iltlltara, Ntxa fork CHARLES WILLIAM WASON ' COLLECTION CHINA AND THE CHINESE THE GIFT OF CHARLES WILLIAM WASON CLASS OF 1876 1918 Cornell University Library SB 271.L43 Tea cultivation, cotton and other agricu 3 1924 023 642 881 Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023642881 TEA CULTIVATION, COTTON AND OTHER AGEICULTURAL EXPERIMENTS IN INDIA. A REYIEW. BY W. NASSAU LEES, l.l.d. %onhoxi : W. H. ALLAN AND CO., 13, WATERLOO PLACE, S. W. THACKEB, SPINK AND CO. 1863. PEEFACE. In the early part of last year, while looking through the old Nos. of the Journal of the Horticul- tural Society of Bengal, for some information regard- ing the experiments undertaken by the Government of India for the introduction of exotic Cotton, I was struck by the many interesting and instructive papers this valuable series contained on a sister experiment — the introduction into India of the Tea Plant. Not- withstanding that Government has been now engaged in this cultivation for upwards of a quarter of a cen- tury, we have no history of its operations — no record of its experience ; and, consequently, very great ignor- ance, especially in the Hill districts, prevails on the subject, and many Planters and young Companies are wasting a great deal of money that, if better laid oiit, might be employed with very much more profit to them- selves and the country. I conceived the notion, there- fore, of collecting and condensing this scattered infor- ir mation, separating it mto two parts — a brief outline or review of the experiment up to date ; and a sketch of the systems of cultivation that have been adopted with the best results, — intending my Review for circu- lation, only, among Planters and such others in India as take an interest in Agricultural experiments. I had no idea of writing a book. Indeed, like most officials in India, my public duties occupy so much of my time as to preclude the possibility of my bestow- ing such care and attention on any leisure occupation, as is necessary to ensure its being well done. Every line almost of these pages has been written between dinner and bedtime. What was written at nighty was sent unrevised to the press in the morning, — a private press, in which there is but one compositor of English, a Bengali. I do not make these remarks with a view to disarm criticism. No attempt has been made in these pages at fine writing ; and the honest writer never fears fair criticism. At the same time, a book so written, and so printed, cannot but exhibit many defects, and I am con- scious that this Review is disfigured by more than a full complement. To appear in public in slippers is always disagreeable, and though the more edu- cated and polite the company, the more certain it is to be indulgent and considerate, the necessity for explanation will still remain, and hence this apology. Apart from these considerations, 1 have no objection to any views or opinions embodied in the following remarks being criticised in a proper spirit. Indeed, if I can succeed in inviting discussion, by more experienced and wiser heads, on those topics, which, at the present moment, are all-important for the future progress of India, and intimately bound up with the welfare of England, and with which I have ventured to deal in the third Chapter of this Review, I shall have attained my sole object in transferring this humble eifort, from the hands of the Planters of the wild yet beautiful Tea Districts of India, to those of a more discerning and deep-thinking public* Calcutta, iSth March 1863. * At page 32 will be found a note stating that the shares of the Assam Company, in consequence of some irregularities in the Calcutta Board of Management, had declined 25 p. o. Immediately afterwards, they rose stiU higher than previously, and are now quoted at Rs. 490 to Rs. 500. At page 239, 1 have stated that while Tea Seed in the N. W. Provinces was distributed gratis, the Planters in the Punjab had to pay for it. The Lieutenant-Governor has since cancelled his orders on this subject, and I doubt not that the anticipations expressed in the text will be fully realized. My endeavour in writing this Review, has been to state nothing that I did not believe to be strictly true. If I have erred, it has certainly not been for want of honesty of purpose. TEA CULTIVATION. Its RisEj Progress, and Future Prospects in India. CHAPTER I. China — Assam. There is no feature in the development of the resources of this great peninsula, of which the Government of India have a right to feel more justly proud, than the successful cultivation of the Tea Plant. From whatever point, — external or internal — we view the results obtained, they are pregnant with promise. We cannot shut our eyes to the fact, that France is gradually but steadily creeping towards the frontiers of the great tea garden of the world from the South West. Russia, it is equally well known, has complete command of her opposite frontier, and has long, since ob- tained an influence in the interior, the limits of which it is not easy to define. The Empire itself A is torn by internal dissentions, England watches the sea-board. No one can foresee into what com- plications, the situation, may at any moment hurry us, but any one can foretell that they, most inevitably, must eventuate in a crisis, that will shake the Celestial Empire to its foundations, and possibly devastate every acre of those vast tea lands in which England is so deeply interested. Even now, if I am correctly informed, the civil war that has been raging for the last five years, has shrunk up thousands of acres of fine tea crops, or so seriously damaged the trees a^ to leave them capable of producing none but very inferior tea. What has occirred with cotton, may occur with tea; and in suoh circumstances, it certainly must be very gratifying to Her Majesty's Ministers to know, that while ladia is secure and well governed, England's demand for tea, be it ever so great, can be readily supplied. But if viewed from an external point, the present condition and future prospects of tea cultivation iu India, are promising ; how much more so are they in their bearing on the internal prosperity and material progress of the country itself. I accept it as a sound maxim, tliat no * country can be colonized by the people of another country, in which that people cannot till the soil. Now the European cannot labour in the plains of India, and therefore I look on the idea of colonization, gene- rally, as Utopian. Yet, if any thing can be done in this direction, the cultivation of tea is most certain to accomplish it ; and if its progress be not checked, though we may not look forward to the establishment of large European Colonies in India, we most certainly can calculate on establish- ing European settlements, and pleasant sanatoria, on our hill slopes, containing the homesteads of many busy people scattered broadcast throughout the country, and extending their happy influence far into the plains below. We can farther without any great stretch of imagination, behold in prospectu, hundreds of thousands of acres of virgin soil, now lying waste and uncultivated, — lost to the country, and wholly profitless to Government — covered with rich and highly productive crops, affording employ- ment to hundreds of thousands of (oft) starving people, paid, for the most part, by foreign gold, and returning Government a double revenue > that, derived directly from the sale proceeds of the land; and that derived indirectly, but by far the most valuable of the two — from the increased prosperity of its subjects. We can see again miles of malari- ous and deadly jungle disappear, and our fine healthy young hill colonies connected by broad high ways with the termini of the great arterial lines of railroads, and thus with the ports of Calcutta, Bombay, Kurachi, and Madras, Finally, we can see at no distant date, India supplying the Inajor portion of a present trade of twelve millions sterling — a trade, which, looking at the increasing demand from Australia, America, and the Continent of Europe, bids fair soon to double itself, — and, per contra, tea cheapened to that point, at which it can be consumed as a staple, by the great mass of the natives of this Country, Afghanistan, Thibet, Persia, and the Orient in general. Surely such prospects, if they be not exaggerated, are a subject of congratulation, and the undertaking affording them worthy of the attentive considera- tion and fostering care of those entrusted with the guidance and control of the affairs of. this great Empire. But to turn from the id^eal to the real, from what may be, to what has been, and is^ and thus to put ourselves in a better position to decide how far present results justify the foredrawn conclusions, I shall take a brief retrospect of the history of this very interesting experiment. Little more than a quarter of a century ago no one had any well formed idea that the tea plant would grow and flourish in India. It is true that there were peculations on the subject; that so early ' even as 1793, Lord Macartney despatched plants from China to Bengal * some parts of which * says Sir G. Staunton ' His Excellency had been informed, were adapted for their cultivation ;' that experiments had been made at Peuang, in Java, Ceylon and other neighbouring islands j' that a large and healthy • tea tree, ten feet high, was know to be flourishing at Katmandhu in Nipal ; and that the subject had been brought under the consideration of the Board of Control^ and the Court of Directors of the East India Company, in connection with our relations with China. It is further true that in 1816, Mr. Gardiner, the Resi- dent at the Court of Nipal, transmitted a plant from thence to the Botanical Gardens in Calcutta, and that Dr. "Wallich sent a specimen of the same to Sir Joseph Banks in London ; that in 1826, Mr. David Scott sent down to Calcutta from Munnipoor, certain leaves of a shrub * which ■ he insisted upon was a real teaj' that about four or five years later^ Lt. Charlton, second in Command of the Assam Regiment was informed that tea grew wild in Assam, and actually obtained three or four young plants from the neighbourhood of Beesa, which were planted in the Botanical Gardens of Calcutta ; that Major Bruce of Jorehat, was aware of the existence of the tea plant; and that his brother Mr. C. Bruce subsequently brought it to notice. But the efforts of none of these gentle- men produced any practical result, though it is but fair to mention that this was mainly attri- butable, to the unwillingness of an eminent botanist, to admit that the leaves of Mr. Scott, or the plants of Lt. Charlton, were tea. Nevertheless we cannot 6 accbrd to any the full merit of a discoverer, If a man goes into a wild country, and finds growing there a certain frtiit which he believes to be an apple, and this fruit he sends to a distant botanist who pronounces \t to he an apple, and this information he publishes to this world forthwith, that man has the merit of having first announced a fact— perhaps a new one, and possibly one of great interest and value. But if a man finds that there is a similarity in the configuration of two coimtries; that their climates as regards temperature and moisture are much alike; that certain plants of the one flourish at the same latitudes in the other ; and conclud- ing - from these data that a particular ?-nd desired ■plant of the one habitat, will grow in the other, and with the riew of confirming his preconcieved opinions, he sets on foot enquiries on the subject j and during the course, and in the prosecution, of .these enquiries it is ascertained, no matter by whom, that the required plant, will not only flourish in the required country, but i» growing wild there already, — that man is undoubtedly a discoverer. There is a wide difference it will be admitted between the two cases. Lt. Charlton who first sent tea pilanta to Calcutta from Assam about 1830, in •acknowledging, in 1834, the Circular of the Tea Pdmmittee states; ' From what I have seen of the jtea plant in different parts of the world, and .lately in New Holland, propagated by seeds brought direct from China, I have little doubt but that found near Beesa is a species of tea, and though, it may be spurious, or even a Camellia, as Dr. Wallich suggests, its growing there indiginous and in great abundance, affords good grounds for supposing that the introductioh of the Chinese plant into Upper Assam would be attended with success.' Mr. Scott admitted that Mr. C. Bruce was the first who brought the tea of Assam into notice, though he himself had asserted its existence in Munnipoor, in 1826 j and the Society of Arts of London, awarded him (Mr, Bruce) ' their Gold Medal for discovering the indigenous tea Tracts, and cultivating and preparing tea in Assam.' But Mr. C. Bruce again, in a letter dated 20th Decem- ber 1836 to Captain Jenkins Agent to the Governor General on the North East Frontier, says, ' my late brother [Major Bruce,J who was in Assam before the breaking out of the war, Yi9.di previously informed me of their existence.' Now there is nothing in all this to fix the discovery, if it may so be called, of the indigenous tea plant of Assam, or to warrant the slightest detraction from the merit and honor due to the master mind of the distinguished statesman, who, seeing the great advantage that would accrue to India from the introduction of the tea plant, and impressed with the firm conviction that the climate and soil of portions of India were suitable to it, set on foot enquries on the subject, and sketched a plan for carrying out the object in view. To the wisdom, the ability, the energy and active support, of Lord ■William Beutinck, India is, undoubtedly, indebted for this valuable accession to her wealth, and to him, in my opinion, must be accorded not only the full merit of having discovered that the tea plant will grow in many parts of India, and is, or would appear to be, indigenous to some; but of having introduced it from China, and laid the foundation of the present promising trade in that valuable Article of Commerce. His Lordship it is true had had the subject brought to his notice by an intelligent gentleman of the name of Walker, who, alarmed with others at the unsatisfactory state of our political relations with China, thought it not improbable 'that, at no very distant period and from some apparently accidental event, not only the British Nation, but all foreigners might be prohibited entering the ■Chinese territories.' On this ground he considered it of national importance ' that some better guarantee should be provided for the supply of this Article (Tea) than that already furnished by the toleration of the Chinese Government.' He proposed, there- fore, that the East India Company should ' reso- lutely undertake the cultivation on the Nepaul Hills and other districts where the Camellia, and other plants of a character similar to the tea plant 9 are indigenous.' But Mr. Walker's idea was not original. Sir Joseph Banks and Dr. Govan had,- long before him, recommended the experiment being made in the Himalayas, and Dr. Forbes Royle, in 1827, had introduced the subject to the notice of Lord Ahmerst, who preceded Lord William Beniinck as Governor General of India, and subsequently reported strongly in favor of it. Lord Ahmerst, however, took no action whatever in the matter ; and the Directors of the East India Company do not seem to have taken any official notice of Mr. Walker's memorandum, which might have lain in theif archives, food for moths, had not the great statesman before mentioned come to India, and on the 24th January 1834 addressed his Council in these words. ' It is not necessary that I should trouble the Council with many remarks to support the abstract question of the great advantage which India would derive from the successful introduction of the tea plant ; and the only points for consideration are whether there are not reasonable grounds for the conclusion, that there must be, in all the varieties of climate and soil, between the Himalayas and Gape Coraorin, combinations of both, that must be congenial to this particular plant; and next, how far it may be practicable to have from China cuttings of the true and best descriptions of the plant, and know- ledge and skill for its cultivation, and for the 10 subsequent process of preparing the leaves for use.' ' The naturalization ' continued His Lordship 'of so many foreign plants and vegetables, the natives of climates very different from onr own would, of itself, afford very sufficient encourage- ment for any attempt of this kind. There, are, however, some shrubs and trees that are familiar to us, of such delicacy as hitherto to have lan- guished wherever transplanted j the mangosteen is one of these : the claret grape has deteriorated in every other spot, and probably the same is the case with the hock grape. In both instances the desideratum has been, a peculiar soil, united to a peculiar climate. We have no such cause of apprehension with regard to the tea plant, which flourishes over a space embracing many degrees of longitude and latitude. As a practical Agriculturist, lam inclined to think that few of the foreign herbs and plants that are become not only naturalized, but also the mainstays of our Agriculture, afforded in the first instance, a greater promise of successful experiment.^ His Lordship having thus practically enunciated his news, proceeded in an equally practical manner to carry them out, by appointing a Committee of able men to submit to Government ' a plan for the accomplishment of the object, and for the superin- tendence of its execution.' This Committee was called the Tea Committee, and amongst the mem- 11 bera, I find the names of J. R. Colv'n, late Lieut.- Governor of the North Western Provinces, C. Trevelyan late Governor of Madras, N. Wallich the well know botanist, B. D. Mangles, and others, all of more or less distinction. The Com- mittee proceeded to collect all the information to be obtained from books, and independent sources, and finally submitted their report. In this docu-r ment, however, while they expressed their belief that there were ' parts of the Company's territories which present such features of climate and soil that would warrant the expectation that tea might be successfully introduced into them with a view to commercial purposes,' from the cautious pains taken to guard against the responsiblity of failure there is latent evidence of the existence of some doubts as to the ultimate success of the experiment. It was sufiicient, however, for the Governor General, who seems to have had no misgivings on the subject, and who thereon immediately carried out his original intention of deputing Mr. Gordon to China, to procure seed, plants, and Chinamen experienced in all the operations of tea planting and tea making; and for this purpose a credit of from twenty to twenty-five thousand dollars was placed at his disposal. In some observations drawn up by Dr. Wallich, by desire of the President of the Board of Control, iu 1833, he stated that the attempts made to 12 introduce the tea plant at Penang and in CeyloUj had failed; and that similar trials, made under very similar circumstances in Java, having proved ' equally fruitless/ they had in consequence been given up. In his first report, dated Macao 24th July 1834, Mr. Gordon says; ' from the Agent to the Dutch Company I learn, that they have got at Java between 3,00,000 and 4,00,000 plants; and that the Company is so sanguine of success that they are extending the plantations vigorously.' Their annual supply of seed is immense ; and of last year's despatch half has actually come up in nurseries. The produce he asserts, is of very good quality, between pekoe, and cougo ; but OTing perhaps to the youth of their plants, they have not succeeded in a perfect imitation of either pekoe or Congo." And this statement as upsetting one of those erroneous ideas formed from inaccurate or de fee- tive information, which so helped in the outset to retard the initiation of experiments in the natura- lization of the tea plant, would have been valuable, had not an event occured, that diverted attention from Mr. Gordon and his enquiries in China, to matters nearer home. This was nothing less than the discovery that the tea plant was growing wild at our own doors. One of the Tea Committee's first acts was to issue a Circular with a view to collecting information as to the climate and soil of various localities in India, so 13 that on reciept of the necessary information frOm, China on these points, the seeds and plants might be at once despatched to those places best adapted for the cultivation. Dr. Falconer, the superintendent of the Botanical Gardens at Saharunpoor, was de- puted to examine and report on the countries situated between the heads of the Jumna and Ganges, for the purpose of selecting appropriate sites for tea nurseries j and Mr. Traill and Cap- tain Jenkins tlie commissioners of Kamaon and Assam, were addressed with a like intention. Favorable reports in regard to soil and climate were received from Dr. Falconer and Mr. Traill. But on the 7th and 14th May J 834, respectively, Captain Jenkins, and Lieutenant Charlton, reported not only the soil and climate favorable, but their firm belief in the existence of the tea plant in Assam. And on the 8th November of the same year, Lieutenant Charlton sent down to the Tea Committee, seeds, the raw leaves of the indigenous plant, and tea manufactured from them, ' the best test ' as he remarked ' that the tree is not a Camellia as Dr. Wallich imagines.' Here then was a positive proof —not the seed ; nor the leaves of a tree only ; nor yet the tree itself; but actually good and drinkable tea manufactured there-from. The fact was indisputable ; and on the 24th December 1834, it was announced by the Tea B 14 Committee to His Excellency the Governor General, in the following glowing terms : — ' It is with feelings of the greatest possible satis- faction that we are enabled to announce to His Lord- ship in Council, that the Tea Shrub is, beyond all doubt, indigenous in Upper Assam, being found there, through an extent of country, of one month's march within the