses on the opposite bank, and had the advantage of a field piece. On this, the first time of their being in danger, the American militia could not be persuaded to stand their ground. A retreat took place, and was conducted by Captain Shubrick, over a long causeway, in the face of a superior foe. As the British army advanced into the country, they com- mitted many outrages and depredations. The day before the skirmish just mentioned, they burnt all the buildings on Major Butler's plantation, at the Eutaws. The day after, they burned the Episcopal Church, in Prince William's Parish, and General Bull's house, at Sheldon. The position of General Moultrie at Tulifinny was by no means a safe one, for the British might easily have crossed above him and got in his rear. A general retreat of his whole force towards Charlestown was, therefore, thought ad- visable. This was conducted with great propriety, though under many disadvantages. Moultrie had no cavalry to check the advancing foe, and, instead of receiving re-inforce- ments from the inhabitants as he marched through the coun- try, many of the militia left him and went home. Their families and property lay directly in the route of the invading army. Several, after providing for their wives and children, rejoined Moultrie in Charlestown, but the greater number sought security by staying on their plantations. The retreat- ing Americans destroyed all the bridges in their rear, but there was scarce any other interruption thrown in the way of the , British in their march through the country. The absence of the main army under Lincoln, the retreat of Moultrie, the plundering and devastations of the invaders, and, above all, the dread of the royal auxiliaries, the Indian savages, whose constant practice is to murder women and children, diffused a general panic among the inhabitants, and induced many of them to apply to the British for their protection. New con- verts to the royal standard endeavored to ingratiate themselves with their protectors by representing the capital as an easy conquest. This flattering prospect induced General Prevost, contrary to his original intention, to pursue his march. Gov- ernor Rutledge, with the militia lately encamped at Orange- burg, had set out to join Moultrie at Tulifinny bridge, but, on the second day of their march, advice was received of Moul- 174 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. trie's retreat, and that Prevost was pushing towards Charles- town. This inteUigence determined the Governor to march with all the force under his command to the defence of the capital. When Prevost crossed the Savannah river, Charlestown Neck was almost wholly defenceless. An invasion on the land side, by an army marching through the country, was an event so unexpected that no proper provision had been made against it. The British did not continue their march with the same rapidity with which it was begun, but halted two or three days when they had advanced more than half the dis- tance. In this short interval, Lieutenant-Governor Bee, and the gentlemen of the council, made the greatest exertions to fortify the town on the land side. All the houses in the suburbs were burnt. Lines and an abbatis were, in a few days, carried from Ashley to Cooper rivers. Cannon were mounted at proper intervals across the whole extent of Charlestown Neck. The militia in the vicinity were summoned to the defence of Charlestown, and they generally obeyed. Public affairs now appeared in a very singular situation. Lincoln was march- ing unmolested towards the capital of Georgia, while Prevost was advancing with as little interruption towards the capital of South Carolina, The hurry and confusion that prevailed in the State, and particularly in Charlestown, exceeds all de- scription. The whole country seemed to be in motion. In the north the militia were pushing for the capital. In the south no less than five armies were, at the same time, but for very different purposes, marching through the State. General Moultrie, with a force originally 1,200, but daily diminishing, was retreating before General Prevost, at the head of a British army of 2,000 men. General Lincoln, vvith an American army of 4,000 men, having re-crossed Savannah river, was in the rear of Prevost, pursuing him with hasty strides to save Charlestown, while Governor Rutledge, with 600 militia men, and Colonel Harris, with a detachment of 250 conti- nental troops, were both hastening, the one from Orangeburg and the other from the vicinity of Augusta, to get in front of Prevost, and either to re-inforce Moultrie or defend the capi- tal, as circumstances might require. Moultrie, Rutledge and Harris, with their respective commands, all reached Charles- town on the 9th and 10th of May, the last having marched nearly forty miles a day for four days successively. Their arrival, together with that of the militia from the northern parts of the State, gave hopes of a successful defence. On the 11th, 900 of the British army, their main body and baggage being left on the south side of Ashley river, crossed the ferry, and in a few hours appeared before the lines. On CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 175 the day that they marched down Charlestown Neck, the in- fantry of an American legionary corps crossed Cooper river and landed in Charlestown. This was commanded by Brig- adier-General Count Pulaski, a Polander of high birth. The men under his command had scarcely arrived two hours when he led them out, and engaged the British cavalry with so much resolution, that the second in command. Colonel Kowatch, and most of his infantry, were killed or wounded. The survivors with difficulty effected their retreat. Pulaski had several successful personal rencontres with individuals of the British cavalry, and on all occasions discovered the greatest intrepidity. The gallant example»of this distinguished parti- zan, courting danger on every occasion, had a considerable influence in dispelling the general panic, and in introducing military sentiments into the minds of men who had heretofore been peaceable citizens. The British advanced to Watson's, about a mile from the lines. As they were unfurnished for a siege, and had nothing to depend on but the chance of a sudden assault, this was therefore so confidently expected that the whole garrison con- tinued standing to their arms all night. That it might not be made by surprise, tar barrels were lighted up in front of the works. When it was dark, some fancied they saw the enemy near the lines; a false alarm was instantly communicated, and a general discharge of cannon, field-pieces and musketry took place. By this unfortunate mistake, Major Benjamin Huger, a brave officer, an able statesman, and a highly dis- tinguished citizen, was killed by his countrymen. He was without the lines on duty with a party, twelve of whom were either killed or wounded. It was presumed by the garrison that Lincoln, with the army under his command, was in close pursuit of Prevost, but his present situation was unknown to every person within the lines. To gain time in such circum- stances was a matter of great consequence. A message was sent to the British commander, requesting to be informed on what terms he was disposed to grant a capitulation, to which he returned an answer offering " peace and protection;" and to such as declined acceptance of the same, "that they might be received as prisoners of war, and their fate be decided by that of the rest of the colonies. On the 12th, General Prevost was' informed that his proposal was so dishonorable to the garrison, that it could not be agreed to, and an interview between officers from both armies was requested, to confer on terms. At this interview the officers from the garrison were instructed to propose — "A neutrality during the war between Great Britain and America; and that the question whether the State shall belong to Great Britain, or remain one of the 176 HISTORr OP THE REVOLTITION. United Sates, be determined by the treaty of peace between these powers. This proposition being made to Lieutenant- Colonel Prevost, acting as a commissioner in behalf of General Prevost, he answered "that they did not come in a legislative capacity." On a second interview, Lieutenant-Colonel Prevost ended the conference by saying, "That as the garrison was in arms, they must surrender prisoners of war.'' This being refused, preparations were made for sustaining an immediate assault. The inhabitants, as well as the regular troops, were determined to stand to the lines and defend their country. The next morning, the 13th, at daylight, to the great joy of the whole garrison, it was resounded along the hues, "the enemy is gone.'' It is probable they began their retreat im- mediately after the termination of the conference, and were restrained from making the threatened assault by intelligence derived from an intercepted letter from Lincoln, about fifty miles distant, to Moultrie in Charlestown, which was dated May 10th, and concluded thus: "Pray stimulate your people to every exertion for the defence of the town, until the troops here can arrive. Our men are full of spirits. I think they will do honor to themselves, and render service to the public. Do not give up, nor suffer the people to despair." Count Pulaski, with his cavalry, pursued the British, but they had crossed Ashley river before he came to it. Expresses were sent to General Lincoln to inform him of the retreat of the enemy, and a thousand men were ordered to hold them- selves in immediate readiness to go out to his aid. To avoid being between two fires, the British filed off from the main road, by which they came and took post on James Island and the other islands on the sea-coast. While they were encamped on James Island, their motions were constantly watched from the steeple of St. Michael's church, by Peter Timothy, and minutely reported to the commanding officer. The British collected a number of boats, and seemed to be making preparations to invade the town on its water side. The inhabitants expecting an attack every night, were kept in a constant state of alarm, and the little army was subdi- vided into a number of small guards, posted round the town to prevent a surprise. While the British were encamped on James Island, about seventy or eighty of the Americans were posted nearly opposite to them, at the plantation of Mr. Matthews on John's Island. On the 20th of Maya party of the troops commanded by Gen- eral Prevost crossed over the narrow river which separates the two islands, surprised the out-sentinel of the Americans, and extorted from him the countersign. Possessed of this criterion, they advanced in security to the second sentinel CAMPAIGN or 1779. 177 and bayonetted him before he could give any alarm. With- out being discovered, they then surrounded the house of Mr. Mathews, rushed in on the unprepared Americans, and put several of them, though they made no resistance, to the bayonet. Among the rest, Mr. Robert Barnwell, a young gentleman who adorned a very respectable family by his many virtues, good understanding and sweetness of manners, re- ceived no less than seventeen wounds; but he had the good fortune to recover from them all, and still lives an ornament to his country. The British having completed this business, burned the house of Mr. Mathews. The British and American armies encamped within thirty miles of Charlestown, watching each other's motions, till the 20th of June, when an attack was made on the part of the British army, entrenched at Stono ferry. A feint was to have been made from James Island with a body of militia from Charlestown, at the same time that General Lincoln began the attack from the main; but from mismanagement, and a delay in providing boats, the militia from Charlestown did not reach their place of destination till several hours after the action. The American army consisted of about twelve hun- dred men. The British force consisted of six or seven hun- dred men. They had three redoubts, with a line of commu- nication, and field pieces very advantageously posted in the intervals, and the whole secured with an abbatis. That they might be harassed or lulled into security, for several nights preceding the action they were alarmed by small parties. When the real attack was made, two companies of the Seven- ty-first regiment saUied out to support the pickets. Lieuten- ant-Colonel Henderson ordered his light-infantry to charge them, on which they instantly retreated. Only nine of their number got safe within their lines. All the men at the British field pieces between their redoubts, were either killed or wounded. The attack was continued for an hour and twenty minutes, and the assailants had manifestly the advan- tage; yet the appearance of a reinforcement, to prevent which the feint from James Island was intended, made a retreat necessary. The loss of the Americans on this occasion, in killed and wounded was about one hundred and fifty. Among the former was the gallant Colonel Roberts, whose superior abili- ties as an artillery officer, commanded the approbation of his countrymen, and rendered his early fall the subject of uni- versal regret. Soon after this attack, the American militia, impatient of absence from their plantations, generally returned to their homes. About the same time the British left the islands in 12 178 HisTORr or the revolution. the vicinity of Charlestown, retreating from one to anotiier till they arrived at Port Royal and Savannah. The sea-coast of South CaroUna, to the southward of Charlestown, is so chequered with islands and intersected with creeks and marshes, as to make the movements of an army extremely difficult. The British were much better provided with boats than the Americans, and therefore could retire with expedition and safety. Various projects were attempted to enable Gen- eral Lincoln to pursue them. Boats on wheel-carriages, so constructed as to suit the variegated face of the country, were proposed ; but before anything of this sort could be completed, the British had retreated to places of security. This incursion into South Carolina, and subsequent retreat, contributed very little to the advancement of the royal cause; but it added much to the wealth of the officers, soldiers, and followers of the British army, and still more to the distresses of the inhabitants. The forces under the command of Gen- eral Prevost marched though the richest settlements of the State, where are the fewest white inhabitants in proportion to the number of slaves. The hapless Africans, allured with hopes of freedom, forsook their owners and repaired in great numbers to the royal army. They endeavored to recommend themselves to their new masters by discovering where their owners had concealed their property, and were assisting in carrying it off. All subordination being destroyed, they be- came insolent and rapacious, and in some instances exceeded the British in their plunderings and devastations. Collected in great crowds near the royal army, they were seized with the camp fever in such numbers that they could not be ac- commodated either with proper lodgings or attendance. The British carried out of the State, it is supposed, about three thousand slaves, many of whom were shipped from Georgia and East Florida, and sold in the West Indies. When the the British retreated, they had accumulated so much plunder that they had not' the means of removing the whole of it The vicinity of the American army made them avoid the main land, and go off in great precipitation from one island to another. Many of the horses which they had collected from the inhabitants were lost in ineffectual attempts to trans- port them over the rivers and marshes. For want of a suffi- cient number of boats, a considerable part of the negroes were left behind. They had been so thoroughly impressed by the British with the expectation of the severest treatment, and even of certain death from their owners, in case of their re- turning home, that in order to get off with the retreating army they would sometimes fasten themselves to the sides of the boats. To prevent this dangerous practice, the fingers of some CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 179 of them were chopped oif, and soldiers were posted with cut- lasses and bayonets to oblige them to keep at a proper dis- tance. Many of them, laboring under diseases, afraid to return home, forsaken by their new masters, and destitute of the necessaries of life, perished in the woods. Those who got off with the army were collected on Otter Island, where the camp fever continued to rage. Without medicine, attendance, or the comforts proper for the sick, some hundreds of them expired. Their dead bodies, as they lay exposed in the woods, were devoured by beasts and birds, and to this day the island is strewed with their bones. The British carried with them several rice-barrels full of plate, and household furniture in large quantities, which they had taken from the inhabitants. They had spread over a considerable extent of country, and small parties visited almost every house, strip- ping it of whatever was most valuable, and riiling the in- habitants of their money, rings, jewels, and other personal ornaments. The repositories of the dead were in several places opened, and the grave itself searched for hidden treas- ure.* Feather-beds were ripped open for the sake of the ticking. Windows, china-ware, looking-glasses and pictures were dashed to pieces. Not only the larger domestic animals were cruelly and wantonly shot down, but the licentiousness of the soldiery extended so far that, in several places, nothing within their reach, however small and insignificant, was suf- fered to live. The gardens which had been improved with great care, and ornamented with many foreign productions, were laid waste, and their nicest curiosities destroyed. The houses of the planters were seldom burnt, but in every other way the destruction and depredations committed by the Bri- tish were enormous. Soon after the affair at Stono, on the 20th of June, the con- tinental forces under the command of General Lincoln retired to Sheldon. Both armies remained in their respective encamp- ments till the arrival of the French fleet on the coast roused the whole country to immediate activity. After the conquest of Grenada, in the summer of 1779, Count D'Estaing with the force under his command retired to Cape Fran9ois. Thence he sailed for the American continent and arrived early in September with a fleet consisting of twenty sail of the line, two of fifty guns, and eleven frigates. As soon as his arrival on the coast was known, General Lincoln, with the army under his command, marched for Savannah; * Several of the first settlers of Carolina laid off spots of ground on their plan- tations for the interment of their dead, when there were no, or very few, public church yards. These private cemeteries are still used by their descendants and others for the same purpose. 180 HISTORY or THE REVOLXTTION. and orders were issued for the militia of South Carolina and Georgia to rendezvous immediately near the same place. The British were equally diligent in preparing for their defence. Lieutenant-Colonel Cruger, who had a small command at Sunbury, and Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland, who was in force at Beaufort, were ordered to repair to Savannah. Count D'Estaing made repeated declarations, that he could not re- main more than fifteen days on shore. Nevertheless the fall of Savannah was considered as certain. It was generally be- lieved that in a few days the British would be stripped of all their southern possessions. Flushed with these romantic hopes, the militia turned out with a readiness that far sur- passed their exertions in the preceding campaign. Every aid was given from Charlestown, by sending small vessels to assist the French in their landing ; but as the large ships of Count D'Estaing could not come near the shore, this was notefiected till the 12th of September. On the 16th, Savannah was sum- moned to surrender. The garrison requested twenty-four hours to consider of an answer. This request was made with a view of gaining time for the detatchment at Beaufort, com- manded by Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland, to join the royal army in Savannah. An enterprise was undertaken to prevent this junction, but it proved unsuccessful. Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland pushed through by Dawfuskies, dragged his boats through a gut, and joined Prevost before the time granted for preparing an answer to D'Estaing's summons had elapsed. The arrival of such a reinforcement, and especially of the brave Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland, determined the garrison to risk an assault. The French and Americans, who formed a junction the evening after, were therefore reduced to the ne- cessity of storming or of besieging the garrison. On the even- ing of the 23d they broke ground. On the 4th of Octoberthe besiegers opened with nine mortars, thirty-seven pieces of cannon from the land side, and sixteen from the water. These continued to play with short intervals for four or five days, but without any considerable efl'ect. It was determined to make an assault. This measure was forced on D'Estaing by his marine officers, who had remon- strated against his continuing to risk so valuable a fleet in its present unrepaired condition on such a dangerous coast in the hurricane season, and at so great a distance from the shore that it might be surprised by a British fleet. In a few days the lines of the besiegers might have been carried into the works of the besieged ; but under these critical circumstances no further delay could be admitted. To assault or to raise the seige was the only alternative. Prudence would have dic- tated the latter ; but a sense of honor determined to adopt the CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 181 former. The morning of the 9th of October was fixed upon for the attack. Two feints were made with the country miUtia; and a real attack on the Spring Hill battery with 2,500 French troops, 600 continentals, and 350 of the Charles- town militia, led by Count D'Estaing and General Lincoln. They marched up to the hnes with great boldness; but a heavy and well directed fire from the batteries, and a cross fire from the galleys did such execution as threw the front of the column into confusion. A general retreat of the assailants took place after they had stood the enemy's fire for fifty-five minutes. Count D'Estaing received two wounds; 637 of his troops, and 257 continentals were killed or wounded ; of the 350 Charlestown militia, who were in the hottest of the fire, six were wounded and Captain Shepherd killed. The force of the garrison was between two and three thousand, of which about one hundred and fifty were militia. The damage sus- tained by the besieged was trifling as they fired under cover, and few of the assailants fired at all. Immediately after this unsuccessful assault, the militia almost universally went to their homes. Count D'Estaing re-embarked his troops, artillery and baggage, and left the continent ; and General Lincoln's army marched to Charlestown. Thus ended the campaign of 1779, without anything de- cisive on either side. After one year, in which the I?ritish had overrun the State of Georgia for one hundred and fifty miles from the coast and hadpelietrated as far as the lines of Charles- town, they were reduced to their original limits in Savannah. All their schemes of co-operation with the tories had failed, and the spirits of that class of the inhabitants, by repeated disappointments, were thoroughly broken. The arrival of the French fleet protracted the execution of a plan formed for turning the force of the war against the southern States. The want of success in the attack on Savannah induced the British commander in New York, soon after Count D'Estaing's depart- ure, to resume it. SECTION VII. Campaign of 1780. No sooner was the departure of the French fleet from the coast of America known at New York, than Sir Henry Clinton set on foot a grand expedition against Charlestown. The cam- paigns of 1778 and 1775 to the northward, had produced nothing of importance. But he regaled himself with flat- tering prospects of more easy conquests among the weaker States. The almost uninterrupted march of General Prevost 182 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. through the richest parts of South Carolina to the gates of the capital; the conduct of the planters who, on that occasion, were more attentive to secure their property by submission, than to defend it by resistance, together with the recent suc- cessful defence of Savannah, all invited the British arms to the southward. Unfortunately for Carolina, the most formidable attack was made on her capital, at a time when she was least able to de- fend it. In 1776 a vote of her new government stamped a value on her bills of credit, which in 1780 could not be affixed to twenty times as much of the same nominal currency. At this important juncture, when the public service needed the largest supplies, the paper bills of credit were of the least value. To a want of money was added a want of men. The militia were exhausted with an uninterrupted continuance of hard duty. The winter, to others a time of repose, had been to them a season for most active exertions. The dread of the small pox which, after seventeen years absence, was known to be in Charlestown, discouraged many from repairing to the defence of the capital. The six continental regiments, on the South Carolina establishment, in the year 1777, consisting of 2,400 men ; but in the year 1780 they were so much reduced by death, desertion, battles, and the expiration of their terms of service, that they did not exceed 800. Government had neither the policy to forgive aor the courage to punish the numbers who, in the preceding campaign, deserting their country's cause, had repaired for protection to the royal stand- ard of General Prevost. They who stayed at home and sub- mitted, generally saved some part of their property. They who continued with the American army were plundered of everything that could be carried away, and deprived of the remainder as far as was possible by wanton destruction. After events of this kind, it was no easy matter to call forth the militia from their homes to the defence of Charlestown. The repulse at Savannah, impressed the inhabitants with high ideas of the power of Britain. The impossibility of a retreat from an invested town, created in many an aversion from hnes and ramparts. The presence of Sir Henry Clinton whOj as Commander-in-Chief, could order what reinforcements he pleased, and who would naturally wish by something bril- liant to etface the remembrance of his defeat in 1776, concurred with the causes already mentioned to dispirit the country. The North Carolina and Virginia continentals, amounting to 1,500 men, and also two frigates, a twenty-gun ship, and a sloop-of-war, were ordered from the northward for the defence of Charlestown. This was all the aid that could be expected from Congress. The resolution was nevertheless unanimously CAMPAIGN OP 1780. 183 taken, in a full house of assembly, to defend the town to the last extremity. The royal army, destined for the reduction of Charlestown, embarked at New York on the 26th of December 1779. They had a tedious and difficult passage, in which they sustained great damage. This, with their touching at Savannah, made it as late as the 11th of February, 1780, before they landed at the distance of thirty miles from Charlestown. The Assem- bly, then sitting, immediately broke up, and delegated, "till ten days after their next session, to the Governor, John Rut- ledge, and such of his council as he could conveniently consult, a power to do everything necessary for the public good, except the taking away the hfe of a citizen without a legal trial." In- vested with this authority, he immediately ordered the militia to rendezvous. Though the necessity was great, few obeyed the pressing call. A proclamation was soon after issued, " re- quiring such of the militia as were regularly draughted, and all the inhabitants and owners of property in the town, to re- pair to the American standard, and join the garrison imme- diately, under pain of confiscation." This severe, though ne- cessary measure, produced very little effect. Had Sir Henry Clinton pushed immediately for the town, he might have pos- sessed himself of it in four days after his landing; but that cautious commander adopted the slow method of a regular investiture. At Wappoo, on James Island, he formed a depot and erected fortifications, both on that island and on the main, opposite to the southern and western extremities of the town. On the 29th of March he passed Ashley river, and the third day after broke ground at the distance of eleven hundred yards, and at successive periods erected five batteries on Charlestown Neck. The garrison was equally assiduous in preparing for their defence. The works that had been thrown up in the spring of the year 1779, were strengthened and ex- tended. Lines of defence and redoubts were continued across Charlestown Neck from Cooper to Ashley river. In front of the lines was a strong abbatis, and a wet ditch picketted on the nearest side. Between the abbatis and the lines deep holes were dug at short distances from each other. The lines were made particularly strong on the right and left, and so constructed as to rake the wet ditch in almost its whole extent In the centre a strong citadel was erected. Works were thrown up on all sides of the town where a landing was prac- ticable. The continentals, with the Charlestown battalion of artillery, manned the lines in front of the British on the Neck between Ashley and Cooper rivers. The works on South Bay and other parts of the town, not immediately exposed to danger, were defended by the militia. The marine force of 184 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. the State had been increased by converting four schooners into galhes, and by the armed ships Bricole and Truite, which for that purpose had been lately purchased from the French. The inferior numbers of the garrison forbade any attempts to oppose Sir Henry Clinton before his landing on the main. Immediately after which Lieutenant-ColonelJohn Laurens, with a corps of light infantry, briskly attacked his advanced guards. In this skirmish. Captain Bowman was killed. Major Hyrne, and seven privates wounded. Though the lines were no more than field works, yet Sir Henry treated them with the respectful homage of three parallels, and made his advances with the greatest circumspection. From the third to the tenth of April, the first parallel was completed, and immediately after, the town was summoned to surrender. On the 12th, the batteries were opened, and an almost inces- sant fire kept up. A British fleet, commanded by Admiral Arbuthnot consist- ing of the Renown of fifty guns, the Romulus and Roebuck each of forty-four, the Richmond, Le Blonde, Raleigh, Vir- ginia, each of thirty-two guns, and the Sandwich armed ship, crossed the bar in front of Rebellion road on the 20th of March, and anchored in Five Fathom Hole. The force opposed to this was the Bricole of forty-four guns, the Providence and Boston, each of thirty- two guns, the Queen of France of twenty- eight, L'Avanture and the Truite, each of twenty-six, the Ranger and brig General Lincoln, each of twenty, and the brig Notre Dame of sixteen guns. The first object of Commo- dore Whipple, who commanded the American naval force, was to prevent Admiral Arbuthnot from crossing the bar; but on the near approach of the British fleet he retreated to fort Moultrie, and in a few days after to Charlestown. The crews and guns of all his vessels, except the Ranger, were put on shore to reinforce the batteries. On the 9th of April Admiral Arbuthnot weighed anchor at Five Fathom Hole, and taking advantage of a strong southerly wind, and flowing tide, passed fort Moultrie without stopping to engage it. Colonel Pin ckney, who commanded on Sullivan's Island, with three hundred men, kept up a brisk and severe fire on the ships in their pas- sage. Twenty-seven seamen were killed or wounded. The Richmond's fore-topmast was shot away, and the ships in general sustained damage. The Acetus transport ran aground near Haddrell's point. Captain Gadsden, detached with two field-pieces, fired into her with such effect that the crew set her on fire, and retreated in boats to the other vessels. The royal fleet came to anchor, in about two hours, near the re- mains of fort Johnson on James Island, within long shot of the town batteries. To prevent their running up Cooper river, CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 185 from which they might have enfiladed the lines, was the next object. With this intention eleven vessels had been sunk in the channel opposite to the Exchange. The Ranger frigate and two galleys were stationed to the northward of it, to co- operate with the batteries on shore in defending these obstruc- tions, and to attack any armed vessels that might force a pas- sage through Hog-Island channel. Though the greatest exertions had been made by the gen- tlemen in power to reinforce the garrison, and to strengthen the lines, yet their endeavors were not seconded by the people. No more country militia could be brought into the town, and very few could be persuaded to embody in the country. Seven hundred continentals, commanded by General Woodford, who had marched five hundred miles in twenty-eight days, arrived in Charlestown on the 10th of April. This was the only re- inforcement the garrison received during the siege, though the communication between the town and country was open until the middle of April. The fire of the besiegers soon discovered itself to be much superior to that of the beseiged. The former had the advan- tage of twenty-one mortars and royals; the latter only of two. While the lines of approach advanced with such rapidity that the second parallel, at the distance of three hundred yards, was completed on the 20th, the lines of the beseiged in many places sustained great damage. On the 14th, the American cavalry, as shall be more particularly hereafter related, was surprised at Monk's Corner, and totally routed. The British immediately extended themselves to the eastward of Cooper river, and took post with two hundred and fifty cavalry, and five hundred infantry, in the vicinity of Wappetaw. On the 16th General Lincoln called a council of officers, who were of opinion that the weak state of the garrison made it impro- per to detach a number sufficient to attack this separate corps. The only practicable route of an evacuation was to the right of the town. To deter Lincoln from attempting this change of position, the British continued to extend and increase their force in that quarter. On the 20th and 21st, a council of officers was again called to deliberate on the important sub- ject of an evacuation. They were of opinion, " that it was unadvisable, because of the opposition made to it by the civil authority and the inhabitants, and because, even if they should succeed in defeating a large body of the enemy posted in their way, they had not a sufficiency of boats to cross the Santee before they might be overtaken by the whole British army." The council of war recommended a capitulation with the be- siegers as the most eligible mode of eflTecting the desired evac- uation. In this it was proposed that the security of the in- 186 HISTORY or THE REVOLUTION. habitants, and a safe unmolested retreat for the garrison, with baggage and field-pieces to the northeast of Charlestown, should be granted on the part of Sir Henry Clinton, as an equivalent for the quiet possession of the town, its fortifications and dependencies. These terms were instantly rejected, and from that time the dispirited garrison made a languid resistance. The inferior numbers of the besieged forbade repeated sal- lies. The only one made during the siege was on the 24th of April, soon after the rejection of the offered terms of capit- ulation. This was conducted by Lieutenant-Colonel Hen- derson, who led out two hundred men, and attacked the ad- vanced working-party of the British, killed several, and took eleven prisoners. In this affair Captain Moultrie, of the South Carolina line, was killed. The only plan now left for an evacuation, was to withdraw privately under cover of the night. A council of war held on the 26th pronounced this measure impracticable with the present numbers of the garrison. While General Lincoln was pressed with these difficulties, the British flag was seen flying on fort Moultrie. After the ships had passed Sullivan's Island, Colonel Pinckney, with one hundred and fifty of the men under his command, was withdrawn from that post to reinforce the besieged army in Charlestown. The feeble remainder of that garrison, mostly militia, on the 6th of May surrendered without firing a gun, to Captain Hud- son of the British navy. On the next day Sir Henry Chnton began a correspondence, and renewed his former terms. At this time all the flesh-provisions of the garrison were not sufficient to furnish rations for the space of a week. There was no prospects either of reinforcements, or of supplies from the country. The engineers gave it as their opinion that the lines could not be defended ten days longer, and that they might at any time be carried by assault in ten minutes. The same obstacles in the way of an evacuation still existed with increased force. General Lincoln was disposed to close with the terms offered, as far as they respected his army; but some demur was made in behalf of the citizens. Sir Henry Chnton insisted on their being all prisoners on parole. He also evaded any determinate answer to the article which requested leave for those who did not choose to submit to the British govern- ment, to sell their estates and leave the province. The royal- ists in the State having had this indulgence at all times since the abolition of regal government, it was hoped that on a pro- per representation of these matters, in a free Conference, the generosity of the beseigers would soften their demands. This Conference was asked by General Lincoln, without directly refusing what was offered. Contrary to the expectation of the besieged, an answer was returned that hostilities should re- CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 187 commence at eight o'clock. When that hour arrived the most vigorous onset of the besiegers was immediately expected by the garrison. But instead of this neither army fired a gun for some time. Both seemed to dread the consequences of an assault, and to wish for a continuance of the truce, and a re- consideration of the proposed articles. At nine P. M., firing commenced from the garrison, and was kept up on both sides for several hours with unusual briskness, and did more exe- cution than had taken place in the same length of time since the commencement of the siege. Shells and carcasses were thrown incessantly into almost all parts of the town. Several houses were burnt, and many more were with difficulty saved. By this time the British had completed their third parallel. Besides the cannon and mortars which played on the garrison at the distance of less than a hundred yards, rifles were fired by the Hessian jagers with such etfect, that very few escaped who showed themselves above the lines. On the 11th the British crossed the wet ditch by Sap, and advanced within twenty-five yards of the lines of the besieged. On this day petitions were presented from a great majority of the inhabi- tants, and of the country militia, praying General Lincoln to accede to the terms oiFered by Sir Henry Clinton. Under these circumstances Lincoln found it necessary to assent to the articles as proposed without any conference or explanation. This was the first instance in the American war of an at- tempt to defend a town ; and the unsuccessful event, with its consequences, makes it probable that if this method had been generally adopted the independence of America could not have been so easily supported. Much censure was undeservedly cast on General Lincoln for risking his army within the lines. Though the contrary plan was undoubtedly the best in general, yet he had particu- lar reasons to justify his deviation from the example of the illustrious Commander-in-Chief of the American army. The reinforcements promised him were fully sufficient for the security of the town. The Congress and the governments of North and South Carolina gave him ground to count upon nine thousand nine hundred men. From a variety of causes, some of which have been already stated, this paper army, in- cluding the militia of both Carolinas, was very little more than one-third of that number. Notwithstanding this unfortunate termination of his command in the southern district, great praise is due to General Lincoln for his judicious and spirited conduct, in bafiling, for three months, the greatly superior force of Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot. Though Charles- town and the southern army were lost, yet, by their long pro- tracted defence, the British plans were not only retarded, but 188 HISTORY OP THE REVOLUTION. deranged; and North Carolina, as will hereafter be made evi- dent, was saved for the remainder of the year 1780. The return of prisoners transmitted by Sir Henry Clinton, on the surrender of Charlestown, was very large. It compre- hended everv adult free man of the town, between two and three thousand sailors who had been taken from the shipping and put into the batteries, and the militia of both Carolinas, then in garrison. These swelled the number to upwards of 5,000, and afforded ample materials for a splendid account of the importance of the conquest ; but the real number of the privates of the continental army was 1,977, and of these 500 were in the hospitals. The number of the captive officers was also great. During the thirty days of the siege, only twenty American soldiers deserted. The militia and sailors were stationed in those batteries which were not much ex- posed, and therefore they suffered very little. Of the conti- nentals who manned the lines in front of the besiegers, eighty- nine were killed, and one hundred and thirty-eight wounded; among the former were Colonel Parker, an officer who had often distinguished himself by his gallantry and good con- duct, and Captain Peyton, both of the Virginia line ; Philip' Neyle, Aid-de-Camp to General Moultrie; Captains Mitchel and Templeton, and Lieutenant Gilbank. The Charlestown militia artillery, who were stationed at the lines and did equal duty with the continentals, had three men killed ; Adjutant Warham and seven privates wounded; about twenty of the inhabitants who remained in their houses, were killed by ran- dom-shot in the town. Upwards of thirty houses were burnt, and many others greatly damaged. After the British took possession of the town, the arms taken from the army and inhabitants, amounting to five thousand, were lodged in a laboratory near a large quantity of cartridges and of loose powder. By the imprudence of the guard in snapping the guns and pistols, this powder took fire, blew up the house, dispersed the burning fragments of it, which set fire to and destroyed the workhouse, the jail and the old barracks. The British guard, consisting of fifty men, stationed at this place, was destroyed, and their mangled bodies dashed by the violent explosion against the neighbor- ing houses in Archdale street. Several persons in the vicinity shared the same fate. Many of the fire-arms were loaded; they, with the cartridges going ofi", sent the instruments of death in all directions. Upwards of a hundred persons lost their lives on this occasion. In the tedious and difficult winter passage of the royal army from New York to Charlestown, the horses destined to mount the British cavalry were lost. Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, CAMPAIGN or 1780, 189 after he landed, in a little time obtained a fresh supply and began the career of his victories. Soon after he had procured horses to mount his cavalry, he joined a body of about a thousand men, who had marched through the country from Savannah, under the command of General Patterson. On the 18th of March, 1780, a detachment from his corps sur- prised a party of American militia, about eighty in number, at Saltcatcher bridge, killed and wounded several of them and dispersed the remainder. Five days after, Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, with his legion, fell in with another small party of mounted militia, near Ponpon, who immediately retreated. In the pursuit, three were killed, one wounded, and four taken prisoners. His next rencontre was on the 27th with Lieu- tenant-Colonel Washington, at the head of his regular corps of horse, between the ferry on Ashley river and Rantowle's bridge, on Stono. The Americans had the advantage, took seven prisoners and drove back the cavalry of the British legion; but for want of infantry, durst not pursue them. At the beginning of the siege, General Lincoln ordered the regular cavalry, amounting to three hundred men, to keep the field; and the country militia were ordered to act as infantry in their support. The militia, on various pretences, refused to attach themselves to the cavalry. This important body of horse, which was intended to cover the country, and keep open a communication between it and the town, was surprised on the 14th of April, at Monk's corner, by a strong party of British, led by Lieutenant-Colonels Tarleton and Webster. A negro slave, for a sum of money, conducted the British from Goose creek, in the night, through unfrequented paths. About twenty-five of the Americans were killed or taken. They who escaped, were obliged for several days to conceal themselves in the swamps. Upwards of thirty horses were lost, and became a seasonable supply to the British, who were but badly mounted. After this catastrophe, all armed parties of Americans, for some time, abandoned that part of the State which lies to the southward of Santee. Soon after this surprise. Colonel Anthony Walton White arrived, and took the command of the remains of the cavalrjr. At the head of this corps, mounted a second time with great difficulty, he crossed to the southward of the Santee, and, on the 6th of May, 1780, came up with a small British party, took them prisoners and conducted them to Lanneau's ferry. Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, with a party of horse, was dis- patched to the ferry and arrived there in a few minutes after the American cavalry, and instantly charged them with a su- perior force. From the want of boats and of infantry, a re- treat was impracticable, and resistance unavailing. A route 190 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. took place. Major Call and seven others, escaped on horse- back, by urging their way through the advancing British cav- alry. Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, Major Jameson, and five or six privates, saved themselves by swimming across the Santee. About thirty were killed, wounded, or taken. The remainder got off by concealing themselves in the swamps. The British prisoners, who were in a boat crossing the river, being called upon by their friends to come back, rose on their guard and were released. After the landing of the British in 1780, depredations sim- ilar to those alread}'' described, recommenced. As the reduc- tion of Carolina was then confidently expected, they did not commit such wanton wastes as General Prevost's army ; but it is hard to tell which exceeded the other in plundering. As the royal army of 1780 was much more numerous, and ex- tended over the country on all sides of Charlestown, and had the convenience of a large fleet on the coast to carry off their spoil, they made much greater collections of bulky articles. They possessed themselves in particular of indigo to the valueof many thousand dollars. From mistaken policy, the merchants and others had stored the greater part of their commodities without the lines, and very often on or near the water. These collections very generally fell into the hands of the conque- rors. The British, on this occasion, plundered by system, formed a general stock, and appointed commissaries of cap- tures. Spoil collected this way was disposed of for the benefit of the royal army. The quantity brought to market was so great that, though it sold uncommonly low, yet the dividend of a Major General was upwards of four thousand British guineas. The private plunder of individuals, on their separate account, was often more than their proportion of the public stock. Over and above what was sold in Carolina, several vessels were sent abroad to market, loaded with rich spoil, taken from the inhabitants. Upwards of two thousand plundered negroes were shipped oif at one embarkation. Several private gentle- men lost in the invasions of 1779 and 1780, from five hundred to two thousand dollars worth of plate, and other property in proportion. The slaves a second time flocked to the British army, and, being crowded together, were visited by the camp fever. The small pox, which had not been in the province for seventeen years, broke out among them, and spread rap- idly. From these two diseases, and the impossibility of their being provided with proper accommodations and attendance in the British encampments, great numbers of them died, and were left un buried in the woods. Never did any people more mistake their true interest than the inhabitants of South Carohna, in permitting the British CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 191 to obtain foothold in their country. Exhausted with the fatigues, and impoverished by the consequences of a war into which they had been gradually drawn, without any intention originally of pushing it so far, some flattered themselves that the reduction of Charlestown would terminate their sufierings; but that event proved to them the commencement of still greater evils. The capital having surrendered, the next object was to se- cure the general submission of the inhabitants. To this end the victors posted garrisons in ditferent parts of the country, and marched with a large body of their troops over the Santee towards that extremity of the State which borders on the most populous settlements of North Carolina. This caused an immediate retreat of some parties of Americans who had advanced into the upper parts of South Carolina, with the expectation of relieving Charlestown. Among the corps which had come forward with that view, there was one commanded by Colonel Buford, which consisted of three or four hundred continental infantry and a few horsemen. Colonel Tarleton, with about seven hundred horse and foot, was dispatched in quest of this party. That enterprising officer, having mounted his infantry, marched one hundred miles in fifty-four hours, came up with them at the Waxhaws, and demanded their surrender on terms similar to those granted to the continentals, taken in Charlestown. This being refused, an action imme- diately ensued. Buford committed two capital mistakes in this affair. One was his sending his wagons and artillery away before the engagement. The wagons might have served as a breast-work to defend his men against the attacks of the cavalry. Another mistake was ordering his men not to fire till the enemy were within ten yards. A single discharge made but little impression on the advancing British horse- men. Before it could be repeated, the assailants were in con- tact with their adversaries, cutting them down with their sabres. The Americans, finding resistance useless, sued for quarters, but their submission produced no cessation of hos- tilities. Some of them, after they had ceased to resist, lost their hands, others their arms, and almost every one was mangled with a succession of wounds. The charge was urged till five in six of the whole number of the Americans were, by Tarleton's official account of this bloody scene, either killed or so badly wounded as to be incapable of being moved from the field of battle; and by the same account this took place, though they made such ineffectual opposition as only to kill five and wound twelve of the British. Lord Cornwallis bestowed on Tarleton the highest encomiums for this enterprise, and recommended him in a special manner to 192 HISTORY OF THE. KEVOLUTION. royal favor. This barbarous massacre gave a more san- guinary turn to the war. Tarleton's quarters became pro- verbial, and in the subsequent battles a spirit of revenge gave a keener edge to military resentments. This total route of all the continental troops of the southern States, which were not made prisoners by the capitulation of Charlestown, together with the universal panic occasioned by the surrender of that capital, suspended for about six weeks all military opposition to the progress of the British army. In this hour of distress, to the friends of independence the royal commander, by proclamation, denounced the extremity of vengeance against those of the inhabitants who should continue, by force of arms, to oppose the re-establishment of British government. The conquerors did not rest the royal cause exclusively on threats. On the first of June, nineteen days after the surrender of Charlestown, Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot, in the character of commissioners for restoring peace to the revolted colonies, by proclamation, offered " to the inhabitants, with a few exceptions, pardon for their past treasonable offences, and a re-instatement in the possession of all those rights and immunities which they heretofore had enjoyed under a free British government, exempt from taxation except by their own legislatures." These spe- cious offers, together with the impossibility of their fleeing with their families and effects, and the want of an army to which the militia of the State might repair, induced the peo- ple in the country to abandon all schemes of further resistance. The militia to the southward of Charlestown sent in a flag to the commanding officer of the royal detachment at Beaufort, and obtained terms similar to those granted to the inhabitants of the capital. At Camden, the inhabitants met the British with a flag, and negotiated for themselves. The people of Ninety-Six assembled to deliberate on what course they should pursue. Being informed that the British were ad- vancing to that part of the State, they sent a flag to the com- manding officer, from whom they learned that Sir Henry Clinton had delegated full powers to Captain Richard Pearis to treat with them. Articles of capitulation were immediately proposed, and soon after ratified, by which they were promised the same security for their persons and property which British subjects enjoyed. Excepting the extremities of the State, which border on North Carolina, the inhabitants who continued in the country generally preferred submission to resistance. The difference between evacuating and defending towns became apparent, and fully proved that the first was the best plan of defence for America. Though the progress of the British arms was rapid, yet it CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 193 was far short of what was originally expected. Their schemes had been deranged as to time, and new events made it neces- sary for them to divide their forces and to alter their plans. Intelligence was received by Sir Henry Clinton, about the time of the surrender of Charlestown, that a large number of land forces, and a French fleet, consisting of seven sail-of-the- line and five frigates, commanded by M. De Ternay, was to have sailed from France so early in the year that its arrival on the American coast might be soon expected. This induced the Commander-in-Chief of the royal army to re-embark for New York early in June, with the greatest part of his army. Though the French fleets gained at this time no direct ad- vantages for their American allies, yet they completely de- ranged the plan of British operations. On the departure of Sir Henry Clinton from Charlestown, Lord Cornwallis was appointed Commander-in-Chief in the southern department, with about four thousand men. This force, though far short of what was originally intended for southern operations, was deemed fully sufiicient for the pur- pose of extending the British conquests. The object hitherto pursued by the British commanders with regard to the inhabitants of South Carolina, was to in- duce them to remain peaceably at their homes. To this end they accepted of their submission on very easy terms. All, with a few exceptions, who applied, obtained either paroles as pris- oners or protections as British subjects. They who preferred the latter were required to subscribe a declaration of their allegi- ance to the King of Great Britain, but in the hurry of business this frequently was omitted, and the privileges of British sub- jects were freely bestowed on some without any engagements. The general submission of the inhabitants was followed by an unusual calm. The British believed that the State of South Carolina was thoroughly conquered, but they soon found that the disguise which fear had imposed subsisted no longer than the present danger. Their experience in America had not yet taught them enough of human nature to distin- guish a forced submission, in a temporary panic, from a cor- dial return to their former allegiance. Subsequent events proved that a country is unsubdued as long as the minds of the people are actuated by an hostile spirit. All military opposition being suspended, the royal com- manders, supposing their work in South Carolina to be com- pletely finished, began to extend their views to the adjacent States. To facilitate their future operations, they conceived a scheme of obtaining substantial service from their new sub- jects. In the prosecution of this business, their poHcy soon lest what arms had gained. While some of the inhabitants 13 194 HISTORY OP THE REVOLUTION. were felicitating themselves in having obtained a respite from the calamities of war, they were no less astonished than con- founded by a proclamation, in which they were called upon to take arms in support of royal government. All paroles given to prisoners not taken by capitulation, and who were not in confinement at the surrender of Charlestown, were de- clared, on the third of June, 1780, by the Commander-in-Chief, " to be null and void after the twentieth of the same month, and the holders of them were called upon to resume the character of British subjects, and to take an active part in forwarding military operations, or to be considered and treated as rebels against his majesty's government." This extraordi- nary step was taken without any pretence of violation of parole on the part of the prisoners. With this proclamation, and the enrollment of the militia, commenced the declension of British aulhority. Many had applied for paroles and pro- tection from the fond expectation that they should be indulged with a residence on their estates, and be at full liberty to prose- cute their private business. Numbers who, from motives of fear or convenience, had submitted, still retained an affection for their American brethren, and shuddered at the thought of taking arms against them. A great number, considering themselves released from their parole by the proclamation, conceived that they had a right to. arm against the British, and were induced to do so from the royal menace, that they who did not enroll themselves as British subjects must expect to be treated as enemies. A greater number found it convenient to exchange their paroles for protection. To sacrifice all and leave the country, required a degree of fortitude that is the lot of few. To take -protection, and to enroll themselves as militia under the iroya-1 standard, were events wholly unexpected when they submitted as prisoners of war. They conceived themselves reduced to a very hard alternative. They sub- mitted, but their subsequent conduct made it probable that this was done, in many cases, with a secret reservation of breaking the compulsory tie when a proper opportunity should present itself. If this severe alternative had never been im- posed, and if the people had been indulged in the quiet pos- session of their property and domestic ease, it would have been difficult for ('ongress to have made adequate exertions for rescuing the State out of the hands of the British. But from a concurrence of causes, about this time, there was formed a strong party disposed to do and suffer more for the expulsion of their new masters than they could be persuaded to do six months before to prevent the country from falling into their hands. The situation of the inhabitants of the town was different CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 195 from that of the country. As they had a right, by the capitu- lation, to remain at their homes on parole they were excepted from the alternative offered by the proclamation of the third of June; other methods were therefore used to compel them to become British subjects. Immediately after the surrender of Charlestown a few persons, attached to the British govern- ment, prepared an address to the General and Admiral, con- gratulating them on their conquest. This was signed by two hundred and ten of the inhabitants; the greater part of whom had been in arms against the British during the seige, and among whom were a few who had been leaders in the popular government. In answer to their address they were promised the privileges and protection of British subjects, on subscribing a test of their allegiance and of their willingness to support the royal cause. These addressers, who thus decidedly took part with the British, immediately made an invidious distinc- tion between subjects and prisoners and became the instigators of every severity against those who chose to remain on parole. As they had revolted from the cause of America, that they might be kept in countenance, they labored to draw others into the same predicament. This example of exchanging paroles for protection was soon followed by many of their fellow- citizens. Those of them who owned estates in the country, had no security by capitulation, for any property out of the lines unless they became subjects. This induced persons so circumstanced to join their conquerors. To oblige them uni- versally to return to their allegiance, there was a succession of proclamations, each abridging the privileges of prisoners. Subjects were allowed to sue for their debts before the British board of police, but prisoners were denied all benefit of that court. Though they were liable to suits they had no security for the payment of their debts, but the honor of their debtors. The paroles granted to prisoners, after the surrender of the town, were much more limited than might have been expected. The citizens of the town were restrained from going out of the hnes, or on the water, without special permission. This, when applied for, was sometimes wantonly refused; and on other occasions might be obtained for money. Ineffectual attempts were made to obtain more generous limits, but no extension was granted; and they who seemed averse from signing the offered paroles were informed that, in case of an absolute re- fusal, they must expect close confinement. These shackles sat very uneasy on free citizens who had heretofore been ac- customed to the fullest enjoyment of personal liberty; but no relaxation could be obtained on any other condition than that of professing a return to their allegiance. The conquerors, in the most perfect confidence of keeping the province and of 196 HISTOET OF THE KEVOLUTION. extending their conquests, valued themselves much upon their generosity in being willing to receive as British subjects the citizens whom they viewed in the light of vanquished rebels. Under the influence of this opinion they laughed at the folly, and resented the ingratitude and impudence of those who chose to remain in the character of prisoners. Such persons met with every discouragement, and at the same time the door of readmission to the privileges of subjects was thrown wide open. This made some martyrs, but more hypocrites. A numerous class of people were reduced to the alternative of starving or suing for protection. Those inhabitants of Charles- town, who were of the Hebrew nation, and others who were shopkeepers, were, while prisoners, encouraged to make pur- chases from the British merchants who came with the conquer- ing army ; and after they had contracted large debts of this kind, were precluded by proclamation from selling the goods they had purchased unless they assumed the name and char- acter of British subjects. Mechanics and others were allowed, for some months after the surrender, to follow their respective occupations ; but, as they could not compel payment for their services, repeated losses soon convinced them of the conve- nience of British protection. Great numbers in all commu- nities are wholly indifferent what form of government they live under. They can turn with the times, and submit with facility to the present ruling power whatsoever it may be. The low state of American affairs in the summer of 1780 in- duced a belief among many of the inhabitants that Congress, from necessity, had abandoned the idea of contending for the Southern States. The resolutions of that body, disavowing this imputation, were carefully concealed from the prisoners. Many believing that South Carolina would finally remain a British province, and being determined to save their estates under every form of government, concluded that the sooner they submitted the less they would lose. The negroes and other property of individuals had been seized by the British during the siege. Prisoners on parole had no chance of re- possessing themselves of any part of this plunder, though subjects were allowed to put in their claim, and were some- times successful. A party always attached to royal government, though they had conformed to the laws of the State, rejoiced in the revolution, and sincerely returned to their allegiance; but their number was inconsiderable in comparison with the multitude who were obliged by necessity, or induced by con- venience, to accept of British protection. The inhabhants of the country, for the most part, lay more at the unconditional mercy of the conquerors than the citizens of the capital. Those who refused to give up their paroles, CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 197 and did not flee out of the country, were generally removed from their families and confined to some of the islands on the sea-coast; while their property became the spoil and plunder of a rapacious army. In this trying situation, the various ruling passions of individuals appeared without disguise. Some men of the largest fortunes and who had been promoted to exalted stations, both civil and military, relinquished the service of the State for present ease and convenience. A few of this character, who were entirely out of the way of personal danger, and in the full enjoyment of the privileges of free- men, voluntarily returned and bowed their necks to the con- querors. In direct contradiction to the whole tenor of their past conduct, they attempted to apologize for their inconsistency by declaring that they had never aimed at independence, and were always averse from an alliance with France. The mis- chievous effects of negro slavery were, at this time, abundantly apparent. Several who had Hved in ease and affluence from the produce of their lands, cultivated by the labor of slaves, had not fortitude enough to dare to be poor. Sentiments of honor, and love of their country, made them wish to preserve a consistency of conduct by refusing submission to British government; but the impossibility of supporting themselves by their own exertions, counteracted every generous resolution. The conflict of contrary passions, and the distress of the times, drove several to the excessive use of spirituous liquors, which proved the source of diseases and often destroyed life. Though numbers broke through the solemn ties by which they had voluntarily bound themselves to support the cause of America, illustrious sacrifices were made at the shrine of liberty; several submitted to a distressing exile, or a more in- tolerable confinement. The proprietors of some of the best estates in South Carolina suffered them to remain in the power and possession of the conquerors, rather than stain their honor by deserting their country. The rich staked their fortunes ; but in the humble walks of obscurity were found several of the middling and poorer class of citizens, who may be truly said to have staked their lives on the cause of America ; for they renounced the comforts subservient to health in warm climates, and contented themselves with a scanty portion of the plainest necessaries of life in preference to joining the enemies of independence. In this crisis of danger to the liber- ties of America, the ladies of South Carolina conducted them- selves with more than spartan magnanimity. They gloried in the appellation of rebel ladies; and though they withstood repeated solicitations to grace public entertainments, with their presence, yet they crowded on board prison-ships, and other places of confinement, to solace their suffering countrymen. 198 HISTORr OF THE REVOLUTION. While the conquerors were regaling themselves at concerts and assemblies, they codld obtain very few of the fair sex to associate with them ; but no sooner was an American officer introduced as a prisoner, than his company was sought for and his person treated with every possible mark of attention and respect. On other occasions the ladies in a great measure retired from the public eye, wept over the distresses of their country, and gave every proof of the warmest attachment to its suffering cause. In the height of the British conquests, when poverty and ruin seemed the unavoidable portion of every adherent to the independence of America, the ladies in general discovered more firmness than the men. Many of them, like guardian angels, preserved their husbands from falling in the houi' of temptation when interest and conve- nience had almost gotten the better of honor and patriotism. Among the numbers who were banished from their families and whose property was seized by the conquerors, many ex- amples could be produced of ladies cheerfully parting with their sons, husbands, and brothers, exhorting them to fortitude and perseverance, and repeatedly entreating them never to suffer family attachments to interfere with the duty they owed to their country. When, in the progress of the war, they were also comprehended under a general sentence of banishment, with equal resolution they parted with their native country and the many endearments of home — followed their husbands into prison-ships and distant lands, where, though they had long been in the habit of giving, they were reduced to the necessity of receiving charity. They renounced the present gratifications of wealth, and the future prospects of fortunes for their growing offspring — adopted every scheme of economy, and, though born in affluence, and habituated to attendance, betook themselves to labor. Whilst the conquerors were indefatigable in their endeavors to strengthen the party for royal government by the addition of new subjects, the American were not inattentive to their interests. During the siege of Charlestown, General Lincoln in the most pressing manner, requested Governor Rutledge, with his council, to go out of town ; on the idea that the civil authority of the State would be exerted to much greater ad- vantage in the country than in the besieged metropolis. On the 12th of April, 1780, he left Charlestown. Every exertion was made by him to embody the country militia, and to bring them forward for the relief of the besieged capital. Failing in this, he attempted to make a stand to the north of the Santee, The reduction of the town, with the army enclosed, occasioned such a general panic among the militia that they could not be persuaded to second his views. Governor Rutledge in a CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 199 little time retired to the northward, where he was more suc- cessful in his negotiations with North Carolina, Virginia, and Congress. Soon after, he returned to South Carolina, and gave vigor, union, and force to the inhabitants in their exertions against British government. During the siege, expresses were sent by General Lincoln to Congress, the States of North Carolina and Virginia, repre- senting the unpromising appearance of affairs in South Caro- lina. In consequence of these several requisitions. Congress determined that a considerable detachment from their main army should be immediately marched to the southward. The State of North Carolina, also, ordered a large body of their militia to take the field, and to be relieved every three months. These stamina of a second southern army were originally designed to compel the British to raise the siege of Charles- town ; but being too late for that, they became a respectable check to the extension of their conquests. As the British advanced to the upper country of South Carolina, a considerable number of the determined friends of independence retreated before them, and took refuge in North Carolina. In this class was Colonel Sumpter, a gentleman who had formerly commanded one of the continental regi- ments, and who was known to possess a great share of bravery and other military talents. In a very little time after he had forsaken his home, a detachment of the British turned his wife and family out of doors, burned the house and every thing that was in it. A party of these exiles from South Caro- lina, who had convened in North Carolina, made choice of Colonel Sumpter to be their leader. At the head of this little band of freemen he soon returned to his own State, and took the field against the victorious British. He made this gallant effort at a time when the inhabitants had generally abandoned the idea of supporting their own independence, and when he had every difficulty to encounter. The State was no longer in a condition to pay, clothe, or feed the troops who had en- rolled themselves under his command. His followers were, in a great measure, unfurnished with arms and ammunition, and they had no magazines from which they might draw a supply. The iron tools on the neighboring farms were worked up for their use by common blacksmiths, into rude weapons of war. They supplied themselves, in part, with bullets by melting the pewter with which they were furnished by private housekeepers. They sometimes came td battle Avhen they had not three rounds a man; and some were obliged to keep at a distance, till, by the fall of others, they were supplied with arms. When they proved victorious, they were obliged to rifle the dead and wounded of their arms and ammunition 200 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. to equip them for their next engagement. At the head of these volunteers Colonel Sumpter penetrated into South Caro- lina, and recommenced a military opposition to the British after it had been suspended for about six weeks. This un- looked-for impediment to the extension of British conquests roused all the passions which disappointed ambition can in- spire. The late conquerors having in their official dispatches asserted," that the inhabitants from every quarter had repaired to the detatchments of the royal army, and to the garrison of Charlestovvn, to declare their allegiance to the King, and to offer their services in arms in support of his government; that in many instances they had brought in as prisoners their former oppressors or leaders; and that there were few men in South Carohna that were not either their prisoners or in arms with them;" and now, finding armed parties suddenly appear- ing in favor of independence, were filled with indignation. Their successes had flattered them with hopes of distinguished rank among the conquerors of America; but these unexpected hostilities made them fear that their names would be enrolled among those who, by pompous details of British victories, and exaggerated pictures of American sufferings, had deceived the people of England into a continued support of an expen- sive and ruinous war. Forgetting their experience in the northern States, they had believed the submission of the in- habitants to be sincere; making no allowance for that pro- pensity in human nature which leads mankind, when in the power of others, to frame their intelligence with more attention to what is agreeable than to what is true; the British for some time conceived that they had little to fear on the south side of Virginia. When experience convinced them of the fallacy of their hopes, they were transported with rage against the inhabitants. Without taking any share of the blame to them- selves for their policy in constraining men to an involuntary submission, they charged them with studied duplicity and treachery. Lenient measures were laid aside for those which were dictated by the spirit of revenge. Nor were opportuni- ties long wanting for the indulgence of this mahgnant passion. Lord Rawdon, whose temper was soured by disappointment, and whose breast was agitated with rage against the new sub- jects for their unmeaning submissions, on the first rnmor of an advancing American army, called on the inhabitants in and near Camden to take up arms against their approaching countrymen; and confined in the common jail those who refused. In the midst of summer, upwards of one hundred and sixty persons were shut up in one prison ; and twenty or thirty of them, though citizens of the most respectable char- acters, were loaded whh irons. Mr. James Bradley, Mi'. CAMPAIGN OP 1780. 201 Strother, Colonel Few, Mr. Kershaw, Captain Boykin, Colonel Alexander, Mr. Irwin, Colonel Winn, Colonel Hunter, and Captain John Chesnut, were in the number of those who were subjected to these indignities. The friends of independence having once more taken the field in South Carolina, a party of the corps commanded by Colonel Sumpter, consisting of one hundred and thirty-three men, on the 12th of July, 1780, engaged at WiUiams' Plan- tation, in the upper parts of South Carolina, with a detach- ment of the British troops and a large body of tories com- manded by Captain Huck. They were posted in a lane, both ends of which were entered at the same time by the Americans. In this unfavorable position they were speedily routed and dispersed. Colonel Ferguson, of the British mili- tia. Captain Huck, and several others, were killed. This was the first advantage gained over the royal forces since their landing in the beginning of the year. At the very moment this unexpected attack was made, a number of women were on their knees, vainly soliciting Captain Huck for his mercy in behalf of their families and property. During his com- mand he had distressed the inhabitants by every species of insult and injury. He had also shocked them with his pro- fanity. In a very particular manner he displayed his enmity to the Presbyterians, by burning the library and dwelling- house of their clergyman, the Rev. Mr. Simpson, and all bibles which contained the Scots translation of the psalms. These proceedings, no less impolitic than impious, inspired the nu- merous devout people of that district with an unusual anima- tion. A warm love for independence blended itself with a religious fervor, and these two passions reciprocally added strength to each other. The inhabitants of that part of the State generally arranged themselves under the command of Colonel Sumpter, and opposed the British with the enthu- siasm of men called upon to defend not only their civil liber- ties, but their holy religion. The effects of this ardor were very sensibly felt. Colonel Sumpter was soon reinforced to the number of six hundred men. At the head of this party, on the 30th of July, 1780, he made a spirited but unsuccess- ful attack on the British post at Rocky Mount. Without delay he marched in quest of other British detachments, and in eight days after successfully attacked one of their posts at the Hanging Rock, in which was a considerable force of regu- lars and tories. The Prince of Wales' regiment, which de- fended this place, was nearly annihilated, and a large body of tories, which had advanced from North Carolina under Colonel Brian, was completely routed and dispersed. It had been for some time known that an American army 202 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. was marching from the northward for the relief of their southern bretliren. The panic occasioned by the fall of Charles- town was daily abating. The whig militia, on the extremities of the State, formed themselves into small parties under lead- ers of their own choice; and sometimes attacked detach- ments of the British army, but much more frequently those of their own countrymen who were turning out as royal militia. These American parties severally acted from the im- pulse of their own minds. They set themselves in opposition to the British without the knowledge of each other's motions, and without any preconcerted general plan. Colonel Wil- liams, of the district of Ninety-Six, in particular, was indefat- igable in collecting and animating the friends of Congress in that settlement. With these he frequently harassed the con- querors. On the 18th of August 1780 he attacked a consid- erable party of British and tories, at Musgrove's mills, on the Enoree river. Colonel Innis, of the South Carolina roy- alists, was wounded; and the whole of his party obliged to retire. During the siege of Charlestown fourteen hundred conti- nental troops, consisting of the Delaware and Maryland line, commanded by Major General Baron DeKalb, were by Con- gress, ordered to the southward. They marched from head- quarters at Morristown, in New Jersey, on the 16th of April 1780, embarked at the head of Elk in May, and landed soon after at Petersburg in Virginia ; and from thence proceeded by land towards South Carolina. The country was thinly in- habited and poorly cultivated. The last year's crop was nearly expended, and the present one was not sufficiently ripe. The troops subsisted principally on lean cattle collected in the woods. The officers were so distressed for the want of flour that they made use of hair-powder to thicken their soup, but soon found a more savory substitute in green corn. Peaches were also used, and became a seasonable supply. The whole army was sometimes supplied for twenty-four hours in this way without either meat or tioiir. A considerable number of the militia of North Carolina had taken the field, and had agreed to rendezvous at Anson Court House on the 20th of July, that they might be in readiness to co-operate with the continental army. On the approach of the Americans Major M'Arthur, who commanded on the Peedee, called in his detachments and marched directly to join the main body of the royal army at Camden. On the day that the British relinquished this part of the country, the inhabi- tants, distressed by their depredations and disgusted with their conduct, generally took arms. Lord Nairne, and one hundred and six British invalids, going down the Peedee, were made CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 203 prisoners by a party of the Americans, commanded by Major Thomas, who had lately been received as loyal subjects. A large boat coming up from Georgetown, well stored with sup- pUesfor Major M' Arthur's party, was seized for the use of the American army. All the new made British militia othcers, excepting Colonel Mills, were made prisoners by their own men. For some time past the people were daily growing more and more dissatisfied with the British. Tired of war, they had submitted to their government with the flattering expectation of bettering their condition ; but they soon found their mis- take. The protection they received as the recompense of their submissions, was wholly inadequade to the purpose of secu- ring their property. When the British first took possession of the country, they considered themselves as having a right to seize on the property of rebels. Their commissaries, and quartermasters, took provisions and all other things wanted by the army, wherever they were to be found. Though articles taken this way was all charged to the British government, yet very few of the persons from whom they were taken ever re- ceived any satisfaction. After the State had generally sub- mitted, the same practice was continued. The rapacity of the common men, the indigence and avarice of many of the offi- cers, and the gains of the commissaries and quartermasters, all concurred to forbid any check to this lucrative mode of procuring supplies. They found it much more profitable to look on the inhabitants in the light of rebels, whose property was forfeited, than as reclaimed subjects who were reinstated in the protection of government. When they applied in the latter character to claim their rights, and to remonstrate against British depredations, they much oftener received in- sults than redress. People who had received this kind of treatment, and who believed that allegiance and protection were reciprocal, conceived themselves released from their late engagements, and at full liberty to rejoin the Americans. Though the inhabitants of Charlestown had not the same opportunity of showing their resentment against their con- querors, yet many of the new-made subjects and the pris- oners were very soon disgusted with their conduct. Every ungenerous construction was put on an ambiguous capitu- lation, to the disadvantage of the citizens; and their rights founded thereon were, in several instances, most injuriously violated. Continental officers were stripped of their property, on the pretence that they were soldiers, and had no right to claim under the character of citizens. The conquerors de- prived the inhabitants of their canoes by an illiberal construc- tion of the article which gave them the shipping in the harbor. Many slaves, and a great deal of property, though secured by 204 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. the capitulation, were carried off by Sir Henry Clinton's army in June 1780. Immediately after the surrender, five hundred negroes were ordered to be put on board the ships for pioneers to the royal forces in New York. These were taken where ever they could be found, and no satisfaction was made to their owners. The common soldiers, from their sufferings and services during the siege, conceived themselves entitled to a licensed plunder of the town. That their murmurings might be soothed, the officers connived at their reimbursing themselves for their fatigues and dangers at the expense of the citizens. Almost every private house had one or more of the officers or privates, of the royal army quartered upon them. In provi- ding for their accommodation very little attention was paid to the convenience of families. The insolence and disorderly conduct of persons thus forced upon the citizens, were in many instances intolerable to freemen heretofore accustomed to be masters in their own houses. To induce a people who had tasted of the sweets of independence to return to the con- dition of subjects, their minds and affections, as well as their armies, ought to have been conquered. This more delicate and difficult task was rarely attempted. The officers, privates, and followers of the royal army, were generally more intent on amassing fortunes by plunder and rapine than on pro- moting a re-union of the dissevered members of the empire. The general complexion of the officers serving in the royal army against America, was very different from what had been usual in better times. In former wars, dignity, honor and generosity, were invariably annexed to the military char- acter. Though the old officers of the British regiments in America were for the most part gentlemen, and eminently pos- sessed these virtues, yet several vacancies both at the com- mencement and in the progress of the American war had been filled up by a new set, greatly inferior in education and good breeding. Several new corps had been raised in America, in which commissions had been promised by public advertise- ment to any person who would recruit a given number of men. They who possessed most of that low cunning, which is necessary to wheedle the vulgar, were of course most suc- cessful in procuring these commissions. From an army abounding with such unworthy characters, and stationed among a people whom they hated as rebels, and from the plunder of whom theyhoped to make fortunes, it was not rea- sonable to expect that winning behavior which was necessary to conciliate the affections of the revolted States. The royal officers, instead of soothing the inhabitants into good humor, often aggravated intolerable injuries by more intolerable insults; they did more to reestablish the independence of the State than CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 205 could have been effected by the armies of Congress, had the conquerors guided themselves by maxims of sound policy. The high spirited citizens of Carolina could not brook these oppres- sions and insults, but most ardently wished to rid the country of the insulting oppressors. From motives of this kind, and a prevailing attachment to the cause of their country, many broke through all ties to join the advancing American army and more most cordially wished them success. Major General Baron DeKalb commmanded the continen- tals sent from the northward, till the 27th of July, when Major General Gates arrived with the orders of Congress to take the command. Great were the expectations of the pub- lic from this illustrious officer. The cloud that had for some time overshadowed American affairs, began to disperse. Noth- ing short of the speedy expulsion of the British from the State, came up to the wishes and hopes of the friends of in- dependence. While the American army advanced towards Camden, Colonel Sumpter was to the westward of the Wateree, and daily augmenting his corps from the revolting inhabitants who enrolled themselves under his standard. On receiving intelligence that an escort of clothing, ammunition and other stores for the garrison at Camden, was on the road from Charles- town, and that the whole must pass the Wateree ferry under coyer of a small redoubt which the British occupied on the south side of the river, he formed a successful plan for reduc- ing the redoubt and capturing the convoy. On the 15th of August, General Stevens, with a brigade of Virginia militia, joined General Gates. The whole of the American army now amounted to three thousand six hundred and sixty-three ; of which about nine hundred were continental infantry, and seventy cavalry. The arrival of this force being quite unexpected. Lord Corn- wallis was distant from the scene of action. No sooner was he informed of the approach of General Gates, than he pre- pared to join his army at Camden. He arrived, and super- seded Lord Rawdon in command, on the 14th. His inferior force, consisting of abont 1,700 infantry and 300 cavalry, would have justified a retreat; but, considering that no pro- bable event of an action would be more injurious to the royal interest than that measure, he chose to stake his fortune in a contest with the conqueror of Burgoyne. On the night of the fifteenth, he marched out with his whole force to attack the Americans ; and at the same hour. General Gates put his army in motion, with a determination to take an eligible posi- tion between Sanders' creek and Green Swamp, about eight miles from Camden. The advanced parties of both met about midnight, and a firing commenced. In this skirmish, Colonel 206 HISTORY OF THE REVOLITTION. Porterfield, a very gallant officer of the State of Virginia, re- ceived a mortal wound. After some time both parties re- treated to their main bodies, and the whole lay on their arms. In the morning, a severe and general engagement took place. The American army was formed in the following manner: The second Maryland brigade, commanded by Brigadier Gen- eral Gist, on the right of the line, flanked by a morass ; the North Carolina militia, commanded by Major General Cas- well, in the centre ; and the Virginia militia, commanded by Brigadier General Stevens, on the left, flanked by the North Carolina militia, light infantry and a morass. The artillery was posted in the instertices of brigades, and on the most ad- vantageous grounds. Major General Baron DeKalb com- manded on the right of the line, and Brigadier General Small- wood commanded the first Maryland brigade, which was posted as corps-de-reserve two or three hundred yards in the rear. In this position, the troops remained till dawn of day. As soon as the British appeared about two hundred yards in front of the North Carolina troops, the artillery was ordered to fire, and Brigadier General Stevens to attack the column which was displayed to the right. That gallant officer ad- vanced with his brigade of militia in excellent order within fifty paces of the enemy, who were also advancing, and then called out to his men, "my brave fellows, you have bayonets as well as they, we'll charge them." At that moment the British infantry charged with a cheer, and the Virginians, throwing down their arms, retreated with the utmost precipi- tation. The militia of North Carolina followed the unworthy example, except a few of General Gregory's brigade, who paused a very little longer. A part of Colonel Dixon's regi- ment fired two orthree rounds, butthe greater part of thewhole militia fled without firing a single shot. The whole left wing and centre being gone, the continentals, who formed the right wing, and the corps of reserve, engaged about the same time and gave the British an unexpected check. The second bri- gade, consisting of Maryland and Delaware troops, gained ground, and had taken no less than fifty prisoners. The first brigade being considerably out-flanked, were obliged to retire; but they rallied again, and with great spirit renewed the fight. This expedient was repeated two or three times. The British directed their whole force against these two devoted corps, and a tremendous fire of musketry was contiiuied on both sides with great steadiness. At length Lord Cornwallis observing that there was no cavalry opposed to him, poured in his dra- goons and ended the contest. Never did men behave better than the continentals in the whole of this action; but all at- tempts to rally the militia were ineffectual. Lieutenant Colonel CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 207 Tarleton's legion charged them as they broke, and pursued them as they were fleeing. Without having it in their power to de- fend themselves, they fell in great numbers under the le- gionary sabres. Major General Baron DeKalb, an illustrious German in the service of France, who had generously engaged in the support of the American independence, and who exerted himself with great bravery to prevent the defeat of the day, received eleven wounds, of which, though he received the most particular as- sistance from the British, he in a short time expired. Lieu- tenant-Colonel DuBuysson, Aid-de-Camp to Baron DeKalb, embraced his wounded General, announced his rank and na- tion to the surrounding foe, and begged that they would spare his life. While he generously exposed himself to save his friendj, he received sundry dangerous wounds, and was taken prisoner. Brigadier-General Rutherford, a valuable officer of the most extensive influence over the North Carolina militia, surrendered to a party of the British legion, one of whom, after his submission, cut him in several places. Of the South Carolina line, that brave and distinguished officer Major Thomas Pinckney, acting as Aid-de-Camp to Major General Gates, had his leg shattered by a musket ball, and fell into the hands of the conquerors. The Americans lost eight field pieces, the whole of their artillery, upwards of two hundred wagons, and the greatest part of their baggage. The loss of the British, in killed and wounded, was about three hundred. The royal army fought with great bravery; but their success was in a great measure owing to the precipitate flight of the militia, and the superi- ority of their cavalry. The militia composed so great a part of the American army, that General Gates, when he saw them leave the field, lost all hopes of victory, and retired in order to rally a sufficient num- ber to cover the retreat of the continentals, but the further the militia fled, the more they were dispersed. Finding nothing could be done, he continued his retreat into North Carolina. On his way he was soon overtaken by an officer from Colonel Sumpter, who reported that the colonel had fully succeeded in his enterprise against the British post at the ferry, had cap- tured the garrison, and intercepted the escort with the stores; but no advantage could be taken of this event, as the success- ful party of the Americans was on the opposite side of the river. A few of the Virginia miUtia were halted at Hills- borough ; but in a little time their tour of service was out, and they were discharged. The North Carolina militia went dif- ferent ways, as their hopes led or their fears drove them. Al- most all the American officers were separated from their com- 208 HISTORY OF THE EEVOLUTION. mands. Every corps was broken in action, and dispersed through the woods. Major Anderson, of the Third Maryland regiment, was the only infantry officer who kept together any number of men. The retreat of the heavy baggage was de- layed till the morning of the action, and the greatest part of it fell into the hands of the British, or was plundered in the retreat. The pursuit was rapid for more than twenty miles; even at the distance of forty miles, teams were cut out of the wagons, and numbers promoted their flight on horseback. The road by which they fled was strewed with arms and baggage, which in their trepidation they had abandoned, and covered with sick, the wounded and the dead. On the 17th and 18th of August, Brigadiers Smallwood and Gist, and several other officers, arrived at Charlotte. At this place also had rendezvoused upwards of one hundred regular infantry of different corps, besides Colonel Armand's cavalry, and a small partizan corps of horse, which took the field on this occasion under the command of Major Davie. Some provisions having been collected there, proved a most season- able refreshment. The drooping spirits of the officers began to revive, and hopes were entertained that a respectable force might soon again be assembled from the country militia, and from the addition of Colonel Sumpter's victorious detachment. All these prospects were soon obscured by intelligence that arrived on the 19th, of the complete dispersion of that corps. On hearing of General Gates' defeat. Colonel Sumpter began to retreat up the south side of the Wateree, with his prisoners and captured stores. Lord Cornwallis dispatched Lieutenant- Colonel Tarleton, with his legion and a detachment of in- fantry, to pursue him. This was done with so much celerity and address, that he was overtaken on the ISth at Fishing Creek. The British horse rode into their camp before they were prepared for defence. The Americans having been four days without sleep or provisions, were more obedient to the calls of nature than attentive to her first law — self-preserva- tion. Colonel Sumpter had taken every prudent precaution to prevent a surprise, but his videttes were so fatigued, that they neglected their duty. With great difficulty he got a few of them to make a short stand, but the greater part of his corps fled to the river or the woods. The British prisoners, about three hundred, were all retaken and conducted to Camden. Colonel Sumpter lost all his artillery, and his whole detach- ment was either killed, captured or dispersed. Every hope of making a stand at Charlotte being extin- guished, a resolution was soon taken for retreating to Salis- bury. A circumstantial detail of this Avould complete the picture of distress. The officers suffered much for want of CAMPAIGN OP 1780. 209 horses to carry off their wounded companions. The citizens of that part of the north State were reduced to great difficul- ties in removing their families and effects. It was expected that every day would bring intelligence of Lord Cornwallis pursuing his fugitive enemies. The inhabitants generally meant to flee before the approaching conquerors. The con- fusion that took place among all orders is more easily conceived than expressed. The loss of Charlestown, and the capture of an army within its lines, had reduced American affairs in South Carolina low; but the complete rout of a second army, procured with great difficulty for the recovery of the State, sunk them much lower, and filled the friends of independence with fearful anxiety for the future fate of their country. The British were unusually elated, and again flattered themselves, that all opposition in South Carolina was effect- ually subdued. Though their victory was complete, and there was no army to oppose them, yet the extreme heat of the weather, and sickliness of the season, restrained them for some time from pursuing their conquests. Much was to be done in the interior police of the country. To crush that spirit of opposition to British government, which discovered itself on the approach of an American army, engaged the attention of Lord Cornwallis. By the complete dispersion of the continental forces the country was in the power of the conquerors. The expectation of aid from the northward was now less probable than im- mediately after the reduction of Charlestown. Several of the revolted subjects had fallen as prisoners into the hands of the British, and the property of others lay at their mercy. This situation of public affairs pointed out the present moment of triumph, as a most favorable conjucture for breaking the spirits of those who were attached to the cause of independence. To prevent their future co-operation with the forces of Congress, a severer policy was henceforward adopted. Unfortunately for the inhabitants this was taken up on grounds which involved thousands in distress, and not a few in the loss of life. The British conceived themselves in pos- session of the rights of sovereignty over a conquered country, and that therefore the efforts of the citizens to assert their in- dependence were chargeable with the complicated guilt of ingratitude, treason, and rebellion. Influenced by these opin- ions, and transported with indignation against the inhabitants, they violated rights which are held sacred between indepen- dent hostile nations. In almost every district their progress Avas marked with blood, and with deeds so atrocious as re- flected disgrace on their arms. Nor were these barbarities 14 210 HISTORY OF THE REVOLTJTION. perpetrated in a sudden sally ofrage,orby officers of low rank. Major Weyms. of the sixty-third regiment of his Britannic majesty's army, deliberately hung Mr. Adam Cusack in Cheraw district, who had neither taken parole as a prisoner, nor pro- tection as a British subject, though charged with no other crime than refusing to transport some British officers over a ferry, and shooting at them across a river. The immediate authors of executions pleaded no less authority than that of Earl Cornwallis, for deliberately shedding the blood of their fellow-men. In a few days after the defeat of General Gates, his lordship stained his military fame by the following letter, addressed to the Commandant of the British garrison at Ninety- Six. " I have given orders that all the inhabitants of this pro- vince, who have subscribed and have taken part in this revolt, should be punished with the greatest rigor; and also those who will not turn out, that they may be imprisoned, and their whole property taken from them or destroyed. I have like- wise ordered, that compensation should be made out of their estates to the persons who have been injured or oppressed by them. I have ordered in the most positive manner, that every militia-man, who has borne arms with us and afterwards joined the enemy, shall be immediately hanged. I desire you will take the most vigorous measures to punish the rebels in the district in which you command, and that you obey in the strictest manner the directions I have given in this letter rel- ative to the inhabitants of this country. (Signed) Cornwallis." Similar orders were addressed to the Commanders of differ- ent posts, and executed with the same spirit with which they were dictated. At or near Camden, Samuel Andrews, Richard Tucker, John Miles, Josiah Gayle, Eleazer Smith, with some others whose names are unknown, were taken out of gaol and hung without any ceremony. Some were indulged with a hearing before a court martial, but the evidences against them were not examined on oath, and slaves were both permitted and encouraged to accuse their masters. Not only at Camden, but in other parts of South Carolina, and at Augusta in Geor- gia, the same bloody tragedies were acted, and several of the inhabitants fell sacrifices to this new mode of warfare. The warm zeal of Earl Cornwallis to annex the States of America to the British empire, prompted him to measures not only derogatory to his character, but inconsistent with the claims of humanity. The prisoners on parole had an un- doubted right to take arms ; for, by proclamation, after the 20th of the preceding June, as has'been stated, they were re- leased from every engagement to their conquerors. Of those CAMPAIGN OP 1780. 211 it may be affirmed, that they were murdered in cold blood. The case of those who had taken British protection is some- what different. His lordship could allege, in vindication of his severity to them, an appearance of right; but it was of that too rigid kind which hardens into wrong. These men were under the tie of an oath to support American indepen- dence; but had been overcome by the temptation of saving their property to make an involuntary submission to the royal conquerors. By a combination of circumstances they were in such a situation that they could not do otherwise, without risking the support of their families. Experience soon taught them the inefficacy of these protections. These men naturally reasoned thus: "tliat as the contract was first violated on the part of the conquerors, it could not be so highly criminal for them to recede from it." They had also submitted on the idea that they should not be called on to fight against the Americans ; but finding themselves compelled to take up arms, and under the necessity of violating their engagements either to their countrymen or their conquerors, they choose to adhere to the former. To treat men thus circumstanced with the sanguinary severity of deserters and traitors might be politic, but the impartial world must regret that the unavoidable hor- rors of war should be aggravated by such deliberate effusions of human blood. Notwithstanding the decisive superiority of the British arms in the summer of 1780, several of the citizens, respectable for their numbers, but more so for their weight and influence, continued firm to the cause of independence. It was no less mortifying to Lord Cornwallis than unfriendly to his future schemes, that these remained within the British lines in the character of prisoners. Though they were restrained by their paroles from doing anything injurious to the interest of his Britannic majesty; yet the silent example of men, who were revered by their fellow-citizens, had a powerful influence in restraining many from exchanging their paroles as prisoners for the protection and privileges of British subjects. To re- move every bias of this sort, and to enforce a general submis- sion to royal government, Lord Cornwallis, soon after his victory at Camden, gave orders to send out of the province a number of the principal citizens prisoners on parole in Charles- town. On the 27th of August Christopher Gadsden, Lieuten- ant-Governor of the State, Edward Blake, John Budd, Robert Cochran, John Edwards, Thomas Ferguson, George Flagg, William Hasel Gibbs, William Hall, Thomas Hall, Thomas Hey ward, junior, Isaac Holmes, Richard Hutson, William Johnson, Rev. John Lewis, William Livingston, John Love- day, Rich'd Lushington, William Massey, Edward McCready, 212 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. Alexander Moultrie, John Mouatt, John Neufville, Edward North, Joseph Parker, John Earnest Poyas, David Ramsay, Jacob Read, Hugh Rutledge, Edward Rutledge, John Sansurii, Thomas Savage, Thomas Singleton, Josiah Smith, James Ham- den Thompson, Peter Timothy, John Todd, and Anthony Toomer, were taken up early in the morning out of their houses and beds by armed parties and brought to the Exchange; from whence, when collected together, they were removed on board the Sandwich guard-ship, and in a few days transported to St. Augustine. The manner in which this order was executed was not less painful to the feelings of gentlemen, than the order itself was injurious to the rights of prisoners entitled to the benefits of a capitulation. Guards were left at their respective houses. The private papers of some of them were examined. Reports were immediately circulated to their disadvantage, and every circumstance managed so as to induce a general belief that they were all apprehended for violating their paroles, and for concerting a scheme for burning the town and massacreing the loyal subjects. On the very first day of their confinement they remonstrated to Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour, the Com- mandant of Charlestown, asserting their innocence, and chal- lenging their accusers to appear face to face with their charges against them. To this no answer was directly obtained; but a message from the Commandant, delivered officially by Major Benson, acknowledged that this extraordinary step had been taken "from motives of policy." The British endeavored to justify this removal by alleging the right of the victors to remove prisoners whithersoever they pleased, without regarding their convenience. Few such in- stances can be produced in the modern history of any civilized nation with whom it is an established rule to construe capitu- lations, where ambiguous, in favor of the vanquished. The conquerors, in their great zeal to make subjects, forgot the rights of prisoners. To express his indignation at this ungen- erous treatment, Lieutenant-Governor Gadsden refused to accept an ofi'ered parole in St. Augustine; and with the greatest fortitude bore a close confinement in the castle of that place for forty-two weeks, rather than give a second one to a power which had plainly violated the engagement contained in the first. The other gentlemen, who renewed their paroles in St. Augustine, had the liberty of the town ; but were treated with indignities unsuitable to their former rank and condition. Cut off from all communication with their countrymen, they could receive no intelligence of public affairs but through British channels. In this forlorn situation, they were informed of several decisive battles, which were represented as having CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 213 completely annihilated every prospect of American indepen- dence; and they were taught to expect the fate of vanquished rebels. They also heard from high authority, that the blood of the brave but unfortunate Andrfe would be required at their hands. They were told that Lieutenant-Colonel Glazier, Com- mandant of the garrison in St. Augustine, had announced his fixed resolution instantly to hang up six of them, if the exas- perated Americans should execute their threats of putting to death Colonel Brown, of the East Florida rangers. To all these indignities and dangers they submitted, without an ap- plication from a single individual of their number for British protection. From the time that the citizens before mentioned were sent off from Charlestown, St. Augustine was made use of to frighten prisoners to petition for the privileges of subjects. They who delayed their submission were repeatedly threater * banishment from their families and estates. To convince the inhabitants that the conquerors were seriously resolved to banish all who refused to become subjects, an additional num- ber, who still remained prisoners on parole, was shipped otf on the 15th of November following. Their names were as fol- lows : Joseph Bee, Richard Beresford, John Berwick, Daniel Bordeaux, Benjamin Cudworth, Henry Crouch, John Splatt Cripps, Edward Darrell, Daniel DeSaussure, George A. Hall, Thomas Grimball, Noble Wimberly Jones, William Lee, Wm. Logan, Arthur Middleton, Christopher Peters, Benjamin Pos- tell, Samuel Prioleau, Philip Smith, Benjamin Waller, James Wakefield, Edward Weyman, Morton Wilkinson. In addition to these citizens of South Carolina, most of whom were en- titled to the benefits of the capitulation of Charlestown, Gen- eral Rutherford and Colonel Isaacs of the State of North Carolina, who had been taken near Camden in August, 1780, were at the same time shipped off for St. Augustine. The only charge exhibited against them as the reason of their exile was that " they discovered no disposition to return to their allegiance and would, if they could, overturn the British government." Lord Cornwallis did not stop here; but being determined to use every method to compel the re-establishment of British government, as well by rewarding its friends as punishing its opposers, his lordship proceeded to the sequestration of all estates belonging to the decided friends of America. In the execution of this business John Cruden was appointed to take possession of the estates of particular persons designated in warrants issued by Earl Cornwallis and Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour. ... In the year 1778, when the then recent capture of General Burgoyne's army, and the alliance with France inspired all 214 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. ranks of men in Carolina with confidence in the final estab- lishment of their independence, the Legislature of that State gave to all the friends of royal government their free choice; of either joining them, or going where they pleased with their families and property. In the year 1780, when the British arms had the ascendant, the conquerors gave no alternative, but either to join them, and to fight against their countrymen and consciences, or to be banished under every restriction of prisoners of war. Instead of being allowed to carry their estates with them, they whose. property made it worth while, were stripped of every thing; and all, whether their estates were sequestered or not, were deprived of the privileges of recovering their debts, and of selling or removing their property without the permission of the conquerors. An adherent to indepen- dence was now considered as one who courted exile, poverty, and ruin. The temptation was too great to be resisted by those who were attached to their interest and ease. Numbers who formerly professed great zeal in the support of their country, and who continued their adherence to the cause of America after the surrender of Charlestown, yielded to these temptations and became British subjects. To discourage the other States from any further attempts in behalf of Carolina, an address to Lord Cornwallis was drawn up, in which the subscribers " congratulated him for his glorious victory at Camden ; and expressed their indignation at Congress for dis- tilrbing the citizens of Carolina, who were represented as having broken off from the union, and re-united themselves to the British empire." Though every method was used to obtain signers to this address, yet no more than one hundred and sixty-four could be procured. Notwithstanding these discouragements, the genius of America rose superior to them all. At no time did her sons appear to greater advantage, than when they were depressed by successive misfortunes. They seemed to gain strength from their losses ; and, instead of giving way to the pressure of calamities, to oppose them with more determined resolution. Hitherto the British arms to the southward have been at- tended with almost uninterrupted success. The royal stand- ards we have seen overspreading all the country, penetrating into every quarter, and triumphing over all' opposition. Their defeats at the Hanging Rock and at WiUiams's, in the upper parts of South Carolina, made but little impression, on an army familiar with victories. Checks indeed they were, but nothing more; and the only check they had sustained since their landing in the State. The British ministry, by this flat- tering posture of affairs, were once more intoxicated with the delusive hopes of subjugating America. New plans were CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 215 formed, and great expectations indulged of speedily re-uniting the dissevered members of the empire. The rashness of Gen- eral. Burgoyne, and the languor of Sir William Howe, were assigned as the only causes of that shame and disappoint- ment which had already disgraced five successive campaigns. It was now asserted with a confidence bordering on presump- tion, that such troops as fought at Camden, put under such a Commander as Lord Corn wal lis, would soon extirpate rebel- lion so effectually as to leave no vestige of it in America. The British ministry and army, by an impious confidence in their own wisdom and prowess, were duly prepared to give, in their approaching downfall, an useful lesson to the world. The disaster of the army under General Gates overspread at first the face of American affairs with a dismal gloom. But the day of prosperity to the United States began, as will appear in the sequel, from that moment to dawn. Their prospects brightened up, while those of their enemies A^ere obscured by disgrace, broken by defeat, and at last covered with ruin. Elated with their victory, the conquerors became more inso- lent and rapacious, while the real friends of independence, thoroughly alarmed at their danger, became resolute and determined. We have seen Sumpter penetrating into South Carolina, and recommencing a military opposition to British government. Soon after that event he was promoted by Gov- ernor Rutledge to the rank of Brigadier-General. About the same time Marion was promoted to the same rank, and in the northeastern extremities of the State successfully prose- cuted the same plan. Unfurnished with the means of defence, he was obliged to take possession of the saws of the saw- mills, and to convert them into horsemen's swords. So much was he distressed for ammunition, that he has engaged when he had not three rounds to each man of his party. At other times he has brought his men into view, though without am- munition, that he might make a show of numbers to the enemy. For several weeks he had under his command only seventy men, all volunteers from the militia. At one time hardships and dangers reduced that number to twenty-five; yet with this inconsiderable force he secured himself, in the midst of surrounding foes. Various methods were attempted to draw off his followers. Major Weyms burned scores of houses belonging to the inhabitants living on Peedee, Lynch's creek, and Black river, who were supposed to do duty with him, or to be subservient to his views. This measure had an effect contrary to what was expected. Revenge and despair co-op- erated with patriotism to make these ruined men keep the field. The devouring flames sent on defenceless habitations by blind rage and brutal policy, increased not only the zeal 216 HISTORY or THE KEV0LT7TJ0N. but the number of his followers. For several months he and his party were obliged to sleep in the open air, and to shelter themselves in the thick recesses of deep swamps. From these retreats he sallied out whenever an opportunity of har- assing the enemy or of serving his country presented itself This worthy citizen, on every occasion, paid the greatest re- gard to private property, and restrained his men from every species of plunder. On the whole, he exhibited a rare instance of disinterested patriotism, in doing and suffering everything subservient to the independence of his country. Opposition to British government was not wholly confined to the parties commanded by Sumpter and Marion. It was at no time altogether extinct in the extremities of the State. The inhabitants of that part of South Carolina which is now called York district, never were paroled as prisoners; nor did they take protection as subjects. From among these people Sumpter had recruited a considerable part of his men. After his defeat, on the 18th of August, 1780, several of them re- paired to that settlement, and kept in small parties for their own defence. Some of them also joined Major Davie, an enterprising young gentleman who commanded fifty or sixty volunteers, who had equipped themselves as dragoons. This was the only American corps which at that time had not been beaten or dispersed. The disposition to revolt which had been excited on the approach of General Gates' army, was not extinguished by its defeat. By that check the spirit of the people was overawed, but not subdued. The severity with which revolters who were taken had been treated, induced many others to persevere and to seek safety in swamps. From the time of the general submission of the inhabitants, in the summer of 1780, pains were taken to increase the royal force by the co-operation of the yeomanry of the country. Commissions in the militia were given by the British com- manders to such of the inhabitants as they supposed had influence, and were most firmly attached to their interest They persuaded the people to einbody, by representing to the uninformed, that American aifairs were entirely ruined, and that further opposition would only be a prolongation of their distresses. They endeavored to reconcile those who had families, and were advanced in life, to the bearing of arms, by considerations drawn from the necessity of defending their property and of keeping tlieir domestics in proper subordi- nation. From young men without families more was ex- pected. Whilst Lord Cornwallis was restrained from active operations by the excessive heats and unhealthy season which followed his victory at Camden, Colonel Ferguson, of the CAMPAIGN OP 1780. 217 seventy-first British regiment, had undertaken personally to visit the settlements of the disaffected to the American cause, and to train their young men for service in the field. With these, at a proper season, he was to join the main army and co-operate with it in the reduction of North Carolina. This corps had been chiefly collected from the remote parts of the State, and was induced to continue for some time near to the western mountains, with the expectation of intercepting Colonel Clark on his retreat from Georgia. Among those who joined Colonel Ferguson were several disorderly, licentious per- sons, who took the opportunity of the prevailing confusion to carry on their usual depredations. As they marched through the country, on the pretence of promoting the service of his Britanic majesty, they plundered the whig citizens. Violences of this kind, frequently repeated, induced many persons to con- sult their own safety by fleeing over the mountains. By such lively representations of their sufferings as the distressed are always ready to give, they communicated an alarm to that hardy race of republicans who live to the westward of the Alleghany. Hitherto these mountaineers had only heard of war at a dis- tance, and had been in peaceable possession of that inde- pendence for which their countrymen on the sea-coast were contending. Alarmed for their own safety by the near ap- proach of Colonel Ferguson, and roused by the violences and depredations of his followers, they embodied to check the neighboring foe. This was done of their own motion, with- out any requisition from the governments of America or the officers of the continental army. Being all mounted and unincumbered with baggage, their motions were rapid. Each man set out with his blanket, knapsack, and gun, in quest of Colonel Ferguson in the same manner he was used to pursue the wild beasts of the forest. At night the earth afforded them a bed and the heavens a covering ; the running stream quenched their thirst, while the few cattle, driven in their rear, together with the supplies acquired by their guns, procured them provision. They soon found the encampment of Colonel Ferguson. This was on an eminence of a circular base, known by the name of King's Mountain, situated near the confines of North and South Carolina. Though Colonel Campbell had a nominal command over the whole, their en- terprise was conducted without regular military subordina- tion, under the direction of Colonels Cleveland, Shelby, Sevier and Williams, each of whom respectively led on his own men. It being apprehended that Colonel Ferguson was hasten- ing his march down the country to join Lord Cornwallis, the Americans selected nine hundred and ten of their best men, and mounted them on their fleetest horses. With this force ^^° HISTORY OF THE REVOLTTTION. they came up with Colonel Ferguson on the 7th of October, 1780. As they approached the royal encampment, it was agreed to divide their force. Some ascended the mountain, while others went round its base in opposite directions. Colonel Cleveland, who led one of the detachments round the mountain, in his progress discovered an advanced piquet of the royal army. On this occasion he addressed his party in the following plain unvarnished language : " My brave fel- lows, we have beat the tories and we can beat them. Thev are all cowards. If they had the spirit of men, they would join with their fellow-citizens in supporting the independence of their country. When engaged you are not to wait for the word of command from me. I will show you by ray example how to fight I can undertake no more. Every man must consider himself as an officer, and act from his own judgment. Fire as quick as you can, and stand your ground as long as you can. When you can do no better, get behind trees or re- treat, but I beg of you not to run quite off. If we are re- pulsed, let us make a point to return and renew the fight. Perhaps we may have better luck in the second attempt than the first. If any of you are afraid, such have leave to retire, and they are requested immediately to take themselves off," A firing commenced. Some of the Americans were on horse- back, others on foot. Some behind trees, and others exposed. None were under the restraints of military discipline, but all were animated with the enthusiasm of liberty. The piquet soon gave way, and were pursued as they retired up the mountain to the main body. Colonel Ferguson, with the greatest bravery, ordered his men to charge. The Americans commanded by Colonel Cleveland followed his advice, and having fired as long as they could with safety, they retired from the approaching bayonet. They had scarcely given way when the other detachment, commanded by Colonel Shelby, having completed the circuit of the mountain, opportunely arrived, and from an unexpected quarter poured in a well directed fire. Colonel Ferguson desisted from the pursuit, and engaged with his new adversaries. The British bayonet was again successful, and caused them also to fall back. By "^j^f ^^'^ P'^^'^y commanded by Colonel Campbell had ascended the mountain, and renewed the attack from that eminence. Colonel Ferguson, whose conduct was equal to nis courage, presented a new front, and was again successful, mpnMV I'^'^'^'u"''^^^? unavailing. At this moment the mfpst nf th!f " '^^ '''''"'^' "o !««« obedient to the second re- thev wre to rT^""^""" ^^ >-eturning to their posts than etreat had ralhed /'^'" ^'''^"""^ themselves by a timely retreat, had rallied and renewed their fire. As often as one CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 219 of the American parties was driven back, another returned to their station. Resistance on the part of Colonel Ferguson was in vain, but his unconquerable spirit refused to surrender. After having repulsed a succession of adversaries, pouring in their fire from new directions, this distinguished officer re- ceived a mortal wound. No chance of escape being left, and all prospect of successful resistance being at an end, the second in command sued for quarters. The killed, wounded and taken, exceeded eleven hundred, of which nearly one hundred were regulars. The assailants had the honor of reducing a number superior to their own. The Americans lost compara- tively few, but in that number was that distinguished militia officer, Colonel Williams. Ten of these men who had surren- dered were hanged by their conquerors. They were provoked to this measure by the severity of the British, who had lately hanged a greater number of Americans at Camden, Ninety- Six and Augusta. They also alleged that the men who suffered were guilty of crimes for which their lives were forfeited by the laws of the land. This unexpected advantage gave new spirits to the de- sponding Americans ; and, in a great degree, frustrated a well concerted scheme for strengthening the British army by the co- operation of the inhabitants who were disaffected to the cause of America. It was scarcely possible for any event to have happened, in the present juncture of affairs, more unfavorable to the views of Lord Corwallis than this reverse of fortune. The fall of Colonel Ferguson, who possessed superior talents as a partizan, was no small loss to the royal cause. In addition to the ac- complishments of an excellent officer, he was a most exact marksmen ; and had brought the art of rifle shooting to an un- common degree of perfection. The total route of the royalists, who had joined Colonel Ferguson, operated as a check on their future exertions. The same timid caution which made them averse from joining their countrymen, in opposing the claims of Great Britain, restrained them from risking any more in support of the royal cause. From this time forward many of them waited events and reserved themselves till the British army, by their own unassisted efforts, should gain a de- cided superiority. In a few weeks after the general action near Camden, on the 16th of August, 1780, Lord Cornwallis left a small force in that village and marched with the main army to Charlotte. Whilst they lay there. General Sumner and General Davidson, with a considerable body of North Carolina militia, took post in the vicinity and annoyed their detachments. Major Davie, whose corps was greatly increased by staunch volunteers from 220 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. the lower country, was particularly successful in intercepting their foraging parties and convoys. Ritlemen frequently pene- trated near the British camp, and from behind trees took care to make sure of their object; so that the late conquerors found their situation verj,' uneasy, being exposed to unseen danger if they attempted to make an excursion of only a few hun- dred yards from their encampment. The defeat of Colonel Ferguson, added to these circumstances, gave a serious alarm to Lord Cornwallis; and made him,Avhile at Charlotte, appre- hensive for his safety. He therefore retreated, and fixed his next position at Winnsborough. As he retired, the militia took several wagons loaded with stores, and single men often rode up within gun-shot of his army, discharged their pieces, and made their escape. The panic occasioned by the reduction of Charlestown, and the defeat of General Gates, began to wear ofi". The defeat of Colonel Ferguson, and the consequent retreat of Lord Cornwallis from Charlotte to Winnsborough, encouraged the American militia to repair to the camps of their respective commanders. The necessity of the times induced them to submit to the stricter discipline of regular soldiers. Early in October, Gates detached General Morgan from Hillsborough, with 300 Maryland and Delaware troops with 80 dragoons, to aid the exertions of the whig citizens of Meck- lenburgh and Rowan counties. In an excursion from this de- tached position Lieutenant-Colonel Washington penetrated with a small force to the vicinity of Camden, and on the 4th of December 17S0, appeared before Col. Rugeley's. This gentle- man having taken a com mission in the British militia, had made a stockade-fort round his house in which he had collected 112 of the men under his command. The appearance of the force, commanded by Washington, produced an immediate surrender of this whole party. A pine log enforced the propriety and necessity of their speedy unresisting submission. This harm- less timber, elevated a few feet from the surface of the earth by its branches which stuck in the ground, was moulded by the imagination of the garrison into artillery, completely equipped with all the apparatus of death. Sumpter, soon after the dispersion of his force on the 18th of August 17S0, collected a corps of volunteers. About thirty of his party re-joined him immediately after that event. In three days more one hundred of the whig citizens in the vi- cinity,on his requisition, rendezvoused at Sugar creek and put themselves under his command. With these and other occa- sional reinforcements, though for three months there was no continental army in the State, he constantly kept the field in support of American independence. He varied his position CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 221 from time to time about Enoree, Broad and Tyger rivers, and had frequent s}iirmishes with his adversaries. Having mounted his followers, he infested the British with frequent incursions, beat up their quarters, intercepted their convoys, and so har- assed them with successive alarms, that their movements could not be made but with caution and difficulty. On the 12th of November, 1780, he was attacked at Broad river by Major Weyras, commanding a corps of infantry and dragoons. In this action the British were defeated, and their commanding officer taken prisoner. Though Major Weyms had personally superintended the execution of Mr. Adam Cusack, after ordering him to be hung ; and though in his pocket was found a mem- orandum of several houses burned by his command, yet he received every indulgence from his conquerors. On the twen- tieth of the same month General Sumpter was attacked at Black Stocks, near Tyger river, by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarle- ton at the head of a considerable party. The action was severe and obstinate. The killed and wounded of the British was con- siderable. Among the former were Maj. Money, Lieuts. Gibson and Cope. The Americans lost very few, but General Sumpter received a wound which, for several months, interrupted his gal- lant enterprises in behalf of the State. His zeal and activity in animating the American militia when they were discouraged by repeated defeats, and the bravery and good conduct he dis- played in sundry attacks on the British detachments procured him the applause of his countrymen and the thanks of Con- gress. The continental army which had been collected at Hillsbor- ough, after their dispersion on the 16th of August, moved down to Charlotte in the latter end of the year 1780. Congress authorized General Washington to appoint an officer to take the command in the southern district. He nominated Major- General Greene to this important trust. This illustrious offi- cer was universally acknowledged to possess great military talents, particularly a penetrating judgment, and a decisive enterprising spirit. Great were the difficulties he had to en- counter. The principal part of his standing force consisted of the few continentals wtio had escaped from the defeat near Cam- den on the 16th of August, 1780. Six days after Greene took the command, the returns of the southern army were nine hun- dred and seventy continentals, and one thousand and thirteen militia. The continentals were without pay, and almost with- out clothing. All sources of supply from Charlestown were shut up, and no imported article could be obtained but from a distance of near two hundred miles. Though the American force was small, yet the procuring of provisions for its support was a matter of the greatest difficulty. The paper currency 222 HisTORr or the revolution. was so depreciated, that it was wholly unequal to the purchase of necessaries for the suffering soldiers. Real money could not be procured. Though Greene was authorized to dispose of a few bills, drawn by Congress on their minister at the court of France, on a credit given him by that court, yet, such was the situation of the country, that very little relief could be ob- tained from this quarter; and the greatest part of the bills were returned unsold. The only resource left for supplying the American army, was by impressment. The country had been so completely ravaged, that all which could be obtained even in that way, in the vicinity of the army, was far short of a sufficiency. To supply the army, and please the inhabi- tants, was equally necessary. To seize upon their property and preserve their kind affections was a most delicate point, and yet of the utmost moment, as it furnished the army with provisions without impairing the disposition of the inhab- itants to co-operate with the continental troops in recovering the country. This grand object called for the united efforts of both. That the business of impressment might be conducted in the least offensive manner it was transferred from the mili- tary to the civil officers of the State. This was not only more effectual, but it also prevented two other evils of dangerous consequence — the corruption of the discipline of the army — and the misapplication of property impressed for the public service. With an inconsiderable army, miserably provided. General Greene took the field against a superior British regular force, which had marched in triumph two hundred miles from the sea-coast ; and was flushed with successive victories through a whole campaign. To face an host of difficulties the Ameri- can General had the justice of his cause, his own valor and good conduct, a very respectable cavalry, and the Maryland and Delaware continentals who had served upwards of four years ; and who, for their numbers, were equal to any troops in the world. Many of the inhabitants, who, from necessity, had sub- mitted to the British government most cordially wished him good speed ; but the unsuccessful attempt of Gates to recover the country made the cautious and timid, for some time, very slow in repairing to the standard of liberty. Soon after Greene took the command, he divided his force and sent a detachment, under General Morgan, to the western extremities of South Carolina; and marched on the twentieth of December with the main body to Hicks' Creek, on the north side of the Peedee, opposite to Cheraw Hill. This di- vision of the little American army into two parts, so remote from each other that they could not co-operate, was risking CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 223 much ; but the necessity of the case gave no ahernative. The continental army was too inconsiderable to make suc- cessful opposition to the superior numbers of Lord Corn- wallis, without the most powerful co-operation of the militia of the country. To give them an opportunity of embodying it was necessary to cover both extremities of the State. SECTION VIII. Campaign of 1781. After the general submission of the militia, in the year 1780, a revolution took place highly favorable to the interests of America. The residence of the British army, instead of in- creasing the real friends to royal government, diminished their number and added new vigor to the opposite party. In the district of Ninety-Six moderate measures were at first adopted by the British commanders, but the effects of this were frustrated by the royalists. A great part of those who called themselves the King's friends had been at all times a banditti, to whom rapine and violence were familiar. On the restoration of royal government these men preferred their claim to its particular notice. The conquerors were so far imposed on by them, that they promoted some of them who were of the most infamous characters. Men of such base minds and mercenary principles, regardless of the capitula- tion, gratified their private resentments and their rage for plunder to the great distress of the new made subjects, and the greater injury of the royal interest. Violences of this kind made some men break their engagements to the British, and join the Americans. Their revolt occasioned suspicions to the prejudice of others who had no intention of following their example. Fears, jealousies and distrust, haunted the minds of the conquerors. All confidence was at an end. Severe measures were next tried, but with a worse effect. Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour, an haughty and imperious officer who commanded in that district, was more calculated, by his insolence and overbearing conduct to alienate the inhabitants from a government already beloved, than to reconcile them to one which was generally disliked. By an unwarrantable stretch of his authority he issued a proclamation by which it was declared, "that every man who was not in his house by a certain day should be subject to a military execution.'' The British had a post in Ninety-Six for thirteen months, during which time the country was filled with rapine, vio- lence, and murder. Applications were made daily for redress, yet in that whole period there was not a single instance wherein punishment was inflicted either on the soldiery or 224 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. tories. The people soon found that there was no security for their hves, liberties, or property, under the military goveru- ment of British officers, which subjected them to the depreda- tions of a malicious mercenary banditti; falsely calling themselves the friends of royal government. The peaceable citizens were reduced to that uncommon distress, in which they had more to fear from oppression than resistance ; they therefore most ardently wished for the appearance of an American force. Under these favorable circumstances Greene detached Morgan to take a position in the western extremity of the State. On his arrival the latter dispatched Lieutenant- Colonel Washington, with his own regiment and two hun- dred militia-horse, to attack a body of tories who were plun- dering the whig inhabitants. Washington came up with them near Hammond's store-house, and charged them; on on which they all fled Without making any resistance. Many were killed or wounded, and about forty taken prisoners. On the next day Washington detached Cornet James Simons, with a command of eleven regulars and twenty-five militia, to pursue the fugitives and to surprise a fort a few miles distant, in which General Cunningham commanded about one hun- dred and fifty British militia. This fort was strongly pic- queted in every direction ; and, besides plunder taken from the whig inhabitants, was well stored with forage, grain, and provisions for the use of the British army. As soon as the Americans were discovered. General Cunningham and all his men abandoned the fort. Cornet Simons stationed his de- tachment, and, advancing with a flag, demanded their sur- render. Cunningham requested time to consult his officers, and five minutes were given him for that purpose. In that short space the whole party of tories ran off', and dispersed themselves through the woods. Simons, after destroying the fort and all the provisions in it which he could not carry away, rejoined Washington without any molestation. These successes, the appearance of an American army, a sincere attachment to the cause of independence, and the im- politic conduct of the British, induced several persons to re- sume their arms and to act in concert with the detachments of continentals. Lord Cornwallis wished to drive Morgan from this station, and to deter the inhabitants from joining him. Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, at the head of a thousand regulars, was ordered to execute this business. The British had two field-pieces, and the superiority of numbers in the proportion of five to four, and particularly of cavalry in the proportion of three to one. Besides this inequality of force, two-thirds of the troops under Morgan were militia. With these fair prospects of success, Tarleton, on the 17th of January CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 225 1781, engaged Morgan with the expectation of driving him out of the country. The latter drew up his men in two lines. The whole of the southern militia, with one hundred and ninety from North Carolina, were put under the command of Colonel Pickens. These formed the first line, and were ad- vanced a few hundred yards before the second, with orders to form on the right of the second when forced to retire. The second line consisted of the light-infantry, under Lieutenant- Colonel Howard, and a small corps of Virginia militia rifle- men. Lieutenant-Colonel Washington with his cavalry and forty-five militia-men, mounted and equipped with swords, were drawn up at some distance in the rear of the whole. The Americans were formed before the British appeared in sight. Tarleton halted, and formed his men, when at the dis- tance of about two hundred and fifty yards from the front line of Morgan's detachment. As soon as the British had formed they began to advance with a shout, and poured in an inces- sant fire of musketry. Colonel Pickens directed the militia under his command not to fire till the British were within forty or fifty yards. This order, though executed with great firmness and success, was not sufficient to repel the advancing foe. The American militia were obliged to retire, but were soon rallied by their officers. The British advanced rapidly and engaged the second line which, after a most obstinate conflict, was compelled to retreat to the cavalry. In this crisis of the battle, Washington made a successful charge upon Tarleton who was cutting down the militia. Lieutenant Colonel Howard, almost at the same moment, rallied the con- tinental troops and charged with fixed bayonets. The exam- ple was instantly followed by the militia. Nothing could exceed the astonishment and confusion of the British, occa- sioned by these unexpected charges. Their advance fell back upon their rear, and communicated a panic to the whole. In this moment of confusion Howard called to them " to lay down their arms," and promised them good quarters. Up- wards of five hundred accepted the ofi'er, and surrendered. The first battalion of the seventy-first regiment, and two British light infantry companies laid down their arms to the American militia. Previous to this general surrender, three hundred of the corps, commanded by Tarleton, had been killed, wounded or taken. Eight hundred stand of arms, two field-pieces, and thirty-five baggage-wagons also fell into the hands of the Americans. Washington pursued the British cavalry for several miles, but a great part of them escaped. The Americans had only twelve men killed, and sixty wounded. General Morgan, whose great abilities were dis- covered by the judicious disposition of his force, and whose 15 226 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. activity was conspicuous through every part of the action, obtained the universal applause of his countrymen. And there never was a commander better supported than he was by the officers and men of his detachment. The glory and importance of this action resounded from one end of the con- tinent to the other. It re-animated the desponding friends of America, and seemed to be like a resurrection from the dead to the southern States. Morgan's good conduct, on this memorable day, was honored by Congress with a gold medal. That illustrious assembly, on this occasion, presented also a medal of silver to Lieutenant- Colonel Washington, another to Lieutenant-Colonel Howard, a sword to Colonel Pickens, a brevet majority to Edward Giles, the General's Aid-de-camp, and a Captaincy to Baron Glasback, who had lately joined the light infantry as a volunteer. The British legion, hitherto triumphant in a variety of skirmishes, on this occasion lost their laurels, though they were supported by the Seventh regiment, one battalion of the Seventy-first, and two companies of light infantry. Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton had hitherto acquired distinguished reputation, but he was greatly indebted for his military fame to good fortune and accident. In all his previous engagements he either had the advantage of surprising an incautious enemy, of attacking them when panic-struck after recent defeats, or of being op- posed to undisciplined militia. He had gathered no laurels by hard fighting against an equal force. His repulse on this occasion did more essential injury to the British interest than was compensated by all his victories. Tarleton's defeat was the first link in a grand chain of causes which finally drew down ruin, both in North and South Caro- lina, on the royal interest. The series of victories which had followed the British arms in the first nine months of the year 1780, had been considered by the sanguine royalists as decisive with respect to the most southern colonies, and had led to the formation of extensive plans for the year 1781. These were defensive with respect to South Carolina and Georgia, which were considered as conquered countries, but otFensive against North Carolina and Virginia. To favor the subjugation of these two latter States, the British commanders stationed troops in both. The tories under the protection of the royal army were encouraged to rise simultaneously. With their aid, and that of his army, Lord Cornwallis expected to destroy the American forces commanded by General Greene, or at least to drive them out of the country. As his lordship advanced from south to north, it was expected the tories, with a portion of regulars, would keep all quiet in his rear. North Carolina was scarcely considered in any other light than as the road to CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 227 Virginia. A junction with the royal forces stationed in the last named State, in the froat of Lord Cornwallis, was ex- pected at so early a day, as to give time for prosecuting fur- ther operations against Maryland and Pennsylvania. The expectations of some went so far as to count upon a junction with the royal army in New York, and the subjugation of every State to the southward of Hudson's river, before the close of the campaign. The year 1781 commenced with the prospect of accomplishing most, if not all of these objects. These sanguine hopes were founded on the reduction of Savannah and Charlestown, the subjugation of Georgia and South Carolina — the route of General Gates' army — the fail- ure of the American paper currency, the general distress of the country, and the inability of Congress to carry on the war, from the want of the means necessary for that purpose. In this distressed state of American affairs, success, little short of a termination of the war in favor of Great Britain, was ex- pected from a vigorous campaign, conducted with energy and advancing from south to north. The defeat of Ferguson at King's mountain, in October, 1780, and of Tarleton at the Cow Pens, in January, 1781, precipitated the projected system of operations. To recover the prisoners taken at the Cow Pens, the royal army was instantly put in motion. A mili- tary race commenced between the pursuing British and the fleeing Americans. North Carolina was therefore prematurely invaded before the tories were prepared for joining the royal- ists. Rising without order or system, they were separately subdued. General Greene, by rapid movements, saved his prisoners, but was compelled to retreat into Virginia. By avoid- ing engagements he preserved his army till he was joined by so many of his countrymen as enabled him to recross into North Carolina, and to risk a general action at Guilford. This, though called a victory by the British, operated against them like a defeat. Lord Cornwallis was reduced to the alternative of retracing his footsteps to South Carolina, or advancing to Virginia, while the country behind him was left open to the enterprising General Greene, at the head of a respectable force. The two armies, one of which for some weeks had been chas- ing the other, now turned back to back. Lord Cornwallis advanced northwardly, and seated himself in York Town, Virginia, where, in October following, he was reduced to the necessity of surrendering his whole army prisoners of war; Greene, southwardly to Carolina, and in the course of the campaign, recovered the country from its late conquerors. This was facilitated by the previous enterpises of Generals Sumpter and Marion. These distinguished partisans, though surrounded with enemies, kept the field and animated the 228 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. whig inhabitants of Sonth Carolina to deeds of valor, while the two main armies were in North Carolina and Virginia. Though the continental army was driven over Dan river, Marion and Sumpter did not despair of the commonwealth. Having mounted their followers, their motions were rapid and their attacks unexpected. With their light troops they intercepted the British convoys of provisions, infested their outposts, beat up their quarters, and harassed their detach- ments with such frequent alarms, that they were obliged to be always on their guard. In the western extremity of the State, Sumpter was powerfully supported by Colonels Niel, Lacey, Hill, Winn, Bratton, Brandon, and others, each of whom held militia commissions, and had many friends. In the north- eartern extremity, Marion received, in like manner, great as- sistance from the active exertions of Colonels Peter Horry and Hugh Horry, Lieutenant-Colonel John Baxter, Colonel James Postell, Major John Postell, and Major John James. The inhabitants, either as affection or vicinity induced them, arranged themselves under some of these militia officers, and performed many gallant enterprises.* SECTION IX. Marion's Brigade. Marion and his brigade were so distinguished, and at the same time so detached in their operations, as to merit and require particular notice. General Francis Marion was born atWinyaw, in 1733. His grandfather was a native of Languedoc, and one of the many Protestants who fled from France to Carolina to avoid perse- cution on the account of religion. He left thirteen children, the eldest of whom was the father of the general. Francis Marion, when only sixteen years of age, made choice of a seafaring life. On his first voyage to the West Indies he was shipwrecked. The crew, consisting of six persons, took to the open boat, without water or provisions, except a dog who jumped into the boat from the sinking vessel. They were six days in the boat before they made land, having nothing to eat in that time but the dog, whom they devoured raw. Two of the crew perished. Francis Marion, with three others, reached *The author would gladly have recorded these events minutely, if the par- ticulars were either known by him or had been communicated to him. The information received of the corps commanded by Sumpter is very general, and of course deficient, though exertions were made to procure it in detail. He has been more successful in his applications to the friends of the deceased General Marion, and with gratitude acknowledges the obligations he is under to Captain John Palmer, and to the Honorable William James, Esq., for interesting informa- tion respecting that distinguished officer and his brigade. Marion's brigade. 229 land. This disaster, and the entreaties of his mother, induced him to quit the sea. In Littleton's expedition against the In- dians in 1759, he went as a volunteer in his brother's militia troop of horse. In Grant's expetition to the Indian country in 1761, he served as a lieutenant under Captain William Moultrie. On the formation of a regular army in 1775, to defend his native province against Great Britain, he was ap- pointed a captain in the Second South Carolina regiment, and had gradually risen to the rank of colonel before Charlestown fell. Fortunately for his country, he had fractured his leg and retired from the garrison, which prevented his being made a prisoner of war. After the surrender, he retreated to North Carolina. On the approach of General Gates he ad- vanced with a small party through the country towards the Santee. On his arrival there he found a number of his coun- trymen ready and willing to put themselves under his com- mand, to which he had been appointed by General Gates. This corps afterwards acquired the name of Marion's Bri- gade. Its origin was as singular as its exploits were honor- able. In the month of June, 1780, a British captain named Ardesoif, arrived at Georgetown and published a proclama- tion, inviting the people to come in, swear allegiance to King George, and take protection. Many of the inhabitants of Georgetown submitted. But there remained a portion of that district stretching from the Santee to the Peedee, containing the whole of the present Williamsburg and part of Marion district, to which the British arms had not penetrated. The inhabitants of it were generally of Irish extraction, and very little disposed to submission. At this crisis there was a meet- ing of this people to deliberate on their situation. Major John James, who had heretofore commanded them in the field and represented them in the State Legislature, was se- lected as the person who should go down to Captain Ardesoif and know from him upon what terms they would be allowed to submit. Accordingly he proceeded to Georgetown in the plain garb of a country planter, and was introduced to the Captain at his lodgings. After narrating the nature of his mission, the Captain sur- prised that such an embassy should be sent to him, answered "that their submission must be unconditional.'' To an in- quiry, " whether they would be allowed to stay at home upon their plantations in peace and quiet," he replied, " though you have rebelled against his majesty he offers you a free pardon, of which you were undeserving, for you ought all to have been hanged. As he offers you a free pardon you must take up arms in support of his cause." To Major James suggest- 230 HISTORY OP THE REVOLUTION. ing " that the people he came to represent would not submit on such terms," the Captain, irritated at his republican lan- guage, particularly at the word "represent," replied, "you damned rebel ! if you speak in such language, I will imme- diately order you to be hanged up to the yard arm." Major James perceiving what turn matters were likely to take, and not brooking this harsh language, suddenly seized the chair on which he was seated, brandished it in the face of the Captain, made his way good through the back door of the house, mounted his horse and made his escape into the coun- try. This circumstance which appears now so trivial, gave rise to Marion's brigade. When the whole adventure was related at a meeting of the inhabitants of Williamsburg, it was unanimously determined that they would again take up arms in defence of their country and not against it Major James was desired to command them as heretofore, and they arranged themselves under their revolutionary Captains, Wil- liam M'Cottry, Henry Movvzon and John James, junior. The small band thus resolved on further resistance was about two hundred men. Shortly after. Colonel Hugh Giles joined them with two companies, Thornly's and Wither- spoon's. On this accession of force a consultation was held, and it was agreed to dispatch a messenger to General Gates, who about this time had arrived on the confines of the State, requesting him to send them a Commander. Shortly after these events, Colonel Tarleton crossed the Santee at Lenud's ferry, and hearing of the late proceedings in Williamsburg, approached at the head of some cavalry to surprise the party of Major James ; but Captain M'Cottry, as soon as he received notice of his movements, marched his company of fifty men to give him battle. Tarleton was posted at King's Tree bridge, on Black river, and M'Cottry approached him at mid- night; but by means of the wife of the only loyalist in that part of the country, Tarleton gained intelligence of M'Cottry's movements, and marched away a few hours before the latter arrived. M'Cottry pursued him, but without effect In this route Tarleton burnt the house of Captain Mowzon and took Mr. James Bradley* prisoner. *This gentleman was taken prisoner by stratagem. Colonel Tarleton came to his house and passed himself for Colonel Washington of the Ameriuan army. Bradley made much of his guest, and without suspicion freely communicated to him the plans and views of himself and other Carolinians for co-operating with their counlryjnen against the British. When the interview and its hospitalities were ended, Tarleton requested Bradley to accompany him as a guide to a neigh- boring place. This service was cheerfully performed On their arrival, Tarleton's party appeared in full view and took charge of Bradley as a prisoner. The host thus taken by order of his late guest was sent to Camden jail, and there confined in irons. He was freiiuently carted to the gallows to witness the execution of his countrymen as rebels, and was told to prepare for a similar fate as his time was Marion's brigade. 231 In the meantime Lieutenant-Colonel Hugh Horry arrived from Georgetown with a small party and took command of the force already raised by Major James, and on all occasions very much animated the men by his gallantry and persever- ing patriotism. The messenger, however, had been dis- patched to Gates, and on the first or second of August, Gen- eral Francis Marion arrived to the great joy of all the friends of America, He was accompanied by Colonel Peter Horry, Major John Vanderhorst, Captains Lewis Ogier and James Thems, and Captain John Milton, of Georgia. In a few days after taking the command, General Marion led his men across the Peedee at Post's ferry to disperse a large party of tories commanded by Major Gainey, collected between great and little Peedee. He surprised them in their camp ; killed one of their captains and several privates. Two of his own party were wounded. Major James was detached at the head of a volunteer troop of horse to attack their horse. He came up with them, charged and drove them into little Peedee swamp. Marion returned to Posts's ferry and threw up a redoubt on the east bank of Peedee to awe the tories, still nu- merous in that neighborhood. While thus employed he heard of the defeat of Gates, at Camden, August 16th, 1780. Without communicating the intelligence, he immediately marched for Nelson's ferry on the Santee, in the hope of intercepting some of the prisoners on their way to Charles- town. Near Nelson's he was informed of a party on their way down, and found by his scouts that the British had stopped at the house on the main road on the east side of Santee. The General waited till near daylight next morning and then divided his men into two divisions. A small party- under Colonel Hugh Horry* was directed to obtain possession of the road at the entrance of the swamp, and the main body led by himself was by a circuitous route to attack the British in the rear. Colonel Horry in taking his position, had ad- vanced in the dark too near to a sentinel who fired upon him. In a moment he with his little party rushed up to the house, found the British arms piled before the door and seized next. On such occasions, and when interrogated at courts-martial, he made no other reply than that " I am ready and willing to die in the cause of my country ; but remember, if I am hanged, I have many friends in General Marion's brigade, and my death will occasion a severe retaliation." Either awed by his virtues or apprehensive of the consequences, his captors did not execute their threats. His life was spared, but he was kept in irons as long as the British had possession of the upper country. He bore the marks of these rugged instruments of confine- ment till the day of his death, and would occasionally show thera to his young friends, with a request "that if the good of their country required the sacriiice, they would suffer imprisonment and death in its cause." *This gallant officer was the bosom friend of General Marion. Wherever the latter was personally engaged in action, the former was to be seen at his side. 232 HISTORY OP THE REVOLUTION. upon them. Thus by a party of sixteen American militia was a British guard of thirty-two men taken, and one hun- dred and fifty prisoners released. Colonel Horry had one man wounded. However, the news of the defeat of Gates, which now became public, damped all joy for the complete success of this well conducted attack. On the same day General Marion marched back for his old position on the Peedee. On the way many of his militia, and, with the exception of two, the whole of the regulars released from the enemy, de- serted. But by the exertions of the General and his officers, the spirits of the drooping began to revive. About the 14th of September, 1780, when Marion had under his command only 150 men, he heard of the approach of Major Weyms, from the King's Tree, at the head of a British regiment and Harrison's regiment of tories. Major James was instantly dispatched at the head of a party of volunteers to reconnoitre, and with orders to count the enemy. On his return a council of war was called. The British force was reported to be double that of Marion's. Gainey's party of tories in the rear had always been estimated at 500 men. Under these dis- couraging circumstances the line of march was directed back towards Lynch's creek. This was a most trying occasion. Men were called upon to leave their property and their fam- ilies at the discretion of an irritated relentless enemy. About half of Marion's party left him ; Colonels Peter and Hugh Horry, Colonels John Erwin and John Baxter, Major John Vanderhorst, Major John James, Major Benson, and about sixty others continued with their General. Captain James, with ten chosen men, was left to succor the distressed and to convey intelligence.* The next morning Marion arrived at his redoubt; and at sunset the same evening turned towards North Carolina, and soon reached the eastern bank of Drown- ing creek in that State. Major James obtained leave to return at the head of a few volunteers ; and General Marion con- tinued on to the White marsh, near the source of the Wacca- maw. In a little time the Major returned with intelligence of the depredations and house burnings committed by Weyms. Many of Marion's party were reduced from easy circum- stances to poverty. After a few days more of repose, the General returned by forced marches towards South Carolina. When near to Lynch's creek he was informed that a party of tories, much more nu- merous than his own, lay at Black Mingo, fifteen miles below. Every voice was for the General to lead on his men to an at- tack ; and they were gratified. *He continued in the vicinity of the British encampments and to fire upon stragglers from it as long as his powder and ball lasted. BRIGADE. 233 The tories lay at Shepherd's ferry on the south side of that creek. To approach them Marion was ohliged to cross the creek at a bridge one mile above the ferry. As soon as the front files of his advance had struck the bridge, with their horses' feet, an alarm gun was fired by the enemy and they were advantageously posted to receive him. A sharp conflict ensued. In an interval of platoons Marion was heard to call out, " advance cavalry and charge on the left." Instantly the tories broke and ran for Black Mingo swamp. The parties had been engaged for a considerable time so near to each other that the wads of their gims struck on each side, and both fired balls and buckshot. Neither had bayonets, or they would have been used. Captain Logan, and one private of Marion's party were killed ; but of those engaged, nearly one- half were wounded. Two gallant oflicers. Captain Mowzon and his Lieutenant Joseph Scott, were rendered unfit for further service. The tories had five killed, and a considerable number wounded. Several of these had lately been companions in arms with Marion's party, but from mistaken views had changed sides. The General without delay marched into Williamsburg. In a short time his party was four hundred strong. Thus re-inforced the General proceeded up, Lynch's creek, to chastise the tories who had assisted Weyms. On his march he obtained information that Colonel Tynes was collecting a large body of tories in the fork of Black river, distant about thirty miles. The General instantly proceeded towards them ; crossing the north branch of Black river, he came up with Tynes — surprised and completely defeated him without the loss of a man. When Marion approached, the first party of tories was playing cards; and Captain Gaskens one of the plundering companions of Weyms, was killed with a card in his hand. Several other tories were killed and wounded. In all these marches Marion and his men lay in the open air with little covering, and with little other food than sweet pota- toes and meat mostly without salt. Though it was in the unhealthy season of autumn, yet sickness seldom occurred. The General fared worse than his men ; for his baggage hav- ing caught fire by accident, he had literally but half a blanket to cover him from the dews of the night, and but half a hat to shelter him from the rays of the sun. Soon after the defeat of Tynes, General Marion took a position on Snow's Island, This is situated at the conflux of the Peedee and Lynch's creek, is of a triangular form, and is bounded by Peedee on ' the northeast — by Lynch's creek on the north — and by Clark's creek, a branch of the latter, on the west and south. Here, 234 HISTORY OF THE EEVOHJTION. by having command of the rivers, he could be abundantly supplied with provisions, and his post was inaccessible except by water. Major John Postell was stationed to guard the lower part of the river Peedee. While there, Captain James De- Peysterof the royal army, with twenty-nine grenadiers, having- taken post in the house of the major's father, the major posted his small command of twenty-eight militia-men in such posi- tions as commanded its doors and demanded their surrender. This being refused, he set fire to an out-house and was pro- ceeding to burn that in which they were posted ; and nothing but the immediate submission of the whole party restrained him from sacrificing his father's valuable property to gain an advantage for his country. From Snow's Island during the winter next after the fall of Charlestown, General Marion sent out his scouts in all directions. In January 1781, he sent two small detachments of militia dragoons, under the command of Major Postell and Captain Postell, to cross the Santee. The former destroyed a great quanity of valuable stores at Manigault's ferry ; the latter did the same at another place in the vicinity. Theace he marched to Keithfield near Monk's Corner, where he destroyed fourteen wagons loaded with soldiers' clothing and baggage; besides several other valuable stores, and took forty prisoners chiefly British regulars, and etfected the whole without any loss. In the course of these desultory operations, Marion killed and captured a number of the British and their tory friends more than double of his own force. In the course of the contest, a new race of young warriors had sprung up. The General was desirous of employing them, and to give some repose to those who had served from the beginning. Among these the brothers, the Postells, were all active and enterprising. Major Benson commanded the cav- alry; under him was John Thompson Green; under them were Daniel Conyers and James M'Cauley ; who on every occasion signalized themselves. Captain M'Cottry commanded a company of riflemen.* Wherever his name was repeated it struck terror into the hearts of the enemy. The warfare was various and bloody. Lieutenant Roger Gordon, of Marion's party being upon a scout upon Lynch's creek, stopped at a house of refreshments. While there, the house was beset and fired by a Captain Butler and a party of tories greatly superior in number. Gordon's party surrendered upon a promise of quarters, but after laying down their arms, Butler fell upon them and butchered them in cold blood. * No man was more belored by his men than M'Cottry ; his active services brought upon him a complication of disorders which shortened his life. Marion's brigade. 235 In consequence of this massacre "no quarters for tories," was the cry with Marion's men when going into action. Still however the regular British forces were treated with lenity, and agreeably to the generally received rules of war, when they laid down their arms. The pruning hook was converted into a spear; and the saw, under the hands of a common blacksmith, became a terrible sabre. Powder and ball were much wanted. On account of the small stock of both, the orders often were to give the British one or two fires and to retreat. Those fires were always well directed and did great execution. Marion so etfectually thwarted the schemes of the British against South Carolina, that to drive him out of the country was with them a favorite object. The house burnings and devastations perpetrated by Weyms and the tories under his direction, had not produced that intimidation and disposition to submit which had been vainly expected from men who disregarded property when put in competition with liberty. A new and well concerted attempt to destroy, or disperse, the brigade which had given so much trouble to the late conque- rors was made early in 1781. Colonel Watson moved down from Camden along the San- tee, and Colonel Doyle crossing Lynch's creek marched down on the east side of it. The point of their intended junction was supposed to be at Snow's Island. General Marion heard first of the approach of Watson, and marched from Snow's Island with almost the whole of his force to meet him. At Tawcaw swamp, nearly opposite to the mouth of the present Santee canal on the east side of the river, he laid the first am- buscade for Watson. General Marion had then but very little ammunition, not more than twenty rounds to each man. His orders were to give two fires and retreat; and they were executed by Colonel Peter Horry with great effect. Watson made good the passage of the swamp, and sent Major Harrison with a corps of tory cavalry and some British in pursuit of Horry. This had been foreseen by the cautious Marion ; and Captain Daniel Conyers, at the head of a party of cavalry, was placed in a second ambuscade. As soon as the tories and British came up, Conyers, in a spirited and well-directed charge, killed with his own hands the officer who led on the opposite charge. Conyer's men followed his gallant example. Many of Harrison's party were killed, and the remainder made their escape to the main body of the British. Such work re- quired little powder and ball. General Marion continued to harass Watson on his march, by pulling up bridges and op- posing him in like manner at every difficult pass until they had reached near the lower bridge on Black river, seven miles 2 36 HISTOET OF THE REVOLUTION. below King's Tree. Here Watson made a feint of inarching down the road to Georgetown. Marion being too weak to detach a party to the bridge, had talien an advantageous post on that road; when Watson wheeling suddenly about gained possession of the bridge on the west side. This was an im- portant pass on the road leading into the heart of Williams- burg and to Snow's Island. The river on the west runs under a high bluff; the grounds on the opposite side are low and the river, though generally fordable, was then raised by a swell nearly up to the summit of the opposite shore. Watson still hesitated about passing. General Marion, informed of Watson's movement, without delay approached the river, plunged into it on horseback and called to his men to follow. They did so. The whole party reached the opposite shore in safety, and marched forward to occupy the east end of the bridge. Marion detached Major James with forty musqueteers, and thirty riflemen under M'Cottry to burn the bridge. The riflemen were posted to advantage on the river bank, but as soon as their friends had gained possession of the east end of the bridge, and had ap- plied fascines to it, Watson opened the fire of his artillery upon them, but it was unavailing. The west bank of the river was so much elevated above the east that before his field pieces could be brought to bear upon the Americans, his artillerists were exposed to the fire of the riflemen, who deliberately picked them off as they advanced to the summit of the hill. In the meantime Major James' party had fired the bridge. Thus were Marion's friends saved from similar plunderiugs and conflagrations with those they had suffered under Weyms. The practice of Watson was to burn all the houses of Marion's men that were in the line of his march. Watson was so much intimidated by this affair, that he im- mediately quitted the lower bridge and proceeded by forced marches to Georgetown. General Marion repassed Black river, and hung alternately on the rear, the flanks, or the front of the enemy until they had reached Sampit bridge, nine miles from Georgetown. There M'Cottry gave them a parting fire from his riflemen. During these transactions, Watson com- manded five hundred men, and Marion not half that number. The loss of the British is unknown, that of Marion but one man. The three officers, and all the men employed by the General at the lower bridge, were inhabitants, whose plantations and families would have been exposed to the enemy had they made good their passage. From Sampit bridge Marion marched directly for Snow's Island. There he heard of the approach of Doyle, who had driven Colonel Erwin from the Island and CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 237 taken possession of the pass of Lynch's creek, at Wither- spoon's ferry. When M'Cottry, advancing in front, arrived at Witherspoon's, on the south bank of the creek, the British on the north were scutthng the ferry boat. He approached softly to the edge of the water and gave them an unexpected fire. A short conflict took place between ill-directed musketry, whose balls hit the tops of the trees on the opposite side, and riflemen, whose well directed aim seldom failed of doing exe- cution at every fire. Doyle fell back to Camden. In addition to these skirmishes, Marion made two descents on Georgetown. In the first, he came unexpectedly on a body of tories, whom he charged and dispersed after their Captain and several of their men were killed. In this aff'air Captain Marion, brother of the present member of Congress from Charlestown District, was killed and, it was believed, after he had been taken prisoner. Marion's second descent was more successful. With a party of militia he marched to Georgetown, and began regular approaches against the British post in that place. On the first night after his men had broken ground, their adversaries evacuated their works and retreated to Charlestown. Shortly after, one Manson, an inhabitant of South Carolina, who had joined the British, appeared in an armed vessel and demanded permission to land his men in the town. This being refused, he sent a few of them ashore and set fire to it. Upwards of forty houses were speedily reduced to ashes. After the return of General Greene to Carolina, in 1781, Marion acted under his orders, and the exploits of his brigade, no longer acting by itself, made a part of the general history of the revolutionary war. SECTION X. Campaign of 1781 Continued. It was no sooner known in South Carolina that Lord Corn- wallis had left the State in pursuit of the American army, than General Sumpter, who had just recovered from his wound, collected a force to penetrate into the heart of the country, as well with the design of distracting the views of the British as of encouraging the friends of independence. Early in February, 1781, he crossed the Congaree, and appeared in force before Fort Granby and destroyed its magaznes. Lord Rawdon advanced from Camden for the relief of the post, on which General Sumpter retreated, but immediately appeared before another British post, near Colonel Thompson's. On the second day after this excursion he attacked and defeated an escort convoying some wagons and stores from Charles- 238 HisToar of the revolution. town to Camden. Thirteen of the British detachment were killed and sixty-six taken prisoners. The captured stores were sent in boats down the Congaree, but on their passage they were retaken. Sumpter, with three hundred and fifty horsemen, swam across the Santee and proceeded to Fort Watson, at Wright's Bluff, but on Lord Rawdon's marching from Camden for its relief, he retired to Black river. On his return, he was attacked near Camden, by Major Frazer, at the head of a considerable force of British regulars and militia. The Major lost twenty of his men, and was obliged to retreat Sumpter having, by this excursion, satisfied the friends of in- dependence in the centre of the State that their cause was not desperate, retired in safety to the borders of North Carolina. Hiiherto all his enterprises had been effected by volunteers from the militia, but the long continued services in the field which were required, pointed out the proprietj^ of a more per- manent corps. He, therefore, in March, 1781, enlisted three small regiments of regular Stale troops, to be employed in constant service for the space of ten months. With these, and the returning continental army, the war recommenced in South Carolina with new vigor, and was carried on with more regularity. General Greene, having determined to return to South Carolina, sent orders to General Pickens to collect the militia of his brigade, and to prevent supplies from going to the British garrisons at Ninety-Six and Augusta. Lieutenant- Colonel Lee, with his legion and part of the second Maryland brigade, was ordered to advance before the continental troops, to co-operate with General Marion. About the time that these preparations were making to renew the war in South Carolina, seventy-six exiles, who had been compelled to seek refuge with General Marion on the north side of Santee, re-crossed that liver with the bold design of re-visiting their own settlements. Some of them were from the militia of the sea-coast of Carolina, to the southward of Charlestown, and others from Georgia. The first commanded by Colonel Harden, the latter by Colonel Baker. On their way they fell in with about twenty-five of the royal militia, at Four Holes, and captured the whole of them. The privates were paroled, and their officers carried off. As they marched through the country, parties were sent to the houses of the officers of the royal militia, some of whom were taken, and others fied to Charlestown. Colonel Harden had two or three successful skirmishes with detachments of the British, but his capital manoeuvre was the surprise of Fort Balfour, at Poka- taligo. By his address and good management in this enter- prise, three British Colonels of militia, Fenwick, Lechraere CAMPAIGN OP 1781. 239 and Kelsal, with thirty-two regular dragoons and fifty-six pri- vates of the royal militia, surrendered on the 12th of April, 1781, to this handful of returning exiles, without any loss on their part. Colonel Harden had his party considerably increased by daily accessions of the people inhabiting the southern sea- coast of Carolina. With their aid he prosecuted, in that part of the State, the same successful plan of opposition to the British which was begun much earlier in the northwestern and northeastern extremities under the auspices of his gallant co-adjutors, Sumpter and Marion. General Greene marched with the main army from Deep river, in North Carolina, towards Camden. The British were no less alarmed than surprised when they heard that Lieuten- ant-Colonel Lee had penetrated through the country, and in eight days efiected a junction with General Marion, near the Santee, and that the main body of the Americans encamped on the 19th of April before Camden. To secure the provi- sions that grow on the fertile banks of the Santee and Con- garee rivers, the British had erected a chain of posts in their vicinity. One of the most important of these was on an emi- nence, known by the name of Wright's Bluff, and called Fort Watson. This was closely invested, on the 15th of April, by about eighty militia-men under General Marion, and by the continentals commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Lee. Neither party had any other means of annoyance or defence but mus- ketry. Though the ground on which the fort stood was an Indian mount, thirty or forty feet high, yet the besiegers, under the direction of Colonel Maham, erected, in a few days, on an unusual plan, a work much higher. From this emi- nence the American riflemen fired into the fort with such exe- cution that the besieged durst not show themselves. On the twenty-third the garrison, consisting of one hundred and four- teen men, surrendered by capitulation. Camden, before whiph the main army was encamped, is a village situated on a plain covered on the south and east sides by the Wateree, and a creek which empties itself in that river. On the western and northern by six strong redoubts. It was de- fended by Lord Rawdon with about nine hundred men. The American army, consisting of about seven hundred continen- tals, was unequal to the task of carrying this post by storm or of completely investing it. The General therefore took a good position at Hobkirk's Hill, about a mile distant, in expecta- tion of favorable events and with a view of alluring the gar- rison out of their lines. Lord Rawdon armed his musicians, drummers, and everything that could carry a firelock, and with great spirit sallied on the twenty-fifth. An engagement ensued. Victory for some time very evidently inclined to the 240 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. side of the Americans ; but in the progress of the action the fortune of the day was changed, and the British kept the field. Lieutenant-Colonel Washington was ordered to turn the right flank of the British, and to charge in their rear. While he exe- cuted this order he was so confident of the success of the main army, that he divided his men into small parties, and made them take such positions as he thought most eligible for intercepting the fugitives on their retreat to Camden. At one time he had in his possesion upwards of two hundred ; but he relinquished the greatest part of them on seeing the Amer- ican army retreat. On this unexpected reverse of fortune he paroled the officers on the field of battle — collected his men — wheeled round — and made his retreat good, with the loss of three men, and at the same time brought oif near fifty pris- oners. The killed, wounded, and missing of the Americans was about two hundred. The British had one officer killed, and eleven taken prisoners. General Greene retreated in good order, with his artillery and baggage, to Gun Swamp, about five miles from the place of action. In the evening after this action Lieutenant-Colonel Washington marched with fifty men of the cavalry within a mile of the British army, and after send- ing forward a small party, concealed his principal force in the woods. As soon as the advanced small party was discovered, Major Coffin, at the head of about forty of the Irish volun- teers, pursued them a considerable distance. After the British party had passed the American cavalry, which was concealed, the latter rushed from the woods and charged them so briskly in the rear, that they lost upwards of twenty of their number. Very soon after the action, on the 25th of April, General Greene, knowing that the British garrison could not subsist long in Camden without fresh supplies from Charlestown or the country, detached a reinforcement to General Marion on the road to Nelson's ferry; and on the third of May crossed the Wateree, and took occasionally such positions as would most effectually prevent succors from going into the town from that quarter. On the seventh of May Lord Rawdon received a considerable reinforcement by the arrival of the detachment under Lieutenant-Colonel Watson. With this increase of force he attempted, on the day following, to compel General Greene to another action ; but soon found that this was im- practicable. Failing in his design, he returned to Camden ; and on the tenth burned the gaol, mills, many private houses and a great deal of his own baggage — evacuated the post— and retired with his whole army to the south of the Santee; leaving about thirty of his own sick and wounded, and as many of the Americans, who, on the twenty-fifth of April, had fallen into his hands. Lord Rawdon discovered as great CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 241 prudence in this evacuation of Camden as he had shown bravery in its defence. The fall of Fort Watson broke the chain of communication with Charlestown, and the positions -of the American army intercepted all supplies from the coun- try. The return of General Greene to the southward being unexpected, the stores of the garrison were not provided for a siege. Lord Rawdon had the honor of saving his men though he lost the post, the country, and the confidence of the tories. He off'ered every assistance in his power to the friends of Brit- ish government who would accompany him ; but it was a hard alternative to the new-made subjects to be obliged to abandon their property, or be left at the mercy of their exas- perated countrymen. Several families nevertheless accom- panied his lordship. These were cruelly neglected after their arrival in Charlestown. They built themselves huts without the works. Their settlement was called Rawdontown ; which, from its poverty and wretchedness, became a term of reproach. Many women and children, who lived comfortably on their farms near Camden, soon died of want in these, their new habitations. This evacuation animated the friends of Congress, and gave a very general alarm to the British. The former had been called upon for their personal services, to assist in re- gaining the country, but were disheartened by the repulse of General Greene from before Camden ; but, from the moment that Lord Rawdon evacuated that post their numbers daily in- creased, and the British posts fell in quick succession. On the day after the evacuation of Camden the garrison of Orangeburg, consisting of seventy British militia and twelve regulars, surrendered to General Sumpter. The next day fort Motte capitulated. After the surrender of fort Watson, Gen- eral Marion and Lieutenant-Colonel Lee crossed the Santee and moved up to this post, which lies above the Fork on the south side of the Congaree, where they arrived on the eighth of May. The approaches were carried on so rapidly, that a house in the centre of the fort was set on fire the fourth day after they began the entrenchments ; and the garrison, which consisted of 165 men, commanded by Lieutenant M'Pherson, was compelled, after a brave defence, to surrender at discre- tion. On this occasion Mrs. Motte displayed an eminent ex- ample of disinterested patriotism. The British had built their works round her dwelling house, on which she removed to a neighboring hut. When she was informed that firing the house was the easiest mode of reducing the garrison, she pre- sented the besiegers with a quiver of African arrows to be em- ployed for that purpose. Skewers armed with combustible materials were also used, and with more effect. Success soon 16 242 HISTORY OP THE REVOLUTION. crowned these experiments, and her joy was inexpressible that the reduction of the post was expedited, though at the ex- peiise of her property. Two days after this surrender, the British evacuated their post at Nelson's ferry — blew up their fortifications — and destroyed a great part of their stores. The day following, fort Granby, near Friday's ferry, about thirty miles to the westward of fortMotte, surrendered by capitula- tion. Very advantageous terms were given by the assailants in consequence of information that Lord Rawdon was march- ing to its relief This was a post of more consequence than the others, and might have been better defended; but the otfer of security to the baggage of the garrison, in which was included an immense quantity of plunder, hastened the surrender. For some time before, it had been greatly harassed by Colonel Taylor's regiment of militia, and had also been in- vested by General Siimpter. On the night of the fourteenth of May, Lieutenant-Colonel Lee erected a battery within six hundred yards of its out-works, on which he mounted a six- •pounder. After the third discharge from this field-piece. Major Maxwell capitulated. His force consisted of three hundred and fifty-two men, a great part of whom were royal militia. While these operations were carrying on against the small posts, General Greene proceeded with the main army to Ninety-Six. This place being of great consequence was de- fended by a considerable force. Lieutenant-Colonel Cniger conducted the defence with great bravery and judgment. Major Green, in particular, acquired distinguished reputa- tion by his spirited and judicious conduct in defending the redoubt against which the Americans made Iheir principal eflorts. On the left of the besiegers was a work erected in the form of a star; on the right was a strong stockade fort, with two block houses in it. The town, flanked by these two works, was also piquetted with strong piquets, and surrounded with a ditch, and a bank near the height of a common parapet There were also several flushes in different parts of the town, and all the works communicated with each other by covered ways. On the twenty-third of May 1781, the main body of the American army encamped in a wood within half a mile of Ninety-Six; and on that night, threw up two flushes within one hundred and fifty yards of the star fort. The next morn- ing the enemy made a sally, and being supported by the ar- tillery and musketry from the parapet of the star redoubt, drove the besiegers from them. The next night two strong block batteries were erected at the distance of three hundred and fifty yards, which were opened in the morning. Another batterytwenty feet high, erected within two hundred and twenty CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 243 yards, was finished in a few days ; and soon afterwards, another of the same height was erected within one hundred yards of the main fort. Approaches were gradually carried on against the redoubt on the left. Colonel Koziusko, a young gentleman of distinction from Poland, superintended the operations of the besiegers, and by his assiduity, though the ground was hard and the situation unfavorable, a third paraUel within thirty yards of the ditch was completed on May 14th ; and a rifle battery, upwards of thirty feet high, erected at the same distance. On the seventeenth the abbatis was turned, and two trenches and a mine were extended so as to be within six feet of the ditch. Few sieges aff'ord greater instances of perseverance and intrepidity, than were exhibited on this occasion by the besiegers and besieged. Riflemen were employed on both sides, who immediately levelled at every person who appeared in sight and very seldom missed their object. Various success attended the conflicts between the several covering parties of the workmen, and those who re- peatedly sallied from the garrison. On the third of June, twelve days after the commencement of this seige, a fleet arrived at Charlestown from Ireland having on board the third, nineteenth, and thirtieth regiment of his Britannic majesty, a detachment from the guards, and a con- siderable body of recruits, the whole commanded by Lieuten- ant-Colonel Gould. Earl Cornwallis had given permission to the commanders of the British forces in South Carolina, to detain these reinforcements if they conceived that the service of his Britannic majesty required it; otherwise they were to be sent forward to join his lordship. On the 7th of June, 178 1, Lord Rawdon marched from Charlestown, with these newly arrived troops, for the relief of the garrison at Ninety- Six. Great were the difficulties they had to encounter in rapidly marching under the rage of a burning sun through the whole extent of South Carolina; but much greater was their astonishment at being informed, that their services in the field were necessary to oppose the yet unsubdued rebels in the province. They had been amused with hopes that nothing remained for them to do, but to sit down as setders on the forfeited lands of a conquered country. The American army had advanced their approaches very near that critical point, after which further resistance on the part of the garrison would have been temerity. At this inter- esting moment intelligence was received, that Lord Rawdon was near at hand with a reinforcement of about two thousand men. An American lady, who had lately married an officer then in the British garrison of Ninety-Six, had been bribed by a large sum of money to convey a letter to Lieutenant- Pnl/^nol Pi-iicror iirith tlip ivplnnms np^vs nf their annroach. 244 HISTORY OF THE KEVOLTJTION. Attempts had been made to retard their march, but without the desired effect. Their vicinity made it necessary either to raise the seige, or attempt the reduction of the place by a coup-de-main. The last was agreed upon, and the necessary dispositions made on the 18th of June. Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, with his legion infantry, and Captain Kirkwood's light infantry, made the attack on the right. Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, with the first Maryland and first Virginia regirnents, were to have stormed the star redoubt, the ditch of which was eight or nine feet deep, the parapet eleven or twelve feet high, and raised with sand-bags near three feet more. The forlorn hopes were led on by Lieutenants Duval and Sheldon, and were followed by a party with hooks and entrenching tools to pull down the sand-bags and reduce the parapet. Had this been effected, the besieged could not have annoyed the assail- ants without exposing themselves to the American marksmen. The artillery soon made sufficient breaches on the fortified redoubt on the right, for the infantry under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Lee to assault the garrison. It was there- . fore abandoned, and they took possession without loss. On the left the utmost exertions of resolution and fortitude were displayed, but failed of success. The parties led by Duval and Sheldon entered the ditch, and, though galled by an in- cessant fire, made every effort to get down the sand-bags. Both these gallant officers were wounded, and not more than one in six of their party escaped. The near approach of Lord Rawdon, and the uncertainty of final success, induced General Greene to raise the siege and to retreat over the Saluda, after having lost about one hundred and fifty men. Truly distressing was the situation of the American army: when in the grasp of victory, to be obliged to expose them- selves to the dangers of an hazardous assault, and afterwards to abandon the siege: when they were nearly masters of the whole country, to be compelled to retreat to its extremity: after subduing the greatest part of the force lately opposed to them, to be under the necessity of encountering still greater reinforcements, when their remote situation precluded them from the hope of receiving a single recruit. In this gloomy situation there were not wanting persons who advised General Greene to leave the State, and retire with his remaining force to Virginia. To arguments and suggestions of this kind he nobly replied, " I will recover the country, or die in the at- tempt." This distinguished officer, whose genius was most vigorous in those perilous extremities when feeble minds abandon themselves to despair, adopted the only resource now left him, of avoiding an engagement till the British force should be divided. Lord Rawdon, who by rapid marches was very near Nine- CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 245 ty-Six at the time of the assault, pursued General Greene as far as the Enoree; but finding it impossible to overtake the light retreating American army, and supposing that they had gone to North Carolina or Virginia, his lordship consoled himself with the imaginary advantage of having driven the rebels out of the country. On this occasion General Pickens exhibited an illustrious instance of republican virtue. When the retreat was ordered, the General's family and private pro- perty was sent off with the baggage of the army. This pre- caution, though wished for by all, and justified on every principle of prudence, gave an alarm to many who either had not the same means of transportation, or who could not have attended to it without deserting the American army. To en- courage the men to stay in the camp, and their families to remain on their plantations, General Pickens ordered his family and property back again to his house within twenty miles of the British garrison. His example saved the country in the vicinity from depopulation, and the army under Gene- ral Greene from sustaining a great diminution of their num- bers by the desertion of the militia to take care of their fami- lies. The arrival of the British reinforcement, and the subsequent retreat from Ninety-Six, induced a general apprehension, that the British would soon re-establish the posts they had lost to the southward of Santep. The destination of the main army under Lord Cornwallis having been for some time known, the British Commanders in South Carolina had contracted their boundaries to that extent of country which is in a great measure inclosed by the Santee, the Congaree, and the Edisto. Within these rivers Lord Rawdon intended to confine his future operations, and to canton his forces in the most eligible positions. His lordship, taking it for granted that the Ameri- cans had abandoned South Carolina, resolved, upon his return from pursuing General Greene, to divide his army, with the intention of fixing a detachment at the Congaree; but he soon found that his adversaries were not disposed to give up the prize for which they had so long contended. Greene, on hearing that Lord Rawdon had marched with a part of his force to Congaree, faced about to give him battle. Lord Raw- don, no less surprised than alarmed at this unexpected move- ment of his lately retreating foe, abandoned the Congaree in two days after his arrival there and retreated expeditiously to Orangeburg. In this position he was secured on one side with a river, and on the other with strong buildings little inferior to recioubts. Greene pursued — encamped within five miles of this post — and offered him battle. His lordship, secure in his stronghold, would not venture out ; and General 246 HISTORY OP THE REVOLUTION. Greene was too weak to attack him in his works with any prospect of success. In the course of these movements, on the second of July, Captain Eggleston, of Lee's legion, fell in with forty-nine British horse, near the Saluda, and took forty- eight of them prisoners. Whilst the American army lay near Orangeburg, advice was received that Lieutenant-Colonel Cruger had evacuated Ninety-Six, and was marching with the troops of that garrison through the forks of Edisto to join Lord Rawdon at Orangeburg. As the north fork of Edisto is not passable by an army, without boats, for thirty miles above or below the British encampments, General Greene could not throw himself between with any prospect of pre- venting the junction ; he therefore retired to the high hills of Santee, and Lord Rawdon and Lieutenant-Colonel Cruger the day after made a junction. The evacuation of Camden having been effected by striking at the posts below it, the same ma- nosuvre was now attempted to induce the British to leave Orangeburg. With this view, on the day that the main American army retired from before that post,' Generals Suinp- ter and Marion, with their brigades and the legion cavalry, were detached to Monk's Corner and Dorchester. They moved down by different roads, and in three days commenced their operations. Lientenant-Colonel Lee took all the wa- gons and wagon-horses belonging to a convoy of provisions. Colonel Wade Hampton charged a party of British dragoons within five miles of Charlestown. He also took fifty priso- ners at Strawberry ferry, and burned four vessels loaded with valuable stores for the British army. General Snmpter ap- peared before the garrison at Biggin's church, which consisted of five'hundred infantry and upwards of one hundred cavalry. Lieutenant-Colonel Coates, who commanded there, after hav- ing repulsed the advanced party of General Sumpter, on the next evening destroyed his stores and retreated towards Charles- town. He was closely pursued by Lieutenant-Colonel Lee with the legion, and Lieutenant-Colonel Hampton with the State cavalry. The legion came up with them near Shu- brick's plantation, took their rear guard and all their baggage. Captain Armstrong, of Lee's legion, at the head only of five men, charged through a considerable part of their lines and escaped with the loss of two men. Generals Sumpter and Marion, after some hours, came up with the main body ; but by this time the British had secured themselves by taking an advantageous post in a range of honses. An attack was how- ever made, and continued with spirit till upwards of forty were killed or wounded by the fire from the'houses. The British lost in these different engagements one hundred and forty prisoners, besides several kiUed and wounded, all the CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 247 baggage of the nineteenth regiment, and above one hundred horses and several wagons. Thus was the war carried on. While .the British kept their forces compact, they could not cover the country, and the American general had the precaution to avoid fighting. When they divided the army, their detachments were sepa- rately and successfully attacked. While they were in force in the upper country, light parlies of Americans were annoy- ing their small posts in the low country near Charlestown. The people soon found that the late conquerors were not able to atford them their promised protection. The spirit of revolt became general, and the British interest daily declined. Soon after these events. Lord Jiawdon, driven from almost the whole of his posts, baffled in all his schemes, and over- whelmed with vexation, sailed for Europe. Tn the course of his command he aggravated the unavoidable calamities of war by many acts of severity, which admit of no other apol- ogy than that they were supposed to be useful to the interests of his royal master. About the same time that Generals Sumpter and Marion were detached to the lower parts of the State, the main Amer- ican Army retired to the high hills of Santee, and the British returned to their former station near the junction of the Wa- teree and the Congaree. Greene, in a little time, began to concert measures to force them a second time from these posts. Though the two armies were within fifteen miles of each other, on a right line, yet, as two rivers intervened, and boats could not be procured, the American army was obliged to take a circuit of seventy miles, with the view of more con- veniently crossing the Wateree and the Congaree. Soon after their crossing these rivers, the continental army was joined by the State troops and several corps of militia. The whole American force, thus collected, proceeded the next morning to attack the British army commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart. On the approach of the Americans, the British had retired from the Congarees about forty miles nearer Charles- town, and taken post at the Eutaw Springs. Greene drew up his little force, consisting of about two thousand men, in two lines. The front consisted of the militia from North and South Carolina, and was commanded by Generals Marion and Pickens, and by Colonel De Malmedy. The second con- sisted of the continental troops from North Carolina, Virginia and Maryland, and was led on by General Sumner, Lieuten- ant-Colonel Campbell, and Colonel Williams. Lieutenant- Colonel Lee, with his legion, covered the right flank; Lieu- tenant-Colonel Henderson, with the State troops, covered the left. Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, with his cavalry, and 248 HISTORY OF THE KEVOLTTTION. Captain Kirkwood, with the Delaware troops, formed a corps of reserve. As the Americans advanced to the attack, they fell in with two advanced parties of the British, three or four miles ahead of their main army. These being briskly charged by the legion and State troops, soon retired. The front line continued to fire and advance on the British till the action became general, and till they, in their turn, were obliged to give way. They were well supported by General Sumner's North Carolina brigade of Continentals, though they had been under discipline only for a few weeks, and were chiefly com- posed of militia-men who had been transferred to the conti- nental service to make reparation for their precipitate flight in former actions. In the hottest of the engagement, when great execution was doing on both sides. Colonel Williams and Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, with the Maryland and Vir- ginia Continentals, were ordered by General Greene to charge with trailed arms. Nothing could surpass the intrepidity of both officers and men on this occasion ; they rushed on, in good order, through a heavy cannonade and a shower of mus- ketry, with such unshaken resolution that they bore down all before them. The State troops of South Carolina were de- prived of their gallant leader, Lieutenant-Colonel Henderson, who was wounded very early in the action; but they were nevertheless boldly led on by the second in command, Lieuten- ant-Colonel Hampton, to a very spirited and successful charge, in which they took upwards of a hundred prisoners. Lieu- tenant-Colonel Washington brought up the corps-de-reserve on the left, and charged so briskly with his cavalry and Cap- tain Kirkwood's light infantry, as gave them no time to rally or form. The British were closely pursued, and upwards of five hundred prisoners were taken. On their retreat they took their posts in a strong brick house, and in impenetrable shrubs and a picquetted garden. From these advantageous positions they renewed the action; Lieutenant-Colonel Washington made every possible exertion to dislodge them from the thickets, but failed in the attempt — had his horse shot under him, was wounded and taken prisoner. Four six-pounders were ordered up before the house from which the British were firing under cover. These pieces finally fell into their hands, and the Americans retired out of the reach of their fire. They left a strong picquet on the field of battle, and retreated to the nearest water in their rear. In the evening of the next day, Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart destroyed a great quantity of his stores, abandoned the Eutaw, and moved towards Oharles- town, leaving upwards of seventy of his wounded, and a thousand stand of arms. He was pursued for several miles, but without effect. The loss of the British amounted to up- CAMPAIGN OF 1782. 249 wards of eleven hundred men. That of the Americans was about five hundred, in which number were sixty officers. Among the killed of Greene's army, the brave Lieutenant- Colonel Campbell, of the Virginia line, was the theme of uni- versal lamentation. While with great firmness he was lead- ing on his brigade to that charge which determined the fate of the day, he received a mortal wound. After his fall he inquired who gave way, and being informed the British were fleeing in all quarters, he added, " I die contented," and im- mediately expired. Congress honored General Greene, for his decisive conduct in this action, with a British standard and a gold medal; and they also voted their thanks to the different corps and their Commanders. After the action at the Eutaws, the Americans retired to their former position on the high hills of Santee, and the Bri- tish took post in the vicinity of Monk's Corner. While they lay there, a small party of American cavalry, commanded by Colonel Maham,took upwards of eighty prisoners, within sight of their main army. The British no more acted with their usual vigor. On the slightest appearance of danger, they dis- covered a disposition to flee scarcely inferior to what was ex- hibited the year before by the American militia. SECTION XI. Campaign of 1782. Though the army under Greene was too weak to risk an- other general action, yet it became necessary, in the close of the year 1781, to move into the lower country to cover the collection of provisions for subsistence through the winter. In about two months after the action at Eutaw, the main body of the American army was put in motion under Colonel Wil- liams. Greene, with two hundred horse and two hundred infantry, advanced by private roads and appeared near Dor- chester so unexpectedly and with such confidence, as induced the British to believe that the whole army was in his rear. This mancEuvre had the intended effect They abandoned their outposts, and retired with their whole force to the quarter- house on Charlestown Neck. By this means all the rice be- tween Edisto and Ashley rivers was saved to the Americans. The defence of the country was given up, and the conque- rors, who had lately carried their arms to the extremities of the State, seldom aimed at anything more than to secure them- selves in Charlestown Neck, and to keep a communication with the sea islands, on which they had collected great num- bers of cattle. Yet they made some excursions with cavalry. 250 HISTORY OP THE BEVOLTJTION. One of the most important was in February, 1782. While General Marion was attending his duty as a member of the Legislature, at Jacksonborough, his brigade was surprised near the Santee by a party of British horse commanded by that spirited and judicious officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Thom- son, (now Count Rumford.) Major Benson, an American officer highly esteemed by his countrymen, Mr. Thomas Broughton, a young gentleman of an ancient family in South Carolina, and some others, were killed. The remainder of the brigade then in camp was for some time dispersed. In a few days the British retired within their lines, and the militia re-assembled. In the summer of 1782, the British announced their inten- tion of evacuating Charlestown. They offered to pay for rice and other provisions that should be delivered to them before their departure, and at the same threatened that if it was withheld it should be taken by force without compensation. The British offers to purchase being refused, they sent out parties to seize provisions near the different landings, and to bring them by water to Charlestown. One of the most con- siderable parties on this service was sent to Combakee ferry, where they arrived on the 25th of August, 1782. Brigadier- General Gist, with about three hundred cavalry and infantry of the continental army, was detached to oppose them. He succeeded so far as to capture one of their schooners, and in a great degree to frustrate their designs. Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens, though he had been confined for several days, on hearing of the expedition, rose from his bed and followed General Gist. When the British and American detachments approached within a few miles of each other, Lieutenant- Colonel Laurens, being in advance with a small party of regulars and militia, engaged with a much superior force, in expectation of support from the main body in his rear. In the midst of his gallant exertions, this all-accomplished youth received a mortal wound. Nature had adorned him with a profusion of her choicest gifts, to which a well con- ducted education had added its most useful as well as its most elegant improvements. Though his fortune and family entitled him to pre-eminence, yet he was the warm friend of republican equality. Generous and liberal, his heart expanded with genuine philanthropy. Zealous for the rights of hu- manity, he contended that personal liberty was the birth- right of every human being, however diversified by country, color or capacity. His insinuating address won the hearts of all his acquaintances ; his sincerity and virtue secured their lasting esteem. Acting from the most honorable principles- uniting the bravery and other talents of a great officer with CAMPAIGN or 1782. 251 the knowledge of a complete scholar, and the engaging man- ners of a well bred gentleman, he was the idol of his country, the glory of the army, and an ornament of human nature. His abilities shone in the legislature and in the cabinet as well as in the field, and were equal to the highest stations. His admiring country, sensible of his rising merit, stood pre- pared to confer on him her most distinguished honors. Cut down in the midst of all these prospects, he has left mankind to deplore the calamities of war, which, in the twenty-seventh year of his life, deprived society of so invaluable a citizen. Throughout the year 1783, the American army acted chiefly on the defensive. A short time before the evacuation, an at- tempt was made agahist a British detachment on James' Island. In this unsuccessful enterprise, Captain Wilmot, a brave and worthy officer of the Maryland line, lost his Ufe. This was the last drop of blood shed in the American war. After General Greene moved from the high hills of Santee into the low country, near Charlestown, a scene of inactivity succeeded difierent from the busy operations of the late cam- paign. He was unable to attempt anything against the British within their lines, and they declined risking any general ac- tion without them. While the American soldiers lay encamped in this inactive situation, their tattered rags were so completely worn out that seven hundred of them were as naked as they were born, ex- cepting a small slip of cloth about their waists, and they were nearly as destitute of meat as of clothing. In this condition they lay for three months within four hours march of the British garrison in Charlestown, which contained in it more regular troops than there were continentals in the American army. Though they had abundant reason to complain, yet, while they were every day marching and almost every week fighting, they were in good health, good spirits and good humor; but when their enemy was confined within their for- tifications, and they were inactive, they became sickly and dis- contented, and a few began to be mutinous. Their long arrears of pay, the deficiency of their clothing, and their want of many comforts, were forgotten whilst constant action employed their minds and bodies, but when an interruption of hostilities gave them leisure to brood over their calamities, these evils were presented to their imaginations in aggravated colors. A plan was seriously laid to deliver their gallant and victo- rious leader into the hands of the British, but the whole design was happily discovered and prevented from being car- ried into execution. To the honor of the continental army, it may with justice be added, that notwitiistanding the pres- sure of their many sufferings, the whole number concerned in this plot did not exceed twelve. 252 HisTORr OF the kevcTlution. In the course of the year 1782, John Mathews, Esquire, Governor of South CaroHna, concerted measures with some of the citizens in Charlestown, who wished to make their peace with their countrymen, for sending out of the British lines necessary clothing for the almost naked continentals. When their distresses had nearly arrived to that point beyond which human nature can hear no more, Mr. Joshua Lockwood, under the direction of Governor Mathews, brought out of Charles- town a large quantity of the articles which were most needed in the American cam pi This seasonable supply, though much short of their due, quieted the minds of the suffering soldiers. Tranquility and good order were restored in the camp, and duty was cheerfully performed. It is impossible to do justice to that invincible fortitude which was displayed by both offi- cers and men in the campaigns of 1780 and 1781. They encountered fatigues which, if particularly related, would ap- pear almost incredible. They had scenes of suffering to bear up under, of which citizens in the peaceable walks of private life can form no adequate idea. Without pay, almost without clothing, and often with but a scanty portion of the plainest provisions, they were exposed to the scorchingheatof the day, and the baleful vapors of the night. When sinking under the fatigues of repeated successions of forced marches, they were destitute of every comfort suitable to their situation. But to all these accumulated hardships the greatest part of them sub- mitted with patience and magnanimity, which reflected honor on human nature, and which was never exceeded by any army in the world. SECTION XII. Revolutionary Miscellaneous History. The reduction of Charlestown in May 1780, was followed by the establishment of a military government. A Command- ant was appointed to superintend the affairs of the province. His powers were as undefined as those of the American com- mittees which took place in the early stages of the dispute between Great Britain and America, while the royal govern- ments were suspended and before the popular establishments were reduced to system. To soften the rigid and forbidding aspect of this new mode of administration, and as far as possi- ble to temper it with the resemblance of civil authority, a board of police for the summary determination of disputes was instituted. Under the direction of James Simpson, in- tendant of the board, a table was drawn up, ascertaining the depreciation of the paper currency at different periods ; from which the friends of royal government, who had sustained losses by paper payments, were induced to hope for reimburse- MISCELLANEOUS. 253 ment. This measure, though just in itself, was productive of unexpected and serious consequences fatal to the reviving fondness for the royal interest. Among the new-made British subjects, many were found who had been great gainers by the depreciation of I he American bills of credit. These, by the proposition of a second payment of their old debts, were filled with astonishment. From the circumstances of the country a compliance with it was, to the most opulent, extremely in- convenient; and to multitudes absolutely impracticable. The paper currency, before the reduction of Charlestown, had sup- planted the use of gold and silver and banished them from circulation. The ravages of war had desolated the country, and deprived the inhabitants of the means of payment. Credi- tors became clamorous for their long arrears of interest, and debtors had either lost their property or could not exchange it for one-half of its value. Many suits were commenced, and great numbers ruined. The distresses of the reclaimed sub- jects, within the British lines, were in many instances greater than those of their unsubdued countrymen who had forsaken all in the cause of liberty. After the Americans had recovered possession of a considerable part of the State, it was presumed that the proceedings of the board of police would be reversed. This redoubled their difficulties. Creditors became more press- ing, and at the same time the doubtfulness of British titles induced a depreciation of real property not far behind that of the American paper currency. Fear and interest had brought many of their new subjects to the British standard ; but, in consequence of the plans they adopted, in a little time both these powerful motives of human actions drew in an opposite direction. The Americans pursued a different line of conduct. In every period of the contest they sacrificed the few creditors to the many debtors. The true whigs who suffered on this score, consoled themselves with the idea that their country's good required it, and that this was the price of their indepen- dence. A disposition to suffer in behalf of the royal interest was not so visible among the professed adherents to British government. That immediate justice might be done to a few, great distress was brought on many and the cause of his Britannic majesty injured beyond reparation. Several Commandants were successively appointed to su- perintend the affairs of the town. Among these Lieutenant- Colonel Nisbit Balfour had the greatest share of administra- tion. This gentleman displayed in the exercise of this new office all the frivolous self-importance, and all the disgusting insolence, which are natural to Uttle minds when pufi'ed up by sudden elevation. By the subversion of every trace of the popular government, without any proper civil establish- 254 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. ment in its place, he, with a few coadjutors, assumed and ex- ercised legislative, judicial, and executive powers over citizens in the same manner as over the common soldiery under their command. A series of proclamations was issued by his au- thority, which militated as -w^ell against the principles of the British constitution, as those of justice, equity, and humanity. For slight offences, and on partial and insufficient information, citizens were confined by his orders ; and that often without any trial. The place allotted for securing them, being the middle part of the cellar, under the Exchange, was called the Provost. The dampness of this unwholesome spot, together with the want of a fire-place, caused among the unhappy sufferers some deaths and much sickness. In it the American State- prisoner, and the British felon shared the same fate. The former, though for the most part charged with nothing more than an active execution of the laws of the State, or having spoken words disrespectful or injurious to the British officers or government, or of corresponding with the Americans, suf- fered indignities and distresses in common with those who were accused of crimes tending to subvert the peace and exist- ence of society. It has already been observed, that on the arrival of the British in South Carolina, the inhabitants were encouraged to stay on their plantations with the prospect of neutrality; and that, in a little time, these delusive hopes vanished. In- stead of drawing off the people gradually from an attachment to their late constitution, the conquerors were so far mistaken as to suppose that men could instantly be transformed from obstinate revolters to zealous royalists. In a short time after their submission they were called upon to promise that, by force of arms, they would oppose men who were their friends and neighbors, and by whose sides they had lately fought. In effecting a revolution from the regal to the republican govern- ment, a very different policy was pursued. The pcj-ular leaders proceeded gradually. The common people were not shocked by any propositions too repugnant to their ancient prejudices, or too remote from established opinions. Though the leading men in the councils of America were far from being adepts in the maxims of refined policy yet they were led, by a providential concurrence of circumstances, to carry on their operations in a manner which contributed more to their success than if every step they took had been prescribed by the most consummate art When they first began to oppose the claims of Great Britain, they were far from intending that separation which they afterwards effected; and would hare trembled with horror at the thoughts of that which at last MISCELLANEOUS. 255 they gloried in accomplishing. Strange and undesigned con- sequences followed in the gradual succession of causes and effects. In confuting the extravagant opinion of taxation without representation, the Americans were insensibly led to inquire into the nature of civillilDerty, and of their connection with Great Britain. From a denial of the British right of taxation, the way was opened for an investigation of the re- strictions on their commerce and of the disadvantages of their subordinate station. A direct renunciation of the mother country, in the first instance, would have drawn on the Amer- icans the whole weight of her vengeance, and would probably have disunited the colonists; but, as this was far from the thoughts of the popular leaders, they continued to profess, and with sincerity, great respect for their King and his government, till step by step they came to erect the standard of independ- ence. The sentiments of a great majority of the people coin- cided with the resolutions of their leaders. JS^othing was re- commended but what was in unison with the prevailing opin- ions. A prudent respect was paid to ancient prejudices, and nothing new was imposed till the public mind was gradually reconciled to its favorable reception. The first popular assem- blies conducted their opposition on legal grounds, and in a manner compatible with their allegiance. It was the acknowl- edged right of the subjects to meet together, and petition for a redress of their grievances. Their committees and congresses, their resolutions of non-importation and non-exportation con- tained nothing unconstitutional. The association which was the first band of popular union in South Carolina, was sanc- tioned by no other penalty but that of withholding all inter- course with those who should refuse to concur with the same measures. The distinction of whig and tory took its rise in the year 1775. Both parties in the interior country were then embo- died, and were obliged to impress provisions for their respect- ive support The advocates for Congress prevailing, they paid for articles consumed in their camps; but as no funds were provided for discharging the expenses incurred by the royalists, all that was consumed by them was considered as a robbery. This laid the foundation of a piratical war between whigs and tories, which was productive of great distress and deluged the country with blood. In the interval between the insurrection of 1775, and the year 1780, the whigs were occa- sionally plundered by parties who had attempted insurrections in favor of royal government. But all that was done prior to the surrender of Charlestown was trifling when compared to what followed. After that event, pohtical hatred raged with uncommon fury, and the calamities of civil war desolated the 256 HisTOKr OF the revoltttion. State. The ties of nature were in several instances dissolved and that reciprocal good will, and confidence, which hold mankind together in society, was in a great degree extin- guished. Countrymen, neighbors, friends, and brothers took different sides and ranged 'themselves under the opposing standards of the contending factions. In every little precinct, more especially in the interior parts of the State, King's-men and Congress-men were names of dictinction. The passions on both sides were kept in perpetual agitation, and wrought up to a degree of fury, which rendered individuals regardless not only of the laws of war but of the principles of humanity. While the British had the ascendency, their partizans gave full scope to their interetsed and malicious passions. People of the worst characters emerged from their hiding places in swamps, called themselves King's-men and began to appro- priate to their own use whatsoever came in their way. Every act of cruelty and injustice was sanctified, provided the actor called himself a friend to the King and the sufi"erer was de- nominated a rebel. Of those who were well-disposed to the claims of America, there were few to be found who had not their houses and plantations repeatedly rifled. Under the sanction of subduing rebellion, private revenge was gratifiedi Many houses were burned, and many people inhumanly mur- dered. Numbers for a long time were obliged either entirely to abandon their homes, or to sleep in the woods and swamps. Rapine, outrage, and murder became so common as to inter- rupt the free intercourse between one place and another. That security and protection which individuals expect by entering into civil society, ceased almost totally. Matters remained in this situation for the greatest part of a year after the surrender of Charlestown. When General Greene returned to South Car- olina, in the spring of 1781, everything was reversed. In a few weeks he dispossessed the British of all their posts in the upper country, and the exasperated whigs once more had the superiority. On their return to their homes, they generally found starving families and desolate plantations. To reim- burse their losses, and to gratify revenge, they, in their turn, began to plunder and to murder. The country was laid waste, and private dwellings frequently stained with the blood of husbands and fathers inhumanly shed in the presence of their wives and children. About this time Governor Rutledge re- turned to South Carolina, and exerted his great abilities in re-establishing order and security. To this end he issued a proclamation, strictly forbidding all violence and rapine. Mag- istrates were appointed in every part of the State recovered from the British. Civil government was restored. Property was secured. Confusion and anarchy gave place to order and MISCELLANEOUS. 257 regular government. The people were happy, and rejoiced in the revolution. In the close of the year 1781, when the successes of the American army had confined the late conquerors to the vi- cinity of Charlestown, a desperate hand of tories adopted the infernal scheme of taking their last revenge by carrying fire and sword into the settlements of the whig militia. To this end Major William Cunningham, of the British militia, col- lected a party, and having furnished them with everything necessary for laying waste the country, sallied from Charles- town. He and his associates concealed themselves till they arrived in the back settlements far in the rear of the American army, and there began to plunder, burn and murder. In the unsuspecting hour of sleep and domestic security, they en- tered the houses of the solitary farmers and sacrificed to their revenge the obnoxious head of the family. Their cruelties induced some small parties to associate and arm in self- defence. Captain Turner and twenty men had, on these principles, taken post in a house and defended themselves till their ammunition was nearly expended. After which they surrendered on receiving assurances that they should be treated as prisoners of war. Notwithstanding this solemn agreement. Captain Turner and his party were put to instant death by Cunningham and the men under his command. Soon after this massacre the same party of tories attacked a number of the American militia in the district of Ninety-Six, commanded by Colonel Hayes, and set fire to the house in which they had taken shelter. The only alternative left was either to be burned or to surrender themselves prisoners. The last being preferred. Colonel Hayes and Captain Daniel Wil- liams were hung at once on the pole of a fodder stack. This breaking, they both fell, on which Major William Cunning- ham cut them into pieces with his own sword ; when turning upon the others he continued on them the operations of his savage barbarity, till the powers of nature being exhausted, and his enfeebled limbs refusing to administer any longer to his insatiate fury, he called upon his comrades to complete the dreadful work by killing whichsoever of the prisoners they pleased. They instantly put to death such of them as they personally disliked. Only two fell in action, but four- teen were deliberately cut to pieces after their surrender. Their names and rank were as follows : Colonel Joseph Hayes, Captain Daniel Williams, Lieutenant Christopher - Hardy, Lieutenant John Neel, Clement Hancock, Joseph Williams, Joseph Irby, senior, Joseph Irby, junior, John Milven, James Feris, John Cook, Greaf Irby, Benjamin Good- ; man, Yancy Saxon. 258 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. About the same time, and under the same influence, emis- saries from the British induced the Cherokee Indians to com- mence hostilities. Early in the year 1781 General Greene had concluded a treaty with them, by which they had en- gaged to observe a neutrality. This was attended with the beneficial effects of saving the frontier settlements, both of North and South Carolina, from their incursions, while the inhabitants were left at full liberty to concentrate their force against the army under the command of Lord Cornwallis. When the co-operation of the Indians could be of the least service to the British forces, they were induced to break through their engagements of neutrality. They, with a num- ber of disguised white men who called themselves the King's friends, made an incursion into the district of Ninety-Six, massacred some families and burned several houses. Gen- eral Pickens collected a party of the American militia and penetrated into the settlements of the Cherokees. This he accomplished in fourteen days, at the head of three hundred and ninety-four horsemen. In that short space he burned thirteen towns and villages, killed upwards of forty Indians, and took a greater number prisoners. Not one of his party was killed, and only two were wounded. None of the expe- ditions carried on against the Cherokees had been so rapid and decisive as the present one. General Pickens did not expend three pounds of ammunition, and yet only three Indians escaped after having been once seen. On this occa- sion a new and successful mode of fighting the savages was introduced. Instead of firing, the American militia rushed forward on horseback and charged with drawn swords. This was the second time during the American war that the Cherokee Indians had been chastised in their own settle- ments, in consequence of sufiering themselves to be excited by British emissaries to commence hostilities against their white neighbors. They again sued for peace in the most sub- missive terms, and obtained it after promising that instead of listening to the advice of the royalists instigating them to war, they would deliver those of them that visited their settle- ments on that errand to the authority of the Stata In consequence of these civil wars between the whigs and tories, the incursions of the savages, and the other calamities resulting from the operations of the British and American armies, South Carolina exhibited scenes of distress which were shocking to humanity. The single district of Ninety- Six has been computed by well informed persons residing therein, to contain within its limits fourteen hundred widows and orphans ; made so by the war. Nor is it wonderful that the country was involved in such accumulated distress. The MISCELLANEOUS. 259 American government was suspended, and the British con- querors were careless of the civil rights of the inhabitants. They conducted as though interior order and police were scarcely objects of attention. The will of the strongest was the law. Such was the general complexion of those who called themselves royalists, that nothing could be expected from them but outrages against the peace and order of society. Though among the tories in the lower parts of South Caro- lina there were gentlemen of honor, principle and humanity, yet in the interior and back parts of the State a great propor- tion of them was an ignorant unprincipled banditti; to whom idleness, licentiousness and deeds of violence were familiar. Horse-thieves and others whose crimes had exiled them from society, attached themselves to parties of the British. En- couraged by their example and instigated by the love of plunder, they committed the most extensive depredations. Under the cloak of attachment to the old government, they covered the basest and most selfish purposes. The necessity which their indiscriminate plundering imposed on all good men of defending themselves, did infinitely more damage to the royal cause than was compensated by all the advantages resulting from their friendship. As soon as the American army obtained re-possession of the country, the inhabitants, after returning to their former al- legiance, resolutely put all to the risk in support of independ- ence. Though the British, in the career of their conquests, had inculcated the necessity and propriety of transferring al- legiance from the vanquished to the victor, yet they treated with the utmost severity those unfortunate men, when in their power, who having once accepted of British protection acted on these very principles in afterwards re-joining their victorious countrymen. Among the sufferers on this score, the illustrious Colonel Hayne stands conspicuous. During the siege of Charles- town, that gentleman served his country in a corps of militia- horse. After the capitulation, there being no American army in the State and the prospect of one being both distant and uncertain, no alternative was left but either to abandon his family and property or to surrender to the conquerors. This hard dilemma, together with well-founded information that others in similar circumstances had been paroled to their plantations, weighed with Colonel Hayne so far as to induce a conclusion that instead of waiting to be captured it would be both more safe and more honorable to come within the British lines and surrender himself a voluntary prisoner. He there- fore repaired to Charlestown and offered to bind himself, by the honor of an American officer, to do nothing prejudicial to +V.Q TivitioU I'ntoi-ocf till tip sVioiild he RYchans-ed. Renorts 260 HISTORY OF THE REVOLTJTION. which were made of his superior abilities and influence, uni- formly exerted in the American cause, operated with the con- querors to refuse him a parole, though they were in the habit of daily granting that indulgence to others of the inhabitants. To his great astonishment he was told, "that he must either become a British subject or submit to close confinement." To be arrested and detained in the capital, was to himself not an intolerable evil ; but to abandon his family both to the rail- ages of the small-pox, a disease then raging in their neighbor- hood, and which in a short time after proved mortal to his wife and two of his children, and to the insults and depreda- tions of the royal army, was too much for a tender husband and a fond parent. To acknowledge himself the subject of a King, whose government he had from principle renounced, was repugnant to his feelings ; but without this he was cut off from every prospect of a return to his family. In this em- barrassing situation he waited on the author of this history, with a declaration to the following eifect : " If the British would grant me the indulgence, which we in the day of our power gave to their adherents, of removing my family and property, I would seek an asylum in the remotest corner of the United States rather than submit to their government; but as they allow no other alternative than submission or confine- ment in the capital, at a distance from my wife and family, at a time when they are in the most pressing need of my pres- ence and support, I must for the present yield to the de- mands of the conquerors. I request you to bear in mind that previous to my taking this step, I declare that it is contrary to my inclination and forced on me by hard necessity. I never will bear arms against my country. My new masters can re- quire no service of me but what is enjoined by the old militia- law of the province, which substitutes a fine in lieu of per- sonal service. That I will pay as the price of my protection. If my conduct should be censured by my countrymen, I beg that you would remember this conversation and bear wit- ness for me, that I do not mean to desert the cause of America." In this state of duress Colonel Hayne subscribed a declara- tion of his allegiance to the King of Great Britain, but not without expressly objecting to the clause which required him, "with his arms to support the royal government." The commandant of the garrison, Brigadier-General Paterson, and James Simpson, Esquire, Intendant of the British poUce, as- sured him that this would never be required; and added fur- ther, "that when the regular forces could not defend the coun- try, without the aid of its inhabitants, it would be high time for the royal army to quit it." Having submitted to their government, he readily obtained MISCELLANEOUS. 