Hon'ble Company's . Territories, from Suddya and Beesa to Younnam, where the shrub is cultivated for its leaf. We have no hesita- tion in declaring this discovery, which is due to the indefatigable researches of Captain Jenkins and Lieutenant Charlton, to be far the most important and valuable that has ever been made on matters connected with the sgricultural or commercial resources of the empire. We are perfectly cour iident that the tea plant which has been brought to light, will be found capable, under proper manage- ment, of being cultivated with complete success for commercial purposes, and that consequently the object of our labours may be before long fully realized.' The Committee proceeded to observe that they were not altogether unprepared for this discovery. They knew that Mr. Scott had sent down the leaves of a plant he stated to be tea in 1826 ; and that a similar assertion had been made in regard to the existence of the tea plant in Upper Assam. But they felt bound, they added, to suspend their decision 15 on the subject until they should be in possession of the fruitj which they considered the only test they could safely take as a guide. Now eight years is a very long time to allow for a suspension of judge- ment regarding tlie species of a plant so long known to the commercial world as the tea plant. Had the Tea Committee, w'th the knowledge they con-i fess to have been so long in possession of, either individually before, or collectively after their appoinment, taken any active measures to satisfy themselves on the point which they imply in their report was in question, they might have been admit- ted to some share in the merit of this discovery. But there is nothing to show that they did so, or that they were not quite as much taken by sur- prize as every one else in India. On the contrary their proceedings, both before and after the dis- covery, negative, any such conclusion. For, there was no diiference between the circulars sent by them to Assam and any other part of India, and on receipt of the intelligence of the new discovery, they completely altered the plan of operations they had previously sketched out. Mr. Gordon was now recalled from China, and a Commission of scientific men, composed of Doctors Wallich and Griffith as botanists, and Doctor Mc Clelland as a geologist, was deputed to Upper Assam, for the purpose of collecting, on the spot, the greatest variety procurable of botanical, geo- 16 logical, and other details, (wiisidered necessary as preliminary to the successful commencement of operations. Now it is undeniable that, at first, there was a very strong pr^udioe against Assam, as a tea grow- ing country, — a prejudice arising, as very many other prejudices have done before, entirely, from defective information. One error, for example, which almost proved fatal to the success of tea in Assam, was the supposition that tea was a cold loving plant, or to use the words of the Tea Committee in their instructions to those appointed to select sites for nurseries, ' that a decided winter climate of six weeks or two months ' daration, with frost as well as snow, is essential to ensure final success with really good sorts of tea.' I do not know on what grounds this idea was originally based, but it was, 1)0 doubt extensively propagated by the reports of Dr. Abel, the botanist who accompanied Lord Ahmerst's expedition to Chinn. It so happened, unfortunately, that Dr. Abel was so ill almost the whole time he was in China, as hardly to be able^ to leave his boats ; and his reports were based, mainly, on the information he received from those who were with him. He could not then be said to be an eye witness of wliat he described, and his conclusions were not properly deserving of the confidence that, under other circumstances, they would have been entitled to. But the public, are 17 not always nicely discriminate. It Was enough that Dr. Abel was a botanist, and had beenin Chinas Of course he knew all about tea. Dr. Me Clelland, however, by the very simple process of calling Dr. Abel's own authorities [Ellis Barrow, and StauutonJ into court, and analysing their published statements, showed clearly that not one of them had said a single word to support the theory of high altitudes in the absolute ; but that all had said a good deal that might bear, -with some force, the other way. He further showed, that there was a remarkable similarity in the configura- tion of two, at least, of the tea growing districts of China, Kianff-naUi and Kiang-si, and parts of Assam ; and proved, by examination, that the nature of the soils was suflBciently similar to war- rant the most sanguine hopes of success. He was of opinion that the tea tree found growing wild there was iudigeuoua j and consequently, that the climate was congenial to that species of the plant, and he concluded rightly from these rfaia, that Assam would grow quite as good tea as China. Dr. Griffiths again, fearlessly attacked many of the erroneous opinions which had been advanced on the subject in India, ably supporting his views, which experience has proved, in the main, sound, by the opinions of distinguished botanists in Europe, and actual experience gained in China. I cannot conclude this part of my report he wrote ' without 19 adverting to the desultory manner in wliieh the question of tea culture in India, has been treated by every author who has written on the subject,, with the exception of Mr. Mc Clelland. To what conclusion but one, can we come, when we find an authority, who has been supposed to be acquainted with the question in all its details, stating very gravely that a temperature between SO** and 80" is requisite ; and when we find that this is as gravely taken up by a popular and more philosophical author/ And after expressing a hope that the spirit of his remarks would be taken in the proper light viz. a strong wish to protect, as far as his ability would allow, the interests of Government — this gifted botanist summed up his very able report with these ■words. ' As affairs stand now, the scheme must recom- mence ab on^mCjinVolving a loss of nearly three years-, and of large sums of money r to say nothing of the revulsion that mnst have taken place in the minds of all interested in its prosecution. I have above stated my conviction that success is, under the circumstances alluded to, certain r and I htive adopted this conviction on the following grounds; — 1st. That the tea plant is indigenous to, and distributed extensively over, a large portion of Upper Assam. 2nd. That there is a similarity in configuration between the Valley of Assam^ and two of the best known tea provinces of China. 19 Brd. That there is a similarity between the dimateS of the two countries, both with regard to tempera- ture and humidity. 4>th. That there is a precise similarity between the stations of the tea plant in Upper Assam, and its stations in those parts, of the provinces of Keang- nan and Eeano-see that have been traversed bif Europeans. 5th That there is a similarily both in the assO' dated and the general vegetation of both Assam, and those parts of the Chinese tea provinces situated in or about the same latitudes.' I give prominent insertion to this extract, as containing those philosophic principles ou which aii enquiry of scientific and great national importance should be conducted. It is of vital moment in a country like India, where We are almost daily called on to pronounce an opinion on the feasibility of supplying the mother country with some new want^ that important questions of this nature^nstead of being decided on the random reports and desultory opinions of men, adraitedly, let it be, of great general intelligence, bat wholly incompetent to give au opinion of any value whatever oi» questions requir-* ing scientific and special attainments-— should be first carefully considered by men of acknowledged ability to deal with them. It will be seen on reference to the minute of the Governor Generai from which I have quoted above/ that he started 20 from precisely the same points, as Doctors Mc Cle» land and Griffith. Their couclusions formed on the only fully sound bases, actual examination, and practical experience, verified his Lordships prog- nostication in every particular. With the reports of these gentlemen His Excellency's case in favor of India, as a tea growing country, was completed, and to them, therefore, must be nssigned the second .place in merit, in the investigations which led up to the successful introduction of tea culture in the Lower Provinces. It is a source of regret that the experiment was not placed under the super* intendence of one or other of them, at a time when their services might have been of the utmost vahie, instead of being jeojjardiKed, and all but aban- doned, US was subsequently the case. For, I have little doubt, that had the reports of Dr. Mc Clellaiid and Griffith, received, at the time they were furnished, the attention that experience gained, has proved the}'- were deserving of, India instead of of two, might now be exporting, annually, ten million pounds of ten. But to return to the Tea Committee. Mr. Gordon had no sooner returned to Calcutta, than it was found he had been recalled at the moment his services, on the spot, were most required ; and he was deputed, a second time, to China, to superintend the arrange- ments he had made for procuring supplies of seed fiad plants. la both his missions^ Mr. Gordon 21 sent round to Calcutta several casks of seed's, some plants, 'and eiglit or ten Cliinanien. From tlie seed about 42^000 plants were reared, which were distributed as follows : — Madras Presidency 2,000 Assam.... 20,000 North Western Himalayas 20,000 42,000 It was further proposed, in communication with Mr. Gordon, that Mr. Gutzlaff, a Missionary, long resident in China, should be deputed to pene- trate the Chinese provinces through Yunnara into Burmah, and thence to Suddya in Assam. But this proposal, apparently, fell to the ground. on the whole , Mr. Gordon's seeond mission to China does not seem to have been productive of the results anticipated, though from the encomium passed on him by the Tea Committee no blame would appear to have attached to him. He re- turned to Calcutta in the beginning of 1836, and soon after resigned his office as Secretary, to Dr. Wallich. The plants sent to Madras for distribution were planted at Coorg, Mysore, the Neelghiri Hills, and in the Horticultural Gardens at Madras. Their story is soon told. Six m onths after they arrived (82nd August 1836) the Chief Secretary reported 32 to the Supreme Government ' that the experiment had completely failed ; and that with the exception of a few plants on the Neelghiri Hills, and in the Nagger country, the rest [had] withered away.' It must not be concluded, however, from this, that no part of the south of India will grow tea; as from the unavoidable ingorance of those entrusted with the charge of these early experiments, no other result could have been anticipated. The 20,000 plants destined for Assam fared little better. They were sent up in boats in the care of a Sergeant. When they reached Assam, 8,000 only were living. But even this nucleus would, in time, have served to propagate the plant, had proper precautions been observed in organizing the nurseries and plantations prepared to receive them. Such, however, was not the case, and as it will not be altogether uninstructive, I will here trace the progress of these 'unfortunate plants.' ' A spot ' says Dr. Griffith ' was fixed upon (as a nursery) by the Deputation, at Chykwa, appearing to possess the requisite peculiarities of soil and situation. The spot was completely cleared for the reception of plants, and after a considerable time had elapsed, owing to the difficulty of procuring labourers, they were at length, under the superintendence of Mr. Bruce and of a malee from the Botanic Gardens, removed to their final destination. About August, I visited the Nursery with Lieut. Millak, comman-ding 23 at Sadiya, and Mr. Bruce. To my great astonish- ment, not 500 of the plants were alive, and of these almost all appeared, in tlie last stage of decline. The ground was literally matted down with low tenacious weeds, and it is a fact, that on our arrival at the Nursery, not a Tea plant could be seen, owing to the uniform green colour of the surface. I look upon this Nursery, which would, under other circum- statices, have contained many thousands of excellent Chinese stock, to the existence of which, I at least, attach primary importance, as totally destroyed. The cause of this destruction is beyond doubt to be attributed to the fact, that the plants, which had for several months been under sheds, were in the Nursery completely unsheltered from a suffi- ciently hot sun, the obvious remedy for which would have been the erection of temporary muchowns or mats, by the removal of which, at certain times, the plants might have become accustomed to that which was to them an excess of solar influence ; and that the intervals between the plants, as well as round each, had apparently never been subjected to the operations of a hoe or any other instrument.' Assam was now left entirely to its own resources — the indigenous trees, and the plants raised from their seed ; and owing to the deep interest taken in the experiment by Captain Jenkins, and Major White, and their active support — and, above all to the praiseworthy and valuable services of Mr. C. Bruce, 24 a considerable degree of success, was obtained. Mr. Bruce bad been of the greatest assistance to the deputation, and oq the recommendation of Dr. Wallich, he was appointed superintendent of tea forests and placed in general charge of the opera- tions sanctioned for the experimental manufacture of tea in Assam. On this selection Dr. Griffith remarked as follows : — ' From the remarks I have made as to the impor- tance of improving the Asamese plant, it will be evident that certain qualifications are necessary in the person who has the general superintendence of the whole plan. It has been generally allowed that the superintendence of the culture of any given plant, requires at the least a certain degree of prac- tical knowledge ; and that if this be combined with some theoretical knowledge, the chances of success are much increased. Now it may be fairly asked, how are the above qualifications fulfilled in the instance of the present Superintendent of Tea, Mr. BaucE ? The question may appear invidious, particularly to those unacquainted with Assam, but the answer is obvious. Indeed to do Mr. Bruce justice, I believe he does not pretend to possess either one or the other. As a zealous hard-working person Mr. Bruce can not well be exceeded, and to these good qualities he adds those of a tolerable aoquaintance with the natives of Upper Assam, and of the Assamese language, so far as colloquial 25 intercourse with the lower orders, and the possession of strong physical powers/ Now there is much truth in Dr. Griffith's remarks regarding the qualifications that should necessarily be united in a person entrusted with the sole superintendence of an experiment of so important a nature as that under review. At the same time, if it cannot be said that Mr. Bruce possessed them all, it must nevertheless be admitted that he possessed many tliat enabled him to render very valuable services to Government, and to tea interests. ' Unappalled says the Tea Committee in a report to Government ' by the discomforts, difficulties, and even dangers of travelling in the rainy season, through the jungly country of the Sing- phos, on the south side of the Eerampootra, he made an excursion as far as Beeralakam, on. the Tarapanee, beyond the Burra Dehing river,' He traversed vast provinces heretofore untrodden by the foot of any European, discovered large tracts of country covered with indigenous tea trees, and by his knowledge of the language, and his con- ciliatory manners and judicious treatment of the natives, he was mainly instrumental in establish- ing those relations with the chiefs and hill tribes, through which the whole of the forests and waste and uncultivated lands of the province, were subsequently placed at the disposal of Government. He further successfully cultivated the indigenous plant, first 36 manufacturing from its leaves marketable tea, which, when sent into the London market, was so highly reported on, and sold at such fabulous prices, as to encourage the most sanguine hopes of the article becoming a most profitable com- mercial speculation. The report of the first eight chests of Assam tea manufactured by Mr. Bruce and offered for sale in the London market, was as follows : — Souchong. Lot 1, 1st quality, 34 lbs. net at 21s. per lb. „ 2, 2nd „ 28 „ „ at 20s. „ „ 3,3rd „ 37 „ „ at 16s. „ Pekoe. Lot 4, 2nd quality, 38 lbs. net at 24s. Qd. per lb. „ 5, „ „ 40 „ „ at 25s. „ „ 6, „ „ 33 „ „ at 27s. &d. „ „ 7, „ „ 35 „ „ at 28s. Gd. „ „ 8, „ „ 36 „ „ at 34s. „ ' The result here exhibited ' the Court of Direc- tors in their despatch to the Governor General remarked 'will not, of course, lead you to the formation of any correct opinions as to the real- marketable valuable of the tea, should it arrive iu quantities sufficient to be considered a staple article of commerce ; on the contrary, it can only be con- sidered as a fancy price, occasioned by the great excitement and competition created by the novelty 27 and curiosity of the sale.' The brokers however,' had a high opinion of the tea^ and an offer was immediately made to contract for 500 or 1,000 chests at Is. lO^d. to 2s. per lb.* The injunctions of the Court of Directors to the Government of India, were, 'that the opera- tions undertaken in order to ascertain whether marketable tea could be grown and manufaictured in India, should be considered strictly experimental,* their object being to induce private capatalists to undertake the task of carrying on the operations to a profitable issue. The required fact was now ascer- tained. Tea was grown, was manufactured, and sold at a high price in the London market. The work the Government of India proposed to itself to accomplish, was completed. The rest is soon told. A joint-stock company, ' The Assam,' with a nominal capital of a million sterling was projected in London (1839) for bringing the tea forests of Assam, as they were called, into cultivation, and soon formed. In 1810 they commenced operations, on a scale of expense in keeping with the existing idea, that the profits of the undertaking would be so rapid and so enormous, as to render any attempt, at economy imprudent and unnecessary. Under * ThefoUowin g year (1 840) feu chests of tea were offered for sale, and thougli the prices obtained were not equal to those of the previous year, they were still very hig-h viz. 8s,, 9s., 10s., and lU. per lb. 28 the exciting influence of tliis false idea tlie most extravagant expenses were incurred and sanctioned ; and that nothing might be wanting to promote the the enterprize. Government liberally transferred to the Company its su])erintende'nt and two-thirds of its own plantations and estjiblishments.. But aiasj for the vanity of human expectations ! Both Government and tlie Company were doomed to disappointment. The soil in one place was not selected with reference to the requirements of the ■plant— labor in another was insufficient — the cul- tivation in a third was bad— the superintendence in a fourth was inefficient — ignorance every where •was rampant, — and to crown allj the tea, ■rnhe^n manufactured, was pronounced by the London brokers to be bad \ The Assam Company, having, by the most reckless mismanagement, thrown away jg200,000,the whole of its called up capital, and about ^20jOOO more, was reduced to a state of insolvency so nearly verging on bankruptcy, that £20 shares were sold in the Calcutta market for less than one rupee. It was proposed to wind up its affairs. But this catastrophe was averted by the exertions and sound practical advice of Mr. H. de Mornay. On visiting the plantations this gentleman found them so choked with weeds. that not a siugle plant was visible. Large sowings had been very regularly made, but, unfortu- nately, had as regularly been suffered to be destroyed by the jungle and rank vegetation which springs np 29 in Assam with magic rapidity. The Company's capital had literally been poured out upon the earth, and there allowed to rot With the keen eye of an expe- rienced man of business, however, Mr. de Mornay saw in the devastation before him, the germs of success. Instead therefore of advising the company to wind up its affairs, he at once set about rectify- ing the errors that had been committed. But to make a tea garden, is a matter of time, and consequently for some years tha position of the Company, in public opinion, did not improvs (1846-7-8.) In the mean time G-overnment, having performed it's task, and finding its only remaining garden a Very unprofitable and very expensive affair, sold it for a song t3 a Chinaman, and left the field ■altogether to private speculators (1849.) Now it; might naturally be supposed that if any one would •succeed with tea, a Chinaman was the man ; but in this case it was not so. Antony, for that was Jiis name, most signally failed, and shortly after resold his bargain far half the purchase money Es. 475 i The prospects of tea in Assam, so bright in the commencement^ Were now dimmed almost td extinction ; and had it not been for the energy 'and perseverance of a few individuals, it is possible that the cultivation of the plant would have been abandoned altogether. Among them should be so speciallymentioned Mr. H. de Mornar, the regenera- tor of the experiment, Mr. Williamson, and a mili- tary officer, the late Lieutenant Colonel Hannay, Commandant of the 1st Assam Light Infantry. The latter gentleman having by high and careful cultivation brought a small experimental garden, of the China plant, into a flourishing condition, he obtained a further grant of land, and extended his cultivation with great success (1851). Encouraged by the success which attended the operations of the Colonel and the gentlemen above mentioned, Messrs. "Warren and Jenkins, G. Barry of Seraj gunge, and others, soon folJowed their good example ; and the work rapidly progressed. The choked up gardens of the Assam Company, had, by this time, been completely reclaimed. A dividend was de- clared! (1852.) Tlanters generally took heart. Pro- per care was bestowed on the selection of the soil, the cultivatiou of the plant, and finally, on the manipulation of the leaf and other processes of manufacture. The tea, always in itself good, gradually assumed an altered appearance, — until at laat, the produce of the indigenous Assam plant, which- the brokers rejected, became more sought after, and, ' once more, fetched higher prices in the London Market, than the very finest China teas. • Applications for grants of lands now poured in, and were complied with by Government on the 31 most liberal terms. Tea Gardens sprung up iti Upper Assam by dozens. Messrs. Martin and Sons in Lower Assam (1854), and others in Central Assam, followed in the same course. And finally, an impulse was imparted to the new cultivation, which has resulted in giving to a Province, heretofore a penal Settlement, an importance second to none in the British possessions in India. The quantity of land appropriated to the cultiva- tion of tea by the latest returns ^July 1862) had reached the sum of 71,218 acres, 13,222 of which are actually under cultivation, bearing aii estimated crop of 1,788,737 lbs. of tea, and affording employment to 16,611 daily laborers,* There are now in Assam one hundred and sixty plantations, owned by sixty Companies and individuals. Of the Companies, five are juint-stock concerns, the Assam, the Jorehat, the East India, and the Lower, and the Central Assam; besides which there are fifteen private Companies. And, if an idea be required of the favor with which the public now views India tea investments, it may be gathered from the stubborn fact, that the shares of the Company which, as before mentioned, were one e sold in the Calcutta Market for less than one rupee, * Very numerous additional grants have been lately applied for under tlm Resolution of the Go-vernmcnt oi India regarding: the sale of waste lands (17th October 1861 ;) but none will be complied with pending receipt of the orders of the Uight Hon'bW the Secre- tary of State , 82 can With difficulty be obtained for foii.'f hundred md fifty !