261 permission to return to his family. In violation of the special condition under which he subscribed the declaration of his allegiance, he was repeatedly called on to take arms against his countrymen, and was finally threatened with close con- finement in case of a further refusal. This open breach of con- tract, together with the inability of the late conquerors to give him that protection which was promised as a compensation for his allegiance, the Americans having regained that part of the State in which he resided, induced him to consider him- self as released from all engagements to the British command- ers. The inhabitants of his neighborhood, who had also revolted, subscribed a petition to General Pickens, praying that Colonel Hayne might be appointed to the command of their regiment. Having thus resumed his arms, and the tide of conquest being fairly turned in the short space of thirteen months after the surrender of Charlestown, he sent out, in the month of July, 1781, a small party to reconnoitre. They penetrated within seven miles of the capital, took General Williamson prisoner, and retreated to the head-quarters of the regiment. Such was the anxiety of the British com- mandant to rescue General Williamson, that he ordered out his whole cavalry on that business. Colonel Hayne unfor- tunately fell into their hands. Though he had conducted himself peaceably while under the British government, and had injured no man, yet for having resumed his arms after accepting British protection, he was, when bronght to Charles- town, confined in a loathsome provost. At first he was prom- ised a trial, and had counsel prepared to justify his conduct by the laws of nations and usages of war; but this was finally refused. Had he been considered as a British subject, he had an iindoubted right to a trial; if as an American officer, to his parole; but in violation of every principle of the constitution, he was ordered for execution by the arbitrary mandate of Lord Rawdon and Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour. The royal Lieutenant-Governor Bull, and a great number of the inhabitants, both loyalists and Americans, interceded for his life. The ladies of Charlestown generally signed a petition in his behalf, in which was introduced every delicate sentiment that was likely to operate on the gallantry of officers or the humanity of men. His children, accompanied by some near relations, were presented on their bended knees, as hum- ble suitors for their father's life. Such powerful intercessions were made in his favor as touched many an unfeeling heart, and drew tears from many an hard eye; but Lord Rawdon and Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour remained inflexible. After his fate was fixed, he was repeatedly visited by his friends, and conversed on various subjects with the fortitude 262 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. of a man, a philosopher, and a Christian. He particularly la- mented that, on principles of reciprocal retaliation, his execu- tion would probably be an introduction to the shedding of much innocent blood. His children, who had lost their other parent, were brought to him in the place of his confinement, and received from his lips the dying advice of an afiectionate father. On the last evening of his life he told a friend, "that he was no more alarmed at the thoughts of death, than at any other occurrence which was necessary and unavoidable." He requested those in whom the supreme power was vested, to accommodate the mode of his death to his feelings as an officer; but this was refused. On the morning of the fatal day, on receiving his summons to proceed to the place of execution, he delivered some papers to his eldest son, a youth of about thirteen years of age: "Present," said he, "these papers to Mrs. Edwards, with my request that she would forward them to her brother in Con- gress. You. will next repair to the place of execution, receive my body, and see it decently interred among my forefathers." They took a final leave. The Colonel's arms were pinioned, and a guard placed round his person. The procession began from the Exchange, in the forenoon of the fourth of August, 1781. The streets were crowded with thousands of anxious spectators. He walked to the place of execution with such de- cent firmness, composure and dignity, as to awaken the com- passion of many, and to command respect from all. There was a majesty in his sufferings which rendered him superior to the pangs of death. When the city barrier was past, and the instrument of his catastrophe appeared full in vieAV, a faithful friend by his side observed to him, " that he hoped he would exhibit an example of the manner in which an Amer- ican can die." He answered with the utmost tranquility, "I will endeavor to do so." He ascended the cart with a firm step and serene aspect. He inquired of the executioner, who was making an attempt to get up to pull the cap over his eyes, what he wanted? Upon being informed of his design, the colonel replied, "I will save you that trouble," and pulled it over himself He was afterwards asked whether he wished to say anything; to which he answered,"! will only take leave of my friends, and be ready." He then affectionately shook hands with three gentlemen, recommended his children to their care, and gave the signal for the cart to move. Thus fell, in the bloom of life, a brave officer, a worthy citizen, a just and upright man: furnishing an example of heroism in death that extorted a confession from his enemies, "that, though he did not die in a good cause, he must at least have acted from a persuasiom of its being so.'' MISCELLANEOUS. 263 Few men stood higher in the estimation of their country- men than the illustrious man whose exit has been just de- scribed. General Greene demanded from the British Com- manders their reasons for this execution. To which he received a written answer, signed by N. Balfour, acknowledg- ing, "that it took place by the joint order of Lord Rawdon and himself, but in consequence of the most express direc- tions from Lord Cornwallis to put to death those who should be found in arms after being at their own requests received as subjects, since the capitulation of Charlestown, and the clear conquest of the province in the summer of 1780." The regular officers of the continental army presented a petition to General Greene, requesting that he would retaliate for the execution of Colonel Hayne. By this they voluntarily subjected themselves to all the consequences to which, in case of capture, they would be exposed. General Greene soon after issued a proclamation, threatening to make British officers the objects of retaliation. This encouraged the revolted in- habitants to continue in arms, and effaced every impression that was expected from the fate of Colonel Hayne. The Brit- ish interest gained no permanent advantage, Avhile pity and revenge sharpened the swords of the countrymen and friends of the much beloved sufferer. After the British landed in Carolina in 1780, they confined some of their first prisoners in the vaults with the dead. When their successes had multiplied the number of prisoners, they were crowded on board prison-ships, where they suffered every inconvenience that could result from putrid air and the want of the comforts of life. This was done not only to those who surrendered at discretion, but also to the private soldiers who were entitled to the benefit of the capitulation of Charlestown. The condition of these unfortunate men was truly deplor- able. They were crowded on board the prison-ships in such numbers that several were obliged to stand up for want of room to lie down. The State of South Carolina could afford them no supply. Congress could not at that time command hard money for their relief. Wine, and such like comforts, particularly necessary for the sick in southern climates, could not be obtained from the British hospitals. Upwards of eight hundred of these brave men, nearly one- third of the whole, exhausted by a variety of sufferings, expired in the short space of thirteen months' captivity. When a gen- eral exchange took place in June, 1781, out of nineteen hun- dred taken at the surrender of Charlestown on the 12th of May, 1780, and several hundreds more taken afterwards at Oamden and at Fishing creek on the 16th and 18th of Au- gust of the same year, there were only seven hundred and 264 HISTORY or the revolution. forty restored to the service of their country. It was not by deaths alone that the Americans were deprived of their sol- diers. Lord Charles Greville Montague, who before the revo- lution had been Governor of the province of South Carolina, enlisted five hundred and thirty of them in the British ser- vice. The distressed continental soldiers were induced to ac- cept the offers of Lord Charles Greville Montague in prefer- ence to the horrors of a prison-ship, by the specious promise that they should be employed in the West Indies, and not against their countrymen in the United States. His lordship, after completing his regiment, offered the command of it to Brigadier-General Moultrie, the senior officer of the prisoners- of-war belonging to the continental army, who with becoming spirit declined it. The continental officers taken at the surrender of Charles- town were confined to Haddrell's Point and the vicinity. Far from their friends, and destitute of money, they were reduced to the greatest straits. Such were the difficulties and severe restrictions imposed on this band of patriots that many of them, though born in affiuence and habituated to attendance, were compelled to do not only the most menial offices for them- selves but could scarcely procure the plainest necessaries of life. During a captivity of thirteen months, they received no more from their country than nine days' pay. These hard- ships were not alleviated by those civilities from their conque- rors which among modern refined nations have abated the horrors of war. They were debarred the liberty of fishing for their support, though their great 'leisure and many wants made it an object not only as an amusement but as a mean of sup- plying their necessities. After bearing all these evils with great fortitude they were informed, in the month of March 17S1, by Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour, that by positive orders from Earl CornwalliSj he was to send them to some one of the West India Islands. Preparations were made for the execu- tion of the mandate; but a general exchange of prisoners, in the sovithern department, took place in a few weeks which re- leased the prisoners on both sides from captivity. The citizens of the town, who adhered to their paroles, were treated with great severity. Though they were not allowed rations, yet they were debarred from trade, and from exercis- ing any profession; and the King's subjects were strictly en- joined not to employ them on any pretence. Though by the capitulation of Charlestown, in May 1780, the inhabitants were entitled to their paroles and a residence on their estates with their families; yet in May, 1781, upwards of one hundred of them were confined to prison-ships. The conquerors did not undertake to justify this step from any MISCELLANEOUS. 265 supposed breach of parole. They affected to hold the pris- oners in this state of duress as hostages to secure good treat- ment for those of the loyalists who had been captured by the Americans. The gentlemen who were confined on this oc- casion submitted to their fate with great magnanimity. In- stead of repining at their situation, they only regretted, "if it should fall to the lot of any or all of them to be made victims, agreeably to the menaces of Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour, that their blood could not be disposed of more to the advantage of the glorious cause in which they had engaged." As the war was carried on not to gain a contested point from an independent power, but to annihilate the assumed independence of the State and to reduce it to its former pro- vincial subjection; the conquerors ridiculed the idea of observ- ing the capitulation with citizens. They considered that measure as the expedient of a day, only proper at the surren- der to prevent the effusion of blood, but no longer so when their arms were triumphant in the remote extremities of the State. Indulgences shown to prisoners were viewed as favors derived from the humanity of conquerors, and not as rights founded on a capitulation. Persons who remained in the character of prisoners, and claimed under that solemn agree- ment, were considered as obstinate rebels who meant to thwart the views of the royal army. While they wished to be re- garded as members of an independent State, they were looked upon as vanquished rebels who owed their lives to British clemency. In this confusion of sentiments, to reconcile con- tradictory claims required uncommon address. The pride of conquerors, highly estimating their own moderation; and the pride of prisoners, considering themselves as independent free- men entitled to respect for their firmness and patriotism, made the former trample on the latter and the latter despise the former. It has been already mentioned that in May, 1781, a general exchange of prisoners was agreed to, in which the militia on both sides were respectively exchanged for each other. Not- withstanding every difficulty, a considerable number of the inhabitants had perseveringly refused to become British sub- jects. These being exchanged, were delivered at the American posts in Virginia and Pennsylvania. Great were the exulta- tions of the suffering friends of independence, at the prospect of their being released from confinement and restored to ac- tivity in their country's cause; but these pleasing prospects were obscured by the distresses brought on their families by this otherwise desirable event, for they were all ordered to quit the town and province before the first day of next Augiist. The gentlemen, who had been from motives of policy re- 266 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. moved from Charlestown to St. Augustine, as has been already- related, obtained their release by this general exchange and were delivered at the port of Philadelphia. More than a thou- sand persons were exiled from their homes, and thrown on the charity of strangers for their support. In retaliation for this conduct, Governor Rutledge ordered the Brigadiers of militia to drive within the British lines the families of those who adhered to the royal cause. The wives and children of those inhabitants who, to avoid the resentment of their coun- trymen had retreated with the retreating British, were com- pelled to take shelter within their posts. In exchange for their comfortable farms in the country, many of them were reduced in a little time to the necessity of living in clay huts in the vicinity of Charlestown. In this forlorn situation num- bers of them, destitute of the comforts of life, and overwhelmed with diseases, speedily perished. The exiled Americans re- ceived generous treatment from some individuals, and also from the bounty of Congress; but notwithstanding this libe- rality, they suffered many of the evils which result from a want of friends and a want of money. Several of the persons thus exchanged, and sent to the northern States, were owners of landed property in Charlestown. Though by the capitula- tion they had an undoubted right to dispose of this for their own advantage, yet they were debarred that liberty by an order issued on the 11th of July, 1781. In consequence of this mandate, the houses of those who adhered to the cause of America were, in violation of public faith, taken out of their hands, and there was scarce an in- stance of compensation being allowed them for this seizure of their property. The partial re-establishment of British governmentin South Carolina was the source of accumulated evils to the steady friends of independence ; but they were not the only sufferers. The calamities of the years 1780 and 1781, operated exten- sively. There was scarcely an inhabitant of the State, how- ever obscure in character or remote in situation, whether he remained firm to one party or changed with the times, who did not partake of the general distress. The adherents to royal government were often treated by the British conquerors with neglect and contempt — frequently suffered in their property, and had many grievances unredressed. Their most essential interests were in every stage of the war, and especially at the evacuation of Charlestown, and the general treaty of peace, sacrificed to political necessity. They had the peculiar mis- fortune of suffering from the repeated violation of public faith successively pledged for their security. The successes that had attended the American arms in MISCELLANEOUS. 267 South Carolina, in the summer of 1781, gave such flattering prospects to the friends of independence, that it was judged to be a favorable opportunity to detach from the British interest in South Carolina those of the inhabitants of the State who had joined them in the day of their success. On the 27th of September, 1781, Governor Rutledge, therefore, issued a proc- lamation, offering them pardon on condition of their doing six months militia duty, with the exception of those who had taken commissions — signed congratulatory addresses on Brit- ish victories — or who had been otherwise active in support of their government. In a few weeks several hundreds came out of the British lines, and reinforced the American militia. Several were now as assiduous in framing excuses for their having arranged themselves under the British standard, as they had been the year before to apologize for their involuntary support of rebellion. "Their wives, their children, and their property, made it necessary to make a show of submission to the conquerors — They thought the country was subdued, and that further resistance was vain — but notwithstanding, at all times they wished well to American independence." Such was the alacrity with which they joined their countrymen, that several, though excepted by the proclamation, cast them- selves on the public mercy. They explained their taking British commissions into a benevolent design, of rescuing their neighbors from more severe officers. For their signing addresses of congratulation on British victories, many apolo- gies were offered. Some alleged in their behalf "the fear of losing their estates — of being refused protection, or of being objects of suspicion." Others had never read them ; but they all agreed, " that the sentiments contained in these ill-fated addresses were at no time the language of their hearts." The tranquility that reigned through every part of the State gave an opportunity of calling an assembly, the meetings of which had been interrupted ever since the reduction of Charles- town. Many of the inhabitants who had never submitted to the British,and who had been lately delivered as exchanged in Virginia and Philadelphia,soon found their way back to South Carolina. In their number were most of the late civil offi- cers of the State, and members of the Legislature. These favorable circumstances, in conjunction with the position of the American army, within thirty-six miles of Charlestown, pointed out the propriety of convening a Legislature. In the close of the year 1781, Governor Rutledge, by virtue of the extraordinary power delegated to him before the surrender of Charlestown, issued wrhs for a new election. These were or- dered to be held in the usual places where it was practicable, and in other cases as near as safety and other circumstances 268 HISTOET OF THE REVOLUTION. would permit. By the same authority it was ordered, that at the election the votes of such only should be received as had never taken British protection, or who, having taken it, had notwithstanding rejoined their countrymen on or before the 27th of September, 1781. Other persons, though residents, were not considered as freemen of the State, or entitled to the full privilege of citizenship. A General Assembly was chosen, and convened in January, 1782, at Jacksonborough, a small village situated on Edisto river, about twenty-five miles from the sea, and thirty-five from Charlestown. By the rotation established, it became necessary to choose a new Governor. The suffrages of a majority were in the first instance in favor of Christopher Gadsden, who declined the office. The General Assembly then elected John Mathews Gov- ernor, filled up vacancies in the different departments, and re- established civil government in all its branches. They also delegated to the Governor or Commander-in-Chief the same extensive powers, with similar limitation, which had been en- trusted to his predecessor, "of doing all matters and things which Avere judged expedient and necessary to secure the lib- erty, safety, and happiness of the State." Hitherto the Legis- lature of the State had given every man the free liberty of choosing his side and retaining his property ; but the conduct of the British, while they had the ascendancy in the State, was so contrary to this humane mode of carrying on war, that on this occasion an opposite line of policy was adopted. Laws were passed for confiscating the estates, and banish- ing the persons of the active decided friends of British gov- ernment, and for amercing the estates of others, as a substitu- tion for their personal services of which, the country had been deprived. Two hundred and thirty-seven persons or estates were included in the first class, and forty-eight in the last. Those whose submission appeared to be necessary and una- voidable, and who did not voluntarily aid or abet the govern- ment of the conquerers, were generally overlooked. These laws, though contrary to the constitution and every principle of republican government, passed by large majorities. The subjects of them were condemned without a hearing or even the form of a trial. Some of the members who voted for them were influenced by a spirit of revenge, and others by avarice; but these were far short of a majority. That was obtained by the accession of numbers of upright and honorable principles, who believed that constitution and lav/s in cases of extremity must both yield to self-preservation. Such considered the con- fiscation of tory property in the nature 'of a forced loan for pur- poses of indispensable necessity. It is certain that without it the MISCELLANEOUS. 269 State had no resources for raising or supporting a military- force for self-defence. These laws were passed in. February, .1782, while the Assembly was under an impression that the war would be continued by Great Britain. To meet it was impossible without making free with the property of British adherents contrary to the usual forms of law. The obstinacy of the British in continuing a hopeless war, aggravated the distresses of their friends. Soon after these laws were passed, reports were circulated that the British intended soon to with- draw from Charlestown. The apprehension of this gave a serious alarm to thcfse of the inhabitants who adhered to their interest. There was no part of South Carolina without the British lines which was not formally in the peace of the State, excepting a settlement on Little Peedee. Major Ganey, at the head of some loyalists residing near that river, had refused to do militia duty under General Marion, the Brigadier of the district. They defended themselves in the swamps, and from thence frequently sallied to the distress of the whig inhabitants of the adjacent coun- try. On the 28th of April, 1781, a party of them commanded by Captain Jones, surrounded and set fire to the house of Col. Kolb, a respectable American militia officer. He, after re- ceiving assurances of being treated as a prisoner of war, sur- rendered. Nevertheless he was put to instant death in the presence of his wife and children. When the British had lost ground in 1781, General Marion made a treaty of neutrality with them. In the summer of 1782 this was formerly re- newed. Though the British interest was entirely ruined, and their departure from Charlestown soon expected, such was the generosity of the government, that it gave them a full pardon for all treasons committed against the State, the secu- rity of their property, and the protection of the laws, on the condition of their delivering up their plunder, abjuring the King of Great Britain, and demeaning themselves as peaceable citizens of the State. An alternative was oifered to those who disapproved of these articles, to go within the British lines, and to carry off or sell their property. These lenient meas- ures brought over the disaffected people of the settlement. Several of them not long after fought bravely under General Marion, and the whole conducted themselves peaceably. Regularity, order and government took the place of reciprocal depredations and hostilities. On the proposed evacuation of Charlestown, the merchants who came with the British were in a disagreeable predica- ment. They had entered into extensive commercial engage- ments in the short interval of the British sway. Those of their debtors who were without the lines, were not subject to 270 HISTORY OF THE EEVOLtJTION. their jurisdiction ; those who were within were unable to pay. It was supposed that all transfers of property, by the authority of the board of police, would be null and void on the depart- ure of the British from the State. Environed with difficul- ties, and threatened with bankruptcy, if they should leave the State along with the garrison, they applied to General Leslie for leave to negotiate for themselves. A deputation of their body waited on Governor Mathews, and obtained from him permission to reside in South Carolina for eighteen months after the evacuation, with the full liberty of disposing of their stock of goods on hand, and of collecting the debts already due to them. This indulgence was extended to a longer term by the Legislature at their next meeting, before any infor- mation arrived that the preliminary articles of peace were signed. When the evacuation of Charlestown drew nigh, it was ap- prehended by the inhabitants, that the British army, on its de- parture, would carry off with them some thousands of negroes which were within their lines. To prevent this. Governor Mathews wrote a letter to General Leslie, dated August 17th, 1782, in which he informed him, " that if the property of the citizens of South Carolina was carried otf from its owners by the British army, he should seize on the debts due to the British merchants — and to the confiscated estates — and the claims on those estates by marriage settlements — which,three articles were not included in the confiscation act." This con- ditional resolution operated as a check on some, so as to re- strain their avidity for plunder, and induced General Leslie to propose a negotiation for securing the property of both par- ties. After sundry conversations, the commissioners on both sides, on the 10th of October, 1782, ratified a compact on this subject, by which it was agreed with a few exceptions, that all the slaves of the citizens of South Carolina then in the power of the British General Leslie, should be restored to their former owners, and that the faith of the State should be pledged that no further confiscation or sequestration of pro- perty belonging or pledged to royalists should take place; that all such should be at full liberty to sue for, recover and dis- pose of their property in the same manner as citizens — that the slaves so returned should not be punished by the State; and that it should be recommended to their masters to forgive them — that Edward Blake and Roger Parker Saunders should be permitted,on their parole of honor, to reside in Charlestown to assist in the execution of the article respecting the delivery of negroes to the citizens. In consequence of this agreement, Governor Mathews gave a commission and a flag to Thomas Ferguson and Thomas MISCELLANEOUS. 271 Waring, to reside near the British lines, with instructions to receive such negroes as should be delivered from the garrison. Edward Blake and Roger Parker Saunders had also a com- mission and a flag given them to reside in Charlestown, and forward the delivery of the negroes to the gentlemen who were waiting to receive them without the garrison. Governor Mathews requested the citizens of the State to attend for the purpose of receiving their negroes, and earnestly entreated that they would forgive them for having deserted their sei-vice and joined the British. Great were the expectations of the sufi"ering inhabitants that they would soon obtain re-posses- sion of their property ; but these delusive hopes were of short duration. Notwithstanding the solemnity with which the compact had been ratified, it was so far evaded as to be in a great measure ineffectual for the end proposed. Edward Blake and Roger Parker Saunders, having waited on General Leslie, were permitted to examine the fleet bound to St. Augustine; but were not sufiered to examine any ves- sel that wore the King's pendant. Instead of an examination, the word of the commanding officer to restore all the slaves that were on board, in violation of the compact, was offered as an equivalent. In their search of the Augustine fleet, they found and claimed one hundred and thirty-six negroes. When they attended to receive them on shore, they were surprised to find no more than seventy-three landed for delivery. They then claimed this small residue, of the original number, to be forwarded to the other commissioners without the lines; but they were informed by General Leslie, that no negroes would be delivered till three soldiers were restored that had been taken by a party of General Greene's army. This was the unsuccessful termination of a benevolent scheme originally calculated for mitigating the calamities of war. Motives of humanity, together with the sacred obliga- tion of the provisional articles of peace, restrained the State from extending its confiscation laws. Instead of adding to the Ust of the unhappy sufferers on that score, the successive assemblies diminished their number. The prospects of gain from the sale of plundered negroes were too seducing to be resisted by the officers, privates, and followers of the British army. On their departure from Charlestown upwards of eight hundred slaves, who had been employed in the engineer department, were shipped off" for the West Indies. It was said, and believed, that these were taken by the direction and sold for the benefit of Lieutenant-Colonel Moncrieif. The slaves carrit3d off" by the chief engineer were but a small part of the whole taken- away at the evacuation, but their number is very inconsiderable when compared with 272 HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION. the thousands that were lost from the first to the last of the war. It has been computed by good judges, that between the years 1775 and 1783, the State of South Carolina lost twenty- five thousand negroes. The evacuation, though officially announced by General Leslie on the 7th of Augustas a measure soon to be adopted, did not take place till the 14th of December, 1783. On that and the succeeding days the British went on board their shipping, and the town was entered by Governor Mathews and the American army without any confusion or disorder. Those who remained in Charlestown felt themselves happy in being delivered from the severities of a garrison life. The exiled citizens experienced sensations more easily conceived than expressed, on returning to their houses and estates. To crown their other blessings, provisional articles of peace were soon announced to have been signed at Paris, on the 13th of No- vember, 1782, by which the King of Great Britain acknowl- edged " the United States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsyl- vania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign and independent States ; that he treated with them as such ; and for himself, his heirs, and successors, relinquished all claims to the gov- ernment, proprietary or territorial rights of the same." The patriot exulted in the acknowledged independence of his country. The soldier rejoiced that the toils of war were ended, and the objects of it fully obtained. The farmer re- doubled his industry, from the pleasing conviction that the produce of his labor would be secured to him without any danger from British bayonets or American impress-warrants. Cheerfulness and good humor took possession of minds that, during seven years, had been continually occupied with anxiety and distress. The army was soon after disbanded, Such at that time was the situation of the finances of the United States, that Congress was scarcely able to discharge to that virtuous, army, which with the price of their blood had secured their independence, as much of the arrears of many years' pay as was sufficient to defray their expenses in return- ing to their respective habitations. The laurels they had dearly earned, the applause of their countrymen which they had eminently obtained, and the plaudits of their consciences which they honestly possessed, were almost the only rewards they carried home at the termination of a war in which many had injured their constitutions, and all had diminished their fortunes. Sympathizing with the distresses of their country- men — sensible of their inability to pay them their stipulated due — and confiding in their justice to make them future retri- MISCELLANEOUS. 273 bution, they cheerfully relinquished the uniform of the mili- tary for the plain garb of the citizen. The private soldier exchanged his bayonet and firelock for the implements of husbandry, and betook himself to rural occupations. Subal- terns, captainsjfield and general officers returned with pleasure to their ancient civil employments. The citizens, instead of repining at their losses, generally set themselves to repair them by diligence and economy. The continental officers who had served in the State, and whose bravery and exertions had rendered them conspicuous, were so well received by the ladies, that several of them had their gallantry rewarded by the possession of some of the finest women and greatest fortunes in South Carolina. The unfor- tunate adherents to royal government were treated by those in power with moderation and lenity. The legislature per- mitted the greater part of the exiles to return. These were divided into three classes. Thirty-one were fully restored to their property and citizenship, thirty-three were disqualified from holding any place of trust within the State for the space of seven years, and they, with sixty-two others, were relieved from total confiscation on the condition of their paying twelve per cent, on the equitable value of their property. Though the State labored under an immense load of public debt, con- tracted during the war, it generously restored confiscated pro- perty in its actual possession to an amount very little short of half a million of pounds sterling. Though the war was ended, some address was necessary to compose the minds of the people. Some of those who under every discouragement had steadily adhered to the cause of independence, took to themselves the appellation of the virtuous few, and looked down with contempt on such of their fellow-citizens as had conformed their allegiance to ex- isting circumstances. A disposition to proscribe and banish persons of the latter description showed itself under the auspi- ces of self-constituted committees ; but the weight of govern- ment and the influence of the best informed citizens, was successfully exerted to counteract it. The hard duty of sub- duing private feelings 'and of forgetting personal injuries, and insults, for the public good, was yet to be performed. Edanus Bilrke, an Irish gentleman, who, with the gallantry charac- teristic of his nation, came from the West Indies at the com- mencement of the revolution as a volunteer to fight for American liberty, generously undertook to advocate the cause of those who, in the hour of danger, had by a change of allegiance sought protection from the present conqueror. In a well written pamphlet he demonstrated from history that such changes were common, and that by the laws of nature and 18 274 HISTORY OP THE REVOLUTIOJN. reason, allegiance and protection were reciprocal; and that the former ceased where the latter either was not or from cir- cumstances could not be given. He advocated the policy of a general amnesty, and of forgetting all that had taken place in the fervor of the revolutionary war. These sentiments ably advocated by Mr. Burke, and promptly supported by the con- stituted authorities and the most enlightened patriots, gradu- ally prevailed. Political distinctions ceased. Bj?^ forbearance, moderation, and good sense, the appellations of congress-men and king's-men were soon forgotten, and both joined heartily in promoting the interests of their common country. E A. M S AY'S HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT IN 1670 TO THE YEAR 1808. By DAVID RAMSAY, M. D. "The Muse of History has been bo much in love with Mars, that she has seldom conTeraed with Minerva." — Henry. VOLUME II. PUBLISHED AND SOtD BY W. J. DUFFIE, PRISTEO Br WALKEB, EVANS ffl CO. CHARLEStO.'' 1858 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, FROM 1670 TO 1808. CHAPTER I. The first settlers of South Carolina were of different religious persuasions. None had any particular connection with gov- ernment; nor had any sect legal pre-eminence over another.* This state of things continued for twenty-eight years. In that early period of the province divine service was seldom publicly performed beyond the limits of Charlcstown, with the exception of an independent church formed near Dorchester in 1696. The inhabitants of the province were nevertheless kept in a state of social order ; for they generally believed in a God, a future state of rewards and punishments, the moral obhgation of the decalogue, and in the divine authority of the Old and New Testaments. The two first Acts of the Legisla- ture which have been found in the records of the Secretary's office " enjoined the observance of the Lord's day, commonly called Sunday;" and prohibited sundry gross immoralities par- ticularly " idleness, drunkenness, and swearing." Thus far the government aided religion in the infant colony. In the year 1698, one step further was taken by an Act "to settle a main- tenance on a minister of the Church of England in Charles- town." This excited neither suspicion nor alarm among the dissenters, for the minister in whose favor the law operated was a worthy good man ; and the small sum allowed him was inadequate to his services. The precedent thus set by the Legislature being acquiesced in by the people paved the way for an ecclesiastical establishment. In the year 1704 when the white population of South Carolina was between 5000 and 6000, when the Episcopalians had only one church in the pro- vince and the dissenters three in Charlestown and one in the country, the former were so far favored as to obtain a legal establishment. Most of the proprietors and public officers of * The New-England plan of co-extending settlements and religious instruction by making a meeting house, and a minister, appendages to every new town was far from being common in Carolina; but was substantially adopted in some cases. The New-Englanders near Dorchester, the Irish at Williamsburg, the Swiss at Purysburgh, the French at New-Bourdeaux all brought their ministers with them, and each of these groupes had the benefits of religious instruction from the time they becatrie Carolinians. the province and particularly the Govenor Sir Nathaniel John- son, were zealously attached to the Church of England. Be- lieving in the current creed of the times that an established rehgion was essential to the support of civil government, they concerted measures for endowing the church of the mother country and advancing it in South Carolina to a legal pre-em- inence. Preparatory thereto they promoted the election of members of that church to a seat in the provincial Legislature, and succeeded by surprise so far as to obtain a majority. The recently elected members soon after they entered on their legis- lative functions took measures for perpetuating the power they had thus obtained; for they enacted a law "which made it necessary for all persons thereafter chosen members of the com- mons, house of assembly, to conform to the religious worship of the church of England and to receive the sacrament of the Lord's supper according to the rights and usages of that church.'' This Act passed the lower house by a majority of only one vote. It virtually excluded from a seat in the Legis- lature all who were dissenters, erected an aristocracy, and gave a monopoly of power to one sect though far from being a ma- j ority of the inhabitants. The usual consequences followed. Animosities took place and spread in every direction. Mod- erate men of the favored church considered the law as impol- itic and hostile to the prosperity of the province. Dissenters of all denominations made a common cause in endeavoring to obtain its repeal. The inhabitants of Colleton county, who were mostly dissenters, drew up a statement of their grievan- ces which they transmitted by John Ash to the proprietors praying their lordships to repeal the oppressive Act Ash being coldly received, and despairing of relief from those to whom he was sent, determined to address himself to the Enghsh nation ihrough the medium of the press; but death prevented the execution of his design. The dissenters, in two years after, made another effort to obtain a repeal of the obnoxious law. They drew up a petition and sent it by Joseph Boone to be presented to the House of Lords in England. In this they severely animadverted on the law, its authors and abettors. In consequence of their application a vote was passed " that the Act complained of was founded on falsity in matter of fact — was repugnant to the laws of England — contrary to the charter of the proprietors — was an encouragement to athe- ism and irreligion — destructive to trade, and tended to the de- population and ruin of the province." The Lords also ad dressed Queen Anne, beseeching her " to use the most effectual methods to deliver the province from the arbitrary oppression under which it lay and to order the authors thereof to be pros- ecuted according to law." To which her majesty replied, " that FROM 1670 TO 1808. 5 she would do all in her power to relieve her subjects in Caro- lina and protect them in their just rights." Though the infant establishment of the Church of England was thus frowned upon by the ruling powers in England, and was disagreeable to a majority of the inhabitants of Carolina, yet no further steps were taken for restoring to dissenters their equal rights. The Episcopal party continued to maintain their ascendency in the assembly, and made legislative provision for extending and maintaining their mode of worship. In two years the colony was divided into ten parishes: St. Philips, Charlestown, Christ Church, St. Thomas, St John, St. James, St. Andrews, St Dennis, St. Pauls, St Bartholomews, St James Santee and each parish was made a corporation. Some of these were afterwards subdivided, and others occasionally formed as the population extended. Money was provided by law for building and repairing churches ; lands were provided by donation, purchase, or grants from the proprietors, at public expense, for glebes and church yards ; — salaries for the different rectors, clerks, and sextons of the established parishes were fixed and made payable out of the provincial treasury. Le- gislative acts were passed for the encouragement of Episcopal clergymen to settle in the province, and exercise their clerical functions in the several parishes designated by law. To such £25 was paid out of the public treasury immediately on their arrival in Carolina, and their annual legal salary commenced from the same period in case they were afterwards elected rectors of any of the established parishes by the resident in- habitants who were members of the Church of England. This state of things with but little variation continued for seventy years, and as long as the province remained subject to Great Britain. In the course of that period, twenty-four par- ishes were laid off. Most of these were in the maritime dis- tricts and none more than ninety miles from the sea-coast The religious establishment which enjoyed so many and such highly distinguished privileges, was mildly administered. A free toleration was enjoyed by all dissenters. The law which excluded them from a seat in the Legislature was soon repealed by the Provincial Assembly. The friendship of the mother church, the patronage of government, and the legal provision made for clergymen, though partial and confined to one sect, were useful as means of introducing more learned ecclesiastics than would probably have been procured by the unassisted efibrts of the first settlers. Religion assumed a visible form, and contributed its influence in softening the manners of dis- persed colonists, who from the want of school-masters and clergymen were in danger of degenerating into savages. The prospect of attaining these advantages had a powerful influence O ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, with the members of assembly in favor of an establishment. They saw with regret the increasing inhabitants destitute of public instructors, and knew their inability to reward or even to procure them. The society which about that time was incor- porated in England for propagating the gospel in foreign parts, was able and willing to assist the infant colonies, both with ministers and the means of supporting them ; but that could only be done in the mode of worship prescribed by the church of England. To obtain their aid, an establishment of the same form of public worship in the colony which prevailed in the parent state was deemed a prudential measure. The expected consequences followed. The society, on apphcation, sent out ministers to Carolina and for a long time assisted to maintain them. They generally paid fifty pounds sterhng to their mis- sionaries; and besides, made valuable donations of books to be distributed by them or kept as parochial libraries. The Reverend Mr. Thomas, whose descendants of the fourth or fifth generation constitute a part of the inhabitants, was the first missionary sent out by the Society. The number of Episcopal Clergyman who setded in Caro- lina anterior to 1731, is not known; but from that year till 1775, when the revolution commenced, their aggregate num- ber was one hundred and two.* Most of them were men of regular education. Such of these and of others as arrived for nearly the first half of the 18th century were generally sent out as missionaries by the society for propagating the gospel » List of the clergy of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina sub- sequent to 1730, with the date of their arrival. The Rev. Messrs. Thomas Hasel, "William Guy, Stephen Coulet, Joseph Hooper, Francis Varnod, John I. Tissot, William Cotes, arrived in 1731 ; Daniel Dwight, Lewis Jones, Andrew Leslie, Joseph Buguiou, Timothy Mellichamp, Thomas Morrit, in 1732; Thomas Thomp- son, John Fulton, in 1733; Robert Gowrie, Lawrence O'Neill, in 1734 ,_Peter Duplessis, in 1736 ; John Fordyce, William Orr, in 1737 ; Stephen Roe, Robert Small, in 1738; Levi Durand, in 1741; William M. Gilchrist, in 1742; Samuel Quincy, Charles Bosche, Alexander Garden, Jun., in 1744; Henry Chifielle, in 1745; Robert Betbam, in 1746; Alexander Keith, in 1747; Richard St. John, in 174S ; Robert Stone, Robert Gumming, John Giessendaner, in 1750 ; John Rowand, in 1751 ; Michael Smith, in 1753; William Langhorne, William Peasely, Charles Martin, James Harrison, Richard Clarke, Alexander Baron, in 1754 ; Jonathan Copp, Robert Barron. John Andrews, Jenkin Lewis, in 1756; Sergeant, Samuel Fairweather, Robert Smith, in 1758; Robert Cooper, Samuel Warren, John Tonge, in 1759 ; Abraham Imer, in 1761 ; Joseph Stokes, Joseph Dacre Wil- ton, Otispring Pearce, Dormer, in 1762; John Greene, Samuel Drake, George Skeen, John Evans, William Teale, in 1763; Isaac Amory, Robert Dunscomb, in 1765; Samuel Hart, James Crallan, John Hockley, John Fevrier, Dawson, Lousdle, in 1766 ; Tourqand, Charles Woodmason, Streaker, 1767; Thomas Panton, John Lewis, Richard Farmer, Robert Purcell, Thomas Morgan,^ James Pierce, in 1769; John Bullman, Henry Purcell, D. D., Edward Ellington, in 1770 ; Alexander Findlay, in 1771 ; Villette, Scliquab, Thomas Walker,' Steward, Edward Jenkins, in 1772; Smith, Davis, Charles R Moreau, m 1773 ; Dundas, in 1774 ; Benjamin Blackburn, in 1775. The following clergymen have arrived since the revolution- Thomas Jones, Thomas Frost, Charles Lewis, Thomas IMills, William Blackwall Fennel Bowenj Stephen Sykes, William Jones, Graham, Matthew Tate - Gates, William Smith, Pogson, Cotton, Woodbridge, William Best, William Nixo"' FROM 1670 TO 1808. 7 in foreign parts, and with a few exceptions they continued to preserve the good moral characters they all brought out with them. For some years before the revolution the number of officiating clergymen, at one and the same time, varied from twelve to twenty. Of the whole there was not a single native of Carolina. Two or three are said to have been born in the northern provinces, but ail the rest were Europeans. In countries where ecclesiastics have an official agency in the government, their history is additionally important as it is blended with the civil police. This was at no time the .case in South Carolina. The people, both of the province and State, were always averse to the exercise of any civil power by ecclesiastics. Clergymen enjoyed the rights of British sub- jects or of American citizens; hut at no time any distinguish- ing privileges by virtue of their office. This jealousy has been continued under every form of government. The clergy under the present constitution are deprived of one of the rights of common citizens ; for they are declared "to be ineligible to the office of Governor, Lieuten- ant-Governor, or to a seat in the Senate or House of Represen- tatives.'' Though they derive no emoluments from the State, they are subjected to this disqualification on the ground "that they should not be diverted from the great duties of their function." The same disposition manifested itself under the former order of things ; for coeval with the establishment of the church of England, was the appointment of a board of commissioners by which it was enacted that twenty lay persons be consti- tuted a corporation ; who, in addition to a general superinten- dency over the temporal concerns of all the parochial churches, should exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction, with full powers to deprive ministers of their livings at pleasure; not for immor- ality only, but also for imprudence, or on account of unrea- sonable prejudices taken against them. This was in fact taking the ecclesiastical jurisdiction out of the hands of the bishop of London, in whose diocese the whole British colonies in America were included, and transfering it to a select portion of the laity in Carolina. No record nor even tradition has reached us that these extraordinary powers were improperly used. They were in the first instance conferred on the fol- lowing persons, who were highly esteemed by the people ; Sir Nathaniel Johnson, Thomas Broughton, Nicholas Trott, Robert Gibbes, Henry Noble, Ralph Izard, James Risbee, William Rhett, George Logan, Arthur Middleton, David Davis, Thomas Barton, John Abraham Motte, Robert Seabrook, Hugh Hext, John Woodward, Joseph Page, John Ashby, Richard Beresford, Thomas Wilkinson, Jonathan Fitch, William Bull, Rene Ravenel, and Philip Gendron. 8 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, The institution of lay commissioners with such ample powers was disapproved by several in Carolina, and by more in England. The society for propagating the gospel in foreign parts, at a meeting in St. Paul's church, London, resolved not to send any missionaries to Carolina until the clauses relating to these extraordinary powers of the lay commissioners were annulled. The government of the established church assumed another form about the year 1733. Alexander Garden was then ap- pointed by the bishop of London to be his commissary; and as such to exercise spiritual and ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the provinces of North Carolina, South Carolina, Geor- gia, and the island of New Providence. His strict morals and steady adherence to all the forms of the Episcopal church qualified him in many respects for this high office. It was his duty to watch not only over the morals of the clergy, but to enforce their observance of the rules and forms prescribed by the church. In the former case he had all good men with him, for he was steady, strict, and impartial. In the discharge of the latter he was involved in a most unpleasant controversy with George Whitefield. This celebrated pulpit orator, edu- cated in the church of England and ordained by the bishop of Gloucester, was in common with other Episcopal clergymen, under obligations to obey the canons of the church. These enjoin "the use of the form of prayer prescribed in the book of common prayer and of no other." Though Whitefield possessed an high esteem for these prayers, and always used them when he officiated in Episcopal churches; yet being often called upon to preach to large crowds, many of whom neither possessed nor knew how to use the hook of common prayer in public worship, he departed from the rules of his church and performed divine service in the extempore mode usually practiced among non-Episcopalians. This was un- questionably an offence against the church of which he pro- fessed to be a member, and subjected him to its censures; but he took no guilt to himself, as being conscious that he was influenced by no selfish views nor improper motives, and that he was acting in subserviency to the great and benevolent purposes for which all churches were instituted. While the official duty of the commissary compelled him to enforce, among the members of the Episcopal church, an observance of its established forms; the expanded and liberal mind of Whitefield led him occasionally to set at nought all forms while he pursued the substance in the most direct practicable mode of t)btaining it. His aim was to do the most extensive possible good; and therefore he was willing to preach, if cir- cumstances required, in meeting houses, or even in the open air as well as in consecrated churches. Wherever he found FROM 1670 TO 1808. 9 human beings desirous of religious instruction he readily preached to them, and prayed with them, either as the book of common prayer prescribed, or without any form whatever, as was deemed for the present most expedient. After he had indulged himself in these aberrations from the prescribed rules of his church, he was cited by commissary Garden to appear before the ecclesiastical court in the parish church of St. Philips on the 15th of July, 1740, to answer for the same. The result was a sentence of the court for suspending George Whitefield from his ministerial office.* While this prosecution was pending, and for thirty years after, Whiteiield was preaching almost daily to crowded con- gregations. So charmed were the people with his eloquence, that frequentljr no house could contain his hearers. The oftener he preached, the keener were their desires to hear him again. As a theologian reasoner, or writer of sermons, he had many superiors; but as an orator for impressing the heart, *The particulars of this novel and interesting trial, taken from the records of the courtj were as follows: The first step was a citation from Commissary Garden, calling upon George Whitefield " to answer to certain articles or interrogatories which were to be objected and ministered to him concerning the mere health of bis soul and the reformation and correction of his manners and excesses ; and chiefly for omitting to use the form of prayer prescribed in the communion book." Whitefield appeared in court on the day appointed, but protested against the admission of any articles against him, alleging that he doubted the authority of the court to proceed in the cause, and prayed for time to exhibit his objections. This was granted. At the next meeting of the court he tendered exceptions in writing, ''in recusation of the judge." At the same time he proposed to refer the causes of his recusation against the judge to six diflTerent arbitrators, three of whom to be chosen by the said Alexander Garden. A replication to these excep- tions was made by "William Smith, and the relevancy of the exceptions was argued before the court by Andrew Rutledge in behalf of George Whitefield, and the con- trary was argued by James Greeme. The court, consisting of the Commissary and the Rev. Messrs. Guy, Mellichamp, Roe and Orr, clergymen assistants, unan- imously decreed "that the exceptions be repelled." From this determination George Whitefield appealed to the Lords Commissioners appointed by the King for receiving and hearing appeals in spiritual causes, from his majesty's planta- tions in America. This was granted, and a year and a day allowed for prosecut- ing the appeal and hearing the result. It was ordered that in the interim all fur- ther proceedings should be staid. After the expiration of the limited time it was certified by the register of the court that no prohibition whatever from further proceedings in the said cause, nor any decree or determination of any superior court, had been interposed, and therefore on motion the business was resumed as if no appeal had been made. Due notice was given to George Whitefield to attend, but as he did not appear, the following articles and interrogatories were, after a proper pause, objected to him as if he had been present. "Imprimis, we article and object to you the said George Whitefield, that you were and are a minister in holy orders iis deacon and priest, and that when you were admitted into the ministry you did, pursuant to the thirty-sixth canon of the canons and constitu- tions ecclesiastical, subscribe to the following articles : " That the book of common prayer, and of ordering of bishops, priests and deacons, containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of God; and that it may lawfully so be used, and that he himself will use the form in the said book prescribed in public prayers and admm- istration of the sacraments, and none other."— Item, we article and object that you, the said George Whitefield, do believe and have heard say, that by the thirty- eighth canon of the canons and constitutions ecclesiastical, it is provided, ordajned and decreed, "that if any minister, after he hath once subscribed the aforesaid article, shall omit the form of prayer prescribed in the communion book, let him 10 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORr, moving the passions, and for abashing, confounding, and beating down vice and immorality, he was exceeded by none. The unbounded applause he met with from men, and espe- cially from women, was sufficient to have intoxicated him; nor was it wholly without effect, for he was but a man. As to wealth, power, pleasure, honor, or the ordinary pursuits of the vulgar great, he soared above their influence. All his popu- larity, and all his powers, as the greatest pulpit orator of the age, were employed by him in the capacity of an itinerant minister for advancing the present and future happiness of mankind, without regard to sect, party or denomination. Caro- lina was frequently the scene of his ministerial labors; and the religion of the province owed much to his zeal, diligence, and eloquence. It was also much indebted to that steady, inflexible disciplinarian, Commissary Garden. From the dif- ferent temperaments of their minds, the one thought it his bounden duty to do what the other conceived it to be equally be suspended; and if after a month he do not reform and submit himself, let him be excommunicated ; and then if he do not submit himself within the space of another month, let him be deposed from the ministry." Item, we article and object, that notwithstanding the premises in the foregoing articles mentioned and deduced, you the said George Whitefield, on diverse Sundays or Lord's days and week days, you have oiRciated as a minister in diverse meeting-houses, and more particularly in that commonly called the Presbyterian or Independent meeting- house in Charlestown, by praying and preaching to public congregations, and at such times have omitted to use the form of prayer prescribed in the communion or common prayer book, in contempt of the laws, canons and constitutions eccle- siastical aforesaid." Item, we article and object to you the said George White- field, that by reason of the premises in the foregoing articles deduced, you have incurred canonical punishment and censure, and were and are by us and our authority canonically to be punished, and to which and every part of which arti- cles, we will and require you the said George Whitefield, to make true, plain, full, and faithful answer." Successive adjournments were made to give time for the answer of George Whitefield, but he neither appeared nor put in any answer." The facts of his frequently preaching in dissenting meeting-houses without using the forms of prayer prescribed by the book of common prayer, were proved by Hugh Ander- son, Stephen Hartley, and John Redman. A final decree, after a full recital of all facts, was pronounced in these words : Therefore we, Alexander Garden, the judge aforesaid, having first invoked the name of Christ, and setting and having God himself alone before our eyes, and by and with the advice of the reverend persons, William Guy, Timothy Mellichamp, Stephen Rowe, and William Orr, with whom in that part we have advised and maturely deliberated, do pronounce, decree, and declare the aforesaid George Whitefield. clerk to have been at the times articled, and now to be a priest of the Church of England, and at the time and days in that part articled, to have officiated as a minister in diverse meeting-houses in Charles- town in the province of South Carolina, by praying and preaching to public congre- gations ; and at such times to have omitted to use the form of prayer prescribed in the communion-book or book of common prayer, or at least according to the laws, canons, and constitutions ecclesiastical in that part made, provided and promulged, not to have used the same according to the la-^vful proofs before us in that part judicially had and made. We therefore pronounce, decree, and declare, that the said George Whitefield, for his excesses and faults, ought duly and canon- ically, and according to the exigence of the law in that part in the premises, to be corrected and punished, and also to be suspended from his office; and accordingly by tjiese presents, we do suspend him the said George Whitefield ; and for so sus- pended, we also pronounce, decree and declare him to be denounced, declared, and published openly and publicly in the face of the church." FROM 1670 TO 1808. 11 his duty to punish. Both were good and useful men, but in different ways. The one was devoted to forms; the other soared above them. The piety of the one ran in the channel of a particular sect of Christians; but that of the other, confined neither to sect nor party, flowed in the broad and wide-spread- ing stream of Christianity. The dissenters increasing in numbers by emigrants, par- ticularly from Scotland and Ireland, complained that while they had to build their own churches and maintain their own ministers, they were taxed in common with the Episcopalians to support their highly-favored mode of worship. The dis- senters saw with regret several of their more wealthy followers desert a less fashionable church, and conform to that which enjoyed the patronage of government. They nevertheless maintained a respectable standing. The Presbyterians in particular, formed congregations not only in Charlestown, but on three of the maritime islands, and at Wiltown, Jackson- borough, Indian Land, Port Royal, and Wilhamsburgh. These were maintained by the contributions of their mem- bers. In process of time considerable funds were established by private donations for the permanent support of their mode of worship. While every Episcopal church was a corporation capable of holding property, of suing and being sued, the congregations of dissenters, not being known in law, could only hold property by the intervention of trustees : a mode of tenure often attended with loss, and always with trouble. To these inconveniences the dissenters were obliged to sub- mit, and probably must have continued to do so, if the revo- lution had not taken place. The change of government from proprietary to regal brought to them no relief. For Kings, even more than the proprietors, thought they had an interest in cementing the alliance between church and state, and con- necting the altar with the throne. When the people of Carolina, in common with their fellow- citizens, broke the chains which bound them to Great Britain, a new order of things took place. While the established church was chiefly confined to the vicinity of the sea-coast, in the course of the forty years which preceded the revolution, numerous bodies of dissenters had migrated from the more northern provinces and settled in the northern and western parts of Carolina. These, added to their brethren on the sea- coast, gave them a decided superiority in point of numbers. The physical force of the country, so necessary for its defence against Great Britain, rested in a great degree in their hands. The crisis demanded union and was favorable to the re-estab- lishment of the rights of man. Though the people of South Carolina engaged in the revolutionary war primarily for their 12 ECCLESIASTICAI. HISTORr, civil liberties, they did not overlook their claims to equal re- ligious privileges without discrimination or preference. The judicious and moderate among the members of the established church saw and felt the propriety and necessity of relinquish- ing the advantages they had long enjoyed ; and with more readiness than is usual among those who part with power in possession, consented to a constitution which repealed all laws that gave them pre-eminence. The dissenters felt their weight, and though zealous in the cause of independence, could not brook the idea of risking their lives and fortunes for anything short of equal rights. Moderation, liberality, good sense and sound policy prevailed with both parties. The hopes of the enemies of independence that union could not be pTeserved among the discordant sects of religionists were dis- appointed. The energies of the inhabitants in maintaining their liberties were in no respect weakened. The prize con- tended for being made equally interesting to all, equal exer- tions were made by all for obtaining it. The experience of more than thirty years has proved that an established church is not essential to civil government; that citizenship is a bond of union sufficient for all its neces- sary purposes ; that the true mode of promoting the public interest and preserving peace among different sectaries, is for the constituted authorities to lean to neither ; but, standing erect, to give equal protection to the persons, liberties and pro- perty of all, without noticing their religious opinions and practices, while they do not disturb the equal rights of others or the peace and order of society ; and to leave to the different sectaries the exclusive management of their respective reli- gious interests. Proceeding on these principles, the inroads made on morals and religion by the revolutionary war in Carolina have been gradually done away. The acrimony of speech, the sourness of temper and the shyness of intercourse which had too much prevailed among religious sects before the revolution, have since that event given place to christian benevolence. The heat of party zeal has become more mod- erate. Men have discovered that their opinions with regard to speculative points are often as different as their faces, and that the harmony of society and the intercourse of life ought not to be interrupted by the one more than by the other. Without any interference on the part of the State, churches have been built, congregations formed, ministers settled and maintained, peace and good will preserved among the differ- ent sectaries. At the same time great liberality has been often spontaneously and reciprocally displayed in assisting each other in pecuniary concerns connected with the support of their respective forms of worship. FROM 1670 TO 1808. 13 A revolution in the government of the church grew out of the civil revolution. A complete severance of all connection between church and State being accomplished by that great event, ecclesiastical proceedings, censures, punishments, infer no penalties nor any deprivation of civil rights. In this re- spect the churches of South Carolina have improved on their respective European prototypes. In England and Scotland the proceedings of spiritual courts are frequently vexatious and expensive. Excommunication from the church is nearly equal to an outlawry. A solitary instance of this occurred in South Carolina in 1765, in which the royal Governor William Bull, as ordinary of the province, pronounced a sentence of excommunication against an individual for refusing obedi- ence to his summons. The powers of these courts, where useful and necessary, have been transferred to civil establish- ments. There are now no spiritual courts in the State. No canons, decrees, acts, orders or regulations, either of bishops, presbyteries or religious associations of any kind, can involve a person, however contumacious, in civil disabilities or to any extent further than excluding him from the sacraments of the offended church, or from being considered as one of its members. Churches, as corporations, can enforce their by- laws, but their powers as spiritual courts are merely advisary ; for the civil authority neither issues nor aids any ecolesias- tical process. The constitution recognizes clergymen only for the purpose of declaring them ineligible to civil offices. The act for regulating the fees demandable for the performance of certain enumerated public duties, allows them to take from all voluntary applicants a small fee for registering births, mar- riages and funerals — for a search of these registers and a cer- tified extract from them. The same, law authorizes them to demand five shillings for reading in church every citation from a civil officer, called ordinary, preparatory to the grant- ing letters of administration on the estates of intestate persons. They are also by law excused from the performance of militia duty or serving on juries. Thus far and no further the con- stitution and laws of the State notice the clergy. For the solemnization of marriages, application is generally made to them ; but this is not legally necessaiy. Marriages with or without licenses or publication of the bans by clergymen or justices of the peace, are in law all equally valid ; but when contracted are indissoluble. The churches have no authority to gra,nt divorces. Every application to the civil power to legislate on this subject has been unsuccessful. The courts have no jurisdiction. No power exists in the State competent to grant them, nor can it be otherwise till the legislature pass a law for the purpose. 14 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, A brief view of the present state of religion in Carolina will close this chapter. The Episcopalians since the revohition labored under pecu- liar disadvantages. Their church was incomplete without bishops, and their whole body of clergy and laity was incom- petent to invest any individual, or number of individuals, with Episcopal powers. This boon could only be obtained through some of the successors of the apostles in the old world. Twelve years subsequent to the revolution passed away before Episco- pal ordination could be obtained in South Carolina.* In the meantime the non-Episcopalians, animated with the recovery of their long lost equal rights, proceeded vigorously in organiz- ing churches and extending their forms of worship. "■■■' To preserve the uninterrupted succession of Episcopal ordinatioDj it was ne- cessary either that the Aiuerican candidates for the ministry should goto European bishops, or that ecclesiastical officers of that high rank should be constituted in the United States. The former was the mode usually adopted before the revolu- tion, and in a few instances after its commencement. Insuperable difficulties op- posed its continuance. The laws of England required all candidates for holy orders to take an oath of allegiance to his Britannic majesty. This could not be done by the citizens of independent America. The English bishops with great liberality applied for, and obtained an act of parliament, authorizing the ordination of clergymen for the United States without their taking an oath of allegiance to his Britannic majesty. This afforded only partial relief An American Episcopate was therefore proposed as the only remedy adequate to the exigency. The non- Episcopalians, before the revolution, had opposed this measure, but cheerfully ac- quiesce(j in it after that event had placed their rights and liberties beyond all foreigt^ interference. The proposed measure was readily and without difficulty substantially agreed upon by the Episcopalians on both sides of the Atlantic, yet many previous arrangements were necessary to give it effect. The English bish- ops required evidence of the orthodoxy, regularity, and order of the Episcopal churches in America, and also of the acquiescence of the civil government of the new formed States in the proposed Episcopate. Certificates of the latterj were easily obtained. Conventions of the American Episcopal clergy and laity were held in several successive years and in different States, which finally agreed upon such alterations of the prayers, forms, and officers of the church as local circum- stances and their new political condition required. In these the Episcopal church of South Carolina was represented by the Rev. Dr. Purcell, Jacob Read, and Charles Pinckney. The proposed alterations being submitted to the heads of the church in England, were so far approved as to be no obstacle in the way of their consecrating bishops to preside overthe American Episcopal church. Dr. Provost of New York, and Dr. White of Philadelphia, were accordingly in 1787 ordained and consecrated bishops of the American Episcopal church at the archiepiscopal palace of Lambeth by the archbishops of Canterbury and York, and by the bishop of Bath and Wells, and the bishop of Peterborough. Not long after, Dr. Madison of Virginia was ordained and consecrated in England to be a bishop in America. The Episcopal church was then for the first time complete in the United States. Three or rather four American clergymen were promoted to the rank of bishops by British Episcopal consecration. These jointly were competent to perpetuate their own order, and each of them separately had the power of ordaining priests and deacons. The uninterrupted succession was not only preserved, but its un- broken chain was extended across the Atlantic with full powers to perpetuate itself In consequence of these arrangements, the right Rev. Robert Smith, D. D. was by four bishops, convened in Philadelphia in September 1795, consecrated bishop of the Protestant Episcopal church in South Carolina. He continued in the discharge of the duties of that ofiice till his death in 1801. This was the sec- ond consecration of a bishop which had taken place in the United States. Since the death of bishop Smith there has been no bishop of his church in South Caro- lina. The candidates for holy orders are now under a necessity of repairing to the northern States for ordination. FROM 1670 TO 1808. 15 1 he patronage which the EpiscopaHans enjoyed, under the royal government, made them less able to stand alone after that p&,Vronage was withdrawn. Man is a creature of habit. Voluntary contributions for the support of religion had been so long customary with the dissenters, that when the pressure of war was removed they readily resumed their ancient habits ; but the case was otherwise with the Episcopalians: for as their form of worship had for seventy years been in a great meas- ure supported from the public treasury, they were not so im- mediately impressed with the necessity of advancing their private funds for that purpose. For these and other reasons the Episcopal church lan- guished in South Carohna for several years after the revolu- tion. Though it maintained a respectable standing in their two ancient houses of worship in Charlestown,* it made for some time but little progress in the country. Better prospects are now before its members. Experience has convinced them of the propriety of voluntary contributions for the support of religion. Their church is completely organized within the United States. They are no longer confined in the choice of clergymen to strangers: for natives of the country, of the pur- est morals and best education, have with pious zeal entered upon or are preparing themselves for the work of the ministry in such numbers as exceed anything heretofore known in Carolina. Their long neglected places of worship in the country are repairing, and new ones are building. Di- vine service according to the book of common prayer is now regularly performed in Beaufort by the Rev. Mr. Hicks; in St Andrews by the Rev. Mr. Mills ; in St. Bartholomews by the Rev. Mr. Fowler; in St. Johns by the Rev. Mr. Gadsden; in St. Thomas by the Rev. Mr. Nankeville ; at the high hills of Santee by the Rev. Mr. Ischudy ; and at St James Santee by the Rev. Mr. Mathews. In most of the other parishes where the establishment operated before the revolution, there are Episcopal churches, but at present no settled ministers. The Presbyterians were among the first settlers, and were always numerous in Carolina. Their ministers in the mari- time districts were mostly from Scotland or Ireland; men of * Charlestown and Charlestown Neck constituted one parish by the name of St. Philips till 1721, when a new one named St. Michaels to the southward of Broad-street was established by act of assembly. Divine service was first per- formed in the present church of St. Philips in the year 1723; and in that of St. Michaels in 17fil. On the site of the latter, a church originally called St. Phdips had been previously erected about the year 1B90, which was the only Episcopal church in South Carolina prior to the establishment in 1706. Divine service was performed in St. Philips church for three-fourths of the 18th century by two rec- tors: thirty-four years by commissary Garden, and forty-two by bishop Smith. The Rev. Dr. Jenkins is the present rector, but being absent, divine service is per- formed by the Kev. Dr. Percy, and the Rev. James Dewar Simons. The Rev. Nathaniel Bowen is the rector of St. Michaels church. 19 16 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, good education, orderly in their conduct, and devoted to the systems of doctrine and government established in Scotland. The zeal of their adherents had amassed considerable funds before the revolution, but these v.'-ere materially injured by the failure of trustees and the depreciation of the paper currency. They have a numerous and wealthy congregation in the capi- tal,* and the Presbytery of Charlestown consists of five mia- isters. To them seven congregationsf look up for religious instruction. It was constituted at an early period of the 18th century, agreeably to the principles and practice of the church of Scotland, but during the revolutionary war was unfortu- nately dissolved by the death or removal of the ministers con- stituting it; and all its books and records were lost or de- stroyed. In the year 1790 four of the congregations belonging to the said Presbytery, being the only ones then provided with or- dained ministers, addressed a petition to the Legislature pray- ing to be constituted a body corporate, chiefly with the view of raising a fund for the relief of the widows and orphans of deceased clergymen belonging to their society. This was promptly granted. From the time of its incorporation the Presbytery of Charles- town has held regular stated meetings, and has exercised the power of ordination and the other functions of a Presby- tery. Impressed with the importance of union in religious matters they applied, in 1799, to the General Assembly of the Presby- terian churches in the United States, to be received into com- munion with the said Assembly and to be admitted members of their body. Agreeably to the prayer of this memorial and petition, the Presbytery of Charlestown was received a con- stituent part of the General Assembly. Of the numerous emigrants to the western parts of Carolina, in the last fifty years of the 18th century, agreat majority were Presbyterians. * The present Presbyterian church in Charlestown was built about the year 1731. Its ministers, as far as can be recollected, were the Rev. Messrs. Stuart, Grant, Lorimer, Morrison, Hewat, Graham, Wilson, and Buist. Previous to 1731 the Presbyterians and Independents formed one society, and worshipped together in a church which stood on the lot which is now occupied by the circular church. f The Presbytery at present consists of the following congregations and miais- ters ; 1. Presbyterian church of Stoney Creek, Prince Williams, Rev. R. Mont- gomery Adams. 2. Presbyterian church of Salt Catchers. 3. Presbyterian church of Black Mingo, Rev. W. Kno.x. 4. Original and first incorporated Presbyterian church of Willamshurgh. 5. Presbyterian church of the city of Charlestown. 6. Presbyterian church of Edisto Island, Rev. Donald M'Leod. 7. Presbyterian church of John and Wadmalaw Islands. Rev. Doctor Clarkson. These difl'erent congregations are incorporated and have glebes or funds of greater or less extent. The following congregations belonged formerly to the Presbytery, but have not connected themselves with it since its incorporation, viz. James Island, Wiltown, Pon Pon, and St. Thomas. FROM 1670 TO 180S. 17 They had little regular preaching among them till about the year 1770, when missionaries from the northward formed them into churches. These were revived and increased after the revolution, and have since been constantly supplied with min- isters who have been formed into regular Presbyteries and synods in connection with the General Assembly of the Pres- byterian church of the United States. Most of their clergymen were born and educated in America. These are now formed into two Presbyteries consisting of more than twenty ministers, and ha,ve in connection with them about sixty congregations. There is also a Presbytery of seceders in South Carolina consist- ing of nine ministers, who have under their care twenty-two congregations. Each of these Presbyteries possesses and exer- cises the power of ordination. The Baptists formed a church in Charlestown about the year 1685.* Its first minister was the Rev. Mr. Screven, the founder of a numerous and respectable family. He began his ministerial labors in the province about the year 1683, and continued them till the time of his death in 1713. His suc- cessors in the Baptist church of Charlestown were the Rev. Messrs. Fry, White, Tilly, Simons, Chanler, Bedgewood, and Hart; who, with some intervals, supplied the church till 1780. In the year 1787, the Rev. Dr. Furman who is now living, was invested with the pastoral care of it. Anterior to the revolu- tion in 1776, they had increased to about thirty churches. Since the establishment of equal religious rights they have in- creased so that they now have five associations consisting of 100 ministers, 130 churches, 10,500 communicants, and about 73,500 adherents; reckoning seven of the latter for one of the former. The Independents or Congregationalists in conjunction with the Presbyterians were formed into a church in Charlestown about the year 1690. These sects, after forty years of union, differing only in the form of church government,f separated and formed different churches. The Independents kept pos- session of their ancient house of worship, long known by the *A subdivision of the Baptists, Icnown bj' the name of Arian or General Bap- tists, was formed into a church about the year ]735. This society became extinct about the year 1767. t Both agreed in doctrine, mode of worship, and in renouncing the power of bishops; but the latter were willing to submit to the authority of a Presbytery, while the former, exercising in their congregational capacity every necessary power for governing their own church without any extrinsic interference, claimed to be an independent self-governed society. By their constitution they are at lib- erty to elect their pastors from any denomination of christians. Two of their min- isters in the early part of the 18lh century were Presbyterians and members of the Charlestown Presbyterv. These were the Kev. Messrs. Stobo and Livingston. On the demise of the latter, liis successor was an Independent from New England. During his incumbency twelve families seceded and formed the Presbyterian church on the model of the church of Scotland. 18 ECCLE'SIASTICAL HISTORY, name of the White Meeting.* They erected an additional house of worship in Archdale street, in which divine service was first performed in 1787. These two houses form one church, and have common interests and ministers, with equal salaries and privileges. The Independents also have a church, near Dorchester, f supplied by the Rev. Mr. M'Kelhenny — in Christ church under the pastoral care of the Rev. Dr. M'Calla; on James Island under thatof Mr. Price; in Beaufort under Mr. Palmer, and in St Bartholomews at present vacant. The Methodists made their first appearance as a religious society in South Carolina in the year 1785. For the last ten or fifteen years they have increased beyond any former exam- *This building, after various eiilargemeiils, in the course of one hundred and fourteen years, was finally taken down in 1804; and the present church on a cir- cular plan of 88 feet diameter was erected in its place. This form accommodates a greater number of people, at less expense, than any other j is easy to the speaker, and makes his voice more distinctly audible, especially at a distance. The build- ing has already cost B0,000 dollars, and 14,000 more will be necessary to finish the steeple. One half of the gallery is laid otf for the use of people of color, and ac- commodates about 400 decent, orderly, and steady worshippers of that de- scription. This church has had fifteen ministers. The commencement and termination of their ministerial functions as far as is now known, was nearly as follows : 1. Rev. Benjamin Pierpoint settled about the year 1691, and died, it is supposed, in 16% or '97. 2. Rev. Mr. Adams a very short time minister. 3. Rev. John Cotton, settled in the year 1698, and died 1090. 4. Rev. Archibald Stobo took charge of the church in the autumn of 1700, and resigned in 1704. 5. Rev. Wm. Livingston became pastor in 1704, and died after the year 1720. 6. Rev. Nathan Bassett settled in 1724, died of the small pox in 1738. 7. Rev. James Parker ar- rived in Charlestown in 1740, and died in 1742. ci. Rev. Josiah Smith tookcharge of the church in 1742, and resigned in 1750. 9. Rev. James Edmonds settled De- cember 15, 1754, and resigned about 1767. 10. Rev. Wm. Hutson settled in con- nection with Mr. Edwards, 1757, and died in 1761. 11. Rev. Andrew Bennet was settled as pastor with Mr. Edmonds in 1762, and resigned in 1763. 12. Rev. Jno. Thomas was installed pastor of the church in 1767, and died at New York on the 29th of September, 1771. 13. The Rev. William Tennent entered on the pastoral charge of the church in 1772, and died at the high hills at Santee in August, 1777 ; from his death the church remained vacant till the termination of the revolutionary war. While the British were in possession of Charlestown, the building was used as a store-house by the conquerors. The pews were all destroyed and the house materially injured. 14. Rev. Dr. Hollinshead enteredon the pastoral charge of the church in 1783, and is now living. 15. Rev. Dr. Keith, in connection with Dr. Hollinshead in 1787, and is now living. Of these fifteen ministers the first, second, third, sixth, eighth, thirteenth, four- teenth and fifteenth, were Americans, and one of them. Rev. Josiah Smith, a Caro- linian. The other seven were Europeans. Till the year 1730 the church was in- discriminately called Presbyterian Independent, or Congregational. After the separation whicli then took place between them and the Presbyterians it retained the appropriate name of Independent or Congregational Church, and was in common conversation sometimes called the New England Meeting, but oftener the While Meeting. f This church was formed as early as the year 1696. It is the oldest without the limits of Charlestown. Its founders migrated in a body, with their minister the Rev. Joseph Lord, from Dorchester, in Massachusetts, and settled compactly together in a place to which they gave the name of their former abode. In 1752 they made a second migration to Medway, in Georgia, with their minister, the Rev. Joseph Osgood, who was so much beloved by his people, and had such influence over them, that on his recommendation they went off in a body. Their original church in Carolina lay in a ruined condition till 1794, when it was rebuilt and re-organized. FROM 1670 TO ISOS. 19 pie. They had been indefatigable in their labors, preaching abundantly* in the most remote settlements and where there had been no previous means of religious instructions. Their mode of performing divine service is calculated to keep up a high degree of fervor in the minds of their followers. Well knowing that all men have hearts to feel, though few have heads to reason, their address is for the most part to the pas- sions and excites more of feeling than of reasoning. Their preachers, laboring under strong impressions, are very suc- cessful in communicating them to the breasts of their hearers. By a circulating mode of preaching they guard against that apathy and languor which is apt to result from long habits. New preachers successively addressing new congregations are roused to new and extraordinary exertions. Sympathetic feelings spread from one to the other; and frequently whole congregations are melted into tears, or transported with ecstacy breaking out in loud exclamations.f * Traveling Methodist preachers grenerally preach on six days of each week to six different congregations. No "weather, however severe, prevents their punc- tual attendance agreeably to appointment. For this extraordinary labor they re- ceive from the common fund only eighty dollars a year in addition to their traveling expenses. The interior economy of their connection is admirable, and shows the energetic mind of John Wesley. It is well calculated to secure the performance of much clerical duty at a very little expense, and is therefore peculiarly suited to the poor. Their society in South Carolina is divided into twelve circuits and sta- tions ; in which there are twenty-six traveling preachers who continue to ride daily, Monday excepted, two or three in each circuit, so that they preach one hundred and fifty-six sermons weekly, or eight thousand one hundred and twelve - sermons in the year, besides attending night and other casual meetings. They commonly ride around a circuit in five or six weeks. Exclusive of the twenty-six traveling preachers there are in the State of South Carolina, about ninety-three local preachers, generally married men, who labor all the week and preach at an average each two sermons in each week, or nine thousand six hundred and sev- enty-two in one year. Thus there are annually preached by the Methodists seventeen thousand seven hundred and eighty-four sermons for $2,080; as the local preachers receive no salary or compensation for their labors. They have in South Carolina about two hundred churches or stations for preaching, which are constructed in so plain a style as to cost on an average about one hundred and thirty-five dollars each, or 27,000 for the whole. There are four Methodist churches in Charlestown ; two of which are not in connection with the others. One of these (Trinity Church) is under the pastoral care of the Reverend Mr. Munds of the Protestant Episcopal Church; the other is vacant. The two which are in connection have their ministers changed according to the established rou- tine. To these two belong forty heads of families, or about one hundred and seventy white persons, and fifteen hundred and twenty persons of color. The Methodists have abundantly more success in the woods, the swamps, the pine barrens, and all new and dispersed settlements than in populous cities where there are competent resident clergymen. fCamp meetings which began in Kentucky, and parts adjacent, found their way into South Carolina about the year ISOO. These were held in different places and different seasons, but oftenest in the autumn. They were attended by several thousands, many of whom came from considerable distances; and they usually kept together on the same ground from the Thursday of one week till the Tuesday of the next. The holy sacrament was always administered on the intervening Sunday, and to persons of different sects ; who, forgetting all differences on minor subjects, chose to commune together. The bagging provided for the envelop- ment of their cotton was easily formed into tents for their temporary lodging. -Huts made in a few hours and covered wagons answered the same purpose. The 20 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, To presume that nolhing improper has ever occurred in their frequent, numerous and unseasonable meetings, would be contrary to the ordinary course of things; but that great good has resulted from the labors of the Methodists is evident to all who are acquainted with the state of the country before and since they commenced their evangelisms in Carolina. Drunkards have become sober and orderly — bruisers, bullies, and blackguards, meek, inoffensive and peaceable — profane farmers brought their famiUes, provisions, and bedding, in wagons from their respective homes. They took their station where wood and water were of easy attainment, and in general fared well. From their stores they hospitably enter- tained strangers who came as visitors. Two, three, or four tents or stands for preaching were erected at such distances that divine service could be performed in each of them at the same time without any interference. From five to twelve or fifteen ministers of different denominations attended and with short intervals for refreshment and repose, kept uj) in different places a constant succession of religious exercises by night as well as by day. Besides the performance of divine service by the ministers in their respective tents, there were frequently sub- divisions of the people at convenient distances, where praying, exhorting, and singing of psalms, was carried on by lay persons, and the whole so managed that they did not disturb each other. The auditors whose motive was curiosity, freely passed from one scene to another, and could in the space of a few minutes and the circuit of a few acres indulge their taste for variety. Others were more sta- tionary and hung on the lips of their favorite preachers. Among these it was not at all uncommon for individuals, in consequence of something said in the sermon or prayers, to be seized all at once with the most dreadtul apprehensions concern- ing the state of their souls, insomuch that many of them could not abstain from crying out in the most public manner, bewailing their lost and undone condition by nature, calling themselves " enemies to God and despisers of precious Christ;'' declaring, "that they were unworthy to live on the face of the earth:" but the universal cry was "what shall we do to be saved?" The agony under which they labored was expressed not only by words, but ahso by violent agitations of the body, by clapping their hands, and beating their breasts — by shaking and trem- bling — byfaintings and convulsions — and they remained sobbing, weeping, and often crying aloud till the service was over. Some who were subjects of these exer- cises did not consider themselves as converted persons, but most were supposed by themselves and others to have been converted in a few days, and sometimes in a few hours. In the latter case, they were raised up all at once from the lowest depth of sorrow and distress, to the highest pitch of joy and happiness; crying out with triumph and exultation "that they had overcome the wicked one, that they had gotten hold of Christ, and would never let him go." Under these de- lightful impressions some began to pray and exhort publicly, and others desired the congregation to join with them in singing a particular psalm. Many of the subjects of the preceding exercises while under their operation had no appetite for tbod nor inclination to sleep. To what cause this memorable work ought to be ascribed, was a question which occasioned much debate and great diversity of opinion. Some ascribed it to the real efficacy of the doctrines of Christ and to the power of God which ac- companied them : others to the influence of the devil, and many to the influence of fear and hope, of sympathy and example aided by peculiar circumstances. Many serious persons advocated the first opinion. These alleged that the fruits of this extraordinary work in the hearts and lives of men were such as might be ex- pected from divine agency. The lives of the profane were reformed, harmony and peace succeeded strife and contention, families where religion had been disre- garded, became temples in which God was daily worshipped. Persons who had been loose livers, formed themselves into societies which met frequently for prayer and religious conversation. With regard to the external effects by which this work manifested itself on the bodies of men, they acknowledged them to be un- common but not singular. The scriptures furnish instances of similar effects of an a-wakened conscience, such as St. Paul at his conversion — the jailor at Philippi,and Felix who trembled as St. Paul reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and the judgment to come. They who ascribed the work to the agency of the devil, were comparatively FROM 1670 TO 180S. 21 swearers, decent in their conversation. In the cause of re- Ugion the Methodists are excellent pioneers and prepare the way for permanent moral improvement when the "fervor of passion subsides into calm reflection and sober reason. They are particularly suited to the state of society in South Caro- lina, in which large tracts of poor land afford such a scanty return to its dispersed cultivators as to be incompetent to their own support, and also that of learned stationary clergy- men. To multitudes of such persons the methodists have given religious instructions which they never enjoyed before, arid among such they have produced a great diminution of few and consisted for the ihost part of profane scoffers at all that was serious, or of bigotted formal christians who denounced everything that did not accord witli the religious routine to which they had been accustomed. That the camp meetings were intended for good, and that they frequently issued in the reformation of several who attended them, was the general opinion of the candid, liheral and virtuous ; but these at the same time acknowledged that much of the work, especially its effects on the body, were to be ascribed to the imper- fections of agitated liuman nature — to the influence of strong passions — to the force of sympathy and example aided by peculiar circumstances. These alleged that the bodily agitations might be sufficiently explained by the operation of natural causes. The soul and body, they observed, are so intimately connected that they mutually symi)athize with each other, and whatever gives pleasure or pain to the one. gives likewise pleasure or pain to the other. All the passions of the mind, especially those which are of a violent nature, discover themselves by some corresponding outward expression. When an event, whether joyful or sor- rowful, is communicated in such an interesting manner as to affect our minds strongly, it will also affect our bodies in proportion. As this is the case with re- gard to such of men's concerns as are present and temporal, it is reasonable that it should also be the case with regard to such of them as are future and eternal. When they were deeply affected by the preaching of the gospel, their fears alarmed by the dread of everlasting punishment, and their hopes elevated by the assurance of pardon and the prospect of eternal happiness, it was natural that the feelings of their minds should discover themselves both by words and actions. The sermons preached on these occasions were addressed not so much to the understanding of the hearers as to their imaginations and especially to the pas- sions of fear and hope. The effects of these camp meetings were of a mixed nature. They were doubt- less attended for improper purposes by a few licentious persons, and by others with a view of obtaining a handle to ridicule all religion. It is to be regretted that from the imperfection of human nature, truth with a little distortion and high coloring could be made in some respect to answer their purposes especially with those whose principles were unsettled. The free intercourse of so great a num- ber of all ages and sexes under cover of the night and the woods was not without its temptations. It is also to be feared that they gave rise to false notions of re- ligion by laying too much stress on bodily exercises and substituting them in place of moral virtues or inward purity. These were too often considered as evi- dences of a change of the heart and affections, though they neither proved nor disapproved anything of the kind. After every deduction is made on these several accounts, it must be acknowledged that the good resulting from these camp meet- ings greatly preponderated over the evil. They roused that indifi'erence to the future destinies of man, which is too common, and gave rise to much serious thoughtfulness on subjects confessedly of the most interesting nature. The cir- cumstances under which these impressions were excited were too violent to last long. Much of the extraordinary fervor which produced camp meetings has abated and they are seldomer held, and when held they are attended by smaller numbers than formerly. They are still kept up by the Methodists, but are de- serted by most other denominations. More correct and rational ideas of religion are daily taking place. These influence the understanding more, and the body less than was common about the beginning of the 19th century in Carolina and the southern States, and about the year 1740 in New England, New York, New ^ersey, Pennsylvania and at Cambuslang and other places in Scotland. 22 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, gross immoralities. Similar zeal and activity have been dis- played by the Baptists, and their labors have been followed with correspondent success in civilizing and evangelizing re- mote and destitute settlements. Among the numerous emigrants to Carolina there were doubtless at all times several of the Roman Catholic persua- sion, but they Avere not organized into a church till 1791. In that year a number of individuals of that communion, chiefly natives of Ireland, associated together for public worship- chose a vestry, and put themselves under the care of bishop Carrol, of Baltimore. The Reverend Doctor Keating officiated as their minister. The troubles in France and the West In- dies soon brought a large accession to their number. Under the auspices of the learned and eloquent Doctor Gallaherthey have built, organized and obtained incorporation for a re- spectable church in Charlestown. The orderly conduct and active co-operation of its members in all measures for the de- fence and good government of the country, proves that the apologies offered in justification of the restrictions imposed on them by the protestant governments of Europe are without foundation, or do not apply to the state of things in Carolina. The Quakers have a small church in Charlestown, and a con- siderable one near Bush river ; but steady in their opposition to slavery, they are not numerous in a country where the greatest part of its most fertile soil cannot be advantageously cultivated otherwise than by negroes. In consequence of the late unrestrained importation of slaves, many of the Quakers have left Carolina in disgust, and settled in the State of Ohio, where slavery is prohibited. The encouragements given to settlers in Carolina have attracted people not only of different rehgions, but of different languages. Two of the latter, the French and the Dutch, have been continued in their respect- ive religious societies. Soon after the revocation of the edict of Nantz in 1685, great numbers of French protestants sought an asylum in Carolina. Most of them settled in the parishes of St. Dennis and St. James, on Santee, and to them in their ecclesiastical capacity were extended the privileges of established churches, with a permission to perform all their public religious exer- cises in the French language, provided they used Doctor Durel's translation of the book of common prayer. Those of them who settled in Charlestown formed a church about the beginning of the eighteenth century on the plan of the re- formed churches in France.* It is rich in lands ; but so ®The Lords proprietors in 1701, with9ut consideration, conveyed to trustees for the use of the French Protestants in Charlestown, two lots in King street origin- ally numbered 92 and 93. These were subdivided and leased in the year 1755 for fifty years, and are now valuable. In 1740 their church was burnt down au" FROM 1670 TO 1808. 23 many of the descendants of its original founders have joined other churches, that its present members are but few. The German protestants associated in Charlestown for re- ligious worship about the middle of the eighteenth century. They were at first accommodated with the use of the French church for several years. In the year 1759 they began to build a house of worship for themselves. This was conse- crated in 1764 by the name of St. John's church, but was in- corporated in 1783 by the name of the Lutheran church of German protestants. All its records prior to 1763 have been lost. Their first minister, the Reverend Mr. Luft, arrived in 1752. His successors were the Reverend Messrs. John George Frederic, John Nicholas Martin, John Severin Haumbaum, Frederic Baser, Christian Streit, John Christopher Faber, Matthew Frederic, Charles Faber; the last of whom is now in office. Of these the only native American was Christian Streit who officiated from 1778 to 1781, and first introduced divine service in the English language so as to have one ser- vice in English every second or third Sunday. Besides their church in Charlestown, the German protes- tants have a church in Amelia township, two on Saluda river, two on Broad river, one at Beaver creek, and one at Salt Catchers; but with them as with the French, each succeed- ing generation is less anxious for perpetuating the language of their forefathers, and frequently join themselves to societies in which divine service is constantly performed in English. The Jews, the oldest religion in the world, enjoy rights in Carolina which have been denied to them for many centuries in the greatest part of Europe. Equally interested in the welfare of the country, they are equally zealous for its defence and good government. They have had a synagogue in Charles- town for more than half a century. Their whole number in South Carolina is about seven hundred. By the constitution of South Carolina not only all the sects which have been mentioned, but those individuals who keep aloof from all religious societies enjoy equal protection for life, liberty and property. The government is administered on the idea that the constituted authorities have nothing to do with rehgion ; this being an affair between man and his Creator — that the proper business of magistrates is to provide for the all their records consumed. It was again destroyed in the great fire of 1796, but was afterwards rebuilt in 1799. In consequence of these misfortunes little of their early history is known. As far as can be recollected their ministers were as follows; Rev. Mr. Boisseau in 1712; ReT. Francis Guiehard from 1722 to 1753; the Rev. John Peter Tetard from 1753 to 1759; the Rev. Bartholomew Henry Himeli from 1759 to 1773. After an absence of twelve years he was re-elected minister in 17S5. Since that period, the Rev. Messrs. Peter Levrier, LaCoste, Boardillon and Detargny have in succession served as ministers of the church: but it is now vacant. 24 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, civil order and happiness of the whole community, while in- dividuals and sects have unrestrained liberty to adjust the articles of their belief and their religious concerns in any mode most agreeable to themselves. The emoluments of the clergy in Carolina may terminate with their services, but always do so with their lives. Even while they live their income is far short of what the same talents, education, and industry generally command in the other learned professions. To compensate for these sacrifices, to provide for the clergy when elderly or disabled, and for their widows and orphans, several societies have been insti- tuted and fostered by the liberality of the people. The eldest is for the relief of the widows and orphans of the clergy of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina. This was instituted in 1762, and incorporated in 17S6. It began with eleven members, all clergymen. Lay members were first admitted in 1770. There are now eight clerical members, and sixty-five of the laity, all of whom pay ten dollars per annum. The society possesses efficient funds to the amount of $26,000, and an annual income of $2,800, which exceeds its present annual expenses. This surplus is laid out in stock, so that the funds and income of the society increase consider- ably every year. The next in order is entitled "the Society for the benefit of elderly or disabled Ministers, and of the Widows and Or- phans of the 'Clergy of the Independent or Congregational Church in the State of South Carolina." This was estab- lished in 1789, and soon after incorporated. It consists of forty-seven members, each of whom pays annually one pound sterling. Of these only three are clergymen. Its capital ex- ceeds $29,000, and its annual income is about $2,000 more than its present annual expenditures. The surplus from time to time is added to the capital, and will soon constitute a re- spectable sum. The Presbytery of Charlestown is a corporation for raising a fund for the relief of the widows and orphans of their society. This was constituted in 1790, and possesses a capital of $2,645. These and similar institutions indirectly foster reli- gion and learning, for they take away from the discourage- ments of a worldly nature, which deter men of forecast from engaging in theological studies or entering on clerical func- tions. The methodists manage these matters on a general system, and in a way peculiar to themselves. Their worn-out super- annuated and supernumerary ministers, the wives and widows of all ministers, draw a salary from a common fund equal to that of a traveling preacher. The children of all their preach- FROM 1670 TO 1808. 25 ers are each allowed sixteen dollars a year till they are seven years of age, and twenty-four dollars after that period till they are fourteen years old. In this manner their preachers are absolved from distressing anxiety about the future support of their families; for nearly the same provision is made for them after the death of their parents as before. In addition to these modes, voluntarily adopted by different religious societies in Carolina for the support of the families of deceased clergymen, several of the old churches have funds in lands, negroes, or monies, at interest, which assist in the support of officiating ministers. These institutions are of early origin, and of great utility. By discouraging unnecessary separations they cement the union and preserve the perpetuity of congregations, while they lighten the burdens of supporting preachers. It is to be wished that they were multiplied and carried to an extent sufficient to pay all church expenses. This has been done in Edisto Island, and might be done, with proper exertions, in every district. The present heavy rents on pews might then be done away, and churches made as accessible to the poor as the rich. This policy originated upwards of one hundred years ago, and was found very use- ful. The revolutionary paper money materially injured the system, but it may now be resumed with increasing advan- tage; for the future existence of paper money is constitution- ally prohibited, and the privileges of incorporation, then unat- tainable by dissenters, are at present either possessed, or may on application be easily obtained, by every religious society. Though the different sects in Charlestown have been long separated from each other by distinct religious property, and different modes of worship, yet in one instance there is a com- munion of all Christians highly honorable to human nature. It often happened that persons, whose daily wants were sup- plied by their daily labor, departed this life, leaving helpless orphans without any prospect of education, and often without the means of support. Instances of this became so numerous as to require a systematic arrangement for their accommoda- tion. The business was taken up with ardor. By donations of individuals, and appropriations from the city treasury, a spacious building, called the Orphan House, was erected at the close of the eighteenth century, in which about one hundred and thirty orphans are successively fed and clothed. They also receive the rudiments of a plain education. One thing was wanting: no means had been provided for their religious instruction. The bounty of individuals and of the public soon added a church for the performance of divine service for their benefit, and of such of the inhabitants as chose to attend with them. The clergy of all denominations of Christians, 26 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, with the consent of their respective congregations, concurred in performing divine service, in a routine fixed by the mana- gers of the institution. Thus a free church was instituted, in which the gospel was preached without expense, not only to the orphans but to all who chose to attend. It is re- markable that in the various services which have been per- formed by the clergy of different sects of Christians, nothing has been at any time introduced savoring of the peculiarities of sect or party. The truths of the gospel in which all Chris- tians are agreed, and the principles of morality sanctioned by universal consent, have been the only topics brought forward. The astonished hearers, consisting of Jews and Gentiles, Catho- hcs and Protestants, Christians and Infidels, found that all religions tended to make men better, and that good men of all denominations substantially meant the same thing. They wondered at the contentions of Christians, for they perceived that they all agreed on matters of the greatest moment, and only differed on subjects of minor importance. From charity in giving, an unexpected transition was made to charity in thinking. When they intended nothing more than to relieve the necessities of the fatherless, they found their minds gradu- ally cleared from that narrowness of thinking, which leads bigots of all descriptions to suppose themselves exclusively right, and all others wrong. Their minds expanded with good will and charity to their fellow-citizens, though differing from them in modes and forms. These are some of the good consequences which have re- sulted in Charlestown from the establishment of a charitable institution on a broad basis ; and still more extensively over the whole State, from placing all religious denominations on an equal footing, without discrimination or preference. Though real religion is always the same, yet there is a fash- ion in its modes varying with times and circumstances, which is worthy of historical notice. For the first thirty-five or forty years after the settlement of South Carolina, there was a con- stant jarring between the puritans and cavaliers, or the dis- senters and high churchmen. The former brought with them from England much of the severity and strictness of their party, the latter an equal proportion of that levity and spright- liness which was fashionable in England after the restoration of Charles the Second to the throne of his ancestors. The former dreaded conformity to the fashionable world, even in matters of indifference, as a great abomination ; the latter had an equal horror of hypocrisy, and to avoid the appearance of it went to the opposite extreme. In the next seventy years in which the Church of England was established, both parties relaxed. The sufferings of dis- FROM 1670 TO 1808. 27 senters under the rigorous establishments of Europe were unknown in Carolina. The moderation of the established church was great — the toleration of the dissenters was com- plete. Except the patronage from government, and support from the public treasury, the civil rights and privileges of both were nearly equal. The former were too apt to look down with contempt on the latter, as an inferior grade of beings, but abstained from all private acts of injury or oppression. The one gradually abated of their haughtiness, the other of their scrupulosity. Fashion induced several prosperous indi- viduals among the dissenters to join the established church. The American revolution leveled all legal distinctions, dimin- ished prejudices, and brought both into a nearer connection with each other. Marriages between persons of different de- nominations became more common and excited less wonder. Fashion no longer led exclusively to one church. The name of meeting-house and the ridicule attached to those who fre- quented them were done away. The difference now is more in name than reality. The peculiarities, formerly character- istic of each, have been so far dropped that there is no longer any other obvious mark of distinction than that which results from their different modes of performing divine service. Among the Carolinians deism was never common. Its inhabitants at all times generally believed that a Christian church was the best temple of reason. Persons professing arian or socinian doctrines, or that system of religion which has been denominated universalism, are so very few that they form no separate religious societies. The only church in which these doctrines were publicly professed has long been completely extinct. The bulk of the people who make an open profession of any religion are either Baptists, Catholics, Episcopalians, Independents, Methodists, Protestants of the German or French reformed churches, Presbyterians, or Sece- ders. All these agree in the following doctrines, which have a direct tendency to advance the best interests of society and the peace and happiness of its members. There is a God and a future state of rewards and punish- ments. God is to be publicly worshipped. The holy scriptures of the Old and New Testament are the word of God. The present state of man is a state of sin and misery. Jesus Christ is the Son of God, and the Saviour of the world. There will be a resurrection of the dead, and a general judg- ment, in which retribution will be made to every individual of the human race according to his works. But these sects differ in matters respecting church politics, 28 some preferring the government of one, others that of a few or of the many; by bishops, presbyteries, associations, the whole body of the people, or by vestries, elders, or select por- tions of them. While all agree that ministers or public teach- ers of religion are of divine appointment, some contend for a distinction of ranks, and others for a parity among them. The former are subdivided; some considering an uninterrupted suc- cession from the apostles to be necessary — others that ordina- tion derived from John Wesley, or his successors, is as valid as that from St. Paul or any of the Apostles. In addition to these acknowledged legitimate sources of ordination, the other sects contend that three or more ordained ministers are fully competent to the work of ordination, and that all ordained ministers are of equal grade in the church. All agree that public prayers to the Deity are of divine in- stitution; but some prefer prayers by form, others in an extem- pore manner. All agree that baptism is a divine ordinance, and that it may be rightly administered when adults are its subjects and immersion the mode. Others add that it may also be rightly administered when the children of believers are its subjects and sprinkling the mode. Among professors who agree in so many fundamental points embracing the substance of Chris- tianity, and differ only in matters relating to its husk and shell or necessary appendages, there is an ample foundation for a friendly understanding and a liberal exchange of all the kind offices of reciprocal church fellowship; while tJiere is no real cause for treating each other with shyness or cold indifference. MEDICAL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, FROM 1670 TO 1S0&. South Carolina lies between the 32d and 35th degrees of north latitude, and in the same parallel with Cyprus, Candia, Morocco, Barbary, Damascus, Tripoli, Palmyra, Babylon, and other parts of Turkey in Asia, and with parts of Persia, India, and China. In comparing American climates with those of Europe, to bring them on a par with each other, a difference of 12 degrees should be allowed for peculiarities in the Amer- ican continent. The most remarkable of these is such a pre- dominance of cold as subjects an American, living in north lat- itude 35 to an equal degree of cold with an European residing FROM 1670 TO 1808. 29 in north latitude 47.* If this opinion is correct we should look for a resemblance of South Carolina, not in the countries which have been mentioned as lying in the same latitude, but in Aix, Rochelle, Montpelier, Lyons, Bordeaux, and other parts of France; in Milan, Turin, Padua, Genoa, Parma, Mantua, and other parts of Italy; in Buda, Benda, Crimea, and other parts of Turkey in Europe; in Circassia, Astracan, and other parts of Russian Tartary, and of Chinese Tartary, which lie between the 44th and 47th degrees of north latitude. It is certain that the points of resemblance are more numerous in the latter than the former case. The climate of South Carolina is in a medium between that of tropical countries and of cold temperate latitudes. It re- sembles the former in the degree and duration of its summer heat, and the latter in its variableness. In tropical countries the warmest and coldest days do not in the course of a twelve- month vary more, from each other, than sixteen degrees of Farenheit's thermometer. There is consequently but little dis- tinction between their summer and winter; but a variation of 83 degrees between the heat and cold of different days of the same year, and of 46 degrees in the different hours of the same day in South Carolina is to be found in its historical records. Since 1791, the difference between our coolest and warmest summers has ranged between 88 and 93, and the difference between our mildest and coldest winters has ranged on a few particular days from 50 to 17.t Our greatest heat is some- times less and never much more than what takes place in the same season in Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York; but the warm weather in these places does not on an average continue above six weeks, while in Carolina it lasts from three to four months. Our nights are also warmer than theirs. The heat of the days in Charlestown is moderated by two causes, which do not exist in an equal degree to the northward of it. Our situation open and near the sea, almost surrounded by water and not far distant from the torrid zone, gives us a small proportion of the trade winds which, blowing from the south- east, are pleasantly cool. These generally set in about 10 A. M., and continue for the remainder of the day. A second * If the meteorological observations which have been made at Williamsburg, Cambridge; Quebec, and Hudson's bay, in America, be compared with those which have been made at Algiers, Rome, Poictiers, and Solyskamsid, places whose lati- tudes are nearly equal, it will be found that the European continent is now twelve degrees warmer than that of America. — Williams' Vermont, p. 3&4. t Farenheit's thermometer is what is every where meant in this publication ; andthe observations on it therein referred to, unless otherwise specified, were reported to the medical society as taken by Dr. Robert Wilson at his house, the west end of Broad-street, at the hours of 8 in the morning, between 2 and 3 in the afternoon, and at 10 in the evening. The instrument was suspended in an open passage about ten feet from the floor. 80 MEDICAL HISTORY, reason may be assigned from the almost daily showers of rain which fall in the hottest of our summer months, and are fre- quently accompanied with much thunder and lightning, and therefore are called thunder showers. The degree of heat in Charlestown is considerably less than in the interior western country. In the summer of 1808, at Columbia, it was frequently at 96 and 97, and sometimes at 98 ; while at Charlestown it did not exceed 91. The number of extreme warm days in Charlestown is sel- dom above thirty in a year ; and it is rare for three of these to follow each other. On the other hand, eight months out of twelve are moderate and pleasant. The number of piercing cold days in winter is more in proportion to our latitude than of those which are distressingly hot in summer: but of these more than three rarely come together. There are on an average in Charlestown about twenty nights, in a twelvemonth, in which the closeness and sultriness of the air forbid in a great measure the refreshment of sound sleep ; but this severe weather is for the most part soon terminated by refreshing and coohng showers. April, May, and June, are in common our health- iest months, with the exception of the cholera infantum and bowel diseases among children. August and September are the most sickly; April and May the driesi; June, July, and August the wettest; November the pleasan test. Our old peo- ple are oftenest carried off in cold weather; the young, the intemperate, and the laboring part of the community, when it is hot. In some years January, and in others February is the coldest month. It is remarkable that when orange trees have been destroyed by frost, it has always been in the month of February. It is also remarkable that oranges, though plenti- ful forty or fifty years ago, are now raised with difficulty. Once in every eight or ten years a severe winter destroys the trees on which they grow. Of this kind were the winters of 1776, 1779, 1786, and 1796. The transitions from heat to cold have in the same period been great and rapid. Mr. John Champneys has observed on three ditferent occasions the ther- mometer fall more than fifty degrees in less than fifteen hours. The coldest days on record are December 23d and 24th, 1796, In both of which the thermometer in doctor Wilson's house fell to seventeen. These changes, probably the eft'ect of the country being more opened and cleared, discourage the hope of naturalizing tropical fruits. November and December are the best months in the year for strangers to arrive in Carolina. Such should calculate so as not to make their first appearance either in summer or in the face of it, or in the first months of autumn. The hottest day of the year is sometimes as early as June, sometimes as late as September, but oftenest in July FROM 1670 TO 1808. 31 or August. The hottest hour of the day in Charlestown varies with the weather ; it is sometimes as early as ten in the fore- noon, but most commonly between two and three in the afternoon. In the spring when the sun begins to be powerful, a langour and drowsiness is generally felt; respiration is accelerated, and the pulse becomes quicker and softer. Strangers are apt to be alarmed at these feelings and anticipate an increase of them y/ith the increasing heat of the season, but they find themselves agreeably disappointed. The human frame so readily accommodates itself to its situation that the heat of June and July is to most people less distressing* than the comparatively milder weather of April and May. On the the other hand, though September is cooler than the preceding months, it is more sickly and the heat of it more oppressive. Perspiration is diminished and frequently interrupted : hence the system, debilitated by the severe weather of July and August, feels more sensibly and more frequently a sense of lassitude. Besides the coolness of the evenings in September and the heavy dews that then fall, multiply the chances, of getting cold. It is on the whole the most disagreeable month in the year. In winter the mountains near the western boundary of the State are often covered with snow. From thence to the sea shore snow but seldom falls so as to cover the ground except on extraordinary occasions.f The soil is sometimes in like manner bound up with frost. This seldom extends into the ground more than two inches. In shady places it will not thaw for several days ; and the waters and ponds at the same time are generally frozen, but seldom more than half an inch thick, and rarely strong enough to give an opportunity for the wholesome exercise of skating. This freezing lasts only for a few days, and the weather breaks up mild and warm so as to render fires unnecessary in the middle of the day. In the winter these changes from heat to cold, and the reverse, fre- * On the 3d of July, 1806, Doctor Harris suspended a thermometer six feet above the surface, exposed to the full influence of the sun. The mercury rose under these circumstances to 131 degrees, though it stood at 90 within doors. On his placing its bulb in his mouth it fell to 98. As it frequently rises to 90 in the shade, and stands so for some hours, the inhabitants of Charlestown then out of doors exposed to the sun are breathing an atmosphere heated to 131 degrees, or 33 degrees more than the heat of the human body ; and it is supported by them without any manifest injury. t On December 31, 1790, wind N. E. a severe snow storm began in Charlestown which continued for twelve hours. In consequence of which the street.s were covered with snow from two to four inches deep. Another took place on the 28th of February, 1793, wind N. W. which continued for several hours, and till it covered the ground iive or six inches. Similar snow storms fell in January 1800, and were thrice repeated in twenty-three days, and amounted in the whole to more than ten inches. But these phoenomena are rare. 20 32 MEDICAL HISTORY, quently and suddenly take place, and affect the feelings of the inhabitants much more than equal, or even greater degrees of permanent cold in countries where the climate is more steady, and the transitions from heat to cold are more gradual. In February the weather is particularly variable. It is often rainy. Vegetation commences in warm clear days and in- spires hopes of an early spring. Suddenly a northwest wind inducing frost, sometimes blasts and always retards these flat- tering expectations. In March and April the planting season begins and continues till June. In July and August the heats increase, and the heavy rains set in attended at times with severe thunder and lightning. Sep- tember is the principal month of harvest. In it the evenings and mornings are chilly, but the sun is extremely oppressive in the middle of the day. Storms of rain are produced, accompanied sometimes with hurricanes. The leaves of deciduous trees begin to fall, and nature by degrees assume the sober dress of winter. In October the weather is generally mild and clear. About the middle of this month frosts commence and gen- erally terminate in the month of March. On their approach they bring with them a cure for fevers, then usually prevalent The inhabitants of Charlestown keep fires in their houses from four to six months in the year ; but there are some warm days in every one of them in which fires are disagreeable. On the other hand there are some moist cool days in every month of the year, with the exception of July and August, in which fires are not only healthy but pleasant. These, with the addition of June, are the only months which are ex- empt from frost in all years, and in every part of South Carolina. Sharp cold weather seldom commences before December, though there are several cold days in November, and the eve- nings and mornings are generally so. In these months, especially the last, vegetation is checked and continues so for about four weeks. In this manner the annual circle revolves in the vary- ing climate of South Carolina. The last half of December and the first half of January is the dullest period of the whole. If the year was to be regulated with a particular reference to Carolina, it might be said to commence about the middle of January, and to terminate about the middle of December; for the one begins and the other ends its visible natural vege- tation. The hygrometer in Charlestown shows an almost constant humidity in the air. For the last seven years it has not marked in any one year more than 24 dry days; and the average of the whole seven years is less than sixteen dry days for each. The variation of the barometer is inconsiderable. It gener- PROM 1670 TO 1808. 33 ally stands between 30 and 31, but has been as low as 29° 7' and as high as 31° 8'. The extremes of heat and cold since 1791 have been seventy-six degrees asunder. The subjoined statement* of meterological observations for the year 1S02 may serve as a sample of the climate. The evils that every year take place more or less in the northern States from drinking cold water, are imknown in Charlestown. The water of the wells lies so near the surface of the earth that the difference of its temperature from that of the common air, is not so great as to create danger ; unless in very particular circumstances. A solitary case occurred in September, 1791, of a negro fellow who after taking a draught of cold water when very warm, suddenly fainted away and immediately after became insane and continued so for sev- eral days ; but he afterwards recovered. The medium tem- perature of the well water in Charlestown is 65°. This is twelve degrees above that of the well-water of Philadelphia. ^' Thunder was distinctly, and in few cases very loudly heard on forty-eight days in the interval between April 7, and November 30. Less rain fell in 1802 than in any of the seven precedinjj years. The particulars will appear fronisthe follow- ing table. 1802. Days of rain. Inches. Tenths. 1S02. Days of rain. Inches Tenths. January, 2 4 July, 14 12 1 February, 4 8 August, 10 4 9i March, 2 8 September, 5 5 8i April. 3 2 October, 3 ■ 2 May, 7 3 November, 1 2 4 June, 7 3 4 December, 6 3 2 25 8 24 39 26 27 Though there were only sixty-four days in which an actual fall of rain took place, yet the index of the hygrometer pointed to damp in all degrees from one to one hundred and one, for three hundred and fifty-two days. As far as we can rely on this instrument we must admit that there were only thirteen days of a dry at- mosphere in the year 1802; these were, in April 2, May 8, June 1, and Novem- ber 3. The highest degree of dryness pointed out in these days was fifteen. The direction of the winds for the year 1S02 may be learnt from the following table. Winds. Days. Winds. Days. Jantiary, S. to N. W. 17 N. to S. E. 14 February, '■ 15 " 13 March, " 20 " 11 April, , " 22 " 8 May, " 26 '' 5 June, " IS " 12 July, S. August, September, October, November. December, Winds. Days. Winds. Days, to N. W. 21 N. to S. E. 10 le IS s 14 17 15 12 23 16 11 The latest frost in the spring of 1802 was March the 15th; the earliest in autumn was October26th, or rather November 1st. The coldest day was February 23d. Thermometer 32. The next coldest day was December 9th, thermometer 33. The greatest and least degrees of heat in each month was as follows : January, February, March, April, May, June, The following table in which the days are classed, will show the number of warm days in the respective months, in the year 1802, and the degree of heat in each day ; but without fractions. The first column stales the highest range of Greatest. Least. 74 45 July, 69 32 August. 74 44 September, 80 61 October, 84 66 November, 86 72 December, Greatest. Lea. S7 70 89 72 89 60 81 54 14 45 70 33 34 MEDICAL HISTORY, Instead of sudden deaths from cold water in Charlestown, the inhabitants have to lament the same event from the in- temperate use of spirituous liquors. The stimulus of ardent the thermometer io the whole course of the days opposite thereto in the other columns. JANUARY. PEBRDABY. MARCH. APRIL. h k bJ L. jd Days. X Days. 2: Days. ® JS Days. H &H H ti 74 29 69 11 74 30 86|26 72 28 68 3 75 10 19 25 30 '.'.'. 8C 4 14 70 27 67 3 16 "i 71 18 7£ 3 68 3 9 66 21 70 17 20 .'.'.' 78 30 67 16 21 65 4 ii i's 69 3 24 ... 77 2 i'6 25 66 4 8 15 30 64 9 10 26 67 9 26 29 7 13 18 66 2 7 63 13 18 66 1 16 ... 76 22 29 62 14 17 62 7 22 66 13 23 ... 75 9 60 16 19 61 13 63 2 6 ... 74 1 "s i'2 19 27 69 18 60 1 28 25 61 28 73 21 6 68 11 23 69 27 60 15 21 22 71 28 6 67 20 6 58 20 "2 12 5 ... 70 17 24 56 1 22 24 65 24 69 4 69 23 ... 65 26 13 63 5 "e 68 U 68 11 64 25 12 10 48 19 67 7 67 16 ... 81 5 31 46 23 65 8 27 '.'.'. 66 6 64 14 ... |... 66 20 ... u » ! u t; MAY. ^ JUNE. _!_ JDLY. _l_ ADQUST. 84 6 86 22 23 87 ... 9 ... 89 26 83 10 86 13 14 86 8 ... 88 27 82 5 84 24 10 18 21 Z 87 25 81 26 83 3 30 85 80 11 22 28 82 11 12 17 22 30 86 29 ... 79 25 9 27 20 21 84 "4 6 7 19 31 86 2 28 24 78 12 13 16 21 81 10 6 83 20 23 29 ... 27 84 30 77 24 29 80 2 8 "9 i's 82 81 1 24 2 3 16 17 5 ... 83 1 7 20 8 31 12 13 17 76 23 30 i'e 26 28 80 11 26 28 25 '.'.'. 82 18 21 22 23 75 4 31 79 7 18 19 78 15 12 81 3 9 11 16 74 16 19 78 29 76 14 ... 80 6 19 73 8 14 20 77 5 26 27 72 13 ... 79 16 72 1 18 3 76 1 78 4 "5 14 71 7 17 74 4 77 10 ... 69 2 u ^ ^^• tl ^ SEPTEMBER. ja OCTOBER. ja NOVEMBER. s BEOEMBEB. » E^ s H 89 14 16 81 16 74 26 70 27 28 88 7 13 13 14 17 73 24 68 23 ... 87 11 16 80 70 16 22 24 66 6 29 86 2 10 17 22 23 67 7 21 11 30 '.". 64 21 22 28 86 4 12 18 19 79 16 18 66 10 17 ... 62 14 84 1 78 9 11 19 65 19 20 23 15 '.'.'. 60 16 83 20 21 77 6 12 21 64 13 12 8 68 20 24 30 81 22 76 6 62 14 67 12 4 80 3 "s 9 76 10 "7 "s 61 9 29 '.'.'. 66 3 79 5 73 4 69 3 18 ... 64 6 "i 78 6 72 3 67 6 6 ... 63 11 25 ... 75 23 71 2 20 31 66 2 27 ... 60 2 31 ... ... 71 28 70 26 27 65 4 49 13 ... 68 31 69 1 64 28 48 16 19 67 26 26 29 67 24 30 50 1 46 7 66 27 66 25 46 10 66 24 11 64 63 29 28 44 42 40 39 8 17 9 IS ■■ FROM 1670 TO 1808. 35 spirits added to that of excessive heat, drives the blood forcibly on the brain and produces fatal consequences. The east and northeast winds in winter and spring are very injurious to invalids, especially to those who have weak lungs or who are troubled with rheumatic complaints. In these seasons they bring with them that languor for which they are remarkable in other countries ; but in summer, by moderating heat they are both pleasant and wholesome. Their worst effects are to produce catarrhal complaints and colds. Winds from the northwest to the southwest, blowing over large tracts of marsh or swamp, are, in summer season, unfriendly to health. The north and northwest winds in winter, are remarkable for their invigorating effects on the human frame. South winds are healthy in summer, but much less so in winter. Snow is more common and continues longer in proportion as we recede from the sea-shore. The further we proceed westward till we reach the mountains which divide the western from the eastern waters, the weather is colder in the winter and vegetation later in the spring. In the western parts of the State the days are warmer and the nights are cooler than on the sea-coast. While the inhabitants of Charles- town can scarcely bear to be covered in the hours of sleep with a sheet, they who live in the town of Columbia, one hun- dred and twenty computed miles, but probably about one hundred in a straight line, to the northwest of it, are not in- commoded by a blanket : and this difference is greater as we advance more to the west. The sum total of rain on an average of five years, viz: from 1738 to 1742 as observed by Dr. Lining, was 48.6 inches in the year; and of ten years, viz: from 1750 to 1759, as ob- served by Dr. Chalmers, was 41.75 inches in the year. The annual average quantity by the observations of the medical society for the last ten years, or from 1797 to 1807 was 49.3 inches. The greatest quantity in any one of these last ten years was 83.4 inches; this was in the year 1799: and the least was 38.6 in the year 1800. The greatest quantity in any one month of these ten years was 12.9 inches; this was in August 1799. In the course of these ten years, four months passed without any rain, and several in each of which it was less than one inch. The number of rainy days in the last five years, or from 1802 to 1807, gives an average of seventy- two rainy days for each. South Carolina extends about 200 miles on the sea-coast, and about 300 to the west. The southern boundary and a great part of the northern, runs northwest from the Atlantic ocean. As the air grows colder in a western as well as a 36 MEDICAL HISTORY, northern direction, the dimate is far from heing uniform. The western districts, from their high and dry situation and contiguity to the mountains, enjoy a dry, elastic, wholesome atmosphere. The middle country partakes of the advantages of the upper country, and the disadvantages of the lower. The latter bei ng intersected by swamps, bays, and low grounds, the waters spread over the face of the country, and in conse- quence of heat and stagnation produce mephitic exhalations. Thick fogs cover the low lands throughout the night during the summer months. In the western districts from August until frost, thick fogs also cover the grounds at night, but are dissipated by the rays of the sun. Much exposure to these fogs early in the morning is said to occasion intermittents. In such a situation it is no matter of surprise that fevers prevail in places contiguous to fresh, and especially stagnant water. The heavy rains generally commence in June and July. While they flow, and until their waters by remaining stagnant have putrefied, the health of the lower country is not particularly affected. But when weeds and vegetables are rankest, and putrefaction is excited by the operations of heat and moisture, the atmosphere becomes deleterious. Like effects being produced by the same causes in Georgia and East Florida, winds from these countries in autumn are much charged with mephitic qualities. Hence south-westardly winds increase all summer fevers. These exciting causes of disease lie dormant in the native state of new countries, while they are undisturbed by cultivation ; but when the ground is cleared and its surface broken they are put into immediate activity. Hence it has happened that the upper country of South Carolina was more healthy at its first settlement than it was some time after. When the putrescent materials are expended and the original mephitic effluvia are exhausted and cultivation has improved the face of the earth, it again becomes healthy. Very little if any of South Carolina has attained to this state. The upper country is approximating, and the high hills of Santee come nearer to it than any part of the middle or low country. In like manner mill-dams, when first erected and for many years after, are injurious to the health of the vicinity; but when the timber in them is rotted and their poisonous effluvia are dissipated, they become comparatively harmless. Observations on the climate of South Carolina have not been made sufficiently long to test by satisfactory evidence any considerable changes which have already taken place. Those made by the Medical Society since 1791, compared with those made by Dr. Lining between 1738 and 1742, and with those made by Doctor Lionel Chalmers between 1750 FROM 1670 TO 180S. 37 and 1759, seem to prove that the climate in the last seventy- years has changed for the better.* The heat of our late sum- mers has abated eight degrees. Whether this is really the case, or to be referred to a difference of instruments or of sit- * The reader is desired to judge for himself whether he has experienced any- thiDg comparable to the account of Charlestown given by Doctors Lining and Chal mers who were eminent physicians and practiced physic for many years in Charles- town. The observations of the former were read before the royal society in May 1748; extracts from them are as follows: ''In summer the heat of the shaded air about two or three in the afternoon is frequently between 90 and 95 degrees; and on the 14th, 15lh, and 16th of June- 1738, at 3 P. M. it was 9S; a heat equal to the greatest heat of the human body inhealth." "In June 1738, when the heat of the shaded air was 98, the thermometer sunk one degree in my arm-pits, but continued at 98 in my hand and mouth. Twomen who were then in the streets (when the heat was probably 124 or 126 degrees, as the shaded air's heat was then 98) dropped sud- denly dead, and several slaves in the country at work in the rice fields shared the same fate. I saw one ot"the men immediately after he died; his face, neck, breast, and hands were livid." The following extracts are taken from the sixteenth to the twenty-third page of Doctor Chalmers' account of the weather and diseases of South Carolina which was printed in London in 1776, and chiefly refer to a period about the middle of the eighteenth century. "I cannot convey a better idea of the heat we perceive in passing along the streets at noon in summer, than by comparing it to that glow which strikes one who looks into a pretty warm oven; for it is so increased by reflection from the houses and sandy streets as to raise the mercury sometimes to the 130th division of the thermometer, when the temperature of the shaded air may not exceed the 94th. Solid bodies, more especially metals, absorb so much heat at such times that one cannot lay his hand on them but for a short time without being made very uneasy. Nay, I have seen a beef-steak of the common thickness so deprived of its juices when laid on a cannon for the space of twenty minutes as to be over- done according to the usual way of speaking. "In order to know what degree of heat my servants were exposed to in the kitchen, I suspended a thermometer to a beam eight feet from the floor, and fifteen from the fire, the windows and doors being all open on both sides of the house so that this was the coolest station in it. But even here the mercury stood at the 115th division, and notwithstanding this seeming distress, the negroes assured me they preferred this sort of weather to the winter's cold. "By the 13th of July 1752, a general draught prevailed; for the earth was so parched and dry that not the least perspiration appeared on plants, which shrunk and withered. All standing waters were dried up as were many wells and springs, so that travelers eould not find water either for themselves or their beasts for a whole day together. In several settlements no water could be found by digging ever so deep, for which reason the inclosures were laid open and the cattle drove out to shift for themselves. But very many of them perished for want both of pasturage and water, as probably did great numbers of those birds that require drink, for none of them were to be seen among us. In short, the dis tresses of men and beasts at that time are not to be described. '•When the mercury rose to the 97th and 98th degree of the thermometer in the shade, the atmosphere seemed in a glow. At bed time it was not in our power to lie long still, being obliged to turn almost incessantly in order to cool the side we rested on before. Refreshing sleep therefore was a stranger to our eyes, inso- much that people were in a manner worn down with watching, and the excessive heat together. Nor did this restlessness and frequent tossings prevent our being constantly bathed with sweat, though we lay on thin mattrasses spread upon the floor, and had all the windows in our room open. Nay, many people lay abroad on the pavements. So speedy was the putrefaction of dead bodies that they re- quired to be quickly interred. For in the short space of five hours the body of a pretty corpulent woman who died as she was ironing hnen, burst the coflin; so violent was the putrefaction. In order therefore to prevent such accidents as well as to guard against the oflTensive smeil of so rapid a putrescence, it was found necessary to wrap dead bodies in sheets that were wrung out of tar, and bind them up tightly with cords. "During this season a candle was blown out and set in a chimney at ten o clock at night, the wick of which continued to burn clearly tillnext morning, and was likely to do so for many hours longer. do MEDICAL HISTORY, uations in which they are kept, must be decided by further experience. It is certain that the climates of old countries have been materially improved by clearing and cultivating the land. We have therefore reason to hope that a meliora- "When this violently hot weather began to brealc up, (about the 21st of July) every shower was accompanied with most dreadful lightning and thunder, Ijy which several persons were liilled in different placeS; besides the damages that were done to buildings and vessels. Among other instances of the afarniing effects of lightning this year, the distress of one poor family maybe related. The father and one of Ills sons being ploughing with four horses, they, together with their beasts, were all struck dead by one flash. I have known it to lighten and thunder violently, and with but little intermission, lor eight or ten hours together, the clouds being all this while so low that in one afternoon the lightning fell on sixteen different objects in town, among which were nine dwelling-houses, one church, a meeting-house, and five vessels were dismasted in part. "During the summer of 17.52, the mercury often rose above the 90th degree of the Thermometer throughout the months of May, June, July, and August; and for twenty successive days, excepting three in June and July, the temperature of the shaded air varied between the 90th and 101st division, and sometimes it must have been 30 degrees warmer in the open sunshine, to which great numbers of people were daily exposed for many hours. Neither was ever a more healthy season known than this, so long as the weather continued steadily warm and fair. True Indeed it is, that those who happened to sicken during these intensely hot luonths might almost be said to have escaped through the fire when they recovered, which few in truth did who were seized with fevers j and all those died on whom dropsies had made any considerable progress. " All creatures seem equally affected with man by such intensely hot weather; for horses sweat profusely in the stable, and flag presently when ridden. Dogs seek the shade and lie panting with their tongues lolling out as if they had long pursued the chase. Poultry droop the wing and breathe with open throats in the manner cocks do when much heated in fighting. Crows and other wild fowls do the same, and are so unwilling to move that they will suffer a man to come nearer them than at other times before they fly." Such was the account given of the weather in Charlestown,byDoctor Chalmers, a gentleman of veracity, of medical and philosophical accuracy in making and re- cording observations. The business has been taken up and prosecuted ever since the year 1791, by the medical society. In the whole of these 18 years the highest degree of the mercury has been from two degrees to five less than it was in two years of the four observed by Doctor Lining, and from one degree to eight less than it was in five years of the ten observed by tloctor Chalmers. Since 1791, it has reached 93 only on one day. In 1 year it did not exceed 88. In 4 years it did not exceed 89. In 4 years it did not exceed 90. In 6 years it did not exceed 91. In 2 years it did not exceed 92. In the 10 years viz., from 1750 to 1759, observed by Doctor Chalmers, it was in no year less than 90, and only in two years as low as 90. In 1 year it reached to 101. In 2 years it reached, but did not exceed 96. In 2 years do. do. 94. In 2 years do. do. 93. In 1 year do. do. 91. In the 4 years observed by Doctor Lining, it was 98 in the year 173S, and 95 in 1742. Doctor Chalmers' house, in the alley called by his name, was, doubtless, something warmer than Doctor Wilson's, at the west end of Broad-street. There may have been some variation in the structure or position of the respective ther- mometers ; but the difierence in the result is too great to be accounted for from these circumstances. It is possible that the apparent abatement of our summer heat is only accidental, and that the scorchings in 1738, and in or about the year 1752, will return in future years; but it is more probable that the degree of heat in Charlestown is now Jess than it was 60 or 70 years ago. It may be proved by inferences from facts stated in the Bible, and in the Greekand Roman classics, that the climate of those parts of Asia and Europe with which we are best acquainted have been meliorated to the extent of 15 or 20 degrees within the last 20 or 30 centuries. That an abatement of cold has taken place in the northern States within the two centuries that have passed away since their first settlement can also be satisfactorily ascertained. It remains to be proved by further observations and future experience, whether the labor of man in clearing and cultivating the earth is or is not rewarded by its moderating both heat and cold where they are excessive. FEOM 1670 TO 1808. 39 tion of ours will in time take place, and we are not too san- guine in believing that it is already begun.* George Chalmers, in his political annals of the United Colo- nies, printed in 1780, page 541, 542, observes that "Charles- town was long unhealthful. From the month of June to October, the courts of justice were commonly shut up. No public business was transacted. Men fled from it as from a pestilence, and orders were given to inquire for situations more friendly to health." This statement is corroborated by tradition from the elder citizens, who inform us that in the time of their fathers the sick were sent from Charlestown to expedite their recovery in the more wholesome air of the country ; and that the country was preferred on the score of health as a place of summer residence. This is by no means improbable. The site of Charlestown in its natural state was a slip of land stretching south-eastwardly, between two rivers, and projecting into the harbor formed by their junction and divided into a number of peninsulars by creeks and marshes; indenting it on three sides so as to leave but little unbroken high land in the middle. The first buildings extended along East Bay street, and had a marsh in their whole front. A considerable creek, named Vanderhorst's creek, occupied the foundation of Water street ; and passing beyond Meeting street, sent out a branch to the northward nearly to the Presbyterian church. Another creek stretched northwestwardly nearly parallel to East Bay street, from the neighborhood of Macleod's lots, through Longitude lane, and to the north of it. The same kind of low grounds ran up Queen street, then called Dock street, beyond the French church, and through Beres- ford's alley till it approached Meeting street. The north end of Union "street was planted with rice about the middle of the 18th century. Another very large creek occupied the site of the present central market, and extended westwardly beyond Meeting street, which diverged southwardly almost to the In- dependent church, and northwardly spreading extensively, and then dividing into two branches ; running to the north- west and to the northeast so as to cover a large portion of * When the Romans first invaded Britain, the face of a considerable part of that country resembled what Carolina now isj for it was equally covered with marshes, ponds and stagnant waters : and in like manner shaded with trees. When culti- vation has improved Carolina as much as it has done Britain, they will be both equally dry, and if not equally healthy, nearly so. For the excessive cold of the one is as injurious to the human frame, as the excessive heat of the other when unaccompanied with moisture or putrefaction. Eighteen hundred years have passed away in eifecting the change in Britain, and it is not yet fully accomplished j for there are in it even now several marshes, and a considerable quantity of low, moist, unhealthy ground. Judging of the future by the past, three or four hundred years will probably make such a change in the face of Carolina as will be little inferior to what Great Britain has slowly attained in the course of eighteen centuries. 40 MEDICAL HISTORY, ground. Besides the marsh and these creeks which nearly- environed three sides of the improved part of Charlestown, there was another creek a Uttle to the southward of what is now Water street, which stretched westwardly over Church street ; and another which ran northwardly up Meeting street, and then extended across westwardly nearly to King street. A creek ran from the west near where Peter Smith's house now stands, and nearly parallel to South Bay till it approached the last mentioned creek, and was divided from it by King street and a slip of land on each side. Six other creeks ran eastwardly from Ashley river, three of which stretched across the peninsular so as to approximate to King street. There were also ponds and low grounds in different parts of the town. One of these extended on the east side of King street almost the whole distance between Broad and Tradd streets. This was granted to the French church in 1701, but being useless in its then state was leased out by them for 50 years. In the course of that period the tenants improved and built upon it. There was also a large body of low grounds at the intersection of Hasell and Meeting streets. The elder inhabi- tants often mention a large pond where the court house now stands. It is believed that this, though real, was artificial It is probable that the intrenchments attached to the western fortifications of Charlestown, which extended up and down Meeting street from the vicinity of the Independent church to the vicinity of the Presbyterian church, were dug so deep as to cause a constant large collection of water at that middle part of the lines.* It was the site of Johnson's covered half moon, and of a draw-bridge over which was the chief com- munication between the town and the country. No prudent engineer would erect such works as these in a pond, though when they were erected in the moist soil of Charlestown the7 would be very likely to produce one. Whether this was a natural or artificial collection of water, there was enough in other parts of the town to make it unhealthy. Such, with some small alteration was the situation of Charlestown for the first 70 years after its settlementf To reduce such a quagmire as a great part of Charlestown originally was, to a firm, high, and dry state, required time, labor, and expense. Much has been done, but much remains for fixture enterprise. The pond at the south end of Meeting street was filled up * Persons now living remember that tliey liave heard the deceased Samuel Prioleau, who was born in or about 1718, say that he had swam in the line of Meeting street, from the west end of the present Water street to the site of the present national Bank. f This appears from George Hunter's ichnography of that city, published in 1739. FROM 1670 TO 1808. 41 and built upon by Josiah Smith, in the years 1767, 1768, and 1769, at an expense of about Xl,200 sterling. Vauderhorst's creek was tarned into a firm, solid land, be- tween the years 1788 and 1792, and obtained the name of Water street. The oeek running under the Governor's bridge was finally obliterated and turned into a market, between the years 1804 and 1807. The extensive marsh land and low ground to the north and west of this creek had been filled up and built upon some years before by John Eberly, Anthony Toomer, and others. The time when the other creeks were converted into solid land and improved, cannot be exactly ascertained. As Charles- town extended, and land became more valuable, industrious enterprising individuals, by draining marshes and filling up creeks, advanced their private interest and contributed to the growing salubrity of the town. In addition to what has been efi'ected by individuals, for converting marsh into solid land, several incidental causes have contributed to a similar result. Every vault, cellar, and well, that has been dug in Charlestown for 128 years past, brought to the surface a part of a sandy soil, which, when laid on soft low ground, promoted its induration and elevation. Fires, of which there have been many, though destructive of property, have not been without their use. The lime, the mortar, and broken bricks of the burnt houses, were for the most part added to the surface of the ground and corrected its capacity for producing disease. In addition to the dryness of the soil, its elevation was beneficial. To the latter not only every new building, but every inhabitant contributes more or less every day. The ofi'als of a single soap boiler sometimes amount to 500 bushels of ashes in a week. This multiplied by the num- ber of the trade, and by the number of weeks that take place in a century, and by similar deposits from other persons, would contribute materially to the elevation of ground cov- ered with houses and crowded with inhabitants. The projec- tion of wharves into the adjacent rivers, which are filled up with dry materials, changes low unwholesome ground into what is high and healthy. Houses now stand in safety which are carried out so near to the channel of Cooper river, that the ooze, previously obtruded on the senses every ebb tide, is now no longer visible. From these and similar additions to the soil, Charlestown has been constantly, though slowly, be- coming higher and dryer. The increase of an inch in fifteen or twenty years would probably be a moderate calculation for the aggregate amount of every addition that is made to it in that period. One foot less in the height of the land, or one foot more in the height of the water in the hurricane of 1752, 42 MEDICAL HISTORY, ■would, in the opinion of eye witnesses, have inundated every spot of ground in Charlestown. Under such circumstances the gradual elevation of the surface, increasing with time and population, holds out encouraging prospects to poster- ity; for the higher and dryer it is the more secure and healthy it will be. In a country whose maladies chiefly arise from heat and moisture, it is a glorious exploit to redeem it from the latter ; which, of the two, is the most plentiful source of disease. Every Carolinian who plants a field — builds a house — ^fills a pond — or drains a bog, deserves well of his country. From the operation of these causes a change for the better has already taken place to a certain extent. With the exception of the more frequent recurrence of the yellow fever, Charlestown is now more healthy than it was thirty or forty years ago. The frequent recurrence of that disease is an exception to the generality of this remark more in appearance than reality. For though it is distressing and fatal to strangers, yet, as they are but a very small part of the whole population, the aggregate mass of disease for several years past, even with that addition, would nevertheless be inferior to what it form- erly was. Bilious remitting autumnal fevers, have for some time past evidently decreased. Pleurisies, which were form- erly common and dangerous, are now comparatively rare ; and so easily cured as often to require no medical aid. The thrush in children, the cholera morbus, iliac passion or dry belly ache, have in a great measure disappeared. April and May used to be the terror of parents ; but the diseases which thirty years ago occasioned great mortality among children in the spring, have for several years past been less frequent and less mortal. Consumptions on the other hand have become more common; but this is not chargeable on the chmate but results from the state of society, and the growing wealth of the inhabitants, in conjunction with new dresses, manners, and customs. It is also in part to be accounted for from the accidental circumstance that several, every year, die in Caro- lina of that complaint who had recently arrived with it in its advanced stages from the West India islands or the more north- ern States. Their unparalleled increase in 1808, is the conse- quence of the influenza of 1807, and the present fashionable dresses. In the medical history of Carolina, the improvement of the country is to be viewed only as one cause of the ameliora- tion of its diseases. A more judicious medical treatment of the sick is another. This will appear by a particular review of the history of the small pox from the first settlement of the province, The years 1700 and 1717 are the dates of the two first at- tacks of the small pox in Charlestown. In both it proved FROM 1670 TO 1808. 43 fatal to a considerable proportion of the inhabitants. It re- turned in 1732, but effectual care was taken to prevent its spreading. In the year 1738 it was imported in a Guinea ship, and spread so extensively that there was not a sufficiency of persons in health to attend the sick ; and many perished from neglect and want. There was scarcely a house in which there had not been one or more deaths.* Doctor Moybray, Surgeon of a British man-of-war then in the harbor, proposed inoculation ; but the physicians opposed it at first. With the exception of Dr. Martini they afterwards came into it. Mr. Philip Prioleau was the first person in Charlestown who sub- mitted to the operation. The success which attended this first experiment encouraged several others to follow the exam- ple. The disease soon after abated. About the beginning of the year 1760, the small pox was discovered in the house of a pilot on White Point — ^^guards were placed round the house, and every precaution taken to prevent the spreading of the disease ; but in vain. When the persons first infected at White Point were either dead or well, the house in which they had lain was ordered to be cleansed. In doing this a great smoke was made, which, be- ing carried by an easterly wind, propagated the disease exten- sively to the westward in the line of the smoke. Inoculation was resolved upon and became general. When this practice was first introduced, and for several years after, the inoculators loaded their patients with mercury * From a manuscript in the hand-writing, and found among: the papers of the ven- erable Thomas Lamboll who died in 1775, the following particulars are collected relative to this disease. "It first attracted public notice in iVIay, 1738. In the next month a fast day was appointed by proclamation. Soon after the disease com- menced, a report was circulated that tar water was not only a good preparative for receiving, but a preventive of the small pox. Many barrels of tar were sold and used for that purpose ; but the author soon after took the infection and died, and his empiricism died with him. "By an account dated September 30th, of the same year, it appeared that the whole number of deaths was 411; and the whole number which had taken the small pox was 2,112, of which 833 were whites, and 1,279 blacks. Of the former, 647 took the disease in its natural way, and of them 157 died. Of lb8 whites who took the disease by inoculation, nine died. Of the 1,279 blacks who took the disease 1,028 had it in the natural way, and of them 138 died. The remainder 253 were inocu- lated, and of them seven died." From these facts as stated by Mr. Lamboll, it appears that of the white persons who took the small pox in the natural way, nearly one in four died ; but of such as took it by inoculation, the deaths were only one in twenty. Of the negroes who took the disease in the natural way, nearly one in seven died; but of such as took it by inoculation, the deaths were only one in thirty-six. ■ It is well known that negroes have the small pox as bad, if not worse than white people, where the treatment of both is the same. That they fared better than their owners on this occasion must be referred to their being under less restraint with regard to cold air. In treating the small pox, an excess of care and confinement is much worse than no care or confinement wliatever. From the same manuscript it appears that on the21st of September, an act of assembly passed at Ashley ferry against inocu- lating for the small pox in Charlestown, or within two miles of it after the 10th of October 1738. 44 and tortured them with deep crucial incisions in which ex- traneous substances, impregnated with the variolous matter, were buried. There were then able physicians in Charlestown ; but they were so mistaken with regard to the proper method of treating the disease that it was no uncommon practice to nail blankets over the shut windows of closed rooms, to ex- clude every particle of cool fresh air from their variolous pa- tients whose comfort and safety depended on its free admis- sion. The consequences were fatal. Charlestown was a scene of the deepest affliction. Almost every family was in distress for the loss of some of its members, but so occupied with their attentions to the sick that they could neither indulge the pomp nor the luxury of grief The deaths from the smallpox were nearly eleven-twelfths of the whole mortality in Charles- town. Only eighty-seven died of other diseases, while the deaths from the small pox amounted to nine hundred and forty. Of these only ninety-two died under inoculation. Fif- teen hundred persons are said to have been inoculated, in one day ; and it is certain from the bills of mortality that 848 per- sons died of the disease who were not inoculated. If we allow that only one in four died, as in the year 1738, the whole number who took the disease in the natural way must have been 3,392. Precision in numbers is not attainable; but enough is known and remembered by several persons still alive to prove that the year 1760 was one of the most mel- ancholy and distressing that ever took place in Charlestown. In the year 1763 the small-pox returned; but as there were few to have it, and inoculation was generally adopted, its rav- ages were not extensive. For seventeen years after, the small- pox was seldom or never heard of During the siege of Charles- town it was introduced, and immediately after the surrender of the town on the 12th of May, 1780, a general inoculation took place. As the cool regimen was then universally adopted, the disease passed over without any considerable loss or incon- venience. Since the revolution, all the laws which interdicted the in- troduction and spreading of the small-pox have been repealed. There have been of course some cases of small pox almost every year, but nothing very general or alarming in any one. A small proportion of those who were inoculated died or suf- fered inconveniences from it; but to nineteen of twenty, it was a trifling disorder. This was a great triumph in favor of suf- fering humanity, but it was far short of what followed. In the year 1802, vaccination was introduced into Charlestown, within four years after Dr. Jenner had published its efficacy in preventing the small pox, though eighteen years had elapsed between the first inoculation in England for the small pox and FROM 1670 TO 1808. 45 the adoption of that practice in Carolina. This substitute for the small pox was introduced into Charlestown by David Ram- say, who after many trials succeeded in February, 1802, in com- municating the disease to his son Nathaniel. From him origi- nally, or remotely, some thousands have received the disease. No case has yet occurred in which a clearly marked case of small pox has followed a clearly marked case of vaccination. Mistakes have been made with respect to both diseases, and the one has in some instances been communicated to persons who had previously received the seed of the other. From these causes, added to the ignorance and carelessness of some vaccinators, the confidence of a few in the Jennerian discovery has been weakened. But that the real vaccine is a preventive of the real small pox is as certain, from the testimony and experience of thousands, as that the inoculated small pox se- cures against the natural. Thus, in the short space of seventy years, the small pox has been moderated in Carolina from the natural to the artificial. The latter so alleviated by mild treat- ment, and particularly by the cool regimen, as to become for the most part a trifling disease; and finally an opportunity has been given to avoid the dangers and inconvenience of both, by a safe and easy substitute. The future ravages of the small pox may be fairly put to the account of the careless- ness, the ignorance or the prejudices of the people.* Though ordinary fevers, since the improvement of Charlestown, have been less frequent and less dangerous, yet for the last sixteen years the yellow fever has recurred much oftener than in any preceding period. This has not been satisfactorily accounted for. If we refer it to some new state of the air, we virtually ac- *The Royal College of Physicans, in London, in obedience to the command of his Britannic majesty, "To inquire into the state of vaccine inoculation in the United Kingdom," made a report on the subject on the lOth of April, 1807, from which the following extracts are taken : '■In the British islands some hundred thousands have been vaccinated. In our possessions in the East Indies upwards of eight hundred thousand, and among the nations of Europe the practice has become general. "Vaccination appears to be in general perfectly safe; the instances to the con trary being extremely rare. The disease excited by it is slight, and seldom pre- vents those nnder it from following their ordinary occupations. It has been com- municated with safety to pregnant women, to children during dentition and in their earliest infancy, in all which respects it possesses material advantages over inoculation for the small pox. "The security derived from vaccination against the small-pox, if not absolutely perfect, is as nearly so as can perhaps be expected from any human discovery; for amongst several hundred thousand cases, with the results of which the college have been made acquainted, the number of alleged failures has been surprisingly small; so much so as to form certainly no reasonable objection to the general adoption of vaccination; for it appears that there are not nearly so many failures in a given number of vaccinated persons as there are deaths in an equal number of persons inoculated for the small pox. "The testimonies before the College of Physicians are very decided in declaring that vaccination does less mischief to the constitution, and less frequently gives ,rise to other diseases, than the small pox, either natural or inoculated." 46 MEDICAL HISTORY, knowledge our ignorance. No visible obvious cause can be designated why it should have recurred almost every year of the last fifteen, and not once as an epidemic disease for the forty years which immediately preceded the year 1792. In the year 1699 or 1700, in addition to the calamities re- sulting from a desolating fire and a fatal epidemic small pox, a distemper broke out in Charlestown which carried off an incredible number of people, among whom were Chief-Justice Bohun, Samuel Marshal, the Episcopal clergyman, John Ely, the Receiver-General, Edward Rawlins, the Provost-Marshal, and almost one-half of the members of Assembly. Never had the colonies been visited with such general distress and mortality. Some whole families were carried off, and few- escaped a share of the public calamities. Almost all were lamenting the loss either of their habitations by the devour- ing flames, or of friends and relations by this disease or the small pox. Anxiety and distress were visible on every coun- tenance. Many of the survivors seriously thought of aban- doning a country on which the judgments of heaven seemed to fall so heavy. Dr. Hewatt, from whom the preceding ac- count is taken, designates this malady by the general appella- tion of "an infectious distemper.'' It was generally called the plague by the inhabitants. From tradition, and other circum- stances, particularly the cotemporaneous existence of the yellow fever in Philadelphia, there is reason to believe that this mal- ady was the yellow fever; and if so, was the first appearance of that disorder in Charlestown, and took place in the nine- teenth or twentieth year after it began to be built. The same author states, "that in 1703 an epidemical dis- temper raged at Charlestown, which swept off a vast number of inhabitants; and as the town was threatened by the French and Spaniards, the Governor, who called the inhabitants to its assistance, held his head-quarters about half a mile distant from the town, on account of the contagious distemper which then raged therein ; not wishing to expose his men to the dan- gerous infection, unless from necessitJ^" These circumstances make it probable that this was also the yellow fever. If so, this was its second visit, and only three or four years subse- quent to the first. The same author states, "that the summer of 1728 was uncommonly hot in Carolina; that in consequence thereof the face of the earth was entirely parched, the pools of stand- ing water dried up, and the beasts of the field reduced to the greatest distress; and that an infectious and pestilential dis- temper, commonly called the 'yellow fever,' broke out in town, and swept off' multitudes of the inhabitants, both white and black. As the town depended entirely on the country for FROM 1670 TO 1808. 47 fresh provisions, the planters would sufler no person to carry- supplies to it, for fear of catching the infection and bringing it to the country. The. physicians knew not how to treat the uncommon disorder, which was suddenly caught and proved quickly fatal. The calamity was so general, that few could grant assistance to their distressed neighbors. So many fu- nerals happening every day while so many lay sick, white persons sufficient for burying the dead were scarcely to be found. Though they were often interred on the same day they died, so quick was the putrefaction, so offensive and infectious were the corpses, that even the nearest relations seemed averse from the necessary duty." This is the first •direct mention of the yellow fever in the history of Carolina. From the information of Dr. Prioleau, derived from the manuscripts of his accurate and observing grandfather, the venerable Samuel Prioleau, who died in the year 1792, at the age of seventy-four, it appears "that in the year 1732 the yellow fever began to rage in May, and continued till Sep- tember or October. In the heighth of the disorder there were from eight to twelve whites buried in a day, besides people of color. The ringing of the bells was forbidden, and little or no business was done. In the year 1739, the yellow fever raged nearly as violently as in the year 1732. It was observed to fall most severely on Europeans. In 1745 and 1748 it returned, but with less viotence; however, many young peo- ple, mostly Europeans, died of it. It appeared again, in a few cases, in 1753 and 1755, but did not spread. In all these visi- tations it was generally supposed that the yellow fever was. imported, and it was remarked that it never spread in the country, though often carried there by infected persons, who died out of Charlestown, after having caught the disease in it." For forty-four years after 1748, there was no epidemic at- tack of this disease, though there were occasionally in differ- ent summers a few sporadic cases of it. In the year 1792 a new era of the yellow fever commenced. It raged in Charles- town in that year, and in 1794, 1795, 1796, 1797, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1803, 1804, and 1807. The number of deaths from it in these, its worst years, were — Deaths.— In 1799, 239; in 1800, 184; in 1802, 96; in 1804, 148; in 1807, 162. It appeared slightly in the years 1803 and 1805. In both years its victims did not exceed 59. In the years 1793, 1798, and 1808, the disease is not mentioned at all, and in the year 1806 it is only mentioned as having occurred in a very few cases, under particular circumstances. In its visitations it extended from July to November, but was most ripe in August and September. With a very few exceptions, chiefly chil- 21 48 MEDICAL HISTORY, dren, it exclusively fell on strangers. The unseasoned negroes were not exempt from its ravages, but they escaped oftener than other strangers, and when attacked, had the disease" in a slighter degree, and if properly treated were more generally cured. Persons, both black and white, arriving from the West India Islands enjoy similar exemptions from the yellow fever of Charlestown. In the years 1796 and 1799 it raged with its greatest violence, but has since considerably abated both in fre- quency and violence. This abatement is partly owing to the diminished number of subjects, for strangers have been cau- tious of residing in or even visiting Charlestown in the warm months. It is also to be in part ascribed to a more judicious treatment of the disease; for physicians now cure a greater proportion of their patients laboring under it, especially when they apply for relief in its first' stage, than some years ago, when it was a new disease in the practice of the oldest and most experienced of the faculty.* Nevertheless, there is rea- son to believe that a real abatement has taken place. Nor is this uncommon; for diseases, like other natural phenomena, come and go. Such has been the history of the yellow fever in Charlestown from its settlement to the present time. Soli- tary cases originated in the country, but they were few in number and not often repeated. The laws of Carolina guard against the yellow fever, as an imported contagions disease. The uniform experience of the physicians in Charlestown, since the year 1792, proves that it is neither one nor the other; for in no instance has a physi- cian, nurse, or other attendant on persons laboring'nnder this disease, caught it from them. Several, after taking it in Charlestown, carried it with them and died in the country, yet it never spread nor was communicated to any one who attended on them. In every such case of mortality the disease and the subject of it expired together. The quarantine laws exist in the statute book, and impose useless restrictions on commerce; but the execution of them is so far relaxed as not to be unreasonably inconvenient. The present policy adopted ®The detailed particulars of the yellow fever in Charlestown in the year 1802 may serve as a sample of it in other seasons. The whole number of deaths from that disease in that year was ninety-six. Of these two took place in August, sixty-four in September, and thirty in October. In the whole number there wa.s not a single native of Charlestown, though five of them were born in South, and one in North Carolina; twenty-one were born in England, twenty in the northern States, nineteen in Ireland, eight in Germany, seven in Scotland, five in France, one in Spain, one in Prussia, and one in IWadeira. The birth-place of the remain- ing seven could not be ascertained. There was not a single black and only one mulatto died of this fever in 1S02; but they were not equally fortunate in other years. One of the subjects to whom it proved fatal, had resided three years, partly in Charlestown and partly on Sullivan's Lsland. One had resided two years, two a year and a half, and eighten for eleven or twelve months in Charlestown. The residence of the remainder varied from eight months to six days. FROM 1670 TO 1808. 49 by the City Council, founded on the recommendation of the medical society, proceeds on the idea of enforcing cleanliness in the houses, yards, streets, harbor and shipping, as the best practicable means of guarding against the yellow fever and other diseases incidental to the climate. These are all aggravated by the excess of solar heat. The diminution of that exciting cause of disease would be of great service. From this/if it could be effected in conjunction with cleanliness and a high dry surface of the soil, both of which have been already attained in Charles- town to a considerable degree, a melioration of the health of the inhabitants might be confidently expected. Two remedies for diminishing heat have been proposed. Shading the streets by trees, or projections from the dwelling-houses, so that a person might pass along without exposure to the direct rays of the sun. No one can walk before the National bank with- out wishing it was practicable to enjoy a similar refreshing shade in every other part of the city. The second proposed remedy is the plentiful introduction of water, so as to give a facility for washing and cooling the streets with an artificial shower whenever wanted. Streets either paved or covered with gravelly materials, which Avould transmit but not stagnate superincumbent water, and occasionally watered, would proba- bly prevent or at least mitigate diseases, and certainly moderate the distressing heat of summer, and refresh the inhabitants. Diseases of the throat are common in Carolina. Its varia- ble weather often produces inflammatory affections of that organ. A disease thereof, accompanied with the scarlet fever, or the scarlatina anginosa, frequently recurs, but is rarely mortal. An apparently slight affection of the throat, accom- panied with a laborious respiration resembling the croup, about the year 1785, proved very destructive to many chil- dren, and in a few instances to three or four in one family. It has seldom recurred since that period. The measles may be reckoned among the epidemic diseases of Carolina. They are sometimes directly and speedily fatal, especially when treated with heating remedies, on the absurd theory of forcing a sweat and expediting their eruption, but oftener lay the foundation for slow wasting consumptions; especiallv where bleeding and a low regimen has been neg- lected. The visitations of measles have not been matter of historical record, except in the journals of the Medical Soci- ety, from which it appears that they have occurred in 1791, '2, '3, '4, '5, '6, and 1802 and 1803 ; but no particular mortaUty is noted as attached to the disease. Our elder citizens recollect that the measles were not only epideinic, but frequently fatal in the year 1772 ; especially when thev fell on the bowels or lungs. Tradition informs us 50 MEDICAL HISTORY, that in the years 1747, 1759, 1775, or 1776, they were also common and fatal; principally by the bowel complaints which followed them. Influenza in like manner, though a serious and frequent epidemic, has seldom been the subject of record. Many persons remember that the influenza, after traversing the United States in 1789, reached Carolina and spread ex- tensively. It was very fatal on the plantations near the north- eastern line of the State, especially to prime full grown negroes. William Alston lost above thirty of that description. The whole mucous membrane, through all its recesses in the sinu- ses of the OS frontis, was most grievously aff'ected. Deafness, loss of taste and smell, for a long period were among its con- sequences. More have reason to remember the influenza of 1807. Gradually advancing from the northern States, it reached Charlestown early in September.* It spared neither age nor sex, though children oftenest escaped altogether; or if attacked, got through the disease with the least inconveni- ence. The reverse was the case with aged persons. It soon became so general that in some large families there was not a sufficiency of persons in health to attend on the sick. In a few Aveeks it is supposed that 14,000 persons, or half the popu- lation of Charlestown, had been afflicted with that disease. Of these, forty-five died ; thirteen of whom were white persons and thirty-two negroes. The former were generally aged persons. The disease spread on all sides into the country, The mortality in Georgetown and Beaufort was considerably greater than in Charlestown. The disease in many cases was so mild as to preclude the necessity of application to a physi- cian. In dangerous cases, when medical aid was required, bleeding, blistering, emetics, cathartics, and sudorifices were chiefly relied upon. The influenza in its commencement resembled the yellow- fever with a pain in and over the eyes^ and with red streaks over their whites. A sharp acrid serum was discharged from the eyes, and sometimes from the nostrils. In such cases a hoarseness and soreness of the throat was usual. The sense of smelling was sometimes impaired, the hearing was fre- quently injured, and in a few cases the powers of vision were "* This disease originated in New York in the month of August, and spread from that centre in all directions. It reached Canada in October, and had extended to the western and southwestern States, and even to the Havana in the course of three months. Members of Congress on their way to "Washington, where they were summoned to assemble on the 26th of October, while traveling from their respective homes, met the disease in every State. Its progress was so rapid as to outstrip the slow movements of contagion, and must have arisen from some morbid constitution of the air. This is more probable from the circumstance that it was caught at sea by persons approaching the coast of America from distant countries. FROM 1670 TO 1808. 51 diminished. A tightness and stricture across the breast, with a dry cough, was common. The matter expectorated was occasionally tinged with blood. The whole mucous mem-, brane lining the fauces, nostrils, and bronchia, was uncom- monly stuffed with phlegm. In the aged the disease assumed the form of a peripneumony ; in the young and plethoric, that of a pleurisy. Persons of a consumptive diathesis, or who had been subject to old coughs or diseases of the breast, suf- fered most and oftenest relapsed. Spittings of blood and other serious precursors of consumption attacked such patients after the disease had in their cases apparently vanished and gen- erally disappeared. An uncommon increase of consumptions followed in the year ISOS, which exceeded anything ever before known in Charlestown. The whooping cough rages more or less almost every year, but its visits iiave not been generally recorded. The returns of yellow fever, and of small pox in the early period of our history, made such strong impressions on the minds of the people as to form seras in the domestic history of private fami- lies. But tlie whooping cough though an epidemic disease, occasionally fatal, and one which attacks almost every person, yet it has been for the most part soon forgotten. It is never- theless recorded that in the year 1804 it proved fatal to sixty- four children in Charlestown. It has been remarked that in seasons when Charlestown was healthy, the country was sickly. The reverse has also been noticed. Diseases are most ripe in the city in summer, but in the country in autumn. A constitution of the air prevails in one which is different from that of the other. For three months, July, August, and September, a free intercourse between them is not without danger. They fare best who keep steadily for that period either in the city or the country. These remarks, always true, have been eminently so in 1808; for in that most healthy summer there were few mortal cases of fever which originated in Charlestown, while excursions for a few days to the coun- try in many cases proved fatal. The fevers which in sum- mer and autumn attack the inhabitants of the city in conse- quence of their going to the country, lie dormant for some time, more or less ; for a week, nine or ten days, and in some cases longer. That all danger is past cannot be certainly known in less than twenty-one days after returning to the city. The diseases of negroes in Carolina differ in several par- ticulars from those of white people. Palsies, apoplexies, and madness dyspepsia, and the whole train of maladies con- nected with the passions and acts of the mind, are less frequent with the former than the latter. Removed frorn all anxiety concerning their own support, or that of their 52 MEDICAL HISTORY, children ; incapable of holding property or of advancing themselves, their minds are generally made up to their situa- tion, and they are free from many tormenting passions and corroding cares which prey upon the health and break the hearts of their owners. To colds, fevers, and such complaints as result from a variable climate, they are rather more liable than white people. The dread of losing time and of incurring expense for the recovery of health is no inducement with them to take care of it. All tliese losses and all cares respecting future events fall oa their maslers. A respite from labor com- pensates for the pains of slight indispositions. They are therefore incorrigibly careless, and wantonly expose them- selves to the dangers which result from the sudden changes of the weather. Their common intermitting fevers are easily cured, and seldom require more than a smart emetic; but epidemic fevers occasionally break out among them which not unfrequently baffle medical skill. These have no regular periods of returning. They were frequent in the revolutionary war, especially when great numbers of negroes were crowded in small confined spots. The disease had different names and was occasionally called camp, hospital, gaol, putrid, nervous, and malignant fevers. Its supposed causes are filth, impure air, putrid animal and vegetable effluvia, a moist atmosphere, great fatigue, and low scanty diet ; but sometimes they break out without any visible known cause, and in both cases prove fatal to numbers of the most valuable negroes in particular neighborhoods or plantations, while the white people gen- erally escape. The treatment of blacks laboring under these novel diseases* puzzled the physicians; for the symptoms were so various in difl'erent attacks that the best informed could not always trust former experience, and were some- times obliged in the first cases to grope their way. These limited epidemics have been so destructive at different times to negro property as to add much to the uncertainty of plan- ters' estates. Of the diseases which have been reviewed, Carolina has its * Among the novel diseases of negroes was one which became the subject of remark at the beginning of the revolutionary war, when large bodies of blacks were employed as laborers on the public works. This had the external appear- ance of dropsy, or universal anasarca, and was accompanied with extreme de- bility, great thirst, loss of appetite, and in many cases quickly proved mortal. In the cure of it the salt of tobacco was first extensively introduced into practice in Charlestown, and it has ever since maintained a superior rank among the medi- cines which are prescribed in dropsical complaints. During the siege of Charlestown in 17S0, a fever, answering exactly to the de- scription_ of the hospital fever, broke out among the negroes employed on the works of the besiegers, which depopulated many of the plantations in the neigh- borhood of the scene of military operations. After the siege, this disease made its appearance among the negroes confined in prison, and carried oft' multitudes. S'iveral of these turned yellow before they died. The mortality from it was so great that in one case eighty negroes given by an alfectionate father to an only son, were in a few weeks reduced to forty-two. FROM 1670 TO 180S. 53 full proportion. Of others it has less. Gravel and nephritic complaints in general have at all times been comparatively rare. The operation of lithotomy which has been performed seventeen times in Philadelphia by Doctor Bond, sixty times by Doctor John Jones of New York, and two hundred times by Doctor Turner of Connecticut, has been rarely necessary in Carolina. Only three operations can be distinctly and cer- tainly recollected as having been performed on its inhabitants; two by Doctor Turner, and one by Doctor Glover. In each of these three cases the operation succeeded. Consumptions, though they have increased in Charlestown very much within the last ten years, and within the last four years from ninety- two to upwards of two hundred fatal cases in the year, and even more so since the general influenza of 1807, yet are much rarer in Carolina than in more northern climates. The same may be said of rheumatisms. In the statistic accounts of Scotland, the gezreral prevalence of that distressing disease is referred to the severity of their cold weather, to the dampness of their houses uncorrected by large fires, and to a deficiency of fuel. The superabundance of wood, and particularly of light-wood, in the country enables even the poor in Carolina to guard against such complaints as far as they are the effects of cold. The consequences of being enveloped in, and breath- ing a terebinthinate air are not fully known. Thereis reason to believe that they are eminently beneficial. It is an old and well authenticated observation that persons, whether white or black, employed in burning tar kilns are always healthy. Miserable will be the lot of the poor, both black and white, in Carohna, when light-wood ceases to be common or to be easily procured. Of the numerous emigrants from colder countries there have been several who, though troubled in the laud of their nativity with painful rheumatic affections or threatened with serious diseases of the breast, have found on their settling in Carolina that the first either vanished or were mitigated both in violence and frequency and that the last, if not cured, were rendered stationary. The rickets, scrophula, scurvy, and diabetes, especially the first, are very uncommon in this State. Children, even slaves, seldom experience the parchings of hunger; especially on plan- tations where provisions are raised. Their youthful limbs are not crippled by early confinement at sedentary employ- ments. Play is the chief business of most of them till they are sufficiently grown to work in the field or to do something of consequence. Hypochondriasis,* and indeed the whole tribe » It is probable that the state of mind which leads to self-murder is less common ill Carolina than in more northern latitudes ; but it is certain from an examination of the records of the Coronors office in Charlestown that few natives commit that foul crime in comparison with strangers. From this authentic source of informa- 54 MEDICAL HISTORY, of chronical diseases is less common in this warm climate than in those which are cold. The dangers and difficulties of parturition are also comparatively less. The general character of most diseases in Carolina is acute. Their onset is violent, their progress rapid, their termination speedy, and they require energetic remedies. Short credit is given to juvenile indul- gences. The follies of youth and their distressing consequen- ces follow almost immediately in the order of cause and effect. He that wishes to do the great business of life by preparation for futurity, or even to make a prudent and judicious testa- mentary disposition of his property, would do well to arrange these matters before serious sickness commences; for that is often so rapid as to leave little leisure to attend to anything further than the prescriptions of the physician till reason de- parts or death closes the scene forever. Fevers are the proper endemics of Carolina, and occur of- tener than any, probably than all other diseases. These are the effects of its warm, moist climate, of its low grounds, and stagnant waters. In their mildest season they assume the type of intermittents ; in their next grade they are bilious remit- tents, and under particular circumstances in their highest grade constitute yellow fever. The efforts of the inliabitants to guard against these diseases merit a place in medical history. Their first plan is said to have been retirement from Charles- town to the country. This may have answered for the first thirty or forty years ; for in that period very little of the swamps had been opened, and the high and dry pine lands were the chief spots both of residence and improvement. The increased cultivation of rice, the diffusion of marsh miasmata from the open cultivated low grounds, and the location of settle- ments near them in process of time turned the balance of health in favor of Charlestown. The wealthy planters who could afford the expenses of a double residence, spent their summers in town and their winters in the country. Within the last sixteen years the frequent recurrence of yellow fever in the crowded metropolis has induced numbers to adopt other plans. The sea islands, particularly Sullivan's and Beaufort, Edding's bay, and the sea-shore, generally has been resorted to as places of healthy retirement during the summer season. With the same views Walterborough, Springfield, Summerville,Pineville, and some other smaller establishments, tion it appears that in the first eight years of the 19th century there were twenty- four self-murderers in CharlestOM-n. Of these, only two were born in the State. Six were newly imported Africans, whose situation was peculiar. Nine were from the northern parts of Europe, four from the more northern States of Amer- ica; only two from France, and one from Jamaica. Migrations from north to south are frequently undertaken with extravagant expectations of great advan- tages from the change. These often fail and advantage is taken of their failure against the unfortunate for the worst of purposes by the worst of beings. FROM 1670 TO 1808. 55 have suddenly grown into villages. A medical opinion, ap- parently well founded, has generally prevailed that the en- demic diseases of Carolina were not the effect of heat alone, nor exclusively of superahundant moisture; but the result of both, producing and combining with putrefaction. The conclusion followed that health might be enjoyed in any situation exempt from putrefaction and moisture, and at a sufficient distance from the miasmata to which they give birth. Experience had proved that these miasmata seldom extended their effects as far as three miles, even to the lee- ward of stagnant putrefying materials, and much less on the windward side. Spots of high and dry land covered with pine trees, and at a sufficient distance from ponds, swamps, and other reservoirs of poisonous efBluvia, have been diligently sought for; and to them families have retired from their dwell- ing houses, injudiciously located in the vicinity of the swamps, and there passed the summers sociably with their neighbors allured to the same place with the same views. Advantages neither foreseen nor calculated upon have resulted from these temporary villages. They became the seats of schools and of churches, neither of which were within the convenient grasp of the inhabitants when dispersed over the adjacent country. Experience confirmed the theory which gave birth to these estabhshments, for their inhabitants have generally escaped the fevers of the season ; nor were their planting in- terests materially injured, for they could make short excur- sions to their plantations and return without inhaUng the seeds of fever. Numbers in this manner parry the diseases of summer at the trifling expense of a slight building in the pine woods. The residents on Sullivan's island enjoy a whole- some air, inferior to none in the world, with the exception of persons laboring under diseases of the breast, many of whom are injured by the tonic qualities of the island air. Enjoy- ments without alloy are rarely the lot of man. While the in- habitants of that salubrious island revelled in health, and rioted in intellectual and social pleasures, they were surprised with the hurricane of 1804 which brought their lives into serious danger, and from which there was no possibility of escape. Apprehensions of the return of similar scenes have been ever since a source of annual anxiety. The extremity of heat elsewhere which makes the coolness of the island so great a luxury, is the exciting cause of these convulsions of nature which render a residence thereon dangerous. Expe- rience of more than a century has demonstrated that hurri- canes are always preceded by extreme hot weather, and gen- erally accompanied with the yellow fever. They occur in the same season, and follow in the train of each other as effect 56 and cause. In such a case between the dread of pestilence in the city, of common fever in the country, and of an expected hurricane on the island, the' inhabitants of the latter are at the close of every warm season in a painful state of anxiety, not knowing what course to pursue, nor what is best to be done. An opinion generally prevails that South Carolina is un- healthy. This is neither correctly true nor wholly false. A great proportion of the State, especially of the lower country, is for the most part inundated. In it sluggish rivers, stagnant swamps, ponds, and marshes are common; and in or near to them putrefaction is generated. In all these places, and for two or three miles adjacent to them, the seeds of febrile dis- eases are plentifully sown and from them are disseminated ; particularly between the months of June and November. On the other hand, the sea-shore and sea islands are for the most part healthy. The same may be affirmed of the ridges of land between the rivers. These extend from ten to forty or fifty miles. After deducting inland swamps, and two or three miles on the margin of the rivers, and around the ponds and marshes, many thousands of acres of high, dry, and healthy land will remain. As we advance westwardly these deduc- tions lessen. The swamps terminate about 120 miles from the ocean. Beyond them are extensive settlements in which the blessings of health are generally enjoyed, with the exception of the margins of rivers and the vicinity of ponds and mill- dams. This is the case in the districts of Abbeville, Laurens, Spartanburg, York, Union, Newberry, Chester, Lancaster, Fair- field, and eminently so in Pendleton and Greenville. The greatest part of the high hills of Santee, though only seventy or eighty miles in a direct line from the ocean, is also in gen- eral, healthy. Such is the medical division of South Carolina as resulting from the natural qualities of the soil. Art has done something and might do much more for the improve- ment of the country. Every drop of superabounding and at present injurious moisture that is therein, may be turned to some useful account. When, suifered to stagnate it is a curse, when properly dispersed it is a blessing. Marshes, low grounds, and ponds may be drained by the industry of man, and their surplus water made to fertilize the adjacent thirsty soil. The removal of obstructions in the rivers and creeks would give mo- tion to much stagnant or sluggish water, and convert moist into dry ground. Inland navigation connected with irrigation might be carried to such an extent as to give an active and import- ant use to much of that water which is now the hot bed of putrefaction. These things have been done in China and may be done in Carolina. Every step that is taken in this FROM 1670 TO 1808. 57 glorious work advances both the health and wealth of the country. The original settlers of Carolina had no thought that in less than a century Oyster-Point would become a place of com- mercial importance, and the capital of an independent State stretching from the ocean to the mountains. Had they antic- ipated half of what has already taken place, ten feet alleys, and streets thirty-three feet wide, would have made no part of their projected seat of government. It would then have been nearly as easy to have made the streets one hundred feet wide as any inferior number. In that case they would have ad- mitted three rows of trees, one at each side, and one in the middle of every street. It would have been easy to have made no lots of less size than half an acre, and by law to have prevented their subdivision. In addition to the incon- veniences of a low and moist situation, too many people in Charlestown, in consequence of its niggardly plan, are crowded on too small a space of ground. Close compact cities are the destroyers of the human race. Every family generates a portion of filth, and when they are near to each other, that becomes too great for the health of the citizens. Numbers are every year sacrificed to the avarice of the proprietors of lots. The evils of a crowded population are increased by high and close fences, which are daily increasing, and still more by building houses in contact with each other and without any interstice between. The daily removal of putrescible sub- stances lessens the evils of an impure air, but is inadequate to the purpose intended. The only efi'ectual remedy is fresh running water. This unites cleanliness with coolness. It re- moves noxious vapors, cools the atmosphere and increases its salubrity by extricating fresh and wholesome air from its own substance. The next best practicable mitigator of heat and corrector of foul air in Charlestown is trees planted in all the streets which can admit them. They are the coolers given to us by nature. In addition to their refreshing shade, they imbibe the poisonous materials which vitiate the air. They fan the earth by the vibratory motion of their leaves. Instead of obstructing the free circulation of the air, they in- crease a light breeze by creating an under current on the sur- face of the earth, where it is wanted. Cities built with marble, if destitute of trees and vegetation, would only afford a miser- able residence to splendidly wretched inhabitants. Much of the sickness in the country arises from an inju- dicious choice of sites for habitation. Health or disease, long life or premature death, hang very much on the choice of a salubrious situation for a house. This should never be on the side of a marsh or within a mile of it ; but if this cannot be 58 MEDICAL HISTORY, avoided, the dwelling should be placed to the windward, which in this State is the south and west; for the unwhole- some winds of summer mostly blow from these points. If circumstances make it necessary to live near to or on the north or east side of unwholsome spots, the evil may be mitigated by preserving or planting trees in the intermediate space. South Carolina since the revolution has been favored with the privilege, seldom enjoyed by any State, of forming a city on medical and philosophical principles for health and com- fort Avithout any influence from mercantile convenience or land jobbing avarice. The extension of settlements far to the west loudly demanded on republican principles a removal of the seat of government from the vicinity of the Atlantic ocean. The general principle being resolved upon, no private views could control the sovereign people from establishing their gov- ernment where they pleased ; and wherever they fixed it a town would of course be speedily formed. A high and com- manding situation about one hundred and twenty miles from Charlestown, and about three miles from the junction of Broad and Saluda rivers, commonly known by the name of the plane of Taylor's hill, was selected. In many respects this choice was judicious: perhaps a much better could not have been made to the east of the mountains. There was a suffi- cient elevation to carry off with management all superfluous water. Some of the defects in the original plan of Charles- town were obviated. No lots were to be less than half an acre. The two main streets crossing each other at right angles were to be each 150 feet wide, and none were to be less than sixty. It was unfortunately, but perhaps unavoid- ably placed on the north and east side of the neighboring rivers and no more than about three miles distant. It is to be regretted that the lots were not by the original terms of sale made indivisible, and their owners restrained from building more than one dwelling house on each — that the plat of the town was not so constituted as to have preserved all the timber between the town and the rivers as a defence against the south west winds, impregnated with the miasmata with which they are usually charged, and that all possibility of erecting mill dams or keeping up ponds of stagnant water was not le- gally or constitutionally forbidden. These regulations could with ease and propriety have been adopted at first, but cannot now be carried into effect without violating private rights. The place is sufficiently high to have in it no other than running water; and the streets are wide enough to admit without in- convenience, three rows of trees to be planted in each of them. These advantages, with the surrounding woods and vegeta- PEOM 1670 TO 1808. 59 tion, especially when drained of every drop of stagnant water, may keep the town healthy till the rising value of its lots paves the way for the destruction of pure air by a crowded population. This is to be apprehended, for the degree of heat therein is greater than in Charlestown, and is unallayed by salutary sea breezes; the refrigerating qualities of the trade winds; the ventilation from the motion of tide, water, and even of the east and northeast winds which seldom penetrate so far from the shores of the Atlantic as sensibly to moderate the heat of summer. The natural advantages of Columbia and its scattered settlements, together with the improved plan of the town, bid fair, under the direction of a well regulated police, to preserve it healthy for several years ; but from its greater heat it will be more exposed to diseases than Charles- town when population, compact settlement and consequent filth shall be equal in both. A medical society for the advancement of the heahng art was formed in 1789, and incorporated in 1794. At their monthly meetings they converse on the prevailing diseases; examine and record their meteorological observations, and dis- cuss some medical question or subject. The members are by their rules under obligations to furnish in rotation some origi- nal medical paper which, after circulating among the members, is made the subject of conversation and discussion at their next meeting. Of these papers, a few have already been i)ub- lished. Others remain sufficient both in number and import- ance to make a volume which probably will in time be brought forward to public view. In all cases respecting the medical police of Charlestown application has been made to this society for their advice, and it has been cheerfully given and essen- tially contributed to form beneficial regulations for preserving the health of the inhabitants. Three institutions emanated from the medical society of great public utility: the Humane society — the Charlestown dispensary, and the Botanic garden. An apparatus for the recovery of persons suffering under sus- pended animation was purchased by the society, and lodged near the most frequented wharves with directions how to treat the sufferers. The members tendered their medical services when called upon. They also applied to the City Council for their aid, who directed that all articles used, and all assistance rendered should, if required, be paid by the city; and that any retailer of spirituous liquors who refused the use of his house for trying the process of resuscitation should receive no new license for carrying on his business. The second institution, or the Dispensary, was instituted for the medical relief of the poor in their own houses. Most of the physicians and sur- geons of the society in rotation gratuitously attend and pre- 60 scribe for the dispensary patients. These are admitted to the benefit of the institution by tickets from trustees. The City Council appoints the trustees and also the dispensary apoth- ecary. To the latter an annual salary is paid from the city treasury for his medicines and services. Thus medical advice and attendance can be obtained at their own habitations gra- tuitously by all the indigent inhabitants who apply for it; and the whole expense has hitherto cost the city no more than 1,000 dollars per annum. The young physicians, when admitted members of the medical society, are classed into pairs; and in monthly rotation with the elder members, prescribe for and attend on the dispensary patients. In cases of difficulty, pro- vision is made for consultations with some of the elder physi- cians appointed for that purpose by the medical society. In addition to the manifold advantages derived to the more indi- gent inhabitants from this institution, it proves an excellent practical school for the younger physicians, and furnishes a conspicuous opportunity for introducing their industry, talents, and acquirements to public observation. The Botanic society was formed and incorporated in the year 1805. The Medical society gave to it three hundred dol- lars, fifty dollars per annum, and a large lot of land which had been generously given to them by Mrs. Savage, now Mrs. Tur- pin, to be used as a Botanic garden. The inhabitants were invited to join the association, and oia their annual payment of any sum between four to ten dollars, at their option, they were entitled to privileges in proportion to their respective subscriptions, and became members of the Botanic society. An annual sum of 1,176 dollars thus obtained from voluntary subscribers, has given activity to the project. The garden was opened in the year 1805, and has been superintended ever since by a committee,chosen partly by the medical society and partly by the other members of the Botanic society. This committee keep in constant employ an experienced practical Botanist, and a few laborers under him. The institution has flourished beyond the most sanguine expectations of its friends. It is now enriched with a considerable number of plants, both indigenoits and exotic, arranged according to the Linnean sys- tem, and additions are constantly making to it by the citizens and from foreign countries. From the proceeds of a lottery now pending, hopes are entertained that the society will be enabled to enlarge their plan so as to make their garden the repository of every thing useful, new, and curious in the vege- table world. A society of practitioners of physic from several surrounding districts has been lately formed, which now hold their meetings in Union district, under the name of Escula- pean society of South Carolina. The duties and exercises PROM 1670 TO 1808. 61 imposed by this society are similar to those imposed by the JVledical society of South Carolina. Their funds are intended for the purchase of a Medical library. For eighty or ninety years after the first settlement of South Carolina, the practice of physic was almost entirel}^ in the hands of Europeans. Among these were several able phy- sicians who possessed an accurate knowledge of the diseases of the country. The 18th century was more than half elapsed before the Carolinians seriously undertook to educate their sons for the practice of physic, or before any native of America had estab- lished himself in Soixth Carolina as a practitioner of medicine. About the year 1760 a few youths were put under the care of respectable physicians in Charlestown who, afier spending five or six years in their shops, doing the duties of apprentices, and reading practical medical books, spent three or four sea- sons at the university of Edinburgh and then came home in- vested with the merited degrees of Doctors of Medicine. They were well received by their coimtrymen, and readily established themselves in business. This success encouraged others to follow their example and ever since a medical education has been, more common. Anterior to the revolution nothing short of an European education was deemed suificient to attach the confidence of the public to any medical practitioner; but the growing reputation of the university of Pennsylvania resulting from the splendid talents of its Professors, and the solid attain- ments of its graduates, has done away this impression. The conveniency of attending medical lectures in a neighborhood city for some time past, and at present, draws three in four of the Charlestown medical students to Philadelphia in prefer- ence to Edinburgh at the distance of 3,000 miles and in a climate often too cold for young Carolinians. The study of medicine becomes daily more fashionable, and the first people in the State now educate their sons for physicians. In addition to the regular practice of medicine, there is much that may be called domestic. The distance of physicians, the expense, difficulty, and delay in procuring their attendance, has compelled many inhabitants of the country to prescribe for their families and sometimes for their neighbors. Wesley's primitive physic, Tissot, Buchan, Ricketson, Ewell, or some plain practical author is to be found in almost all their houses. f: With the aid of some family medicines, and of some well known vegetable productions, under the guidance of expe- rience they prescribe for the sick and often succeed beyond expectation. In cases of surgery they are more at a loss ; but even here by the aid of common sense and from the pressure of necessity 62 MEDICAL HISTORY, aiding invention, they sometimes perform wonders. The author of this work in the year 1779, examined the stump of a man living near Orangeburg whose leg, after being horribly mangled, had been successfully amputated several years be- fore by one of his neighbors with a common knife, carpenter's handsaw, and tongs. The last instrument was applied red hot to staunch the bleeding. The stump was far from elegant, but with the help of a wooden leg the patient enjoyed all the advantages which are secured by the most dexterous perform- ance of amputation. There was no sergeon within sixty miles of the sufferer. Capital planters have their sick house or hospital — their medicine chest — their tooth drawer and bleeder — and often their midwife for family use. The negroes are the chief ob- jects of these establishments. From the simplicity of their disorders, resulting from their plain aliment and modes of life, the benevolent intentions of their owners are often carried into full effect. The pride of science is sometimes humbled on seeing and hearing the many cures that are wrought by these pupils of experience, who, without theory or system, by observation and practice acquire a dexterity in curing comrnoa diseases. In the infancy of Carolina, when European physicians mo- nopolized the practice of physic, there were more experiments made, more observations recorded, and more medical writings ushered into public view by the physicians of Charlestown, than of any other part of the American continent Dr. John Lining communicated to the Royal Society meteorological observations on the weather of Charlestown for the year 1738, 1739, 1740, and 1742, which were the first ever published. He also favored the public with a series of judicious statistical experiments, perseveringly conducted through the whole of the year 1740.* Dr. Lining was one of the first experimenters in the novel subject of electricity, on which he corresponded with Dr. Franklin, soon after the discoveries of that celebrated man had astonished the philosophers of both the old and new hemis- phere. He also, in the year 1753, published an accurate his- tory of the yellow fever, which was the first that had been given to the public from the American continent Dr. Lionel Chalmers made and recorded observations on *From these it appeared that in the course of one year he had taken in nour- ishment and drink 42,443 ounces; that in the same time he had discharpred byper- spiration 19,721 ounces — by urine 21,276 ounces — and by stool 1,428 ounces ; and that the weight of his body increased in March, October, November, December, and January ; and diminished in April, May, June, July, August, September, and February, and that the diminution was greatest in September, being then 102 ounces. FROM 1670 TO 1808, 63 the weather for ten successive years, that is from 1750 to 1760. The same able physician furnished a particular account of the opisthotonos and tetanus, which was communicated to the Medical Society in London, in the year 1754, and afterwards published in the first volume of their transactions. He also prepared for the press an account of the weather and diseases of South Carohna, which was published in London in 1776; but his most valuable work was an essay on fevers, printed in Charlestown in the year 1767. In this he unfolded the outlines of the modern spasmodic theory of fevers. Hoffman had before glanced at the same principles ; but their complete illustration was reserved for Cullen, and laid the foundation of his fame. Doctor Garden, about the year 1764, gave to the public an account of the virtues of pink root and at the same time gave a botanical description of the plant. This truly scientific phy- sician was much devoted to the study of natural history, and particularly of botany, and made sundry communications* on those subjects to his philosophical friends in Europe. In compliment to him, the greatest botanist of the age gave the name of Gardenia to one of the most beautiful flowering shrubs in the world. William Bull was the first native of South Carolina who obtained a degree in medicine. He had been apupilof Boer- haave, and in the year 1734 defended a thesis "De Colica Pic- tonum" before the University of Leyden. He is quoted by Van Swieten as his fellow-student, with the title of the learned Dr. Bull. John Moultrie was the first Carolinian who obtained the degree of Doctor of Medicine, from the University of Edin- burgh, where, in the year 1749, he defended a thesis "De Febre Flava." Between the years 1768 and 1778 ten more natives obtained the same honor. These were Isaac Chanler, Peter Fayssoux, Thomas Caw, Charles Drayton, Tucker Harris, Rob- ert Peronneau, James Air, George Logan, Zachariah Neuf- ville, and Robert Pringle. Since the revolutionary war the number of native students has very much increased. Among them are several young men of great hopes. It is no inconsiderable evidence of the *0f these the following have been published in the transactions of the Royal Society: the HcUesia, first described by Dr. Garden, as appears by the letter of T. Ellis, Esq., F. K. S., read before the Royal Society, November 20th, 1760. An ac- count of the male and female cochineal insects, in a letter to John Ellis, Esq., read before the Royal Society, December 23, 1762. An account of an amphrl)ious bipes, (the mud inguana, or syren of South Carolina,) communicated in a letter to John Ellis, Esq., read before the Royal Society. An account of tvpo nevp tortoises com- municated in a letter to Thomas Pennant, Esq., and read before the Royal Society, May 2, 1771. An account of the gymnotus electricus in a letter to John Ellis, Esq., read before the Royal Society, February 23, 1775. 22 64 MEDICAL HISTORY, increasing prosperity of South Carolina and the progress of medical knowledge therein, that within the last twenty-five years, or since the peace of 1783, many more natives of the State have graduated doctors of medicine than all the Caro- linians who had previously obtained that honor from the first settlement of the province. Among them are physicians and surgeons who are equal to the judicious treatment of every disease, and the dexterous performance of every operation in surgery. Three attempts have been made to regulate the admission of candidates for practicing the healing art in Carolina; but all failed. Clergymen and lawyers, before they are authorized to exercise their respective functions, are examined and li- censed by competent judges ; but the practice of physic is free to every man or woman who chooses to undertake it. A summary view of fashions, medical opinions, and prac- tices which have at different periods affected the health of the inhabitants and the practice of medicine in Carolina, shall close this chapter. The cocked hats which were common thirty years ago, exposed the wearers of them to the action of the sun much more than the round, flat, and deep crowned hats, which are now fashionable. The substitution of silk for varnished umbrellas has also been advantageous. The late increased general use of flannel next the skin, by adults, has defended them against the consequences of the sudden changes of the weather. Females, thirty or forty years ago, by the use of tight heavy whalebone stays injured their health, and some- times obstructed their regular growth. To this succeeded a moderate use of lighter stays which were advantageous to the shape without injury to the health. These gave place to a loose manner of dressing, which though unnecessary to health, destroyed the elegance of their form. Some, by the use of suspenders to their petticoats ran the risk of inducing can- cers, by an unequal and constant pressure on their bosoms. This mode of dressing, which obliterated all distinction be- tween the blooming slender virgin and the fruitful wife has been for some time changing in favor of lengthening waists and tighter bracing. The present danger is of their proceed- ing too far; for such practices, carried to excess, endanger the health of single women ; and in the case of married ladies, increase the pangs of parturition and lessen the probability of their terminating in the birth of living, well formed children. The great revolution in favor of the health of females, is the laying aside the old absurd custom of shutting them up from the commencement of pains, introductory to real labor, in close rooms from which air was excluded, and continu- ing them in this confined state, not only during the pangs of FROM 1670 TO 1S08. 65 child-birth, but for many days after their termination. Un- reasonable prejudices against cool air were common thirty or forty years ago, and were acted upon to the injury and fre- quent deaths both of mothers and their infant offspring. The tight swaddling bands applied to the latter hastened the same event. A great reform has taken place; these mischievous practices have been laid aside. Cool air for several years has been freely admitted to the comfort of all parties in the cham- ber of confinement. The natural activity of infants, and the free expansion of their viscera, is no longer cramped by tight dresses. Most happy consequences have resulted — fewer wo- men are lost — more children survive, and larger families are now raised than was common forty years ago. The Carolinians are indebted to the late French emigrants for the more frequent use of baths, both hot and cold, and also of the bidet. Long experience in the West India Islands had taught them that such practices, and also a more free use of vegetable aliment, were suitable to warm climates. Cold water as well as cool air were undervalued by the elder inhab- itants. The Author of all good has put both within the grasp of all men, with little trouble or expense; but the cheapness of the gift has been the occasion of its being slighted. Its value has lately been appreciated. Experience has proved that wa- ter judiciously applied, cold or warm, as circumstances require, cures many diseases and prevents more. The practice of physic about fifty years ago was regulated in Carolina by the Boerhaavian system, and that of surgery by the writings of Heister and Sharp. Diseases were ascribed to a morbific matter in the blood. Medicines were prescribed to alter its qualities, and to expel from it the cause of the dis- ease. To ensure its discharge through the pores, patients were confined to their beds, and fresh cool air was excluded by close doors and curtains. To hasten its expulsion, much reliance was placed on sudorifics. Neutral mixtures and sweet spirits of nitre were often prescribed with this intention. In cases of danger, recourse was had to saffron, Virginia snake- root and camphor. In pleurisies and acute rheumatisms the lancet was freely used, but very seldom in other diseases. The medical treatment of most febrile complaints, commenced with purges and vomits; but after their operation the princi- pal reliance was on sweating medicines. The bark was freely administered in intermittents, but there were strong prejudices against it So many believed that it lay in their bones and disposed them to take cold, that the physicians were obliged to disguise it. Opium was considered as a medicine calculated to compose a cough, or to restrain excessive discharges from the system, but was seldom prescribed in sufficient doses, and 66 MEDICAL HISTORY, not at all in several cases to which it is now successfully ap- plied. Like the bark, it was the subject of so many preju- dices as to make it necessary to conceal or disguise it. It was seldom given without the advice of a physician. At present a phial of laudanum is to be found in almost every family, and it is freely taken, not only without medical advice, but frequently in cases in which no prudent physician would advise it. To the lentor and morbific matter of Boerhaave, which regulated the practice of medicine in Carolina for more than sixty years of the eighteenth century, succeeded the spasmodic system of CuUen. These theories were more at variance than the practice of their respective advocates. The attenuation of the lentor, and the expulsion of the morbid matter in one case, and the i-esolution of spasmodic strictures in the other, were both attempted in a great measure by the same means; but the followers of Cullen improved on the Boerhaavians by the more free exhibition of antimonial remedies, which are much more powerful than the medicines which had been previously in common use. For several years, emetic tartar was the most fashionable medicine, and i)y varying its form and dose, it was made to answer a variety of useful medicinal purposes. This has given place to jalap and calomel, which is the present favorite, both in regular and domestic practice. The old remedies, bleeding, blistering, mercury, opium, bark and wine, have been carried to a much greater extent than formerly, and applied to diseases for which they were seldom, if ever, prescribed fifty years ago. The new medicines, digitahs, lead, zinc, arsenic, melia, azederach or pride of India, muriatic acid, nitric acid, some of the gases, and artificial musk, are now common remedies in the hands of the most judicious practitioners, though seldom used and scarcely known to their predecessors. The practice of physic has undergone a revolution in Carolina, as well as the govern- ment of the State. This is partly founded in fashion, which extends its empire over more important matters than dress; but has a more solid foundation in a real change of the dis- eases of the country. Since 1792 these have been, both in degree and frequency, more inflammatory than before that period, and require freer evacuations and more energetic prescriptions. The improvements in surgery made by Monro, Pott, Hunter, Bell, Desault, Physick, Hey, and others, have all been transplanted into Carolina. The surgery of the early period of its history was far inferior to the present. Diseases of the eyes were then not well understood. Few operations on them were attempted, and fewer succeeded. Fractures are now united, luxations reduced, and amputations performed FROM 1670 TO 1808. 67 with less pain to the patient, with more expedition, and with greater success than fifty years ago. The inhabitants who from misfortunes need the performance of the most difficult and uncommon operations in surgery, are at present under no necessity of seelcing foreign operators; for what can be done for them in London or Paris can also be done in Charles- town. The improvements made in midwifery since the days of Smellie, are in like manner well known and practiced in the State. These have been so great that instrumental deliv- ery is now rarely necessary and seldom performed. Deaths from pregnancy and parturition are at present more rare in Charlestown, than when its population did not exceed half its present number. But few years have elapsed since there was any established regular dentist in Carolina. There are now three or four who find employment. The diseases of the teeth are not now more common than in former times; but many of them were at that period frequently suffered to pro- gress unmolested from had to worse, which are now prevented or cured by the dental art, which was one of the last trans- planted into the State. Carolina, by her Lining, Chalmers, and Garden, has increased the stock of medical and philo- sophical knowledge; but cannot, like Pennsylvania, boast that she has produced a Rush, a Barton, and a Physic, emi- nently raised up for the advancement of the healing art, and of the auxilliary branches of medical science. Her prac- titioners, though they have not originated improvements in medicine, deserve well of their country; for they have been ever attentive and among the first to enrich it with the medi- cal discoveries both of the old and new world. The Medical Society of South Carolina was constituted in the year 1789, and consisted of the following members: Peter Fayssoux, Alexander Baron, Tucker Harris, David Ramsay, Andrew TurnbuU, Isaac Chanler, George Logan, George Car- ter, Robert Wilson, Elisha Poinsett, James Lynah, George Hahnbaum, John Budd, and Thomas Tudor Tucker. 68 LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, FROM 1670 TO 1808. CHAPTER III. Ample powers for the government of Carolina were given by the royal charters. These, as far as they were legislative, were to be exercised by the proprietors with the consent of the freemen. Each appears to have had a negative on the other. Anterior to the settlement of the province, the proprie- tors employed the celebrated John Locke to draught "funda- mental constitutions of South Carolina." What was their precise object does not appear. The articles agreed upon were not in the nature of a bill of rights, for they are far short of magna charta, and enumerate few of any conse- quence and derogate from others. The 101st declares "that no person above seventeen years of age should have any benefit or protection of the law, or be capable of any place of honor or profit, who is not a member of some church or profession." The 96th declares, "that a Church of England being the only true and orthodox, and the national religion of all the King's dominions, is so also of Carolina, and therefore it alone shall be allowed to receive public maintenance by grant of par- liament.''* These fundamental constitutions were not of the nature of a constitution, in the American sense of the word, for instead of emanating from the people, they were to be unalterable, though agreed upon before a single white person had settled in the province. The object of most of them is, "the establishment of the interest of the lords proprietors with equality and without confusion," as is stated in the preamble. They were wholly unsuitable and even impracticable for the immediate government of an infant colony. From internal evidence they do not appear to be so intended, for they proposed that " there should be eight Su- preme Courts," and also "a court in every county,'' and that "all towns incorporate should be governed by a mayor, twelve aldermen,and twenty-four common councilmen ;" nearly three times the number that now preside over the police of Charles- town though 128 years old. They contemplated three orders of nobility; and appointed a court to take care of all cerenio- nies, precedency, heraldry, and to regulate fashions, habits, * In the folio edition of Locke's -works these constitutions are printed as part of tlie same, but a note subjoined to this article disavows its havings been drawn up by Mr. Locke. It was also objected to by John Archdale. FROM 1670 TO 1808. 69 badges, games and sports, when as yet there were no com- moners. They seemed on the whole to be calculated for a state of society far beyond that to which Carolina has yet attained. They were never accepted by the people, who, ad- hering to the charter as a constitutional rule, passed such laws in concert with the proprietors as the state of the province required. After twenty-eight years these fundamental consti- tutions were set aside by the proprietors on the requisition of the people, who in no one instance had acted upon them. The feeble and distracted state of the proprietary government was not, as has been erroneously represented, the effect of the speculative political theories of John Locke, introduced as the Constitution of South Carolina: for neither his fundamental constitutions nor their successive modifications by the proprie- tors, were at any lime the law of the province or the rule of its government. The only part of them which seems to have been perpetuated is the biennial election of members of assem- bly. The 79th article proposes that all acts of parliament should become null and void at the end of 100 years without a formal repeal. This would have produced both good and evil, but which would have preponderated is questionable. The 70th article declares "that it shall be a base and vile thing to plead for money or reward :'' and that no one should be permitted to plead another man's cause, not a relation, " till he took an oath that he had not nor would not receive, directly or indirectly, any money or reward for pleading the cause he was going to plead." The proprietors were always friendly to the fundamental constitutions ; * but they could not per- suade the people to consent to their establishment. The char- ter which the assembly preferred as the best security of their rights, was silent on many important points. In supplying its defects on principles of analogy and in every act of legis- * The proprietors "were so desirous of the acceptance of these fundamental con- stitutions, that they sent out four successive modifications of them to render|lhem more agreeable to the people. The original draughted by John Locke, was dated in 1669 — an amended set in 1670 — a further amended set in 1681 — 2. The date of the next amended set is unlinown ; but that of the last was in 1698. The genu- ine original 3d set, engrossed on a roll of parchment 18 feet long and 2 wide, is now in possession of Governor Charles Pinokney, and is subscribed in the real hand writing of the proprietors as follows : "Sir Peter Colleton, Albemarle, Seth Solhell, Craven, Bath for Lord Carteret. I subscribe this fundamental constitution except the 96th paragraph," this is quoted above, and authorizes an estalishment of the Church of England, ''and what relates to fighting which for conscience sake I refuse and not otherwise. John Archdale, for Thomas Archdale." They who wish to read these much talked of but misrepresented oonstit utions, will find a copy of them In Mr. Locke's works, and in Dr. Hewat's History of South Carolina. As they were never received nor acted upon by the Carolinians, they were not deemed of sufficient importance to merit republication in this work. 70 lation, the concurrence of the proprietors and of the freemen of the province was necessary ; but frequently this concurrence could not be obtained. In several particulars respecting the executive and judicial departments there was a collision of interests. The charter was construed by both in a manner most favorable to their own wishes. Each endeavored to gain upon the other by extending their respective claims. These dissensions continued to increase till, in conjunction with other more serious grounds of discontent which have been already related, the people by their inherent right to resist op- pression threw off the proprietary yoke, and sought and ob- tained the protection of the crown. The king henceforward was the source of honor and office. Under the reigns of George the first and second, government was in general wisely administered and tended to the happiness both of the mother country and the colony. This agreeable state of things contri- buted not a little to the extension of settlements far to the westward. An evil resulted from this good, which in its turn produced an improvement in the administration of jus- tice. For the first ninety-nine years of provincial Carolina, Charlestown was the source and centre of all judicial pro- ceeding. No courts were held beyond its limits, and one pro- vost marshal was charged with the service of processes over the whole province. For the first seventy or eighty years, when the population rarely extended beyond an equal number of miles, this was patiently borne; but in the course of the next twenty years it became intolerable. The distance and expense of attending courts in Charlestown were so inconve- nient, that people in the back country were induced occasion- ally to inflict punishments in their own way, and by their own authority, on knaves and villains. Associations were formed under the name of regulators, who enforced justice in a sum- mary way. For the accommodation of the remote settlers, and to remove all apology for these irregular proceedings in- compatible with orderly government, an act was passed in 1769 called the Circuit Court Act; by which new District Courts were established at Beaufort, Georgetown, Oheraws, Camden, Orangeburgh and Ninety-Six, now Cambridge. One difficulty stood in the way, the removal of which was necessary before the projected reform could go into operation. The im- portant and lucrative office of provost marshal for the whole ^province was held by patent from the crown by Richard Cum- berland, well known in the literary world for his talents and writings. The proposed Circuit Court Act contemplated the abolition of the office of provost marshal of the province, and the appointment of seven sheriffs; one for Charlestown, and one for each of the six new districts. To reconcile private FROM 1670 TO 1808. 71 right with puhUc convenience, the province paid ^5,000 ster- ling to Mr. Cumberland as a compensation for his resigning the office of provost marshal. The new arrangement soon after- wards went into operation. In the year 1789 these Circuit Courts were made more beneficial and convenient by being invested with complete original and final jurisdiction. In two years more it became necessary to make two additional Cir- cuit Courts. From the rapidly increasing population, these districts were found too large for public convenience. In 1798 they were subdivided into twenty-four ; and three years after a part of one of these districts was formed into a separate one, making in the whole twenty-five districts which are suffi- ciently small to meet the convenience of the people. Their names are : 1. Abbeville. 2. Edgefield. 3. Newbury. 4. Laurens. 5. Pendleton. 6. Greenville. 7. Spartanburg. 8. Union. 9. York. 10. Chester. 11. Lancaster. 12. Fairfield. 13. Ker- shaw. 14. Chesterfield. 15. Marlborough. 16. Darlington. 17. Sumpter. 18. Marion. 19. Horry. 20. Georgetown. 21. Charleston. 22. Colleton. 23. Beaufort. 24. Barnwell. 25. Orangeburgh. The multiplication of court districts, proceeded from an honest desire to accommodate the people. The Legislature by successive reforms, each improving on what had been pre- viously done, finally organized in the last years of the 16th century an uniform efficient judiciary system which brought law and justice within a convenient distance of the habita- tions of all the citizens. To meet the increased labor of at- tending so many new circuits, provision was made for two additional judges. This new arrangement contemplated six judges for twenty-five districts. To each of these was granted an annual salary of £600 sterling, that they might be enabled to devote themselves to the duties of their office. About thir- teen years before the establishment of this enlarged system, an attempt had been made to accommodate the public by the estabhshment of courts in counties of small dimensions and limited jurisdiction, to be held by such of the inhabitants as were chosen and willing to serve as judges without salaries. This project was introduced and carried through by the talents, address, and perseverance of Henry Pendleton ; who had witnessed many of the benefits resulting from the county courts in his native State, Virginia. What had been fouiid beneficial in the oldest State of the Union, did not answer in the junior State of South Carolina, whose sea coast was too thinly peopled to need these courts; and whose back country had been too recently settled to have a sufficient number of men of talents, leisure, weight and respectability, to give dig- 72 nity to twenty-five or thirty county courts. After an experi- ence of twelve or fifteen years, tlie whole system was aban- doned by its friends ; but all the counties were incorporated into the twenty-five districts, and the latter were for the most part substituted in the room of the former ; but with this dif- ference, that one of the six State Judges presided in every District Court The change drew after it considerable ex- pense, but as the benefit was also considerable the people cheerfully paid it This was the second time a County Court system had failed in South Carolina. It had been introduced in an early period of the colony but imperceptibly, and with- out any positive repealing law, became obsolete. In politics perhaps than in any other art, the solid ground of experience is to be relied on in preference to the splendid but dazzling visions of theory. In addition to the Courts of Common Pleas and of Sessions, there have always been in Carolina Courts of Ordinary, of Admiralty, and of Chancery. The two first have been held by proprietary or regal governors or by judges appointed by the proprietors, the King, or the State, in correspondence with the existing state of things. The Court of Chancery was in like manner held by the council of the proprietors, of the King and of the State in succession till the year 17S4. In that early period, after the termination of the revolutionary war, the Court of Chancery was new modelled, and three judges were appointed to preside over it Since the year 1791, when it received some modifications for the more speedy advancement of justice, it has been called the Court of Equity. This Court, in its principles of practice, possesses advantages over the Court of Chancery at Westminster Hall. The mode of compelling the appearance of the defendant in the Court of Equity in South Carolina, and of enforcing its decrees, is more easy and summary than that of the Court of Chancery in England.