* Nor was the cultivation confined to Assam. It was discovered for the second time (1855) that the plant was indigenous to Cachar also, and the dis- covery Was no sooner made, than enterprizing men, (especially Messrs. Williamson and Barry^) were found to turn it to account. In this province up to date, (18th July 1862) upwards of 68,149 acres have been leased to tea planters j there are thirty-one working concerns j and, though the experiment has H development of but six yearsj 6,077 acres haVe been brought under culture, the estimated crop of which for the year is 336,800 lbs. of manufactured tea. ]?rom the chops moreover which have been sent into the London Market, it has been pro* nounced quite equal, in every respect, to the best Assam. The cultivation afforded employment last year to 6719 laborers. At Hazureebagh, and especially Darjeeling, both places in point of climate, well suite! to the European constitution, the cultivation of tea has been also introduced, and I believe with every success, t say, I believe, because from Ha^areebagh I have no information further than that the tea that has come to Oalcutta from it is good. But regard- * Since this was written the sliaies of this Oompany owing' to- l-umoured irregularities on the part of some of the Calcutta Board of Management, and the resignation of Mr, H. de Mornay^the Managing Director, have declined 25 p. c. 33 ing Darjeeling as a tea growing district, there are diflFerences of opinion. Some thiiils that at Sin elevation of 7000 feet, the cold is too severe for the delicate young seedlings, and that the beat io summer is not sufficiently great to ensure fine flushes. But in opposition to these opinions, we have the simple facts that practical planters have taken up 21,865 acres of land for the purpose, and employed, last year, 4819 laborers in cultivating it j and though operations were only commenced five years ago, 8762 acres have been brought under the hoe. Of this, 5152 acres have been planted out, the out-turn of which for the year was estimated at 78,244 lbs. of manufactured tea, musters of which having tested, I have no hesitation in pronouncing, though perhaps somewhat too highly flavored to please all tea drinkers, a very flrtit class tea. . It will thus be seen, that in the provinces under the Authority of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, the results for the year 1862, were : — Extent qf grant in Acres. Area under cultivation. Crop far the year 1862, Number of laborers. 71,215 68,149 • 21865 13.222 6,077 8,762 1,788,737 336,800 I66I1 Cachar Darjeeling 6,719 4,819 Grand Total .... 161,219 28,061 2,203,781 28,149 The data from which this return is compiled is not, iinfortanately, as complete as it might be, the managers of some private concerns declining, for reasons best known to themselves, to furnish Government officials with the particulars required, for giving a complete statistical detail of this in- teresting cultivation. But an unerring test in such cases, where the materials obtained from private sources are imper- fect or doubtful, are, the trade returns. These, as courteously furnished to me by the Board of; Revenue, show, that for the year ending 80th April, 1862, the quantity of tea exported to all ports from Calcutta, was 5,686 chests, containing 1,487,285 lbs. of tea. Under Act X. of 1860, and XI. of 1862, teai is exported free of duty. It is nevertheless valued , at the Custom House. For this purpose it is divided into four different classes, viz. 8 as., 12 as., , I r., and 1 r., 4 as. per lb., which gives an average ■ of 14 as. per lb., and a total for the year 1861 of Rs. 13,01,374, or say, £130,137. And, as what tea has been grown in the North West, has been almost wholly consumed in the country, and comparatively very little of Assam and Gachar tea is retained for home use, the return here given, will afford a very fair idea of the quantity of tea grown last year, in the Lower Provinces of Bengal. 35 CHAPTER II. Of North Western India — the Slopes of the Himalayas — the Valley of Kangra. Having thus given an impartial sketch of the experiments made in Assam, 1 shall proceed to give some account of the success which attended similar experiments made in other parts of India. It v\rill be recollected that the slopes of the Himalayas, at altitudes varying from two to six thousand feet, had been recommended by almost all authorities, as better adapted than any other part of India for the successful cultivation of tea. Sir Joseph Banks, Dr. Govan, Dr. Wallich,-Dr. Falconer, and Professor Eoyle, all, with some diflPerences as to altitudes, concurred in this opinion, and there can be no doubt, that facts, as ascertained at the time, fully justified the conclusion at which they arrived. It was generally believed that all the best teas that reach England from China, were grown in the north, the climate of which is tem- perate, and in winter extremely cold. Many of the plants and flora of parts of China, were found 36 to be indigenons to the slopes of the Himalayas. Very erroneous notions prevailed in England, and amongst botanists, regarding the Thea Bohea, or plant of the south, and the Thea Viridis, or plant of the north of China, the process of manufacturing the article of commerce called tea being so little known, that results brought about by its agency, ■were attributed solely to distinctions of species in the plant. This is not the place to enter on a dis- cussion regarding the different species and varieties of the tea plant, nor to decide what is a species, and what only a cultivated variety. Nor if it were, not being a botanist, would I attempt to conduct any enquiry on the subject. But from the evidence before me, and present experience, I must say that I can see no- thing to have caused the angry discussions that took •place on the discovery of the new tea plant, and the alarm that was created amongst certain botanists, on the publication of the satisfactory reports of the London brokers on the tea manufactured from the indigenous plant of Assam. That Dr. Wallich was slow in admitting that the Assam plant was of the real Thea species is true ; and it is much to be regret- ted. For there can be no doubt, that his unwilling- ness to forego his previously conceived ideas, or rather to receive new ones on the subject, postponed the discovery for several years, and considerably retarded subsequent experimental operations. Differ- ences of opinion between savans, will arise, and 37 if discussed with moderation and temper, they are oftea attended with the most impdttant results. But bitter criticisms and angry discussions, between men of real genius, who are supposed, or who, at least ought, to soar high above an atmosphere infected by the noxious vapor of petty jealousies peculiar to men of doubtful reputations, are especi- ally to be avoided, — first because they must always be fraught with danger to the objects to which such men dedicate their lives^-and secondly be- cause they tend very much to damage the fair fame of those who indulge in themt In the present instance, it is to this cause, no doubt, that we owe the loss of the report of Dr. Wallich, the head of the deputation to Assam, which certainly would have been both interesting and valuable. And, why? Because he. Dr. Falconer, Professor Royle, and others had recommended the slopes of the Himalayas, as offering the best pros- pect of success. Yet, after reading nearly all, if not all, that has been written on the subject, I most unhesitatingly say, not only that these gentlemen were perfectly right ; but that had they done other- wise, they would have signally failed in their duty to the Government they served. It was not the object of the Government of India to introduce and cultivate a species of the tea plant, but the species of the tea plant which produced the tea of commerce ; and, at the time the experiment was projected, that 38 species ; was known to exist only in Chinaj and believed to grow there, in highest perfection, in the temperate climate of the North. Little it is true ■was known of the interior of China; but how- soever little that little was, it is an undoubted fact, that, what was known, to the botanic world, of Assam, was infinitely less, for it was — nothing at all\ No. lukewarm n ess can be attributed to any of the gentlemen engaged in the enquiry after it was satisfactorily proved that the Assam plant was a real tea ; and from that date the whole question, from a botanic point of view, resolved itself into this. Is it identical with the tea plant of China, or a new species? And what has experience proved? Why simply, that if the Thea Assamica, is not dis- tinct in species from the Thea Bohea, it is quite as distinct from it, as the Thea Bohea, is from the Thea Viridis; that the numerous cultivated varieties of botli the. latter species, found growing in the same garden in China, often differ sufficiently from each other in external characteristics to give color to the belief that the Thea Bohea and the Thea Viridis, may originally have sprung from one and the same stock ; that the China tea shrub ' delights in high situations ;' and that all the fine green teas of China, are grown in ti;e temperate climate of the north, — and t\iQ finest of the black teas, on the slopes of the Bohea Hills. The simple fact then, would seem to be, that the tea shrub is a peculiarly hardy plant, and in the dia- 39 cussions above alluded to, uo allowance was made, by either side, for differences in characteristics liable to occur in a plant reproduced from seed, distri- buted over an area of 28 degrees of latitude and 30 degrees of longitude. An evidently intelligent Chinese author {wpui Ball) in speaking of the district of Kien Ning Fu, says ' there are some plantations on plains rather low, the soil of which is compact, a little muddy, rather black, neither very odd nor very hot, and rather damp. The tea of this place is worth about two-thirds more than the tea of other parts of Eo-kien; — but the best of all, is procured from plants which are upon high mountains in steep places, sometimes like precipices ; and on this ac- count iron chains are used to ascend them, and to gather the leaves. These are the famous mountains of Vu-ye, in the district of Kien Ning Fu.' Now it is not my object in this place, to prove the converse of what I endeavoured to prove in a previous chapter, nor yet to bestow praise where censure is due; but simply to show how impossible it is to form certain conclusions, from imperfect, or WMceriaira pre- mises ; and, under such circumstances, how possi- ble it is for opposite parties to be partially both right, and both wrong at the same time. We could not certainly place much reliance on the opinion of a Chinese author on a purely scientific subject; but here we have nothing of the kind to deal with. He 40 has stated simple factSj which carae under his own observation, and with which he was quite competent to ^pal. And it appears to me, that in this short exj^act he has described, with singular aptitude, our cirpumstances in India, — the first portion of his reparks applying, with considerable accuracy, to the conditions of the tea districts of the Lower, — and the second in a great measure to those of the Upper provinces of India. The principles then for which both parties con- tended are gained. Assam will gmw, has grown, tea, equally good, and if not better, certainly stronger than many parts of China — while experi- ence gained up to date in China, in Japan and lava, goes to prove, that if ' frost and snow ■" be not absolutely essentials, a temperate and moderately cold climate is more favorable to that fragrance and delicacy of flavor peculiar to the highest quality of teas, which must consequently be looked for from the valleys and slopes of the Himalayas, and probably at some future date, from those of other Mountains of this wonderfully pro- ductive country. And, to avoid misapprehension, 1 would here draw attention to a point, whicli though hitherto, perhaps, not altogether overlooked, has given rise, I feiir, to some mistakes on tlie pnrt of persons whose sole object has been to {rrow an article suitable for Euro- pean Commerce. 1 menu the indiscriminate and 41 unqualfied use, by botanists, planters, tea brokers &c., of the terms ' finest ' and ' commonest ' China teas. The varieties of the China plant, consequent on differences of climate, temperature, soil, cultiva- tion &c. are very numerous ; and the difference ia quality of China teas, resulting from ' withering,' and peculiarities in the processes of manufacture, combined with these causes, are not less so. The fragrant beverage moreover, is drank in China, not as we drink it, with sugar, cream or milk, but ia its pure unadulterated state. Tea again to the Euro- pean, is ordinarily, a grateful and refreshing beverage. To the Chinaman it is much more. It is, in many respects, what wine is to the European gentleman ; and though it may require a nice connoiseur to distinguish readily a particular chop among many, and though, the lower substrata of the population may drink their coarse Congo, with the same gusto as their vin ordinaire is drank by the people of the vine growing countries of Europe, the great body of the middle classes of China, are no doubt exceed- ingly nice about their teas, appreciating both body aud bouquet. In such circumstances we might naturally expect to find a considerable difference of opinion in Europe and China regarding the quality of teas, and the point I would wish to notice is, that the teas most eagerly sought after by the mercantile com- munities of Europe (Russia perhaps excepted) are 42 distinguished cliiefly for strength ; while thosa most highly esteemed by the Chinese, and, strange to say, by the people of India, are distinguished for fragrance and delicacy of flavor. ' The general facts, as regards the plant, which I take to be pretty clearly established by ihe experi- ence gained in China, Japan, Java, and India, up to date, are, — that a rich soil, and a humid atmosphere, with considerable heat, are conducive, to luxurient crops and a tea of the greatest strength ,■ and a light (though not poor) friable soil, and a temperate climate, or a moderate elevation, are more favorable to average crOps of the finest or most delicately flavored teas. Such a combination of climate and soil as will ensure the mean of these extremes, will produce the most useful, and when Iiidian teas find their level, I bel»eve the most profitable tea. It can be obtained in India. Had these facts been known at the commence- ment of tea experiments in India, we should not now have had to reconcile conflicting opinions. But these differences, though resulting from the imperfect acquaintance with the subject of all parties engaged- in the experiment, in the end proved most fortunate for the country. Por, under other circumstances, on the discovery that the tea plant was indigenous t» Assam, experiments in all other parts of India, would, in all probability, have been abandoned, and the noble field for iudftstry and the outlay of eapital. 43 wliicb has been opened up in the lower and outer ranges of the Himalaya Mountains closed for a century — or for ever. That it helped considerably to retard the cultivation, will be seen from the following brief sketch of the operations undertaken in that quarter, to which I shall now turn. It will be recollected, that of the seedlings raised from the seed sent to Calcutta from China by Mr. Gordon in 1835, twenty thousand were set a part for the North-west ; and these, with some seed, were destined to form the first stock of tiie Himalayan tea gardens. Professor Royle had originally selec- ted sites for experimental gardeus in the valleys of Gurwahl, at elevations varying from 2,000 to 6,500 feet. But Dr. Falconer selected other sites, at Chejooree (4,000 ft.) Koth ^5,300) Rama Serai (5,000) Ruroo (5,400) Benchir Bagh (5,100) and a few plants he planted in an extra locality at 6,400 feet. He afterwards selected a site lower down in the Deyrah. Dhoon Valley (2,500 feet.) Mr. Traill ia Kamaon selected Bhurtpoor and Bheeratal, in the Ghagai: range (4,500 feet) and Lutehmaiser near Almorah (5,200 feet.) And in charge of these plantations he placed a Mr. Bliakworth. All were subsequently placed under the superintendence of Dr. Falconer. The stock of seed and seedlings sent from Calcutta, however, fared little better than that sent to Assam. Of the former, not a single seed germinated ; and of the 20,000 seedlings,, but 3,000 reached their destination alive. 44 Not very long afterwards, Dr. Falconer was deput- ed to conduct some scientific enquiries in Cashmere and Tliibet, and we have, consequently, no reports on the early progress of these plants. Those that took root, however, seem to have thrived well, for from a report of Dr Falconer's in 1841,1 find that 30,000 tea seeds were sown in 1840, and 5184 seedlings it is mentioned, were thriving vigorouslv in Kamaon— all produced from the very small nucleus of the original stock. But the central tea authorities, were evidently lukewarm as regards the experiment in Upper India. 'The brilliancy ' wrote Dr. Falconer ' of the discovery of the indigenous plant in Assam very naturally concentrated the attention of the Tea Committee upon that quarter ; and after the recall of Mr. Gordon from China but feeble efforts were made towards furnishing the Himalayan jiurseries with fresh supplies of China seed. They were left in a great measure to work on with the weakened remains of the first despatch.' This was exceedingly unfair to the experiment in that region, and it is much to the credit of those entrusted with it, that with so little practical knowledge of the habits and requirements of the plant, and such very scanty means of giving it fair play, such respectable results were obtain- ed. In a paper communicated by Lord Auckland to the Horticultural Society of Calcutta, in 1843, it is stated that in the Government gardens near Almorab, there were 1,500 full grown trees 45 bearing seed, and 20,500 healtliy seedlings; in a pri?'ate garden of Mr. Blitikworth's 40,000 seeds ii) the ground ; and in the two plantations at Bheemtal, 300 trees yielding seed, 6,046 seed- lings, and 20,000 seeds sown, besides, in all the gardens, about 50,000 seeds nearly ready for gathering (1841.) Up to this time, however, no tea had been manufactured in the Himalayas, Dr. Falconer, though some of his trees were now six years old, sensibly abstaining from experiments in this nice and difficult process, on the grounds, that 'were unpracticed hands to attempt it by following written directions, although they might ultimately blander into expertness, still a failure in the first instance would, in all probability, be the result, and discredit would naturally, though unfairly, fall on the pro- duce.' He, therefore, wisely pressed on Government the necessity of furnishing him with experienced Chinese manipulators and manufacturers, and as the result of his recommendation nine Chinamen were despatched from Assam to Kamaon (1842.) These men on surveying the plantations, imme- diately directed the whole of the trees, many of which had been allowed to grow five and six feet high, to be cut down level with the ground, proposing to obtain a crop from the young shoots in 1843. They were unanimous however in opinion that the tea plant of the Kamaou plantations. 