* The Court of Equity in this State, has also the additional advantage of a viva voce examination of witnesses, to which the Court of Chancery in England is a stranger and which is one of the most valuable privileges of the common law. South Carolina in the formation of courts of justice in other particulars, has generally copied after the models of corresponding courts in England ; but with this difference, the State considered her courts as the courts of the people in their sovereign capacity, enforcing justice between separate units of one common mass of sovereignty. Since the estab- lishment of the national government in 1789, causes in the * Besides the usual process against the person, which it has iocidentally with the latter Court for enforcing its decrees, a special act of the Legislature has giveu it power to issue an execution oi fieri facias against the property of the defendant. FKOM 1670 TO 1808. 73 Court of Admiralty, and the appointment of judges for that Court, have been transferred to the United States as apper- taining to the general government. On similar principles, and with similar limitations, the com- mon law of England has been respected by the courts of Carolina ever since the revolution. By Act of Assembly in 1712, it, together with the habeas corpus act and other statutes particularly enumerated, were declared to be in force in Caro- lina. Some of these statutes have become obsolete ; others which made offences at common law of a highly penal nature or the subject of capital punishment, have seldom been acted upon. It has been the practice to frame indictments for them as offences at common law, in order to inflict a milder pun- ishment The rules of descent with respect to real property were, till 1791, the same in Carolina as in England; but in that year the Legislature passed an act to abolish the rights of primogeniture by which they made the estate, real as well as personal of persons dying intestate, distributable much in the same manner as by the English statute of distribution. In general all laws which were unsuitable to the present form of republican government have been altered or new modelled by acts of Assembly; but the common law of England is likely to continue till time and experience have matured a system more suitable to the present order of things. ■ During the reigns of the first and second Georges, no po- litical disputes of greater importance than the wisdom and policy of augmenting or redeeming paper bills of credit inter- rupted the harmony between the different branches of the government. The interests of a commercial mother country and an agricultural colony coincided, with little or no clash- ing; but from an early period in the reign of George the 3d, when a project of American revenue was superadded to a commercial monopoly, there was a constant succession of po- litical controversies between the Governor and Council on one side and the Commons House of Assembly on the other. By the constitution of the royal government, the concurrence of the King's Governor and of the Council appointed to advise him, was as necessary to every legislative act as that of the Commons House of Assembly. The two former being ap- pointed by the crown, were partial to its claims and endeav- ored to enforce them. The latter being chosen by the people were equally zealous in support of their rights, and originated sundry measures calculated to give union to American meas- ures for opposing the new system of parliamentary taxation. As often as these jarring claims came into contact, the legisla- tive powers of the province were interrupted. The Governor and Council would pass no bills that favored the views of the 74 LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, popular leaders, or even indirectly seemed to countenance their claims. The Commons House of Assembly, equally firm, would not sanction any measure calculated to favor British claims of taxation or to derogate from American rights. They even went further, for when they could not obtain the passage of a tax act without seeming to yield a right, they de- clined legislating on any subject whatever. From 1771 to 1775, the four years immediately preceding the American Revolution, there was but one legislative act passed, though ten or twelve was the usual annual average number of new acts, and fifty had been actually passed in the four years that immediaiely preceded this intermission of legislation. A state of things so unnatural requires explication. The Commons House of Assembly claimed the exclusive right of taxing themselves, or of giving or granting their own money as they pleased. To display their right they granted 1,500 pounds to the Bill of Rights Society in England, and put a clause in the tax bill to provide for the same. The Governor and Coun- cil would not pass the bill with that clause, and the House would not consent to expunge it. The bill was not passed — no tax was laid — the public debts were unpaid — each branch of the Legislature charged the other as the cause of the con- fusion and injustice which followed. The Commons House of Assembly, supported by the people, refused to pass any law till the royal servants sanctioned the obnoxious tax bill. The paltry present to the society in England was in itself no ob- ject; but the principle that the representatives of the people had an exclusive right to do as they pleased with their own money, was deemed of the greatest importance. The repub- lican spirit of the province, and indeed of all the provinces, was rising. The project of an American revenue, and the de- bates for and against the constitutionality of that innovation had produced an exquisite sensibility on the rights of the colonies in every patriotic breast. The question was now fairly at issue between the people and the royal servants. The former, with the same spirit that induces their offspring now to submit to a general embargo, chose to be debarred of all the blessings of legislation rather than indirectly yield the smallest tittle of their claims to the exclusive right of disposing of their own money. The revolutionary contest immediately followed, and the question of the right of the Carolinians to make a present of 1,500 pounds of their own money to a so- ciety in England was merged in another of still greater conse- quence; whether they should be conquered rebels or independ- ent freemen. The thirteen years that intervened between the peace of Paris in 1763 and Declaration of Independence in 1776, were FROM 1670 TO 1808. 75 eventful years in South Carolina. In that period the seeds of the revolution were sown, watered, grew and ripened. The people were made instruments in the hands of Providence to detach the colonies from the parent State, though they neither intended nor wished for any such event The claim of a British parliament to tax them without their consent, roused them to reflect on their rights and to do something for their security. Every step they took for that purpose was thwarted by the King's Governor and Council. Their concurrence in necessary bills was sometimes withheld, and on other occasions they dissolved the Commons House of Assembly for entering on necessary defensive measures. The royal prerogative which had never been used to the disadvantage of the prov- ince by the two first Georges, under a new King and new ministry became a rod of iron to scourge the people for daring to assert their rights and resist meditated oppression. Pleased as the Carolinians had been with the royal government as in- finitely preferable to that of the proprietors, they now found its excellency was merely accidental ; and that, with a change of Kings and Ministers, it might in a short period pass over from good to bad. The exercise of royal prerogative to keep down the rising spirit of freedom produced a contrary effect, and made the people more determined to be the conservators of their own privileges. While the public mind was gradually alienating from a partiality for royal government, and expand- ing with more thorough knowledge of the rights of man, the physical force of the country was increasing with unexampled rapidity. By the combined influence of new views of govern- ment, and of a vast increase of population in the short space of twelve or thirteen years, the people of South Carohna with- out any preconcerted plan or design, were prepared with hon- est views and a respectable force to defend their rights. The year 1763 found them dutiful subjects — 1775 left them sub- jects, but subjects prepared to resist oppression. Though from the causes that have been mentioned there was but one solitary legislative act passed in Carolina for the five years that immediately preceded the revolution, executive functions were nevertheless, for the greatest part of that pe- riod, discharged as before. As the revolution advanced, the executive powers of the royal governor gradually declined, and in September, 1775, finally terminated. At that period Lord William Campbell, the last representative of his Britannic ma- jesty, went on board one of the armed vessels of his royal master and left the province in a state of nature; without any form of government, other than the recommendations of com- mittees, or congresses, appointed without the authority of written law or any definite specification of powers. After re- 76 LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, maining in this unsettled state for some time it was deter- mined to appoint a committee to prepare a draught of a con- stitution, or form of government, on the sole authority of the people; though they still acknowledged themselves subjects of the King of Great Britain. In consequence thereof, a tempo- rary constitution was agreed to on the 26th of March, 1776, "until an accommodation of the unhappy differences between the two countries should be obtained." The constitution, then adopted, was as exact a copy of the British form of govern- ment as the situation of Carolina would permit. A legislative body was constituted of three separate and independent branches ; and an executive officer, by tlie name of President, was elected, with ample powers approaching to royalty. The reconciliation, then expected by some and wished for by more, was not realized. This temporary constitution, in a little more than two years, gave place to a new one, formed on the idea of independence, which, in the meantime, had been declared. The distinction between a constitution and an act of the Leg- islature was not, at this period, so Well understood as it has been since. The Legislature, elected under the constitution of 1776, with the acquiescence of the people, undertook to form a new constitution ; and, to give it activity, with the forms, and under the name of an Act of Assembly. This, af- ter being fully discussed, was finally ratified in 1778. The religious rights of the people, on which the preceding consti- tution was silent, now, for the first time, obtained attention. The establishment of the Church of England, which took place in 1706, had been continued till the revolution. But, growing illumination on the principles of government, and the temper of the times, pointed out the impropriety of continuing under a free constitution that legal pre-eminence of one de- nomination of Christians overall others, which had been con- ferred partly for political purposes under a very different sys- tem of government. In making a new arrangement on the subject of religion, the distinction between toleration and es- tablishment was retained. To the former all were entitled who acknowledged, "that there was one God — that there was a future state of rewards andpunishments — and that God was to be publicly worshipped." To the latter all Christian Pro- testants were equally entitled, and it was declared " that the Christian Protestant religion was the established reUgionofthe State,'' and"that all denominations of them should enjoy equal religious and civil privileges;'' and "that the societies of the Church of England, then formed, should continue incorporate and hold the property in their possession." To preserve the idea of an established religion, and at the same time to do equal justice to all denominations of Protestants, the public support, I'ROM 1670 TO 1808. 77 heretofore given to the Church of England, was withdrawn; and the privileges of the establishment, and particularly of in- corporation, were held out on easy terms to all Christian Pro- testants. To accomplish this, an extensive nominal religious estabhshmentwas adopted on apian similar to that suggested by Mr. Locke in the fundamental constitutions of the province. This contemplated to grant on petition the privileges of incor- poration and of an established church to any fifteen persons who would associate for public worship, give themselves a name, and subscribe in a book the five following terms of com- munion : "1st. That there is one eternal Gon, and a future state of rewards and punishments. 2d. That God is publicly to be worshipped. 3d. That the Christian religion is the true religion. 4th. That the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament are of divine inspiration, and are the rule of faith and practice. 5th. That it is lawful and the duty of every man, being thereunto called by those that govern, to bear wit- ness to truth." They who had been called dissenters con- formed to the new establishment, and readily obtained the privileges of incorporation, and as such were enabled to sue for and hold their property without the intervention of trustees.. Thus, all Christian Protestants were put on an equal footing, and in consequence thereof harmony and good will was increased. At that time, there was no church of Roman Catholics in the State, nor of any denomination not comprehended under the general term of Christian Protestants, except that of the Jews. The whole of this system distinguishing between toleration and establishment — between Christian Protestants and others, was abolished by the constitution of 1790; and religion was placed where it ought to be in a state of perfect freedom, in the following words : " The free exercise and enjoyment of re- ligious profession and worship without discrimination or pref- erence, shall forever hereafter be allowed within this State to all mankind, provided that the liberty of conscience thereby declared shall not be so construed as to excuse acts of licen- tiousness or justify practices inconsistent with the peace or safety of this State." By the constitution of 1778, the title of the executive officer was changed from President to Governor, and he was deprived of his negative on the laws. Instead of a legislative council to be chosen by the representatives from their own body, a second branch of Legislature, denominated a Senate was to be constituted by election of the people. The idea of a Legisla- ture consisting of a single branch, though advocated by some, was generally reprobated. This constitution carried the people through the revolu- tionary war, and continued till the j^ear 1790. The chief 78 LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, difficulty attending it, was its great expense in supporting an enormously large representation. But it was deemed impolitic to lesson it while the war raged. The State of South Carolina was one of thirteen confedera- ted States whose general interest were managed by a congress of deputies from each. The powers of congress were found inadequate to the good government of the union, when the pressure of war and the cement of common danger was over. A more efficient form of government was called for by the States. South Carolina readily agreed to a proposition from Virginia for digesting such a form of government by a general convention, and appointed Henry Laurens, John Rudedge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Pierce Butler, and Charles Pinckney to represent the State in the same. The four last named attended and assisted in the deliberations of the con- vention, and concurred in the plan of government recom- mended by them. The people promptly adopted the present constitution of the United States, which was originally pro- posed in 1787, by this convention of delegates from the indi- vidual States. Since that period the government is complex. A federal, legislative, executive, and judicial power pervades the State; but is confined to objects of a general nature more within the purview of the United States than of any particu- lar one. Every power that is necessary to a common national govern- ment has been ceded to the United States, but all that is purely domestic in its operation and consequences is reserved and exercised by the State. This reform of the common bond of union which was adopted by South Carolina in 1788, necessarily involved an- other. To new model the constitution of the State in conform- ity to that of the United States, a convention of the people of South Carolina was called in 1790, which formed a consti- tution adapted to the new order of things. The large repre- sentation which, from motives of policy, began and had been continued through the war, was diminished one-half and several other improvements were adopted. Though the form of government in South Carolina has been materially altered six or seven times,* yet each change has been for the better. In the eighteenth century, while experi- ments and the reasoning powers of man were improving the * The government of South Carolina has been one proprietary, two regal, three representative. One by committees and congresses, or conventions ofthe people; two by the constitution of 17"6; three by that of 1778; four by that of 1790. Be- sides these domestic changes South Carolina, as one of the United Slates, was successively subject to a congress with advisory powers from 1774 to 1781 — to the confederation from 1781 to 1789 — to the constitution of the United States from 1789 to the present time. FROM 1670 TO 1808. 79 arts and sciences, the art of government was by no means stationery. South Carolina, as one of the United States and acting her part in the American revolution, has practically enforced the following improvements in the art of government : 1. That all power is derivedfrom the people, and ought to be exercised for their benefit; that they have a right to resist the tyranny and oppression of their rulers and to change their government whenever it is found not to afford that protection to life, liberty, and property, for the security of which it was instituted. 2. That it is the true policy of States to afford equal protec- tion to the civil rights of all individuals and of all sects of re- ligionists without discrimination or pieference, and without interference on the part of the State in all matters that relate only to the intercourse between man and his maker. 3. That the ultimate end and object of all laws and govern- ment is the happiness of the people; and that therefore no laws should be passed, or taxes or other burdens imposed on them for the benefit of a part of the community, but only such as operate equally and justly on all for the general good. 4. That war shall only be declared or entered upon by the solemn act of the people, whose blood and treasure is to be expended in its prosecution. Plain and obvious as these principles are to American un- derstandings, yet the government of nations over the greatest part of the world, and for almost the whole period of its ex- istence, has been conducted on difl'erent principles and for very different purposes. Burdensome taxes have been levied in all countries on the body of the people to support the pride and luxury of a few. Wars, all of which are wicked, most of them mad, and none of them necessary, have been begun and prosecuted to gratify the passions and foUies of rulers without any regard to national happiness. Thousands in every age have been shedding the blood of their fellow-men for trifles in which neither have any interest. Fire and faggot have been extensively used to promote uniformity in articles of faith and unimportant ceremonies of religion. Grievous per- secutions have been aUernately inflicted on contending sects of religionists as often as they had power in their hands. The rights and interests of millions have been sacrificed to aggrandize a few. All this mischief has been perpetrated under color of law and constitution. A government founded in reason, and the rights of man, and exclusively directed to its proper object, the advancement of human happiness, was first estabHshed by common consent in the eighteenth cen- tury ; and in the woods of America. Its foundation in South Carolina rests on the following principles : 23 80 LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, No power is exercised over the people but what has been granted by them with the express view of its being used for the general good. No laws bind them, nor are any taxes imposed on them, but with the consent of themselves or representatives freely and fairly chosen every second year by a majority of votes. There are no privileged orders. All are equally subject to the laws; and the vote of any one elector goes as far as that of any other. "No freeman can be taken or imprisoned or disseized of his freehold liberties, or privileges, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any manner destroyed or deprived of his life, liberty, or • property, but by the judgment of his peers or by the law of the land." Religion is so perfectly free that all sects have equal rights and privileges and each individual may join with any, or with none, as he pleases without subjecting himself to any civil inconvenience. These and similar principles of liberty and equality pervade the Constitution and laws of the State. The first is the work of the people in their sovereign capacity, and prescribes limits to all the departments of government. These departments are three — legislative, executive, and judicial; for it is neces- sary in regular government that laws be enacted, expounded, and applied, and finally executed. The legislative power is constituted and exercised by forty-five senators and one hun- dred and twenty-four representatives, who are all chosen by the people, and form two co-ordinate branches of legislature independent of each other. Bills cannot be passed into laws till after they have been read three times on three different days in each house, and are agreed to by both ; deliberating apart. Laws thus made are expounded and applied to par- ticular cases by judges elected by the Legislature and commis- sioned during good behavior who are afterwards independent both of the Legislature and the people. The Governor who is charged with the execution of the laws, and the administra- tion of the government, is elected by the Legislature for the term of two years. The duties required, and the burdens imposed by the laws, are equally binding on the law-makers as on the people. They who are legislators cease to be so in the Senate at the end of four years, and in the House of Rep- resentatives at the end of two ; and all power reverts to the people till by a new election they invest the men of their choice with authority to act for them. Every precaution is taken to identify the interests of the people, and their rulers. If the electors are not wanting to themselves the laws thus cautiously made,impartially expounded, and liberally executed FROM 1670 TO 1808, 81 by the men of their choice, must be the collected will and wisdom of the people, deliberately pursuing their own happi- ness as far as is practicable in the imperfect state of human nature. Such, after two revolutions in one century and three attempts to form an efficient constitution, is the result of the efforts of the people of South Carolina for the preservation and advancement of their political interests. The mode of passing laws varied with the forms of govern- ment. During the forty-nine years of proprietary rule, four hundred and ninety-seven acts were passed which have reached us. Of each of these it is declared that they were " enacted 'by the Palatine and the proprietors of the province by and with the advice and consent of the rest of the members of the General Assembly;" and that they were "read three times and ratified in open assembly." They were severally signed by the Governor for the time being, and by three, four, five, or six of thirty-two gentlemen who were deputies of the proprietors or members of the proprietary council. Their names arranged in the same order as they appear in the printed statutes, are Thomas Smith, Paul Grim- ball, Richard Conant, Joseph Blake, Stephen Bull, William Smith, WiUiam Hawett, Joseph Morton, Thomas Gary, James More, John Beresford, John Wick, Edmund Bel- linger, Robert Gibbes, Henry Noble, Thomas Broughton, Nicholas Trott, Benjamin Barons, James Risbee, Charles Burnham, Francis Furberville, Samuel Eveleigh, Thomas Diston, Stephen Gibbes, Charles Hart, Arthur Middleton, Richard Beresford, Ralph Izard, Hugh Butler, George Chicken, Francis Yonge, and Alexander Skeene. There is no evi- dence that any person signed the laws as the organ of the freemen of the province by the title of Speaker, or by any other title in their behalf as a separate body. It is probable that the laws were passed by all the legislators deliberating together in one and the same apartment. In the fourteen months between the proprietary and regal government, while all power was administered by the sole authority of the peo- ple, twenty-nine laws were enacted and said to be so "by James Moore, Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the council and representatives of the inhabitants ;" yet they were signed only by James Moore declaring his assent to the same. The period of royal legislation in South Carolina was only 50 years; for no laws were passed by the King's representa- tive for one year after the proprietary government was re- ; nounced : nor more than one for five years before the royal government terminated. In this half century from 1721 to , 1771, 687 laws were passed. The enacting style was, "by the 82 LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, Governor, or President of the province of South Carolina, by and with the advice and consent of his majesty's council and the Assembly of the province." The laws were signed by the Speaker of the Assembly first, and then by the Governor or President. The royal Governors or persons acting as such, with the title of President or Lieutenant-Governor were, 1st. Francis Nicholson from 1721 — 1725. 2d. Arthur Middleton, 1725— 1730. 3d. Robert Johnson, 1730 — 1735. 4th. Thos. Brough- ton, 1735— 1737. 5th. William Bull, 1737 — 1743. 6th. James Glen, 1743 — 1756. 7th. William Henry Littleton, 1756— 1760. Sth. William Bull, 1760 — 1761. 9th. Thomas Boone, 1762 — 1763. 10th. William Bull, 1763—1766. 11th. Lord Charles Greville Montague, 1766— 1769. 12th. WilliamBulI, 1769—1775. 13th. Lord William Campbell, from June 1776 to September 1775. The Speakers who signed the laws in behalf of the common House of Assembly were, 1st. James Moore, 1721 — 1725. 2d. Thos. Broughton, 1726 — 1730. 3d. William Donning, 1731— 1732. 4th. Paul Jenys, 1733 — 1736. 5th. Charles Pinckney, 1736 — 1740. 6th. William Bull, 1740 — 1742. 7th. Benja- min Whitaker, 1743. Sth. William Bull, 1744—1746. 9th. Henry Middleton, 1746 — 1747. 10th. William Bull, 1748. 11th. Andrew Rutledge, 1749 — 1751. 12th. James Michie, 1752—1755. 13th. Benjamin Smith, 1775—1762. 14th. Rawhns Lowndes, 1764 — 1765. 15th. Peter Manigault, 1766. It does not appear that any person signed the laws in behalf of the King's Council other than the Governor, or President while acting as Governor. During the existence of the temporary constitution, there were two Presidents, John Rutledge and Rawlins Lowndes: two Speakers of the legislative Council, G. G. Powell, and Hugh Rutledge : three Speakers of the General Assembly, James Parsons, John Matthews, and Thomas Bee: and one hundred laws passed with the concurrence of three branches of the Legislature in thirty-one months. The number is great but not excessive. This constitution was adopted after a suspen- sion of regular legislative power for five years, and in the midst of an extensive war. To legislate for a country so circum- stanced, required the almost constant attention of its new formed legislative bodies. Between the establishment of the constitution of 1778, and the period of the removal of the seat of government to Colum- bia in 1790, there were six Governors, John Rutledge, 1779— John Matthews, 1782 — Benjamin Guerard, 1783 — William Moultrie, 1785 — Thomas Pinckney, 1787 — Charles Pinckney, 1789 — each serving for about two years agreeably to the con- FROM 1670 TO 1808. 83 stitution : and four Presidents of the Senate, Charles Piuck- ney, 1779 — John Lewis Gervais, 17S2 — John Lloyd, 1783 — Daniel DeSaussure, 1789: and six Speakers of the House of Representatives, John Matthews, 1776 — Thomas Fair, 1779 — Hugh Rutledge, 1782 — John Faucherhaud Grimke, 1785 — John Julius Pringle, 1787 — and Jacob Read, 1789. In this period of twelve years, 362 laws were passed with the signa- ture of the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives, which two houses coastituted the Legisla- ture. For two years of this period, legislation was suspended in consequence of the British successors in reducing the capital and over-running the greatest part of the country. After they had evacuated the State, so extensive were its desolations — so puzzling was the line of propriety in legislating between dis- tressed creditors and impoverished debtors — and between those who by temporizing had saved, and others who by steady patriotism had lost their property, that legislation became a delicate and difficult task. From the year 1790, to the present time, a new asra has presented brighter prospects. A new constitution both for the United States, and for this State of South Carolina — a new seat of government — increasing har- mony and reviving credit, produced a real melioration of the public affairs and made legislation an easier and a more pleas- ant duty. From this time to the present there have been 'Governors Charles Pinckney, 1791; A. Vanderhorst, 1793; William Moultrie, 1795; Edward Rudedge, 1798; John Dray- ton, 1800; James B. Richardson, 1802; Paul Hamilton, 1804; Charles Pinckney, 1806; and John Drayton, 1808 — and six Presidents of the Senate, David Ramsay, 1791; John Ward, 1798; John Gaillard, 1803; Robert Barnwell, 1805; William Smith, 1806; Samuel Warren, 1808 — and six Speakers of the House of Representatives, Jacob Read, 1790 ; Robert Barnwell, 1795; William Johnson, 1798^ Theodore Gaillard, 1800; Robert Starke, 1802; William Cotesworth Pinckney, 1804; Joseph Alston, 1805. In this period of eighteen years, 395 laws have been enacted by both houses, and signed by the President of the one, and the Speaker of the other. In the period of 138 years which have passed away since the settlement of South Carolina, 2,059 laws have been passed. Of these, 1,202 were enacted in the r06 years of the colonial existence of South Carolina, and 857 in the thirty-two years of its freedom and independence. This great comparative increase of laws in the latter period, may in part be accounted for from the pressure of war, the novel state of the country, and the great increase of popula- tion; but must be principally referred to the new form of government. If it is notthe fault, it is certainly the misfortune 84 LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, of republics to legislate too much. There being no interfering interest to check the wheels of legislation, the law-makers seldom meet with difficulties in passing laws especially of a private nature. Every petty association that chooses to be incorporated, has little more to do than to petition for that privilege. The sale of any public property ; the opening a new road ; the establishment of a ferry ; the running the di- vision lines between two districts; the altering any trival cir- cumstance in the manner of transacting public business, and a thousand minor objects must all be done by laws expressly made for the purpose. It is a high privilege to be bound by no laws, but such as have been agreed to by common con- sent; but to obtain that consent for every trifle, must make legislation laborious, and in time enlarge the statute book to an enormous size. Where no proper remedy can be applied, the inconvenience must be patiently borne, but the wisdom of man is certainly equal to the adoption of some general rules or principles that will make the government even of a free State safe and practicable without a growing annual multi- plicity of laws. A Carolinian will abate of his astonishment at the darkness which overshadows the early history of the governments of the old world, when he is told that no law can be found on record in South Carolina, which passed prior to the year 1682, which was twelve years after the first settlement of the province' that the first authority for printing the laws was in 1712, and that there is not any regular record of judicial proceedings prior to 1703, nor any entered in bound books before 1710. Those who live at a distance, and have been taught to be- lieve that the Carolinians were and are a loose irreligious peo- ple, will be surprised to hear that the two oldest acts which have been handed down to us, are the first "for the observa- tion of the Lord's day," and the second " for the suppressing of idle, drunken, or swearing persons ;" and that there are several subsequent laws " for the better observance of the Lord's day," and " for punishing blasphemy and profaneness." They who for many years past have been witnesses of the extension of the buildings and wharves into the waters, which wash three sides of Charlestown, will be satisfied that the present inhabitants have sufficiently retaliated for these early encroachments of the sea on the city, for the prevention of which the Legislature passed several laws from 1694 to 1725, and also built a strong curtain line on its east front. As long ago as 1695, an act was passfd for ifgifteiirg births, roar- Yiages and burials, in which our fathers were wiser than we are. Charlestown was then so thinly settled, that within three years of the same time, an act was passed for clearing it of under- FROM 1670 TO 1808. 85 wood. Much was done in these early days by judicious laws, to encourage the settlement of the province, and to promote learning and the religious instruction of the people; to pre- serve peace and regulate trade with the Indians ; to open roads, establish ferries, and build bridges ; to provide for the defence of the province, for the better ordering of slaves; to establish courts, regulate elections, encourage the raising of the staple commodities of the country, and to promote in- dustry and order among the people. These and similar subjects pointed out by the infant state of the colony, were attended to by its legislators under the pro- prietary government. The same have been in like man- ner steadily pursued since the country was taken under the care of the crown, but on a larger scale. The increasing trade of the province required some new regulations and new officers. Colonial wars with tribes of Indians, called for legislative direction. The extension of settlements required new and more ample arrangements for the convenience of the people and the administration of justice. To these and other subjects connected with the improving state of the country, the legislative powers of the royal province were advantage- ously directed, till the American revolution unsettled every- thing. The regular power of making, expounding and enforc- ing laws, was then for some time suspended, and afterwards extinguished, but was soon revived with increased energy on a system of representative government. The objects of legis- lation have ever since embraced every attribute of sovereignty ; but during the revolutionary war they were chiefly confined to necessary defensive measures and matters of immediate pressing necessity; but no sooner was the war over than full scope was given to the spirit of law-making. Inland naviga- tion, canals, toll-bridges, improvements of internal police, and in the administration of justice, together with a variety of other projects for meliorating the condition of the country, received the warmest patronage of the first General Assemblies which met after the peace of 1783. The State powers of legislation were then in a great measure uncontrolled; but in five or six years they were divided ; and some of the most important, and all of a general nature, were transferred to the United States for the common good. The range of State legislation was circumscribed and since the year 1790, has been exclusively directed to matters of a local concern. The powers of the Legislature of the country have increased under every change of government but the last. This limited the sovereignty of the State ; but in proportion as its legislative powers in mat- ters of national concern have been curtailed, its real domestic happiness has been advanced. It has become powerful by 86 relinquishing power, and rich by giving up revenue; for both have been managed more for the interest, not only of South CaroHna, but of all the States, than they ever could have been by the individual States, acting without system, and under the influence of divided councils. Before the revolution, Chief Justice Trott compiled the laws np to the year IVS'ljand Mr. Simpson brought into one view all of them which related to the powers and duties of justices of the peace. Soon after the revolution, Justice Crrimk^ took up the same business and gave a compilation of the most material laws from the settle- ment of the province to the year 1789, and also two separate works, one for the information and direction of justices of the peace, and another for similar purposes respecting executors and administrators of tiie estates of deceased persons. Before these publications of Judge Grimke, knowledge of the ordi- nary acts of provincial and State legislation could only be ob- tained from the public records; for few or no copies of them could be otherwise procured. A work of great importance has been lately commenced and is to be continued; this is reports of adjudged cases, by Justice Bay, containing a judicial exposition of the laws, and an application of their principles to particular cases. These as far as sanctioned by the bench of judges, become established precedents and partake of the nature of law. They gradually diminish the necessity of referring to precedents from foreign countries, and will in time make the determination of our courts wholly American. The penal code of barbarous antiquity is in a great measure still unreformed; but the mitigation of punishments and the establishment of a penitentiary for the reformation of crimi- nals, are subjects now before the Legislature. The policy of adopting turnpikes, to be supported by a tax on travelers for the improvement of roads, is also in a train of investigation. Hitherto no provision for making or repairing roads has been sanctioned, but the occasional labor of the contiguous inhabi- tants. This has been found wholly inadequate: but no effect- ual substitute has yet been agreed upon. With respect to roads and bridges. South Carolina is far behind the northern and eastern States. On these subjects the existing laws re- quire, and it is hoped will soon receive, amendment. This general view of the laws of South Carolina will be concluded with as particular an enumeration of the gentlemen employed in the judicial department as can now be obtained. There have been chief justices of South Carolina as follows: Bohun, in the seventeenth century; Nicholas Trott, early in the eighteenth ; Richard Alleyn, 1719 ; Robert Wright, 1731 ; Thomas Dale, 1739; Benjamin Whitaker, 1739; James Greene, 1749; Charles Pinckney, 1752; Peter Leigh, 1753; FROM 1670 TO 1808. 87 James Michie, 1759; William Simpson, 1761 ; Charles Skin- ner, 1763; Thomas Knox Gordon, 1771; William Henry Dray- ton, 1776; John Rutledge, 1791. Since the year 1791 there has been no appointment of a chief justice; the senior judge acting as such. It does not appear from the records that there were any as- sistant judges prior to 1736. In the previous infancy of the province, a single chief justice presided over the courts in Charlestown, which were then, and for thirty-three years af- ter, the only ones held in the province. About that time the middle country began to be settled. An increasing population required an increase of judges. Since that year the following gentlemen have been appointed assistant judges : Thomas Dale, 1736; Robert Austin, 1737; Thomas Lamboll, 1736; Benjamin De La Conseillere, 1737; James Mazyck, 1739; William Bull, Jr., 1739; Robert Young, 1739 ; Othneil Beale, 1 740 ; John Lining, 1744 ; John Drayton, 1753 ; William Simpson, 1760; Robert Pringle, 1760; William Burrows, 1764; Rawlins Lowndes, 1766; Benjamin Smith, 1766; Geo. Gabriel Powell, 1769; John Murray, 1770; Edward Savage, 1771 ; John Fewtrell, 1771 ; Charles Matthew Cosslett, 1772 ; William Henry Drayton, 1774 ; William Gregory, 1774 ; Tho- mas Bee, John Matthews, Henry Pendleton, 1776; Edanus Burke, 1778. Since the evacuation of Charlestown, in 1782, the following gentlemen have been appointed judges of the Court of Common Pleas and of Sessions, in the following order: 1. John Fau- cheraud Grimk^ ; 2. Thomas Heyward ; 3. Thomas Waties ; 4. William Drayton ; 5. Elihu Hall Bay; 6. Ephraim Ramsay ; 7. William Johnson; 8. Lewis Trezevant; 9. Joseph Brevard; 10. Samuel Wylds; 11. William Smith. The first, third and three last, are the judges in 1808. Since the year 1784, when appropriate judges were first appointed by the Legislature to preside over the Court of Chancery, the following gentlemen have been appointed to that high office : — John Rutledge, Richard Hutson and John Matthews, in 1784. These have been succeeded by Hugh Rutledge, James Green Hunt, Edanus Burke, William James, Waddy Thomson, Theodore Gaillard, and William Henry DeSaussure. The last four, with Hugh Rutledge, are at present, 1808, judges of the Court of Equity. Each of them can hold a court, but an appeal may be made from its decisions to the bench of judges. On a retrospect, the gradual improvement of the judiciary system must be obviously striking. For ninety-nine years there were no courts, judges or lawyers beyond the limits of Charlestown. For two-thirds of that period the Courts of Common Pleas and of King's Bench were held by one and the same single judge, from whom there was no appeal but to himself on a new trial. In the year 1719 the government and people, by their representatives, remonstrated to the lords pro- prietors against Nicholas Trott, as being not only sole judge of the Courts of Common Pleas, of King's Bench, but also of the Court of Vice-Admiralty, and at the same time as a counsellor, one of the judges of the Court of Chancery ; but they could not effect his removal from any one of these incompatible offices. For the first sixteen years of the royal government, the Courts of Common Pleas and of Sessions were both held by one and the same person by the name of Chief Justice, and without any appeal to any other than to himself All this time, and till the year 1769, no suit could be commenced but in Charles- town, and no officer but the provost marshal could serve a process in any part of the province; by which means the ex- penses of a suit were often half the amount of the debt. Some relief was obtained by the Circuit Court Act, but that was only partial. These Circuit Courts were not courts of original juris- diction, nor of record, for the first twenty years after they were constituted. Since the revolution, the former districts have been successively subdivided till the same portion of country, with the addition of Pendleton and Greenville, has been formed into twenty-five districts, and the number of judges increased from one to six. Every cause may now be re- examined by a bench of judges, of whom, at least, three out of four take it up as new, and without any prepossession. The same successive reforms have attached to the Court of Chancery : for the first 1 14 years of provincial Carolina, justice was dispensed in that court by the counsellors of the executive authority, who were generally destitute of competent legal knowledge. From 1784 to 1808 three appropriate judges pre- sided over this court ; but from their decisions there was no appeal hut to a full hench, of which they, from whose decision the appeal was made, constituted a majority. At present an appeal can be made to a bench of five, or at least of four judges, all of whom, except one, takes the case up as new, and without any bias from having presided over the court from whose decision the appeal was made. Before the revo- lution, and for five years after, there Avas but one ordinary for South Carolina; but since the peace of 1783, the twenty-five districts have been accommodated with one for each. The good of the people was the object of these modifications of the several departments of government. The end has been ob- tained with respect to a great majority of the inhabitants, who are orderly and well disposed; but nevertheless, the increased facility and decreased expense of going to law has fostered a spirit of litigation. The number of suits in the State courts exceeds the number instituted in provincial Carolina in a much greater proportion than can be supposed to arise solely FROM 1670 TO 1808. 89 from an increase of population.* Such is the imperfection of all things human, that every earthly good has an alloy of evil mixed with it. The disposition to bear and forbear, and to accommodate disputes, has been lessened by the multiplica- tion of courts and diminution of the expenses, and other in- conveniences of seeking legal redress for small matters.f The mode of admission to practice law in the courts of Carolina, has varied with times and circumstances. Before the revolution it depended on a rule of court, and was rarely conferred on any others than regularly bred European or na- tive Carolinian lawyers. Since the year 1785 the door of ad- mission has been widened, particularly in favor of citizens of the United States. The last law on the subject was passed in 1806. By the rules therein laid down, an examination of the candidate on legal subjects, and also a year's residence, not only in the State, but of actual study in the office of some practicing attorney or judge, is in every case indispensably necessary. This is required of American citizens, though they have studied and been admitted to practice in other States; but from graduates commencing their legal studies, three years, and from others four years study of law is required before they can be admitted. In the year 1808 there were forty-eight practitioners of law in Charlestown. The whole number admitted to the bar, for the twenty-seven years which immediately preceded the revolution, was fifty-eight ; but in the twenty-five years subsequent to its termination, in 1783, no less than 238 were admitted in Charlestown, exclusive of those who passed their examination in the country. Of these several never practiced nor intended to practice. * For the seven years before the courts were disturbed by the revolution, the greatest number of judgments entered up in Charlestown in one year was 390, and the average of these seven years was 236 judgments for each. In seven years since the revolution, or from 1800 to 1806 inclusive, 5,858 judgments have been entered up, which is an average of 838 for each year. There were 1,850 causes at issue for the January term, 1809 — and 1,150 causes were tried in the May term of 1 806. This disparity of nearly one for four, previous to and since the revolution, will be more obvious when it is known that all the judgments, obtained in the country districts before the year 1789, were entered up in Charles- town; and that, in the latter period, the judgments entered up in Charlestown are only those obtained in Charlestown district, which is no more than one of the twenty-five into which the State is divided: and it will be still more striking when it is known that the whole population of the State in 1765 was 130,000, rather more than double of the whole population of Charlestown district, which, in 1800, was only 57,486. For much of these details the author and his readers are in- debted to James Nicholson. fThe Methodists, in South Carolina, manage these matters in a way peculiar to themselves. In some cases they prohibit, and in all, discourage their people from going to law. They reprobate their contracting debts without a fair prospect ol paying them according to contract. In the case of failure to pay, if the debt was contracted wantonly and with improper views, the debtor is left to himself or dismissed from their society. If its non-payment is the effect of unexpected misfortunes they lend him money to discharge it. Though this can only be done to a limited extent, yet their funds are so prudently managed as to save most of their followers from the expenses of law-suits, which are often ruinous to the poor of other societies. 90 FISCAL HISTORY, FISCAL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, FROM 1670 TO 1808. CHAPTER IV. From the settlement of Carolina, taxes were uniformly the free gifts of the people. For the first twelve years none were imposed. The earliest on record is in the year 1682. This appears in the form of an act of the Legislature, "for raising a tax of £400 for defraying the public charges of the province." But the mode of raising that sum has not descended to posterity. The largest sum imposed in any one year of the first thirty-two, was ^£800 ; and the whole which appears to have been raised by taxes during that time did not exceed £2,320 : but in that period a new principle of revenue was introduced. In 1691 a duty was imposed on skins and furs. These were then the principal exports from the country. The amount of this duty is unknown, but it must have been con- siderable, perhaps adequate to the public exigencies; for no tax act appears on record for the ten years next after that duty was imposed. With the new century there were new calls for money and new modes of raising it. Taxes on the former plan were also continued and enlarged. In 1702 an act was passed "for raising £2,000," to provide for an offensive expedition against St. Augustine. Though the expedition failed, this sum was not sufficient. To supply its deficiencies, acts were passed in each of the two following years for raising £2,000; and about the same time a tax of ten per cent, was laid on furs, skins, liquors, and other goods and merchandize imported into and exported out of the province. In 1708 an act was passed for raising the sum of £5,000, and in 1710 for raising £3,000, and in 1713 for raising £4,000. In 1714 a specific duty was laid on all negro slaves imported, but the amount charged on each is not mentioned. Anactfor raising £30,000 from the estates real and personal of the in- habitants, was passed in 1715, and in the year 1716, there was an act for raising 35,000 in that year, and 30,000 for each of the two ensuing years. Of these taxes, £l,600 were appor- tioned among the merchants and other inhabitants living within the limits of the plat of Charlestown. This is the first instances of a tax laid expressly on merchants and the inhabi- tants of Charlestown. In the year 1719 an act was passed for raising the sum of £70,000 on lands and negroes. The FROM 1670 TO 180S. 91 augmentation of taxes from ,£2,320 for the eighteen last years of the seventeenth century to £215,000 in the first eighteen years of the eighteenth century needs explanation. It was not the consequence of increasing wealth or accidental sudden prosperity, but proceeded from causes directly the reverse. The commencement of the eighteenth century was uncommonly disastrous to Carolina. The abortive expedition against Au- gustine — the invasion of the province by Feboure — the expe- dition under Col. Barnwell against the Tuscaroa Indians of North Carolina — the Yamassee war and the suppression of the pirates, all took place between 1701 and 1719, and drew after them debt, taxes, paper-money and depreciation. Such are Ihe consequences of war, whether offensive or defensive, successful or abortive, injurious to all establishments, but doubly so to such as are in their infancy. The first link in this chain of evils, was Gov. Moore's expedition against St. Augustine in 1702. To lessen the burdens resulting from it, £8,000 in bills of credit were issued by the Assembly which were to be sunk in three years by a duty laid on liquors, skins and furs. The credit of this paper-money was for some considerable time undiminished; audit would have continued so to the end if it had stood alone, for it was well received by all and ample funds were provided for its redemption. But a new plausible project, contrary to the expectation of its friends, diminished the value of the bills. Interest was then ten per cent., and lands were increasing in value from the successful culture of rice. These circumstances suggested the idea of a land bank as an easy and practicable mode of obtaining, money and of supporting the credit of paper. In the year 1712, the enormous sum of £52,000 was issued in bills of credit to be loaned out on interest to such of the in- habitants as could give the requisite security and agreed to pay interest annually in addition to the twelfth part of the principal. These land bank-bills came into circulation under circumstances similar to those which introduced the late paper medium sanctioned by the Legislature in 1785; but their fate was different. On their emission, the rate of exchange and the price of produce quickly increased. In the first year it advanced to 150, and in the second to 200 per cent. In ten years after, 1722, it was fixed by law at four for one. In ad- dition to the injury done by the land bank-bills, a further de- preciation resulted from a further emission of £15,000 by the Legislature in 1716, to assist in defraying the expenses of the Yamassee war. The people lost confidence in bills of credit, the multiplication and extension of which was so easy and tempting. In Carolina, as a British province, sterhng was the legal 92 FISCAL HISTORY, money of the country ; but unfortunately there was very little of it in the province or in any of the British colonies. The greatest part of their current gold and silver was foreign coin. The local assemblies settled the value thereof by laws pecu- liar to each province. To remedy the inconveniences arising from the different rates of foreign coin in the several colonies, an act of Parliament was passed and a proclamation founded thereon by Queen Anne in 1708, for ascertaining the current rate of foreign coin in all the colonies. This fixed their cur- rent nominal value in British America at one-fourth above the nominal value in sterling money. But the demand for more circulating medium in a new country than could be fur- nished in coin was so urgent,that this regulation was not re- garded, and the confusion arising from the different values of British sterling and provincial current paper money became general throughout the colonies. In some a dollar passed for six shillings, in others for seven and sixpence: in North Caro- lina and New York, for eight shillings: in South Carolina for one pound twelve shillings and sixpence. In the latter, the comparative value of sterling coin and paper-money diverged so far from each other, that after passing through all interme- diate grades of depreciation, it was finally fixed at seven pounds of the paper bills for one pound sterling. It afterwards assumed the character of currency as distinct from sterling, and formed as it were another denomination and species of money. Persons who had entered into contracts before the paper bills had attained that fixed point suffered great injury; but in contracts made afterwards the parties made their engage- ments in conformity to the existing state of things. In the meantime, the confusion which results from the fluctuating value of money pervaded every department of business. The merchants in Carolina complained of the justice of .making these bills of credit a legal tender in the discharge of steriing debts, and interested the merchants of London in their behalf. By the persuasion of the latter the proprietors were induced to direct Governor Robert Johnson to insist on their redemp- tion. Laws were passed for that purpose, but were not car- ried into full effect. The change of government soon followed. With the new royal government, the same fiscal measures were substantially pursued ; several specified articles were subjected to impost duties ; taxes were raised almost every year, and varied from about 20,0(t0 or 30,000 pounds which ■ were among the lowest, to 50,000 or 60,000, which were among the highest prior to the year 1755. Paper bills of credit were also continued. Nicholson, the first royal Gov- ernor, willing to soothe the people, gave his assent in the year 1722 to an emission of £40,000 in bills of this description. It FROM 1670 TO 1808, 93 had the intended effect of making the inhabitants more pleased with their change of government, but paved the way for an enormous increase of paper money. The readiness of Nicli- olson to concur in an emission of bills of credit, increased the eagerness of the people for more, and made them restive under the opposition of his successors to their projects for increasing its amount. Disputes between the different branches of the Legislature for and against bills of credit, were carried to such an height, that there was not one legislative act passed between the years 1727 and 1731. When the King's Council refused to pass laws favorable to paper money, the Provincial House of Commons for some time declined their concurrence in passing any whatever. Each branch endeavored to throw on the other the odium of involving the country in the evils which resulted from a suspension of legislative acts. The House of Commons finally carried their point; for an act to emit £210,000 in bills of credit to be loaned out at eight per cent was passed in 1736.* A second sum of £210,000 was * These large emissions of paper money were not made without opposition, as will appear from the following protest of Arthur Middleton, James Kinlock, and Joseph Wragg: "South Carolina. " The joint and several protests of Arthur Middleton, James Kinlock, and Joseph Wragg, Esqrs., three of the members of his Majesty's Council, against the bill for stamping, emitting and making current the sum of two hundred and ten thousand pounds in paper bills of credit, &c. '"1st. The said^rthur Middleton, James Kinlock, and Joseph Wragg, do hereby jointly and severally protest against passing the said bill; for that there is no present necessity for enlarging the said paper credit, because it is notoriously evident that the course of exchange between sterling money and the present paper credit, within this two years last past, hath advanced in proportion from seven to ten shillings Carolina moneys on every twenty shillings sterling, to the great prejudice not only of all persons concerned in trade in this province, but to all the merchants in Great Britain trading here, who have very large debts out- standing in this province. " 2dly. For that it appears by the bill itself that the bills of credit now proposed to be issued by this bill bear no manner of proportion to sterling or proclamation money ; for that by the said bill it is declared that the said sum of two hundred and ten thousand pounds of the said bills is but equal to about thirty thousand pounds sterling. " 3dly. For that no means is provided by the said bill for ascertaining the value ofthe bills thereby intended to be emitted, nor any provision made how the pro- prietors of such bills shall receive any recompense or satisfaction for the same. "4thly. For that notwithstanding there is no value annexed to the said bills, nor any method prescribed for ascertaining the value of the same whilst in the hands ofthe possessors, and consequently the valueof such bills must be always fluctuating and uncertain, yet they are made a tender, and forced in payment, on the King's subjects, of all debts, past, present, and to come, contrary to all reason and justice. 5thly. For that as it has been found by constant experience that the continued increase of this sort of paper currency has from time to time depreciated Ibe value ofthe paper credit, wrought up the course of exchange to what it now is, seven hundred and forty pounds, and upwards, ofthe now current bills for one hundred pounds sterling; so by enlarging the present currency the same will diminish its value, increase the price of the commodities ofthe country, raise the course of exchange, and be highly detrimental to such ofthetrading interest both here and in Great Britain, who have now debts outstanding in this colony to a very great value. " Lastly, For that the said bills are made to be a perpetual bank, and ^re to be 94 FISCAL HISTORY, issued by the same authority and on the same terms in 1746. In consequence of the too free emissions of paper money in the first half of the eighteenth century, it had no steady value ; and under color of law much confusion was intro- duced, and much injustice was done. The currency of the province was sometimes as low as ten for one, sterling, though its average was only seven for one. Another denomination of money was also introduced and referred to in laws. This was called proclamation money, and was at the rate of one for five, which was an aggregate of the depreciation by the proclamation of Queen Anne in 1708, and of the provincial legal depreciation of 1722. The former of which was one in four ; the latter four for one. In the ten years which followed the commencement of the war between" France and England, or from 1755 to 1765, South Carohna paid in taxes £2,020,652. Of this, the enor- mous sum of £535,303 was raised in the year 1760, when the Cherokee Indians were at war with the Carolinians. The whole amount paid in taxes for the twenty years' peace that intervened between the French war and that which is called the American, or Revolutionary war, was £375,578, which is one quarter less than the taxes for the year 1760. The inter- val between the first and last tax laid on South Carolina as a colony was eighty-seven years ; both were times of peace and required no extraordinary supplies; yet after making every allowance for the difference between sterling and currency, the last provincial tax was more than twenty-four times tho amount of the first. This fact is a strong proof of the pro- gressive improvement of the country. The last emission of provincial paper money was in 1770, when the sum of £70,000 was issued for defraying the ex- penses incurred for building the several court houses and gaols required by the Circuit Court act passed in the preced- ing year. The whole amount emitted in bills of credit by perpetually current; which is expressly contrary to the intent of the twenty-first article of his Majesty's royal instructions, which recites the great inconveniences that have heretofore happened in South Carolina from the issuing of large sums of paper money, without sufficient funds for the gradual repaying and cancellipg the same : for all which reasons we do protest against the passing of the said bill, and pray that this our protest may be forthwith entered and recorded in the jour- nals of the council in assembly. "May 29th, 1736." It is remarkable, that though the American revolution took place only forty years after these events, that they were so little known as to be never referred to in the debates relative to paper money. In the interval, a new race had sprung up who had no personal knowledge of them. Tradition was obscure, history was silent. Newspapers gave no information. Old official records were seldom ex- amined or referred to. From these causes the Carolinians of 1776 had little ad- vantage from the knowledge of what their forefathers had done in 1736 or in 1719- It is hoped that in consequence of the present increased means of diffusing and perpetuating knowledge, the like will not occur again. FROM 1670 TO 1S08. 95 provincial Carolina in the sixty-eight years which intervened between the first and last emission of paper was ^£605,000, of wliich more than two-thirds were secured by mortgaged prop- erty; and except 60,000, all of it had been issued after a great depreciation had taken place. As the early emissions were generally called in before later ones were thrown into circulation, the whole sum current at any one time must have been far short of the whole amount emitted. The ingenuity of the early legislators of America was frequently employed in discussing the advantages and disadvantages of paper bills of credit. In two points they all agreed — that under prpper restrictions they might be useful to a certain extent ; but that all proper restrictions were seldom imposed and seldomer ob- served. The present Constitution of the United States has rendered the discussion uninteresting in a practical point of view. Bank bills immediately exchangeable for gold or silver, have been found a safer expedient for increasing the circulat- ing medium. For five years before the revolution, the people of Carolina were singularly circumstanced. From the course of trade there was very little of either gold or silver in the province. No tax bill had been passed, no emission of paper had taken place since 1746, except that of 1770, which amounted to no more than ,£10,000 sterling. From necessity barter was often substituted for money. To remedy in part this inconvenient mode of doing business, two expedients were adopted. The clerk of the Commons House of Assembly in 1774, gave cer- tificates to the public creditors that their demands were liqui- dated and should be provided for in the next tax bill. So great was the want of money — so high was the credit of the State, that these certificates passed currently for their full value. Henry Middleton, Benjamin Huger, Roger Smith, Miles Brew- ton, and Thomas Lynch, men of large estates, issued in April 1775, their joint and several notes in convenient sums paya- ble to bearer. These were readily exchanged for good bonds drawing interest, and went into circulation as money, and passed freely from hand to hand. The abilities of the obli- gors were well known, and it was generally believed that they would or could, or in every event might be made to pay. The people were pleased to get anything that answered the end of money, and the issuers of the notes anticipated a clear gain of the interest of their whole caphal £128,000. While these speculations and anticipations were indulged, the revo- lutionary war came on. The courts of law were shut. A flood of paper money was issued — depreciation followed. The bonds given in exchange for the notes were paid off with the new depreciated bills of credit, while the holders of the 24. 96 FISCAL HISTORY, notes, preferring them to every other species of paper money, hoarded them up under the impression that in every event payment in good money might be procured from some of the payers whose names were subscribed to the same. Thus in the end a project which was really a public convenience and promised to be a private benefit, turned out both unprofitable and vexatious. At the commencement of the revolution. South Carolina though abounding in natural riches, was deficient in the money of the world. For several years before the termination of the royal government, from three to 5,000 negroes had been annually imported into the province. This increased the capital of the country, but turned the balance of trade against it and caused the greatest part of its gold and silver to centre in Great Britain. In this scarcity of a circulating medium, payments were often made by a transfer of bonds. The ne- cessities of war required something current in the form of money. Paper bills of credit had aided the exertions of Caro- lina in every period of her- colonial history when fighting for Great Britain; the same expedient was resorted to in this juncture to assist in fighting against her. The first emission took place in June, 1775, and the last in February, 1779. In this period, not quite four years, the sum of £7,817,553 was thrown into circulation under the authority of the new order of things. These sums are in the old provincial currency at the rate of seven for one, sterling. When the last emission became current, it was not worth more than one-tenth of its nominal amount. The real value of all the emissions at the times they were respectively issued was £481,065, or nearly half a million of pounds sterling. Though Carolina engaged in the revolutionary war with an empty treasury, yet she drew from her credit, resources to the amount of about half a mil- lion of dollars for each of the first four years of the contest The animation, unanimity, and enthusiam of the people — the immense value of the staple commodities of the province — the strict observance of good faith in performing all its en- gagements had established a credit sixperior to the mines of Potosi, and gave currency to everything stamped with public authority. To a people thus circumstanced, whose credit was unstained and who though deficient in gold and silver, abounded in real wealth, the paper currency was very acceptable and greatly facilitated the transfer of property. It set in immediate motion the late stagnant streams of commerce — invigorated industry — and gave a spring to every branch of business. It had an operation on society similar to what might be expected from a government becoming suddenly possessed of a large quantity of hidden treasure, and throwing it into circulation for the public benefit. FROM 1670 TO 1808. 97 The paper currency retained its value undiminished in South Carolina for one year and nine months, viz: from June, 1775 to April, 1777. To this period commenced a deprecia- tion destructive to credit; ruinous to the monied interest ; and greatly detrimental to the success of military operations. The progress of it was scarcely perceivable in the first four or five months of 1777, and was comparatively slow throughout that year. From the commencement of the year 1778, when great quantities of the continental money began to flow into the State, it became much more rapid. The enormous expenses of the armies kept up by Congress in the extensive campaigns of 1775, 1776, 1777, in the northern States, required immense supplies of money. This could not be raised in sufficient quantities either by taxes or loans. The only practicable re- source left, was emissions of paper currency under an engage- ment to be redeemed at a future day. These Congress bills of credit were current in Carolina as well as its own bills, and contributed much to the depreciation of the State emissions. The possessors of the paper money who, either from acci- dent or sagacity, conjectured right about the event, finding that it daily lost part of its value, were perpetually in quest of bargains. As they foresaw that Congress would make further emissions for the supplies of their armies, they con- cluded that it would be better to purchase any kind of property than lo lay up their money. The progressive superabundance of cash produced a daily rise in the price of commodities. The deceitful sound of large nominal sums tempted many possessors of real property to sell. The purchasers, if in- dulged with the usual credit, or if they took the advantage which the delays of the courts of justice allowed, could pay for the whole by the sale of an inconsiderable part. The san- guine, flattering themselves with the delusive hopes of a speedy termination of the war, were often induced to sell lest a sudden peace should appreciate the money, in which case it was supposed they would lose the present opportunity of sell- ing to great advantage. From the same principles some hoarded up the bills of credit in preference to purchasing solid properly at a supposed extravagant price. They mistook the dimin- ished value of the money for an increasing price of commodi- ties, and therefore concluded that by buying little, selling much, and retaining their paper currency, they were laying the foundations of future permanent weaUh. Subsequent events, in opposition to the commonly received maxims of prudence and economy, fully demonstrated that they who in- stantly expended their money received its full value, while they who laid it up, sustained a daily diminution of their capital. 98 FISCAL HISTORY, That the money should finally sink, or that it should be redeemed by a scale of depreciation, were events neither fore- seen nor expected by the bulk of the people. The Congress and the local Legislatures, for the first five years of the war, did not entertain the most distant idea of such a breach of public fai'b. The generality of the friends of the revolution, reposing unlimited confidence in the integrity of their rulers, the plijlited faith of government, and the success of the cause of Amoiira, amused themselves with the idea that in a few years tiKiir paper dollars, under the influence of peace and in- dependence, would be sunk by equal taxes or realized into silver at their nominal value; and that, therefore, the sellers would ultimately increase their estates in the same proportion that the currency had depreciated. The plunderings and devastation of the enemy made several think that their prop- erty would be much safer, when turned into money, than when subject to the casualties of war. The disposition to sell was in a great degree proportioned to the confidence in the justice and final success of the revolution, superadded to ex- pectations of a speedy termination of the war. The most san- guine Whigs were, therefore, oftenest duped by the fallacious sound of high prices. These principles operated so extensively that the property of the inhabitants, in a considerable degree, changed its owners. ' Many opulent persons, of ancient fami- lies, were ruined by selling paternal estates for a depreciating paper currency, which, in a few weeks, would not replace half of the real property in exchange for which it was obtained. iVIany bold adventurers made fortunes in a short time by running in debt beyond their abilities. Prudence ceased to be a virtue, and rashness usurped its place. The warm friends of America, who never despaired of their country, and who cheerfully risked their fortunes in its support, lost their property; while the timid, who looked forward to the re- establishment of British government, not only saved their former possessions, but often increased them. In the Ameri- can revolution, for the first time, the friends of the successful party were the losers. The enthusiasm of the Americans, and their confidence in the money, gave the Congress the same advantage in carrying on the war which old countries derive from the anticipation of their permanent funds. It would have been impossible to have kept together an American army for so many years with- out this paper expedient. Though the bills of credit operated as a partial tax on the monied interest, and ruined many indi- viduals, yet it was productive of great national benefits by enabling the popular leaders to carry on a necessary defensive war. PROM 1670 TO 1808. 99 Many attempts were made to preserve the credit of the cur- rency. State and continental loan offices were opened, that the necessity of further emissions might be diminished, and the hearty friends of American independence deposited in them large sums on interest. The Legislature, in the year 1779,offered an interest on money lent to the State of three per cent, more than was paid by private persons. Notwithstanding all these dou- ceurs, the supplies obtained by loans fell so far short of the public demands that further emissions could not be restrained. When the small quantities of specie that still remained began to be changed for paper bills at an advance, an Act of As- sembly was passed prohibiting any person from receiving or demanding for any article a larger sum in paper than in spe- cie. A law to prevent the ebbing and flowing of the sea would have been no less ineffectual than this attempt of the Legisla- ture to alter the nature of things. Gold and silver no longer passed at par, and contracts were either discharged in paper or not discharged at all. The bills of credit being a legal ten- der in all cases would pay off" old debts equally with gold and silver, though for new purchases they were of much less value. The merchants and other monied men, who had out- standing debts, contracted before or near the first period of the war, were great losers by the legal tender of the paper cur- rency. For eighteen months they were not allowed to sue for their debts, and were afterwards obliged to accept of depre- ciated paper in discharge of them at par with gold and silver. This was not the result of intentional injustice, but forced on the Legislature by the necessity of the times. Besides, it was at that time the fixed resolution of Congress and the different Legislatures to redeem all their paper bills at par with gold or silver. The public was in the condition of a town on fire, when some houses must be blown up to save the remainder. The liberties of America could not be defended without armies- armies could not be supported without money — money could not be raised in sufficient quantities otherwise than by emis- sions. It was supposed essentially necessary to their credit that they should have the sanction of a legal tender in the payment of all debts. This involved the ruin of the monied interest, and put it in the power of individuals to pay their debts with much less than they really owed. This unhappy necessity to do private injustice for a public benefit, proved in many respects injurious to the political interests of the State and the moral character of its inhabitants. It disposed those who were losers by the legal tender, and who preferred their money to the liberties of America, to wish for the re-establish- ment of British government, and filled others with murmur- 100 ings and bitter complaints against the ruling powers. The public spirited who were sincere in their declarations of de- voting hfe and fortune to support the cause of their country, patiently submitted to the hardships from a conviction that the cause of liberty required the sacrifice. The nature of obligations was so far changed that he was reckoned the hon- est man who from principle delayed to pay his debts. In- stead of creditors pressing their debtors to a settlement, they frequently kept aloof or secreted their obligations. Much of the evil occasioned by the legal tender of paper bills might have been prevented if the laws respecting it had confined its operations to future contracts. A great deal might have been done at an early period by taxation to support the credit of the money. But the depreciation not being generally foreseen, no provision was made against the injustice result- ing from it. The evils which had taken place from minor floods of paper money forty or fifty years before, were gen- erally unknown to a new generation. In the first stage of the dispute, few Americans had any acquaintance with the phi- losophy of money or the subject of finance; and almost all were sanguine in expecting the establishment of their liberties without such long and expensive sacrifices. Had even all these matters been properly attended to they would only have moderated, but could not have prevented depreciation. The United States had no permanent funds to give stability to their paper currency. In the commencement of the war they were without fiscal systems or regular governments to enforce the collection of taxes. They were in possession of no resources adequate to the raising of sufficient supplies without large emissions of paper money. The surrender of Charlestown on the 12th of May, 1780, wholly arrested the circulation of the paper currency, and put a great part of the State in possession of the British when many contracts for these nominal sums were unperformed, and after many individuals had received payment of old debts in depreciated paper. James Simpson, Intendant Gen- eral of the British police, commissioned thirteen gentlemen to inquire into the different stages of depreciation, so as to ascer- tain a fixed rule for payment in hard money of outstanding contracts; and to compel those who had settled with their creditors to make up by a second payment the difference be- tween the real and nominal value of the currency. The com- missioners proceeded on principles of equity, and compared the prices of country produce when the paper currency was in circulation, with its prices in the year before the war; and also the rate of exchange between hard money and the paper bills of credit. The Legislature of the State took up the same FHOM 1670 TO 1808. 101 business in the year 1783, and, proceeding on the same prin- ciples as the British commissioners, agreed upon and estab- Ushed by law the following table of depreciation, which shows how much of the depreciated bills was necessary to make the value of £lOO in good money in each month, between April 1777, when depreciation began, and May 1780, when by the fall of Charlestown the bills of credit ceased to circulate : MONTHS. January February. . . . March April May June July August September... October November... December... 1777 £ 6: 108 10 117 125 10 139 152 10 166 186 206 226 10 1778 1779 £ s. 221 10 211 10 267 10 317 328 10 347 10 354 10 361 10 380 10 405 520 10 629 £ s. 761 832 893 10 966 10 950 1177 1457 1537 10 1618 2040 10 2596 10 3233 1780 £ 3775 4217 4659 5101 5248 10 The British successes to the southward in 1780 caused the continental money to flow back to the middle States. Its superabundance and incurable depreciation at last forced on the Congress and the several Legislatures, a scale of depre- ciation, though the face of the bills, the terms of their emis- sion, and every public act respecting them, gave assurances that they should be ultimately redeemed at the rate of one silver dollar for every paper dollar. In September, 1779, the Supreme Council of the States, in their circular letter, rejected with horror the bare supposition that such a measure should ever be adopted ; yet in six months afterwards it was done with the acquiescence of a great majority of the people. In other countries similar measures have produced popular in- surrections, but in the United States it was peaceably adopted. Public faith was violated, but in the general opinion public good was promoted. The evils consequent on depreciation had taken place and the redemption of the bills at par, instead of remedying the distresses of the sutferers, would in many cases have increased them by subjecting their small remains of property to exorbitant taxation. The money had in a great measure got out of the hands of the original proprietors, and was in the possession of others who had obtained it at a cheap rate. 102 FISCAL HISTOEY, The paper currency continued to have a partial circulation in the northern States for a year after a scale of depreciation was fixed. It gradually diminished in value till the summer of 1781. By common consent, it then ceased to have any currency. Like an aged man, expiring by the decays of na- ture without a sigh or a groan, it gently fell asleep in the hands of its last possessors, and continued so for ten years; when the Congress paper dollars were funded at the rate of 100 for one of silver. The extinction of the paper currency was an event ardently wished for by the enemies, and dreaded by the friends of American independence. The failnre of its circulation disappointed them both. The war was carried on with the same vigor afterwards as before, and the people very generally acquiesced in the measure as justified by necessity. The introduction of silver and gold by channels which were opened about the same time that the paper currency ceased to circulate, contributed much to diminish the bad effects of its annihilation. A trade was at that period opened with the French and Spanish West India islands, by which specie was imported into the American continent, and a vent was found for the commodities of the northern and middle States. The French army which arrived in Rhode Island, as has been before mentioned, early in the year 1780, put into circulation a great quantity of coined silver, and subsidies to a large amount were about the same time granted to the United States by his most christian majesty. The unexpected introduction of so much gold and silver suggested to the Congress a new system of finance. The issu- ing of paper currency by the authority of government was dis- continuedj and the public engagements were made in specie. The supplies for public exigencies in South Carolina before the reduction of Charlestown, were principally raised by taxes on lands and negroes. Three contributions of this kind had been levied between the Declaration of Independence in 1776, and the surrender of the capital in I7S0. The first was in the year 1777, and was fixed at nearly one-third of a dollar per head on negroes, and as much on every hundred acres of land. A fear of alarming the people, and too sanguine hopes of a speedy peace, induced the Legislature to begin moderately; more with a view of making an experiment than of raising adequate supplies. The next tax was in 1778, nominally ten times larger than the former, but really at the time of paying worth only about twice as much. In 1779, a tax of twenty paper dollars per head on negroes, and one very hundred acres of lands, was levied. This about the time of payment was nearly equal to a specie dollar. While the British were in possession of Charlestown, money FROM 1670 TO 1808. 103 was plentiful where their power extended. Where it did not, the reverse was the case. Coin had no existence in any quan- tity among the friends of independence. Paper money had no general circulation, and its value was next to nothing. A few had hoarded up a little specie for this day of extremity. Plate, rings, keep-sakes, old coin, and such like articles were brought into nse by those who possessed them; but the great bulk of the people lived without money or any substitute for it. Buying and selling in a great measure ceased. Those who had the necessaries of life freely divided with those who were destitute. Luxuries or even comforts were not contem- plated. To make out to live was the ultimate aim of most. This was done to the astonishment of many who could scarcely tell how it had been effected. While the British were in pos- session of Charlestown, their sterling was the money of ac- count. After their departure as currency and paper bills of every kind had vanished from circulation, the Legislature con- tinued sterling as the money of the country; but added two pence to the dollar, and nine pence to the guinea in the vain hope of retaining them in circulation. This change of the money of account produced mischievous consequences among country people ignorant of public business. Some such made contracts, expecting that a dollar would pay £1 12s. 6d. of debt which was its value in the current money of the country before the fall of Charlestown; but according to the new reg- ulations, it was equal to no more than 4s. 8d. Several even now keep their accounts in pounds, shillings, and pence: but a dollar is the legal money unit of the state, and is by degrees becoming the money of account with all the people. When the British evacuated Charlestown, and the citizens regained possession, there was a show of money which had been left by the evacuating troops; but this soon disappeared. Though the object of resisting Great Britain was obtained, yet for several years many inconveniences were felt from the want of a circulating medium. A partial rehef was obtained from a general evil. The debts growing out of the war were liqui- •dated, and an acknowledgment on the part of the State of the sum due was given to the creditor in form of an indent. In- terest on these evidences of debt was paid by another paper called a special indent. These were annually issued for five years, and were made receivable in taxes which were annu- ally imposed for their redemption. The holders of them readily subscribed to the doctrine that a public debt was a pubhc blessing; for to them it really proved so. It furnished annually from two to three hundred thousand dollars in the form of paper, which obtained a considerable circulation, and to a certain extent lessened the evils resulting from the want of 104 FISCAL HISTORY, an adequate circulating medium. The value of the expedi- ent depended on the punctual collection of taxes, which often failed. Nevertheless, the special indents kept up their credit at a moderate depreciation. The project of paper money had heen frequently contemplated and sometimes brought forward; but the quantities of paper bills of credit, issued in the revo- lutionary war, and still unprovided for in the hands of almost every person, induced a general opinion that no new bills of credit could be emitted with any probable ground of hope that they would pass current so as to answer the end of money. After some years the experiment was made on a small scale. Bills of credit to the amount of ,£100,000 were issued by the Legislature under the name of paper medium, on a plan similar to that which had been adopted seventy-six years before : these were loaned on interest to the inhabitants in small sums on a mortgage of land or a deposit of plate. There was a general understanding among the members of the Legislature, that no further sum should be emitted on any emergency. The merchants, who were always losers by de- preciation, came forward in a body, and agreed to take these paper bills at par with gold or silver. This association and a general conviction that the measure adopted was necessary, introduced this new paper into common use. It maintained its credit better than was expected. The depreciation was inconsiderable and so far short of what the inhabitants had often seen to be attached to other paper, that little or no im- pression was made to its disadvantage. To the borrowers it proved a great accommodation, and to the public a source of revenue; for besides the loss of bills, the annual interest, 30,000 dollars, was clear gain to the State. So much of the principal has been paid, that the outsanding balance at present only draws about 9,000 dollars annual interest This is re- duced by occasional payment of the principal; but the State finds so great a convenience in receiving interest on what costs nothing, that all who punctually pay it receive indulgence for the principal. The State has cleared 300,000 dollars by this project, and is likely to receive a considerable further sum.' The same paper was a source of great emolument to the South Carohna bank. At a time when gold and silver were fast leaving the country, to arrest its departure, the directors of that institution discounted on the State paper medium. To the depositors of it they issued in exchange a new paper of their own, in which they promised on demand to pay its nomi- nal amount in the medium of the State or the specie of the bank. On this deposit of State paper medium they discounted in their own paper to a considerable extent, and gained the whole discount and at the same time retained their specie FKOM 1670 TO 1808. 105 without the hazard of any great run heing made upon it. In tiws -mxide they advanced their own capital to the amount of about 60,000 dollars, while they accommodated their custom- ers and prevented the exportation of gold and silver. In five or six years after the issuing of the paper medium the debts of the United States, and of South Carolina, were funded and ample provision was made for paying the interest and in due time the principal. This added an important item of daily increasing value to the circulating medium of Caro- lina. The energy of the new national government, with its offspring, the funding system, made important changes in the fiscal concerns of the State. Among many other benefits re- sulting from the former, was a settlement of accounts between the United and individual States. The pecuniary concerns of the revolution were adjusted on the principles of a mercantile partnership. All expenses incurred by individual States on behalf of the United States, were a fair charge against the latter. South Carolina, far removed from the seat of govern- ment, carried on the war in a great measure from her own resources but charged her advances in the common cause to the United States according to fixed rules. It was generally supposed that Carolina was a creditor State, but the extent and amount was unknown to all its citizens. To adjust accounts between the United States and the individual States, three commissioners were appointed in behalf of the United States; and each State appointed one to take care of its particular in- terest. Simeon Theus was appointed on behalf of South Carolina. There never was a more judicious or happy ap- pointment. To facilitate his arduous labor the State permitted him to employ as many clerks as he chose, but he employed none. By working night and day, regardless of office hours, in about two years he brought forward an immense mass of accounts, co-extensive with the revolutionary war, and embrac- ingall the advances of South Carolina, and supported so many of them to the satisfaction of the commissioners of the United States, that they certified a balance of 1,447,173 dollars due to the State over and above the four millions of dollars of its debt previously assumed by the United States. Certificates of funded stock were given to the State for that sum, and they have been regularly paid. This immense credit placed the finances of South. Carolina on high ground. A funded public debt became a species of money and silenced the clanior for an increase of the circulating medium. The clauses in the Constitution which prohibited the State "from issuing bills of credit ; from passing ex-post facto laws, or laws impairing the obligation of contracts," restored confidence between individu- als and produced an astonishing melioration of public and private concerns. 106 One of the beneficial consequences resulting from this new and happy state of things was the establishment of the banks. The utility of these institutions was known before, and an effort to establish one in Charlestown with the small capital of 100,000 dollars was made in 1783, but failed from the want of subscribers. Men willing and able to advance that small sum could not then be found. Soon after the adoption of the funding system, three banks were established in Charles- town whose capitals in the whole amounted to twenty times the sum proposed in 1783. The first of these was a branch of the National bank with the name of the office of discount and deposit, which was established in 1792. Though one bank could not be raised in 1783, yet before ten years elapsed one would not satisfy the people. A second one by the name of the South Carolina bank was in the year 1792 projected, agreed upon, and filled in a short time. The advantages of these institutions were found to be so great that in nine years a third by the name of the State bank was projected and readily filled. Three hundred thousand dollars were sub- scribed by the State as a part of the capital of this third bank, and paid in six per cent, stock. The State gained by the transfer all that the dividend of bank stock exceeded the inter- est of funded stock. This excess was never less than two, and has been as high as four per cent, per annum. All the shares in these several banks were taken up and instantly sold for an advanced price. In every instance there were more subscribers than shares. The receipts for the first payment to- wards the National bank sold in Charlestown for five, six, and in a few instances for ten times the amount of the first cost. The term depreciation which was common in the revolu- tionary war, and for eight years after, became obsolete, and ap- preciation took its place. The unemployed money of indi- viduals being deposited in the banks, added so much to their capitals as enabled the directors to discount extensively. In consequence thereof landed property rose in value — agricul- ture was promoted — commerce extended — embarrassed men assisted, and the people in general accommodated. The coun- try rapidly rose from a state of depression and embarrassment to a high pitch of prosperity. The establishment of banks has completely done away all inconveniences from the want of a circulating medium, an evil that has afflicted Carolina in every preceding period of her history except when it was remedied by bills of credit: a remedy for the most part worse than the disease. Since their institution, in ordinary times, every man whose capital and habits of punctuality entitle him to credit can obtain it. Thus a revolution has taken place in the fiscal concerns of South Carolina as well as in its government. Bank bills exchange- FROM 1670 TO 1808. 107 able at sight for gold and silver are the true bills of credit, and have sufficiently increased the current money of the country without the hazard of depreciation or injustice which have for the most part followed all other bills. There still are ebbs and flows of money when it comes in like a tide, and what re- mains in private hands is very apt to go out like* the ebb; but in these emergencies the banks being the principal holders of the gold and silver in the State, by curtailing their discounts can arrest the departure of specie and confine it in their vaults. So sudden have been the transitions from plenty to a scarcity of gold and silver, and the reverse in the former periods of Carolina history, that nomaa was safe in buying or selling on long credit; for he could not be sure that money would have the same value at the time of payment as in the moment of contracting. In the present state of things, gold and silver have a domicile in Charlestown. Though the quantity is not always the same, yet the variation is so much under control that great injustice or even inconvenience cannot readily occur from that source. This happy fiscal state never took place while Carolina was a British province, nor even for the first fifteen years of its sovereignty. Since the termination of the revolutionary war, annual taxes to answer the current expenses of the State for the year have been imposed on the inhabitants. The first was in 1783, a dollar a head on negroes and in proportion on every hun- dred acres of land. From the first settlement of the province till that period, the lands had been uniformly taxed according to quantity without any regard to quality. A hundred acres of pine barren and a hundred acres of the most highly culti- vated tide swamp, paid the same tax. The owners of the former were clamorous foran alteration so as to make quality as well as quantity a ground of taxation. The owners of the latter were very slowly convinced of the practicability of the discrimi- nation, though they acknowledged its justice. The experiment was first made and carried into efi'ect in the year 1785. All the granted lands were then classed according to their situation and quality, none higher than twenty-six dollars per acre and none less than twenty cents. A per centage was imposed on each class rated according to this valuation. The taxes from 1784 to 1788 were payable in special indents, but ever since in specie or something equivalent. Till the year 1790, the State had the income of the impost duty, and from that fund paid its civil list; but the United States have since enjoyed that fruitful source of revenue. ;, The State now depends for the support of its government on taxes imposed on lands, negroes, monies at interest, stock in trade, factorage, employments, faculties and professions, and a few 108 FISCAL HISTORY, incidental sources of revenue; such as duties upon sales at public auction, on licenses granted to hawkers, pedlars, and theatrical performers, the interest of the paper medium loan, the interest and instalments of the debts due to the State from the United States, the dividends from its shares in the State bank, fines and forfeitures, &c. The average of taxes annually collected, is about 135,000 dollars; and the State receives from other sources about 175,- 000 dollars. The appropriations of revenue are first for pay- ing the salaries of the civil list, and other incidental expenses of government, both of which amount in common years to a sum between seventy and 80,000 dollars; and secondly, for paying extraordinaries and contingent accounts. These vary so considerably that they cannot be stated with precision. On an average they amount to about the sum of 145,000 dollars per annum. For the last fifteen years government has been daily acquir- ing consistency, and becoming more adequate to the ends for which it was instituted. The fiscal department was the last which received a portion of this healthy vigor. Stricter laws were enacted and severer penalties imposed on revenue officers for mismanagement or neglect of duty. Committees of the House of Representatives were appointed to superintend the collection of taxes. Boards of commissioners were instituted and authorized to call all persons to account who had had any agency in the fiscal concerns of the State. Nevertheless, many frauds were committed without detection and much was lost from neglect and mismanagement No man in or out of office could tell with any precision the amount of the debts and credits of the State. The concentration of all matters rel- ative to revenue in a head of the department had been sev- eral times proposed but not adopted. Some could not see the utility of such an officer ; others thought his salary might be saved. At length the defects of the financial system became so glaring as to induce the passing of an act in the year 1799 to establish the office of a Comptroller of the revenue whose duty it was, among other official details, to superintend, adjust, and settle all the former accounts of the treasurers and tax collectors of the State — to superintend the collection of the future revenue — to direct and superintend prosecutions for all delinquencies of revenue officers — to enforce executions issued for arrearages of taxes, and suits for debts due to the State— to decide on the official form of all papers to be issued for col- lecting the public revenue — and on the manner and form of kee])ing public accounts — to examine and count over the cash in the treasury — to prepare and report at every session of the Legislature estimates of the public revenue and public expend- PROM 1670 TO 1808. 109 iture — and at the same time to render fair and accurate copies of all the treasurer's monthly reports, and a true and accurate account of the actual state of each department of the treasury — to suspend from office every tax collector who did not perform the duties of his office faithfully — to examine and compare the returns of taxable property from the different districts — to inquire into any defects or omissions — and to proceed against all persons accessary to the making false or defective returns. It was also made the duty of the treasurers, on receiving any public money, to give duplicate receipts; one of which was to be lodged with the Comptroller. And no public money was to be paid otherwise than in conformity to legal appropriations; and no sum for more than a hundred dollars was to be drawn out of the treasury but by the warrant of the Comptroller, expressing on what account such money was due by the State. Thus everything relating to revenue was subjected to the direction and control of a single person ; and all power relative to the same concentered in his hands. The Legislature chose Paul Hamilton their first Comptroller who, besides an accurate knowledge of accounts, possessed a clear and systemising head and a quick discernment to detect errors and frauds. After a thorough examination of the re- sources, debts, and credits of the State, he made his first report in 1800; and a further one annually for the four following years. These reports astonished the Legislature. They then for the first time knew their real fiscal state, and were agreea- bly surprised to find it much better than they expected. From Comptroller Hamilton's last report in 1S04 it appeared that the balance due to the State amounted to the unexpected sum of 754,755 dollars. This flourishing condition of the public finances led to two important State measures. The richness of the treasury en- couraged the Legislature to subscribe 300,000 dollars in stock to the State bank, and to establish and endow the South Car- olina college at the new central seat of government. The clear gains of the former, which accrued to the State from the excess of bank dividends over interest on six per cent, stock, were sufficient to defray the expenses of the latter. The State may be said to have acquired for its citizens the advantages of both institutions for nothing, as they were carried into effect without imposing upon them any additional burdens. After five years faithful service, in which Paul Hamilton introduced the same order into the finances of the State which had been done for his illustrious namesake for the United States, he was honored by his grateful country with the highest State office in its gift. ' Thomas Lee was appointed his successor, who, with equal firmness and ability, prosecutes the same good work. From their exertions a chaos of public account has 110 FISCAL HISTORV, been reduced to order, energy and decision infused into every department of finance; andthe fiscal concerns of the State, re- covered from disorder, are now in a flourishing and healthy condition. One reform facilitated another. The State constitution of 1790 adopted no rule for apportioning the representation of the people in the Legislature. Afraid of interrupting public harmony, the convention, by common consent, made an arbi- trary apportionment without regard to property, numbers, or any avowed principle whatever. A general conviction pre- vailed, that as government was instituted for the preservation of property as well as liberty, both should be respected. The principle was just, but the carrying it into effect impracticable anterior to the establishment of the office of a Comptroller General. As many wealthy citizens owned property in vari- ous and distant parts of the State, and had the privilege of making their returns of taxable property and paying their taxes where they lived, the exact comparative taxable property of any one district could not be ascertained till the returns from all parts of the State were brought under the view of one person; who, by dissecting and distributing them, could determine the precise amount and value of taxable property in each electoral district. This was done by Comptroller Lee. The Legislature adopted a principle, introduced and ably supported by Abraham Blanding, that one-half of the present representatives should be assigned to numbers and the other half to property. The population being ascertained by a cen- sus taken for the purpose, and the value of the taxable prop- erty of each electoral district being stated by the Comptroller, the apportionment of the representation, conformably to the principle just adopted, becomes a plain arithmetical caculation. Thus, a real difficulty, which threatened the peace of the State, was compromised to general satisfaction, and the reform in the fiscal department essentially contributed to a reform of the constitution and the stability of the government. Since the first settlement of Carolina there has been a pro- gressive rise in the price of property. Well chosen spots of land, which sixty years ago cost little more than the fees of office, will now command from ten to fifteen dollars per acre. Squares might have been purchased in Charlestown many years after it began to be built, for less money than single lots sell for at present. The appreciation of landed property is, on a general average, three for one, and in many cases ten or twenty for one.* The rents of houses, the price of slaves, the *A tract of high land, the property of Dr. Harris, three miles distant from Charlestown, containing 140 acres, with 150 or 200 acres of salt marsh annexed thereto, sold, in the year 1713, for 305 pounds ; in 1726, for 1,750 pounds ; in 1728, for 2,000 pounds; in 176S, for 2,792 pounds. Land, opposite to this tract, lately FROM 1670 TO 1808. Ill wages of laborers, the expenses of living and of educating children, have all advanced three if not four for one.* A few observations on the rate of interest and usury, as con- nected with the fiscal history of Carolina, shall close this chapter. For the first fifty years after the settlement there is no evidence of any law fixing the rate of interest, nor of any against usury. Two laws were passed, one in 1720 and the other in 1721, against usury; the last of which indirectly brings into view the rate of interest. This prohibits the taking more interest for money lent than ten per cent, per annum under the penalty of a forfeiture of treble the amount. When Carolina was settled, interest in England was six per cent. When this law passed it was five. How it came to be ten per cent, in Carolina, without an express law, does not appear. Perhaps common consent and usage had fixed that rate; for no evidence exists that there ever was any written law au- thorizing it. As a reason for proscribing usury, it is stated in the law of 1721 that "divers persons have of late taken advan- tage of the great necessities of the people, and exacted twenty- five pounds interest for the loan of one hundred pounds for one year; and very often more." Twenty-seven years after, 1748, a law passed for reducing interest from ten to eight per cent.; and twenty-nine years after, 1777, it was reduced from eight to seven per cent. These reductions were both preceded by plentiful emissions of paper money. With the last laws for reducing interest, severe penalties against usury were in- corporated. Since the institution of banks there has been no new law against usury, though the practice and legal prose- cutions for it have been more common than they ever were before. The intention of the laws against usury is humane, being designed to save men from the effects of their own folly and indiscretion ; but the policy of such laws is questionable. The rate of interest, when left to itself, will, like all other things, find its own level. When it is hedged round with penal laws the lender will not part with his money till he is secured, not only against the insolvency of the borrower, but sold for 100 pounds sterling per acre. In the year 1756 the South Corolina society declined to purchase fourteen acres of highland with thirty acres of adjoining marsh, all in Ansonborough. The highland was inclosed with a brick wail, and had on it a good dwelling-house and all necessary out-houses. The whole was then olfered to the society for 600 pounds currency, or less than $3,700; though it would now readily sell for $100,000. *In the year 1740, when the detail of an expedition against St. Augustine was before the Assembly, a joint committee of both Houses rated corn at one-fourth of a dollar per bushel, and rice at five shillings sterling per hundred. In Well's South Carolina Gazette, of September 17th, 1760, the price current of the following articles, reduced to dollars and cents, is as follows. Rice, per hundred, $1 53; Carolina flour, per hundred, $2 SO ; by the pound, tallow, 10 cents; by the barrel, pork, $7; by the bushel, salt, 2.5 cents; by the pipe, Madeira wine, $118; do. best, $155 ; Vidonia, do., $96. 25 112 AGRICULTURAL HISTORY, the possibility of his being subjected to the consequences of violating the laws. This raises the premium, and increases the distresses of the distressed. The practice will exist with or without laws; for none have been found able to restrain it It is far from being improbable that the repeal of all laws on the subject would be more for the interest of both borrowers and lenders than the present system of enormous penalties inflicted on those who ask and take more than seven per cent, for the use of their money. AfiRICULTURAL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. FROM 1670 TO 1S0&. CHAPTER V. To facilitate the improvement of new countries the settlers should have a general knowledge of the climate, soil, and productions of such as are similar and have been previously cultivated. Information on these subjects, especially when corrected by philosophy and experience, leads to useful prac- tical results. In these particulars the proprietors as well as the first settlers were deficient The countries subject to Great Britain both in Europe and the American continent, were much colder than South Carolina; and her possessions in the West Indies much more steadily warm. The productions of neither were suited to this climate, which was a medium be- tween the two. From inattention to these circumstances the first attempts at agriculture in the province were injudicious. They were directed to the cultivation of those highland grains with which the settlers were best acquainted, but these were unsuitable to the low sandy soil common on the sea-coast An anxiety to raise provisions may have directed their indus- try into this channel, but the maize and potatoes, both natives of the country, would have answered better. The swamps and low grounds were of forbidding aspect, thickly wooded and hard to clear; and when cleared were not adapted to any productions with which the inhabitants for the first twenty- four years of the settlement were acquainted. During this period their efforts to cultivate the commodities which in England pass under the general name of corn, turned to little account The woods presented a much more profitable object for their industry. In addition to bears, beavers, wild cats, PEOM 1670 TO 1808. 113 deer, foxes, raccoons and other numerous animals whose skins or furs were vahiable, they abounded with oak and pine trees; the former yielded staves which were then in demand in the adjacent West India Islands. The juice of the latter extracted from the growing tree by incision and solar heat forms turpen- tine. This distilled yields the spirits of turpentine and the residue is rosin. The same tree when dead and dry, by the application of fire yields tar, and that when boiled becomes pitch. The trunk is easily converted into masts, boards or joists. Little labor was requisite in a country abounding with fuel and pines for obtaining these and other valuable commo- dities from this most useful of all trees. While the early set- tlers of Carolina were engaged in procuring naval stores, furs and peltry for market, and cultivating European grains on a sandy soil for provisions, providence diiected them to a new source of great wealth. Landgrave Thomas Smith who was Governor of the province in 1693, had been at Madagascar before he settled in Carolina.* There he observed that rice was planted and grew in low and moist ground Having such ground at the western extremity of his garden attached to his dweUing house in East Bay street, he was persuaded that rice would grow therein if seed could be obtained. About this *The exact time of the arrival of Thomas Smith in Carolina is not known, but it must have been soon after it began to be settled, for as early as 1658 he obtained in his own name a grant of about six acres of land on "White Point. He or his father came from Exeter, in England, and was one of the many dissenters who migrated to America as an asylum from the persecution which was raised in the seventeenth century against nonconformists to the church of England, A tradition has been regularly handed down among the descendants of Thomas Smith, that he obtained the passing of a law, the principle of which continues to this day, for drawing juries indiscriminately from a box so as to preclude the possibility of l)acking a jury to carry any particular purpose. This tradition accords with au- thentic dates and facts: for on the the 15th of October, 1692, the first law on that subject was passed and was entitled "an act to provide indifferent jurymen in all cases, civil and criminal." This law, in common with the others passed on that day, was authenticated with the name of Thomas Smith in conjunction with Governor Philip Ludwel, Paul Grimball, and Richard Conant. That Thomas Smith was then a person of so much influence as to have a principal agency in passing a favorite good law is highly probable, for in seven months after he was constituted a landgrave and also appointed Governor of the province. He was the founder of a numerous and respectable family in Carolina, of which many of the fifth and sixth, and some of the fourth and seventh generation are now living. They have generally retained the principles of their common ancestor so far as to be zealous friends of religion. Among them have been found some of the most distinguished pillars both of the Episcopal and Independent churches. The im- mediate descendants of Thomas Smith were two sons: of these, one was the father of twenty children, and the other of four. Of these twenty-four grand- children, seventeen were married; and their descendants have multiplied and branched out into many families. The number of the descendants of Thomas Smith who are now alive cannot be exactly ascertained, but there is reason to be- lieve that it exceeds 500. For it is known that there are now living forty-five descendants of the Rev. Josiah Smith, who was only one of his seventeen mar- ried grand-children, and that there are more than twenty living descendants of Josiah Smith, cashier of the branch bank, who is only one of the very many of his great grand children. There is an evident fitness that the founder of so numerous a progeny, should be the introducer of rice, which of all known grains is best cal- culated for the support of an extensive population. 114 AGRICULTURAL HISTORY, time a vessel from Madagascar being in distress, came to anchor near Sullivan's Island. The master of this vessel in- quired for Mr. Smith as an old acquaintance. An interview- took place. In the course of conversation Mr. Smith expressed a wish to obtain some seed rice to plant in his garden by way of experiment. The cook being called said he had a small bag of rice suitable for that purpose. This was presented to Mr. Smith who sowed it in a low spot of his garden, which now forms a part of Longitude Lane. It grew luxuriantly. The little crop was distributed by Mr. Smith among his planting friends. From this small beginning the first staple commodity of Carolina took its rise. It soon after became the chief sup- port of the colony. Rice, besides furnishing provisions for man and beast, employs a number of hands in trade; and is therefore a source of naval strength. In every point of view it is of more value than mines of silver and gold. Rice is said by Dr. Arbuthnot to support two-thirds of the human race. No doubt can exist of its contributing extensively as nutri- ment to the great family of mankind. Besides its consumption in Europe, Africa, and America, many millions of the inhabitants of Asia, live almost exclu- sively upon it. In plantations where it is cultivated, every domestic animal is usually fat and hearty. Among all the variety of grains none is more productive, nutritious, or whole- some than rice. In its simple state it is both a healthy and cheap food for the poor, and with proper preparation and addi- tions it is one of the greatest delicacies at the tables of the rich ; every particle of it is trebled in bulk and doubled in weight, and in its capacity for aliment, from the quantity of water it imbibes in boiling: for water is now known to be the princi- pal ingredient in nutrition. He that eats rice at the same time receives mucilage and water, solid and fluid aliment of the most nourishing kind. Its emollient and glutinous qualities make it eminently useful in bowel complaints, and as such it forms an important article in the stores of armies and other large bodies of men. One pound of it has been found on ex- periment to go as far in domestic cookery, as eight pounds of flour. It is more durable than any other known grain. Its substance is so hard as not to be penetrable by the insects which deposit their ova in other farinaceous substances. It has been eaten in a sound and wholesome state four, five and six years after it was cleaned; and there is no doubt of its keeping good even more than twice as long when it is covered with its natural husk. To those who from age or infirmity are deprived of their teeth, rice is a most convenient aliment, for it requires little or no mastication. When introduced into the stomach after being well boiled, it is more easily digested than PROM 1670 TO 1808. 