46 Was the genuine cultivated Chinese plant, and far superior to that growing wild in Assam,* Dr. Falconer, was, unfortunately, compelled by ill health to leave India for Europe, in the latter end of 1842. But the Chinamen had manufactured a small quantity of tea in the autumn of that yeai', and he had the satisfaction of bringing a sample of it with him ,to Europe. He was detained, however, by ill health ' in the south of Europe, and some of the same seasons crop had already reached, and been reported on, when he arrived in London. The first specimen, the eminent tea brokers Messrs. W. and J. Thomson of Mincing Lane, pronounced to be of the Oolong Souchong kind, ' fine flavored and strong. ' This, they added, is equal to the superior black tea generally sent as presents, and better for the most part, than the China tea imported for mercantile purposes' Of the second specimen Messrs. Ewart, Maccaughy, and Delafosse, of Capthall. Court, reported (8th September 1843) as follows : — "The tea brought by Dr. Falconer as a specimen of the growth of the China plant in the Himalayan mountains, resembles most nearly the description occasionally imported from China under the name of Oolong. This resemblance is observable in the appearance of the leaf before and after infusion. • Report by Dr. Forbes Eoyle on the progress of tea experiments Itithe Himnlayas from 1835 to 1847. 47 The color of the liquor is also similar, being paler, and more of the straw color than the general des- cription of black tea. It is not so high-flavored as the fine Ooh)ng tea with which we have compared it, and has been too highly burnt in the preparation, but it is of a delicate, fine flavor, and would com- mand a ready sale here." The Authorities in Thibet, to whom a sample was transmitted by Mr. Commissioner Lushington, de- clared the Kamaon tea to be of very superior quality. They made many enquiries as to the locality in which it was grown, and concluded by significantly request- ing that no more of it might be sent their way. Thi- betan tea, imported across the frontier in skins, used to be sold in the Almorah bazar at about one rupee per lb. Dr. "William Jameson, who succeeded Dr. Fal- coner as superintendent of the Botanical Gardens at Saharanpoor and the Government tea planta- tions in the Hill districts of the North Western Provinces, evinced, from the first, a warm and lively interest in the tea experiments. In his report on the first year of his occupation (1843) he states, 'the increase of young tea seedling plants during the last season, has been 113,392, or equal to four times the number reared since the nurseries were first established in 1835-36.' He was not quite satisfied, however, that the sites selected were suflB- cient to test the capabilities of the Himalayas for 48 growing tea. He therefore made a careful survey of the district of Kamaon, selecting sites for fresh nurseries at Bheemtal, and Hawalbagh, and from his report I make the following interesting extract : — "In selecting land for the new nurseries, I have paid due consideration to the geological structure of the districts, soil, locality. Sec, and have selected places similar to those that are considered good loca- lities in China for the Tea plant. The geological structure of the Kemaon province is highly interest- ing. At the foot of the hills we first meet with the saliferous system, consisting of red and green marl, sandstone, bituminous marl slate, imbedded in the marl ; enormous beds of gypsum or sulphate of lime occur, highly valuable in the arts, and which might be obtained here in any quantity, and a bitu- minous slate clay, which abounds with alum or sul- phate of alumina. This rock is of high importance, as from it a vast deal of the alum of commerce is procured. At Kalabaugh, on the banks of the Indus, there are 14 manufactories, with from 12 to 18 men in each, engaged in making alum from it: when made, the alum is sold at the manufactory for about Rs, 19 per camel load. It is therefore well worthy of the attention of Government, as the alum slate occurs in inexhaustible beds in Kemaon. The saliferous system rests upon a series of clay slates belonging to the transition series; the magnesian limestone, carboniferous and old red sandstone series, 49 being entirely wanting. In several localities, but particularly in tlie neighbourhood of Bheemtal, greenstone is found bursting through and altering tfie Neptunean strata. From this locality, on to about three miks of Almora to the Neptunean rocks, consists of alternations of clay slate and mica slates, with enormous beds of quartz rock, all highly in- clined, and dipping at angles varying from 25° to 7ij° to the east of north. About three miles dis- tance from Almorali, we meet with granite, whicb here forms monntains of considerable elevation. On passing the granite, we again meet with clay and mica slates, with imbedded quartz xock, which form the whole neighbourhood of Almorah and HawauU baugh. Such is a rapid and general view of the geology of that province as far as Hawaulbangh." The report of 1845, considering the experimental nature of the operations in hand and the imperfect means at Dr. Jameson's disposal, shows considerable progress. He had then under his superintendence, in Gurwahl and Kamaon, eight small plantations of 118 acres of cultivation, containing, seedlings, and plants of one to nine years old, to the number of 308,122. About 346 lbs. of tea, the produce of these gardens, were put up for sale in June of this year, at Almorah, and realized the high average price of Ks. 2-4 as. (45. GdJ^ per lb. In 1846, 1 find the superintendent still sanguine. ' I have ' said he ' some thousands [of seeds] for 50 distribution. Our tea plantations are thriving admirably, the land appropriated by Government has been all planted, and there are in addition about one and a half lacs (150,000) of young plants, and seeds to the amount of ten lacs (1,000,000) have been sown this season.' In order therefore to keep pace with the increase of the plants, I am about to recommend to Govern- ment an increase of about two hundred acres to the plantations. If Government acquiesce in my views, we shall have the tea plantations this season in Kamaon, consisting of 150 acres, in Gurwahl of 100 acres, and in the Deyrah Dlioon of 100 ncres. The return of tea this year, is two thirds more than that of last j and in addition to black tea, we have made a series of different kinds of green tea, which in appearance, are far superior to any thing seen in Upper India.' He adds tlie following curious information regarding the adultera- tion of China teas. ' I had lately an interesting experiment performed at this manufactory. It is well known that teas are extensively adulterated. To ascertain the extent to which it is carried on, I had a good sample of tea procured from Meerut, unrolled by the Chinese manufacturers ; and by them it was shewn, that iwo-thirds of the so called tea, consisted of other leaves !' The year 1847 was an important year for the tea experiment in the Himalaya Mountains. Dr. 51 Jameson, in tliis year, submitted to Government an able rt-port on the subject, in which he reviewed the progress of the operations being carried on, giving the results of his experience as to the soil, elevation, atmosphere, and system of cultivatioa found most suitable to the plant in the districts under his superintendence ; and appended a lucid account of the methods adopted in manufacturing green and black teas, packing teas, preparing sheet lead, buildings, tea houses, implements in use &c., making at the same time some valuable suggestions for the improvement of the plantations.* In this communication he reported an addition to his stock of 253,842 seedlings, and that he had manufactured 1,023 lbs* 11 oz. of green and black teas. The quantity was small, but the quality, was good. The Pouchong only was offered for sale, and the maxi- mum price realized at Almorah for this tea in English money was 7s. %d, per lb., and the mini- mum 5s. ; the average being, 7s. Id. Of 38 chests sold, 29 realized upwards of 7s. per lb., 20 of these being purchased by natives. The result satisfactorily established two all impor- tant facts — that good tea could be manufactured in Kamaon — and that a local market for it was already in existence. * This report which was illustrated with numerous drawing's, wag printed and extensively circulated by Government. It was subse. quently enlarg'ed, and with other papers connected with the subject, published in a vol, of Government selections (No. XXIII.) for general information. 53 But the most important result of the report of 1847, was, that it attracted the attention of Govern- ment to the desirability of, at last, taking eiBcient mea- sures to provide for supplementing the labours of their zealous superintendent, by obtaining the best information, and further supplies of seed and seed- lings of the finest tea plants from China, as succes- sively urged by Drs. Koyle, GrifiBth, and Falconer. It was a fortunate circumstance moreover, that the London tea brokers had reported, most favorably on the specimens of tea sent home from the Hima- layas the previous year. 'From this, and examinations of former samples' says one ' I am quite satisfied that the climate and soil in Kamaon is as suitable to the favorable growth of the shrub, as the finest of the China localities ' (W. Hunt) ' The flavor ' said another 'is Tcry strong, and it would therefore be serviceable for mixing ; but it is so ' coarse burnt ' that all richness of flavor is destroyed (W.Thompson) 'In flavor ' reported the Messrs. Ewart on a sample from the Deyrah Dhoon 'it most resembles the better descriptions of Orange Pekoe, having, with the brisk burnt flavor of that description, more than its usual strength.' The Court of Directors in forwarding these reports to the Government of India, were pleased to express the opinion that the specimens ' were very creditable to Dr. Jameson and his establish- ment.' They went on to observe ' that at a sale 53 which took place at Almorah 173 lbs. of this tea, produced, from Rs. 4 to Rs. 5 a seer (two lbs.) and Dr. Jameson is of opinion, that the produce of 6,000 acres of laud, would yield a surplus of Rs. 2,30,266 per autmm ;' adding in the next para. ' We take a deep interest in this subject, and attach great importance to the success of a project from which considerable advantages would arise to the Agricultural community of these districts.' The result of these happy coincidences was, that Mr. Fortune, a gentleman favorably known to the botanical world by his 'Three years wanderings in China,' was deputed by the Court of Directors to proceed to China for the pu|?pose of obtaining the finest varieties of the tea plant, as well at, native manufacturers and implements, for the Government plantations in the Himalayas. (18481 Mr. Fortune executed the duty entrusted to him with energy and enterprize. On landing, he immediately adopted the dress and manners of the Chinese, and in this manner visited the finest green and black tea dis- tricts of China, including those of the Sung-lo, and Bohea Hills. A very short time after his arrival in China, he sent large quantities of tea seeds to Calcutta, But, like the seeds of oaks and chesnuts, tea seeds retain their vitality for a very short time oufc of the ground ; and, in consequence of no special care having been taken in packing them, they all died. In the following year (1849) however he adopted 54 a plan that was attended with the very best results, and aS, in India, oor distances are very great, and as a considerable amount of money has been already lost, and a very great deal of disappointment occa-' sioned, by the ignorant packing of tea seeds, I sliall give Mr. Fortune's account of the plan adopted by him in his own words : — " My first experiment was tried in the following manner. Having procured some fine mulberry- plants from the district where the best Chinese silk is produced, I planted them in a Ward's case in the usual way, and watered them. ' In two or three days, •when the soil was sufficiently dry, a large quantity of tea-seeds were scattered over its surface, and covered with earth about half an inch deep. The whole was now sprinkled with water, and fastened down with a few cross-bars to keep the earth in its place. The case was then screwed down in the usual way, and made as tight as possible. When the case reached Calcutta, the mulberry- plants were found to be in good condition, and the tea-seeds had germinated during the voyaij;e, and were now covering the surface of the soil. Dr. Falconer, writing to me upon the receipt of this case says, " The young tea-plants were sprouting 'around the mulberries aa thick as they could come up," Diiring this year (1849) large quantities of seeds were sown in other cases between the rows of young 55 tea* plants. These also germinated on their way to India, and reached their destination in the Hima- layas in good condition. When the news of the success of these experi- ments reached me from India, I determined to adopt the same plan when I packed the cases which' I was now taking round under my own care. Tea- seeds were therefore sown in all the cases between the rows of young plants. Fourteen cases having been packed and prepared in this manner, I had still a large quantity of seeds — about a bushel — remaining on hand. These I determined to dispose of in the following manner. Two glazed cases had been prepared to take a collec- tion of camellias from China to the Botaaic Garden at Calcutta. The tea-seeds were emptied out in front of these cases and a small portion of earth thrown in amongst them. A layer of this mixture, which now consisted of about one part earth and two parts seeds was laid in the bottom of each case, and the camellia-plants were lifted gently out of their pots and placed upon it. The spaces between the plants were then filled up to the proper height with the mixture of tea-seeds and earth, and a little soil was sprinkled upon the surface to cover the uppermost seeds. The whole was then well watered, bars were nailed across to keep the earth in its place, and the lids of the cases were fastened down in the usual manner. 56 "When the cases were opened in Calcutta the young tearplants were found to be in good condi- tion. The seeds which had been sown between the rowa. were also just beginning to germinate. These, of course, were left undisturbed, as there was room • enough for them to grow ; but it Wds necessary to take other measures with those in the camellia cases. On opening the latter., the whole mass of seeds, from the bottom to the top, was swelling, and germi- nation had just commenced. The camellias, which had now arrived at their destination, were lifted gently out and potted, and appeared as if they had never left their native country. Fourteen new cases were got ready, filled with earth, and these germi- nating seeds were sown thickly over the surface, and covered with soil in the usual way. In a few days the young plants came sprouting throught the soil ; every seed seemed to have grown ; and by this simple plan about twelve thousand plants were added to the Himalayan plantations." On the whole, the mission of Mr. Fortune was attended with very considerable success. He reached Calcutta in March 1851, having introduced into India, besides large quantities of seed, upwards of twenty thousand tea plants, from Silver Island, Chusau, and the districts about Ningpo, and also from the far famed Sung-lo, and Bohea Hills. In the mean time tea prospects in India had not been looking up, lu Assam the operations of 57 Government had been superceded by those of private speculators ; but their affairs had been so mis-maiiaged that, as before detailed, after a ruinous sacrifice of capital, all hope of success hud beea almost abandoned. Ill the Himalayas, Dr. Jameson contiuued to carry on his operations with as much success as their experimental nature would permit. More land was cultivated and planted, and more tea, greeu and black, was made, — the green selling in the Almorah bazar as high as Rs. 10-8 to rupees 9-4s per seer (equal to lla. to 9s.-6rf. per lb.) He had moreover considerably extended the sphere of his operations, establishing, with the sanction of Govern- ment, plantations at Bowarnah and Nagrowta situated in the picturesque and beautiful Pahalam Valley near Kangra. Some native zemindars, also, had been induced, by liberal concessions, to under- take the cultivation. t In short the work Government had originally intended to accomplish was completed. The re- putation of those parts of the Himalayas iu wliich experiments had been made, as regards their capabilities for growing tea was fully esta- blished, aud it might legitimately have retired. But in North Western India, owing to the distance from the metropolis, the consequeut paucity of Europeans unconnected with the Civil aud Military services, and existing prohibitions against covenanted 58 servants of the State holding land, private enterprise did not so readily, come to the relief of Govern- ment. It had therefore to bear the full weight of the experiment, with all its attendent difficulties, expenses, and losses. And these were neither light, nor a few. As was the case in Assam — though, owing to the Government in the North West having distinguished botanists to superintend their gardens, not to the same extent, — those acci- dents which invariably attend on the pioneers of all new experiments, were not wanting here to throw obstacles in the way of complete success. Of these the impossibility of obtaining experienced European Overseers was the greatest. But ia addi- tion, and especially in the Deyrah Dhoon, the experimentalists were met with natural and other difficulties that bad not been anticipated. In one place whole acres of seed refused to germinate. In another, a whole plantation was well nigh de- vastated by a violent hail storm. And things were in this condition when Mr. Fortune reached Saharan- poor, and was deputed by Government to inspect their Himalayan tea gardens. His report was not favorable. Indeed he pronounced the system of cultivation pursued to be erroneous, and the whole of the Deyrah Dhoon unsuited to the cultivation of the tea plant. ' The plants ' said Mr. Fortune ' generally did not appear to me to be iu that fresh and vigorous coudi- 59 tion wliicli I had been accustomed to see in good Chinese plantations. Thisj in my opiniouj is caused 1st, by the plantation being formed on flat land ; 2Jidj by the system ras e«nsequently some delay before capitalists, with a certainty be- fore them in Assam, could be satisfied o-f the prudence of investing their money in the re- mote regions of the Himalaya Mountains. The time ho'vpeyer was near at hand, and the forma- tion of the Deyrah Dhooii Company (1859-60) with a nominal capital of fifty lakhs of rupees (^ 500,000), atid the purchase by it of the estates of 77- Col.Elwall aVid Captaia Thelwell, fof the respectable figure of £50,000, may be considered the first sign of public confidence. It certainly showed that people thought something was to be done in the Hills; and since then the influx of small capi- talists, and settlers, in the districts of Kamaon, Gurwahl, Simla, Kangra, atid even the distant Hills of Hazara, has been very steady. These consist chiefly of retired officers of Her Majesty's Royal and Indian Armies, and others still in th& Service. Some took grants on their own accounts. Others, with, less capital, formed Companies or Associations, and thus a very large number of tea plantations were established, many of which, especially the Kousannie Concern in Kamaon,* are now flourishing "plantations. To all, tea seed and seedlings in large quantities, were given gratis, and some were furnished with native manufacturers educated at the Government factories. And here I must draw attention to a circum- stance connected with the iiitroduction of tea into • The Plantations of this Concern are sifuated about 25 miles due north of Almsrah. About 10 acres were planted in 1857, and 60 up to 1860. Now 300 are planted, the yield from which, this year, will be li,000 lbs. The teas of this Concern (manufac- tured by its Manag'er Mr. Mc.Iver) were awarded a Medal at the Eihibitiou (1862) and pronounced to be ' excellent in manufacture, strength, and flavor.' I have specially mentioned the Concern, as, looking' to its elevation, (frdm 5,000 to 6,000 feet) the results obtained are worthy of attention in connection with the existing differences of opinion on this point noticed in title pieTious chapter. 78 North Western laclia, whicli reflects, and will reflect, as long as India continues to contribute to the supply' of tea required for the markets of the World, the highest honor on the Government of India, viz., the disinterested liberality with which it supplied private persons and associations, with the means of carrying on their undertakings, almost entirely at the expense of the State. Actuated by the noblest sentiments of philanthropy, the Government of India, from tbe moment it was fairly demonstrated that the lower ranges of the Himalayas would grow tea — with the view of ameliorating the condition of its Hill subjects, — has given this experiment its most careful attention; and successive Governors General, especially Lord William Bentinck, the Marquis of Dalhousie, and the late lamented Earl Canning, while publicly giving it their unquali- fied support, have evinced the greatest personal interest in its success. With a cultivation in hand,— » initiated and carried an to a successful iss-ue at a great expense to the State, and with a certainty, as pointed out by the Superintendent, that the undertaking would give enormous returns on the outlay, and, if retained in the hands of Government, might be made a highly profitable source of revenue, the Government of India, in pursuance of a high minded and statesmanlike policy, not only declined to avail itself, by creating a Government monopoly, of this easy means of augmenting the revenues 79 of the State; but, with a liberality unparalleled iil ■the annals of any Government, — instead of increas'* ing the extent and value of its own plantations,-— supplied, and have continued, — for ten years after it was proved that tea could be grown and manu- factured at a profit jn the Hiaialayas, — to supply both public, and private parties, with enormous quan- tities of the produce of tliose seeds and seedlings which had cost such large sums of money to import from China. Nor, in abandoning all iutention of profiting itself by the undertaking, was the Government unmindful of the necessity of taking satisfactory guarantees that the interests of the Country and the public, were protected against interested parties stepping in to avail themselves of advantages, which it had generously resigned in favor of the welfare of its subjects, and the material progress of the Country. In 1853, an application was made to the Court of Directors by the chairman of a company called the Himalaya tea Company, which it was proposed to establish and incorporate under Royal Charter ia Loudon for the cultivation of tea in the Himalaya ranges, — for the transfer to them of their tea planta- tions iu Kamaon, Gurwahl, and the Kangra Valley. In 1856, overtures were made by the Assam Company expressive of an anxious desire to take ovei» ail the Government plantations ia Kamaoa . and 80 Gurwahl. In 1858, it was proposed to form another Joint-stock Tea Company in London, and an appli- cation was similarly made to Government for UtO' thirds of its plantations in the Himalaya Hills, with all their implements and factories, such portion being considered essential to the success of the undertaking. In 1859, again, a very benevolent proposition was embodied in a memorial presented to the Secretary of State by the projectors of the Deyrah Dlioon Company. This Company solicited that the Secretary of State would be pleased to direct the transfer to them of the Government plantations in the Deyrah Dhoon and the Kangra Valley, on the: same terms as the Government plantations in Assam were made over to the Assam Company — - i. e. at the estimated value of the buildings on the ground, — 'nothing being allowed for plantations, by far the most extensive of all in ; the possession of Government, and according to Dr. Jameson, at the time, yielding a clear profit of a lakh of rupees, or £10,000, per annum. The object of all these applications was trans- parent. It was to create a monopoly ; and, though anxious to dispose of its plantations, this the Govern- ment of India distinctly refused to countenance or skuciion. True it is, that promises were made of supplying the public with seed and seedlings as bad hitherto been done; but the Government of, India cautiously, and, after the experience gained 81 in Assam, I must say, very wisely, took far better security than promises, for insuring to the Pirblic those privileges it had so liberally, and so dearly, purchased for them. It is notorious that parties in Assam, in the vain hope of retaining in their own hands this lucrative cultivation, for years buried in the ground, and allowed to rot, annually, thousands of lbs. of invaluable tea seed, thus .sacrificing :the large sums of money for which it could have been sold, sooner ;thaa allow it to fall into the hands of other planters. The plant being indigenous to many parts of the coun- try, however, all efforts of the kind in Assam, proved futile. Attempts were then made, to secure as much as possible, if not all the lands suitable for tea oultiyation ; but private interests clashing, dissensions arose among the Monopolists, and re- velations followed, which, if of no other public utility, have satisfactorily established the wisdom of the policy adopted by the Government of India in regard to the Tea districts of the Himal,ayas. Government, however, had always been desirous of retiring from the field, as soon as it could do so with safety, and in 1859 the Lieut.-Governor capital sufficient to work it. The replies of the Government of India to all these applications were co-iiceived in the same spirit — 83 an anxious desire to protect the public from the evils of a great monopoly, and a determination to preserve inviolate to the planters already esta- blished, those pledges, on the good faith of which, they had undertaken the cultivation. 'As regards the Punjab,' wrote Earl Canning in December 1860. — 'the L'eutenaut Governor sent up a proposition in March last, to sell the factories and plantations in« the Kangra district, but this has since been found to be an inexpe- dient measure. The Governor General was at Kangra shortly after the proposal was made, and was satis- fied that the sale of this property to private per- sons, would have a most injurious effect. It would throw the supply of plants and seed into the hands of the purchasers, who would probably conceive it their interest to raise the price of these ; and as the carriage of either seed or plants from the Kamaon country (the nearest available source of supply) is expensive and precarious, the cultivation in Kangra, which is now liberally encouraged by the Government factory, and is just beginning to be understood and undertaken by the Native Land- holders, would be checked. The time at which it may be advisable to dispose of it to private pur- chasers will depend mainly on the progress which, private plantations may make.' 'As regards the plantations proposed for sale in the N. W. Provinces, the case is different. There 84 are in and about Kamaon, threfe plantations belong- ing to Government, besides the two which, according to the last proposal of the N. W. Province Govern- ment, it is- now intended to sell, and also plantations in private hands. It is, therefore, scarcely possible that even a partial monopoly can arise there, or that the cultivation can be otherwise than encour-* aged by the immediate introduction of private capital and agency.' Less than two years has sufficed to realize, to the fullest extent, the expectations of the late great and good Viceroy, in regard to private plantations. 'From the Kalee in Kamaon,' writes the Superinten- dent in his last report (12th May 1863) 'to the Ravee in the Kohistan of the Punjab, the cultivation is being actively and energetically carried on both by European and Native Capitalists; and the day is not far distant when we may expect to see Tea exported from the British Himalayas as its staple^ article of produce, and the Hills made lucrative, instead of, as at present, a drag on the revenues of the Country.' By a late return I find that there were esta- blished at the end of last year, — in Kamaon 18, in the Deyrah Dhoon 35, in Gurwahl 3, at Simla 3, in the Kangra Valley 26, and at E.ooloo 3, bona fide Tea Plantations, — or a grand total of seventy-eight plantations. Of this number thirty-seven are in the bands of European Companies and individuals, and- 85 the remainder are worked by Natives. I omit,, more- over, all mention of a long list of fiftj-six villagea in the Kangra Valley, where tea is said to be cul- tivated by Lumberdars, as there is some reason to. believe, that many, if not most, of these, have no real existence. Dr. Stewart, the late Officiating^ Superintendent, in forwarding this return says, ' it may be, that not a tithe of these, have accepted of, or applied for seed &c., for any other reason than to please their official superiors, and conse- quently will not continue the cultivation for long.' The Natives of India, however, are not quite so simple as is often believed ; and in this instance they not only stole a march on the Europeans, but shamefully abused the liberality of Government. Many of them applied for seed, for the alleged purpose of cultivating the tea plant, and sold it for considerable sums to bona fide planters, whose indents could not be complied with, in full, by the Government Superintendent. It is- however gratify- ing to note among those Natives who have really established tea plantations, the names of such noblemen and gentlemen as, the Maharaja of Cashmere, Raja Lall Singh, the Raja of Nadawn, the Raja of Mundee, the Raja of Noorpoor, and many others ; — and I would add, that since the Return from wliich I take these facts was prepared, the number of plantations in the hands of both Euro- peans and Natives has considerably increased> H 86 ' Last year eighty-nine tons ! of tea seed — and two millions four hundred thousand I seedlings, were distributed, gratis, to private planters, from the Government Factories. And yet, — though so im- mense the supply, — it fell |far short of the demand. ' Many indents sent in could not be complied with. Owing moreover to the number of Tea Com- panies, and Concerns, springing up in the Hill Eanges of the North-Western Provinces and the Punjab, and the consequent demand for Managers and skilled workmen, the Government Overseers and Chinese manufacturers, tempted by the higher wages offered by private plauters, are leaving the Govern- ment Plantations. Such results are alike honorable to Govern- ment — creditable to its able Superintendent — and gratifying to the Public. As undoubtedly evincing the healthy progress of tea cultivation in the Himalayas, they are exceedingly satisfactory, and seem to indicate that the time, if not come, is Very close at hand, when Government, having wisely, and with great liberality, performed its legiti- mate functions, may very properly dispose of its plantations, and leave the cultivation in the hands of those whose interest it will be, to turn howling wastes into smiling gardens. At present, moreover, they seem very well inclined to under- take the task, and to accept all the responsibility which attaches to the receipt of the fine profits they 87 anticipate from the outlay of the large amount of capital it will be necessary to pour into the Hills to effect this truly grand undertaking. From the moment private eaterprize has fairly taken possession of any field of mercantile specula- tion, Government has no business there. The encouragement system in the commencement of an experimental undertaking, and up to this point, is excellent ; but it may be carried beyond legitimate limits. In the present case, for instance, if by the promise of gratis supplies of seed and seedlings, too great a number of persons be suddenly induced to undertake tea operations, very serious complications may arise in the labour markets of North Western Jndia,, as they have in the districts bordering on our South Eastern Frontier, which Government will find it very difficult, if not impossible, to remedy. Care then should be taken, by a judicious and well-timed retirement from the field, to guard against this evil in regard to the Tea Districts in the North West. Care also should be taken in disposing of the Govern- ment factories, lest by an exorbitant valuation they remain on hand as the last two, for a considerable time — or altogether ; or, if purchased at the upset price, the greater portion of the captital which should be expended in working and improving them,, be absorbed in the purchase money. And this brings me to a point which requires some speciai notice, as it has, before now, been animadverted 88 on to the prejudice of the Himalayas as a tea growing country in comparison with other parts of India, — or to that of the operations carried on in those districts. I allude to the small quantity of tea turned' out by the Government factories in the North West, and the variable opinions of the tea brokers, on the chops, for some years past, sent into the London Market. Now, it must be borne in mind that, ab origine, the operations of Government in the North West, were purely experimental. They were undertaken, solely, with the object of ascertaining whether the Himalaya Hills would grow good tea^ — and if so, whether the ■cultivation could be carried on, at a fair profit, as a mercantile speculation. In the early stages of the Government operations therefore, their plantations were simply garden's. Great attention was paid to the cultivation of the plant, and the manufacture of the leaf, and the specimens of tea sent into the London market were generally carefully prepared. The opinions of the London brokers on these speci- mens were highly satisfactory, as is evidenced by the extracts I have given a few pages back. But the fact that good tea could be grown and manufactured in the Himalayas, having been once established, the energies of the Superintendent were very properly and judiciously directed to propagating seed and rearing young plants, for distribution to the public. linage quantities of tea might very easily 89 have been manufactured and sold at a considerable profit to GoTernment ; but as an enormous reducr tion in the yield of seed, would have been the conse- quence, this was not desirable.* No comparision then, can yet be fairly instituted between the Himalayas and other parts of India, as tea growing districts. The Government plantations, however, it must be admitted, have not been improved in a mercantile point of view, by the plants being permitted to run to seed; and they will require for two or three years a considerable outlay, to bring them into a condition for yielding a full crop of tender leaves. Purchasers therefore, must possess Capital, or they will not be able to do justice to these plantations, nor to make their bargains profitable. It would give the public, moreover, I am afraid a false impression of the value of Indian teas, to estimate the crop at the Superin- tendent's' valuation of two rupees (4s.) per lb. all round. Although the fine teas sold in the Almorah Bazar may have fetched that price, it must be borne in mind |that in the Government plantations, a large portion of the season's crop has hitherto been Bohea, or a coarse kind of tea fit only for the, Thibetan and other Native Markets; and that the Assam teas, which command, on account of their great * Dr. Jacobson of Jara, the hig:hest authority we have on tea culti- vation, says, that for this reason and bacause the plants deteriorate by, beings allowed to run to , seed, the Chinese always have distinct plantations foi the purposes of growing seed. 90 strength, higher prices than any China teas, — though the Pekoes and finest Souchongs may fetch 4s. to 4s. 6d, per lb. — do not average in the London Market, more than 1*. 8d. to Is. lOd. per lb., from which must be deducted the expenses of packing, carriage, brokerage, &c. Dr. Jameson in his last report, I observe, values his teas at Rs. 1-8 {3s.) per lb. ; but this is far too high, as an average, as it is only fiae Souchongs and Pekoes that fetch these prices. From the circular of Messrs. W. J., and Henry Thompson, just come to hand (dated 10th June 1862.) I extract the following remarks, which shows not only prices, but how very sensitive the London tea market is. Than the Messrs, Thompson, we could not have a better guide : — "Black Teas, — Of all kinds, from broten and dusty, Tip to Is. 6d. per lb. there was an over supply early in the month, and mnch lower prices were made in consequence, both at public sale and privately ; brown leaf especially the fall showed itself 2d. per lb. in some at auetion 'withorut reserve,' but part of this has been subsequently roeovered. The hig^her grades have met with good demand tlirong-hont, and Jine and Jlnest Kisows have been sought for at extreme prices up to Ss. 6d. per lb. both by dealers and exporters. Tayshans have continued extreme- ly heavy of sale, but some parcels have been taken for shipping at lOd. to lid.; over Is, per lb. there has not been any demand. Common to fair black leaf kinds fell Id. per lb., in consequence of over supply, bnt lately there has been some recovery in these sorta. The better classes have of late improved in value in conse- quence of the scarcity of fine and finest Moning, for which there has been great and increasing demand for Russia. All available parcels of these latter have been eagerly taken, and pur- chases have been made to a considerable extent at 2s, 3d, ta 28. 5d. per lb., the market now being nearly cleared." 91 Seed too, at present estimated at rupees thirty per maund of 80 lbs., is not an item of permanent income, as in a very short time, it will be produced in very much larger quantities than can be used — and possibly may then be destroyed or used for manure with impunity. These matters, however, I sliall notice when I come to treat of the value of tea property. In concluding this, chapter, I have to regret that statistics, showing the number of acres taken up for tea cultivation, the area actually planted out, and the number of daily laborers employed, have not as yet been published by the Goyernments of the N. W. Provinces, and the Panjab. Dr. Jameson has promised to furnish them ; so it may be, that I shall be able to add this interesting information in a subsequent Chapter. 92 CHAPTER III. Of ^Experiments in India generally — Future pros- pects of Tea, — Incidental circumstances connected therewith— Land, Labor, Capital, Property in , relation thereto — Localities, ^c. ^c. In the foregoing chapters I have given an out line of the circumstances connected with the rise of Tea Cultivation in India, adding, as I briefly des- cribed the progress of the operations undertaken, such informatioh, statistical and otherwise, as I thought might prove useful to persons purposing to em- bark in Tea speculations in India, as Capitalists, or Cultivators. Viewing the subject from a higher stand-point, I have endeavoured, in an humble way, to illustrate those circumstances which have had a tendency to retard the growth of the experiment ; and, per contra, those which have exercised material influence in fostering, and ultimately bringing it to healthy maturity, — in the hope that, the experience gained in an experiment, commercially, of greater National importance than any ever before undertaken 93 in India, ma}- be made of some utility in developing the rich resources of this great Empire, aud in following up to as sucessful an issue, some other of the many experiments the wants or demands of Europe are daily forcing on the attention of the Indian Government. At the moment at which I write the maiiufac- turing interests of the Mother Country, consequent on the lamentable circumstances of the dis-United States of America, are in the throes of a crisis that threatens their annihilation. The operative classes, paralyzed by so sudden a misfortune, are perishing with want. Cold famine stares millions in the face. The future of the present, holds out, literally, no prospect of relief. Present misfortune, with hope, is supportable. But with hope cut off, it is misery indeed. Where then, it may be asked, is the glory of England's colonies, if the internal broils of a foreign land can so afflict her — so sorely strike her, in the very heart of her home? — and when one, India, alone, indisputably possesses the means of supplying England's demand three times over with ease, truly the question seems both fitting and relevant. A reply however is very readily found. India has not supplied England's demand, for a double, yet very simple, reason. England is rich. India is poor. The Capitalist has ni)t supplied the Cultivator with the means of relieving his distress. Speculating on peace, England has 94 denied India even the guarantee that she will take what is grown at a /air price ; and the result has been quite in accordance with those sound principles of Economic Science which ordinarily regulate the laws of production and consumption. Manchester and Lancashire have been loud in their demands on the Home and Indian Governments to encourage the cultivation of Cotton, — nay even to compel the ludiau ryot to undertake it. But Manchester and Lanca- shire, having reserved to themselves the right of buying in the cheapest and best markets of the world that may be open at the moment, have no just ground of complaint against India, or any other country that refuses to grow any staple for which circumstances may have created a spasmodic de- mand — that prefers certain to uncertain profits. Such undoubtedly is the view sound economists must take of this question, as one simply between the Cotton Spinners of England, and the Cultivators of India. But there is another point in regard to the bearing of this and similar questions on the welfare and material progress of India, that I do not find illustrated in any of the English papprs or speeches I have read on the subject, and which has been suggested to me by certain circumstances connected with the subject on the consideration of which I am at present engaged. The Cotton Spinner, alarmed for the safety of a trade in which he has invested his all, would protect 95 it from destruction, and himself from utter ruin, at all ' hazards. To tell such a man that ' those who ask Government to encourage this product, ask it to go beyond its natural and ligitimate func- tions — ask it to m eddle Tpith that which every body agrees in the abstract, is best left in the hands of individuals, -vfithout any interference from Go- vernment — with supply and demand, production and consumption, profit and loss'* — is tantamount to telling a ship-wrecked man that he must not catch hold of his neighbour. The Manchester men have doubtless as long and as intimate an acquaintance with Adam Smith and John Mill as their instruc- tors. They have their excuse. Their existence — the existence of the millions they support, is at stake. The opposite side, with equal determination, but with more reason, would protect the Indian Cul- tivator from the ruin — one quite as deplorable as that which now devastates certain districts of England, — which must inevitably result from immense tracts of country being placed under a cultivation, the produce of which, when grown, circumstances might place out of the market. They too have their excuse. But with neither do I wish to meddle. It is certainly now too late for people to look to India to afford immediate relief to England's distress. The hour is past. India has done her utmost; and the pre- sent crisis must be tided over as best it may. But « Home Newspaper 26th June 1862. 96: the point which concerns me, and which ought to concern every one interested in the welfare of this country is this. A. trade, requiring, annually, /or^y millions sterling of raw material, is suddenly let loose, and found seeking a source of supply — would it, or would it not be advantageous to India to secure permanently a portion of it? There can be but one answer to this important question, and that which naturally follows is 'What are the best means of accomplishing this end?' I venture to refer to the history of the sister experiment I have here sketched, and to reply that, with present experience, were a similar course pursued, the question ' Can India, — can any part of India, produce cotton equal to Sea Island, Upland Georgian, New Orleans &c. ?' which has never yet, in my humble opinion, been disproved — might be solved in a manner as satisfactorily, and with as benificial results to this country, as that regarding Tea. 