115 almost any other solid food not thoroughly masticated. To that class of people whose deranged stomach cannot digest bread, unless well raised and thoroughly baked, rice affords a safe and agreeable substitute, for it requires no fermentation, and when sufficiently boiled is as likely to agree with the stomach as crusts of bread or the best baked biscuits. To exhausted armies, starving navies, or even to the weary trav- eler, though far removed from the haunts of men, if fuel, water and an earthen or metallic pot can be procured, rice quickly affords a palatable and strengthening aliment. In voyages round the world, flour of every kind and everything made from flour is apt to spoil, but rice sustains no injury from change of climate or the longest period of any voyage hitherto known. Such is the grain which was introduced into Carolina about 115 years ago, and has ever since been in high demand. With several in Charlestown and the adjacent country, it is the principal vegetable aliment they use for the greatest part of their lives. They experience nothing of that blindness which ignorance attributes to its constant use. The variation in the amount of the crops of this useful commodity is an important document in the history of Carolina; for it has* been materially affected not only by the introduction of other staples, but by the political revolutions of the country. When it was introduced there were few negros in the prov- ince, the government was unsettled, and the soil and other cir- cumstances most favorable to its growth were unknown. For the first twenty years after it began to be planted, the ravages of pirates on the coast made its exportation so hazardous as to discourage the cultivation of it. In the year 1724, about six years after the pirates were entirely suppressed, 18,000 barrels of rice were exported. Our knowledge of what was previ- ously made or exported is conjectural; but each succeeding crop brought an additional quantity to market. In the year 1740, the amount exported was 91,110 barrels; in 1754 it had reached to 104,682 barrels. Till the middle of the eighteenth century the chief article of export was rice; but about that time much of the attention and force of the planters was transferred from it to indigo. Nevertheless the culture of this grain continued to advance, though slowly, till the com- mencement of the American revolution; when the average quantity annually exported was about 142,000 barrels. In the course of the revolutionary war, the small crops of rice were consumed in the country; and so many of the negroes were either destroyed or carried off that the crop of 1783, the first after the evacuation of Charlestown, amounted only to 61,974 barrels. With the return of peace the cultivation of rice was resumed, and continued to increase till the year 1792 ; 116 AGRICULTURAL HISTORY, when the crop exported amounted to 106,419 barrels. About this time cotton began to employ so much of the agricultural force of the State, that the crops of rice since that period have rarely exceeded what they were about the middle of the eigh- teenth century. The culture of rice in Carolina has been in a state of con- stant progressive improvement. Though it can be made to grow on highland, yet the profits of it when planted there are inconsiderable. The transfer of it to the swamps was highly advantageous. It gave use and value to lands which before were of no account, and by many deemed nuisances; and it more than trebled the amount of crops. Had the first mode of planting been continued, the highland would soon have failed; but much of the rice swamp in Carolina is inexhaust- ible. Another great improvement is the water culture of this valuable grain. The same preparation which fits the soil for the growth of rice equally favors the growth of grass and weeds. The old method of destroying these intruders with the hoe was so laborious as to curtail the crops; but when re- flection and experience had pointed out that overflowing the rice fields at a proper season, would kill the grass and weeds while it nourished rice, a plant delighting in water, the practi- cability of planting more ground became obvious.* For the first seventy or eighty years after rice became a staple com- modity, the attention of the Legislature and of individuals was steadily fixed on the contrivance of some labor-saving machinery for separating the grains from its closely adhering husk. After many attempts machines, worked by the tides, were contrived and erected by Mr. Lucas, which are equal to the beating out twenty barrels a day by the force of tide water with the help of a few hands. Before they were introduced, the labor of the negroes in doing the same business by hand was immense. It sometimes crippled the strength of the men, and often destroyed the fertility of the women. Being done at unseasonable hours, it was a frequent source of disease and death. All this mischief in a great measure has been done away for the last twenty years, in which period rice mills have * Soutli Carolina is indebted lo Gideon Dupont, of St. James Goose Creek, for the water culture of rice: he was an experienced planter of discernment and sound judgment, who after repeated trials ascertained its ]>racticability. In the year 1783 he petitioned the Legislature of the State on the subject. A committee of five was appointed to confer with him. To them he freely communicated his method, relying on the generosity of the public. The treasury being then empty, the committee could only recommend granting him a patent. This he declined. His method is now in general use on river sw^amp lands, and has been the means of enriching thousands, though to this day his own family have reaped no benefit whatever from the communication of his discovery. Thomas Bee, now federal Judge for the district of South Carolina, was one of the above committee; and on his authority these particulars are stated. FBOM 1670 TO 1808. 117 become common in all parts of the State where rice is exten- sively cultivated. Some of these machines have been lately- improved by Mr. Lucas, his son, and Mr. Cleland Kinlock of Georgetown, to such an extent, that from the beating out of the grain to the packing it in barrels for market, the whole and every part is performed by the same impelling power. When the late improved method of thrashing out the grain from the straw, invented by Mr. DeNeale is also taken into view, it may be asserted that the saving of labor in the cul- ture and manufacture of rice has been carried to an astonish- ing height The Carolina rice machines are far superior to any in China, though machinery has been long employed for the same purpose by the ingenious people of that ancient country. From these improvements the same force of hands that formerly would have raised two barrels can now with equal facility raise three. The riom their meanderings and junctions many islands are formed.* Some of these are increased on their western extremities by accretions, and diminished on their eastern border by the operation of the ocean dashing against them. On such of these as are contiguous to the main, mon- *'•! have been upon all the sea islands and hunting islands, from Sullivan's to Savannah river: some of them are bedded on clay on the north side, some on the south,' whilst others, say St. Helena and Hiltonhead, have no clay at all. Their surfaces are nearly uniform. The vallies and rising grounds run northeast and southwest through their whole extent, and from their corresponding angles, indi- cate their formation under the water. The small islands lying between them and the hunting islands have the same form and figure. It is remarked by many, that all the small creeks running in and on each side of the sea islands, have grown much wider than they were forty years ago, cutting down the blufls from ten to forty feet. At Edisto Island I was shown by Mr. Joseph Jenkins, a few years ago, a large live oak in the creek, now the abode of sheepshead and other fishes, which he assured me was a shade to the school-house when he was a boy. The hunting islands which skirt the sea islands must be considered as new land, and appear to have been formed above water; and thoughmany of the sand hills follow the direction of the coast, yet internally, and at their endings, they lie in all direc- tions, and must have received their figure from the prevailing winds. That the ocean now advances on the shore, I have no hesitation in believing, for the sea has very much narrowed the belt which is the barrier between them, and one ol the islands opposite Edisto Island is pierced through in some places. Neverthe- less, these islands must have existed a long time, since there are live oak and pine trees on some of them as large as any perhaps in the State. Hiltonhead has no island to skirt it ; but yet it has the same belt of sand-hill land. This is also the case with Simmond's Island, the north side is clay, and similar to St. John's Island. On the southwest end of Edisto is a mound of shells from fifteen to twenty feet high, and its base half an acre of land. It is called the Spanish Mount; but as savages drew the better part of their subsistence from the sea, from the many banks of shells scattered about this point of land, I apprehend that there was a large settlement of Indians in the vicinity, and that this pile of shells may have been placed there by some regulations among themselves. On St. Helena are two mounds of human bones. The one fifteen, the other ten feet high. One covers a quarter of an acre, the other less. They are called "The Indian Burial- Place." I saw one of them opened when I was a lad, and well remember the red beads and broken earthen vessels among the bones, and these last lying in every direction. The Indians say that a great battle had been fought there, long before the white people were heard of. This is what I heard from my family, who were among the first settlers of this country; my grandfather, Richard Reynolds, being for a long time Commander of the English garrison first established on Port Royal Island." — Esrtract of a letter from Bettjamm Reynolds, Esq., to the author, dated ^admedow, DeeeTnber 1, 1808. 158 THE NATURAL HISTORY uments of Indian antiquities are occasionally found. Other islands are doubtless wholly of marine origin, and are accu- mulations of recrements thrown up by the action of the At- lantic waters. The main land, contiguous to these islands, is level with a surface of light black earth, on a stratum of sand. It is free from stones for eighty or one hundred miles, and has a gradual ascent. This has been mathematically ascertained by Mr. Peraux to be three feet for every mile of the first eleven from Charlestown. The high lands in the low and middle parts of the State generally produce extensive forests of pine, but yield poor returns for what is planted in them. These pine barrens, as they are commonly called, have little or no underwood, and are occasionally intersected with veins of fertile land, producing valuable timber. Swamps and bogs abound in the low country, which empty their wa- ters into some river or inlet, communicating with the sea. Savannahs or plains, without trees, are also common, and some of them cover a considerable extent of the surface. The margins of the rivers in Carolina are of inexhaustible fertility, and make excellent rice plantations. These are com- posed of a large proportion of dark blue clay, and near the sea are often covered with rushes and salt water sedge, and extend themselves to the adjacent high pine lands. These swamps in their natural state abound with useful timber of various kinds, and when cleared, they reward their cultivators with plentiful crops, especially in seasons that are exempt from freshets. In the intervals between the rivers there are often inland swamps, fresh water lakes, and great quantities of low level land which, after heavy rains, continue for a long time overflowed. The remainder is dry, and for the most part sandy. The soil of South Carolina is naturally, and for the pur- poses of taxation, politically divided into the following classes : 1. tide swamp; 2. inland swamp; 3. high river swamp, or low grounds, commonly called second low grounds ; 4. salt marsh; 5. oak and hickory high land; 6. pine barren. The tide and inland swamps are peculiarly adapted to the culture of rice and hemp ; the high river swamps to hemp, corn, and indigo. The salt marsh has hitherto been for the most part neglected, but there is reason to believe that it would amply re- pay the expense and labor of preparing it for cultivation. The oak and hickory high land is well calculated for corn and provisions, and also for indigo and cotton. The pine barren is the least productive species of our soil, but is the most healthy. A proportion of it is an indispensably necessary ap- pendage to a swamp plantation. It is remarkable that ground of this last description, though comparatively barren, affords or SOUTH CAROLINA. 159 nourishment to pine trees which maintain their verdure through winter, and administer more to the necessities and comforts of mankind than any other trees whatever. This may perhaps in part be accounted for hy the well known ob- servation that much of the pine land of Carolina is only su- perficially sandy; for by digging into it a few feet the soil in many places changes from sand to clay. The tide swamps are of so level a nature that frequently a few inches of water can cover them for agricultural purposes. These in the Legislative valuation of lands for taxation form the first grade of land in the State. The swamps above the influence of the tides are subject to freshets and there- fore hazardous, but in other respects are of immense value. From this description of the low country it is apparent that there must be a predominance of moisture, and from the co- operation of heat, there is a strong tendency to putrefaction. From the same causes and the presence of acid gasses float- ing in the common atmosphere, metals are very subject to rust. This is particularly the case with iron which when ex- posed to the air loses in a short time all its brightness and much of its solidity. In the middle country sand hills arise to a considerable height above the adjacent lands. Very little is to be seen growing upon them and that little is of a diminutive size. The soil produces scarcely any grass and is often so sandy that the footsteps of animals walking over it may be distinctly traced. On the low grounds between these hills, a rich mould is sometimes deposited and always fertilizes the soil. When rivers run through them, their margins are very rich and yield large crops. In this middle country the high hills of Santee are situated. These arise two hundred feet above the adjacent lands. Their soil is a mixture of sand, clay, and gravel, and produces high- land grain and cotton in abundance. Their inhabitants en- joy the comforts of life together with health, pleasure, and profit, in a greater combination than is common in the south- ern States. Stones and rocks, hills and dales, begin to appear and long moss to disappear about the falls of the rivers. Loose stones on or near the surface are rarely so numerous as to be incon- venient or troublesome. A stone wall or a stone house is seldom to be found in South Carolina. Near the falls, the soil changes to a dark and fertile mould on a stratum of clay or marie. The water course are rapid, and as they pass along emit a guggling sound never heard in the low country. The hills swell into more towering heights and gradually form the base of mountains. These divide the State from Tennessee and the 28 160 THE NATURAL HISTORY eastern waters from those which empty themselves into the Mississippi. The western limits of Carolina so much resemble the apex of a triangle, the base of which is on the sea-coast, that only four of the twenty-five districts into which it is divided can be called mountainous. These are the districts of Pendleton, Greenville, Spartanburg, and York. In that part of the State seven or eight mountains run in regular direction. Among them the Table mountain in Pendleton district is the most distinguished. Its height exceeds 3,000 feet, and thirty farms may be distinguished at any one view from its top by the unaided eye. Its side is an abrupt precipice of solid rock 300 yards deep, and nearly perpendicular. The valley under- neath appears to be as much below the level as the top of the mountain towers above it. This precipice is called the Lov- ers Leap. To those who are in the valley it looks like an im- mense wall stretching up to heaven. At its base lie whiten- ing in the sun the bones of various animals who had incau- tiously advanced too near its edge. Its summit is often surrounded with clouds. The gradual ascent of the country from the sea-coast to this western extremity of the State, added to the height of this mountain, must place its top more than 4,000 feet above the level of the Atlantic ocean; an eminence from which vessels crossing the bar of Charlestown might be seen with the aid of such improved glasses as are now in use. Large masses of snow tumble from the side of this mountain in the winter season, the fall of which has been heard seven miles. Its summit is the resort of deer and bears. The woods produce mast in abundance. Wild pigeons resort to it in such flocks as sometimes to break the limbs of the trees on which they alight. The Oolenoy mountain is in the vicinity of the Table mountain. From it a cataract of water descends six or seven hundred feet. This forms the southern head branch of Saluda river. The summit of the Oconee mountain near the head waters of Keowee and Tugoloo rivers is five or six hundred yards above the adjacent country. From it there is a most beauti- ful prospect of Georgia and of the Cherokee mountains. The country between Oconee and Table mountain is generally wild, but all the vallies are highly cultivated. Some of them have produced one hundred bushels of corn to the acre. From the numerous settlements in them, and the hoards of children who rush from every cottage to gaze on travelers it is apparently the most populous part of the State. When the country which is overlooked from these mountains is cultivated and adorned with villages and other embellishments, it will OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 161 afford such brilliant prospects as may give full employment to the pencils of American artists. In this-part of Carolina, Indians have resided for time immemorial. Here were sit- uated their towns, Esenelca, Keowee, Eustaste, Foxaway, Kulsage, Oustinare, Socony, Estate, Warachy, Noewee, Cono- rass, Tomassee, and Cheokee, besides many others whose names are now forgotten. In the midst of them near the eastern bank of the Keowee river stood fort George, in which a garrison was long continued for the protection of that part of the State. But time has swept away both the one arid the other. A pellucid stream which meanders among these mountains makes two falls of nearly fifty feet each; then calmly flowing about two hundred yards it is precipitated upwards of eighty feet. This last descent is extremely beau- tiful. The rock over which it tumbles is in the form of a flight of short steps. At its summit it is about twelve feet broad but increases as it descends to ninety-six. The pro- tuberances, which resemble steps, break the current into a thousand streams. These pour in eveiy direction and cover their moss grown channels with foam. The original stream is small and turbulent. Although the weight of water is not great it is so dissipated as to produce a most beautiful effect. About four miles from General Picken's farm there is. another cataract ; to approach which it is necessary for visitants occa- sionally to leap, crawl, or climb. The mountains arise like walls on each side of the stream which is choked by the stones and trees that for centuries have been falling into it. The cataract is about one hundred and thirty feet high, and some sheets of the stream fall without interruption from the top to the bottom. All the leaves around are in constant agi- tation from a perpetual current of air excited by this cataract, and causing a spray to be scattered like rain to a considera- ble distance. Another cataract may be observed descending from the side of a mountain about six miles distant. This is greater and more curious than the one just described. Paris's inountain is situated in Greenville district; from it the Table mountain, the Glassy, the Hogback, the Tryon,and King's mountain are distinctly visible. Many farms are also to be seen from this beautiful eminence. The rocks on its southern side are adorned with the fragrant yellow honey- suckle. Reedy river is formed by the streams which flow from its surface. A spring impregnated with iron and sulphur issues from its side. This is said to cure ringworms and other diseases of the skin. The Glassy and Hogback mountains are situated near the boundary line of Greenville and Spartanburg districts. Waters flow from them which form the sources of the Tyger and 162 THE NATURAL HISTORY Pacolet rivers. These at their fountains are too cold to be freely drank in summer. On these mountains there are four or five snug level farms, with a rich soil and extensive apple and peach orchards. Cotton and sweet potatoes do not thrive thereon. The settlements are all situated on the south side, for the north is unfit for cultivation on account of prodigious rocks, precipices and bleak cold winds. Every part, even the crevices of the rocks, is covered with trees and shrubs of some kind or other. The chesnut trees are lofty, and furnish a quantity of excellent food for swine. In these mountains are several large caverns and hollow rocks, shaped like houses, in which droves of hogs shelter themselves in the great snow storms which occur frequently in winter. The crops of fruit, particularly of apples and peaches, never fail. The climate in these mountains is less subject to sudden changes, than in the plains below. Vegetation is late, but when once fairly begun, is seldom destroyed by subsequent frosts. Neither are there any marks of trees being struck with lightning, or blown up by storms. It is supposed that the mountains break the clouds, and that the lightning falls below ; for there the effects of it are frequently visible. On the Hogback moun- tain there is a level farm of thirty or forty acres of the richest high land in South Carolina. This is covered with large lofty chesnut trees, with an undergrowth of most luxuriant wild pea-vines, very useful for fattening horses. These animals while there, are free from flies. The ascent to this mountain is very steep for about two miles ; but with the exception of thirty or forty yards, expert horsemen may ride all the way to its summit. The prospect from it towards the north and west, exhibits a continued succession of mountains one ridge beyond another, as far as the eye can see. From a spring on one of the small mountains, between the Hogback and the Tryon, water is conveyed more than a thou- sand feet in a succession of wooden troughs, to the yard of a dwelling house built by Mr. Logan. It empties into a large reservoir from which, when filled, it runs over, and soon min- gles with the adjacent north Pacolet river, which is there a very small stream. Thus a great domestic convenience is enjoyed by a single mountaineer, which has not yet been ob- tained by the opulent city of Charlestown. On King's mountain, in York district, the real limestone rock has been discovered. This has also lately been found in Spartanburg district. Before these discoveries the inhabi- tants had frequently to haul lime for domestic use upwards of an hundred miles. Beautiful springs of water issue in plentiful streams from these mountains. They also for the most part produce a pro- OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 163 fusion of grass, and are clothed to their summits with tall timber. The intermediate vallies are small, but of great fer- tility. Hence the pastoral life is more common than the agri- cultural. The soil of the Table mountain is excellent; that of the others is stony and less fertile. But chesnut, locust, pine, oak, and hickory trees grow on them. The champaign country which becomes more level as it approaches the sea, aifords an interminable view finely contrasted with the wild irregularities of these immense heights which diversify the western extremity of Carolina. Only a small part of South Carolina is favored with moun- tains, but every part of it is intersected with rivers. Its side, which borders on the sea, is watered by the Waccamaw, Peedee, Black river, Santee, Wandow, Cooper, Ashley, Stono, Edisto, Ashepoo, Combakee, Coosaw, Broad, and Savannah rivers. Some of these have two mouths, others have several heads or branches. The Santee, in particular, is formed by a junction of Congaree and Wateree rivers. The same stream, which below is called Wateree, passes in the upper country by the name of the Catawba. Congaree is formed by a junction of Broad and Saluda rivers. Broad river unites in its stream three rivers, the Enoree, the Tyger, and the Pacolet, and after- wards becomes a component part of the Congaree; which last named river, uniting with the Wateree, takes the name of Santee. Most of these rivers have a margin of swamp extending from half a mile to three miles. The short ones head in swamps, but the long ones in the mountains or other high grounds. They all run in a south-eastern direction from their heads to the sea, which if extended, would cross the mountains and vallies in an acute angle to the south of east. Waccamaw river takes its rise in North Carolina, and empties into Georgetown bay. Broad, Coosaw, Port Royal, and other short rivers, are properly arms of the sea. Their waters are deep, and their navigation safe. Broad and Port Royal rivers can safely and conveniently accommodate a large navy. They insulate a great part of Beaufort district, and by their wind- ings and junctions form Islands. These generally are suitable to the culture of cotton or indigo. Wando river empties itself into Cooper about three miles above Charlestown. It is navigable for about twenty miles, and then heads in swamps. Cooper river rises in Biggen and other swamps, and is about one thousand four hundred yards broad, where it empties itself into Charlestown harbor. It is navigable by schooners and sloops to Watboo bridge, about fifty miles, and its eastern branch admits like vessels as far as Huger's bridge. 164 THE NATURAL HISTORY Ashley river originates in the Cypress and other contiguous swamps, and, uniting with Cooper river at White Point, forms Charlestown harbor. Its navigation for sea vessels extends only a few miles, but for sloops and schooners as far as Bacon's bridge. Its width opposite to Charlestown is about 2,100 yards. Stono river rises in swamps not far distant from the ocean, into which it empties itself between Keywaw and Coffin land. Its navigation extends above Rantowle's and Wallace's bridge, but to no great distance. Ashepoo river springs from swamps in the low country, and empties itself into St. Helena sound. Its navigation ex- tends nearly the whole of its short course. Combakee river originates in Salt Catcher swamp. Its navigation for schooners and vessels, is about thirty miles. It empties itself into the Atlantic ocean through St. Helena sound. Black river takes its rise in the middle country from the high hills of Santee. It winds between Santee river and Lynch's creek, and having formed a junction with the Peedee, their united waters are emptied into Georgetown bay. Its navigation for schooners and sloops extends many miles up its stream, and for flat bottomed boats, flats and rafts, as far as its forks. Edisto river is too shallow to admit boats of heavy burden to any considerable distance. In a full river the navigation of its northern branch is open as far as Orangeburg, and its southern branch is also navigable some miles, until it is in- terrupted by islands and shoals. When the river is low, it is fordable at Parker's ferry, about thirty-five miles from the sea. This river takes its rise in the middle country from the ridge of highland which lies between the Congaree and Savannah rivers. These two last mentioned rivers, like all others which terminate in high lands, are subject to freshets. Savannah river is bold and deep, and its navigation extends from the sea to Augusta for boats of seventy tons. At this place the falls of the river commence. Beyond it the naviga- tion is continued for sixty miles to Vienna for boats of thirty tons or more. The navigation of Santee river extends from the sea to the fork of the Congaree and Wateree rivers, thence up the Wateree to Camden on one side, and up the Congaree to Granby on the other, for boats of seventy tons. At these places the falls and rapids of the rivers commence ; their upper branches are dispersed extensively over the country.* Sometimes they are * Broad river, one of the branches of the Congaree, is the northern and eastern boundary or Union district. The Enoree river is its western and southern bound- ary. Besides these two rivers, the Pacolet runs through its northern portion, OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 165 obstructed by rocks, but in general their current is gentle and deep. In light boats and full rivers several hogsheads of to- bacco have been brought down their streams with safety. The Peedee also stretches from the sea towards the moun- tains, through the northern part of the State. Its free naviga- tion extends from the sea to Greenville for boats of seventy tons, and from thence to Chatham for boats of lesser draught. Here the navigation is impeded by rocks and shallows, al- though in full rivers boats of light burden descend with the stream from North Carolina. These large rivers, by innumerable tributary streams, spread themselves throughout all the upper country. Some of their branches are wider than the rivers themselves. Keowee, though two hundred yards wide for several miles above its confluence with the Tiigoloo, is the narrowest of these two streams whose united waters take the name of Savannah river. Hence when the accumulated waters of rain and snow pour down their channels, the adjacent low lands and inter- vals are overflowed with destructive freshets. The natural advantages for mills and other labor-saving machinery, are great in most of the upper districts, but espe- cially in those at a moderate distance from the mountains. The springs which gush from their sides after rimning sixty or seventy miles, become streams from one to three hundred yards wide. These have many shoals where they spread wider, and are so shallow as to be generally fordable. In the intermediate spaces, the water is on an average from eight to ten feet deep. At many of these shoals the falls are sufficient with the aid of a small dam to impel the most weighty ma- chinery. At some of them the falls are so great and abrupt as to admit twenty feet wheels upon the over-shot construc- tion without any, or at most very short races: at others the ledges of rocks extending across the river form a natural dam quite sufficient for the obstruction of as much water as is re- quired for working one or two mills. The artist has little to do but to erect his house and machinery. These places gen- erally afford a sufficiency of durable materials for erecting the necessary buildings. They also frequently afi"ord the rock out of which the mill stones are cut. Smaller streams, called creeks, take their rise at the foot of the hills: these are from ten to fifteen miles in length, and generally contain such a quantity of water as, with the advantages of the falls which and forms a confluence with Broad river at PincIineyviUe. Tyger river runs through its southern portion, and forms a confluence with Broad river at its south- eastern extremity. Fairforest creeli, which from its size seems entitled to the appellation of river, takes rise in Spartanburgh, and after running twenty-five or thirty miles nearly through the centre of Union, discharges itself into the north side of Tyger river. 166 THE NATURAL HISTORY they afford, is sufficient to give activity to labor-saving ma- chines of the largest size. Many of the branches that take rise from the springs at the foot of the hills, after running two or three miles, afford beau- tiful sites for the erection of similar works upon a smaller scale. Some of these are now improved for the purpose of cleaning cotton with the saw-gin, and a few of them have also a pair of mill-stones fitted up in the gin-house which, without manual labor, serve for grinding a sufficiency of grain for a distillery and for domestic consumption. The common tides along the coasts of South Carolina rise from six to eight feet at neap tides, and from eight to ten feet at spring tides ; they are however much influenced by wind; for a neap tide with a south-eastwardly wind is higher than a spring tide with a north-westwardly one. Along the coast the depth of sea-water is from two to five fathoms to a dis- tance of sonie miles from the shore. In general the tides as- cend our rivers as far as thirty or thirty-five miles in a direct line from the ocean. This however is to be understood only in those rivers whose streams are not impetuous; for in the Santee the tides do not flow more than fifteen miles in a direct line and the salts are so kept back by the column of fresh water, continually flowing down, that, except in times of great drought, they do not ascend further than two miles from the sea. When a drought prevails, they scarcely ever penetrate more than three or four miles in a direct line. The salts pro- ceed further up Georgetown bay, and are sometimes injurious to agriculture fourteen miles or more from the sea. The Sa- vannah river partakes also of the same influences, and nearly in the same extent with Santee river. Few lakes are to be found in South Carolina: one however, situated in Barnwell district, presents a beautiful sheet of water near a mile in circumference. Large rivers of this State pre- sent us with several instances where their waters have broken through peninsulas and worn a short channel as wide and as deep as the circuitous one which they before pursued. When the mouths of these old channels are partly stopped up, and the streams in them become slow, they are denominated lakes. Of such is Lowder's lake on Peedee river, over which the sur- rounding lands project elevations of near one hundred feet. Asbestos which is incombustible, though capable of being drawn into threads and formed into a resemblance of cloth, is found near the head waters of Lynche's creek. Soap stones, steatite's, rock chrystal, white flint. Fuller's earth, clays of various natures and of beautiful colors, potter's clay, isinglass, ochres, chalks, and marles, have all been found in different parts of the State. OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 167 A quarry of gray stone, resembling free stone, which works well and splits easily, has been discovered at Beaver creek. The foundations of some of the locks of the Santee canal were formed of this stone. Rocks suitable for mill-stones are com- mon in the upper country. Good slate has been found near the sources of Lynche's creek. Some fine clay was brought to Charlestown from the Cherokee country about the year 1760 ; which, being sent to England by Doctor Garden, was returned in the form of a tea equipage equal to the finest im- ported from China, and was long used as such in his family. Iron ore is very common in the upper country, particularly in the mountainous districts, and of so good a quality that it yields one-fourth of its weight in excellent iron. In the Cherokee mountains lead ore has been found in great abundance, and so rich as to produce two thirds of its crude weight in pure lead. Specimens of copper and of several other metals have been discovered, but no thorough investigation of them nor of the other hidden riches of the State has ever been made. It is the general opinion of the inhabitants that the true wealth of Carolina is to be derived from its surface by labor and in- dustry. There are doubtless valuable medicinal springs in the State. Some are rising into fame and begin to be frequented, but their component parts and real virtues have not been hitherto ascertained with satisfactory precision. So much of South Carolina is level that cascades are very rare, especially in the low country. There cannot be recol- lected a single instance of an overshot mill within 100 miles of Charlestown, though one might be advantageously worked at each end of the Santee Canal. There are many such in the upper country, and a few beautiful natural water falls. One of these is the precipice across Reedy river at Greenville Court House. The perpendicular fall is thirty-six feet, and exceeds the whole breadth of the stream. In dry seasons the river is fordable on horseback, or at particular times may be safely walked over by stepping from one rock to another ; but when the water rises but two or three feet, any attempt to pass over it is hazardous in the extreme. The impetuosity of the cur- rent is such, that a person crossing, either by wading or riding, would be almost certainly thrown off his balance, precipitated down the fall and dashed against opposite rocks. From the Glassey, Table and Oolenoy mountains, streams of water, fifteen or twenty yards wide, tumble into the vallies below, and in the whole of their passage dash upon and foam over rocks. Nothing in South Carolina is equal to the Catawba falls. 168 THE NATURAL HISTORY They are situated above Rocky mount. Hills confine the descending stream as it approaches to them. When it ad- vances nearer it is further narrowed on both sides by high rocks piled up like walls. The Catawba river, from a width of 180 yards, is straitened into a channel about one-third of that extent, and from this confinement is forced down into the narrowest part of the river called the Gulph. Thus pent upon all sides but one, it rushes over large masses of stone, and is precipitated down the falls. Its troubled waters are dashed from rock to rock, and foam from one shore to another; nor do they abate of their impetuosity till after they have been precipitated over twenty falls to a depth very little short of 100 feet. Below Rocky mount the agitated waters, after being ex- panded into a channel of 318 yards width, begin to subside, but are not composed. A considerable time elapses before they regain their former tranquility. The wildness of the steep and rugged rocks — the gloomy horrors of the cliffs — the water falls which are heard pouring down in diff'erent places of the precipice, with sounds various in proportion to their respective distances and descents — the hoarse hollow murmuring of the river running far below the summit of the rocks and of the adjacent surface of the earth, are objects well calculated to excite emotions of wonder and admiration in the mind of spectators. The scenery is suffi- ciently grand and curious to attract the visits of the most dis- tant inhabitants of Carolina. These falls greatly impede the water communication be- tween the upper and lower country. To open it is the object of an incorporated company. In their speedy and complete success every citizen, and especially the Santee Canal Com- pany, has a great and decisive interest. These falls give such a command of water as points out Rocky mount and the vicinity to be a most eligible site for labor-saving machinery. Merchant mills and machines for lessening the expense and labor of carrying on manufactures of every description, may there be cheaply kept in constant motion by a water power which might be extended to every purpose of utility or con- venience. It is situated in the heart of a fertile and thickly settled country, abounding with provisions and raw materials for manufacture, where labor and provisions are compara- tively cheap, and where there is every prospect of a growing vent for all useful commodities among rapidly increasing in- habitants. The situation of Grimkeville at Rocky mount is not only fascinating for its beauty, but eminently calculated for the enjoyment of health and transaction of business. Its summit is considerable higher than the top of lofty trees in the vicinity, and it commands a most extensive view of the OP SOUTH CAROLINA. 169 surrounding country. At its base a shad fishery might be carried on to great advantage and to any desirable extent either for domestic consumption or exportation. From the head waters of the Catawba in the vicinity of Morgantown, a turnpike road or a canal might be formed to the head waters of both the Kanhaway and Tennessee ; which three rivers head near each other. Either, when accom- pUshed, would facilitate an intercourse between Charlestown and the States of Kentucky and Tennessee on easier and bet- ter terms than it can be carried on between these Western States and any other Atlantic port in the Union. Carohna partakes so much of the nature of a West India climate that generally five or six and sometimes seven or eight months of the year pass without frost. It partakes so much of the climate of temperate cold countries that only three months of the year are always exempt from it. Frosts have been known as late as May and as early as September. Ex- cept extraordinary seasons, the months of November, Decem- ber, January and February never pass without it. It some- times terminates for the season with the month of February, and has been known to keep oif as late as the 13th of Novem- ber.* The period of vegetation comprehends in favorable years from seven to eight months. It commences in January or February and terminates in October or November; a term too short for ripening the most delicate fruits of southern lati- tudes. The sugar-cane, ginger, bread-fruit, pine-apple, banana and coffee trees, cannot stand the severity of a Carolina win- ter; though they grow well in summer. Gooseberries, cur- rants and cherries cannot, or rather have not been made to grow to any purpose in the low country. Wild cherries are common in the woods ; but of garden cherries few or none, with ordinary care, bear fruit of any consequence ; though the trees grow very well. Figs, apricots, nectarines, apples, peaches, pears, olives and pomegranates, also almonds, piccan or Illi- nois nut, though exotics, have been naturalized in Carolina to good purpose and stand all seasons. Orange trees are unin- jured in ordinary winters, but the frosts of such as are un- commonly severe occasionally destroy their stems. Most of them grow again from the roots with the return of the next warm season. These thrive best in the low country near the sea, and in the most southern parts of the State. Apples and peaches may and have been raised in small quantities and of » After the hurricane of September, 1752, the season was so mild that all the fruit trees put out in blossom, and the fruit of some ripened. There was no frost until Christmas day, when rare -ripe apples of the second crop were gathered fit to eat. Something of the same kind, though not to an equal degree, took place after the hurricane of 1804. On the 12th of December of that year, ripe mulberries and ripe wild cherries were gathered in the vicinity of Charlestown. Apples and pears grew to a large size, but did not reach maturity. 170 THE NATURAL HISTORY a very good kind in and near Charlestown ; but in general they can only be cultivated to advantage in the middle or western parts of the State. Of all the variety of fruit none thrives better than pears, pomegranates and water melons. The latter grow in Carolina to an enormous size, and are equal if not su- perior to any in the world. Carolina cannot be called a good fruit country, yet some is furnished from the stores of nature in almost every month of the season when it is most wanted. Blackberries, strawber- ries, apricots, and raspberries, are ripe in April and May. Plums, huckleberries, early pears, apples, peaches, together with figs and nectarines, follow. Watermelons and musk- melons continue from June to October. Pomegranates, late peaches, pears, apples, grapes, and winter-plums, come in towards the termination of the hot weather. Haws, sloes, and fox-grapes, in October. Chinquepins, chesnuts, and persim- ons, still later. If to these refreshing and agreeable fruits we add the great variety of esculent vegetables, particularly aspar- agus, English peas, artichokes, Irish potatoes, green-corn, a variety of beans, squashes, pompions, okra, tomatoes, salads, beets, carrots, cabbages, and cucumbers, most of which are in season for a great part of the summer, we will find abundant reason of thankfulness for the ample provision made for the gratification and comfort of the heated thirsty inhabitants of our half West India climate. Of the various articles of comfort which have been enu- merated all except corn, potatoes, and caravansaras or Indian peas, are exotics introduced and naturalized by the care and attention of intelligent persons. Much has been done, but the field is open and invites to further experiments. Several of the finest countries of the world have a soil and climate like to that which we inhabit. As an independent people, we have access to all countries, and a mercantile intercourse with as many of them as we choose. The productions of the coun- tries bordering on the Mediterranean sea, of Persia, India, China, Japan, of the greatest part of Africa, and of South America, might be successfully introduced into some parts of the State. Rice, indigo, and cotton, the three great sources of our wealth, all came from or grow in India ; which is but one of the many countries resembling Carolina. Some commodi- ties equally or even more valuable* may be in reserve to re- ward the investigations of the present inhabitants. '^>^ A more remarkable species of cotton, naturally of a crimson color in the pod, has been mentioned by difTerent travelers as g^rowing in Africa, and principally in the Eyeo country. Mr. Clarkson states that a small specimen of it was brought to Great Britain in the year 1786. He adds that "the value of this cotton would be great, both to the importer and the manufacturer of muslins ; the former would immediately receive eight shillings for a pound of it, and the latter would gain considerably more by his ingenuity and HiSte.—Bancroft on Colors, pp. 68 and 69. OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 171 As this State enjoys many of the comforts of tropical coun- tries, it is in like manner subject to some of the violent con- vulsions of nature which agitate these peculiar regions. From the fatal consequences of earthquakes, we are happily exempt. A momentary one that did no damage, is recollected by some of our old citizens as having taken place on the 19th of May, 1754. Another is remembered by many still living, as having taken place about, 2 o'clock in the morning of April 4th, 1799. Though earthquakes in Carolina are harmless, thunder storms are not always so. When they take place, especially if in the night, their grandeur exceeds description. The fre- quent balls of fire bursting from cloud to cloud; the forked flashes darting between the clouds and the earth, and from the one to the other alternately, illuminate the whole sur- rounding atmosphere and form a magnificent and striking scene. The solemn sound of distant thunder, followed by the vast explosion on the one hand, and the repercussive roar on the other, appear tremendously awful. The beasts of the field start from the thicket and gaze at the surrounding pros- pect with evident symptoms of terror and astonishment, and the winged tribes seek the shelter of the groves. Sometimes indeed these storms are of short duration, particularly when they come attended with brisk gales of wind ; but when that is not the case, they often last four or five hours. While the clouds are gathering, the atmosphere, though before serene, is suddenly obscured. To the inhabitants accustomed to view such appearances, and to experience their salutary effects in cooling the air and earth, the thunder storm produces more pleasurable than alarming sensations ; but to strangers the "peal on peal, crushed, horrible, convulsing earth and heaven,'' is exceedingly solemn and terrifying. As the flashes of light- ning from the clouds commonly strike the highest objects, and the whole country is covered with woods, the fury of the storm for the most part falls upon the trees. Such storms sometimes occasion considerable damage particularly to the ships in the harbor ; and sometimes they are attended with showers of hail which fall with such force as to beat down the corn in the fields, and to break glass windows. Our elder citizens inform us, that thunder storms were in the days of their youth much more frequent and more injurious than they have been for the last thirty or forty years. This is re- markably the case in Charlestown, and is probably in part owing to the multiplication of electrical rods. Dr. Hewat, who wrote about 1775, asserts that he had known in Charles- town, "five houses, two churches, and five ships struck with lightning during one thunder storm.'' Nothing comparable to this has occurred for many years past. It is nevertheless 172 THE NATURAL HISTORY true, that during the summer there are few nights in which lightning is not visible in some part of the horizon.* South Carolina, by its proximity to the torrid zone, is ex- posed to the conflicts of the elements in a greater degree than the northern States. To the southward the atmosphere is con- tinually rarefied by excessive heat; a colder atmosphere from the northward, has a constant tendency to rush to the point of gteatest heat and restore the equilibrium. To this warfare of elements may be ascribed the destructive whirlwinds which sometimes lay waste particular parts of Carolina. One of these took place May 4th, 1761. It was seen between one and two o'clock P. M., coming from the southwest like a large column of smoke and vapor. When it had advanced to the vicinity of Charlestown, it was providentially opposed by another whirl- wind from the northeast; the shock of their junction was so great as to alter the direction of the former, whereby a great part of the town was left without the range of its violence. It then passed down Ashley river with such rapidity and force, that in a few minutes it reached Rebellion road where a fleet of loaded vessels lay; five of these were overset and so suddenly sunk, that the people in their cabins had not time to come on deck. Several others would have shared the same fate had not their masts given way. All those over which the whirlwind passed were laid on their sides. While many of the inhabitants, unsuspicious of any danger, sat at dinner, they were alarmed with an uncommon sound like the contin- ■■"On Tuesday morning, 12lh November, 1799, I'roin a little after inidnight until daylight, the firmament in Charlestown exhibited a singular but splendid phenom- enon. Instead of a few solitary meteors sporting along the sky, which is not un- frequent, they appeared in countless numbers, darting incessantly in all directions. Some of them emitted a light so vivid that objects in a chamber not very dark were rendered visible. A similar phenomenon was observed at the same time at sea, about sixty or seventy leagues from the bar. Tlie like was seen at the same period as far to the south as 29 degrees of north latitude and 71 degrees of longi- tude. Accounts from Nassau, in New Providence, mentioned the same appear- ance to have been noticed there on the same morning. During the appearance of this uncommon phenomenon, the weather was very calm ; yet the fears of some timid persons were so excited by the coruscations of effulgent light darting in all directions, that they apprehended the day of judgment and conflagration of the world to be at hand. On August 2d, 1806, about seven o'clock, several thick clouds were gradually gathered in Charlestown, through which for more than an hour there was a superbly grand appearance of lightning, but without thunder. About a quarter past eight o'clock a smart shower of rain came on, accompanied with some lightning and thunder. This in a short time cleared away, though the clouds still continued to hover from the southwest to the north-northwest; the moon, then in the fourth day of its last quarter, rose with great splendor, while the firmament to the east- ward was studded with a number of brilliant stars. At half-past eight o'clock a very unusual phenomenon occurred: a lunar rainbow was very plainly to be seen. It had none of the brilliancy of the solar rainbow, hut was of a dark mud color. The arc was completely (brmed, rising at the summit to about 40 degrees above the horizon. It continued perfect for about ten or twelve minutes, and then began to disappear, and in a few minutes vanished. These uncommon phenomena were accurately observed and noted at the time of their appearance by Dr. Tucker Harris. OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 173 ual roaring of distant thunder. Looking round for its cause tiiey saw a tremendous cloud advancing rapidly towards them with a circular motion, and large branches of trees hurled about in its vortex. Its diameter appeared to be about 300 yards, and its height thirty degrees, while a thick vapor emit- ted from it ascended much higher. The quantity of materials which composed this impetuous column and its prodigious velocity, gave it such a surprising momentum as to plough Ashley river to the bottom, and to lay the channel bare. Floods of water fell on those parts over which it moved. As the wind ceased soon after the passage of the whirlwind, the branches and leaves of trees which had been hurried along with it began to fall, and for half an hour darkened the air in their descent. A thousand axemen, employed for a whole day in cutting down trees, could not have done as much exe- cution as was done by this whirlwind in one minute. Young and pliant trees by yielding to the storm escaped its fury, but those which were more inflexible and firmly rooted were bro- ken off and hurled away. Among such were some live oaks of nearly two feet diameter ; of these, though probably weighing more than two tons, no remains could afterwards be found, except their roots which were never separated from the earth. The same tremendous column was seen at noon upwards of thirty miles southwest from Charlestown. In the vicinity of the latter it arrived twenty-five minutes after two P. M. In its rapid intermediate course, exceeding fifteen miles an hour, it made an avenue of great width, tearing up trees, houses, and everything that came in its way. By four o'clock the wind was fallen — the sun shone out — the sky was serene — and everything appeared so quiet that a stranger just arriving could scarcely believe that so dreadful a scene had been recently exhibited, if so many melancholy proofs of its reality did not obtrude themselves to his astonished view. Minor whirlwinds often proceed through the upper country, sometimes in a width of a half mile, tearing up the largest trees in their way or twisting and shivering them to pieces. Storms of hail also take place whose effects have been destructive to different parts of the State. The hills on both sides of the Catawba river near Rocky Mount, suffered se- verely from one which occurred some years ago. The dis- charge of hail stones was so heavy and large that the pine trees were completely killed, and still exhibit a wild and awful spectacle. Fields of wheat and other grain were beaten to pieces and destroyed. In April, 1793, a similar storm swept through part of Orangeburg and Ninety-Six districts; and in 1797 one passed along the eastern side of Cooper river, lasting about half an hour, and depositing on the ground hail 174 THE NATURAL HISTORY Stones three inches in circumference. The grain in the fields, and the vegetables in the gardens, were completely destroyed, and birds and poultry were killed. The commencement of the year 1800 was uncommonly cold, and several snow-storms took place in the months of January and February; some of these covered the grounds of the lower country six inches, and those of the upper country two or three feet deep. During this time a remarkable sleet fell in a vein of ten or tifteen miles wide from Broad river towards the Savannah. The cold and the sleet produced many long and heavy icicles appendant on the trees. The icicles by their number and weight bent saplings to the ground; but the full grown trees which did not bend were broken off in all directions, and the ground for miles covered with their ruins. The woods in that part of the State still pre- sent a wild and haggard appearance. When either floods of rain or of melted snow pour down the rivers of Carolina, the adjacent low lands and intervals are overflowed with freshets. As early as the year 1701 we are informed by Mr. Lawson, in his history of Carolina, of a great inundation which about that time had rushed down San- tee river, rising perpendicularly thirty-six feet. In January, 1796, a similar one came down the same river. No bridge could withstand its fury. Trees and houses were borne down by its stream. A wooden bridge over Broad river, a few miles above Columbia, and another about seven hundred feet long, over the Congaree river at Granby, upwards of forty feet high above the common level of the river, and many of whose piers were fastened by iron bolts into solid rock at its bottom, were swept away. At Granby, the tobacco ware-house, together with one hundred and fifty hogsheads of tobacco, was de- stroyed. The Camden tobacco ware-house on the banks of the Wateree river, met the same fate. Dwelling houses, corn houses, cattle, horses and hogs, were carried down by the vio- lence of the current ; and vast beds of sand were fixed on fer- tile tracts of swamp land, to their irreparable injury. The collected waters of almost all the rivers in the upper country at length formed a junction at the confluence of the Wateree and Congaree rivers, and rushed on the country below with destructive velocity. They rose at the rate of three inches an hour, and continued to rise for some days. The current in a great degree swept directly down the swamp, in a width in some places more than five miles from the high pine lands on either side. Great quantities of provisons — thousands of bushels of Indian corn — and many hundred barrels of rice were destroyed. Some of the negro houses of the lower plan- tations on Santee were torn up and carried by the torrent en- OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 175 tirely out to sea. Rice plantations within a few miles of the ocean, and on the best pitch of tide, were overflowed for near a week ; the water being from two to three feet above the rice field banks. The force of the freshet was so strong that for some days the ebbing of the tides was scarcely perceivable. This great flood poured itself into Hell Hole swamp, and from thence entered the diflerent bays which communicate with the eastern branch of Cooper river, passing over the high part- age ground which divides the Santee from Cooper river, to ascend which the Santee canal was undertaken. At the same time a similar flood swelled Savannah river, laying the town of Augusta, in Georgia, generally two feet under water, and damaging goods therein to a large amount. It tore away an extensive bridge, near eight hundred feet long, belonging to Wade Hampton, which had been thrown over that river from South Carolina, and carried destruction before it down to the town of Savannah. The height of this freshet was supposed to be, at Augusta, from thirty-five to forty feet above the com- mon level of the river. At Granby and Camden, the height of the waters in the Congaree and Wateree rivers must have been nearly at the same elevation. Just above the confluence of North and South Santee, the water was twenty-one feet above the common level. The best lands in the State were materially injured by this enormous freshet. It brought loss and distress to many individuals, and the well-earned pros- pects of a year's industry were either swept away or injured beyond the possibility of recovery. Towards the termination of the hot season, blowing weather is common and in some measure necessary to restore the equilibrium between the heated air of the South and the cold air of the North. The autumnal equinox seldom passes in the vicinity of the torrid zone without some conflict of the elements more or less dangerous. In the 138 years which have taken place since the settlement of Carolina, several mi- nor storms* have passed over without exciting any perma- nent public attention. But four having done extensive mis- *In a blank leaf of the church book of the Independent church is the follow- ing note: "Memorandum. — There was a former register kept belonging to the meeting-house and congregation, which by misfortune of the great hurricane that happened the 5th and 6th of September, 1713, was lostj when the house where the late Mr. William Livingston, deceased, then lived, and in whose possession it was, at White Point in Charlestown, in tliis province, was washed and carried away by the overflowing of the sea." Of this hurricane nothing more is known. Since writing the above, a very old manuscript, written by the venerable Thomas Lamboll, who was born soon after Charlestown began to be built, and died in 1775, has been put into the hands of the author by his daughter, Mrs. Mary Lam- boll Thomas, from which are collected the following particulars of the above hur- ricane, wfaicli are unnoticed by all historians. "1713. — On September 5th came on the great hurricane, which was attended with such an inundation from the sea, and to such an unknown height that a great many lives were lost; all the vessels in Charlestown harbor, except one, were drove ashore. The new Look 29 176 THE NATURAL HISTORY chief, are particularly remembered, and have been called hurricanes; an appellation usually given to those convul- sive storms in the West India Islands in which the fields of sugar canes are destroyed, and the canes torn up and hurried away in confusion. The first of these hurricanes was in 1700. The swelling sea rushed in upon Charles- town with amazing impetuosity, and obliged the inhab- itants to fly for shelter to the second stories of their houses. Happily few lives were lost in town, but a large vessel called the Rising Sun, belonging to Glasgow, and com- manded by James Gibson, which had come from Darienwith a part of the unfortunate Scotch settlers, at the time of the storm rode at anchor off the bar. The hurricane drove this ship from her anchor and dashed her to pieces against the sand banks, and every person on board perished. Archibald Stobo, a Presbyterian clergyman, Lieutenant Graham, and sev- eral more belonging to the ship, being on shore, escaped the disaster. The men going next day in search of their unfor- tunate countrymen, found the corpses of the greatest part of them driven ashore on James's Island, where they spent a whole day in burying them. Of the second, in 1728, very few particulars have been re- corded. Newspapers, which are now so common, had then no existence in Carolina. During the summer of 1728 the weather was observed by the inhabitants of Charlestown to be uncommonly hot. A dreadful hurricane followed, occa- sioning an inundation which overflowed the town and the low lands, and did incredible damage to the fortifications, houses, wharves, shipping and corn-fields. The streets of Charlestown were covered with boats, boards, staves ; and the inhabitants were obliged to take refuge in the higher stories of their dwelling-houses. Twenty-three ships were driven ashore, most of which were either gieatly damaged or dashed to pieces. The Fox and Garland, men of war, stationed there for the protection of trade, were the only ships that rode out of the storm. This hurricane, though it leveled many thou- sand trees in the maritime parts,* was scarcely perceived an out on SuUiyan's Island, of wood, built eight square and eighty feet high, blown down; all the front wall and mud parapet before Charlestown undermined and washed away, with the platform and gun-carriages, and other desolations sus- tained as never before happened to this town; To the northward of Charlestown the hurricane was more violent, but at Port Royal it was not much felt." ■ *One fact, preserved by tradition in a particular family, has reached us, which as an historical document fixing the date of this hurricane and pointing out the then situation of Charlestown, is worth mentioning. A considerable portion of that central, thickly-settled part of the city lying to the northward and eastward of the National Bank, was at that time an orchard, just beginning to bear nectarines, apricots, pears, and other choice fruit. The same day destroyed this orchard, the property of John Laurens, and gave birth to his son James. These cotempora- OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 177 hundred miles from the shore. The hurricane of 1752 ex- cited the longest and greatest portion of public attention. The few surviving chroniclers who were witnesses of its devastation even now frequently take a mournful pleasure in reciting the particulars thereof to their listening grand-children and great- grand-children. In the months of June, July and August, 1752, the weather in Charlestown was warmer than any of the in- habitants, before or since, have ever experienced. The mer- cury in the shade often arose above ninety, and for nearly twenty successive days varied between that and 101. By such excessive heat the air becomes greatly rarefied, and a violent hurricane commonly follows and restores the balance in the atmosphere. In such a case the wind usually proceeds from the northeast. These storms indeed seldom happen ex- cept in seasons when there has been little thunder, when the weather has been long dry and hot. Accordingly, on the 15th of September, 1752, a dreadful hurricane took place. In the night before it was observed bv the inhabitants of Charles- town that the wind at northeast began to blow hard and continued increasing in violence till next morning. Then the sky was suddenly overcast and it began to drizzle and rain. This northeast wind blew with so much violence as to stem the Gulf stream in its northern course and to throw it on the shores. About 9 o'clock A. M. the flood came rolling in neous events, on the 3d of September, old style, were too interesting to be for- gotten by tliose particularly concerned. When the circumstance of an orchard so near the centre of this city is compared with the present state of things, it cannot fail of exciting admiration at the vast increase of Charlestown in the short space of eighty years. The hurricanes of 1700, 1713, 1728, 1752, and 1804, were all in September, and between the 8th and 16th of that month. When allowance is made for the change of style, all of them appear to have taken place within eight days of each other in their respective years. Reducing the whole to the new style or present mode of computing time, the earliest was in 1804, on the 8th of September, and the latest in 1700, nominally on the Sth, but really on the 16th of the same month. The date of the hurricane of 1728, is 'by Dr. Hewat erro- neously fixed in August. It is fixed as above, on the 3d of September, old style j that author assigned no date for the hurricance of 1700. It i.- fixed as above, on tbe Sth of September, old style, on the following ground: John Lawson, who wrote an account of Carolina one hundred years ago, states, that on the 28th of Decem- ber, 1700, he set out from Charlestown for North Carolina. On the second day of his journey he fell in with a Scotchman living near Sewee bay, on an island then called Dixe's Island. The Scotchman treated his guest with oatmeal, and informed him, "That he had obtained the oatmeal, with several other effects, from the wreck of the Rising Sun, a Scotch ship which had been cast away near Charlestown bar on the Sth of the preceding September.'' Fixing these dates with precision is of importance; for when exactly ascertained, they not only tend to diminish the period of terror which in the season of hurricanes disturbs the minds of many in Charlestown, but furnish data from past experience for rational conjectures on the probable time of their taking place. The inhabitants of Sullivan's Island, and of the sea-coast, should be attentive to all great changes of the weather between the 1st and 16th of September, particularly after very hot summers, and especially when an uncommon roaring is heard from the sea. It appears that hurricanes have generally come earlier in the season. The two first, in 1700 and 1713, were on September 16th: that of 1728, was September 14th; that of 1752, September 15th; that of 1804, September Sth. It is therefore more probable that the next will be before than after the 8th of September. 178 THE NATURAL HISTORY with great impetuosity, and in a little time rose ten feet above high water mark at the highest tides. The streets were al- most instantly covered with boats, boards, wrecks of houses and ships. Before 11 all the ships in the harbor were driven ashore; and sloops and schooners were dashing against the houses of Bay street. The stores on the several wharves from Roper's on the south and Wragg's on the north of East Bay street were all broken up and lodged in large heaps on the Governor's bridge and the yards or open ground in its vi- cinity. When the gale came on there was a large ship at anchor at Sullivan's Island road. When it was over, that ship, no longer visible, was supposed to be foundered, but was shortly after found in Clouter's creek, about six miles north of Charlestown. During the gale she had drifted, with her an- chors ahead, through the marsh opposite the city, called Shute's Folly, and also passed over another piece of marsh land three miles higher up, called Drum Island, without the loss of any of her crew, masts, or yards. After taking out two schooner loads of her cargo she was hove down at Hockbaw careening place. On examination it appeared that she had sustained no other damage than the loss of some of her sheathing plank, torn off by oyster shells. She was afterwards reloaded and safely arrived at London, after she had there been given over as lost. Another vessel was driven with her anchors ahead from off White Point through the mouth of Vanderhorst's creek. In passing she carried away the southwest corner of the Bap- tist new church, and afterwards safely grounded on the west side of Meeting street. Her draft of water was from nine to ten feet. A ship with a cargo of palatines had anchored in Ashley river a day or two before the gale. She, with her anchors, was driven into the marsh near to James Island where, by continual rolling the passengers were tumbled from side to side. About twenty of them, by bruises and other injuries, lost their lives. The Hornet sloop-of- war, with seven anchors ahead, drifted almost on shore near to the place where Gads- den's wharf now stands. Her bowsprit and foremast were cut away to prevent her foundering. She was the only vessel in the harbor that rode out the storm. All others were wrecked, damaged or driven on the wharves. The constern- ation which seized the inhabitants exceeds all description. Finding themselves in the midst of a tempestuous sea, and expecting the tide to flow till one o'clock, they retired at eleven to the upper stories of their houses, and contemplated a speedy termination of their lives. At this critical time providence OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 179 mercifully interposed and surprised them with a sudden and unexpected deliverance. Soon after eleven the wind shifted, in consequence of which the waters fell five feet in the space often minutes. By this happy change the Gulf stream, no longer stemmed by the violent blast, had freedom to regain its usual course, and the town was saved from eminent dan- ger. Had the Gulf stream continued to flow in upon the town its destruction would have been inevitable. Almost all the tiled and slated houses were uncovered ; several persons were hurt and some were drowned. The fortifications and wharves were almost entirely demolished — the provisions in the fields in the maritime parts were destroyed, and numbers of cattle and hogs perished in the waters. The pest-house, on Sullivan's Island, built of wood, with fourteen persons in it, was carried several miles up Cooper river, and nine of the fourteen were drowned.* * Several of these particulars are stated on the authority of Josiah Smith. This was the greatest and most destructive hurricane that has ever yet taken place in Carolina. Tlie attention of the public being called to the subject of hurricanes by a very destructive one "w^hich took place in 1804. the Medical Society wishing to perpetuate a minute account of both, directed Dr. Prioleau to collect and par- ticularly state the material facts relative to these important events, and to modern- ize the coteraporary statements of the hurricane of 1752, which by a change of names and circumstances were no longer intelligible. This service he performed very much to the satisfaction of the society; of it much use has been made in this historic statement. The result of his inquiries was recorded iit the journal of the Society. That part of it which relates to the hurricane of 1752 is nearly as fol- lows: "As the hurricane of the year 1752 far, very far exceeded, both in violence and devastation, the one of 1804, it may be both useful and interesting to collect its history, not only to enable us to make a comparison between them, but to apprise us of tile danger and destruction to which we may be subjected from eastwardly storms. By the politeness of our President, Dr. James Moultrie, I have been favored with avery excellent and minute account of the hurricane of 1752, written by his worthy and learned father. Dr. John Moultrie ; from which, together with the information communicated to me by my father, who was in the city at the time, and has a perfect recollection of the occurrence, we shall be enabled to compile an accurate account. "As great changes have taken place in our city since that period by increased population, extension, change of property, and other circumstances, and as the above account refers to buildings which have long since been demolished, and to places the names of which have been altered, it will become necessary, in order to understand the extracts, to make a partial reference to the situation of the city at that time. In doing which, it is only necessary to observe, that the aspect of the city has been very much changed since the year 1752. The creeks which ran partly through the town have been obliterated, the low grounds have been filled, and even the most elevated spots must have received additional height from the rubbish which must necessarily accumulate in so populous a place. The town was in a state of fortification. At White Point there was a consid- erable fort. A very strong brick wall, the curtain line, extended on the east side of East Bay street from Roper's wharf to the Governor's bridge, at each extremity of which there was a bastion. The wharves were few in number, the most north- wardly of which is now owned by Captain John Blake. With the exception of the low stores on the wharves, the vendue store which was opposite Tradd street, and the old Guard House, where the Exchange now stands, there was not an house on the east side of East Bay street, nor was there any land at that time on which one could be erected. The water washed the curtain line from one end to the other, except only in those places where the wharves projected from it. On the night of 14th September, 1752, it was cloudy and boisterous. Friday, Sep- tember 15th, was extremely stormy in the morning; and the wind, blowing from 180 THE NATURAL HISTORY In September, 1804, after an interval of fifty-two years, another hurricane took place. This proceeded from a junc- tion of two simultaneous gales of Avind on the coast. The one commenced at the Carribee Islands and proceeded north- westwardly along the coast of Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina. The other commenced at the northeast, and pro- ceeded southwestwardly. These two gales after having sep- arately done much mischief, met, and forming a junction in the latitude of Charlestown or Beaufort effected still greater devastation. Their conflict was attended with torrents of rains ; it retarded the gulf stream, and of course accumulated so much water on the coast as to inundate a great partof thelow lands of South Carolina and Georgia. For several days before the storm commenced, an uncommon roaring of the sea was distinctly heard, especially by the resi- dents on Sullivan's Island. The tides were remarkable for high floods and for ebbs less low than usual. At 10 o'clock P. M. on the 7th of September, 1804, a heavy the northeast, iticreased and continued -with very little variation until eleven o'clock, A. M. Its violence was so great that no person could stand against it without support. About 9 o'clock A. M., when agreeably to the course of the tide it should have been low water, it was observed greatly to exceed the height of spring tides, and continued rising until the wn'nd, which blew from the northeast and east-northeast, shifted to the south and southwest. The mountainous sea which then raged in the harbor began to fall, and the water returned in a very surprising manner. But for this change of wind, it is probable that the whole town would have been laid in ruins, as the tide had, according to the usual routine, two hours to flow^, and a foot more of water would have inundated the highest spot. We cannot but shudder at the recital of the havoc it produced. Granville's bastion, situated at the southeast corner of East Bay street, on the very spot whic:h is now occupied by Captain Messroon's house, was much shaken, the upper part of the wall beat in, the platform with the guns upon it iloated partly over the wall. The upper part of the curtain line, a solid wall at least four feet thick, was beat in upon the bay, from Granville's bastion to Lloyd's wharf, now Geyer's ; and from the spot where Cochran's wharf now is to Craven's bas- tion, w^hich is now occupied by a house of Mr. Pritchard's, near the southeast corner of the Governor's bridge. "The warehouses, scale-houses, and sheds upon the wharves, with all the goods in them, were swept away; the solid parts of the w^harves much leveled. All the floating materials of the wharves, warehouses, and theij contents — naval stores, boards, timber, shingles, staves, canoes, small craft, and barrels, were washed up under the curtain line from Lloyd's wharf, now Geyer's, to the place where Coch- ran's w^harf now stands, and from thence to Craven's bastion, as the curtain line was beat in ; the same confused mass was washed up against the houses on that part of the bay, to their great damage, and up into Queen street as far as Kialoch's court. AH the vessels in the harbor, of every description, except the Hornet sloop-of-war, drove ashore. The small craft, except a few, were so torn to pieces, crushed and blended with the materials of the wharves and warehouses, as hardly to be discriminated. "A pilot boat drove up on the pavement, close to Mr. T. Smith's door, the house which Mr. Gardner afterwards lived in, opposite to Keith's wharf, in the parlor of of which there was water to the depth of three feet. "Dr. Caw's house, near to the corner of Lodge alley, was almost torn to pieces. The remains of two or three large petti-augers before it, the stables and chair- house next to it, and a great quantity of rafts of timber in the back yard of it, ■were all washed away. "A wooden house of Mrs. Wragg's, corner of Bay and Amen streets, her green house, together with Mrs. Scott's (where Mr. Winstanley now lives,) out-build- ings, were entirely demolished. Mr. Scott saved himself by swimming from his OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 181 gale of ivind from the northeast commenced which continued duringthe night. It moderated ahout five o'clock in the morn- ing of the 8th, but at seven it wore to the east and came on with redoubled force, and continued to increase until twelve o'clock, when it blew with tremendous violence, driving the spray of the sea across Charlestown Neck. The effect of this showed itself on the branches of tall pine trees fronting the east, blasting their leaves so that they appeared as if scorched with fire, and remained so for several weeks. In the afternoon it shifted round to the southeast, but did not in the least de- crease until ten o'clock iri the evening; it still, however, blew hard until one o'clock of the morning of the ninth, accom- panied at intervals with heavy showers of rain. The amount of property destroyed was immense ; the wliole of the wharves, from General Gadsden's on Cooper river, to to the extent of South Bay were greatly damaged. The heads and sides of most of them were shattered both by the violence of the waves and the beating of vessels against them. Very house. The works of Craven's bastion, from the platform upwards, were all beat in, the platform torn up and crowded into a corner of the bastion, the guns dis- mounted and washed out of their carriages, the great gate burst open into the street, and the heavy doors have never since been found. "Captain Walker's sloop, loaded for Jamaica, drove through Colonel Pinckney's, now General Pinckney's stables, into Robert Raper's, now Ancrum's yard, where she was crushed to pieces, and left her mast through the balcony door. "Captain Walker's pilot boat beat down the fine staircase leading to Colonel Pinckney's house, now the General's, and made a small breach in the southeast corner of the house. Mr. Brown's house, corner of Bay and William's wharf, was so much shattered, as to be rendered almost unfit to be inhabited. "Colonel Pinckaey, who lived in the large white house at the corner of Eljery street and French alley, abandoned it after there were several feet of water in it. He conveyed his family from thence to Mr. Seaman's, where Mr. Thomas Jones now lives, corner of Guignard and Charles streets, in a ship's yawl. All South Bay was in ruins, many wooden houses were wrecked to pieces and washed away, and brick houses reduced to a heap of rubbish. The piazza of the house of Samuel Peroneau, in Meeting street, where Dr. Irvine now lives, the chair- house, stables, and store-house, were all washed away. Mr. Fenwicke's coach- house, on the spot where Judge Heyward now lives, was beat down, and a new chariot broke to pieces and carried into King street, where Mr. AUston now lives. A new brick tenement, opposite to where Major Ladson now lives, was beat down hy the falling of a stack of chimneys upon it, and washed away almost to the foundation. A brick house where Mr. Bedon lived, in Church street, a few doors from General Washington's, was, with the out-houses, reduced to a heap of rubbish. Mr. Bedon and family unfortunately remained too long in the house, for the whole family, consisting of twelve souls, perished in the water, except himself and a negro wench. He was driven to the upper end of Broad street, and was taken into the window of the house of Mr. Hext, who lived at the corner of Broad and Mazyck's street, where Mr. John Huger now lives. The negro wench was driven on Cumming's point, and saved herself by clinging to a tree. ■ The bodies of Mrs. Bedon, of one of her children, and of a Dutch boy, were found in the parsonage pasture, where Mr. Ehrick now lives, in St. Philip's street. Mr. George Eveleigh's house, where Dr. Polony lately lived, was much shattered ; the brick pillars before his house, together with the gate and pailing, were washed away. Mr. Tomplatt, who lived opposite, was drowned and washed into a stable on the lot where Colonel Morris lives, in Meeting street. Mr. Screven s brick tene- ments, with their out-buildings, corner of Church street and Stoll s alley, was beat down. The new Baptist church had both its ends beat in, the doors and windows broken to pieces. Many other houses in Church street, continued, were destroyed. "A loaded brig came up the creek, which is now Water street, and was lelt 182 THE NATURAL HISTORY few vessels indeed escaped uninjured; many were totally lost, and more materially damaged. At seven o'clock on the morning of the eighth, which was the period of low water, the tide was as high as it generally is at common high tides. It appeared that during the preced- ing ebb, little water had left the rivers. At twelve o'clock it had risen upwards of three feet higher than what is reckoned a high spring tide. This made a complete breach over the wharves, and drove some small vessels on them. On Gads- den's wharf several stores were washed or blown down, and their contents of rice and cotton much damaged. The new street made to continue East Bay to White Point was destroyed. Through it the water passed up Water street as far as Meeting street, in which it was some inches deep, opposite to the Pres- byterian church. On South Bay the whole of the bulwark made to withstand the encroachments of the tide was destroyed. The house of Mr. Wm. Veitch, built on made land, was washed away, and in Church street, on the spot where Mr. Verrce's house-now stands. In general, all wooden fences and brick walls which were much exposed, and high stacks of chimnies were blown down, Alt wooden houses above one story in height, were either beat down or shattered. Many gable ends of houses blown out. All tiled and slated houses without exception, were more or less stripped of their covering; those on the bay, in a manner quite uncovered. When the front was stripped, the wind blowing under the roof, burst the back part out in bulk. "All the southwest point of the town comprehened between Tradd and King streets was inundated. White Point and South Bay were under water ; it was two feet deep in Meeting street, opposite Major Ladson's. The tide flowing up the creek, which has been filled up and is now Water street, poured its water into Church street, as far as the corner of Tradd street. It iiowed up the creek .to Meeting street, through said street, round St. Michael's church, into Broad street, as far down as the corner of Church street, where the South Carolina Bank now stands, where it met the water which flowed up from East Bay through Queen street into Church street. "The south end of the Bay, from Captain Messroon's to Major Reid's, and the north end from Queen street to General Gadsden's, was completely inundated. The water was several feet in General Pinckney's house, and in other houses in that neighborhood. It flowed up the creek over which the Governor's bridge is thrown, by the old magazine as far as Meeting street, where Mr. John Splatt Cripps now lives. It was generally believed that one foot more of water would have covered the highest spot in Charlestown. "Sullivan's Island was covered with water. Some people were hunting there: in all, fourteen souls. Of these only five escaped on part of the roof of the Pest House, which was driven ashore near Hobcaw Point. "A great part of James Island was under water: many houses thereon were beat down, and some people drowned. "The plantations on Keewah Island were completely overflowed. Mr. William Matthews, his wife, and about forty-seven souls, were miraculously saved on an old corn house which stood raised on posts from the ground. "The plantations between Pon Pon and Santee river had their negro houses and many of their out-houses blown down. "An incredible number of trees were blown out by the roots, and many of the finest pine trees which stood the gale, rendered unfit for timber, boards, &c., in consequence of the internal part of the tree being split, or of what the workmen call heart-sliaken, "The roads were blocked up by trees falling across them. The bridges were carried away, and as the canoes or boats were either crushed to pieces or driven ashore, all communication with the country was thereby cut off' for some days The whole of this devastation was effected in the short space of six hours " OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 183 a negro killed by the fall of its chimney. Most of the families in this street fled from their dwellings. In the city several houses which were covered with slate and pantile were partly unroofed. Many trees and fences were blown down. At twelve o'clock on the 8th, which was the period of high water, the tide had risen three feet two laches higher than what is called a high spring tide. As usual it began to decrease, but at six o'clock, the time of low water, it had fallen only two feet As so little water had been carried out by the ebb, and a new flood was coming in, it was apprehended that this tide would be much higher than the former. But owing to the shifting of the wind more to the southward, the water continued to fall during the last four hours of what in the common course of things would have been a flood tide. So that at one o'clock A. M. on the ninth, the period of high water, it was not as high as it had been the preceding evening at the period of low water. On Sulli- van's Island the situation of several hundreds who had re- sorted thither for the benefit of the sea air, and to avoid the heat of the city, was distressing beyond description. The western part of the island was completely under water to the depth of several feet. Upwards of twenty houses were either blown down, or their foundations undermined by the sea and completely washed away. The inhabitants of these houses escaped by resorting to the Lazaretto barracks and other parts of the island not so immediately exposed. Many houses were occupied by women and children alone who could not assist themselves and who, but for the prompt aid of several gentlemen, must inevitably have perished. The eastern part of the island was not completely covered. The inhabitants of that end had free communication with each other, walking dry shod along the narrow ridge of sand which runs longitu- dinally through the island. It is the opinion of several who witnessed the scene that in case the tide had continued to rise for half an hour longer, every house on the island must have fallen, and the destruction of every person thereon would have been almost inevitable. Of many families, part were in Charlestown and part on Sullivan's Island. Between these two places, six miles apart, there was no possibility of any communication. The residents on the island and in the city were reciprocally anxious for each other. Personal safety for the present moment was no security for the next. The in- habitants of the island could not tell whether they or their friends in the city fared worst. The latter feared that the former were overwhelmed and lost. In this painful state ot suspense both remained for several hours, not knowing what ■ was the fate of their friends, and equally uncertain what was to be their own. 184 THE NATURAL HISTORY Fort Johnson was so injured as not to admit the mounting of a single cannon. The breast-work, and pallisadoes of Fort Pinckney were washed away. The gale was scarcely felt northwardly beyond Wilmington, North Carolina. It commenced at Georgetown on the 8th of September, between 3 and 4 o'clock A. M.; the wind was northeast, and blew with increasing violence until midnight It then changed to southeast, and abated but little of its fury before the evening of the 9th. The rain descended in torrents. The devastation increased as the storm proceeded south- wardly. At Savannah the gale began on Saturday, September 8th, and lasted seventeen hours. The water rose to eight or ten feet above the level of the common spring tides. Houses and stores were blown down by the wind and undermined by the water. Fences and trees were prostrated, ships and ves- sels were stranded and left high and dry on the wharves. Many negroes and others were drowned in consequence of the low islands on the coast being deeply overflowed. On Cockspur Island Fort Green was leveled, all the buildings de- stroyed, and thirteen lives lost. Muskets were scattered all over the island. Cases of canister shot were carried from one hundred to two hundred feet, and a bar of lead of 300 pounds was likewise removed to a considerable distance. A cannon weighing 4,800 pounds is said to have been carried thirty or- forty feet from its position. Broughton Island was covered with water, and upwards of seventy negroes, the property of William Brailsford, were drowned by the oversetting of a boat in which they attempted to escape from the island to the main. The barn on the island being raised on made high land stood the storm, and in it the negroes would have been safe. At St. Simon's Island great damage was done. The crops were generally covered with water, and several negroes were drowned. The like happened on St Catherines, and on the other islands on the coast At Sunbury the bluff was re- duced to a plane, and almost every chimney leveled to the ground. The rice swamps and low lands within the reach of the tides were generally overflowed. The crops of rice and pro- visions were greatly injured, and in some places totally de- stroyed or washed away. The fields of cotton along the sea- shore which previously promised an abundant crop, were blasted and nearly destroyed by the violence of the wind and the spray of the sea. Destructive scenes similar to those which have been just described seldom occur ; but something of an opposite nature takes place almost every year. There is an uncommon and frequent multiphcation of fish under particular circumstances OP SOUTH CAROLINA. 185 which deserves to be noticed in the natural history of South Carolina. In every plantation great care is taken in making dams to preserve water for overflowing the rice fields in sum- mer ; without which they will yield no crops. Soon after these ponds are made, the planters find them stocked with a variety of fishes. In what manner they breed or whence they come has been a subject of inquiry. Some think that their spawn is exhaled from the large lakes of fresh water in the continent, and being brought in thunder clouds, falls with the drops of rain into these reservoirs of water. Others imagine that it must have remained every where among the sand since the sea left these maritime parts of the continent. Others are of opinion that young fish are brought by water fowls from one pond to another and dropt therein, by which means the new made pools receive a plentiful supply. Of these dif- ferent solutions the first 'is most satisfactory. But whatever is the cause the effect is visible and notorious all over the country. When the ponds are stocked with fishes, it becomes an agreeable and common amusement to catch them by ang- ling or bawling a seine through the pool. Of the original animale in South Carolina, the following remain : Bear, panther, wild cat, wolf, beaver, grey fox, red deer, otter, wild rat, mouse^ black squirrel, gray squirrel, flying squirrel, ground squirrel, rabbit, pole cat, mole, mink, opos- sum, raccoon, lizard, scorpion, toad, bull frog, frog, green frog. The following have been imported and domesticated: The cow, horse, ass, hog, sheep, goat, dog, cat. Of the birds of Carolina the following are the principal : Bald eagle, fishing hawk, pigeon hawk, gray hawk, swallow tailed hawk, night hawk, turkey buzzard, carrion crow, large owl, screech owl, Carolina cuckoo, perroquet, blue jay, purple jack daw, red winged starling or black bird, rice bird, large white beUied woodpecker, gold winged woodpecker, red bel- lied woodpecker, hairy woodpecker, yellow bellied woodpecker, small spotted woodpecker, nut-hatch great and small, sanguil- lah, wild pigeon, turtle dove, ground dove, may bird, robin, thrush, Carolina bullfinch, large swamp sparrow, little sparrow, snow bird, mocking bird, blue grosbeak, purple finch, painted finch or nonpareil, blue linnet, chatterer, blue bird, crested fly catcher, black cap fly catcher, swamp red bird, highland red bird, summer red bird, crested tit mouse, yellow tit mouse, pine creeper, yellow throated creeper, humming bird, king- fisher, chattering plover or killdeer, whistling plover, hooping crane, blue heron, little white heron, crested bittern, cormo- rant, white curlew, brown curlew, oyster catcher, canada goose, small white brant goose, great gray brant goose, duck and 186 THE NATURAL HISTORY mallard, canvas back duck found here every spring, gannet, large black duck, bull neck duck, round crested duck, summer duck, little brown duck, blue winged teal, green winged teal, white faced teal, black cormorant, flamingo, water pelican, wild turkey, pheasant or mountain partridge, small partridge or quail, wren, swallow, martin whip-poor-will or goat sucker, snipe, woodcock, marsh hen, Indian pullet. Of these the geese, many species of ducks, the wild pigeon, the snow bird and some others are birds of passage, some of them coming from northern and others from southern lati- tudes. Swallows appear commonly in the second week of March, and disappear the beginning of August Martins come about the middle of April, and depart about the end of October or beginning of November. Small birds called king birds, show themselves about the first week in April, and re- tire the first week in September. Many species of serpents, some of which are of deadly nature, are natural to this State, among which are: The rattle snake, water rattle snake, small rattle snake, water viper, black viper, copper belly snake, bluish green snake, hog nose snake, wampum snake, horn snake, thunder snake, black snake, little brown head snake, ribbon snake, chain snake, mogason water snake, coach whip snake, corn snake, green snake, glass snake, bull snake. Among our insects are: The earth worm, grub worm, snail, house bug, flea, wood worm, forty legs, wood louse, cicada, mantis or camel cricket, cockroach, cricket, beetle, fire fly, glow worm, butterfly, moth, ant, fig eater, humble bee, ground bee or yellow jacket, wasp, hornet, fly, musqueto, sand fly, spider, tick, potatoe louse. Alligators are in abundance in our brackish and fresh tide waters. They grow to the length of twelve or fourteen feet, and are extremely destructive to fish and other animals ; they are said sometimes to attack men. If so it is very rare and under very particular circumstances. In general they are more sluggish and cunning, than active and courageous. But they conceal themselves in or near the water and seize calves, hogs and colts in the act of drinking or eating, drag them under the stream and devour them piece meal. The fresh water fish are: Sturgeon, pike, trout, bream, roach, or silver fish, mud fish, pearch, sucking fish or carp, herring,* cat fish, gar fish, rock fish, eel ; and of the shell fish kind, the soft shelled turtle, terrebin, cray fish. * These fish, in their passage from Europe to the southwestern parts of the Atlantic, and in their return back to the great fisheries in the Northern and Ger- man seas, seldom fail to show themselves almost every March in considerable numbers in this State, particularly in Goose creek, Pedee, and Edisto rivers. OP SOUTH CAROLINA. 187 The salt water fish are : — Shark, porpus, drum, bass, sailors choice, cavaUi, snapper, shad,* sheep head, crocus, whiting, porgy, black fish, soles, angel fish, mullet, herring, skip jack, yellow tail, alewife. And the shell fish are some kinds of large and small sea turtle, oysters, crab, shrimps, clams and muscles. So various is the climate of South Carolina that the plants of Canada may be found on its mountains, and the more hardy tropical fruits on its south-eastern extremity. Since the revolution, its botanic riches have been examined and many specimens transported to the old world by six European bota- nists: Michaux and son, Beauvois, I. Fraser and son, and John Lyon. Among its numerous vegetable productions, the following, in addition to what have been introduced in prece- ding chapters, deserve particular notice : Tkees. — Ash,fraxinus. Its wood is used in making ploughs, wagons and carts, spokes of wheels, tool handles, and dairy utensils ; and the bark in making baskets. Birch, betula alba, is used for baskets and hoop-poles. Beech, fagus sylvatica, is made into sundry articles of fur- niture, and is split into thin scales for band-boxes. It also makes stocks for planes. Black cherry, cerasus virginiana — furniture is made of its wood. A decoction of the bark is useful in dyspepsia, con- sumptions, intermittent fevers. Its gum is nearly equal to gum arable; its fruit, by infusion in brandy, is a rich cordial. Black mulberry, morus nigra — its wood makes furniture, and the fruit is pleasant and wholesome. Cypress tree, cupressus disticha, is the largest tree growing in the State, being sometimes thirty feet in circumference. Its wood is very durable, and yet easy to work. Large canoes, requiring six or eight oarsmen, are sometimes made from a single tree. They are sufficiently numerous in some single swamps to afibrd materials for building every house in a large town. They afibrd plank and timber for ships, houses and various other purposes ; also boards for pannel work, shingles for covering houses, tubs, churns and other dairy utensils. Red cedar, juniperus virginiana, makes durable furniture, posts and coffins. On the plantation of Thomas Drayton, in St. Andrews, an inscription on wood of this species in 1706, indicates the grave of Stephen Fox, There is no tombstone in Charlestown equally old on which time has made so little impression. •These fish in the month of February rnn up the fresh water rivers, particularly the Savannah, the Sanlee and its various heads, and in such numi)ers, that in addition to a plentiful supply for domestic use, many hundreds of barrels of them might be every year caught and salted for exportation. 188 THE NATURAL HISTORY Chestnut, castanea vesca, a very durable wood. Many of the oldest houses in London are built of it. It is good for tubs or vats for liquor, and never shrinks after being once seasoned. It makes fence-rails, and answers for several pur- poses of husbandry. The fruit is used as food. Chinquepin, castanea pumela. Its fruit makes an agree- able article of light food. Posts made of the tree are very durable. Candleberry-myrtle, myrica cerifera, affords wax for candles. A decoction of the bark is good for dropsies — of the leaves for diarrhoeas — of the root for restraining uterine haemorrhages. Dogwood, cornus fiorida. The bark is a good substitute for Peruvian bark in the cure of fevers and mortifications. Elder, sambucus canadensis. A decoction of the leaves has been found useful in dropsies — of the flowers in erysipelas, and other cutaneous diseases. Elm, ulmus americana and alata, keeps well in water — is useful for mill-wheels, water-pipes, and for the carved works of architecture. It also yields materials for chair bottoms. The bark of one species of it can be made into ropes. The inner bark of another, the slippery-bark elm, ulmus pubescens, is commonly and with advantage applied to fresh wounds. An infusion of it is an useful mucilaginous drink in bowel complaints. Water in which it has been macerated, applied cold, acquires increased efficacy in cases of burns. Several kinds of holly : the ilex cassena, is a most powerful diuretic. Hickory nut, juglans alba. The nuts of this tree are pleas- ant food. Its wood makes excellent fuel. When small, it answers very well for hoop-poles. The inner bark imparts either an olive or yellow color. Linden tree, tilia americana. The inner bark macerated in water is a good application to burns. Locust tree, robinia, pseudo acacia, is a beautiful tree, and makes excellent fuel, timber, posts for fences, and is much used for trundles by ship-wrights. It is of quick growth, and cherishes the grass beneath its shade. Spring plum, prunus chicasa — reputed unwholesome, but only accidentally so from swallowing the skin and stones — the juice is cooling and wholesome. Winter plum, prunus hiemalis, affords an excellent preserve, and a rich cordial. Chamaerops palmetto. Palmetto tree grows only on lands adjacent to the sea. It is much used for facing wharves and other works under water, as it is not at all injured by worms. It affords excellent materials for the construction efforts; for cannon balls soon loose all their force in its spongy substance. OP SOUTH CAROLINA. 189 They penetrate but a little, make no extended fractures, nor do they detach any dangerous splinters. The top of the tree yields a substance resembling cabbage, which may be used as such. The leaves of the chamserops pumila make durable hats. There are more than twenty kinds of oak. Their acorns are useful as mast for hogs, and their galls as strong astrin- gents. The wood of all is used for fuel, and of some for posts, shingles, staves, and heading for barrels. Pot-ash is obtained from their ashes, which when united with the wax of the can- dleberry-myrtle makes soap. Live oak, quercus virens, is a very heavy wood which can- not be split. It yields the best of timber for ships, and for various kinds of machinery. Quercus alba, white oak. The wood of this tree is split into thin laminas for the purpose of making baskets, hoops, whip handles, &c. Red oak, quercus ru,bra. A decoction of the bark is useful in diarrhoeas and gangrene — the bark itself in tanning leather. Great black mountain oak, quercus tinctoria. Its bark is used for dying black. Persimon, diospyrus virginiana, is one of the strongest veg- etable astringents, and much used in various cases where medicines of that class are indicated. By fermentation an agreeable beverage may be made from it. It also yields by distillation something like brandy. The younger trees may be used as stocks for engrafting. Plane, platanus occidentalis. Sycamore tree. Flowering poplar or tuhp tree, liriodendron tulipifera, are both very beautiful. The bark of the latler is used for the cure of intermittent fevers, and in cases of bad digestion and debility — by many it is deemed nearly equal to Peruvian bark, and is much used by farriers. Acer rubrum, red maple — the bark contains much galic acid, and is used with copperas for giving a permanent black color. Furniture and gun stocks are made from its wood. Sugar maple, acer saccharinum — each tree yields in the proper season about five pounds of good sugar. Sugar tree, a nondescript species of acer — yields sugar of a superior quality, and more in quantity than the sugar maple. Papaw, annona trilaba — ropes are made from the fibres of its inner bark. Its fruit affords a delightful repast. Magnolia glauca — the bark is an agreeable bitter, used fre- quently and successfully in intermittents, and other diseases requiring tonic aromatic bitters. Pine tree, pitch pine, pinus tseda, produces pitch, tar, tur- pentine — and the heart of it when dry becomes lightwood, 190 THE NATURAL HISTORY which makes lasting posts. There is a species of pine iii Carolina, as yet undescribed, growing on the summits of high mountains, which yields a balsam much famed both as a dressing to wounds and for relieving internal diseases. Yellow pine, pinus palustris — of it are made planks, house- frames, spars, oars, boats, masts of vessels, ship-timber and lumber in all its various forms. Other pine trees yield fence rails, posts, shingles, staves, and heading for barrels.* All of them make excellent fuel. MEDICINAL VEGETABLES. Acorus calamus, sweet calamus, is a useful bitter and an excellent carminative and stomachic. Amorpha fruticosa, wild indigo, is a strong styptic, and re- strains excessive discharges of blood. Several vegetables pass under the name of snake-root The following are the most useful, and are stimulant, bitter, sudorific and antispasmodic: 1. Virginia aristolochia serpentaria. 2. Seneka, polygala, senega. 3. Heart asarum, arifolium ; and 4, button snake- root, agave virginica. The three first are used in febrile dis- eases, and with the aid of the lancet, blisters, and salts, are equal to the cure of most of the common inflammatory fevers. The last has been found a powerful auxiUary in cases of teta- nas and other spasmodic complaints; and a tincture of the root is also found most useful in cases of flatulent chohc. Asclepias decumbens, pleurisy root, is much used by the planters in the disease from which it is named — it is a very -Pines are the most valuable trees which grow in Carolina. Judging of Iheir ages by their rings, some of them have been cotemporary with the French, Span- ish, and English settlements on the coast, and have flourished equally under the democracy of Indians, and the proprietary, royal, and representative governments of white men. The resources of Carolina in lumber may be estimated from the following statements : There are within its limits two hundred thousand acres j each of which, on an average, has growing on it fifty pine trees, and every one of these, on an average, when brought in a marketable form to the sea ports, would sell for ten dollars. If to these are added the cypress and cedar trees, the oaks, ashes, poplars, maples, beeches, magnolias, palmettoes, and other common trees in Carolina, which are used in furniture, building, as ship timber, and in various forms by different artists, the sylvan riches of the State will be found to exceed all calculation. So great is the eagerness to plant cotton, that forests containing im- mense quantities of useful wood are yearly cut down and burnt without any other advantage than what is derived from the fertilizing quality of their ashes. This small residue of what might have been made ten times more valuable, is not improved by being convertedinto pot-ash. Such are the temptations resulting from the high value of the new staple, cotton, that to extend its culture, other sources of wealth to an immense amount are annually sacrificed. In almost every case land which, by being cleared of wood, is fitted for immediate planting, sells for more than the same when fully timbered. There are about 30,000 cords of wood consumed annually in Charlestown ; and much more cut down, burnt, and destroyed in the country. Notwithstanding all this waste, the day is far distant when Caro- lina, stript of its trees, will resemble the south of Europe, and some of the most populous settlements in the northern States, so far as to present an unsha- ded surface to the direct action of the sun. Great havoc for some time past has been made among the pine trees by insects which, by boring into their substance, destroy them. OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 191 useful sudorific after proper evacuations; and, combined with them, seldom fails of effecting a cure. Cassia marylandica, wild senna, not inferior to the senna of the shops. Convallaria polygonatum, Solomon's seal — an excellent remedy for the scald head, and cutaneous eruptions. Chironia angularis, lesser centaurs, is an excellent tonic and bitter in the low state of fevers when the body is prepared for medicines of that class. Eupatorium perfoliatum, hemp agrimony. Thoroughwort is an emetic sudorific and tonic medicine, and frequently re- moves diseases of the skin. Eupatorium pilosum, wild hoarhound, is good against fevers and old coughs arising from debility. The tame possesses the same virtues, but in an inferior degree. Oxalis acetosella,woodsorrel, with which the woods abound, makes with milk a grateful whey, cooling in fevers — and from it may be prepared an essential salt like that of lemons, for any purpose requiring a vegetable acid. Puccoon root, sanguinaria canadensis, is a deobstruent, and excellent in jaundice, old coughs, and bihons habits. Pyroia umbellata, winter green — useful in nephritic cases. Spieroea trifoliata, drop wort, commonly called Bowmen's root, or Indian physic. The bark of the root is tonic and emetic. Zanthoryza, apiifolia, parsley leaved yellow root. A pleas- ing bitter, not inferior to columbo. Spigelia marylandica, pink-root. The experience of many years has established the efficacy of a decoction of the roots of this elegant plant as a safe and powerful vermifuge. Dr. Barton is of opinion that it is also an excellent remedy in some febrile diseases of children, particularly in that species of remittent which often paves the way to dropsy of the brain. Ceanothus Americanus, red root — the bark of the root is a very strong astringent, and is much used in diarrhoeas. May apple, wild lemon, podophyllum peltatum. The root of this plant affords a certain and salutary cathartic. Dr. Barton prefers it to jalap, because it is not so irritating and may be procured fresh and genuine in almost every part of the United States. Prickly ash, aralia, spinosa— a watery infusion of the bark of the root is a certain .Emetic, and proves frequently cathartic. Its use is common in checking the progress of intermittents. Gentiana or gentian — several species are to be found in Carohna. Their roots are highly but agreeably bitter, and are employed in making bitters and in cases of dyspepsia. Laurus, sassafras— an infusion of the dried flowers is pre- 30 192 THE NATURAL HISTORY ferred by many to tea, and the bark of the root is used as an external appHcation in gangrene. Poke root weed, phytolacca decandra. The tender plant is an excellent substitute for spinach. A tincture of the berries is employed in chronic rheumatisms, and a decoction of the root by farriers in cleaning fistulous ulcers. Sumach, rhus glabrum. An infusion of the berries makes a drink cooling and acidulous, and proves gently cathartic. Michella repens, partridge berry. A decoction of this plant is esteemed a good emetic, and has gained a very general use. Diuretic flagg, iris virginica. This plant possesses consider- able diuretic powers, a decoction of the root in the hands of several planters has performed cures in dro])sical cases. Bucks eye, poor man's soap — esculus pavia. The root of this plant is employed in washing woolens, and from the fruit good starch may be plentifully obtained. The fruit pow- dered and thrown into stagnant water, has the effect of intoxi- cating the fish. They rise to the suface and are readily taken by the hand. VEGETABLES REMARKABLE FOR THEIR BEAUTY, FRAGRANCE, OR CURIOUS STEUCTURE. The mantling vines of the trumpet flower, yellow jasmines, convolvolus, ipomea, glycine or Carolina kidney bean tree. The fragrant bay trees, the delicate mellifluous smelling azalea, the beautiful and sweet honeysuckle, the cheerful clematis or traveler's joy, the shewy hibiscus, the elegant fringe and snow- drop trees, the air-perfuming sweet scented shrubs, the rich and gay variety of wild asters and dwarf sunflowers, with the wood-enlivening phlox, the iris, the curious water lily, the philadelphus inodorus, the andromeda, the kalmia, the storax tree, the rhododendron, the spircea, the viburnum with the humble but beautiful and sweet mitchella repens, the wild strawberries, the blackberry bush, and the huckleberry, the wild rose, the bartsia coccinea, wild lilies, vanilla or Indian to- bacco, asclepias of many sorts, wood anemones, the utricularia ceratophylla or bladder snout Sarracenia, dionea muscipula, and many others which either display their beauties to every traveler, or in more retired situations are wailing to reward the curiosity and industry of the student of nature. The woods furnish four native kinds of grape: the fox grape, summer, winter and muscadine grape; their luxuriant vines and sweet smelling blossoms contribute greatly to the pleasantness of the country at an early season : their fruit is moderately grateful, and they furnish excellent natural stocks for engrafting imported grapes on. The cactus opuntia, or Indian fig, is also a native of Carolina. Its growth is curious; OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 193 its fruit wiien thoroughly ripe agreeable: it furnishes also a good but not durable scarlet dye ; but it is likely to become an object of importance as furnishing food for the cochineal in- sect which may be found in vast numbers on its leaves in the months of April and May. FOREIGN TREES AND OTHER VEGETABLES NATURALIZED. The melia azedarach, or pride of India, introduced by Thomas Lamboll. It is of very quick growth: the wood makes furniture; the berries are eaten by horses and birds; and the roots are a powerful vermifuge. The stillingia sebifera, or tallow tree, was introduced from the East Indies by Henry Laurens. Is a very beautiful tree, and perfectly free from insects. Its berries are said to yield in China an oil from which candles are made. They have not hitherto answered for that purpose in Carolina. Their leaves are green in mild winters ten or eleven months in the year. The weeping willow, salix babylonica. The pliable bark and branches of this may be woven into baskets. Its whole appearance connected with its situation near water, disposes the mind to pensive contemplation. Lombardy poplar. Pupulus dilitata. Sterculia platanifolia. Introduced by Andrew Michaux, and propagated by General Pinckney. Palrna Christi, or castor oil tree, is easily propagated, grows in abundance, and yields from 100 to 150 gallons of oil to the acre. Mr. Rudulph of Camden has planted fifty or sixty acres of it; from its berries he has obtained by expression large quantities of cold drawn oil, which in equal doses opens the bowels as effectually as castor oil imported from the West Indies. Sesamun indicum, benne oil nut. The seeds of this plant furnish an excellent oil for salads, and every purpose for which olive oil is used; the grain parched makes a pleasant, light food, and may be prepared as a substitute for chocolate, and an infusion of the leaves in water produces a gelatinous drink highly recommended in bowel complaints. The popy, papaver somniferum, has been successfully cul- tivated near Charlestown ; and good opium, equal to any im- ported, has been prepared from it, by Catharine Henry Lau- rens Ramsay. If the present enormous price of that drug, which exceeds its weight in silver, continues, the preparation of opium will be an object worthy of attention. Carolina is indebted to the East Indies for its rice, indigo and cotton. To these may be added, and originally from the same country, opium, which may be cultivated to any extent that is requisite. Hops, humulus lupulus, grow plentifully and require little 194 THE NATURAL HISTORY care. A growing fondness for beer may render a crop of this nearly as profitable as cotton, especially if the price and Eu- ropean demand for this article should, as many expect, be considerably diminished. As a further recommendation of hops, it has been found by late experiments to be in several cases and some constitutions, a more unexceptionable ano- dyne than laudanum ; while at the same time infusions of it give tone to a debilitated stomach. The common and despised datura stramonium, or James- town weed, is a most powerful medicine in epilepsy and some of the most obstinate complaints to which human nature is liable ; prepared in the form of an ointment, it has an ano- dyne effect when it is applied to pains on or near the surface of the body; an application of the leaves frequently produces the same result. ORNAMENTAL SHRUBS. The gardenia florida or cane jasmine, the virburnumtinus, the rosa ferox, sometimes called rosa multifiora, more com- monly known by the name of the noudescript, the rosa sin- ensis, perpetual rose — rosa moschata, musk rose — the rosa muscosa, moss rose, and many other beautiful and formerly Tare kinds of roses. The olea fragrans, tlie hydrangea hor- tensis, double and single oleanders, altheas, cultivated myrtles of various descriptions, english jasmines and honeysuckles, several kinds of elegant mimosas, an abundance of hyacinths, narcissuses, daffodils, tonquils, ixias, ranunculuses, anemones, with a profusion of annuals of the most beautiful kind. Of fruit, sweet and sour oranges are raised, and, with some ad- ditional care, citrons, lemons and limes, almonds and chesnuts, figs and pomegranates, red and yellow raspberries and grapes, but not in profusion. VEGETABLES USED AS FOOD. Okra, melons, pompions, and squashes in many varieties, cucumbers, tanniers, Irish and sweet potatoes, groundnuts used as food as a substitute for cocoa, and as a source of oil for domestic purposes. Indian potatoe, suckahoe trufiies, lycoperdon tuber is found in great abundance in old fields one or two feet beneath the sur- face of the earth, attached to the decayed roots of the hickory. This subterranean production afforded the Indians wholesome bread. The country abounds also in natural grasses of which the crab grass is undoubtedly the most valuable. Canes make angling rods, and reeds for weavers, and are excellent food for cattle. The common salt marsh yields manure and also prov- ender for horses, for whose use hundreds of bundles of it are OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 195 almost daily sold in Charlestown market, at an early period of the spring and through the summer. It is a wholesome aux- iliary to green oats and crab grass. Long moss, tillandsia usneoides — this curious production marks the boundary between the upper and lower country. In the first, though most wanted, as the winters are more severe, it does not grow naturally, and all endeavors to propa- gate it have been unsuccessful. In the latter it grows profusely as an appendage to trees, and gives to them the venerable ap- pearance of long pendulous gray beards. In hard winters it is greedily eaten by cattle, and serves for food till the grass springs ; when properly prepared it is used as a substitute for hair in stuffing mattrasses,it is not lasting, but in other respects answers very well. With the exception of Doctor Garden, no Cirolinian is recollected as having studied botany scientifically or otherwise than for horticultural purposes prior to the revo- lution, but since that event, this delightful science has excited attention, which though daily increasing, is far short of what it deserves.* At the head of its present votaries are Stephen Elliott of Beaufort, Henry Middleton, General Pinckney, and Dr. MacBride of St. Stephens; the latter of whom prosecutes this study with ardor and success in every relation, but most particularly as connected with the practice of physic. It has also been successfully cultivated by Mrs. (General) Pinckney, who has formed an extensive hortus siccus, or collection, of dried specimens of the botanic riches of Carolina. Miss Maria Drayton of Drayton Hall, and Miss Martha Henry Laurens Ramsay of Charlestown,are entitled to a distinguisjied place among its admirers and students. *There are many medical plants, the virtues of which have not been ascertained, nor can they properly be till they are made the subject of repeated experiments. To the candidates for medical degrees it is submitted whether any subjects for inaugural dissertations can have equal charms, or excite an equal interest, as experimental investigations of some of the medicinal vegetables of the country. The virtues of several of these are now in a great measure lost to the community, because unknown, or imperfectly ascertained. To persons residing in the coun- try, the study of botany would beguile the lime which, from want ot'sorae useful pursuit, frequently hangs heavy on their hands. To the pious it affords a constant source of love and gratitude to the Author of nature, for having done so much to benefit and please his creatures. To persons of taste and refinement, it affords a continual feast. To the studious, by eneouragingand rewarding rural excursions, it gives agreeable relaxation and wholesome exercise, without wasting any of their time; for by exchanging their retirement and books for the woods and the volume of nature, the improvement of the mind goes on, while the body acquires new vigor: and to all it affords a never-failing source of enjoyment and employ- ment which smooths the brow of care, and gives a zest to life. Much has Carolina done for the encouragement of literature. One step more will justify her sons in claiming pre-eminent rank for generously patronizing science. A botanical garden at Columbia, of about twenty acres, would cost but little, and under proper management could not fail to diffuse \!no\v]ei\ge among the youth of the country, of immense practical use, leading to discoveries that, even in a pecuniary point of view, would probably repay with handsome interest the pittance necessary for its support. 