'AH the value of success' said Lord Auckland, in introducing in India a better produce of cotton, suited for the immense manufactures of England, is fully appreciated by me ; ai)d it is fitting that renewed and special exertions being again directed to the prosecution of this national object, our mea- sures in furtherance of them should be well consi- dered, and be as complete and effectual as circums- tances will admit. We are simultaneously laboring, with fair hopes, to secure the establishment of a 97 profitable tea culture ia India, and it will be one fortunate consequence of the state of our Chinese relations if, in respect to the production for the European market of two such valuable articles as tea and cotton, It should give, as seems probable, an active stimulus to the agriculture and commerce of this country. In no other channel can the capi- tal and enterprize which have at Bombay been heretofore employed on the trade in opium, be now turned with better prospect of advantage than to the amelioration of the cotton produce of that Pre- sidency, which already coramands some partial sale among the English manufacturers, and affords a very promising encouragement to further persevering experiment/* Both experiments were carried on simultaneous- ly. Government established experimental Farms for the cultivation of Cotton, as well as Gardens for the cultivation of the Tea plant, in many parts of India. Those for cotton, moreover, at the outset, received the most careful attention. Pecuniary advances were made to individuals, and rewards granted to such natives as evinced zeal and ingenui- ty in the prosecution of the object ; seed, in corisi- derable quantites, was procured from Egypt, Bourbon, the Brazils, and from North America; saw- gins, used with so much success in the latter country * Minute by the Governor General of India, on the improved cultivatioa of cotton in India, dated l5th March 1839 I 98 and in tte West Indies, were sent to India, and a gentleman, who resided for some years in Georgia and New Orleans, was deputed to superintend tlie ■working of them ; several American planters were employed for instructing and superintending the cultivation, and large prizes were offered for the best samples of cotton, of good growth and cleaned by machinery, not less in quantity than 300 bales. Thereports,however,of someofthe superiuteiidents of the cotton farms, and, of all the American Planters, were unfavourable to the introduction of the American cotton, to which they considered the climate and soil of India generally unsuitable. But, they did not attempt to adapt their system to either the one or the other, and seemed to forget that in India, we have every description of climate, and almost every description of soil, the capabi- lities of many of which e. g. Assam, Cachar, the Valleys of the Himalayas, and many parts of the Sea-board, were then little known. There is cer- tainly such abundant evidence in these very reports, and the reports from cotton brokers on the cotton raised at that time and during previous experiments, in proof of the fitness of certain lands in India for grow- ing sifiperior cotton, both from foreign and indigenous seed, that little doubt remains on my mind that, were the same experiments vigorously undertaken, with present experience, — care bestowed on the selection of localities, —attention directed to irrigation and an adaptation of systems of agriculture, — also to a proper selection of bolls for seed — and finally to the application of modern mechanical skill to rendering this article fit for the English market, — complete success would follow ; and that Cotton fully equal to the best Upland Georgian, if not to Sea /s/ararf, could be sent annually from India, in sufiicient quantities to supply the demands, not of England, only — but of half Europe. One Mill Owner I find writing to the Agricul- tural and Horticultural Society of Bengal in 1839, says :— " Accompanying are 24 bundles (five pounds each) of twist, spun from the cotton grown at Akra farm under the superintendence of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society; — also one piece of cloth (10 yards) made from the twist spun and wove by the power loom ; and one piece (30 yards) made by the native hand loom." " This cotton I have carefully watched through the various stages of cleaning, card" ing, roving, spinning, S^c. and have no hesitation in characterising it as equal to the very best Upland Georgia Cotton; its staple is fully as long, and I would say stronger and better adapted for mule spinning than any I have imported direct from America." " 3Jy own opinion with regard to the cultivation of Upland Georgia cotton in India, judging from what I have seen of it when tried under great disadvan- 100 tages, is, that if judiciously prosecuted, it would ultimately be crowned with the fullest success."* A sample of Cotton grown at Hazareebagh ia 1836j from the superiority of its quality, led the Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Horticultural Society of Calcutta, to suppose it to be the produce of Sea Island Seed, whereas it was produced from Egyptian Seed. It was valued at Is. 4d. to Is. 6d. per lb. A sample grown near Bombay was pronounced ' quite equal to New Orleans Cotton' Mr. W. Blundell again, a Merchant of Calcutta, in 1856 reported on a sample of Cotton grown by Colonel Hannay in Assam, from accli- mated Sea Island Seed, as follows : — A. No. 1 — Quite suitable for the English market. Staple long and fine, but weak : — Worth probably in Liverpool from 15d. to I6d. per lb. In 1857 Mr. Bazely of Manchester, reported on a sample of cotton grown from Sea Island seed on the bank of the Mutla river, (close to the site were it is proposed to create a port for Calcutta,) that it was a most excellent and beautiful cotton, worth in the then state of the market 19rf. per lb., and that a few weeks before it would have been valued at 2Bd. per lb. An experiment was made in Arracan, with similar seed, in 1860, the result of which was declared by the Calcutta Horti- cultural Society's Committee to be ' a most valuable * Prootedings Hort, Socy. Transactions VOL. VII. p. 166. 101 long stapled cotton — slightly stained in color, yet still worth about 24c?. per lb.' But I need not multiply evidence of this kind, or further enlarge on this portion of the subject. Abundant and convincing testimony to the fact that exotic cotton of superior quality can be grown in parts of India, is to be found in the experience of the past, as admirably digested and laid before the public, in the Cotton Hand-Book prepared in accordance with the Eesolution of His Excellency the Governor General of India in Council dated 22nd July 1861, by Mr. J. G. Medlicott of the Geological Survey of Bengal.* Here, also, will be found data to show that — leaving altogether out of the account the great districts of Western India from whence the pre- sent supply of Indian Cotton reaches the English Markets, — the area of land suitable for the growth of cotton on the Bengal side is enormous. Col. Phayre, the Chief Commissioner of British Birmah, in a report to Government on this subject in 1860, states, that Birmah annually exports jS250,000 worth of cotton to China. He adds that ' there are in the Upper portion of the Province of Pegu mani/ millions of acres of ground now lying waste, where it is believed that cotton of a quality far superior to any now known in Birmah could, under European superin- tendence, be raised.' 'It is a crop ' he continues ' to * The Cotton Hand. Books of the Bombay and Madras Presiden- cies I have not seen. 102 which the people are accustomed, and to the care of which they might easily be trained ;' and thia statement, in conjunction with that of the Govern- ment Superintendent of Cotton Experiments Mr, Price, who visited Birmah in 1854, that the ground lying along both banks of the Irrawaddi, from Prome up to Thyet Mew, is superb Cotton land, — the finest he had evet; seen, may be taken, as suffi- ciently conclusive. Mr. W. Muir the late able Secretary to the Government of the N. W. Provinces, and now Member of the Board of Reve- nue^ in 1849 estimated the area of Cotton cultiva- tion likely to afford supplies for European Markets at 829,753 acres, which he was of opinion was capable of extension to 1,474,801 acres. In many reports, moreover, I find it stated that, were sufficient inducement offered i.e. of course, were cotton culti- vation more profitable than other crops — the cuiti- Tation could be extended fifty, sixty, and even, a hun- dred fold ; and there can be so little doubt of this, that I think it merely waste of time to discuss the point, especially as the fact has already been accept- ed by the Manchester Chamber of Commerce.* * At a meetings of tbe Board of directors of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, held on £he 16th Jaly 1862 the following resolutions were considered and adopted:— 1. In the present suspension of importation of cotton froni America, and with the prospect of a seriously diminished supply from thence for possibly years to come, this Board have thoug-ht it their duty to examine and report on the suggestion made 103 On the Soil of parts of India^ I shall quote but one opinion. It is that of an American Planter, Mr. Finnie, who on visiting the northern portion of the Bareilly district, exclaimed-—' most beautiful, as good as ever I wish to see ' — ' the finest land in the world.' And in another place, still speaking of soil — 'all India must be the garden of the world, if it were supplied with water.' Yet, there is bet- ter, and far richer, soil in other parts of India than that of the Bareilly district. It is further most satisfactorily proved that the indigenous cottons — of which, though not generally known, there are many varieties — can be im- mensely improved, and it is singularly to be regret- ted that very much greater attention has not been paid to this point. With such facts before us, that the plant exotic in America is in India indigenous ; that varieties like New Orleans and Sea Island, which in the Western Continent are annuals, are biennial in India, often triennial, and sometimes standing for even four or more years, the second year's crop being both more abundant and of better to them, with a view of securing aa adequate and permanent supply; and resolve — 2. That India affords the means of supplying the raw material in great abundance, the extent, climate, soil, and population all being favourable, and the country being dependent upon the British Legislature. 104 quality than the first ;* that some varieties of indi- genous cotton plants are perennials ; that others grow to the size of large trees, — it is impossible to doubt that both the soil and climate of many provinces and districts of India, are peculiarly favourable to the growth of the cotton plant — and if so, reasoning from the analogy affiorded by the experience of every civilized agricultural Nation on the face of the Earth, it is reasonable to con- clude, that with care and attention, the foreign varieties of the plant' may with great advantage he largely introduced into India — and the indigenous varieties may be made to yield very greatly increased crops, and a very much finer quality of cotton. It would almost appear then, that the question pro- posed, has been already answered, and that, in the experience of the past, we have most complete and satisfactory evidence of the two facts of greatest primary importance viz. — that exotic cotton can * Mr. Bingham of Cheynpoor [apud Cotton Hand-Book. Medli- cott.) He adds that plants are now standing in his g'ardeu since 1866, healthy and prolific, and from which he anticipates continued prosperity. The Collector of Cuttack reported in 1848 that bushes grown from Georgian or New Orleans, some fifteen, some six years old were then standing, and had produced annually three crops, without cultivation, irrigation or labor of any sort being bestowed on them. Kolatively, he added, to the area the plants occupied, each of these crops was larger, than am ordi- nary crop of indigeuoas cotton, and 'beyond all compailsott superior .' 105 be successfully introduced into India — and that the indigenous plants can be improved; and the next question that naturally arises, and that which seems a mystery and a puzzle to every body, is — how are these happy results to be brought about ? I venture to answer. By Qovernment Intervention Alone, a reply which brings me again, to the turning point in the discussions now taking place on this great question, and to my own subject — 'the essential points to be considered in all agricultural operations of an experimental nature undertaken in India, with the view of increasing the commercial Wealth of the Nation/ The Free-Traders of Manchester have been liber- ally accused of abandoning the principles of sound political economy, and plentifully sneered at for proposing to the Government of India to turn ' Cotton Merchant.'* ^ The Manchester Chamber of Commerce in reply (16th July 1862.) Resolved. — "That any direct interference with the regular course of production and trade, either by the Government of this conn- try, or by any private association, by undertaliing- to purchase, or giving: a guarantee, of a remunerative price, for all the cotton that might be produced, would be contrary to sound principles of trade, and being only temporary, and precarious in its nature, would not be likely to provide for the permanent success of its cultivation." But I see no occasion for the sneers on the one hand, nor the resolution on the other. The Govern- * See.— The Times of 3rd July 1863,— letters signed an Old Indian, and many others 106 ments of half the Countries in Europe, are Tobacco Merchants. The GoTernment of India has been an Opium Merchant for years, with great advantage to the revenues of the State ; it is still a Tea Mer- chant with very great prospective benefit to its sub- jects both European and Native, and to the commer- cial interests of both England and India ; and would that, in the latter sense, the Government of India were also a Cotton Merchant, is a sentiment that I am sure will be heartily echoed by every one who feels for the lamentable circumstances of the starving operatives of the manufacturing districts of England, and who takes any real interest in the welfare of India. A historian tells us that an Emperor once set fire to his Capital and sung an ode while the flames reduced it to ashes. It is not true. Nor have we here a parallel. Yet I honestly confess that the melan- choly reflection such an idea gives rise to, involunta- rily occurs to me when I observe people in the middle of the nineteenth century, while grim Famine is stalking outside their doors, with nothing more practical to propose, than a discussion on the abstract principles of political economy, — which have nothing whatever to do with the question ! When a very much greater quantity of any com- modity is thrown on a market, than the ordinary buyers in that market require or will readily carry off, as regards that commodity, there is said to be a glut : and, as the natural consequence— prices fall. 107 When the converse takes place i. e. when a very much lesser quantity of any commodity than is ordinarily required, is offered for sale, the market is said to be stinted ; and — prices rise. But, in both cases, values remain the same, and by the common law which (in markets regulated by recognized principles of commerce) compels an equilibrium between real and apparent values, disturbing influences removed, prices are soon adjusted. All fhis, however, pre-supposes realities — actual existences to deal with. But cut these off, and how stands the case.? Supposing, for instance, one country to be wholly dependent on another for the supply of any particular commodity, and a rebellion suddenly to break out in the former, or a war between the two. The supply is, of course, suddenly stopped. As regards that particular commodity in the market then, howsoever great the demand, there can be neither 7-eal nor apparent value — it is non est, and trades existing on it are starved ; or if, from a similar cause, the supply though not entirely cut off, should be reduced so low as to meet but an inappreciable portion of the demand, the result is much the same; and this b, called, I believe, — a Crisis ! The laws and principles of Political Economy, as far as with the aid of modern authorities I have been able to make myself acquainted with them. 108 will not help anyone here. Smith who walks about the market with his breeches poekets full of sound principles as they are called, will then he no better off than his neighbour Jones, who flings the said principles overboard at once : and a few months later — or after supplies in stock have been worked off — while Jones, if he has made good use of the interval, to seek, or create by his own exer- tions, a new source of supply, may possibly be floating buoyantly on the surface. Smith will have sunk never to rise again. And it is for the purpose of averting these calamities, which, when they be- fall us, no Goverumeiit aid, — no humau knowledge or skill will suffice to ward off, that wise Nations avoid being dependent on any one foreign Country for supplies necessary to the well being of any large body of their people. It seems almost ludicrous to be talking ' first principles,^ at this hour of the day ; but if people will preach, and act, as if they supposed the pharmacopoeia of Economic Science, contained remedies for all the ills that trade is heir to, an(} pertinaciously ignore the fact, that the markets of the commercial world are subject to perturbations altogether outside and beyond the control of its laws, there is no help for it. The Cotton Spinners were quite right whea they asserted that the Cotton Merchant should no more grow his own cotton, than the Miller should grow his own wheat. According to universal 109 customj a Grower is one thing — a Manufacfcuret another ; but if in a time of failure in cereal crops, a Miller could obtain supplies of wheat, by growing it himself, at home or abroad, and by no other means, I am not prepared to say that, that Miller ■would be the wisest in his generation, who sat down, in his counting house, and refused to do so, — because it was not in accordance with ' sound principles of trade.' There are other points as regards the principle por- tion of the subject, which liavingamaterialbearing on questions relating to India, it is important should, not be lost sight of in discussing matters of the kind wiiere India alone is concerned, or where commercial relations between the two Countries are called into existence. In the first instance, it must be recollect- ed that propositions based on principles of Political Economy, are true, only, in so f no stances and conditions of the trade in which they are engaged, and sufficient intelligence to enable each to know what is best for his own interests, must be premised. Neither the one nor the other can be predicated of Indian traders generally. Nor would I be understood to restrict the circum- stances under which conclusions drawn from pre- mises so based, will be true, to these cases only. The laws and conditions by which propositions in Economic Science are determined, must be recognized, accepted, and acted on by both parties in their dealings, or they will be, in a great measure, if not wholly, inoperative. And this must be ob- vious : for, to take a case in point, suppose Smith, in full prescience, himself, of the remedies which the principles of his science suggest for the indisposition or malady under which his trade may be suffer- ing, quietly to recline in his easy chair, in the confident assurance that his dittant relative Jones, who alone possesses the means of relief, will, for his own advantage, at once hurry to his assistance-^ and, from ignorance of Smith's deplorable circum- stances, or failing to see that his interest lies in relieving his. sufferings, or from any other cause ' whatever, Jones does not do so — Smith's trade will, in ordinary course, languish, and ultimately die. But leaving this unfortunate victim of sound principles, let us attempt some diagnosis of the disease of his trade. It is not very long : ago in since another Smith, Adam Smith, took Englancli or rather Europe, by surprise, by presenting the world with his, * Wealth of Nations.' Now Adam. Smith knew a great many things that his contemporaries did not know. In his speciality, it may very fairly be said, that he was far in advance of his age. Yet experience has shown that Adam Smith's knowledge was defective; and that his opinions, on very many points, were erroneous. The statement of this fact, is no disparagement to the great reformer. It would only be very disparaging to civilized Europe to have stood still on the spot where he left her. But Europe has not stood still. She has vindi- cated civilization, and progressed very far in advance of her old position, — so far, that, as Mohamma- dans call the age preceeding the mission of their Prophet, the * days of ignorance,' modern econo- mists will not, I dare say, care to dispute the point with me, if I distinguish the period prior to the appearance of the ' Wealth of Nations,' as compared with the present, by some such epithet. Certainly, looking at the very long time it has taken Europe to acknowledge the general truth of many sound theories propounded by the elder Smith, they will admit that, had the writings of Mill, Ricardo, De Quincey, and many others who have since successfully attempted a practical adaptation of the theories of this science to the progressive 112 advance in' Itnd'wledge and social pliilosophy of succeeding periods, been exhumed from the debrtg of some ancient ruin, a century before tha birth of Adam Stnith, they would not hate been received as Gospels. I use the word progressive^, because it must not be forgotten that proposi- tions in Economic, unlike those in Physical, Science, ■will not admit of being solved within limits bounded by the abstract principles of the Sciencet itself, and that if any attempt be mad?