196 LITERARV HISTORr, LITERARY HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, FROM 1670 TO 1S08. CHAPTER IX. The colonists of modern limes have many advantages over those of antiquity, for they carry with them the civilization, arts, and refinements of the times in which they lived and the countries from which they migrated. The settlement of Carolina commenced some considerable time after the dis- covery of printing — the reformation of religion — and the res- toration of learning. It was nearly coeval with the institu- tion of the Royal Society of London, and began at a time when Addison, Boyle, Boerhaave, Barrow, Fenelon, Hale, Locke, Milton, Newton, Roliin, Sydney, Sydenham, Sloan, Tillotson, Watts, and many other suns of intellect were living and enlightening the world with the beams of knowledge. Though few if any of the early settlers of the province were learned men, yet they brought with them general ideas of Eu- ropean literature. The subsequent improvements in the old world were soon transmitted to the new, and by the noble art of printing extensively diflfused. The opportunities enjoyed by the emigrants to South Carolina for rapidly rising to con- sequence, surpassed those Avhich had been at any period within the grasp of the colonies of Asia; or even of Greece or Rome. To prepare the soil for cultivation — to provide shelter and the necessaries of life, must have engrossed the first care of the early settlers ; but this was no sooner accomplished than they adopted measures for promoting the moral and literary improvement of themselves, and particularly of the rising gen- eration. In the year 1700 a law was passed " for securing the provincial library of Charlestown." This had been previously formed by the liberality of Dr. Bray, the lords proprietors, and the inhabitants of the province ; and was, by special act of the Legislature, deposited in the hands of the minister of the Church of England in Charlestown, for the time being, to be loaned out to the inhabitants in succession, under the direc- tion and care of James Moore, Joseph Morton, Nicholas Trott, Ralph Izard, Job Howe, Thomas Smith, Robert Stevens, Jo- seph Croskeys, and Robert Fenwicke; who were appointed commissioners for that purpose. Libraries were soon after formed in the difi"erent parishes, but chiefly for the use of the rectors and ministers. Most of the books in these parochial libraries were the gift either of Dr. Bray or of the society for FROM 1670 TO 1808. 197 propagating the gospel in foreign parts ; but the assembly took them all under their care, and subjected them to the vis- itations of the commissioners appointed to secure the provin- cial library. From this time forward the circulation of books — the establishment of churches — and the settlement of Epis- copal ministers in the different parishes, were encouraged by legislative acts, private donations, and by the liberality of the English society for propagating the gospel. Abouit a hundred years ago that society considered the Carolinas as proper ob- jects of their attention, and contributed in different ways to their literary and religious instruction. Their efforts were seconded by the people and the Legislature. The settlers were so few, and so indigent, that they could not have accomplished the ob- ject wished for to any proper extent from their own resources, but the bounty of the society encouraged legislative and pri- vate exertions, and their combined efforts were rewarded with success. In a few years the Episcopal churches near Charles- town were supplied with preachers, and several of them with parochial libraries. Such was the zeal of the assembly for promoting the religious instruction of the infant colony, that they advanced £25 to Episcopal clergymen on their arrival in the province ; and in case of their election to a benefice their salary was paid by the treasury retrospectively from the day of their landing. In the years 1710 and 1712 the assembly passed laws "for founding and erecting a free-school in Charlestown for the use of the inhabitants of South Carolina. The preamble of the latter, after setting forth "the necessity that a free-school be erected for the instruction of youth in grammar and other arts and sciences, and also in the principles of the christian reli- gion ; and that several well disposed christians, by their last wills had given several sums of money for the founding a free-school," proceeds to enact, " that Charles Craven, Charles Hart, Thomas Broughton, Nicholas Trott, Arthur Middleton, Richard Beresford, William Rhett, Gideon Johnson, Francis Lejau, Robert Maul, Ralph Izard, Joseph Morton, George Lo- gan, Alexander Parris, Hugh Grange, and William Gibbon, and their successors, be a body corporate, by the name of the commissioners for founding, erecting, governing and visiting a free-school for the use of the inhabitants of South Carolina, with all the powers of a corporation, and with particular au- thority to take possession of all gifts and legacies formerly given for the use of the free-school, and to take up or purchase as much land as might be deemed necessary for the use of the school, and to erect thereon suitable buildings." It also enacted " that John Douglass should be preceptor or teacher of said school ; and that on his ceasing to be so, the comnus- 198 LITERARY HISTORY, sioners should appoint his successor, who should be of the religion of the Church of England, and capable of teaching the Latin and Greek languages — that the teacher should have a salary of £lOO per annum, to be paid out of the public treas- ury, and the use of the lands and buildings belonging to the school, for which he was to teach twelve scholars, to be nom- inated by the commisssioners, free of expense; and for all others he was to receive at the rate of £4 per annum." Pro- vision was also made " for the support of an usher and a mas- ter to teach writing, arithmetic, merchant's accompts, survey- ing, navigation, and practical mathematics.'' It was also en- acted, " that any school-master settled in a country parish, and approved by the vestry, should receive ten pounds per annum from the public treasury;" and that "the vestries should be authorized to draw from the same source twelve pounds towards building a school-house in each of the coun- try parishes." Sir Francis Nicholson, the first royal Governor of the prov- ince, was a great friend to learning. He liberally contrib- uted to its support, and pressed on the inhabitants the useful- ness and necessity of provincial establishments for its ad- vancement. Animated by his example and urged by his per- suasions, they engaged in providing seminaries for the instruc- tion of youth. Besides general contributions, several partic- ular legacies were also left for this purpose. Mr. Whitmarsh left five hundred pounds to St. Paul's parish for founding a free-school in it. Mr. Ludlam, the society's missionary at Goose creek, bequeathed all his estate, which was computed to amount to two thousand pounds, for the same purpose. Richard Beresford, by his'will, bequeathed the annual profits of his estate, to be paid to the vestry of St. Thomas' parish, in trust, until his son, then eight years of age, should arrive at the age of twenty-one ; directing them to apply one-third of the yearly profits of this estate for the support of one or more schoolmasters, who should truth an angel of light, the eflect could scarcely have been more divine. Whatever I had been able to conceive of the sublimity of Massillon or the force of Bourdaloue, had fallen far short of the power which I felt from the delivery of this simple sentence. The blood which just] before had rushed in a hurricane upon my brain, and in the violence and agony of my feelings, had held my whole system in suspense, now ran back into my heart with a 'sensation which I cannot describe, a kind of shuddering, delicious horror. " If this description gives you the impression that this incomparable minister had anything of shallow theatrical trick in his manner, it does him great injustice. FROM 1670 TO 180S. 209 aiU coming forward into public life from the western woods. A general system of education has often been before the As- sembly, but nothing has yet been determined on the subject. In several extensive but thinly populated settlements there are no schools ; and children are advancing in years without being able to read. In a Christian State, professing to believe that the bible is the word of God, it is no small reproach that there should be any so ignorant as to be incapable of reading it* The assembly did not confine their patronage of literature merely to the erection of schools and colleges, but encouraged the practical arts. The first law passed for that purpose was as early as 1691, in the 22d year after the settlement of the province. This was entitled "an Act for the better encour- agement of the making of engines for the propagating the staples of the colony." A law was passed in 1707 "for en- I have never seen in any other orator such an union of simplicity and majesty. He has not a gesture, an attitude, or an accent, to which he does not seem forced by the sentiment which he is expressing. His mind is too serious, too earnest, too solicitous, and, at the same time, too dignified to stoop to artifice. Although as far removed from ostentation as a man can be, yet it is clear, from the train, the style, and substance of his thoughts, that he is not only a very polite scholar, but a man of extensive and profound erudition. I was forcibly struck with a short yet beau- tiful character which he drew of our learned and amiable countryman, Sir Robert Boyle; he spoke of him as if "his noble mind had even before death divested herself of all influence from his frail tabernacle of flesh," and called him, in his peculiarly emphatic and impressive manner, " a pure intelligence, the link between men and angels." "This man has been before my imagination almost ever since; a thousand times as I rode along I dropped the reins of my bridle, stretched forth my hand, and tried to imitate his quotation from Rousseau ; a thousand times I abandoned the attempt in despair, and felt persuaded that his peculiar manner and power, arose from an energy of soul, which nature could give, but which no human be- ing could justly copy. In short, he seems to be altogether a being of a former age, or of a totally different nature from the rest of men. Guess my surprise when on my arrival at Richmond, and mentioning the name of this man, I found, not one person who had ever before heard of James Waddel. Is it not strange that such a genius as this, so accomplished a scholar, so divine an orator, should be permitted to languish and die in obscurity within eighty miles of the metropo- lis of Virginia! To me it is a conclusive argument either that the Virginians have no taste for the highest strains of the most sublime oratory, or that they are des- titute of a much more important quality, the love of genuine and exalted religion. Indeed it is too clear ipy friend that this soil abounds more in weeds of foreign birth, than in good and salubrious fruits. Among others the noxious weed of in- fidelity has struct a deep a fatal root, and spread its pestilential branches far around. I ftar that our eccentric and fanciful countryman Godwin, has contributed not a little to water and cherish this pernicious exotic. There is a novelty, a splendor, a boldness in his scheme of morals peculiarly fitted to captivate a youthful and an ardent mind." ■ *This reproach can now be more easily wiped off than heretofore; for the ingenuity of Mr. Lancaster has lately contrived and introduced into practice, with success, a new and easy method, by which one man can at the same time teach a thousand persons to read. A school in New York, and another in Philadelphia, have been lately set up on this plan, and have been found to answer. A salary for the teacher, and a large house for the pupils, are all the items which involve any material expense in executing Mr. Lancaster's system. When the Assembly in this or some other mode shall have put it in the power of the poorest person to be taught the art of reading and writing, they will then have done a lull orbed duty to all classes of the people, as far as their literary interests are concerned. 210 LITERARr HISTORY, couraging the making potash and salt petre;" one in l'P[2 " for encouraging the building saw mills and other mechanic engines;" and two in 1725 "for the encouragement of making salt in the province." Peter Villepontaux, Francis Gracia, Charles Lowndes, and Adam Pedington, between the years 1732 and 1756, severally received legislative encouragement in favor of machines made or projected by them respectively for pounding, beating, and cleaning rice. These and some other laws of a similar tendency passed while South Carolina was a British province. On the establishment of independ- ence, and peace, the business was taken up in the proper style of a sovereign State. In 1784, a law was passed "for the en- couragement of arts and sciences," by which it was enacted, "that the authors or proprietors of books, and the inventors of useful machines, should have the exclusive benefit of their labors or inventions on certain restrictions for the term of fourteen years ; and renewable for a second term of fourteen years if the authors or inventors were then living.'' This power was exercised by the State liberally for the encourage- ment of genius till it was voluntarily transferred to the United States in 1788 for more general benefit. Except the provincial library, coeval with the eighteenth century, which has disappeared, the eldest establishment of that kind is the Charlestown Library Society, founded in 1748, and incorporated in 1754. It consisted originally of the fol- lowing seventeen members : John Sinclair, John Cooper, Peter Timothy, James Grindlay, William Burrows, Morton Brails- ford, Charles Stevenson, John Neufville, Thomas Sacheverell, Robert Brisbane, Samuel Brailsford, Paul Douxsaint, Thomas Middleton, Alexander Baron, Alexander M'Caulay, Patrick M'Kie, and William Logan ; and has been ever since increas- ing in members, funds, and books. It at present possesses 4,500 volumes, and consists of 230 members : its capital in bank shares and stock, 11,600 dollars; yearly income, 3,400 dollars; annual expenses, 1,500 dollars. It is deficient in an- cient literature,* but contains a very ample collection of ele- gant and costly works in botany, natural histsry, voyages, travels, civil history, biography, and miscellaneous literatura It also receives a regular annual supply from London of new * On the 17th of January, 1778, a very extensive fire took place in Charlestown, when this library, containing between six and seven thousand volumes, comprising a very valuable collection of ancient authors, with paintings, prints, a pair of ele- gant globes, mathematical and other instruments, and man~y specimens of natural history, was almost totally destroyed. Since the establishment of peace the at- tention of the society has been principally directed to the most valuable modern authors. A beginning has also been made towards the formation of a museum. Among the natural curiosities of Carolina there collected, are the heads of two deer with their branching horns so interlocked that they cannot be detached from each FROM 1670 TO 1808. 211 and valuable publications. Similar respectable establishments have been made in Union, JS^ewberry, Laurens, and Abbeville districts ; also in Camden, Georgetown, and Columbia ; but of recent date.* There are libraries forming at many of the . court houses, as central places of deposit for the districts, which are enlarging gradually, and extending a taste for read- ing. They are in the nature of circulating libraries among the proprietors. Many of the wealthy planters have respectable libraries for their private use, and they are not backward in adding to them from time to time, especially new and popular publica- tions. The booksellers declare that the sale of books pro- gressively increases except in times of general distress from some common calamity. They add further, that school-books, and such as treat of religion, are in the greatest demand, Mr. Davidson, the worthy and respectable Librarian of the Gharlestown Library, adds, as a further evidence of an in- creasing taste for literature in Carolina, that the number of books loaned out for reading has increased astonishingly in the period of eleven years, during which he has been charged with the care of the society's books. So many are the readers in Carolina, compared with the books within their reach, that much of their knowledge in theology, moral philosophy, ancient history, manners, and customs, is derived from their bibles ; and a great proportion of what they know respecting politics and government, the modern improvements in arts and sciences, and the present state of the world, is derived from newspapers. The amount of knowledge collected from these two sources by some re- tired citizens, exceeds what strangers could expect. Having other. These were parts of two skeletons found in the woods of Beaufort dis trict, lying in opposite directions. It is conjectured on probable grounds that in butting each other their respective long diverging antlers became so entan- gled as to be incapable of separation. In this state of unnatural union they must either have starved, or have been devoured by birds of prey. A spectator cannot avoid reflecting that duels between individual's, and wars between nations are of- ten as causeless ia their origin, and as ruinous in their consequence, as the fatal contest of these cervine combatants. * A library society might be instituted on the following plan in every neighbor- hood, which at a small expense would afibrd to its members an opportunity of reading a considerable number of books ; let any given number associate and each pay a certain sum to be agreed upon, and with that purchase books. When the books are procured let every subscriber ehyose and take home as many of them as he pleases, not exceeding in price the aiuount of his subscription. The priority of choice to be in the alphabetical order of their names. In every fort- night, month, or other regular period to be agreed on, let all the books be re- turned, and a new distribution be made on the same principle ; but he who has had the first choice shall immediately thereupon be put at the foot of the list and have his next choice last ; and so on successively, till the last in the alphabetical arrangement has the first choice. The books may then be sold, and the proceeds or a second sum advanced by the subscribers, may be applied to the purchase of a new collection to be distributed in rotation as before. 212 LITERARY HISTORY. but little to read, they read that little well. Their bibles, when carefully studied and one part made to expound another by the help of marginal references, open an extensive view of the origin of the world, and the great revolutions it has un- dergone — of ancient nations, and particularly of the real state of human nature, in every clime and age. No history was ever better written than that of the Jews, by their own Moses. And there is more knowledge respecting the first half of the whole period that has elapsed since the creation of man to be obtained from the bible, than from any other source. In our popular government, where contending parties exert their utmost powers by eloquent appeals to the people to draw them to their respective sides ; and where rival editors, by the variety and importance of the contents of their papers, endeavor to extend their circulation, a flood of miscellaneous knowledge is transmitted through these daily vehicles of com- munication. Newspapers began to be printed in South Carolina in or about 1730, by Lewis Timothy. From that period to the present, with some short interruptions, a paper has been con- stantly printed by some of that family. His great grandson, Peter Timothy Marchant, is one of the present proprietors of the Courier. Robert Wells commenced a gazette in 1758, and continued it with great spirit for about sixteen years, and was followed by his son, John Wells, in the same line till 1782. Charles Crouch also began a public newspaper in 1765 in defiance of the stamp act, and continued it till the Revolution. None but weekly papers were printed in Charlestown, and none at all in the country prior to the establishment of inde- pendence. In 1783, Mr. John Miller, formerly editor of a paper in London, began a daily one in Carolina. Three daily and two weekly papers now issue frorii the presses of Charles-, town. A newspaper is also printed in Camden, Columbia, in Pendleton district, and at Georgetown. The public gazettes, before the principles of the Revolution began to agitate the American mind, were comparatively unimportant. Govern- ment being administered for the colonists, and not by them, they felt but little interest in its transactions. Very different is the case at present From the concern that every man takes in public matters — from the arts of politicians, to lead or even to mislead the people connected with the spirit of free inquiry, and the enlivening energy of representative gov- ernment, knowledge has become a thriving plant among the Carolinians ; and many of their minds have grown far be- yond the standard of their fathers who died while they were subjects. In the course of the one hundred and six years while South MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY. 213 Carolina was a colony, the whole number of persons born therein who obtained the honors of literary degrees in colleges or universities, as far as can be recollected, is short of twenty ; but in the thirty-two years of her independence, one hundred of her native sons have acquired that distinction. There was no grammar-school in South Carolina prior to 1730, except the free-school in Charlestown : from 1730 till 1776 there were not more than four or five, and all in or near Charlestown. Since the Revolution there are, from information, about thirty, and they are daily increasing and extending into the remotest extremities of the State. The only well furnished book-store in provincial South Carolina, was one kept for about twenty-five years by Robert Wells, who contributed considerably to a taste for reading in Charlestown by the regular and early importation oif all new and admired publications in Great Britain. Since the revolution, there have been constantly from three to six book- stores in Charlestown. MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, Viriues, Vices, Customs, and Diversions, rere brought under a new species of dependence. So universally were they in debt beyond their ability to pay, that a rigid enforce- ment of the laws would have deprived them of their posses- sions and their personal liberty and still left them under in- cumbrances; for property, when brought to sale under execu- tion, sold at so low a price as frequently ruined the debtor with- out paying the creditor. A disposition to resist the laws be- comecommon. Assemblies were called often and earlier than the constitution or laws required. The good and evil of repre- sentative government became apparent. The assemblies were a correct representation of the people. They had common feelings, and their situations were in most cases similar. These led to measures which procured temporary relief but at the expense of the permanent and extended interests of the com- munity. Laws were passed in which property of every kind was made a legal tender in the payment of debts though paya- ble according to contract in gold or silver. Other laws in- stalled the debt, so that of sums already due only a third, and afterwards only a fifth, was annually recoverable in the courts of law. Numbers were clamorous for large emissions of pa- per money armed with the sanction of a legal tender. This old resource in cases of extremity, had been so overdone in 238 CIVIL HISTORY, the revolutionary war, that many doubted the possibihty of attaching credit to anything in the form of bills of credit. After some time an emission of ,£100,000 sterling secured by a mortgage of land, or a deposit of plate, was risked. The smallness of the sum, and the ample security of the fund on which it was emitted, together with the great want of some circulating medium, and an agreement of the merchants to re- ceive it in payment at its nominal value, gave it credit and cir- culation. The effects of these laws, interfering between debtors and creditors, were extensive. They destroyed public credit and confidence between man and man ; injured the morals of the people, and in many instances ensured and aggravated the final ruin of the unfortunate debtors for whose temporary relief they were brought forward. The procrastination of payment . abated exertions to meet it with promptitude. In the meantime interest was accumulating, and the expenses of suit multi- plied by the number of instalments. At no time before nor since, were the fortunes of attornies so rapidly or so easily made. At no period has an equal number of plan- ters been involved in embarrassments from which they were never extricated, or only extricated by more than ordinary sac- rifices. The eight years of war in Carolina were followed by eight years of disorganization, which produced such an amount of civil distress as diminished with some their respect for liberty and independence. Several apprehended that the same scenes which had taken place in England in the seventeenth century after a long and bloody civil war, would be acted over again in America by a fickle people who had neither the fortitude nor the wisdom to govern themselves. Peace, and the most perfect liberty to make such laws and constitutions as the people pleased, had not hitherto brought in their train the blessings expected from them, but the power of making such alterations in both as promised to procure them were among the privileges of freemen. Peace and liberty were found in- adequate to promote public happiness without the aid of en- ergetic government. The axe of reform was laid at the root of the political evils under which the country groaned. A constitution to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of lib- erty, was wanting. To obtain such an one, Carolina con- curred with the other States to meet in a general convention, and appointed Henry Laurens, John Rutledge, Charles Cotes- worth Pinckney, Pierce Butler, and Charles Pinckney to at- tend and act in her behalf. They agreed upon and submitted FROM 1783 TO 1808. 239 to the people a plan of general government; by which every legislative power necessary for national purposes was vested in a Congress, consisting of two branches, a Senate and House of Representatives. The former to be chosen by the Legisla- tures and the latter by the people of the several States. And a supreme executive officer with the name of President, was charged with the execution of the national laws and the care of the national interests. A supreme judiciary was also or- ganized to decide all questions to the decision of which State judiciaries were improper. Thirteen independent States were formed into one nation as far as their common interests were concerned; and one uniform legislative, executive and judi- cial power pervaded the whole. The individual States were left in full possession of every power for their interior gov- ernment, but restrained from coining money, emitting bills of credit, making anything but gold and silver a tender in pay- ment of debts, passing any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts. This con- stitution was submitted to a convention of the people of South Carolina consisting of two hundred and twenty-four members, by which it was accepted and ratified* on behalf of the State on the 23d day of May, 1788. Their acceptance of a constitution, which, among other clauses, contained the restraining one which has been just recited was an act of great self-denial. To resign power in possession is rarely done by individuals, but more rarely by collective bodies of men. The power thus given up by South Carolina, was one she thought essential to her welfare, and had freely exercised for several preceding years. Such a relinquishment she would not have made at any period of the last five years ; for in them she had passed no less than six acts interferring between debtor and creditor, with the view of obtaining a respite for the former under par- ticular circumstances of pubUc distress. To tie up the hands of future Legislatures so as to deprive them of a power of re- peating similar acts on any emergency, was a display both of ■» This acceptance and ratification was not without opposition. In addition to the common objections which had been urged against the constitution, South' Carohna had some local reasons lor refusing or at least delaying a final vote on the question. Doubts were entertained of the acceptance of the constitution by- Virginia. To gain time till the determination of that leading State was known, &• motion for postponement was brought forward. This, after an animated debate, was overruled by a majority of forty-six. The rejection of it was considered as decisive in favor of the constitution. When the result of the vote was announced' an event unexampled in the annals of Carolina took place. Strong and involun- tary expressions of applause and joy burst forth from the numerous transported spec- tators. The minority loudly complained of disrespect— unpleasant consequences were anticipated. The majority joined with the complaining members in clearing the house, and in the most delicate manner soothed their feehngs. In the true style of republicanism, the minority not only acquiesced, but heartily joined in supporting the determination of the majority. The constitution went into opera- tion with general consent, and has ever since been strictly observed. 33 240 CIVIL HISTORY, wisdom and magnanimity. It would seem as if experience had convinced the State of its poUtical errors, and induced a wilhngness to retrace its steps and relinquish a power which had been improperly used. The new constitution being accepted by all the States ex- cept two, went into operation in 1789. Its beneficial effects were speedily and extensively felt. It was followed by a funding system, which, among other benefits, gave life and activity to a capital of four millions of comparatively useless paper in the form of indents, which had been issued as a payment to the people of South Carolina for their services and supplies in the revolutionary war. Public credit was re-animated. The owners of property and holders of money freely parted with both, well knowing that no future law could impair the obligation of contracts. Money, in a few years, became plentiful. Three banks were established in Charles- town with an aggregate capital approaching to two millions of dollars. Trade flourished — agriculture was extended. The exports of the State between 1791 and 1801 were more than trebled. Its shipping increased in a correspondent proportion. Landed estates rose in value — confidence between man and man, which for several years had been unknown, was re- stored. In a short time public affairs were so much altered for the better, that the fable of the golden age seemed to be realized. For the two first elections of President, General Washington was unanimously elected. On his declining that arduous office, Major Thomas Pinckney, of South Carolina, was brought forward in conjunction with John Adams, of Massachusetts. The Major was respectably supported by the votes of his na- tive State, and fifty-eight in addition from other States, but failed of complete success. In the following election which took place in 1800, General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was brought forward as a candidate in conjunction with John Adams. Both failed of success; but General Pinckney had so many votes that if his native State had voted for him he would have been either President or Vice-President ; but con- trary to general expectation. South Carolina preferred Aaron Burr. This vote resulted from the state of parties. The cit- izens were marshalled under two grand divisions, denomi- nated federalists and republicans. The former charged the latter as being under the influence of such leveling princi- ples as tended to disorganization — the latter retorted by rep- resenting the former as friends to such an high-toned system of government as approximated to monarchy, and both did injustice to the other. The repubhcan electoral ticket pre- vailed. The electors knowing by whom and for what pur- PROM 1783 TO 1808. 241 poses they were chosen, and declaring they were influenced by measures, and not by men, and at the same time preferring the measures of the republicans to those of the federalists, unan- imously laid aside private attachments and feelings for a be- loved fellow-citizen, and gave an unanimous vote for the two republican candidates. This noble pair of brothers, the two Pinckneys, who, by the unsolicited voice of their fellow-cit- izens in distant portions of the Union, were successively brought to the threshhold of the first offices in the United States, have since retired from public life, and devoted them- selves to agriculture, the first and best employment of man. In each of the American States the seat of Government was originally on or near the sea-coast; but in all of them whose territory reached to the western mountains, in proportion as their population increased in that direction, there has been an eagerness to remove the seat of government so as to approxi- mate the geographical centre of their territories. The people of the back country of South Carolina, having felt their weight and influence in the revolutionary war, soon after its termina- tion brought forward their claim to have a fixed seat of gov- ernment more central than Charlestown. Every principle of republicanism supported their claim ; but six years passed away before the previous arrangements were completed so as to give it eff'ect. Commissioners were appointed to select a proper site for the projected new establishment. They fixed on Columbia, which for beauty, health, and convenience, claimed a preference. There the Legislature convened for the first time in 1790, exactly 120 years after the first English set- tlement in Carolina. It is remarkable that the reputed centre of population was just as many miles from the sea-coast as years had passed away from the first year .of settlement in South Carolina. The interval^of space was 120 miles — of time, 130 years. The fears and apprehensions of many people on the sea- coast for the consequences of this removal, were excessive. Truth and justice never hurt any individual or State. Since the removal, party division between the , upper and lower country has diminished. The inhabitants of both, by being better acquainted, are become more like one people ; and en- tertain fewer jealousies or prejudices against each other. A disposition to compromise and accommodate took place in the breasts of both. Under the influence of these principles the convention of the people, which, for the purpose of revising the constitution, met in Columbia a few months after the removal of the seat of government, ordained that the business of the Treasury, of the Secretary of State, of the Surveyor General, should be conducted both in Charlestown and 242 CIVIL HISTORY, Columbia; and that the constitutional court or meeting of all the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas, in the nature of a Court of Appeals, should in like manner be held equally in the old and new seat of government. The meetings of the Legislature at Columbia led to an establishment highly hon- orable and advantageous to South Carolina. A central seat of government brought in its train a well-endowed central college. The latter could not have been obtained without the former. The prospect of cementing the internal peace and harmony of the country by educating in one seminary that portion of its youth which bids fair to direct its public affairs, promised so much good as united all parties in passing bills for granting 68,000 dollars to erect buildings, and an annual income of 6,000 to support professors and teachers in a college to be erected in Columbia, under the patronage and care of the State. Thus a wise and great national measure was carried into effect on general principles, without the interference of party politics. The convention at Columbia, which was coeval with the removal of the seat of government, in order to strengthen the principles of republicanism enjoined on the Legislature as soon as might be convenient, " to pass laws for the abolition of the rights of primogeniture, and for giving an equitable dis- tribution of the real estate of intestates." This arduous work was entered upon and a law passed for these purposes at the very next meeting of the Assembly. The pride of man covet- ing to be long remembered, fondly anticipates a species of im- mortality by the transmission of his name to posterity. From the customs of the world, this is more certainly done in the male than female line. In old countries where the feudal system had long prevailed, the entailing of real estates on the eldest males in succession, was a common practice; this was transferred from Europe to America while the colonies were British provinces, and was by many thought an useful ap- pendage to royal government, as favoring the distinction of ranks in society. To republicanize the rising generation, the convention of the people of South Carolina made it the duty of the constituted authorities to do away this accompaniment of royalty as far as was compatible with liberty. While every individual was left free to dispose of his property by will, the laws interfered where there was no testamentary disposition, so far as to divide the whole equally among all the descend- ants in equal degree, without any distinction of sex or age. This was an improvement on the existing system which gave the lands exclusively to the eldest male, and was adopted as a prop to the principles of the new government. It was well calculated to correct the monstrous inequalities of property PROM 1783 TO 1808. 243 between the children of the same parents, which had some- times taken place, as contrary to natural justice as to the peace of families. It also promoted a circulation and diffusion of property, and aided the civil institutions of the country founded on the equality of rights. The aristocracy which had attached itself to some of the old families in Carolina, re- ceived a check ; but encouragement was given to enterprise in one sex, and to decent well-ordered behavior in the other; for the males and females, the elder and younger branches of the same family, had no peculiar advantages but such as they respectively acquired by their good conduct and personal ex- ertions. The establishment of energetic government produced all the benefits expected from it. But while domestic events promised a long continuance of political happiness, the con- vulsions of the Old World interrupted the pleasing prospects of the New. Carolina, enjoying peace, liberty, independ- ence, and an efficient government, hoped that by her severance from Europe she would be exempt from a participation in its contentions. These hopes were of short duration, the war which was kindled between England and France near the close of the eighteenth century, extended its baleful influence across the Atlantic. The duties of neutrality were novel to the Carolinians, and at first awkwardly performed. Gratitude to one of the European belligerents, for favors received in the American war, and a keen remembrance of injuries in- flicted at the same time by the other, induced several of the in- habitants to transgress the line of impartial neutrality. The ports of the State were opened to French privateers, and its government permitted them to arm and equip within its lim- its. Genet, the first minister of Republican France to the United States, landed in Charlestown, and was received by Governor Moultrie and the inhabitants with an attachment approaching to enthusiasm. The enlightened mind of Presi- dent Washington soon decided that an impartial neutral con- duct, was the true line of conduct to be pursued by the United States. This was no sooner enjoined by the new national government, than South Carolina retraced her steps, and yielded obedience to the requisition; and her Legislature firmly resisted an attempt of the French Minister to arm her citizens, in his country's cause, against the Spanish American colonies. This decided conduct produced a temporary calm, and expectations were indulged that independent, neutral, Carolina would be undisturbed. Experience soon proved the futility of hopes founded on the expectation of justice from the belligerent nations. To distress each other they both adopted coercive measures, injurious to the rights of unoffend- 244 CIVIL HISTORY, ing neutrals. The last years of the eighteenth and the first of the nineteenth century witnessed scenes of rapine and plunder of defenseless commerce, which would have disgraced the Vandalism of remote antiquity. In the year 1807 these dep- redations were authorized by decrees of France and orders of council in England, to such an excess, that Congress found it necessary to impose an embargo as a measure of precau- tion to save American property, and of coersion to operate on the interests of the European belligerents. To this self-deny- ing measure Carolina cheerfully submitted; no act of her gov- ernment, no measures sanctioned by public meetings of her inhabitants, expressed the smallest tittle of dissatisfaction with the general government — her inhabitants had been frequently taught, in the school of adversity, the policy of submitting to a present evil to obtain a future good. Her sufferings on this occasion were immense, but patiently borne: the Legislature of the State instead of weakening the hands of the nation, declared their most thorough approbation of its measures, and recommended that the inhabitants should form associa- tions to support the laws. This was effectually done. Indi- viduals in a few instances violated the embargo, but the pub- lic voice, without distinction of party, was in favor of its faithful execution, and the energies of the State were directed to aid its complete execution. Though the prohibition of ex- porting the valuable commodities of the country reduced their price one-half, yet the Courts and the Legislature firmly resisted all attempts to obstruct the legal course of justice in favor of debtors.* The forbearance of the creditor part of the com- ■^ To induce a suspension of legal proceedings for the recovery of debts, two methods were adopted. The grand juries in some of the districts presented it as a grievance that the courts should carry on the usual legal proceedings for the sale of property under execution at a time ^vhen the laws forbade the exportation of their crops. At the beginning of the revolution the grand jury of Charlestown presented the late Acts of the British parliament, hostile to the united colonies, as a grievance. This practice has been ever since continued, and grand juries exer- cise the privilege of freemen ia expressing their sense of grievances from what- ever quarter they may ari.se. Thus sanctioned by custom, in the year 1808 they wished in some districts to influence the presiding judges of courts to suspend their functions as far as they aided compulsory processes -against debtors. The judges reasoned on the loss of character which Avould result from the measure — the sacred obligation of their oaths — and of the existing constitutions both State and national; pointed out the impolicy of all interferences between debtor and cred- itor, and the many evils which had resulted from the late instalment laws. Hav- ing thus prepared the minds of the people for a refusal, they paid no attention to the opinions of the jury but proceeded to hold the courts for the whole period au-i thorized by law. When this failed, an attempt was made to obtain the passage of a law for sus- pending legal proceedings against debtors on the plea of the embargo. An ani- mated debate took place which resulted in a vote carried by a large majority, '-that legislative interference was not expedient." In consequence thereof the courts were kept open and justice administered throughout the whole period of the em- bargo, upwardsof fourteen months, without any impediment either from the courts, the Legislature', or the people. FROM 1783 TO 1S08. 245 munity generally afforded a shield to property Bound by judgments and executions, which without violating the con- stitution, protected it more effectually than the instalment laws which had been too easily passed in the period of dis- organization preceding the establishment of energetic govern- ment in 1789. In the year 1808, when it was difficult to decide which was greatest, the sufferings or the patience of the inhabitants, a general election took place for members of the State and gen- eral government and for the electors of a President. On this, occasion General Charles Coatesworth Pinckney, without any agency either of himself, his friends, or native State, was brought forward as a candidate for the Presidency. His nom- ination and principal support came from the eastern section of the Union. It was presumed that his talents, virtues, and' popularity, aided by that prepossession which every State ha& more or less for its own natives, would have induced the Caro- linians to vote for their highly esteemed fellow-citizen in pref- erence to every other candidate. Great pains were taken to operate upon the feelings of the people, distressed as they were by the privations of the embargo, to induce them to favor a change of men as leading to a change of measures, but with- out any decisive effect on the election. The citizens being generally in favor of the administration, broke through all per- sonal attachments, and with their votes supported the candi- dates whose political sentiments were known to be in unison with the ruling powers. James Madison had the unanimous electoral vote of the State, to be the successor of Thomas Jefferson, who had declined are-election. While the minds of the citizens were sharpened by political contention, the great interests of the State were far from being overlooked. In the same year two measures were adopted of the greatest consequence to the interests of the community. In all the changes of constitution which had taken place in South Carolina, no obvious practical rule had been laid down and acted upon for apportioning the representation to the dif- ferent electoral districts. For the tirst fifty years of fhe prov- ince, all elections for members of Assembly, with one or two exceptions, were held in Uharlestown ;, for the next fifty they were all held in the low country. For the last thirty-three, the elective franchise was extended over the State; but no principle was adopted as a permanent rule of apportionment. Many of the wealthy descendants of the first settlers near the sea-coast, preferred wealth and taxes as the regulators of rep- resentation. The more numerous but less opulent yeomanry of the west were partial to numbers. Though the subject had been often discussed before provincial Congresses, Conven- 246 CIVIL HISTORY, tions, and Legislative Assemblies, they always evaded a de- cision. As a temporary expedient a definite number of repre- sentatives had been assigned to definite portions of territory in an arbitrary manner, without the guidance of any fixed principle. At length a law was passed in 1808, for altering the constitution in the mode prescribed in the body of that in- strument, by which a principle of representation was brought forward and agreed upon. This was substantially to appor- tion one-half of the existing representation among the several districts in proportion to the number of their citizens, and the other half in proportion to the amount of the taxes paid by them respectively. Provision was made for taking a census of the inhabitants. This, when completed, in connection with the amount of taxable property in each elective district which can always be obtained from the fiscal ofiicers of the State, will furnish data that at all times will make the apportion- ment of the representation a matter of arithmetical calculation. Thus by slow and successive steps the upper country has ob- tained its full proportion of influence. For several years it had no representation whatever ; and afterwards a very inade- quate one. Having passed through a long minority, it has for some time past been of adult age, and by unanimous consent in 18.08, entered upon its full share of the common inheritance. The result has been, as might be expected, favorable to peace and harmony. The most prominent cause of jealousy and political dissension among the members of the State family, is done away. The citizens in all parts standing on equal ground, and in possession of equal rights founded on permanent prin- ciples, easily applicable both to the present and all future situa- tions which are likely to result from the fluctuations of wealth and numbers, can have no reasonable cause for any other contentions than who shall love and serve their common country best In no preceding period has there been so much reciprocal cordiality, and so much of a friendly disposition to accommodate, to bear, and forbear, in the political collisions of different sections of the State. The s'ame year gave maturity to a project for improving the constitution of the Court of Equity. That previously con- sisted of three judges: from the decision of any two of them there was no appeal other than to themselves on a re-hearing of the cause. Theodore Gaillard and Henry William DeSaus- sure were added to the equity bench, and any one of the five was empowered to hold a court and transact business; but with a reserved right to the parties of appealing from the de- cision of a single judge, to a full bench or a majority of all its members. Though political considerations weighed with the electors in filling up the legislative and executive departments FROM 1783 TO 1808. 247 of government, they were laid aside in the choice of judges. The successful candidates, though of different political senti- ments, were preferred from a full conviction that they were above all influence from the contracted views of party. Talents and virtues were exclusively respected. Justice was considered as neither republican nor federal; and its administration com- mitted to clean hands and pure hearts, from whom it was ex- pected that leaning to neither they would follow its divine attractions wherever they might lead. Between the evacuation of Charlestown by the British in 1783, and the year 1808, the diflference in the condition of South Carolina is immense. When the revolutionary contest ended, the country was full of widows and orphans made so by the war, and a deadly hatred growing out of it continued to rage between the tories and whigs. The possessions of the planters were laid waste, their laborers were carried off or greatly reduced by deaths and desertion. The morality of the inhabitants had been prostrated by laws violating private rights on the plea of political necessity — by the suspension of the Courts of Justice — by that disregard for the institutions of religion which is a never-failing attendant on military opera- tions — by the destruction or dilapidation of churches and the consequent omission of public worship addressed to the Deity. All this time the education of the rising generation was neg- lected, and the youth of the country had little other training than what they got in camps amidst the din of arms. In such a condition of pubhc affairs, to re-produce a state of things favorable to social happiness, required all the energies of the well disposed inhabitants. They immediately set about the god-like work. Assemblies were called — the best practicable laws were passed — courts were re-established, and from them impartial justice was dispensed — churches were rebuilt — the public worship of the Deity was resumed — the people were taught their duty by public instructors — schools were insti- tuted and encouraged — the education of youth recommenced. By'degrees the wounds inflicted by war on the morality and rehgion of the inhabitants began to heal. Their losses of prop- erty were made up from the returns of a fruitful soil, amply re- warding the labors of its cultivators. These promising appear- ances were strengthened by improvements on their civil in- stitutions. In 1783 the bond of federal union was feeble and inadequate to the purposes of government. The State author- ities were incompetent to their objects. There were only four courts in all the middle and back country. The seat of the Legislature was at one extremity of the State, and more than 100 miles from its center. The representation in the Assem- 248 CIVIL HISTORT, bly was apportioned withoutany fixed rule, and in an unequal manner. By degrees all these inequalities and disabilities were done away. The powerless advisory system of. the con- federation yielded to an efficient national government. The seat of legislation was made to approximate to the geograph- ical centre of the State. The seven courts were increased to twenty-five, and to all was given original, complete and final jurisdiction. No man had to go more than twenty miles to attend court, and seldom so far to a place of public worship or an election. When he voted he had the satisfaction of know- ing that his vote weighed as much in regulating the afiairs of the State as that of any other man. The extension of equal rights and privileges annihilated the murmurings of the people and cemented the union of all parts of the State. Active, up- right judges, by their laborious investigation of facts and cir- cumstances to come at truth — by their impartial distribution of justice and luminous charges to multiplied juries, taught the people to reverence truth and justice, and instructed them in their legal and social duties; and at the same time, by a steady line of conduct enforced their observance. The clergy co-operated with great effect in reforming the people. They carried the gospel into the remotest settlements, and made an honest use of the rewards and punishments of a future state to promote peace and order in the present. To these sources of moral improvement a powerful auxiliary was added by the introduction of cotton. The cultivation of the former great staples, particularly rice and indigo, required large capitals. They could not be raised to any considerable purpose but by negroes. In this state of things poor white men were of little account otherwise than as overseers. There were compara- tively few of that intermediate and generally most virtuous class which is neither poor nor rich. By the introduction of the new staple the poor became of value, for they generally were or at least might be elevated to this middle grade of so- ciety. Land suitable for cotton was easily attained, and in tracts of every size either to purchase or rent. The culture of it entailed no diseases ; might be carried on profitably by indi- viduals or white families without slaves, and afforded employ- rnent for children whose labor was of little or no account on rice or indigo plantations. The poor having the means of acquiring property without the degradation of working with slaves, had new and strong incitements to industry. From the acquisition of property the transition was easy to that decent pride of character which secures from low vice, and stimulates to seek distinction by deserving it. As they became more easy in their circumstances, they be- FROM 1783 TO 1808. 249 came more orderly in their conduct. The vices which grew out of poverty and idleness were diminished. In esti- mating the value or cotton, its capacity to excite industry among the lower classes of people, and to fill the country with an independeht, industrious yeomanry, is of high importance. It has had a large share in moralizing the poor white people of the country. From the combined influence of these causes, the moral improvement of Carolina, ever since the year 1783, has been in a constant state of progression; and particularly so since 1792, when cotton became a considerable article for exportation. On a review of the history of Carolina to this last happy period, there is abundant reason for gratitude to the Supreme Disposer of all events. A handful of English subjects, 138 years ago took possession of Carolina when occupied by sav- ages, covered with trees, swamps, and marshes, and claimed by the Spaniards in the vicinity as their property. That the settlement under these circumstances did not like several similar ones prove abortive, must be referred to the will of Heaven. That it was preserved through a long infancy without any aid from the mother country, against repeated incursions and attacks from combined and separate operations of the Spaniards, the French and Indians, is to be accounted for in the same manner. The union and vigor of the revolutioners of 1719 when they broke the proprietary yoke, was more than could have been expected on the ordinary principles which regulate the actions of men. The same observation holds more eminently true with respect to the revolution of 1776. The part which Carolina then acted, the vigor with which she engaged in the war, and the final result of the unequal con- test, are beyond all human calculations. That the people in possession of complete sovereign power should, on the return of peace, at first act unwisely, cannot excite surprise; but that they should have the good sense to submit to establish by com- mon consent self-denying constitutions, and voluntarily im- pose on themselves the restraints of good government, is more than what the preceding history of man gave ground to ex- pect. That there should be a concurrence in so many causes for reproducing religion, learning, order, justice, industry, and other moral virtues from the prostrate state into which they were thrown by the revolution, is not solely the work of man. So great has been the melioration of Carolina in all these respects, and so far beyond what might be expected for men t just entering on the threshhold of sovereignty, that it must be referred to a superintending Providence. Heretofore the his- tory of revolutions has seldom been more than the exchange 250 CIVIL HISTOKY, of one dynasty or depotism for another, or a stronger riveting of the chains of the former. In America the result has been very different. Foreign domination has been renounced, not to aggrandize one or a few, but to substitute an efficient sys- tem of representative government in its place. This has been found to answer not only in theory, but in practice. Under it the people have been as happy as could be expected from any or even the wisest political institutions. Young Carolinians! cherish the blood-bought inheritance derived from your fathers, and transmit it unimpaired to posterity. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF LITERARY MEN, AND OTHEE DISTIKGUISHED CHARACTERS IN SOUTH CAROLINA. LIONEL CHALMERS, M. D., Was born about the year 1715 at Cambleton, in the west of Scotland, and came very young to Carolina, and there practiced physic more than forty years. He first practiced in Christ church, but soon removed to Charlestown. He was the author of several medical works, which are particularized in the chapter of Medical His- tory, page 112. He never affected any mystery in his practice, but employed the knowledge he had acquired forthe good of mankind. Hewas the first writer who treated oif the soil, climate, weather, and generally of the diseases of South Caro- lina. He died in 1777, leaving behind him the character of a skillful, humane phy- sician, and worthy honest man. REV. RICHARD CLARKE, Minister of St. Philip's, in Charlestown, was more known as a theologian be- yond the limits of America, than any other inhabitant of Carolina. He was ad- mired as a preacher, both in Charlestown and London. His eloquence captivated persons of taste — his serious preaching and personal piety procured for him the love and esteem of all good men. When he preached the church was crowded, and the effects of it were visible in the reformed lives of many of his hearers, and the increased number of serious communicants. His sermons were often com- posed under the impressions of music, of which he was passionately fond. From its soothing effects, and from the overflowing benevolence of his heart, God's love to man, peace and good will among men, were the subjects on which he dwelt with peculiar delight. He gave on the week-day a regular course of lectures on the Epistle to the Hebrews, which were much admired. So great at that time was the harmony between ministers of different denominations in Charlestown, that Mr. Clarke agreed with Mr. Hutson, minister of the Congregational or Inde- pendent Church, who was also in the habit of delivering n week-day lecture, that the lecture of the one should be on Wednesday — of the other, on Friday, in order that each might hear the other, and that an opportunity of attending both might also be afforded to such of their respective congregations as desired it. About this period both these worthy men were members of a religious and literary so- ciety composed, in addition to themselves, of the Rev. Mr. Zubly, minister of the Independe'nt church in Christ church — the minister of the Scotch Presbyterian church, Mr. Christopher Gadsden, Mr. Gabriel Manigault, Mr. Henry and Mr. James Laurens, Mr. Ben. Smith, members of the Episcopal church, Mr. Daniel Crawford, Mr. John Rattray, an eminent lawyer and learned man— the two last named were members of the Presbyterian church — and of several others whose names are not now distinctly remembered. The Society met once a month in the evening at the houses of the respective members. One of the clergymen opened the meeting with a short prayer, and they then discussed some literary or religious topic which had been previously agreed on, without, however, being so strictly confined to it,. but that other matters not inconsistent with the intention of the meeting might be introduced. Afler several years residence in Charlestown, Mr. Clarke, in the year l7o9, lea Carolina and was soon after appointed lecturer of Stoke Newington, at St. James' Aldgate in London. Though that city abounded with first-rate preachers, his eloquence and piety attracted a large share of public attention. He was so much esteemed and beloved in Charlestown, that several of its inhabitants sent their children after him, and put them under his care and instruction at an academy which he opened near London. Soon after his return to England he commenced 252 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. author, and at successive periods published six volumes and several pamphlets on theological subjects. In these, much biblical, classical, and historical knowl- edge was displayed. His letter to Dr. Adam Smith on his account' of the death of David Hume, was extensively read and much admired. Of his writings in ex- planation of scripture prophecies, the present generation will have an opportunity of judging; for according to his commentaries, the general conversion of the Jews will take place between the present day and the year 1S35. That these works were written in Carolina is probable, for the substance of a considerable part of them was preached in Charlestown. In the title page he calls himself "late minister of St. Philip's, Charlestown, South Carolina." He lived to an extreme old age, and was through life esteemed for his fervent piety, great learning, and com- manding eloquence. WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON, "Was born in Carolina in 1742. He spent his youth and acquired his education in England. Soon after he came to manhood he returned to Carolina and there with inferior opportunities, but superior industry, prosecuted his studies. In it he acquired the greater part of that knowledge for which he was afterwards distin- guished. He iirst began to write for the public about the year 1769. Under the signature of Freeman, he stated several legal and constitutional objections to an association, or rather the mode of enforcing an association, for suspending the importation of British manufactures which was then generally signed by the in- habitants. This involved him in a political controversy in which he was opposed by Christopher Gadsden and John Mackenzie. In the year 1774- he wrote a pamphlet under the signature of Freeman, which was addressed to the American Congress. In this he stated the grievances of America, and drew up a bill of American rights. This was well received. It substantially chalked out the line of conduct adopted by Congress then in session. He was elected a member of the Provincial Congress which sat in January 1775 ; and in the course of that year was advanced to the presidency thereof In The latter character he issued on the 9th of November, 1775, the iirst order that was given in South Carolina for firing on the British. The order was addressed to Col. Wm. Moultrie, and di- rected him " by every military operation to endeavor to oppose the passage of any British naval armament that may attempt to pass fort Johnson." This was before Congress had decided on independence, and in the then situation of Carolina wasa bold, decisive measure. Before the revolution Mr. Drayton was one of the King's counsellors, and one of his assistant Judges for the province. The first of these ofiices he resigned, and from the last he was dismissed by the officers of his Britannic majesty. On the formation of a popular constitution he was reinstated by his countrymen in the corresponding offices of the State, and in the last, advanced to the rank of Chief Justice. In this latter capacity he gave a charge to the Grand Jury in April, 1776, in which he declared " that George the Third, King of Great Britain, had abdica- ted the government of South Carolina, that he had no authority over the people of that colony, and that they owed no obedience to him." This being anterior to the declaration of independence was bold language. Several publications appeared from his pen, explaining the injured rights of his country and encouraging his fel- low-citizens to vindicate them. He has also lefta manuscript history of the Ameri- can revolution in three folio volumes, brought down to the end of the year 1778, which he intended to continue and publish. His country, pleased with his zeal and talents, heaped olHces upon him. He was appointed a member of Congress in 1778 and 1779. Soon after he had taken his seat British commissioners came to Ainerica with the hope of detachingthe States from their alliance with France. Congress could not, consistently with national honor, enter on a discussion of the terms offered to them as an inducement to violate their faith plighted to France ; but some individuals of their body ably proved the propriety of rejecting the Brit- ish ofl'ers and adhering to independence and the alliance with France. William Henry Drayton entered largely into this discussion, and with great force of argu- ment and poignancy of wit, justified the measures adopted by his countrymen. This was the last offering made by his pen in favor of America; for in the next year, and in the 37th of his age, he died in Philadelphia while attending his duty in Congress. He was a statesman of great decision and energy, and one of the ablest political writers Carolina has produced. CHRISTOPHER GADSDEN. 253 CHRISTOPHER GADSDEN, Was born in Charlestown in the year 1724. He was the son of Thomas Gads- den, the King's Collector, and a Lieutenant in the British navy. Christopher Gads- den was sent by his father to England for his education, and there learned Latin, Greek, and French. He afterwards acquired a knowledge of Hebrew and the oriental languages. At the age of sixteen he returned to Carolina and was sent to Philadelphia and placed in the counting-house of Mr. Laurence. At the age of twenty-onehe went to England. On his return.to Carolina, as a passenger on board of a man-of-war, the purser died, and Mr. Gadsden was appointed in his place, and continued for two years in that office ; then left the navy and followed merchandize, and afterwards planting and factorage. Whatever he undertook he pursued with all his might. The large wharf known by his name, which he began and comple- ted, is a work of greater magnitude than ever has yet been accomplished in Charlestown by any one man. Henry Laurens and he were cotemporaries ; and at- tached in their early youth to each other by the strongest ties of ardent friendship. They made a common cause to support and encourage each other in every virtu- ous pursuit, to shun every path of vice and folly, to leave company whenever it tended to licentiousness, and by acting in concert, to parry the charge of singu- larity so grating to young persons. By an honorable observance of a few con- certed rules, they mutually strengthened virtuous habits, broke the force of many temptations, and acquired an energy of character which fitted them for acting a distinguished part in the trying scenes of a revolution through which it was the destiny of both to pass under similar circumstances. Mr. Gadsden had natnrally a strong love for independence. He was born a Republican. Under well ordered government he was a good subject; but could not brook the encroachments of any man or body of men intrenching on his rights. Mr. Gadsden was for several years prior to the stamp act elected a representa- tive of Charlestown; and during that period was always a very active and influ- ential member in the Commons House of Assembly. There is no instance to be found in which private interest interfered with his public duty. In the year 1759, when Governor Lyttelton made his expedition against the Cherokees, there was not a single field-piece mounted in all Carolina. Mr. Gads- den by his influence obtained the passage of a law for raising a company of artil- lery. Of this he was appointed Captain, and at the head of it accompanied the Governor into the Indian country. This was the origin of what, after many changes and enlargements, is now called the ancient battalion of artillery. When the British began their projects for abridging the privileges of the colo- nies, Mr. Gadsden was among the first to take fire. If he had lived in the days of King Charles, he would have been another Hampden. He described independ- ence when it was afar off*, and early foresaw that such was the nature of man that America could never be governed with an exclusive or even a preferable view to her own interest, while the fountain of power was three thouband miles distant. He had correct ideas of the rights of man and of the representative sys- tem, long before Mr. Paine wrote on the subject. With such views he wasamong the foretnost to resist the unconstitutional claims of Great Britain. When the project of a general Congress to give union and system to measures of detense was first before the Commons House of Assembly in 1765, he was indefatigable in making friends to the measure. His talents for speaking did not exceed medioc- rity, yet there was in him so much honest zeal, ardor, and energy, that he had no small share of the merit of bringing the House into that important measure. Be- ing appointed one of its members, he was the steady friend of his country's rights, put his foot on firm American ground, and from it no consideration could induce him to depart. When the scheme of revenue was renewed in 1767, he was one of the first and most zealous promoters of an association to suspend all importations of British manufactures, with a few exceptions, till a repeal of the new duties im- posed on the colonies should be obtained — and was one of the last to recede from that self-denying mode of obtaining a redress.of grievances. To the New Eng- landers he was a steady friend, the constant correspondent of Samuel Adams, and great admirer of the zeal and principles of the inhabitants of Boston. The news of the bill for shutting its port harrowed up his soul. He was willing to do »nd sufl^er whatever was most likely to procure lor its inhabitants the most speedy and complete relief He had about that time completed the largest wharf in Charlestown, which was just beginning to yield an interest on an immense capital expended in building it. His whole prospect of reimbursement was founded on the continuance of trade, and especially on the exportation of rice. He never- 254 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. theless urged the adoption of a non-importation and non-exportation agreement; and that the colonists should retire within themselves and live on their domestic resources till Great Britain redressed their grievances, most heartily concurred in these measures when adopted in the latter end of the year 1774 by Congress, of w^hich he was a member, and was uncommonly active in afterwards enforcing their strict execution, though few men lost more by them than he did. In June 1775, when the Provincial Congress determined to raise troops, Mr. Gadsden, though absent on public duty at Philadelphia, was without his consent or knowl- edge elected Colonel of the first regiment. For personal courage he was inferior to no man. In knowledge of the military art he had several equals and some su- periors I but from the great confidence reposed in his patriotism and the popularity of his name, he was put at the head of the new military establishment. He left Congress and repaired to the camp in Carolina, declaring that "wherever his country placed him, whether in thecivil or military department ; andif in the latter, whether as Corporal or Colonel, he would cheerfully serve to the utmost of his ability." In the next year he was promoted by Congress to the rank of Brigadier- General. He commanded at fort Johnson when the fort on Sullivan's island was attacked; and he was prepared to receive the enemy in their progress to Charles- town. The repulse of the British prevented his coming into action. Their re- treat relieved South Carolina from the pressure of war for two years. In this pe- riod Mr. Gadsden resigned his military command, but continued to serve in the Assembly and the Privy Council, and was very active in preparing for and en- deavoring to repel the successive invasions of the State by the British in 1779 and 1780. He was the friend of every vigorous measure, and always ready to under- take the most laborious duties, and to put himself in the front of danger. When Charlestown surrendered by capitulation, he was Lieutenant-Governor, and pa- roled as such, and honorably kept his engagement. For the three months which followed, he was undisturbed; but on the defeat of Gates in August, 1780, the British resolved that he and several others, who discovered no disposi- tion to return to the condition of British subjects, should be sent out of the country. He was accordingly taken in his own house by a file of soldiers and put on board a vessel in the harbor. He knew not why he was taken up, nor what was intended to be done with him, but supposed it was introductory to a trial for treason or rebellion, as the British gave out that the country was completely conquered. He was soon joined by twenty-eight compatriots, who were also taken up onthe same day. He drew i'rom his pocket half a dollar, and turning to his associates with a cheerful countenance assured them that was all the money he had at his command. The conquerors sent him and his companions to St, Augustine, then a British garrison. On their landing, limits of some extent were offered to them on condition of their renewing the parole they had given in Charlestown, "to do nothing injurious to the British interest." When this was tendered to General Gadsden, he replied "that he had already given one and hon- orably observed it ; that in violation of his rights as a prisoner under a capitula- tion, he had been sent from Charlestown, and that therefore he saw no use in giving a second parole." The commanding officer replied, " he would enter into no arguments, but demanded an explicit answer whether he would or would not renew his parole." General Gadsden answered with that high minded republican spirit which misfortunes could not keep down, " 1 will not. In God I put my trust, and fear no consequences." He was instantly hurried off to the castle, and there confined for ten months in a small room, and in a state of complete separa- tion from his fellow-prisoners, and in total ignorance of the advantages gained by his countrymen, but with most ample details of their defeats, and particularly of the sequestration of his estate with that of the other Carolina rebels. It is re- markable that Christopher Gadsden and Henry Laurens, whose virtuous juvenile friendship has been just related, were at the same time in close confinement; one in the castle of St. Augustine, and the other in the tower of London. Mr. Gads- den improved his solitude by close application to study and came out much more learned than he entered. In the course of 17S1 the victories of General Greene procured an equivalent for the release of all the prisoners belonging to South Carolina. Mr. Gadsden was discharged from close confinement and rejoined his fellow-prisoners. The reciprocal congratulations on the change of circumstances and on seeing each other after a ten months separation, though in the same gar- rison, maybe more easily conceived than expressed. They were all conveyed by water from St. Augustine to Philadelphia, and there delivered. On their arrival they were informed for the first time of the happy turn American affairs had taken subsequent to Gates's defeat. General Gadsden hastened back to Carolina to aid in recovering it from the British. He was elected a member of the Assembly which met at Jacksonborough in 1782. On their meeting it became necessary to CHEISTOPHER GADSDEN. 255 choose a new Governor. The suffrages of a majority were in the first instance in favor of Christopher Gadsden, who declined the office in a short speech to the fol- lowing effect: "I have served you in a variety of stations for thirty years, and I would now cheerfully make one of a forlorn hope in an assault on the lines of Charlestown if it was probable that with the certain loss of my life you would be reinstated in the possession of your capital. What I can do for my country I am willing to do. My sentiments of the American cause, from the stamp act down- wards have never changed. I am still of opinion that it is the cause of liberty and of human nature. If my acceptance of the office of Governor would serve my country, though my administration would be attended with the loss of personal credit and reputation, I would cheerfully undertake it. The present times require the vigor and activity of the prime of life ; but I feel the increasing infirmities of age to such a degree that I am conscious I cannot serve you to advantage. I therefore beg for your sakes, and for the sake of the public, that you would indulge me with the liberty of declining the arduous trust." He was indulged in his request ; but though he declined the laborious office of Governor, he continued to serve both in the Assembly and Council where, notwithstanding the long confine- ment he had suffered in the castle of St. Augustine and the immense loss of his property, he opposed the law which was brought in for confiscating the estates of the adherents to the British government, and zealously contended that sound policy required to forget and forgive. General Gadsden continued in the country throughout the year 17S2, serving as one of the Governor's Council. On the 14th of December, 1782, he, with the American army and citizens, made their triumphant entry into Charlestown in the rear of the evacuating British. In the first moment of his return afler an absence of more than two years, he had the pleasure of seeing the British fleet, upward of 300 sail, in the act of departing from the port, and the capital as well as the coun- try restored to its proper owners. Mr. Gadsden henceforward devoted himself to private pursuits, but occasionally served in the Assembly, and with unspeakable delight in the two State conventions; the one for the ratificationofthenational con- stitution in 1788, and the other for revising the State constitution in 1790. From the first dawn of independence he was particularly anxious for an efficient consti- tution, and considered nothing done while that remained undone. When difficul- ties arose or delays took place on this great subject, he was full of fears that the independent Americans would form difierent confederacies; or like their fore- fathers in England bow their necks to the royal government ; an event which he dreaded as one of the greatest political evils which could befall his country. He survived his eighty-first year, generally enjoying good health, and at last died more from the consequences of an accidental fall than tfie weight of disease or decays of nature. At his- death he was honored by the State Cincinnati and American Revolution Societies, who requested the Rev. Mr. Bowen to preach a funeral sermon on the occasion. Throughout life he was a strictly honest, virtu- ous, good man, a regular attendant on divine service in St. Phillip's church, and a steady communicant in the same. In the high day of Episcopal establishment he was friendly with and liberal to dissenters. When early in the revolution they pe- titioned the Assembly for equal religious liberty, he brought forward theirpetition and advocated their claims as founded in reason, justice, and policy. He was the friend of good clergymen of all denominations, and wished to promote peace among all sects and parties.- His opinions of lawyers were not favorable. He considered their pleadings as generally tending to obscure what was plain and to make difficulties where there were none.; and much more subservient to render their trade lucrative, than to advance justice. He adhered to that clau.se of Mr. Locke's fundamental constitution which makes it "a base and vile thing to plead for money or reward;" and wished that the lawyers, when necessary to justice, should be provided with salaries at a public expense, like the Judges, that they might be saved from the shame of hiring their tongues to the first who offered or gave the largest fee. Of physicians he thought very little. He considered tem- perance and exercise superior to all their prescriptions, and that in most cases they rendered them altogether unnecessary. In many things he was particular. His pas.sions were strong and required all his religion and philosophy to curb theth. His patriotism was both disinterested and ardent. He declined all offices of profit, and through life refused to take the compensations annexed by law to suohoffices of trust as were conferred on him. His character was impressed with the hardihood of antiquity ; and he possessed an erect, firm, intrepid mind, which was well calculated for buffeting with revolutionary storms. 34 256 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. REV. COMMISSARY GARDEN, Was born in Scotland about the year 1685. Of his education, and of the time of his arrival in Carolina, nothing precise or certain is known ; but from circum- stances it is probable that he must have arrived about the year 1720, for he died in 1756, at the age of seventy-one, after he had been thirty-four years rector of St. Phillip's, Charlestown. Some years after his arrival, he was appointed Commis- sary of the Bishop of London for the two Carolinas, Georgia, and Bahama Islands. In the discharge of the duties of this high oifice he was strict and impartial. Improper conduct on the part of clergymen was immediately noticed, the delin- quents brought to trial, and the canons of the church were enforced against them. His appearance as one of the visiters of the free-school in Charlestown was the sure precursor of a strict examination. He did not permit the teachers, as they are very fond of doing, to point out the places for examination. This business was managed by him as it ought to be, and was a real trial of what the pupils had learned. It was not confined to selected portions on which they had been pre- viously prepared, but extended generally and promiscuously to all they had gone over. His visits and strict examinations produced good effect, both on masters and scholars. In the discharge of family and clerical duties, Commissary Garden was exemplary. He was attentive to the religious education of his children and servants, and it is mentioned in the "Abstract of the Proceedings of the Society for Propagating the Gospel," in South Carolina, dated 1752, "that a flourishing school was taught in Charlestown by a negro of the society, under the inspection and direction of the worthy rector, Garden, by which means many poor negroes were taught to believe in God and in his Slin Jesus Christ." He kept up strict discipline in his church; was careful whom he admitted as sponsors for children at the time of baptism; caused children who on account of sickness had been hastily baptized in private, in case of their recovery, to be presented for a public reception into the church ; refused the communion to immoral persons, and admitted no young persons as communicants till he was privately satisfied that they under- stood the nature of the ordinance, and had those views of religion which are proper for communicants. In all cases he was a strict observer of rules and ibrms, and would not lightly depart from them. His particularities subjected him to remarks, but were the effect of a systematic line of conduct which he had prescribed for himself. He would not receive from persons he married one penny more or less than the law allowed, nor at any other time than that prescribed in the prayer-book. Nor would he marry any persons in Lent, nor on the other fast days prescribed by the church; nor in any other manner than was strictly con- formable to the book of common prayer. His charity was in like manner measured by rule. The exact tenth of his whole income was regularly given to the poor. In every thing he was methodical. He carefully digested his plans, and steadily adhered to them. Strict himself, according to the forms of his religion, he required strictness from others. Under his pastoral care, a profession of religion was no slight matter. It imposed a necessity of circumspect conduct, regulated in all respects by the prescribed forms of the church. Though his literary talents were great, nothing more is known of him as an author, than that he preached and printed a sermon on these words: "They who have turned the world upside down, have come hither also;" in which he exposed the evil consequences of fanaticism and innovation. ALEXANDER GARDEN, M. D., Was born in Scotland- about the year 1728, and was the son of the Rev. Alex- ander Garden of the parish of Birse, in the shire of Aberdeen, a clergyman of high respectability, who, during the rebellion in the years 1745 and 1746 was distin- guished by his exertions in favor of the family of Hanover; and still more so by his humane interposition in behalf of the followers of the house of Stuart, after their defeat at Culloden. Dr. Garden received his philosophical and classical education in the University of Aberdeen, at the Mareschal College there. He received his first medical education under the celebrated Dr. John Gregory, and studied also a twelvemonth in Edinburgh. He arrived in South.Carolina about the middle of the 18th century, and commenced the practice of physic in Prince William's Parish, in connection with Dr. Rose. Here he began his botanic studies; but having lost his health, he was obliged to take a voyage to the north- ward for his recovery. In the year 1754 he went to New York, where a professor- ship in the college recently formed was offered to him, but he declined the accept- ance thereof. On his return he settled in Charlestown, and continued to practice MAJOR JOHN JAMES. 257 physio there for about thirty years. In this period he amassed a handsome fortune, being deservedly in very high esteem, and extensively employed. He brought with him a haemoptoie constitution, but the complaint was suspended during his residence in Carolina. He was well acquainted with the Latin and Greek classics, understood the French and Italian languages, and was a considerable proficient In the knowledge of the belles lettres; in mathematics, philosophy, history and miscellaneous literature; but his attention, when the duties of his profession permitted any relaxation, was chiefly directed to the study of natural history, and particularly to that branch of it which is called botany. A list of his communications on these subjects has been already given in the preceding chapter of medical history. Linnaeus, with whom he corres- ponded in Latin, gave his name, Gardenia, to a most beautiful flowering shrub ; and often mentioned him with applause. He was also highly esteemed by the literati throughout Europe, with several of whom he corresponded. About the year 1772 he was elected a fellow of the Royal Society of London. Shortly after his return to Europe in 1783, he was appointed one of its council, and afterwards one of its vice-presidents. To extend his knowledge in natural history. Dr. Garden, accompanied James Glen, Governor of South Carolina, in the year 1755, when he penetrated into the Indian country, and formed a treaty with the Chero- kees in their own mountains. In this expedition Dr. Garden discovered an earth which, upon a fair trial by the manufacturers at Worcester, in Great Fritain, was deemed equal to theiinest porcelain that ever was imported from India. Unfortu- nately no precise knowledge can now be had of the spot where this valuable earth was found. Hitherto no advantage has resulted from the discovery, though no doubt exists of its reality and importance. On Dr. Garden's return to Europe, his consumptive diathesis, which had been long suspended, began to show itself. He endeavored to parry its attacks by traveling. This answered a valuable purpose, but failed in its primary object. He found that wherever he went his literary fame had preceded him, and induced many to court his acquaintance. In France he was treated by men of science with the most pointed attention, and hailed as a brother. He met with a similar reception in Switzerland, and was particularly caressed by Lavater, the author of an elaborate work on Physiognomy. In the course of his travels he tried the eifects of breathing his native air, and of revisit- ing the haunts of his youth, hoping that the pleasing recollection of juvenile scenes would have a salutary influence in arresting the progress of his disease. He was received as a man who had done honor to his native land, and extended its repu- tation as the soil of genius. He found that his venerable father, after reaching his 90th year, had lately died. Nought remained but to do honor to his memory. The son drew up a monumental inscription in elegant classical Latin, commemor- ative ol the virtues of the father. This is shown to strangers as honorable to both, and is respectfully mentioned in the statistical account of the parish, edited by Sir John Sinclair. Dr. Garden was highly pleased with the attentions he everywhere received in his travels, but all this time his disorder was advancing. Having made every exertion to preserve his life, he finally made up his mind to his situation, resolved to travel no more, and to meet his approaching fate in the bosom of his family. He accordingly settled at London, and soon after expired in that city, in the year 1793. The high reputation for literature to which he attained reflected honor both on his native and adopted country. In the first a good foundation was laid, especially in classical learning; in the latter the superstructure was raised. He came young to Carolina, and was then barely initiated in the favorite studies in which he particularly excelled. He acquired most of his botanical knowledge in the woods of Carolina. He was fond of good company, and particularly of refined female society, and to it he devoted a considerable portion of his time ; but enough was reserved for mental improvement. He never complained of the climate as too hot for study. In it, though oppressed with professional business, he redeemed time enough to examine its natural riches, and to co-extend its fame with his own. MAJOK JOHN JAMES, "Was born in Ireland in 1732, and was the son of an officer who had served King William in his wars in Ireland against King James. This circumstance was the origin of the name of Williamsburg, which is now attached to one of the districts of Carolina. The elder James, with his family and several of his neighbors, migrated to that district in 1733, made the first settlement there, and in honor of King William, gave his name to a village laid out on the east bank of Black river. The village is now called King's Tree, from a white or short-leaved pine which in old royal grants was reserved for the use of the King; and the name of 258 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. Williamsburg has been transferred to the district. To it Major James, when an infant, was brought by his parents. His first recollections were those of a stockade fort, and of war between the new settlers and the natives. The former were often reduced to great straits in procuring the necessaries of life, and in defending themselyes against the Indians. In this then frontier settlement, Major James, Mr. James Bradley, and other compatriots in the revolution, were trained up to defend and love their country. Their opportunities for acquiring liberal educations were slender, but for obtaining religious instruction were very ample. They were brought up under the eye and pastoral care of the Rev. John Rae, a Presbyterian minister w'ho accompanied his congregation in their migration from Ireland to Carolina. When the revolution commenced in 1775, Major James had acquired a considerable portion both of reputation and property. He was a Captain of militia under George the Third. Disapproving of the measures of the British government, he resigned his royal commission, but was soon after reinstated by a popular vote. In the year 1776 he marched with his company to the defence of Charlestown. In the year 1779 he was with General Moultrie on his retreat before General Prevost, and commanded 120 riflemen in the skirmish at Tulifinny. When Charlestown was besieged in 1780, Major James marched to its defence, but Gov- ernor John Rutledge ordered him back to embody the country militia. The town having fallen, he was employed by his countrymen to wait on the conquerors and to inquire of them what terms they would give. On finding that nothing short of unconditional submission and a resumption of the characters and duties of British subjects would be accepted, he abruptly broke off all negotiation, as has been already related ; and rejoining his friends, formed the stamina of the distinguished corps known in the latter periods of the revolutionary war by the name of Marion's Brigade. His conduct as one of the confidential officers of General Marion in the hard struggle which followed, has been already narrated. In the course of this cruel and desultory warfare, Major James was reduced from easy circumstances to poverty. All his movable propertywas carried off, and every house on his planta- tion burnt; but he bore up under these misfortunes, and devoted not only all his possessions, but life itself, for the good of his country. After Greene, as Com- mander-in-Chief, had superseded Marion, Major James continued to serve under the former, and fought with him at the battle of Eutaw. The corps with which he served consisted mostly of riflemen, and were each furnished with twenty-four rounds of cartridges. Many of them expended the whole, and most of them twenty of these, in firing on the enemy. As they were in the habit of taking aim, their shot seldom failed of doing execution. Shortly after this action, Major James and General Marion were both elected members of the State Legislature. Before the General had rejoined his brigade it was unexpectedly attacked, and after retreating, was pursued by a party of British commanded by Colonel Thomp- son, now Count Rumford. In this retreat Major James, being mounted, was nearly overtaken by two British dragoons, but kept them from cutting him down by a judicious use of his pistols, and escaped by leaping a chasm in a bridge of twenty feet width. The dragoons did not follow. The Major, being out of their reach, rallied his men, brought them back to the charge, and stopped the progress of the enemy. When the war was nearly over he resigned his commission, and hke another Cincinnatus, returned to his farm and devoted the remainder of his days to the improvement of his property and the education of his children. In the year 1791 he died with the composure and fortitude of a Christian hero. SIR NATHANIEL JOHNSON, Was Grovernor of South Carolina for seven or eight of the first years of the eigh- teenth century. He had been bred a soldier, and was also a member of the House of Commons. From the year 16S6 to 1689 he had been Governor of Nevis, St. Chris- topher's, Montserrat, and Antigua, commonly called the Leeward Islands. Soon after the termination of his government in 1789, he became a private inhabitant of South Carolina. Being fond of projects, his attention was turned to that province, as being in a latitude favorable to his views. He was particularly allured by the hope of making silk, and commenced a settlement for that purpose. In this he succeeded so far as to make considerable quantities of that commodity. His example encouraged others to engage in the same business. His experiments were made on a plantation which to this day is called the Silk Hope. A project for making salt also engaged his attention. To the settlement on Seewee Bay, where his experiments were made with this view, he gave the name of Salt Ponds. The result is not known. He also attempted the culture of grapes, and is said to have succeeded in making wine, but in small quantities. Soon after his arrival in Carolina, rice was introduced. He made many trials of the severa SIR NATHANIEL JOHNSON. 259 Vndsorrice, and of the soil most suitable for it; and incurred considerable expense in building mills and other machinery necessary for preparing the "-rain for use or market. His experiments and example had a considerable influence in determining the planters of these days to engage in the culture of this new com- modity. Ihese enterprises, and his military education, gave him extensive popu- larity, and induced the proprietors to offer him the government of the province. But as he was suspected of not being well affected to the revolution of 1688 in England, Queen Anne would not give her approbation but on the conditions of his giving security for observing the laws of trade and navigation, and such instruc- tions as should be sent out to him by her majesty. These conditions were com- plied with. As Governor he was active and intelligent. His influence over the Assembly was great. Of this he made a proper use by urging the completion of the fortifications of Charlestown and its harbor. The fort on th^ east end of James Island was called by his name. To defray the expenses of these works, heavy taxes were necessary, and of course his popularity was for some time diminished ; but time and posterity have done him ample justice. Soon after these fortifica- tions were completed, their utility was demonstrated. The province was invaded by feOO Frenchmen, and the recent fortifications were instrumental in discouraging the invading army, though within the bar, from making an attack on the town. The result, highly honorable to the Governor, and the notice taken of him by the proprietors for his good conduct on this occasion, have been related. While Sir Nathaniel Johnson was successful in fortifving and defending the town and harbor, he was equally so in procuring a legal establishment of the Epis- copal church. His influence was exerted in favor of this measure. It was carried by great address and management through the Legislature by a single vote, and at a time when a majority of the people were dissenters and opposed to it. The Governor concurring in the common creed of the times, that an established reli- gion was necessary to the support of civil government, and believing that the best interests of the province would be promoted by endowing the Episcopal church, he exerted all his influence with the Assembly and people to procure its advance- ment to public support and legal pre-eminence. The result was in several respects answerable to his expectations. It was the means of introducing about 100 Episcopal clergymen into the country, who were men of regular education and useful in their profession, who generally became settlers and left families. It also contributed to the introduction of a number of bibles and other books on religious subjects, which either formed parochial libraries or were given away by mission- aries of the English society for propagating the gospel. The establishment also procured an influx of several hundred pounds sterling annually into the country forthe maintenance of Episcopal clergymen, in aid of their provincial legal salary. The annual allowance of from £30 to £S0 to several of that description was con- tinued down to the revolution. For these benefits resulting from the establish- ment, the country was in a great measure indebted to Governor Johnson. The Assembly was sensible that his continuance in office was so essential to the continuance of the establishment, that they made a most extraordinary provision against the contingency of his death or removal from office. This is expressed in the preamble of an act passed in his admini-tration in the following words : "Whereas the Church of England has of late been so happily established among us, fearing that by the succession of a new Governor this church may be either undermined or wholly subverted; to prevent which calamity falling upon us, be it enacted, that this present Assembly shall continue to sit two years, and for the term of eighteen months after the change of government, or the succession of another in his time." The salaries of Governors were at this early period low, and did not exceed two hundred pounds sterling; but they found out an indirect method of increasing them by a monopoly, or a profitable management of the trade with the Indians. Governor Johnson consented to a law for a diSerent arrangement of this business, by commissioners appointed by the Assembly, on terms that were injurious to his private interest, but in their consequences highly beneficial to the province. His administration lasted for six or seven years, and was highly reputable to himself and eminently conducive to the improvement of Carolina. He was, nevertheless, in the year 1709, superseded by Colonel Tynte. It probably was the policy of the proprietors to make frequent changes of their Governors, for it does not appear that any fault was found with Johnson. Of his subsequent life nothing is known.* * It is probable that he lived a retired private life in Carolina, for he died there in 1713, and was buried on his Silk Hope plantation. From respect to his memory, his grave was surrounded by a brick wall by Gabriel WUinigault, who purchased the plantation many years after the death 01 Sir Nathaniel Johnsou. 260 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. His son, Robert Johnson, succeeded to the same office about eight years after, in which period there had been four intermediate Governors. ' It has been the lot of Governor Sir Nathaniel Johnson, in common with several other of the distinguished personages in Carolina, to have their names extinct, though their blood still survives in the female line. His daughter married the great-great-grandfather of the present Philip P. Broughton. His two grand- daughters married: one, "Ralph Izard, the other Benjamin Stead; but no person of the name of Johnson is known now to exist, who can trace back his family to the illustrious Governor, Sir Nathaniel Johnson. JOHN LINING, M. D., "Was born in Scotland in 1708, and arrived in Carolina when he was about twenty-two years old. For nearly thirty years he successfully practiced physic in Charlestown, and was reckoned one of its most skillful physicians. His fame was much more extensive than his practice. The latter was necessarily confined to the vicinity of his residence; but his medical writings, which have been pai*- ticularly mentioned in the preceding chapter of medical history, page 62; his statical experiments and meteorological observations, which were published in the transactions of the Royal Society of London, procured for him a large portion of fame in Europe. His statical experiments are the opiy ones that have ever been made to any extent in America; and his meteorological observations, com- mencing as early as 1733, were the first made in Carolina, and as far as is known, the first made in the British Colonies, now United States, which have been pub- lished. He was also the first experimenter in Carolina on electricity, and ranked high among the early literati of the new world. He died in 1760, with a distin- guished reputation as a physician and a philosopher, after he had extended tha literary fame of his adopted country to distant regions. HENRY LAURENS, "Was born in Charlestown in 1724. His ancestors were French Protestant ref- ugees, who had left France soon after the revocation of the edict of Nantz. They first settled in New York, but afterwards removed to Charlestown. His education was superintended at first by Mr. Howe, and aiterwards by Mr. Cor- bett, the same who after instructing Peter Manigault, "William Drayton, and some other excellent classical scholars in Carolina, returned to England and became high bailiff* of "Westminster. Being designed for a merchant, Henry Laurens was early in life put u'nder the care of Thomas Smith, merchant of Charlestown, and afterwards of Mr. Crokatt, of London, who had returned to Europe after having acquired a considerable estate in Charlestown. Under these instructors, Henry Laurens was regularly bred to merchandize, and acquired those habits of order, system, and method in business, for which he was through life remarkable. On his return from London, he entered into partnership with Mr. Austin, an estab- lished merchant of Charlestown, and engaged in trade with spirit, but at the same time with caution and judgment. His scrupulous attention to punctuality not only in the discharge of pecuniary engagements, but in being where and in doing what he had promised was almosc romantic. He suffered nothing to interfere with his own engagements, and highly disrelished all breaches of punctuality on the part of others. He was an excellent model for a young man to form himself upon, and was largely trusted in that way by parents who wished their sons to be brought up strictly and in habits of doing business with accuracy. To have served in his counting-house was no small recommendation. He worked hard himself, and made all around him do the same. He required less sleep than most men, and devoted a great part of the night to the ordinary mercantile pursuits of the day. For the dispatch of business he was never exceeded, perhaps never equalled, in Charlestown. He was a very early riser, and devoted the morning to his counting-house, and frequently had the business of the day not only ar- ranged, but done, when others were beginning to deliberate on the expediency of leaving their beds. His letters were generally written in the retired hours of the night and morning. In them his ideas were always expressed in strong and pre- cise language, which forcibly conveyed his meaning without a possibility of being misunderstood. Whether friendship, business, or amusement was the subject, his epistolary style was excellent and well worthy of imitation. He had an exact knowledge of human nature, and, in his own mercantile lan^uao-e, soon found out the par of exchange of every man with whom he transacted bu'si- ness. His eye was uncommonly penetrating, and the correct opinions he frequently brmed of the real characters of men, from their looks, would, if known to Lavater HENKY LAUEENS, 261 have confirmed that philosopher in his theory of physiognomy. Such dih'gence, and such knowledge of men and of business, could not fail of success. It is no' small evidence of this, and at the same time, characteristic of the period in which Mr. Laurens -v^as engaged in trade, between 1747 and 1770, that at the winding up of his partnership concerns, which had embraced transactions to the amolint of many millions of pounds of the then currency, he offered his partner to take all outstanding debts as cash, at a discount of five per cent, on their gross amount. His talents for conversation were great. He could adapt himself to the young and the old, the gay and the grave, to the man of business and the votaries of pleasure. He reproved without offending, and gave advice without appearing to dictate. Mr. Laurens' love of justice was extreme. He would never draw a bill of ex- change till he had a written acknowledgment from the person on whom he drew, that he was indebted to the amount drawn for. He cheerfully partook of diversions in their proper time and place ; but had at all periods of his life so deep rooted an aversion to gaming, that he never played at cards or any other gamCj but for amuse- ment, unless on some very rare occasions, when in company with those to whom play was without zest except something was risked, he so far conformed to their humor as to play for money on a very moderate scale, and in case of loss he promptly paid, but uniformly refused to receive what he won, esteeming it wrong to take any man's money without giving an equivalent. In two or three instances he yielded to the fashionable folly of accepting a chal- lenge to decide a controversy by single combat. In every such case he received the fire of his adversary, but would not return it. He once had a suit at law with the Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty, in which he resisted the claims of the royal government, which, by some recent regulations, were hostile to American rights. Mr. Laurens being cast, tendered to the Judge, Sir Egerton Leigh, his legal fees to a considerable sum. The Judge declined to receive them. Mr. Lau- rens, conceiving that he had no right to retain what was legally due from him, gave the same precise amount to the South Carolina Society, to be expended by them in charity. On another occasion, a sum of money came into his hands in some official character which had no! been claimed. Under an impression that the money thus unclaimed was not his, he transferred it to the South Carolina Society, to be used by them as a fund of charity, till the owner called for it. No such call was then expected, or has yet been brought forward, though the deposit was made forty years ago. Mr. Laurens once persuaded a favorite slave to give a reluctant consent to receive the small pox by inoculation, who. in consequence thereof, died. To com- fort the deceased for the issue of an unfortunate experiment urged upon him, assurances were given to him in his dying moments that his children should be emancipated. This was accordingly done. In the performance of his religious duties, Mr. Laurens was strict and exem- plary. The emergency was great which kept him from church either forenoon or afiernoon, and very great indeed which kept him from his regular monthly com- munion. With the bible he was intimately acquainted. Its doctrines he firmly believed ; its precepts and history he admired, and was much in the habit of quot- ing and applying portions of it to present occurrences. He not only read the scriptures diligently to his family, but made all his children read them also. His family bible -ontained, in his own hand-writing, several of his remarks on passing providences. He used to observe that many passages-of admired authors were borrowed either in matter jr manner 'rom sacred writ, and in support of this opinion, often quoted, among other examples, " God tempers the wind to the back of the shorn. lamb," of Sterne, as ai' imitation of, "he stayeth his rough wind in the day of the east wind,'" of the prophet Isaiah ; and the interesting " lovely young Lavinia," of Thompson, as a portrait of the bible Ruth by a modern hand, with a little alteration in the drapery. He frequently recommended the writings of Solomon as giving an excellent insight into human nature, and as aphorisms, the observance of which would make men both wise and happy. Mr. Laurens having amassed a fortune far exceeding what was then common in America, and having lately lost his wife, gave up business, and in 1771, went to Europe to superintend the education of his sons. Soon after he had made ar- rangements for bringing them forward to the greatest advantage, the disputes began which finally severed the colonies from the parent State. He was one of the thirty-nine natives of America, who, in 1774, petitioned the British parliament not to pass the Boston port-bill. His utmost exertions were made to prevent the war; but finding that nothing short of the most degrading submission on the part of the colonies, would prevent it, he determined to return to Carolina and take part with his countrymen. Great interest was used to dissuade him from execut- 262 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. ing this resolution, and ample offers were made to indemnify him for all losses that might result from his remaining in England. To his mercantile friend, Mr. Oswald, one of the subsequent negotiators of peace, urging his stay, he replied from Falmouth, when on the point of embarking for Charlestown, as follows; " I shall never forget your friendly attention to my interest, but I dare not return. Your ministers are deaf to information, and seem bent on provoking unnecessary contest. I think I have acted the part of a faithful subject. I now go resolved still to labor for peace; at the same time, determined in the last event to stand or fall with my country." On his leaving England, he assured the numerous friends he left behind, that America would not submit to the claims of the British parlia- ment: on his landing in Charlestown, in December, 1774, he assured his American friends that Britain would not yield to their demands, and that war was inevitable. His information was much relied on, and vigorous preparations for defense were made very early in 1775 by the Carolinians. The circumstance of his leaving England at this crisis to take part with his countrymen in their approaching ardu- ous conflict, rivetted him in their esteem. They conferred many offices upon him. In the interval between the suspension of royal and the establishment of repre- sentative government, the executive department of the latter system, while in embryo, was administered by him as president of the council of safety, with a full impression that both his fortune and his life were staked on the result. His countrymen soon found that the well known activity of the merchant was trans- ferred to the statesman, and that the public business was promptly and accurately dispatched. Soon after the establishment of a regular constitution in South Car- olina, in 1776, he was elected a member of Congress, and shortly after he had taken his seat, was appointed President of that body. Two volumes of his official public letters as President remain in the archives of the old Congress. These are monuments of his talent for writing letters — of his industry and attention to the duties of his station. In that period the British commissioners arrived with the vain hope of inducing the Americans to rescind their alliance with France, and to resume the character of free British subjects. One of them. Governor Johnson, had private letters of introduction to Mr. Laurens. These were forwarded and brought on a correspondence long since made public, which Avas honorable to the American character. In December, 1778, Mr. Laurens resigned the chair of Con- gress, and thereupon received their thanks "for his conduct in the chair and in the execution of public business." He returned his grateful acknowledgments fop the honor done him, which he observed "would be of service to his children." In the year following he was appointed minister plenipotentiary from the United States to Holland. In his way thither he was captured and carried to England, and there committed a prisoner to the tower of London, on suspicion of treason ; and was officially mentioned by Sir Joseph York as " styling himself President of the pretended Congress." The commitment was accompanied with orders "to confine him a close prisoner — to be locked up every night — to be in the custody of two warders — not to suffer him to be out of their sight one moment, day or night — to allow him no liberty of speaking to any person, nor to permit any person to speak to him — to deprive hira of the use of pen and ink — to suffer no letter to be brought to him, nor any to go from him." Mr. Laurens was then fifty-six years old, and severely afflicted with the gout and other infirmities. In this situation he was conducted to apartments in the tower, and was shut up in two small rooms, which, together, made about twenty feet square, with a warder for his constant companion, and a fixed bayonet under his window, without any friend to converse with, and without any prospect or even the means of correspondence. Being debarred the use of pen and ink, he procured pencils which proved an useful sub- stitute. After a month's confinement, he was permitted to walk out on limited ground, but a warder with a sword in his hand followed close behind. This in- dulgence was occasionally taken for about three weeks, when Lord George Gor- don, who was also a prisoner in the tower, unluckily met and asked Mr. Laurens to walk with him. Mr. Laurens declined the offer, and instantly returned to his apartment. Governor Gore caught at this transgression of orders, and locked him up for thirty-seven days, though the attending warder exculpated him from all blame. About this time an old friend and mercantile correspondent, having solicited the Secretaries of State for Mr. Laurens' enlargement on parole, and having offered his whole fortune as security for his good conduct, sent him the following message : " Their lordships say if you will point out anything for the benefit of Great Britain in the present dispute with the colonies, you will be enlarged." This proposition filled him with indignation, and provoked a sharp reply. The same friend soon after visited Mr, Laurens, and being left alone with him addressed him as follows : " I converse with you this morning, not particularly as HENRY LAURENS. 263 your friend but as the friend of Great Britain. I have certain propositions to make for obtaining your liberty, which I advise you should take time to consider." Mr. Laurens desired to know what they were, and added " that an honest man re quired no time to give an answer in a" case where his honor "was concerned." '* If," said he, "the Secretaries of State will enlarge me upon parole, T will strictly con- form to my engagement to do nothing directly or indirectly to the hurt of this king- dom. I will return to America, or remain in any part of England which may be assigned, and surrender myself when demanded." It was answered, " no sir, you must stay in London among your friends. The ministers will often have occasion to send for and consult you : you can write two or three lines to the ministers and barely say you are sorry for -what is past. A pardon will be granted. Every man has been wrong at some time or other of his life, and should not be ashamed to acknowledge it." Mr. Laurens replied, "1 will never subscribe to my own infamy and to the dishonor of my children." Though Mr. Laurens was not allowed to see his own friends, pains were taken to furnish him with such newspapers from America as announced the successes of the British in South Carolina after the surrender of its capital in 1780 — that the inhabitants had given up the contest, and generally taken British protection ; and that the estates of Henry Laurens, and of the other obstinate rebels who still ad- hered to the ruined cause of independence, were under sequestration by the Brit- ish conquerors. To such communications Mr. Laurens steadily replied, " none of these things move me." In the year 1781, Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, the eldest son of Henry Laurens, arrived in France as the special minister of Congress. The father was requested to write to the son to withdraw himself from the court of France, and assurances were given that it would operate in his favor. To these requests he replied, "my son is of age, and has a will of his own; if I should write to him in the terms you request it would have no effect ; he would only conclude that con- finement and persuasion had softened me. I know him to be a man of honor. He loves me dear and "would lay do^wn his life to save mine, but I am sure he would not sacrafice his honor to save my life : and I applaud him." Mr Laurens pencilled an address to the Secretaries of State for the use of pen and ink to draw a bill of exchange on a merchant in London who was in his debt, for money to answer his immediate exigencies. This was delivered to their lordships, but they returned no answer though no provision was made for the sup- port of their prisoner. Mr. Laurens was thus left to languish in confinement un der many infirmities and without the means of applying his own resources on the spot for his immediate support. As soon as Mr. Laurens had completed a year in the tower, he was called upon to pay £97 10s. sterling to two warders for attending on him. To which he replied, " I will not pay the warders whom I never employed and whose attendance I shall be glad to dispense with." Three weeks after, the Secretaries of State consented that Mr. Laurens should have the use of pen and ink for the purpose of drawing a bill of exchange ; but they were taken away the moment that business was done. As the year 1781 drew near a close, Mr. Lauren's sufferings in the tower became generally known, and excited compassion in his favor, and odium against the authors of his confinement. It had also been found by the inefficacy of many attempts, that no concessions could be obtained from him. It was- therefore resolved to release him, but difficulties arose about the mode. Mr. Laurens would not consent to any act which implied that he was a British subject, and he had been committed as such on a charge of high treason. Ministers, to extri- cate themselves from this difficulty, at length proposed to take bail for his appear- ance at the Court of King's Bench. When the words of the recognizance, "Our sovereign lord the King" were read to Mr. Laurens, he replied in open court, "Not my Sovereign," and with this declaration he, with Mr. Oswald and Mr. Anderson as his securities, entered into an obligation for his appearance at the Courts of King's Bench the next Easter term, and for not departing thence without leave of the court. Mr. Laurens was immediately released. When the time of his appearance at court drew near he was not only discharged from all obligations to attend, but was requested by Lord Shelburne to go to the continent in subserviency to a scheme for making peace with America. Mr. Laurens was startled at the idea of being released without any equivalent, as he had unilormly held himself to be a prisoner-of-war. From a high sense of personal independence, and unwillingness to be brought under an apparent obligation, he replied, inat he durst not accept himself as a gift; and that as Congress had once oflered Lieutenant-General Burgoyne for him, he had no doubt of their now giving Lieu- tenant-General Earl Cornwallis for the same purpose." 264 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. The contrast between this close confinement in the tower for more than four- teen months, and the active life to which Mr. Laurens had been accustomed, so far undermined his constitution that he never afterwards enjoyed good health. Soon after his release he received a commission from Congress to be one of their ministers to negotiate a peace with Great Britain. He repaired to Paris, and there, in conjunction with Dr. Franklin, John Adams, and John Jay, signed the prelim- inaries of peace on the 30th of November, 1782, by which the independence of the United States was acknowledged. Mr. Laurens soon after returned to Caro- lina. His countrymen, well pleased with his conduct, stood ready to honor him with every mark of distinction in their power to confer; but he declined all solicitations to suffer himself to be elected either Governor, member of Congress, or of the State Legislature. When the project of a general convention was under consideration for revising the federal bond of union, he was, without his permis- sion, elected one of its members, but declined serving. He retired from all public business, and amused himself with agricultural experiments, and promoting the happiness of his children, domestics,* friends and neighbors. His health, which had long been delicate, gradually declined, and on the 8th of December, 1792, near the close of his 69th year, he expired. His will concluded with these words: "I solemnly enjoin it on my son as an indispensable duty, that, as soon as he conve- niently can afler my decease, he cause my body to be wrapped in twelve yards of tow cloth, and burnt until it be entirely consumed, and then collecting my bones, deposit them wherever he may think proper." This request was fulfilled. JOHN LAURENS, Son of Henry Laurens, was born in Charlestown in 1755. His early education was conducted by Benjamin Lord, Rev. Messrs. Himeli and Panton. In youth he discovered that energy of character that distinguished him through life. "When a lad, though laboring under a fever, on the cry of fire he leaped from his bed, hastened to the scene of danger, and was in a few minutes on the top of the exposed houses, risking his life to arrest the progress of the flames. This is the more worthy of notice, for precisely in the same way, and under a similar, but higher impulse of ardent patriotism, he lost his life in the year 1781. At the age of sixteen he was taken to Europe by his father, and there put under the best means of instruction in Geneva, and afterwards in London. In the course of his youthful studies he united the plodding diligence of the mere scholar and the refinement of the gentleman. By a judicious distribution of his time, and doing with his might whatever he engaged in, he acquired as much solid useful learning as could be expected from one, who, immuring himself in the walls of a college, renounced society; and at the same time as many accom- plishments as are usually attained by those who, neglecting all study, aim at nothing more than the exterior polish of an elegant education. In classical learn- ing, the French and Italian languages, mathematics, philosophy, geography, his- tory, and the ordinary circle of sciences, he was an adept; and also excelled in drawing, dancing, fencing, riding, and all the graces and refined manners of a man of fashion. He was entered a student of law at the temple in 1774, and was daily improving in legal knowledge till the disputes between Great Britain and her colonies arrested his attention. He soon found that the claims of the mother country struck at the root of liberty in the colonies, and that she perseveringly resolved to enforce these claims at every hazard. Fain would he have come out to join his countrymen in arms ct the commencement of the contest; but the peremptory order of his father enjoined his continuance in England, to prosecute his studies and finish his education. As a dutiful son he obeyed these orders; but as a patriot burning with desire to defend his country, he dismissed Coke, Lit- tleton, and all the tribe of jurists, and substituted in their place Vauban, Folard, and other writers on war. He also availed himself of the excellent opportunities which London affords of acquiring practical knowledge in the manual exercise, of tactics, and the mechanism of war. Thus instructed, as soon as he was a free- man of legal age, he quitted England for France, and by a circuitous voyage in neutral vessels, and at a considerable risk, made his way good in the year 1777 to Charlestown. Independence had been declared; the American army was raised, ofEcered, and in the field. He who by his attainments in general science, and *Mr. Laurens' treatment of his domestica was highly commendable, Hewaa strict in making them do their proper business, and enforced among them the observance of decency, order and morality; but amply supplied their wants, and freely contributed to their comforts. Pew laborers in any country had more of the eiyoyments of life than the cultivators of hia grounds. They accordingly lived long, and their natural increase was great. To their religious imstmctions he was also attentive. JOHN LAURENS. 265 particularly, in the military art, deserved high rank, had no ordinary door left open to serve his country but by entering in the lowest grade of an army abounding with officers. General "Washington, ever attentive to merit, instantly took him into his family as a supernumerary aid-de-camp. Shortly after this appointment, he had an opportunity of indulging his military ardor. He fought and was wounded in the battle of Germantown, October 4th, 1777. He continued in General Washington's family in the middle States till the British had retreated from Philadelphia to New York; and was engaged in the battle of Monmouth, June 28,1778. After this, the war being transferred more northwardly, he was indulged in attaching himself to the army on Rhode Island, where the most active operations were expected soon to take place. There he was intrusted with the command of some light troops. The bravery and good conduct which he displayed on this occasion was honored by Congress. On the 5th of November, 1778, they resolved "That John Laurens, Esq., aid-de-camp to General Washington, be presented with a continental com- mission of Lieutenant-Colonel, in testimony of the sense which Congress enter- tain of his patriotic and spirited services as a volunteer in the American army; and of his brave conduct in several actions, particularly in that of Rhode Island, on the 29th of August last; and that General Washington be directed, whenever an opportunity shall offer, to give Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens command agreeable to his rank." On the next day a letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens was read in Congress, expressing "his gratitude for the unexpected honor which Congress were pleased to confer on him by the resolution passed the day before; and the high satisfaction it would have afforded him, could he have accepted it without injuring the rights of the officers in the line of the army, and doing an evident injustice to his colleagues in the family of the Commander-in-Chief; that having been a spectator of the convulsions occasioned in the army by disputes of rank, he held the tranquility of it too dear to be instrumental in disturbing it and there- fore entreated Congress to suppress the resolve of yesterday, ordering him a commission of Lieutenant-Colonel, and to accept his sincere thanks for the intended honor." In this relinquishment there was a victory gained by patriotism over self-love. Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens loved military fame and rank; but he loved his country more, and sacrificed the former to preserve the peace and pro- mote the interest of the latter. In the next year the British directed their military operations chiefly against the most Southern States. Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens was induced by double motives to repair to Carolina. The post of danger was always the object of his preference. His native State was become the theatre of war. To its aid he repaired, and in May, 1779. with a party of light troops, had a skirmish with the British at Tulifinny. In endeavoring to obstruct their progress towards Charles- town, he received a wound. This was no sooner cured than he rejoined the army, and was engaged in the unsuccessful attack on Savannah on the 9th of October of the same year. To prepare for the defense of Charlestown, the reduction of of which was known to be contemplated by the British, was the next object of attention among the Americans. To this Colonel Laurens devoted all the ener- gies of his active mind. In the progress of the siege which commenced in 1780, the success of defensive operations became doubtful. Councils of war were fre- quent; several of the citizens were known to wish for a surrender, as a termination of their toils and dangers. In these councils, and on proper occasions. Colonel Laurens advocated the abandonment of the front lines, and to retire to new ones to be erected within the old ones, and to risk an assault. When these spirited measures were opposed, on the suggestion that the inhabitants preferred a capitu- lation, he declared that he would direct his sword to the heart of the first citizen who would urge a capitulation against the opinion of the Commander-in-Chief. When his superior officers, convinced of the ineificacy of further resistance, were disposed to surrender on terms of capitulation, he yielded to the necessity of the case and became a prisoner-of-war. This reverse of fortune opened a new door for serving his country in a higher line than he ever yet had done. He was soon exchanged and reinstated in a capacity for acting. In expediting his exchange. Congress had the ulterior view of sending him as a special minister to Paris, that he might urge the necessity of a vigorous co-operation on the part of France with the United .States, against Great Britain. When this was proposed to Colonel Laurens, he recommended and urged that Colonel Alexander Hamilton should be employed in preference to himself. Congress adhered to their first choice. Colonel Laurens sailed for France in the latter end of 1780, and there, in conjunc- tion with Dr. Franklin and Count De Vergenness and Marquis De Castries, arranged the plan of the campaign for 1781 ; which eventuated in the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, and finally in a termination of the war. Within six months ^om the day Colonel Laurens left America, he returned to it and brought with 266 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. him the concerted plan of combined operations. Ardent to rejoin the army, he was indulged with making a verbal report of his negotiations to Congress, and in three days set out to resume his place as one of the aids of General "Washington. The American and French army about this time commenced the siege of York- town. In the course of it, Colonel Laurens, as second in command with his fellow aid, Colonel Hamilton, assisted in storming and taking an advanced British redoubt, which expedited the surrender of Lord Cornwallis. The articles of capitulation were arranged by Colonel Laurens on behalf of the Americans. Charlestown and a part of South Carolina still remained in the power of the British. Colonel Laurens thought nothing done while anything remained undone. He therefore, on the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, repaired to South Carolina to assist in recovering the State. Before he entered on active military duty, he obeyed the call of his country to serve as a representative to the State Legisla- ture, which was convened in January, 1782, at Jacksonborough, within thirty-five miles of Charlestown, which was at that time a British garrison. His eloquence was then put in requisition for the public service. He was the advocate of every energetic measure of defense and offense, but declined all civil honors; preferring to serve his country in the field. His legislative duty being over, he joined the southern army, commanded by General Greene. In the course of the summer of 1782 he caught a common fever, and was sick in bed, when an expedition was undertaken against a party of the British which had gone to Combakee to carry off rice. Colonel Laurens rose from his sick bed and joined his countrymen. While leading an advanced party, he received a shot which on the 27th of August, 1782, at the close of the war, put an end to his valuable life in the twenty-seventh year of his age. His many virtues have been ever since the subject of eulogy, and his early fall of national lamentation. The fourth of July seldom passes without a tribute to his memory. GABRIEL MANIGAULT, Was born in the year 1704. Both his parents were French Protestant refugees, who, in consequence of the revocation of the edict of Nantz in 1685, determined to leave France. Their marriage took place in Charlestown about the year 1699. Their son Gabriel was born and resided there the whole of his life, which was seventy-seven years, with the exception of a voyage to the West Indies. The prominent traits in his character ■were integrity and bene^^olence. His regard to justice was almost romantic. His charity was always exercised whenever an opportunity offered. He generally had pensioners who received his bounty at stated periods. At his death he left to the South Carolina Society of Charlestown a legacy of £5,000 sterling, from the interest of which the society has been enabled to add very considerably to the number of children educated on its bounty. In his transactions as a merchant he was candid, fair and honorable. All his con- tracts were performed with such exactness and punctuality, that the same confi- dence was placed in his word as on his bond. He had many solicitations to engage in the slave trade, which was pre-eminently lucrative; but he declined all agency in transferring the subjects of that trade from the land of their nativity to a foreign country. He was nevertheless no advocate for emancipating those which were already in Carolina. He was a planter, as well as a merchant, and O'wned negroes. These were treated with great humanity. This was well known to his friends and neighbors, and by an accidental circumstance has become indi- rectly a matter of record. The great proof of the good treatment of negroes is their natural increase. In an examination, in the year 1790, before a committee of the House of Commons in England, appointed to ascertain the treatment of slaves in the British colonies, it was given in evidence by John Savage, that in thirty-eight years the slaves of Gabriel Manigault had increased in the low country of Carohna from 86 to 270, without any aid from purchases, other than replacing twelve or fourteen old slaves with the same number of young ones. Mr. Manigault was treasurer of the province, and faithfully discharged the duties thereof in and after the year 1740, when all the intricate accounts of the unfortunate expedition against St. Augustine were the subject of fiscal exam- ination. He was also for some time a representative of Charlestown in the provincial House of Commons. Though he never courted popularity, he was so much a favorite that in a contested election the mechanics walked in procession to the place of voting, and by their unanimous ballot turned the election in his favor. No man could engage with more ardor in public undertakings than he did. His name was generally to be found on the lists of those who were charged with the executions of such projects. In the attempts to introduce the making of silk and THOMAS REESE, D.D. 267 wine in Carolina he was very active. He was for many years vice-president of the Library Society, the Governor being president; and he felt so interested in the success of that institution, that he leased to them, free of expense for twenty- one years, the upper rooms of two adjoining tenements belonging to him, which were thrown into one, and formed a spacious apartment for their books and another for the librarian. In the discharge of his religious duties, Mr. Manigault was most exemplary. Being descended from French parents, he was by birth a member of the French Calvinistic church in Charlestown, of which he was always a most zealous sup- porter. He was nevertheless a steady communicant, and a regular attendant, both forenoon and afternoon, on divine service in St. Phillip's church. . At the breaking out of the American war he was above the age of man j of course no personal assistance could be expected from him by his fellow citizens ; but his pecuniary aid was not wanting, and he showed his attachment to and confidence in the new government by loaning to the State of South Carolina $220,000. When General Prevost made an incursion into South Carolina, and appeared before the lines of Charlestown in May, 1779, Mr. Manigault was past seventy-five; notwithstanding which, he determined that the place of his nativity should not fall without some exertion, however feeble, on his part. He equipped himself as a soldier, caused his grandson, Joseph Manigault, then only fifteen, to do the same; and taking him by the hand to the lines in the face of the enemy, from whom an attack was every moment expected, offered their services in defense of the city. In two years after this demonstration of attachment to the land of his nativity and the asylum of his persecuted parents, he departed this life. In the course of more than fifty years devoted to commercial pursuits, he honestly acquired a fortune very little, if anything, short of half a million of dollars, though he had given away considerable sums in charity and liberality. His house and table were always open to his friends, and the civilities of hospitality were by him liberally and extensively bestowed on strangers. PETER MANIGAULT, The only child of Gabriel Manigault, was born in Charlestown in 1731. At sixteen he was placed with Mr. Corbett, and. in two years after accompanied him to Eng- land, where he lived with him some lime, and afterwards took chambers in the Inner Temple, of which he was a member. He was admitted a barrister in Eng- land, after having pursued his studies with unusual application. He returned to CaroHnain 1754, and commenced the practice of law; but after a few years declined it. Though he had retired from the bar, his professional advice was always at the service of the necessitous. Many were the instances of his assisting those who could not pay for it elsewhere. He became early in life a member of the Commons House of Assembly, and by his eloquence and attention to business, acquired in a short time a large share of influence. In opposing the Stamp Act, and the other assumptions of power by the British Parliament over the colonies, he took a decided part. His zeal and patriotism were so well received by his countrymen, that in 1766 he was advanced to the office of Speaker of the House, and as such signed every law that was passed subsequent to his election as Speaker, and pre- vious to the revolution which took place nine years after. In this eventful period, when the seeds of the revolution were sown, he so ably advocated the claims of his country that no doubt can exist that he would have been a distinguished revo- lutionary patriot, if his life had been spared. He died in 1773, the very year when the Bostonians destroyed the dutied tea, which deed gave occasion to those acts of the British Parliament which caused the American Revolution. By his early death at the age of forty-two, he was exempted from all the buffetings of the revo- lutionary storm, to the raising of which he had largely contributed. He was an elegant classical scholar, an eloquent public speaker, and possessed an inexhaust- ible fund of wit. Many of his repartees and other effusions of a brilUant imagina- tion, are still remembered and often quoted by the few companions of his social hours who still survive. THOMAS REESE, D. D., Was born in Pennsylvania, in 1742. When young he came with his parents to North Carolina, and commenced his classical studies in Mecklenburg county with the Rev. Dr. Joseph Alexander and Mr. Benedict, who were at the head of a grammar school in that county, which was then the only one within the distance of 100 miles. He finished his education at Princeton college, and graduated there in 1768. After a proper course of theological studies, he commenced preacher. 268 BIOGEAPHICAI. SKETCHES. and settled in the church of Salem, on Black river in South Carolina. During a twenty years residence there, he pursued his studies with an ardor and diligence that has never been exceeded in Carolina. He amassed a large fund of useful knowledge in divinity, moral philosophy, and other branches of science auxiliary to the formation of a complete theologian. He there began and completed his admired essay on the influence of religion in civil society. He pursued his argu. ment through a variety of relations, and demonstrated from reason and history that all human institutions are in their own nature, and have ever been found in practice insufficient for preserving peace and order among mankind, without the sanctions of religion. The execution of the work would have been reputable to the pen of Warburton; but coming from the woods of CaroUna, and an unknown writer, it fell still-born from the press in Charlestown. Its fate would probably have been different if it had come from the east side of the Atlantic, and made its appearance with the name of some European divine. It is preserved in Carey's American Museum, and will be an honorable testimony to posterity of the litera- ture of Carolina in 1788. It procured for the author the well merited degree of D. D. from Princeton college; which, as far as can be 'ecollected, is the first instance in which that degree had ever been conferred on a Carolinian. Dr. Reese coo tinued to write ; but not able to bear the expense of publishing for public benefit printed nothing further. Two of his sermons were nevertheless published, but neither by him nor for him, in the collection called American preacher. Cir- cular letters about the year 1790 were written by the editor, Mr. Austin, to the clergy of all denominations in the United States, requesting them to furnish at least two sermons annually, that a selection might be made from time to time, and published as a specimen of pulpit eloquence in the United States. To the four volumes of this miscellany printed in New Jersey, Dr. Reese appears as the only contributor to the southward of Virginia. Dr. Reese pursued his studies with an intenseness that injured his health. For his recovery he was induced to accept an invitation to the pastoral care of a con- gregation in Pendleton district. There he expired in 1796, leaving behind him the character of a distinguished scholar, and an eminently pious man. COL. WILLIAM RHETT, Was born in London, in the year 1666, and came to Carolina in 1694, with his wife and one child. They had six children born in Charlestown, and one of them when Mrs. Rhett was in her fiftieth year. About ten years after Colonel Rhett's arrival a pressing call was made on him for the defense of his adopted country. He was then Colonel of the militia ; but it was determined, as has been already related, that he should attack the invading French and Spanish forces be- fore they came up to town. Governor Johnson appointed him Vice-Admiral of a fleet consisting of six small merchant ships then inlheharbor, on which some great guns were hastily mounted. With this force he proceeded towards the bar to en- gage the invaders which lay at anchor within it. On his approach they put out to sea. In a few days information ■was received that a ship of force was seen in Sewee bay, and that a number of men had landed from her. Aparty of the militia was ordered to attack those who bad landed, and Admiral Rhett to go around by water and attack the ship from which they had landed. Both succeeded. The ship, without firing a gun, struck, and was brought into Charlestown with about ninety prisoners. This was to Rhett a bloodless victory ; but in the year 1718 he was called to execute a much more difficult enterprise. The pirates were then so bold and troublesome that the port of Charlestown was in a great measure blocka- ded. They took possession of the mouth of Cape Fear river, made a refuge of it, and from it came in succession, to take vessels on their approach to the bar of Charlestown. Governor Johnson fitted out a ship of force, gave the command of it to Col. Rhett, and sent him to sea for the protection of trade. On his approaoh- ingthe bar, Steed Bonnett, who commanded a piratical sloop in the vicinity, fled to Cape Fear river. Thither Rhett followed, and after a severe engagement, in which he was wounded, took the sloop, its commander, and crew, and brought them to Charlestown. Such signal services increased the popularity of Rhett. He was a man of cool determined courage, and well qualified to command either by land or water. He was Collector of the port, and also Receiver General When the revolution from proprietary to regal government took place in 1719, Rhett had the address to keep so far in with both parties as to retain all his places. The revolutioners added two new offices to those he formerly held. They ap- pointed him Lieutenant-General of the militia, and Inspector General of the works for repairing the fortifications. He was afterwards appointed Governor of the Bahamas, but before he entered on the duties of that office he died, in 1722, of an JOHN RUTLEDGE. 269 apoplexy. Men of his decided courage and conduct, were eminently useful in the first period of colonization. His son married Chief Justice Trott's daughter. Though the fathers of this pair were the most distinguished Carolinians of their day, the names of both are extinct, except that the name of Rhett is still retained as an appendage to another. There are many descendants of Rhett in North and South Carohna and England; but all, as far as is known, in the female line. To him the Carolinians are much indebted. The services he rendered them were great on many occasions ; but particularly in repelling the invasion of 1704, and breaking up the pirates in 1718. The plate now used for the communion service in St. Philip's, was a present from Col. Rhett. ^OHN RUTLEDGE, Was born in the year 1739, and was the son of Dr. John Rutledge who, with his brother Andrew, both natives of Ireland, arrived in Carolina about the year 1735, and there practiced, the one law, and the other physic. l)r. Rutledge married Miss Hext, who, in the 15th year of her age gave birth to the subject of this me- moir. At a very early period she was left a widow, and added one to the many examples of illustrious matrons who, devoting their whole attention to their orphan oiTspring, have brought forward distinguished ornaments of human na- ture. The early education of John Rutledge was conducted by David Rhind, an ex- cellent classical scholar, and one of the most successful of the early instructors of youth in Carolina. After he had made considerable progress in the Latin and Greek classics, he entered on the study of law with James Parsons, and was af- terwards entered a student in the temple, and proceeding barrister, came out to Charlestown and commenced the practice of lawin 1761. One of the first causes in which he engaged, was an action for breach of a promise of marriage. The subject was interesting, and gave an excellent opportunity for displaying his talents. It was improved, and his eloquence astonished all who heard him. Instead of rising by degrees to the head of his profession, he burst forth at once the able lawyer and accomplished orator. Business flowed in upon him. He was employed in the most difiicult causes, and retained with the largest fees that were usually given. The client in whose service he engaged, was supposed to be in a fair way of gaining his cause. He was but a short time in practice, when that cloud began to lower which, in the course of ten or twelve years, burst forth in a revolutionary storm. In the year 1764 Governor Boone refused to administer to Christopher Gadsden the oaths which the law required every person returned as a member in the Commons House of Assembly to take, before he entered on his legislative functions. This kindled the indignation of the House as being an interference with their constitutional privileges as the sole judges of the qualifi- cations of their own members. In rousing the Assembly and the people to resist all interferences of the royal Governors, in deciding who should, or who should not be members of the Commons House of Assembly, John Rutledge kindled a spark which has never since been extinguished. The controversy was scarcely ended when the memorable stamp act was passed. The British colonies were then detached from each other and had never acted in concert. A proposition was made by the Assembly of Massachusetts to the different provincial assemblies for appointing committees from each to meet in Congress as a rallying point of union. To this novel project many objections were made; some doubted its legality, others its expedience, and most its efficiency. To remove objections— to concihate opposition, and to gain the hearty concurrence of the Assembly and the people, was no easy matter. In accomplishing these objects, the abilities of John Rutledge were successfully exerted. Objections vanished— prejudices gave way before his eloquence. The public mind was illu- minated, and a more correct mode of thinking took place. A vote for appointing deputies to a continental Congress was carried in South Carolina at an early day, and before it had been agreed to by the neighboring States. Christopher Gadsden, Thomas Lynch, and John Rutledge, were appointed. The last was the youngest, and had very lately began to tread the threshhold of manhood. When this first Congress met in New York in 1765, the members of the distant provinces were surprised at the eloquence of the young member from Carolina. In the means of education that province was far behind those to the northward. Of it little more was known or believed than that it produced rice and indigo, and contained a large proportion of slaves, and a handful of free men, and that most of the latter were strangers to vigorous health— all self-indulgent, and none accustomed to ac- tive exertions either of mind or body. From such a province nothing great was expected. A respectable committee of its Assembly and the distinguished abili- 270 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. ties of one of them who was among the youngest members of the Congress, pro- duced at this first general meeting of the colonies more favorable ideas of South Carolina than had hitherto prevailed. After the repeal of the stamp act, John Rutledge was for some years no further engaged in politics than as a lawyer and a member of the Provincial Legislature. In both capacities he was admired as a public speaker. His ideas was clear and strong — his utterance rapid but distinct — his voice, action, and energetic manner of speaking, forcibly impressed his sentiments on the minds and hearts of all who heard him. At reply, he was quick — instantly comprehended the force of an ob- jection — and saw at once the best mode of weakening or repelling it. He suc- cessfully used both argument and wit for invalidating the observations of his ad- versary ; by the former he destroyed or weakenjgd their force ; by the latter he placed them in so ludicrous a point of light that it oiten convinced, and scarcely ever failed of conciliating and pleasing his hearers. Many were the triumphs of his eloquence at the bar and in the Legislature ; and in the former case probably more than strict impartial justice would sanction; forjudges and juries, counsel and audience, hung on his accents. In or after the year 1774 a new and more extensive field was opened before him. When news of the Boston port-bill reached Chariestown, a general meeting of the inhabitants was called by expresses sent over the State. After the pro- ceedings of the British Parliament wert stated to this convention of the province, sundry propositions were oii'ered for consideration. To the appointment of dele- gates for a general Congress, no objection was made. But this was followe'd by propositions for instructing them how far they might go in pledging the province to support the Bostonians. Such a discordance of opinion was discovered as filled the minds of the friends of liberty with apprehensions that the meeting would prove abortive. In this crisis John Rutledge, in a most eloquent speech, advocated a motion which he brought ibrward to give no instructions whatever ; but to invest the men of their choice with full authority to concur in any measure they thought best ; and to pledge the people of South Carolina to abide by what- ever they would agree to. He demonstrated that anything less than plenary dis- cretion to this extent would be unequal to the crisis. To those who, after stating the dangers of such extensive powers, begged to be informed what must be done incase the delegates made a bad use of their unlimited authority to pledge the State to any extent, a laconic answer was returned : " Hang them," An impression vras made on the multitude. Their minds were subdued by the decision of the proposed measure, and the energy with which it was supported. On that day and by this vote the revolution was virtually accomplished. By it the people of Carolina determined to be free, deliberately invested five men of their choice as their rep- resentatives with full powers to act for them and to take charge of their political interests. Royal government received a mortal wound and the representative system was planted in its stead. The former lingered for a few months and then expired. The latter instantly took root, and has ever since continued to grow and flourish. An election immedially followed. The mover of this spirited resolution his brother, Edward Rutledge, Christopher Gadsden, Thomas Lynch, and Henry Middleton, were elected. Furnished with such ample powers they took their seats in Congress under great advantages, and by their conduct justified the confi- dence reposed in them. John Rutledge was continued by successive elections a member of Congress till the year 1776. He returned to Chariestown in the be- ginning of that year, and was elected President and Commander-in-Chief of Caro- lina, in conformity to a constitution established by the people on the 20th of March, 1776. His duties henceforward were executive. He employed himself diligently in arranging the new government, and particularly in preparing for the defense of the State against an expected invasion of the British. Their attack on Sullivan's Island has already been related. On this occasion John Rutledge rendered his country important service. General Lee, who commanded the con- tinental troops, pronounced Sullivan's Island to be a "slaughter pen" and either gave orders or was disposed to give orders for its evacuation. The zeal of the State, and the energy of its chief magistrate, prevented this measure. Carolina had raised troops before Congress had declared independence. These remained subject to the authority of the State, and were at this early period not imme- diately under the command of the officers of Congress. To prevent the evacua- tion of the fort on Sullivan's Island, John Rutledge, shortly before the commence- ment of the action on the 2Sth of June, 1776, wrote the following laconic note to General Moultrie, who commanded on the island : " General Lee wishes you to evacuate the fort. You will not without an order from me. 1 would sooner cut oft" my hand than write one. J. Rdti,ei>ge." The successful issue of the defense has been already related. The conse- JOHN RUTLEDGE. 271 quenoes which would probably have followed from theievacuation of the fort, may in some measures be conjectured from theevents of 1780, wheo the British,grown wiser, passed the same fort "without erigag:ing. John Rutledge continued in the olRce of President till March, 1778, when he re- signed. The occasion and reasons of his resignation are matters of general his- tory. This did not diminish his popularity. Of this the Legislature gave the strongest proof; for the next election he was reinstated in the executive authority of the State, but under a new constitution and with the name of Governor substi- tuted in the place of President. He had scarcely entered on the duties of this of- fice, when the country was invaded by the British General Prevost. The exer- tions made by Governor Rutledge to repel this invasion — to defend Gharlestown in the years 1779, 1780 — to procure the aid of Congress and of the adjacent States, to drive the tide of British conquest, to recover the State, and to revive its suspen- ded legislative and judicial powers, have all beenparticularly related in their proper places. On the termination of his executive duties in 1782, he was elected and served as a member of Congress till 1783. In this period he was called upon to perform an extraordinary duty. The surrender of Lord Cornwallis in October, 17S1, seemed to paralyze the exertions of the States. Thinking the war and all danger to be over, they no longer acted with suitable vigor. Congress fearing that this languor would encourage Great Britain to recommence the war, sent deputations of their members to rouse the States to a sense of their danger and duty. On the 22d of May, 1782, John Rutledge and George Clymer were sent in this character and instructed "to make such representation to the several Stales southward of Philadelphia as were best adapted to their respective circumstances and the present situations of public affairs, and as might induce them to carry the requisitions of Congress into effect with the greatest dispatch." They were per- mitted to make a personal address to the Virginia Assembly. In the execution of this duty John Rutledge drew such a picture of the United States, and of the dan- ger to which they were exposed by the backwardness of the particular States to comply with the requisitions of Congress, as produced a very happy effect. The addresser acquitted himself with so much ability that the Virginians, who, not without reason^ are proud of their statesmen and orators, began to doubt whether their Patrick Henry or the Carolina Rutledge was the most accomplished public speaker. Soon after the termination of Mr. Rutledge's congressional duties he was ap- pointed Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States to Holland, but declined to serve. In the year 1784 he was elected a Judge of the court of chancery in South Carolina. Theevents of the late war had greatly increased the necessity for such a court. John Rutledge draughted the bill for organizing it on a new plan, and in it introduced several of the provisions which have been already mentioned as improvements on the English court of the same name. Mr. Rutledge's public du- ties hitherto had been either legislative or executive. They were henceforward ju- dicial. If comparisons were proper it might be added that he was most at home in the tatter. His knowledge of the law was profound ; but the talent which pre- eminently fitted him for dispensing justice was a comprehensive mind, which could at once take into view all the bearings and relations of a complicated case. When the facts were all fairly before him, he promptly knew what justice re- quired. The pleadings of lawyers gratified their clients, but rarely cast any light on the subject whichhad not already presented itself to his own view. Their decla- mations and addresses to the passions were lost on him. Truth and justice were the pole-stars by which his decisions were regulated. He speedily resolved the most intricate cases — pursued general principles through their various modifica- tions till they led to the fountain of justice. His decrees were so luminous, and the grounds of them so clearly expressed, that the defeated party was generally satisfied. In the year 17S7 he was called upon to assist in framing a national constitution in Keu of the advisory system of the confederation. In arranging the provisions of that bond of union, and in persuading his countrymen to accept it, he was emi- nently useful. As soon as it was in operation, he was designated by President "Washington as first Associate Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States. In this office he served till 1791, when he was elected Chief Justice of South Carolina. He was afterwards appointed Chief Justice of the United States. Thus, for more than thirty years, with few and short intervals, he served his country in one or other of the departments ofgovernment ; and in all with fidelity and ability. In the friendly competitions of the States for the comparative merits of their respective statesmen and orators, while Massachusetts boasts of her John Adams, Connecticut of her Ellsworth, New York of her Jay, Pennsylvania of her 35 272 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. Wilson, Delaware of her Bayard, Virginia of her Henry, South Carolina rests her claims on the talents and eloquence of John Butledge. This illustrious man closed his variegated career in the year 1800. EDWARD RUTLEDGE, The son of Dr. John Riitledge, was born about the year 1750. He received his classical education in Charlestown under David Smith, A. M., of New Jersey college, who was an able instructor in the learned languages. On finishing his classical education he studied law with his elder brother John Rutledge. In a due course of time he was entered a student in the temple, and proceeding bar- rister returned to Charlestown and commenced the practice of law in 1773. The high character of John Rutledge raised the expectations of the public that his brother would support the reputation of the name and family; nor were they dis- appointed. His eloquence was great, but not precisely in the same line with his brother's. Demosthenes seemed to be the model of the one, Cicero of the other. The eloquence of the elder hke a torrent bore down all opposition, and controlled the passions of the hearers — that of the younger was soothing, persuasive, and made willing proselytes. In the practice of law, Edward Rutledge was directed by the most upright and generous principles. To advance his personal interest was a secondary object ; to do good, promote peace, to heal breaches, to advance justice, was a primary one. His powers of persuasion were not to be purchased to shield oppression or to support iniquity. Where he thought his client had jus- tice on his side, he would go all lengths in vindicating his claims ; but would not support any man, however liberal, in prosecuting unfounded claims, or resisting those that were substantially just. He abhorred the principle that an advocate should take all advantages for his client, and gain whatever he could for him, whether right or wrong; or, on the other hand, to assist him with all the quirks and quibbles which ingenuity can contrive, or the forms of law permit tor defeat- ing or delaying the claims of substantial justice. Such honorable principles, connected with such splendid talents, procured for him the love and esteem of all good men. In the second year after Edward Rut- ledge commenced practice, he was called to represent his country in the Congress which met at Philadelphia in September, 1774. He and John Jay, of New York, were nearly of an age, and the two youngest members of that honorable body. In this station Mr. Edward Rutledge continued for nearly three years. Through- out that period he was one of the most influential members. He had much of the esteem and confidence of Washington, and was often requested by him to bring forward particular measures, for the adoption of which the General was anxious. Edward Rutledge has the honor of being one of the four members who signed the Declaraiion of Independence in behalf of South Carolina. Hisprotracted ab- sence from home, and continued attention to public business was no small sacri- fice. His talents and popularity would have commanded the first practice at the bar; but he loved his country too well to be influenced by pecuniary considera- tions to neglect its interests. In the year 1779 he was again appointed member of Congress; but on his way thither was seized with an obstinate tedious fever, which prevented his proceeding to the seat of their deliberation. In addition to his civil employments Edward Rntledge held a commission in the militia, and regularly rose through all grades of rank in the Charlestown battalion of artillery to the rank of its Lieutenant-Colonel. In the year 1779, when the British were defeated and driven from Port Royal island, he as Captain commanded a company of artillerists which earned its full share of the glory of that victory. In the year 1780 he became a prisoner of war, and as such was sent to St. Au- gustine, where he was- confined for eleven months and on his exchange, delivered above eight hundred miles from his home and friends. He embraced the first op- portunity of returning to Carolina, but could not approach Charlestown, for it was a British garrison. He was elected and served in the Jacksonborough Assembly in 17S2, and afterwards in the Privy Council of the State; and in both rendered essential service to his country, but was obliged to lead a desultory life till the evacuation of Charlestown in December, 1782. When that event took place he returned to his proper home after an exile of nearly three years. He had set out with the most brilliant professional prospects ; but the revolution deprived him .for eight of the best years of his life from reaping the reward justly due to the studies of his youth. For the seventeen succeeding years he followed his pro- fession, and at the same time served in the Legislature. Though a private mem- ber, he by his persuasive eloquence, directed most of the important measures adopted in that period for the improvement of the country. Many were the REV. JOSIAH SMITH, A. M. 273 points which his eloquence either carried through or defeated in the Legislature. For the good obtained and the evil prevented, his memory will be long respected by his countrymen. His persuasive eloquence will in like manner be held up as a model for young public speakers to form themselves upon. Though Mr. Ed- ward Rutledge fromtheyear 1783, had withdrawn from the public life on a national scale, he was never absent from the public service. He was too much absorbed in his country's welfare to look with indifference on the course of her public affairs. He kept up a constant correspondence with his friends and particularly his nephew John Rutledge, in Congress. His opinions were much respected and had great influence with a new set of members who took up the same national concerns in their progress which he had directed in their origin. He wanted no offices from the government, but ardently wished to see its national interests ju- diciously managed for public good. In moderating those collisions which in Carolina too often produce duels, Mr. Edward RutFedge had great address. His opinions as a man of honor were appreciated by all parties, and being impartial, seldom failed of bringing around those explanations which, without degrading, ' were satisfactory. As a lawyer and a gentleman he was justly entitled to the honorable appellation of a peace-maker. He was eminently the friend of the dis- tressed, and thought nothing too much for their accommodation and relief. The talents of few were estimated equally high. The virtues of none attracted a greater proportion of public love and esteem. In the last year of his life he was elected Governorof the State, and died in January, 1800, when in the discharge of the duties of that exalted station. REV. JOSIAH SMITH, A. IVl., Was born in Charlestown in 1704. He was the grandson of Thomas Smith, who has already beenmentioned as Landgrave and Governor of the province, and the son of George Smith, who died at the age of 79, and the father of Josiah Smith, the present cashier of the branch of the national bank in Charlestown, who, in the 7&th year of his age, ably performs the laborious duties of that office, requiring a clear head and an accurate knowledge of business and accounts. Of these three successive generations, all born in Charlestown, the subject of this memoir was the youngest, though he attained to the age of 77. The deceased Josiah Smith was the iirst native of Carolina who obtained a de- gree from a college ; and he with three others, Lieutenant-Governor William Bull, Dr. John Moultrie, and Rev. John Osgood, of Dorchester, were all the na- tives who obtained that honor for the iirst ninety years which followed the set- tlement of South Carolina. Shortly after the year 1725 when Mr. Smith gradua- ted-in Cambridge college near Boston, he commenced preacher. He and the Rev. John Osgood were the only natives of the province, as far as can be recol- lected, who were ordained ministers prior to the American revolution. Mr. Smith was a public preacher for fifty years, and an author for forty-five. He was the only native Carolinian who was a theological author prior to the American war.* Mr. Smith was a respectable preacher, a learned divine, and a writer of considerable reputation. His ministerial functions were at different periods per- formed in Bermuda at Cainhoy, and in Charlestown. About the year 1729 he main- tained a learned disputation with the Rev. Mr. Fisher, on the right of private judg- ment. When the Rev. George Whitfield was forbidden to preach in the Episcopal churches Mr. Smith opened to him his church, then called the white meeting or Independent Congregational Church, and declared to the world his decided ap- probation of the character and doctrines of Mr. Whitfield in a sermon which he afterwards printed from the words " I also will show my opinion." He published an octavo volume of sermons in 1752, and several single ones on particular occasions; all of which were well received and are still highly es- teemed. In the year 1749 he received a stroke of the palsy, from which he never recov- ered so far as to be able to articulate distinctly. He nevertheless continued to compose and print sermons. His delight was so much in preaching, that he begged as a favor that he might be permitted to deliver a sermon once in every month in his late church. This was conceded, and his friends gave him a patient hearing, though the palsy had so far affected his tongue that they understood but little of what he said. He was seventy-two years old when independence was declared. His age and infirmities put it out of his power to render his country any active service ; but his heart and his prayers were with the friends in Amer- ica in every period of the revolution. When Charlestown surrendered he became * Tho Key. Mr. Qnincy, a native of Boston, and an assistant minister of St. Philips, Charlestown, published a volume of sermons about the year 1750. 274 BIOGRAPH-ICAL SKETCHES. a prisoner of war, and was paroled as such. He discovered no disposition to become a British subject, but honorably observed his parole. In the year 1781, in the 77th year of iiis age, he, with the family of his son Josiah Smith, then a pris- oner in St. Augustine, were all ordered away from Charlestown and landed in Philadelphia. Shortly after, he died there. In the worst of times Mr. Smith re- peatedly expressed a cheerful hope that he would .live to see the troubles of Amer- ica ended. This was so far realized that he survived for a short time the surren- der of Lord Cornwallis- His venerable age, distinguished eminence in the church as a man of learning and piety, his steady patriotism and personal sufferings in the cause of liberty, ex- cited a general sympathy in his behalf. Though he died a stranger in a strange land, he was particularly honored. The Presbyterians of Philadelphia directed that his body should be buried within the walls of their Arch Street church, and between the remains of his two friends the Rev. Gilbert Tennent, and Dr. Samuel Finley, late President of Princeton college. THE REV. WM. TENNENT, A. M., Was born in New Jersey, in the year 1740, and educated at the college of Prince- ton, white the Rev. Aaron Burr was its President. His ancestors were distin- guished for the'ir learning and piety, and ranked high among the earliest promoters of religion in the middle Slates. After he had preached some time in Connecti- cut he was invited to the pastoral charge of the Independent Church in Charles- town, and arrived there in 1772. As a man of learning, eloquence, and piety, he was in high estimation. While gliding on through lil'e, devoted to study and the discharge of his clerical duties, the American revolution commenced. He was possessed of too much vigor of mind to be indifferent to this great event. It. so thoroughly absorbed all his capacities as to give a new direction to bis pursuits. He speedily comprehended in prospect the important changes it was likely to pro- duce, and engaged in the support of it with all his energies. Ardent zeal and distinguished talents made him so popular, that, contrary to the habits and cus- toms of the people, they with general consent elected him a member of the Pro- vincial Congress. In the revolutionary crisis, when the dearest interests of the country were at stake, many things were done which ought not to be drawn into precedent in seasons of ordinary tranquility. Such was the urgency of public af- fairs that committees and congresses of the people, then their only legislators, were on pressing emergencies in the habit of meeting on Sundays for the dispatch of public business. In the different hours of the same day Mr. Tennent was occasionally heard both in his church and the State-house, addressing different audiences with equal animation on their spiritual and temporal interests^ * He rarely introduced politics in the pulpit ; but from the strain of his preaching and praying it was evident that his whole soul was in the revolution ; and that he con- sidered success in it as intimately connected with the cause of religion, liberty, and human happiness. He wrote sundry anonymous pieces in the newspapers, stirring up the people to a proper sense of their duty and interest, while their lib- erties were endangered ; but printed nothing with his name, except two sermons and a speech delivered in the Legislature of South Carolina ou the justice and policy of putting all religious denominations on an equal footing. In the year 1775 the adherents to royal government in the back country armed themselves and went so far in their opposition to the friends of the revolution, that serious consequences were apprehended. In this crisis the council of safety sent William Tennent in conjunction with William Henry Drayton to explain to these misled people the nature of the dispute, and to bring them over to a co- operation with the other inhabitants. They had public meetings with them in dif- ferent places. At these the commissioners of the council of safety made several animated addresses to the disaffected. In this public manner, and in private in- terviews with their leaders, Mr. Tennent's influence and eloquence, in conjunc- tion with his able coadjutor, were exerted to good purpose in preserving peace and making friends to the new order of things. Born and educated in a province where there never had been any church estab- lishment, and strongly impressed with the rights of all men to free and equal re- ligious liberty, he could not consent to receive toleration as a legal boon from those whose natural rights were not superior to his own. He drew up an ar^-u- mentative petition in favor of equal religious liberty— united the diflerent denom- inations of dissenters in its support— and procured to it the signature of many thousands When this petition was made the subject of legislative considera- tion he delivered an eloquent and well-reasoned speech in its support This was well received and carried conviction to the breasts of many that establishments of NICHOLAS TROTT, L. L. D. 275 particular sects of religion were at all times partial, oppressive, and impolitic; but particularly so in a revolutionary struggle when the exertions of all were indis- pensable to the support of civil liberty. To many well-informed liberal persons his arguments were unnecessary ; but to others whose minds were less expanded they were very useful, and contributed to carry through with general consent a reform of the ancient system. His valuable life was terminated in the 37th year of his age at the high hills of Santee, while discharging a filial duty in bringing his agedand lately widowed mother from New Jersey to Carolina. NICHOLAS TROTT, L. L. D., Came to Carolina very near the end of the seventeenth century. He was an Englishman by birth, and had been Governor of the Bahama Islands. Nothing is known of ■ his prior history. From the early and decided lead he took in all business, it may be fairly presumed that his abilities and information were great. He is first noticed as Speaker of the House in or about the year 1700. He then took an active part against the proprietors in a dispute whether the Governor and Council, or the House of Assembly, had the right of appointing public oificers. This was brought to issue in consequence of an appointment of a Receiver-Gen- eral made by the Governor and Council. The Assembly, claiming the right of appointing that officer, refused to acknowledge the one appointed by the upper house, and resolved "that the person appointed by them was no receiver, and that whosoever paid money to him should be deemed an enemy to the country." Trott supported the claims of the Assembly. Three years after, or in 1703, his name appears in the list of counsellors. It is probable that the proprietors so far respected his talents as to be desirous of attaching him to their interest. He was henceforward a great favorite with them. They conferred many offices upon hira, and as long as their government lasted, he was by far the most influential man in the province. In this flattering state of public affairs, he viewed the proceedings of the proprietors in a new and more favorable light. He apprehended less danger from their power, and was less anxious to curtail it, than in the first years of his career, when he inade use of the shoulders of the people as a ladder to popularity. In the progress of the province several new disputes arose which have been noticed in the generalhistory. In all these Trott took part with the proprietors, not ony against the claims of the Asseinbly, but against the principles which he himself had 'urged in the year 1700, when he was Speaker of the Ho\ise. In knowledge of the law he was profound. Two of his charges to the jury on the trial of the pirates in 1718, one in manuscript, the other printed in the state trials, have been preserved. In them his extensive erudition is so amply displayed in quotations from a variety of authors, and in the Latin, Greek and Hebrew lan- guages, that some modern judges and juries would be puzzled to understand them. Such are the changes that have taken place in less than a century, that what was then called learning would now be denomintaed pedantry. Another change is also remarkable: of the twenty-four criminals on his calendar for the sessions to be holden at Charlestown in October, 1715, two were charged with blasphemy. No such crime is now brought into court. Expressions or sentimentB similar to what were then the subjects of legal investigation, are now only pun- ished with general contempt and abhorrence. So great was Mr. Trott's ascendency about 1718, that it could not be shaken by the combined influence of the Governor, Council, Assembly, and people, though they had justice on their side. Nothing less than a revolution could have reduced him to the common level. The enormity of the one was a concurring cause of the other. Tne downfall of Mr. Trott's power, and of the proprietary system, have been already related. After that event his great abilities gave him weight, though unconnected with the rulins powers. For nearly forty years he was among the most influential men in Carolina. For the first half of that period he had ample support from the government. In the last he had none from that quarter; but his abilities carried him through without its aid. They were so great as would have raised him to distinction in all times and under every constitution. The name of the man who long bore so great sway is now only known in the records of history, the volume of laws which he compiled, and by a street in Charlestown called after him. His blood exists in the female line, and very extensively in the numerous descendants of Admiral Sir Thomas Frankland; but the name of Trott is extinct in Carolina, though it was the theatre in which the great power and influence of this illustrious man was most eminently displayed. Mr. Trott died about the year 1740. 276 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. •V^LLIAM WRAGG, "Was bora about the year 1714. He was the son of Samuel Wragg, and the great-grandson of Dugue, of Montpelier in France, whose daughter, Mary Du- bose, was his mother. His ancestors were among the first settlers of Carolina, and, in the maternal line, among the French Protestants who found an asylum in the new world from the persecutions inflicted by Louis the Fourteenth of France on his subjects for their religion. Mr. Wragrg, when very young, and with his father on board a vessel bound from Charlestown to England, was taken by Blackboard, the pirate, immediately aftei passing the bar, but was soon released. His education commenced at "Westminster school, and was completed at one of the English universities. He was called to the bar in England, and married there. Mr. Wragg's paternal ancestors were from England. Samuel "Wragg, his father, purchased in the year 1717 Ashley barony from Maurice Ashley. This has descended to his grand-daughter, the wife of William Loughton Smith. In the period of Mr. Wragg's life, which was previous to the American Revolu- tion, he had the applause of his countrymen as a man of integrity, of liberal edu- cation, and of distinguished talents. He was for a considerable time elected a member of the Commons House of Assembly. In that character he took a decided line of opposition to Governor Lytlleton respecting his agency with the Cherokees in the year 1759. The history of the war, which then took place between South Carolina and these unfortunate Indians, has been given in its proper place. The present generation, at the distance of nearly half a century, on an impartial retro- spect of the subject, must decide against the Governor, as having provoked hos- tilities when they might have been honorably avoided. In conducting the opposi- tion to the Governor. Mr. Wragg displayed the talents of an accomplished orator.*' His eloquence and pathetic addresses are distinctly remembered by some of his cotemporaries, who still survive. Mr. Wragg's abilities were not only admired in his native province, but com- manded the attention of the mother country. In the year 1753 he was advanced to the rank of one of his majesty's council; and about sixteen years after, without any solicitation on his part, the office of Chief-Justice of the province was oflered and even pressed upon him by the Secretary of State, by the express order of George the Third. Mr. Wragg's reasons for declining this honorable and lucrative office are a proof of his disinterestedness and delicacy. He had openly and for reasons publicly given, refused to sign the association entered into by the people of South Carolina, in 1769, to suspend the importation or purchase of British manufactures, till certain impositions of the British Parliament on the colonies were done away. After he had adopted this decisive line of conduct, the com- mission of Chief-Justice was sent out to him without his knowledge. He returned it, giving for reason that no man should say that "the hope of preferment had influenced his preceding conduct." The events of his life subsequent to the commencement of the American Revo- lution, furnish a melancholy proof how quick the transition may be from popularity to the reverse, and that without any moral guilt. When the Carolinians, breaking through all the ties which had bound them to Great Britain, resolved to emancipate themselves from colonial dependence, they would have rejoiced to have had William Wragg for their coadjutor. They respected and loved him for his many virtues, and depended on hira as a countryman. They knew his rank, his influ- ence, talents and eloquence. Their expectations of his co-operation were not realized. Being under the peculiar obligations of an oath of fidelity of the King, as one of his council, and believing, as he said, that the popular measures adopted were hostile to the interests of the country, he refused to sign the association and to take the oaths which were imposed by the favorers of the new order of things. Of his sincerity, the upright tenor of his life, and the ties of birth, family and for- tune, which all attached him to Carolina, preclude every ground of suspicion. f * Some idea may be formed of Mr. Wragg's mode of public speaking, and of its effect, by the following paragraph, extracted from a piece written by the late General Gadsden, one of Mr. Wragg's political adversaries in 1769. " Mr. Wragg hath here most cfertainly waded out of his depth, and. justifies a common observation, that a man had better speak a hundred ridiculous things than write one: to gild those of the first kind, an insinuating address, accompanied with an engaging, well-directed, glancing smile, and above ail. an easy flow of sweetly-sounding words, delivered in a Trim'\ik& stand, from a conspicuous well-choseu situation, have often done wonders: we have seen these so fascinate and confound the hearers and spectators, as to cause the greatest absurdities to pass over unnoticed." t In Mr. Wragg's publicatioBs in 1769, signed William Wrpgg, Planter, wherein he assigns his reasons for not concurring in the non-importation resolutions of the day, he evinced his sincere and decided opposition to everything which had the appearance of forcing men's wills into measures WILLIAM WRAGG. 277 When called upon, he gave reasons for his refusal. These, though they would have justided him in a court of law, were not satisfactory to the friends of the revolution. From the different views they respectively took of the same subject, one party was justified for refusing what the other was justified in demand- ing. Mr. Wragg claimed the rights and privileges of a British subject, and these were evidently in his favor.* The popular leaders having resolved to break their connection with Great Britain, proceeded on the idea that all prior rights, laws and constitutions, merely of British origin, must yield to the necessity of the case; that self-preservation was the first law of nature, and that he who was not for them niust be against them. Conceiving that the crisis was too urgent for the admission of any neutrality, they determined that all who would not co-operate with them in their revolutionary projects must quit the country. They had the power to enforce their determinations, and believed that their country's good required that they should be enforced. William Wragg was therefore obliged to leave his native land because he would not renounce the allegiance under which he was born, by which he had been protected, and under which he was happy. He took no guilt to himself, as being conscious that he had committed no offense against his God, his King, or his country: further than not seeing as the majority of hfs countrymen saw, and not believing as they believed, he conscientiously refused to take part with them in measures M^hich he disapproved. The Caro- linians, on the other hand, were so far from feeling remorse, that they considered themselves entitled to the praise of generosity for permitting those who choose to side with Great Britain to go thither, carrying all their property with them. Such is the consequence of revolutions, that one party often thmks it their duty to inflict what the other thinks it their duty to suffer; and both have the applause of their own consciences. In this case the issue was melancholy. William Wragg left his country and family with the sensibilities of a fond husband and affectionate father, and at the same time with the feelings of a persecuted man, and was shipwrecked in a vio- lent storm in September, 1777, on the coast of Holland, on his way to England. His infant son, though in the same ship, was saved.f A monument erected to his memory in Westminster Abbey exhibits the melancholy scene of his last moments. not sanctioned by law. ."God forbid," he exclaims, " that I, descended from ancestors who severely suffered by the persecutions of Louis the J?ourteenth for exercising a liberty of con- science, should ever adopt that rancour and spirit in the civil affairs of life, which they, upon religious considerations, esteeming to be tbe worst of tyranny, ilew from to this country. Where is the reason, the justice, the charity, in locking up my property with endeavors to force a com- pliance or starve me? had I no other resources than what a plantation afforded, I would endure everything rather than have the freedom of my will or understanding limited or directed by the humors or capricious proscriptions of men not having authority. I have ever been studious to preserve the peace of society; voluntarily I will never violate it; I never concerned myself with the resolutions further than to declare, agreeably to my present opinion, that they did not appear to me to be such as were calculated to produce, but would be destructive of the end proposed ; let me add that I have not forgotten, and therefore am not ashamed of acknowledging, that I dare not oppose acts of parliament made not for the purpose of raising a revenue, but to regulate the commerce of Great Britain and her dominions, and falling within those very rules laid down by lord Chatham and others, who allow only of the partial supremacy of parliament over the colonies." *It appears from the publications of those days that the associators never dreamed of inde- pendence. General Gadsden,;one of the most zealous of thepi, furnishes a strong proof of this : In 1769 he observes, in one of his publications in favor of the association, as follows : " To say that America is aiming at independence is so far from being true that the sons of British America would think that to be independent of Great Britain would be the greatest misfortune that could befall them, excepting that of losing th^ir rights and liberties." t Those who knew Mr. Wragg were surprised that he should perish, when most of the othe^ persons on board were saved. He was with the other passengers in the vessel's round-hous» after she had struck. Perceiving that the crew wanted assistance, he left this situation anf advanced to the middle of the deck, when a wave passing over the vessel, threw him down. H« held by a rope, but could never regain the use of his feet. He continued in this situation till he was so bruised and exhausted that he expired within a few yards of the round-house. The vessel afterwards went to pieces, and fortunately a part of the deck attached to the round-house floated ashore with it, which preserved most of the other passengers. Mr. David Ehind was lost at the same time. APPENDIX. No. 1 .—A Statistical Account of Edisto Island. From the ' Com- munications of the Rev. Donald McLeod and Dr. Aidd — the Medical part from the latter. SITUATION — EXTENT — SOIL. Edisto Island is situate about forty miles to the southwest of Charlestown. It is bounded by the Atlantic ocean on the southeast, by the Edisto rivers in their respective bearings on the north and south, and on the northwest by Dahaw river, which connects the waters of south Edisto or Pon Pon river with those of the north inlet. The alluvions of these rivers may have had the same agency in the formation of this island that those of the Nile and Mississippi have had in the formation of the Delta and New Orleans. Indented by a variety of creeks, it is extremely irregiilar in its dimensions. It is so- nearly intersected in two places that at the periods of high spring tides the waters of north and south Edisto rivers intermix and form it into three separate islands. It. is twelve miles long, and in the widest part, between four and five miles broad. It contains 28,811 acres, or 122 acres for every white person, and nearly eleven for every slave, and a fraction more than ten acres for every inhabitant. It is so generally level as to exhibit few inequalities of surface. The more elevated parts consist of a light, sandy soih The low grounds or bottoms are of a stiff, clayey quality. It contains a less pro- portion of barren land, and is more generally fertile than any of the adjacent islands. About three-fourths of it are cleared. Firewood and fencing-timber are on some plantations scarce, and with difliculty procured. TIME OF SETTLEMENT — PRODUCTIONS — RICE — INDIGO — COTTON. This Island was settled about the beginning of the last century, and principally by emigrants from Scotland and Wales. All the grants are dated either the last years ofthei7th-or first years of the 18th century. The first settlers directed their industry to the culture of rice. The quantity of rice-land is inconsiderable, and of inferior quality. In favorable years 300 barrels have been sent to market. These rice grounds have been latterly converted into corn, and in some instances into cotton lands, to the great emolument of the proprietors. The Edisto lands being ill adapted to the growth of rice, the islanders turned their attention at an early period to the culture of the indigo plant. In the prepar- ation of the dye extracted from this "weed, they made considerable proficiency. The Edisto indigo was in greater demand, and sold at a higher rate than any other manufactured in the State. In favorable years 330 casks of ] 60 lbs. have been sent to market. It is observable that the lands that were found best adapted to the production of indigo are the least adapted to the growth of cotton. This, if not invariably, holds generally true. The demand for the Carolina indigo having greatly decreased, the prices became so reduced as to render it no longer expedi- ent to plant it as an object of agricultural pursuit. In this dilemma the islanders in the year 1796 had recourse, with seeming reluctance and great doubts of the result, to the cotton plant. The success which has attended their efforts has been great. An activS field hand can cultivate from four acres to four and an half of cotton land, exclusive of one acre and an half of corn and ground provisions. In a favorable year a planter on an extended scale has made 270 weight to the acre. But in a period of eleven years, his crops have averaged only 137 pounds to the acre. There are lots of land, owing either to peculiar local advantages, favorable seasons, or superior management, which have produced the enormous amount of 435 pounds to the acre. But in no instance have any of the planters made more than $490 to the hand. The general result of crops is from $170 to $260 to the hand. The green seed cotton is a distinct variety of the same genus of plants. Its flower, leaf, and stalk are evidently different. The pod contains more sections or EDISTO ISLAND. 279 divisions and a greater number of seeds. The wool is shorter, and adheres more tenaciously to the seed. It is supposed that it possesses peculiar advantages that recommend it to the attention of the planter. It requires a shorter summer to bring it to maturity, is not so liable to be damaged by tlie inclemency of the sea- sons, and is more prolific. It is better adapted to weak and exhausted lands, and the wool improves from the combined influence of a milder climate and sea air. But the experiments that have hitherto been made on Edisto Island do not warrant the conclusion that it will ever be introduced into general cultivation to the exclu- sion of the black seed cotton plant. In favorable years, more than 750,000 pounds .of nett cotton wool are grown. This at its common price, two shillings sterling per pound, yields an annual income of $321,300 ; a sum which is equal to $11 for every acre on the island, and would afford $110 to every inhabitant, or $1,360 for every white person, or $8,683 for each married pair of its white population. PRICE OF LAND — OF LABORERS — OF PROVISIONS. The price of land varies from $30 to $60 the acre. The quantity of arable land bears rather a restricted proportion to the number of cultivators, and hence, scarcely any portion of it can be procured on lease. The few portions that are disposed of in this manner command a steady rent of $6.44 the acre. As every planter employs his own cultivators, it is not easy to ascertain the price of labor. Active young fellows have been hired out for from $110 to $128 for the year, and prime young wenches from $64 to $85. Carpenters can earn $1.50 the day, exclusive of their maintenance. The proximity of Charhsstown to this Island sensibly affects and regulates the price of provisions. It has often happened that many articles have been pur- chased at a cheaper rate in the city market than they could be bought for on the Island Corn for several years has never been less than a dollar the bushel. It has sold as high as six shillings, and even as high as two dollars the bushel. Steers of three years old as they run in the pasture, sell current at $18. Calves at $8; lambs at $3; turkeys at $2 the pair; ducks at $1 the pair, and common . fowls at half a dollar the pair. FISH. The creeks, rivers, and seas, which indent and surround the Island, furnish at different and appropriate seasons of the year, a great variety of excellent fish — as ■the larger drum, the small black drum, bass, rock-fish, sheep-head, cavallie, bon- netta, salmon-trQut, yellow-fin trout, whiting and mullet in great profusion, black- fish, yellow-tail, ale-wife, croaker, plaice, flounder, skate, pike, shad, and cat-fish, and many others suitable for the table. Porpoises and sharks frequent the creeks and surrounding waters. Some of the latter are seen and caught of an enormous size. They are considered as just objects of terror by the negroes. And yet, al- though the fishermen continue hours together waist deep in water, and have often the misfortune of hooking them, they escape with impunity. Of shell-fish, the turtle is sometimes to be met with, but not in any considerable number or variety. Ter- rapin, land, stone, and sea crabs, muscles, clams, conchs, Khrimps, are common and abundant ; and the oysters of the creeks that intersect the sea-bays, below described, are equal in flavor, perhaps, to any found on the American shores. POPULATION — WHITE INHABITANTS — SLAVES — THEIR NUMBER — VALUE — INCREASE, AND TREATMENT. A census of the Island, taken at this time, 1808, would rate the white population at 236 inhabitants. Of these 111 are males, and 135 females. Of the males 37 are married, 4 are widowers, 9 natives of Europe, and 2 of the middle States j of the females 37 are married, 12 are widows, and all are either natives of the Island or the adjacent parts of the State. The births are to the deaths annually as 13 to 11. Nevertheless, the white population decreases in consequence of the numbers who leave the island. In more temperate climates, it is observed that the males are to the females in their nativities as 13 to 12. The law which governs this ratio does not obtain here. Of the issue now living of 38 families, the females are to the males as 72 to 47, or 2 to 1 nearly. If the physical influence of climate can be supposed to have any agency in producing this disparity and preponderance in favor of the more amiable sex, it should increase with the decrease of the latitude, and come to a maximum in the tropical regions. If the narratives of the Abyssinian and other travelers can be relied on, something of the kind takes place. In these narratives it is asserted that in some parts of Asia and Africa, the females are to the males in a higher proportion than two to one. From the return made to the tax-collector of the district for the year 1807, it 280 APPENDIX. appears that the black population of the Island exceeds by a few infants and newly boug:ht Africans, 2,609 slaves. If sold in gangs or families, these slaves average one with another, $430. An active young fellow sold detached from his family, readily commands from $700 to $800 ; and young wenches in proportion. There is a disposition in the islanders to treat this patient and laborious race with indul- gence, and to meliorate their condition. They are never strictly restrained or stinted in their allowance. The instruction commonly given to those who distrib- ute out their weekly portions is, " let them never want, but do not suffer them to waste." Exclusive of hats, shoes, salt, tobacco, pipes, and other occasional considerations, every grown negro is annually furnished with two suits of clothes, or 12 yards, partly plains and partly osnaburgs, or some adequate substitute, for their summer and winter wear. The boatmen are generally provided with sur- touts of the fear-nought description, and greater attention than formerly begins of late to be paid to their accommodation and comfort, in a more enlarged and im- proved construction of their dwellings. Some of the planters have it in contem- plation to furnish them with regular rations of beef or some other animal food, particularly d-uring those stages of the year in which they are most exposed to greater and more constant exertions of labor. If this laudable design were car- ried into general execution, it would render them more able and willing to en- counter the fatigues of the field, at those periods when laboring under the relaxing and exhausting influence of an almost vertical sun. Exclusive of considerations of humanity, it would be a pledge and assurance that their daily tasks would be not only completed, but more eifectually done and in a style of better execution. A circumstance that would amply compensate even in point of interest, any ex- penses consequent on such an indulgence. Theirvacant hours they are at liberty to spend as their discretion or caprice may dictate ; and the fruits of their private industry they are permitted to dispose of without the least interference or control. In cases of difficulty or danger, recourse is always had to the aid of a physician. In ordinary cases the planters prescribe with competent skill and success ; for so extensively conversant are they with sickness, that they may all be considered as good practical quacks. That the negroes are in general treated with becoming indulgence and humanity, no better evidence can be adduced than their rapid in- crease by natural population. In a period of nineteen years, 47 slaves have increased to 90. That is, the original stock, after supplying the vacancies pro- duced by deaths, has acquired an accession to their number of 43, or nearly dou- bled themselves in the above specified period. It is believed that. similar and more favorable instances are not uncommon on the Island. They derive some advan- tages from their insular position, which they could not have obtained in the inte- rior parts of the State. Their proximity to and frequent intercourse by water with Charlestown, afford them an opportunity of carrying to market their poultry, corn, ground provisions, and whatever else they may have to dispose of And being settled either on or in the vicinity of creeks and rivers, they can supply themselves with fish and oysters in quantities proportionate to their exertions. These advantages operate as a stimulus to their industry, and tend to multiply their comforts. If the observation that the fishing villages of Britain and the eastern parts of New England abound in children be well founded, a fish diet may be supposed to influence the principle of fecundity, and may help to account for their rapid increase by natural population. The island negroes appear lo be more intelligent and speak better than their brethren of the main. Their frequent intercourse with the city and the easier access they have to the white population may have created this difference. They furnish many examples of ingenuity, private industry, fidelity and honesty. They are verv susceptible of religious impressions, and repair to the churches in their, best attire, and conduct them- selves in a grave and orderly manner. The more aged inhabitants observe that although they are treated with more lenity and indulgence, and in every respect fare better than they did forty years ago, yet they do not appear to be happier in proportion. If danding, frolic, and dissipation be a sure indication of happiness, the observation is well founded. At the period alluded to in their voyages to the city, they were wont to beguile the time and the toil of rowing with songs and ex- travagant vociferations, and were accustomed to devote their holidays to dancing, dissipation, and irregularities, often to the prejudice of their health and destruc- tion of their lives. These practices they have in a great measure abandoned, not from a sense of additional misery, but from an impression they have acquired that they are incompatible with a religious frame of mind. An impartial reviewer of these cultivators, and their condition on this island, would pronounce them in a state approaching nearer to competency and comfort than falls to the lot of the bulk of laborers in the greatest part of the world. EDISTO ISLAND. 281 CLIMATE DISEASES — CAUSES AND CURE SEA-SHORfe, ETC. The climate of Edisto may be considered as sickly. In the course of iifteen years, a number greater than three-fourths of the inhabitants have died. Some families in that period are extinct, and in all of them death has been once or twice, and in some three or four times an unwelcome visitor. Two funerals have oc- curred in a day, but the instances are rare. And two instances can be adduced of two funerals in a family in one day. From the commencement of the sickly season of 17!)8, to the corresponding period of the succeeding year, 37 persons died. A great mortality for the population, and greater in proportion than that pro- duced by the malignant fever which recently infested the cities of Philadelphia and New York. The deaths on Edisto Island, on an average of 16 years prior to the year 180S, were annually 11, or nearly one death for every 22 of the white in- ha'bitants. It is some relief to this representation to reflect that the experience of the last few years supports the opinion that a summer residence on the sea bays, connected with a moderate attention to regularity and exposure, secures the in- habitants from the autumnal fevers incident to the climate. These sea bays are accumulations of sand, shells, and other marine recrements thrown up by the ac- tion of the Atlantic waters. They extend in an irregular line from north to south Edisto rivers, and front the ocean. They are intersected at intervals by shallow creeks, and afford a scanty nourishment to the palmetto, pines, cedars, scrubby oaks, and some dwarfish and diminutive plants. They seem to constitute a bar- rier between the sea and the island. It has been observed that some time before and since the last hurricane, the tides have made considerable advances on these shores. Should they continue their approaches and process of attrition, these accumulations of sand will at no very distant period be effectually washed away.* Bihous fevers and dysenteries are the diseases which chiefly prevail in the summer and autumnal seasons. In the winter and spring, those of more local inflammation, such as pneumonic, hepatic and rheumatic alfections. The autum- nal diseases run more or less high in proportion as the rains set in more or less early. The symptoms which mark the bilious fevers of this island are headache, precordial oppression, sickness of stomach, and vomiting. The mildness or ob- stinacy of the winter diseases, may always be predicted by the force which char- acterized those of the preceding autumn. It has not unfrequently happened in the season next after severe autumnal fevers, that pleurisies have refused to yield toother than mercurial medicines. The mortality of this island has hitherto been great, but it is hoped that it will be less so in future. A residence on the sea bays has lately been found to lessen the frequency and violence of the most de- structive fevers. AVhen they attack they are oftener subdued by medicines early and judiciously applied. Their nature is now better understood. The success which of late years has attended the physicians in cases of early application, has in a great measure disarmed the bilious fevers of summer and autumn of a con- siderable portion of their terrors. In the year 1798 the deaths from fever amounted to twenty-four, very nearly an eighth of the whole number of inhabitants. Of those who died, seventeen were children under iive years of age, and seven were adults. The year 1803 was equally sickly, yet the deaths from fever amounted to no more than seven: of these, three were children. The remedies which have been found to be most successful in the cure of these formidable autumnal fevers are early, large and repeated bleedings, assisted by active mercurial purges, and emetic and nauseating medicines when the irritability of the stomach did not for- * That the Atlantic waters have encroa«hed upon the whole line of this coast, is a fact notonons and confessed. On the more prominent parts of it which are most exposed to their action as in the Ticinity of Cape Hatteras, they have made considerable invasions and threaten to extend and maintain their conquests. The more aged islanders refer to the site of a tree now covered at half flood nnder whose shade they have often reposed and refreshed themselves in their fishing excnr- Bions and macarooning parties of pleasure. In the course of these few last years, the summer houses have in some instances been removed from the approaches of the surf to places of greater security, and palmettoes and live oaks have heen washed down, which, if an opinion can be formed from their slow growth, size and other appearances, must have flourished and stood the war of elements for more than a century. The approaches of the tides are supposed to receive a satisfactory solution in the agency of the prevailing easterly ^'J^s, which, acting on the gulf stream at right angles to the direction of its course, protrude before them ''" ™'" ,™* ^°™- mulate them on thise shores. To counteract the attn ions which ''"Slowly tut effectually wear^ ing away the sea bays, there are accretions daily making to the north and ^rthwestern parts of thl island. These iccretions consist in the tirst instance °f/.°°*«^f ™J»' J"" m« from the back and other floating substances brought down by Pon Pon, and its tributary ^*"™;?°" '^.''X^. and upland country. These floating substances being repelled into st 11 ^'f • ^^"^^'^t^J'™, ary, aid settling according to the laws of gravity are permanently A^f • ,,^''/^?* '"""'J^'e^/^t^J vegetable, mould, and earthly particles which the river water holds '^JJ^^-^^ °l^'?^^i{^^%f^ asl cemeit to consolidate these heterogeneous «'*f" of various substances and uUim^^^^^ them into rice and corn lands consisting on the surface of a fine black sediment or mould ol mex haustible fertility. ^ 282 APPENDIX. bid. Blisters have been found to do liartn if applied before the third day, but after that period astonishing effects are produced by them, when they have been applied during the remission of fever, and at such time as that their stimulating elfects will be greatest about the commencement of the succeeding paroxysm. In this manner the febrile series is completely broken, and the patient recovers without the application of any other means. Doctor Rush's "blistering point," should never be out of sight when blisters are applied in autumnal fevers. Cool air and cold water are also very useful remedies. Exposure to the former, and the exhi- bition of the latter are strongly recommended when the feelings of the patient are not in opposition to them. The water is given as drink by way of clyster, and applied to the surface either by ablusion or affusion. Vegetable acids, and sugar have been generally found to be hurtful. In their decomposition in the stomach, they evolve much gaseous and acid matter, which not only debilitate this viscus, but by the painful distentions and eructations which they excite, exhaust the pa- tient without producing a corresponding effect upon his disease. The Peruvian bark is still considered by some as a remedy of powerful efficacy in the cure of autumnal fever. In mild forms of this disease it may generally succeed ; and in such forms some years back it most frequently appeared. But from some cause or other, the nature of these fevers has undergone a great change. Much to be pitied is the patient now whose bilious fever is attempted to be cured by Peruvian bark. This disease in its present form is no trifler. "When it makes its visit, it does it with a front and power so commanding as to disdain to be expelled by so feeble an opponent. Instead of expulsion by the bark, the fever derives additional strength from it, and a fatal termination has in this way been but too often the melancholy consequence. The effects of bark in remitting fevers even when it has been given in cases of convalescence, and when the pa- tient has been previously well depleted, are so very questionable that it may even in these cases be generally laid aside. When the fever has been subdued by the method already pointed out, it has been found safest to trust the final recovery to regimen. The year 1802 will long be remembered on this island for the ravages produced by the dysentery. Some of the most respectable characters became the victims of this dreadful distemper as well as a great number of negroes. Since the year 1803 but few cases of dysentery have occurred, and these were wholly confined to the blacks, and were all cured. But it was necessary to bleed once, and in some cases twice, very largely. After bleeding, calomel was given at night and castor oil in the morning ; after which the cure was trusted to a saturated solution of soda in the acetous acid. Castor oil was frequently repeated through the prog- ress of the cure, and in some instances it was found necessary to purge with salts. To relieve pain when it was excruciating, opiates were sometimes given, but the constipation they produced was more injurious than their anodyne eflects were beneficial. The occasional exhibition of small doses of calomel, and the above saturated solution, were of the greatest benefit. On this last medicine a principal reliance was placed, and it seldom disappointed the most sanguine expectations. If it is enquired why Edisto is so sickly as it is represented to be, it may be replied that heat and moisture combined in access are agents of dissolution; that the dissolution of vegetable and animal substances generates putrescent eiHuvia, and that these efRuvia, acting upon the system, induce diseases which often destroy life. It has been stated that Edisto Island is a formation of the alluvions brought down from the back or upland country, by the rivers which form and surround it. These rivers are incessantly conveying to the ocean immense quantities of fresh water, which being specifically lighter than sea water, floats upon the surface. But meeting, in the course of its progress to the bars of the two great inlets, with the re-action of the tides, and the prevailing winds of an easterly bearing, it is repelled, covers the marshes, and fills the ponds. At the retrocession of the tides, a quantity of this brackish water is left behind. This becoming stationary, gen- erates noxious miasmata, which filling the atmosphere with their deleterious vapors, prove injurious to heahh and destructive of life. The peculiar local position of Edisto exposes its inabitants to a moist and morbid atmosphere. It is surrounded with vast bodies of salt, brackish and fresh wafer, which are in a constant state of copious evaporation. It is so uniformly flat that few portions of its surface are elevated so high as seven feet above a high spring tide. This low level surface being extensively surroundedwith and deeply immersed in water, is favorable to the production of vapors and exhala- tions, and tends to constitute that peculiar modification of a moist and morbid atmosphere which obtains in warm climates. Hence the origin of these autumnal fevers, so incident to this and the lower parts of the State. This representation is supported by facts and experience. EDISTO ISLAND. 288 It holds invariably true, that dry summers and falls are healthy; and those of a different description, abounding- in rains and freshets, are the sure precursors of general sickness. The marshes that border various parts of the island are of considerable extent; but being regularly covered and agitated by the tides, are kept in a stale of com- parative purity. There are marshes of a different description and more limited extent, but far more injurious in their effects. Of these a body of 150 acres is situated towards the centre, and probably an equal quantity in other parts of the island. Into these marshes high spring tides occasionally penetrate. They may be considered as receptacles of stagnant rain and brackish water ; of decayed vegetables and putrid animal substances. From this extensive surface of putres- cent matters it may well be supposed that gases of a most deleterious quality are incessantly evolving, which sensibly affect the mass of surrounding air and render it morbid. To those who approach these marshes at certain periods of the year, particularly a little after sunrise and before his setting, the exhalations proceeding from them are most offensive; and those who are settled in their vicinity are generally more sickly than those living in more favorable situations. The water used on Edisto Island for domestic purposes is not so pure as the health of its inhabitants requires. If the received theory of the formation of springs be correct, they cannot exist in a surface so low and little diversified by elevated and prominent parts; and hence spring water is seldom to be met with. That made use of for culinary and other .purposes, is generally of a hard or brack- ish quality, and is obtaiiied by sinking wells. These wells are not always sunk and constructed with adequate care and judgment. They are often lefl exposed to the influence of the sun, "air and rain; various extraneous substances are per- mitted to enter them, which affect the color, taste, and general purity of their waters. No consistent attempt has hitherto been made to procure cistern water. The success of the experiments recently made in Charlestown, engrosses atten- tion, and may at some future day lead to a general introduction of the water- cistern system. In these causes combined may the sickliness of Edisto be found and accounted for. Attentively considered, it will excite no surprise that the island should be sickly. The wonder is that the inhabitants enjoy such degrees of health as commonly fall to their share. Thjs must in a great measure be referred to the influence of habit, which more or less accommodates the human frame to every situation. All the lower grounds, and even the more obnoxious marshes, are susceptible of draining, and capable of being made subservient to the purposes of the agri- culturist. But the process of draining requires time, labor and expense; and not being immediately remunerated, it is reluctantly undertaken. In his progress from rudeness to refinement, man adverts in the first instance to such labors only as are most necessary and essential to his existence. The comforts, the conve- niences, and elegancies of life are slowly acquired. The construction of roads, bridges, drains, and canals are effected by an improved state of society, possess- ing enterprise, extended knowledge and general science. These islanders are fast approaching to this state. EDUCATION. The present race of inhabitants having been brought up either immediately before the commencement or during the progress of the revolutionary war, suf- fered considerably in their education. Sensible of the advantages of early instruc- tion and extended knowledge, and fortune concurring with their inclinations, their offspring and descendants will be more liberally educated. Of this it is a favorable indication and flattering assurance that two teachers are employed, at a salary of $1,000 each, teaching the elementary parts of an English or classical education. Nine boys are absent at sohools in different parts: one is studying at the medical schools of Philadelphia, two at Princeton, and two going to Yale or Princeton College, destined for the learned professions. The girls are educated either under the paternal roof, or are sent promiscuously with the boys to school until a certain age, when they are sent to the city boarding schools to acquire such instruction and accomplishments as these mstitutions are supposed capable of conferring. ^ , u- r The project of an academy with extensive funds has often been a subject of conversation; but although no scheme has been digested or adopted to realize their ideas, they have liberally contributed to the support of other coUeges. I he Keverend President Smith, of Princeton, and the Reverend Mr. Coffin, received in the year 1803 from these islanders more than $1,200, to rebuild and support the New Jersey and Tennessee Colleges. 284 APPENDIX. STORES. The Island has, time immemorial, employed a small capital in a retail store. The parties concerned have in some instances succeeded to the acquisition of for- tunes. Two stores have been recently established, and those concerned have a fair prospect of succeeding in their undertakings. The various articles of mer- chandize that are disposed of in the city stores are sold in quantities proportion- ate to the wants of the inhabitants. Sales to the amount of $50,000 might be annually made, and if judiciously conducted, secure from any risk of bad debts. SHEEP. Although the Island produces cotton in abundance, and might furnish wool in adequate quantities, no attempts have been made to carry on any domestic or public manufacture. The islanders are alike strangers to the application of the loom and the ordinary process of knitting. Their sheep, which are of the ordinary breed, are permitted to range at large, and they engross the care of the planter no further than he can make them subservient to the purposes of furnishing lamb for his table. The requisite attention paid to washing, penning, and regular shearing, would improve both the breed, the quality, and the quantity of their wool. The Island is favorable to their increase and multiplication. Secure from the ravages of wolves and foxes, they might be multiplied to any desirable extent; and yet scarcely eight hundred tleeces are shorn annually, and these are either suffered to waste, or sold for a trifle to the upholsterer. PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS. The absence of a public market is supplied by a number of neighbors, generally eight or four, connecting themselves into a society, and taking in rotation appro- priate pieces of such animals as are usually slaughtered. Two hundred steers, seventy-five calves, one hundred and twenty lambs, are supposed to be annually slaughtered in these associations or markets. The island does not afford a shoemaker or a blacksmith, and yet artizans of this description, of moderate resources and competent industry could be employed to great advantage to themselves and the community. It does not appear that any establishment similar to that of a tavern was ever attempted on the island. Strangers and visitors are received and hospitably en- tertained in private families, and are sent about on horseback or in carriages, as their circumstances or exigencies may require. To afford the means of maintaining a regular intercourse with the adjacent main, and the contiguous island of Wadmalaw, two ferries were established about fifty years since, by legislative authority. But such was the unfrequency of the intercourse, that these ferry establishments have been discontinued ; and there appears no disposition in the present generation to revive theni. Those that have occasion to come on or go off, usually transport themselves, or have recourse to their more opulent friends and neighbors, who may be situated in places favora- bly for their transportation. The islanders carry on their intercourse with Charlestown by water. In trans- porting themselves and the productions of their plantations, they make use of boats made after the canoe model. These boats are built of cypress and other du- rable materials ; they are well adapted to the purposes of inland navigation, but ill calculated for encountering heavy seas. They are of various dimensions and unequal prices; from ten hundred weight to six tons, and from one hundred to a thousand dollars. There are five or six workmen advantageously employed in constructing and repairing these boats. All the efforts of their art are directed to combine elegance of shape with lightness of draught and capacity for burden. The institution of a public convivial club is common to this and to the contigu- ous islands, and various parts of the State. The Free and Easy has continued its semi-monthly meeting for a period of thirty-five years without intermission ; the members in rotation provide dinner. Strangers, by a standing rule, are consid- ered as guests. The landlord of the day or entertaining member has the privilege of inviting his friends. This institution affords the planters an opportu- tunity of repairing to a defined and central place to transact their private and pub- lic business ; to consider and digest their schemes of planting; and to hear and discuss the news and politics of the day. These public dinners have usually cost the providing members fifty dollars. Estimated at the low rate of twenty-five dol- lars, they cost the members six hundred dollars yearly. Had these annual sums been improved at compound interest, from the first establishment of the club to the present time, they would have amounted to 88,748 dollars, yielding an annual interest of 6,212 dollars. A sum, one-half of which would be fully adequate to defray the expense of draining the island and destroying a principal source of the EDISTO ISLAND. 285 diseases of its inhabitants, or of supporting other establishments calculated to im- prove the condition of man indefinitely with the flow of ages. On the 29th April, 1794, a lodge of ancient York Masons was instituted for the first tioie on the island. During the noyelty of the institution, it consisted of about thirty, but IS now confined to eighteen members. Their ordinary meetings are monthly ; and they are regularly attended. They have a fund consisting of 1,480 dollars, and are governed by a master, and such officers as are peculiar to that mystic fraternity. AMUSEMENTS. There is nothing peculiarly characteristic in the amusements of these islanders. They are similar to those which obtain in various parts of the State. The sports of the field engross a part of their vacant hours. The range, the crowded settle- ments, and cleared state of the island, render it unfavorable to the pursuits of thehun- ter, and deer finding no copse to cover thein, may be said to be no longer inhabitants. Sould any stragglers rashly venture to stroll on from the neighboring main and surrounding inlets, they are instantly hunted down. Similar causes may have operated to drive and scare away those migratory and acquatic birds which, at an early period of its settlement, were known annually to frequent the Island in great variety and numbers. The culture of rice being abandoned, and a considerable part of the lower grounds drained, they are deprived of their favorite grain, or an adequate supply of seeds and insects. Being averse to the haunts of men, they instinctively retire to those parts of the State wher3 they can feed more privately, plentifully, and securely. It has been said that horse-racing is the amusement of an idle and luxurious people. This epithet is not as yet descriptively applicable to these islanders. If in opulent and easy circumstances, the personal superintendence of their planta- tations, which they seldom wholly trust to the management of an overseer, how- ever skillful or faithful, engages their thoughts and fills up the greater part of their time. They rarely suffer amusements of any kind to divert them from the proper pursuits of life. Various attempts have been made to form a jockey club and in- troduce annual races ; these attempts have hitherto failed of any consistent suc- cess. Local circumstances are adverse to such exhibitions on a large scale. So great are the natural advantages of water conveyances, and so limited and cir- cumscribed is the extent of the insular territory, that saddle and draught horses of a superior breed are not wanted. In a state of society so peculiarly situated , they are unnecessary. It is not compatible with the economical habits of these industrious islanders which converts everything to use to keep fine horses at con- siderable trouble and expense to be paraded occasionally as objects of show and admiration. The appearance of their cavalry has often excited and called forth the sneers and gibes of their brethren of the main ; but these they are ever ready to repel by extolling the superior elegance, swiftness, and accommodation of their row and sailing boats. It is not to be understood that they have no predilection for the amusements and delights of the turf If not animated by that impassioned ar- dor which characterizes many of their fellow-citizens, yet in the occasional ra- cings of their sober and hardy nags, they enjoy all the real pleasure of that species of amusement exempt from that care and agitation of spirits, that trouble and ex- pense, and those habits of dissipation which are often its consequent evils. Dancing, it is said, was more a favorite amusement before than since the revo- lution. Dancing parties are confined to the temperate seasons of the year. They are neither so frequent nor so eagerly pursued as they are reported to be in other parts of the State. The planters occasionally relax themselves at the games of coit, hand and trap balls ; but the recreation which engrosses more of their time and attention than any other, is that of fishing. In the arts of the fisherman they are dexterous and successful proficients. They fabricate their own lines and nets. In these fabrications they display taste and ingenuity; and this is the only species of manufacture, if such it can be called, that is practiced among them. Of superstition some traces are discoverable. There are individuals who will not commence a journey, nor begin any new work on Friday. This day is con- sidered as inauspicious in cases of nativities. The moon is suppo.sed to extend a sensible influence to the operations of nature, to the growth and the decay of vegetables and animals; and hence the processes of sowing and planting are con- nected with the phases of the full; and animals destined to be cured and reserved for domestic use are slaughtered on those of the new moon and flux of the tide. They believe in the reality of the spectres and apparitions. Supposed facts of the reappearance of departed friends are related and by some implicitly credited. 286 APPENDIX. PRIVATE REGISTER WORTHY OF IMITATION. From the 12lh of March, 1792, to the 8th of October, 1808, Joseph James Mur- ray has kept a record of deaths, births, marriages, and other miscellaneous events which took place on Edisto Island. Such register, if kept by at least one person in every district or neighborhood, would, in time, present to the view of the physician, the legislator, the politician, and philosopher, a valuable collection of facts of great importance to the best interests of society. From Mr. Murray's register, it appears that in the course of sixteen years there were among the white inhabitants of Edisto Island 66 marriages, 212 births, and 177 deaths, 75 of which were chilaren under five years of age, and fifteen about the age of ten ; the rest were adults, six of which were strangers, eleven deaths were acciden- tal, and one was a case of suicide. Five of the above deaths were from con- sumptions ; there was also a case of natural small pox of extraordinary origin. Upwards of a year before the birth of the child, which was the subject of this disease, its parents had their other children inoculated for the small pox. One of them was an infant and occupied the cradle. Thatone died and all the others re- covered. The bed clothes were washed and deposited in a drawer; but it seems that they retained so much of the contagion, as to communicate the disease which was clearly marked, though not fatal to the infant whose case is the subject of these observations. This child had never been off the Island ; on which, neither at the time of infection nor for a long time after, was there a single case of small pox. From the same register it appears that of seventy-four negro children which Mr. Murray has had born upon his plantation in the above period of sixteen years, fifly-three are alive, thirty-three of which are females. The plantations of the Rev. Mr. M'Cleod, of Messrs. Ephraim Mifcell, James Clark, William Edings, Daniel Townsend, William Seabrook, William C. Meggett, Dr. Chisolra, Gabriel Seabrook, Normon M'Leqd, and others, furnish similar examples of increase. There is now a suflicient number of blacks for all the purposes of cultivation; and kindness with proper attention to their food, clothing, and habitations, will increase their number. LONGEVITY. The Island does not furnish any remarkable instances of longevity. Seventy- six, seventy-three and sixty-eight are the respective ages of the three oldest in- habitants now living. The two former instances are of widows, -who have been for some years in a stat^ of incurable infirmity. The latter instance is of a man who has been thrice married, who retains the free use and exercise of his mental faculties, and enters with interest into the business and the amusements of the day. Being inured to habits of activity and regularity, he is an early riser, and spends more of his time in the sun than perhaps any other individual on the Island. From|his appearance and general health he seems capable of living and enjoying life for many years to come. All three are natives of the Island or State. ECCLESIASTICAL STATE. In their ideas of church government the inhabitants of Edisto are either Presby- terians or Episcopalians. Those of the former denomination are the most numer- ous. The date of the first organization of their church cannot, with precision, be ascertained. Its records, if any such existed in a connected or detailed form, were lost or destroyed during the conflicts of the revolution. From such detached papers as are preserved, it appears that Henry Bower obtained in 1705a grant of 300 acres from the then lords proprietors. This same tract of 300 acres the saidHenry Bower conveyed in 1717 to certain persons therein named in trust for the benefit of a Presbyterian minister on Edisto Island. In the preamble of a deed of gift, dated in 1732, conveying from "Joseph Bus- sel, W. Edings, Paul Hamilton, W. Bird, James Lardant, Timothy Hendrick, and W. Whippy," certain negro slaves therein named, it is stated that, " whereas a Presbyterian congregation is collected upon the Island of Edisto." This deed of gift stipulates that the negro slaves therein named and their issue be employed oil the above tract of 300 acres church lands "for the perpetual maintenance out of their yearly labor of a Presbyterian minister, who owns the Holy Scriptures for his only rule of faith and practice, and who, agreeably to the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament shall own the Westminster Confession of Faith with the larger and shorter catechisms as a test of his orthodoxy, and that before the church session for the time being, before his settlement there as the rightful minister of the aforesaid church or congregation." About this period A valuable donation of land was made to the church by "Mr. Waills." The quantity is not speci- fied, nor can the location of the tract be now traced : all that can be collected on EDISTO ISLAND. 287 this subject is that " Mr.PauI Hamilton" conveyed, in 1737, an equivalent for it of 2,500 pounds currency to certain trustees. The deed of conveyance provides that of the yearly interest thereupon accruing, such part as the majority of the said trustees shall think reasonable shall be applied to the proper use and behoof of the Presbyterian minister who is or shall from time to time be regularly called and settled as the pastor of the Presbyterian congregation assembled or to be assembled for divine worship in the Presbyterian meeting-house built on the said Island. From a schedule of the church property, taken in 1755, it appears that some time prior to that date the following persons contributed the sums or donations subjoined to their respective names, viz : "Paul Hamilton £322 10s. and two silver tankards for sacramental purposes, James Lardant £300, Wm. Cummings £94 12s., James Clark £100, Mrs. Mary Bee £100, Mrs. Mary Russel £100 of the then currency." The temporalities of the church were originally vested in eight trustees. The moniedpartof the fund having considerably increased with the lapse of time it was deemed safest and most for the interest of the church to petition for incorporation. This was obtained in 1792. The funds of the church in 1807 consisted of $23,370 30 in bonds bearing inter- est ; and £!:i4 10s. annual rent, exclusive of forty acres connected with the parson- age, and reserved for the use of the incumbent. It is worthy of observation that there is no exclusive property in the pews of this church. They were, until a recent period, open to any worshiper that might repair to the church for the purposes of devotion and instruction. Some inconve- nience was supposed to result from the practice of sitting promiscuously as ca- price or fancy might dictate. To remove it a small rent was attached to the pews, and this small pew-rent is the only tax which the members of this church pay to the support of religion. It redounds to their credit that when the parsonage was recently destroyed by fire they readily subscribed £700 in sums proportionate to their respective incomes for the building another. The period of the first organ- ization of this church was between 1732 and 1737. Of its ministers no memorials are preserved that merit a particular detail. The first was the Rev. John M'Leod, a native of North Britain. He came, it is be- lieved, as chaplain attached to a corps of Highlanders, under General Oglethorpe, stationed in Georgia. He was succeeded by the Rev. Mr. Henderson, a native likewise of North Britain j and he by the Rev. Thomas Cooly, a native of England. The Rev. iVlr. Donald M'Leod, the present incumbent, was ordained minister of the church in 1794. The Episcopalians of Edisto were originally connected in worship and disci- pline with the parish church of John's Island, and had divine service performed for them on Edisto Island at occasional intervals. Being liable to various disap- pointments in their expectations of divine service, they were led to separate from that church. In effecting their separation they built, in 1774, by subscription, a neat and commodious chapel j and some time after created a permanent fund for the support of their ministers. The zeal and liberality displayed by them on these occasions, considering the paucity of their numbers, reflects great credit on the parties concerned. Thefollowing persons contributed in sterling money the sums subjoined to their respective names, viz: Christopher Jenkins £200, Daniel Jenkins £150, Ralph Bailey £150, Jos. Jenkins £150, John Seabrook £150, Benja- min Seabrook £125, John Jenkins £120, Isaac Jenkins £125, John Hanahan £100, Thomas B. Seabrook £100, Leighton Wilson £100, William Hanahan £100, Archi- bald Calder 100, William C. Meggotte, £100, Nathaniel Adams £70, Joseph Fick- ling £70, James Fielding £70, Paul Griinbal £50, Jeremiah Fickling £50, Samuel Fickling £50, Daniel Jenkins, Jr., Jos. B. Seabrook £50, Henry Bailey £50, Jos. Fickling £30. In 1807 the fund amounted to 15,003 dollars. The Rev. Messrs. Lewis, Bowen, Sykes, Connor, and Matthews, officiated in succession in this church. For the last ten years it has been vacant, except such occasional supplies as the Episcopal clergy of Charlestown and their itinerant brethren could afford to give. A congregation of Baptists existed on this Island at an early period of its settle- ment. The members of that denomination are either extinct or removed. The site of their church, in which divine service was for the first time performed in 1774, is now in a state of forest. The glebe, consisting of about seventy acres, partly in a state of nature and partly cultivated, yields a revenue of about seventy dollars yearly. This rent is regularly transmitted to certain persons at the Euhaws of the Baptist persuasion. The intelligent traveler, who has passed through the Eastern States, will have discovered a disposition in the enlightened citizens of that section of the Union to 36 288 APPENDIX, sneer at th98 they haivebeen under the pastoral care of the Rev. Mr. Roberts. The settlers from Virginia were generally Episcopalians. They have had the following preachers in succession — the Rev. Messrs. Woodmason, Walker, Davis, Richards, Tate, and Ischudi. The climate of the Santee hills three or four miles back from the "Wateree swamp has been found by experiment to be salubrious. Neither stagnant waters nor musquitoes are found there. Though the neighborhood of Statesburg is very populous, yet only four deaths have occurred in 1807 and 1808.- The mercury in the thermometer has not been known to be higher than the 94th or 95th degree, and even then the nights were cool and pleasant. Few places are blest with a better climate. Large families of children are raised. Four persons are now liv- ing within twenty miles of Statesburg, two of whom are 100 yeaps ©Id and two above 90, and some of them can count upwards of 100 descendants. It is worthy of observation that on the most elevated parts of the hills the cold does not make that impression which it does on the adjacent level or low country. Vegetation there is earlier by a week or fortnight, than it is on lands of the latter description, though not a mile distant. The same diSerence is observable in the progress of cold in autumn. Vegetables are alive and thriving on the hills when those in the low lands are entirely killed. The fruit on the hills is also generally raninjured from the frost in the spring. i No. Vlf. — ^ Statistical Account »/ Camden, chiefly from the Com- munications of the Rev. Br. Furman. Camden was fiist settled by a colony of Quakers from Ireland about the year 1750.. The principal of these emigrants were Robert iVIilhouse and Samuel Wyley, sensible and respectable men. A mill op mills were erected by them on Pinetree creek, which, runs jusi below Camden, and from which the settlement was called Pinetree. The Quakers were sufficiently numerous to form a .-ongre- gation. They erected a place of worship which remained till the American war. Milhouse died about the year 1755, but left children ; and hfs posterity still exist about Edisto and the Cypress. Wyley lived several years longer ; and has left a daughter, Mrs. Lang, a respe