^ to apply; frinciples, without due regard to the circumstancea and conditions, social^ political, educational &c.^ of the nation concerned, it will end in the total absence of any result whatever, or such a failure, as will be more likely to bring discredit than anything else, on those principles it is sought to vindicate and uphold.* If then, it be admitted that the principles of Political Economy, as understood and recognized in Great Britain at the present time, would not have been applicable in their full integrity to the circumstances of Great Britain in the ' days of ignorance,^ it will, naturally I may say, follow, that to look for happy results from conclusions, based * I am Tery much afraid that it is to a somewhat similar causer this Country is partly indebted for the destruction of the Indig'o trade in Bengal, and for the present very lamentable condition of the Coolee Trade to Assam and Cachar— See under Labor infra,, 113 on tile unqualified application of these principles to circumstances as existing in the days of British feudalism, would be to expect, more than this Science contemplated accomplishing — more than was ever dreamt of in the philosophy of its best and greatest masters. "Without stopping, however, to draw ^ny compari- son between the conditions and circumstances of Great Britain in the earlier stages of her com* mercial development, and those of India in her present state, I will pass on to say, that Eng- lishmen, generally, in dealing with questions of the nature of that under review, are too prone to adopt a line of argument, and more unfortunately _sti!l, a line of conduct, not very dissimilar to that which when exhibited to them in the above light most people will readily admit not to be the wisest. In other words, forgetting altogether what Mr. Mill so aptly terms the dynamics of Political Economy, they are far too apt to look at economic propositions affecting India from the statical point of view. Now before sitting down to examine a great question connected with the welfare and material progress of England from the Political Economy point of view, there are an infinity of things, peculiar to Eng- land, to be taken into accurate account, — if it be desired to .obtain a result which will exhibit the least possible amount of error : and when we take into cousideratipn; the area, the population, the number 114 dfid diversity of races and languages, the divisions of caste, the different stages of education ai.d civilization of its various provinces and districts, and countless other circumstances in which India is antipodal to England, and regarding many, if not most of ■which, moreover, the knowledge of the best informed on Indian matters is defi- cient, sound Economists will not dispute, that if the same laws which regulate the system there, tpithottt any allowance whatever heing made for antagonism of ideas and difference of circum- stances, be applied here, they will be met by disturbing influences quite sufficient to upset the tnost accurate and nicely balanced calculations. For after all, what is a system of Political Economy? Surely not a compound of aphorisims, or syllogismsl Nor yet the heaping up of a standard of infallabk ^nncipfes, to which all cases, occurring in nations in all stages of civilisation, mwy be referred, as to an undeviating Law 1 I do not think so. As I under- stand it, it is, from our present point of view, simply thejudieioiiB application of such general principles regarding the production and distribution of wealth &c., as experience has approved, to the business transactions of a Nation (or the world), as will best fend to the greatest development of individual industry, and be most conducive to the public good [QT the welfare and prosperity of mankind.) And if this definition be right, it is surely sufficient 1]5 to demonstrate that this Science must be most intimately bound up with what is called Social Philosophy : that it is eminently practical, and has nothing in common with systems of metaphysics, dialectics, or physics. Nor is there anything new in all this ; yet are these remarks not irrelevant ; for, any person who reads the discussions being carried on in every public journal in Grreat Britain, cannot fail to percieve that the great national question which now troubles England, is discussed by almost all, if not all parties con- cerned, as if it admitted of being decided ou economical premises alone. The time may come when it will be possible to do this. Some people of volatile imaginations, disregarding organic dif- ferences in the bony structure of birds and beasts. Still cling to the hope that we may yet fly. Count- less skillful mechanics, indeed, have constructed wings so cunningly designed, that in their dreams they have soared beyond even their own imagina- tions. But like the Artist of the ' Happy Valley,' who ' waved his pinions awhile to gather air, then leaped from his stand, and in. an instant dropped into the lake,' all have similarly come to grief. And such no doubt, to the end of time, will be the fate of all, who by a misapplication of the abstract principles of Political Economy to the pur- poses of pure speculative reasoning, attempt to solve questions, essentially practical in their nature, 116 and inseparably bound up with the social condition^ and progress of the humau race. la India, we have very many stages of civiliza- tion. By no means an infinitessimal part of the country, is still, in the undisputed possession of wild beasts.* Others are occupied by demi-savage races. Large tracts of country are inhabited by semi-barbarous tribes. In a few districts the state of society is nomadic. But, taking a general view of the whole, the great bulk of the middle and lower classes of the people of the mofassilf of India, may be said to be in the Agricultural stage of civiliza- tion. Of course there are — and were, when England was peopled by Ancient Britons — many po'pulous towns and flourishing cities j but by reason of the enormous distances and great difficulty of inter- communication, these do not exercise any material influence on the state of society in the interior. The masses — the hewers of wood, and drawers of water, the tillers of the soil, have little, I may say no educa- tion whatever ; their food is a few handful s of rice, — ■ it may be wheat or pulse ; their clothing covei's their nakedness — no more. In many parts of the country # See Official Returns showings the nnmbcr of natives destroyed annually by alligators, tigers, wolves, and other wild animals, and those who die from the effects of snake-bites. They average some thousands^ yet the fifth portion of such cases, are never reported. In Sindh, alone, the number of deaths from snake-bites, is enormous, t The country, as opposed to cities or towns. 117 the lower substrata of the people hardly know what money is. Their transactions^ though nominally regulated by the circulating medium, are almost en- tirely carried on by exchanges. They literally have' nothing but the land, and their interest in that generally consists only in the right to live on it — a right often limited by ^the will of their Zamindar, or what is a more secure tenure, the custom of the country. Their crops are almost invariably under hypothecation to the money lender of the village, or in remote regions to the lord of the soil. In the North West, in Awadh, the Panjab, and some parts of Central India, the people are tetter off; but in some parts of the Madras Presidency the condition of the people is not so good. Throughout India generally the raiyat, can seldom call the crop his. own. The cities and large towns are, it is quite true, full of busy people-, well to do, rich merchants and opulent bankers, who carry on much trade; yet, though efforts have, for some time, been made by the Govern- ment to improve their condition, by diffusing more widely amongst them the means of obtaining education, the peasant proprietors and cultivators of the soil, if generally happy and contented, are still as ignorant as they are poor, and live in a state of society little, if at all, removed from that in' which their forefathers lived a thousand years ago, I need hardly say, — it is very primitive. 118 We all recollect the corn laws, their action, the excitement their proposed abolition gave rise to in Great Britain, and the intention and objects of that measure. Before the abolition of protection, the universality of some of the most important the- ories of Political Economy had not been submitted to the test of practical proof; and on this account, the result of that great measure was doubtless looked for with deep anxiety, by the thinking part of Europe. That it has triumphantly vindicated the truth of those principles on which sound EconO'' mists took their stand, I need not mention ; but I desire to draw attention to the warm and anima- ted discussions that took place in the House of Commons at the time, and the very strong party of protectionists as they were called, that rallied round the leaders who opposed this measure, as evidencing that, short a time ago as this was, free England had not then, generally, given in her adhesion to all the principles of a science which now, it would appear, an influential section of her people expect to be well known and acted on in remote regions of the despotic East, But it will be long, centuries I am afraid, before India, will be in a position to comply with this expectation,^' at present wholly unreasonable. Nor do I think a blind adherence to the naked principles of Econo- mic Science, as applied to an island many cen- turies in advance of her in civilization, will in 119 any way tend to bridge the interval, or be conducive to the prosperity and happiness of the people ,■ but on the contrary, T consider that the adoption of suclji a course will be productive of quite opposite results. For let us suppose some of the States of Rajpootanah, in the centre of which lies the little British possession of Ajmeer, to be visited by a severe famine. As is the custom in like cases, the corn merchants would, of course, buy up nearly all the grain in Ajmeer, and sell it in the dearest market within reach. Now according to the common law, as much grain as was displaced by the purchases of the corn speculators, shouldjforthe same cause that led to its displacement, pour into Ajmeer from other neighbouring sources, and the equilibrium of prices throughout the coun- try be maintained. But, unfortunately, there is no Zollvereinin Rajpootanah. The native chiefs whose territories, on all sides, hem in our little state, being non-principle men, not a stone of corn would be allowed to pass their frontiers. Consequently, in the prosperous native states, the price of grain would never rise at all, while British subjects would have to purchase it at famine prices, — a privilege, which could they understand that they were the martyrs of ' sound principles of trade,' they might, perhaps, appreciate ; but being very simple, and very poor people, entirely ignorant of the many and hard fought pitch-battles that have been fought oa the floor of the British House of 130 Commons, between Free Traders and Protectionists, I have no doubt they would prefer adopting the customs of their own country, and would consider the neighbouring Eajas wise rulers, and their own Government, either, very imbecile, or very cruel and oppressive. Nor do I cite altogether a suppositi- tious case. Something very similar actually did occur in this district last year ; and such cases are almost daily occuring in some part of this vast Empire. As I write ' the Famine in the Deccan seems to have become most severe, specially in the district of Ahmednuggnr. The coarsest grain sells in British territory at 8 seers for the rupee, but it is aflSrmed that our own police obtain it at the rate of 16 seers. On the Nizam's side of the Goda- very the usual coercion of the grain dealers has been resorted to, and the rate of 18 seers prevails. But a cordon of the Nizam's police all along the frontier prevents all intercourse from our side. The people of Ahmednuggur let their cattle go wild, and themselves flock in hundreds to the Railway works. The wells are dried up, no rain having fallen since June. We fear this will affect seriously the cotton crop, July being the sowing season'* Such visitations, human foresight cannot avert, but it may be worthy of consideration, whether, for the maintenance of an abstract principle, or a • 'Friend of India,' newspaper 5 6th September 186S, 121 Wen it is sound economy to suffer a whole district to be devastated, and hundreds of thousands of poor people to perish vrith hunger, or be utterly ruined. Famines, the visitation of God, are of too frequent occurrence in India to create a very lasting impression, but their frequency and their severity, renders it all the more imperative that every protection th«t sympathy can suggest or human ingenuity can devise, should be afforded to the people against sufferings vrhich, if all, arc powerless to pre- vent, might yet by some means be alleviated. From the badness of present means of intercom- munication in India, we are often compelled to witness the singular and sad phenomenon, of plenty reigning in one province, and famine raging in another. Much has been done, and more is being done by the Indian Government, to ameliorate the circumstances of the country in this respect : but it has often occurred to me to think, that a question bearing so directly on the material prosperity of the nation, and so interwoven with the welfare of millions of Her Majesty's subjects, might be placed on a different basis to that which it usually occupies ; and that it would be well for competent persons to examine, whether the outlay that would be required to cover India with a network of roads and irrigation canals, is not already exceeded by the immense amount of wealth annually, and for ever, lost to the country, by those fearful visita- 123 tions which periodically occur, with terrible sererity, in large provinces, and from which India, in some part, is seldom entirely free. We have hefore us a Continent as larp;e as Great Britain, and, Russia excepted, half the rest of Europe besides. Its configuration is peculiar. A stupendous chain of mountains, the highest and most massive in the world stretches along the entire north and north eastern frontier; high table land occupies the centre ; -chains of mountains, or ghats, run down the south eastern and southwestern coast, at some distance from the sea. Mighty rivers take their rise in these heights, performing in their course to the sea the double duty of fertilizing and draining the countries through which they pass. But the distribution of these great arteries with their tributary veins, is not equally favourable to the whole country, and when, as is often the case, a prolonged cessation of rain takes place in any part, the result is one of those frightful calamities with which North Western India has lately been visited. The mean quantity of water, according to Rennell, discharged by one of these rivers, (the Ganges,) into the Sea, throughout the whole year is 80,000 cubic feet in a second, or 69,12,000,000 cubic feet per diem. But during the rainy months the quantity is 405,000 cubic feet in a second; and, as the water of the Ganges yields about one part in four of sediment, it is calculated that 123 during the flood seasons, there daily passes down this river, a mass of matter equal to seventy-four times the weight of the Great Pyramid of Egypt. It is the alluviiil soil thus transported by the great rivers of the world, gradually deposited and silently accumulated through ages, that has formed those deltas, the productive resources of which surpass those of all other lauds. And the most remarkable perhaps of these, is the delta formed by the Ganges and Brahmaputra, the entire of which will one day, probably, be reclaimed, and form the richest tract of country in India. We are thus taught an instructive lesson by nature, who, if she takes a portion of the water which the Earth sends forth, returns it to her in the form of rain, giving back to succeeding generations of man, rich and fertile plains in lieu of the sediment received with the waters. Consequent, in a great measure, on causes of this nature, the revenues of the province of Bengal are nearly equal to a third of the revenues of the whole peninsula of India ; and, setting aside the questions of humanity, &nd profit, and taking into consideration, only, the immense loss of productive labor and wealth to the country by the distructive ravages of famines, if future experience establishes, even problematically, that a judicious system of roads and water-works, would relieve it from these visitations,* there would clearly be room * See Col. Baird Smith's remarks, regarding^ the Ganges Caaal, in his report on the Famine of 1861. 124 for the outlay of many millions sterling, at a noWe profit. The time for such a mighty undertaking, if feasible, may not be come; but the necessity for the consideration of this, or any other measure bearing so directly on the existence of the population, is always present. For, a famine, it must be recollected,, is not quite the same in its effects and results in this countryj as it is in most countries in Europe. There, there is, for the most part, an interval between the failure of the crops and the period of utter starva- tion, in which husbanded stores and private charity, serve to keep the wolf from the door. Besides Tvhich there are many out-lets. In the last famine whieh took place in Ireland, upwards of a million of people found labor and plenty within a ten days voyage of their homes. But here, how are the pea- , saut proprietors and cultivators prepared for such a calamity? In place of the husbanded store, there is the debt to the Mahajan or Buniya;* and charity, where all are involved in like distress, is hopeless. Emigration, again, is barred by distance ; but were it not so, want of means would render it impossible. "When famines then, occur in India, the people let their cattle run wild, and desertingtheir homes, wander about thecountry in search of food. The Indian's love for his village-home is proverbial. To desert it, is his last resource. Thousands faint on the way and perish; and those who reach a great city, or some * The money-lender or corn-dealer. 123 of those public works that Government, in such cases, usually presses on with more than contem- plated energy,* survive but to commence the world a-fresh, with a heavy debt (if not remitted) for the year's revenue of th-- land, that yielded no pro- duce, — and for the advance received from the money lender for the hypotliecatiou of the crop, that was never reaped. If such, then, is a true outline of the physical and social coudition of India of 1862, it will not occasion surprise if persons interested iu its welfare and * From a Resolution of Sir Bnrtle Frere, Governor of Botobay, passed lust moiith {Septr. 1862,) honorable alike to his wisdom aa a statesman, his ability as an economist, and his humanity ae tt man, I make the following extracts: — "The high prices to which grain lias risen, and which, after making allowance even for the effects of the recent fall of rain, are 75 to 100 per cent, above the averag'e prices of the last two years, renders the provision of permanent and steady employment for all who require work, essential, to prevent great distress, if not actual want, during- the ensuinp: season. * * * This state of thinofs is ag:g:iavated by the prohibition placed by His Highness the Nizam on the exportation of grain from his Provinces, which u.«iially furnish large quantities of grain to the Eastern dis- tricts of the Zillns and Southern Muhratta Country. * * * As it is of the utmost importance that measures for relief should not be delayed, until the people are bordering on starvation and have lost all heart. His Excellency in Council desires that the Public Works Department will take immediate steps through the Rxecutive Engineers, in concert with the Collectors and local Native Officers, to organize the gangs of workmen on such of the works above mentioned as may be selected by the local Officers for imme- diate execution." 126 with some knowledge of its circumstances, should Tiew, with some alarm, the daily increasing tendency of Englishmen to apply to India, in full detail, sys- tems of Political Economy, adapted to a people in a high state of civilization, living under a constitu- tion free as air — a constitution which, if granted to India but for a day, the first act of the legislature would be to vote every Englishman out of the coun- try. Now, though I say this deliberately, I would not be understood to imply that the British Govern- ment is obnoxious to the natives of this country. I simply mean to assert, that the ideas, characteristics religions &c. of the two nations are distinct; that the masses here, are too ignorant to have any political opinions at allj and that in respect of place and power, the upper ten thousand of India are in no way dis-similar to other people — a fact which the rebellion of 1857-58 I think, pretty clearly esta- blished. But be this as it may, it will not follow that, because they are willing to undertake the task of managing their own affairs, they are competent to perform it efficiently. On the contrary, to place before the public satisfactory arguments and proofs of tlie converse of this propsositiou, is the sole object of this digression. For, what I desire to maintain is, that in proportion as the great' mass of the people of India, because they are in a very early stage of civilization, are unfit- ted for self Government, in such ratio is it tlie 127 bounden duty of the paramount authority, to interpose, and by the initiation of improvements, adapted to the circumstances of the country, gradually to lead the various races committed to its charge, up to that point ill civilization, from which questions affect- iiior the material progress of the Empire, may, with advantage, be examined from a purely , English poiut view. I do not suppose that there is any very great origi- nality in these views, and their soundness must be so apparent to every competent thinker on the sub- ject, that it would be needless to dwell on them here, were it not that we have daily-recurring instances of their being overlooked, or forgotten, by very able men, accustomed for years to deal with economic questions only as affecting nations in a high state of Civilization. It would be im- possible, perhaps to find a happier illustration of what I mean, than the imposition of au incoma tax in India. Many Indian questions, involving com- mercial and other special considerations, may have been complicated or involved iu failure, by being dealt witii by persons without any experience or special training iu the department to which the particular question to be decided belonged. But ia this matter no such cause is assignable. The ques- tion was dealt with by one of England's best finan- ciers — a gentleman sent out purposely to India, as being perhaps the most competeat person iu th^ 128 country to restore a financial equilibrium, and one long accustomed to deal with similar question's in England. The late Mr. Wilson's idea was, ' that a principle good in one place, is good all over the world J* and, if it was sound Economy in Eng- land, ' that those who enjoy the protection of the State must pay for it in accordance with their means,'t he thought it must also be sound in India; and on these points no one will dispute Avith him. He was aware of the success which had attended the application of this principle, to a tax on income, in England, and that no tax there was more easily collected, or better calculated on any sudden emergency, to enable a Chancellor of the Exchequer to turn a deficit into a surplus. Why the same very simple rule should not hold good here, though informed by the writer of these remarks, as well as by many other abler men — he could not imagine. Now the late Mr. Wilson was undoubtedly a very able) man. He saw before him a yawning cliasra, — he saw also that it was hourly widening, and that unless immediate and extraordinary measures were taken to fill the void, it would involve him in ruin. He set himself manfully to his task, and the desperate * I quote from memory of a speech delivered in England, previou* to his sailin°^ for India. t Speech by the Right Hon'ble Jnmes Wilson, in the Legislativs Council of India, 18th February 18C0. 129 situation in which he found himself pkced, is some excuse for his attempting to ward off impending: destruction by a measure, which if some warned him to avoid, the European portion of the outside public of the metropolis, urged hia» strongly to adopt, as tlie surest, the safest, and the most just. But, had Mr. Wilson's life not been early sacrificed at the shrine of public duty, he would have lived to learn, as his able successor already knew, or very soon discovered, that a tax, the incidence of which ia one country may be comparatively light, equable, and just, — in another may be unjust, intolerable and oppressive. For, if the amount that will b& willinffly contributed by a people, be a fair test of the suitableness and propriety of a tax — and I really do not think it is possible to find a better — no com- petent authority in India will now dispute, that double, if not treble, the amount collected, by every means of extortion I am afraid, from the native portion of the community on account of income tax, would have been willingly contributed by them in many other ways. Europeans, were unanimously in favor of a tax on income in preference to any other kind of tax, and Natives were as unanimously against it, and this fact alone goes a great way t(> aid me ia support of the position here taken up, viz., that^ \i principles remain the same, it is to their judicious application all Governments, and especially new Governments, must look for success. 130 There is perhaps no part of the wide range of subjects embraced by the term Political Economy, that is more difficult to define tljan what are called the functions of Government. So vexed a question is this, that though all may assent to the general and broad principles on which other parts of the system are based, on this point hardly two persons will be found to think exactly alike. There are two doctrines, however, vyhich though each admits, within itself, of many shades of opiniott regarding details, may be said to form rallying points for two great schools of Economists. The disciples of the one, advocate the interference of Government in the business affairs of the people, on the ground that it tends to advance the material progress of a nation. Those of the other approve the laisser-faire principle, and consider the interference of Government a mischief, and the greatest hinderance to a nation's progress. The for- mer principle is adopted for the most part by thecon- tinential nations of Europe; the latter finds favor, and is often stretched to the extreme limit, iu Great Britain. Possibly it is the experience afford- ed by the working of the opposite principle, in nations where the interference of Government has not always been exerted for the good of the people, that has rendered Englishmen so inveterate against the doctrines of that school, as to lean to the opinion, that if Government intereferes with the 131 business transactions of the people at all, it must be for evil. The fundamental principles of the one school are, that the persons intrusted with the Government of a conntry, by their superior kno-wledge and ability, must he more competent judges of what is good for the people than they are themselves ; and that by their power and command of resources they are better able to carry out all undertakings with effi. ciency. It is thought, too, that highly cultivated and wholly disinterested persons, such as are usually placed in charge of state affairs, are more likely to study the interests of the people collec- tively than persons whose sole principle of action is individual self-interest. The fundamental principles of the laisser-fairt school, on the contrary, are that every thing connected with what may be called the 'business of life', is best managed when intrusted to those who are imme- diately concerned in it, without the meddling inter- ference of Government officials; that individuals are the proper guardians of their own interests ; and that the stronger the self-interest, the more certain is the guarantee that undertakings will be well and efficiently carried out. Both admit that there are certain functions which, of necessity, appertain to Government ; and these are divided into the necessary, and the optional, or, as I prefer to term them, the obligatory and the expedient 133 —obligatory, as signifying those functions which a Gorernment cannot neglect without sacrificing the interests of the State or of the people; and expedient, as signifying those which may be neglected without fear of these results, but from the perform- ance of which much, or the greatest, good, may be anticipated. But here arises a diflSculty which sets both schools at issue, and regarding which few of the disciples of either can agree amongst themselves viz., which are the obligatory, and which the expedient ? Volumes have been written, — are daily being written on this subject : but none of the arguments adduced from the ' abstract principle ' point, can possibly carry anything convincing with them, for the very simple reason here dwelt on, that the subject cannot be separated from social considerations. The fundamental principles of both schools may be productive of very happy results, if rightly applied ; and if misapplied of quite the reverse. Indeed, there can be no comparisiou between the two doctrines, for each properly contemplates an entirely different order of things. The one pre-supposes a state of society in which the people are not sufficiently enlightened to manage their own affairs; while to admit the truth of the other, it is absolutely necessary to assume an amount of education, intelligence, and many other qualifications on the part of the people, that will warrant the belief, that they are 133 the best judges, not of what they like, but, of what is good for them, and this again requires not only a highly cultivated, but a peculiarly constituted society. Thus, if we take twenty highly cultivated, and highly educated men, and set them around a board groaning with delicaeies, served by a chef of distinguished merit, it will not follow that all, or even a majority of them, will eat and drink only those things which are good for them, or that the proportion of the twenty that will do so, will be the same, if their number be composed of Englishmen, Frenchmen, Germans, Indians, Chinamen, or any other of the families which com- pose the human race. So is it with the business of life; and it is, consequently, wholly impossible to define, or determine, the proper functions of Governments in the abstract, for it is abundantly clear, that those functions which are obligatory in one state of society, — will be only expedient in another, probably unnecessary in a third, and possibly mischievous in a fourth. When, therefore, I asserted above, that Govern- ment intervention was necessary to solve the Indian Cotton question, I had no intention whatever of combating tlie abstract doctrine, that matters of business or trade are best cared for when left in tha hands of those interested in them. Such undoubtedly is the case — where people have all the qualifications necessary to render them the best guardians of M 134 their own interests; and looking at the cotton question as one of demand and supply — consump- tion and production, it will follow, that the Indian authorities were unmistakably right, both economically and politically, in declining, in the interest of England, to interfere between tiie cotton spinners of Lancashire and Manchester, and the cultivators of India. My object was rather to suggest to those who in England's distress, see India's opportunity, and desire to obtain for her from the presei)t or any similar crisis, those permanent advantaties which iiniversal opinion seems to have decided her natural and physical circumstances render her capable of securing, that, looking at the question from a higher point of view, and in the interest of India, the case is reversed ; and that the principle of non-interference, if sound in the one case, will be unsound in the other, in direct proportion to the difference between the state of society in the two countries. Aiid, if I have dwelt at length on the point, it is because there has of late appeared a tendency, on the part of some writers, to carry the laisser-faire doctrine beyond its natural and ligitimate limits, a course which, in a coun- try where the first grey dawn of modern civilization is struggling hard to make itself visible in the darkness around, would be nothing short of advocat- ing the abdication of one of the most sacred 135 duties of a Government situated as is the British Government in India. For though, to arrest altogether the onward tide of civilizatioa when once it has set in, is not easy, yet the neglect by a Government of its obligatory func- tions — and what duty can be more obligatory thaa instruction — cannot fail in a very great degree to check its progress. All great questions affecting the material pro- gress of a natioH, and especially those connected with agricultural experiments, may be viewed from two stand-points — the scientific and the commercial. And it will be admitted that the business of the two is so entirely distinct, that if those to whom one appertains, meddle with the other, they are sure to mismanage it. It will not be denied also, that the two go hand iu hand, neither being iudepen- of the other. In countries in an early stage of civilization, the former, it will be apparent, properly appertains to Government, for this reason, that the people, from poverty and ignorance, are clearly utiequal to the perforance of the task ; and, con- sidering its bearing oii the welfare and existence of the people, the duty, in regard to agricultural experiments of national importance, may well be placed amongst those tliat are obligatory. In countries in an advanced stage of civilization, the case, like all others, is different. The people are so highly educated, and so wealthy, that they are well able 136 to, and, generally, do perform efficiently tlie duties of both departments, for themselves; — although do country has yet reached that hiijhest state of advancement, of the Government of which it may said, that to aid the people in the discharge of the first oflSce — is not an expedient function. I The Sovernment of India has always, moreover, recognized these principles, I say, recognized, because, as must indeed be obvious, a Governmeut, the greater portion of whose surplus means has been absorbed by expensive wars, and whose time and attention have — in infancy been devoted to measures of self-preservation, — in youth to foreigu conquests, — and in manhood — if it may yet be said to have attained that period of its existence — to the work of consolidating its Empire, has had little opportunity of doing more. Hence it is that the sources of immense wealth, exist- ing dormantly in this great peninsula, are yet so partially developed. We have good ground for supposing that Tabacco, Silk, Flax, Wool, and many other products which are in such demand in Europe and America as to be sources ()f immense wealth to the countries from whence the supplies are drawn, might be produced here, of as good quality, and at as cheap a price, if not cheaper, tlian in any country in the whole world ; and amongst the number we may, with much reason, place Cotton. 137 It may be said in regard to this comrno- dity : — ' Goverament has already done its duty;, experiments have been twice carried out with great care and attention, and at great expense to the State, and resulted in miserable failure.' The first is a fact, and facts are indisputable things ; but I cannot admit that the cotton experiments undertaken by the Government of India were a total failure, or any thing like itj and w6 have fortunately to disprove it, another fact viz : that the cotton now reaching England from India would not have been nearly so good in quality, or nearly so great in quantity, if those experiments had never been undertaken. An evidently competent authority, whose testi- mony is supported by that of Mr. Haywood the Agent of the Cotton Supply Association, says : — ' I forgot to mention that besides the difference in prise of more then £7 per candy, between the indigenous cotton and the " New Orleans" intro- duced by Mr. Shaw, there is a difference of nearly twice as much in the yield, as it takes 1.3 acres to produce a candy of clean cotton from the indigenous plant, and only seven acres to produce one from the exotic ; so that the difference in value between the produce of the 280,000 acres of exotic cotton in and near Dharwar, and now worth j6 1,200,000, is not, as I said before, only j6240,000 above what it would have been if sown with indigenous cotton. 138! but actually £628.374 above it, at the present price of the indigenous staple ! Such was the improve- ment in quality effected, by one resident Englishman, in a comparatively small district of India; and as equal, and often greater improvements might be made in scores of other districts, I rejoice to hear that one English company, at least, has already despatched its agents to the best station in Berar, with gins, packing-presses, carts, &c., and will advertise their presence to every ryot throughout the cotton region. If other companies follow this example their work will soon bear fruit a hundredfold.' The operations of Government, however, it must be admitted, were not carried out, on the most approved or most scientific principles; but, in a very slovenly and very desultory manner; and were stopped short, it would appear, at that point at which it was most essentially important they should have been pressed on with the greatest vigour. So desultory were the cotton experiments in their nature, that no effort even was made to bequeath to suc- ceeding generations, what would now be of par- amount importance viz., a full and clear record of the blunders that were committed. On this point, Dr. Royle observes. ' How little attention has been paid, or at least, how little information is given us, respecting the attention that was paid, to all the points essential to insure success in culture, and improve- ment in produce. Also how seldom any attempts are 139 iDflcle, or reasons given, to explain the canse of failure. We find, as was to be expected, equal in- attention to, if not ignorance of the principles. The Djajority also appear wise only after personal experi- ence, and paying little attention to that of their predecessors. For we find that the same course is followed, the same results are obtnined, and continue to he announced as new, although we have had them on record for a series of years.':): And such is quite as true now, as when the above remarks were written ; and not true of cotton only, but of an experiment wiiich has been attended with better success. 1 allude to that, a brief outline of the history of which 1 have attempted to give, in the preceding chapters. Tt will be seen tliat so little care and attention, in the first instance, was bestowed on packing the tea seed, that on reaching the Himalayas not one germi- nated ; tbat of the first batches of seedlings sent to the plantations in Assam and Madras, from the ignorance of the persons entrusted with the care of them, every plant was allowed to perish ; that from a similar cause the selection of the soil, the cultivatioa of the phint, and the manufacture of the leaf, were frequently faulty ; that, notwithstanding it had been established that good tea could be grown in India, after thirteen years' trial, Government considering * Culture and Commerce of Cotton in India p. 92, (Cotton Hand-Book.) 140 the experiment a complete failure neglected it in Madras, starved it in the Himalayas, and abandoned it altogether in Assam ; that Amung, tlie Chinaman, who bought the last Government plantation in Assam, succeeded no better with tea, than Mr. Finnie and his brother Americans, did with cotton ; that the Assam Company after an expenditure of £.200,1/00 in fruitless efforts to malie the cultivation pay, found themselves insolvent, and their £20 shares selling at less than a shilling a piece;* and finally it will be seen, that experiments with tea have been in progress for twent3'-seven years, and Government though most anxious to do so, has not yet been able in the Himalayas, to withdraw from the fields without jeopardizing its success. Similarly with cotton, there is no record of the past of tea, except what is contained in Dr. Jameson's reports ; and every planter must, consequentlv, be also an experimentalist. f • It is within my knowledg'e that one prentleman, in 1846 47 Jouffht 150 of tlie shares of this Company for Bs. 60. They are worth at the present m^iket rate Rs. 72,000. t 1 am at present carrying' on a curious correspondence with a view to ascertain whether tea plants should be planted singly, or in bushes containg six or seven plants. The Assam planters adopt the former, the Himalayan planters the latter plan, each being equally satisiied that the o ther is wrong'. No one here can decide betweeu the two. The Chinese do not generally transplant, and sow from six to ten seeds in u hole. In Java they adopt the bush of five plants. But where seed sells at from Es. 30 to Rs. 150 a mun of 801bs. it is s question of serious importance to be left undecided, after twenty seven years of experimeutB. 141 Notwitlistanding the magnitude of the interests at stake, no precautions were tfiken in packing the American cotton seed shipped to India last year. It was packed any how — every how, and sent to its destination in precisely the same manner. The consequence followed the course of nature in like cases. Hardly a seed came up. ' Of the New Orleans seed/ says a report on experi- ments made in Awadh, 'but one in a thousand germinated.^ Another gentleman (the Deputy Commissioner of Pertabghur) writes, 15th February 1862, 'I regret to be obliged to state that, having called on all persons for a report of their success with the seed, I cannot find a single instance in which the seed produced any cotton.' A third report says * none of the American seed came up.' And almost all the reports are in the same strain, announcing the general success of the Egyptian and the total failure of the American seed. The unfortunate result is, as usual, attributed to all sorts of causes ; the heavy rain ; the bad cultivation ; the sowing out of season ; the soil ; and the same suggestions as to the cause of failure on which Dr. Royle remarked, are repeated over and over again. One gentle- man, Mr. J. D. Ward Collector of <^hittagong, honestly confesses his incompetency to give any opinion whatever on the subject in a few remarks that are well worthy of attention. 'I am unwilling to give any opinion of this only partial success. One 142 gentleman told me confidently, that the raia had, in the early part of November, half drowned the plants, and stunted their growth. But another, as confidently declared, that had it not been for that rain, none of the seed would have come up. We have all about an equal knowledge ot the subject, and you will observe that it is not deep.' All these circumstances, beyond doubt, tend to prove — not that exotic cotton can wo^be cultivatedia India as a mercantile speculation ; but simply that the experiment has yet to be made : and the chances of success seem to me, to be very fairly put in the follow- ing remarks. ' The application of experience cannot entirely ward off loss from such causes [excessive rain-fall and ravages of insects;] but 1 feel confident that the want of experience, generally, as to the time of sowing, choice of soil, and treatment of the plant, by Europeans who have hitherto essayed the cultivation of the plant on this side of India, is the chief cause of failure. We may therefore fairly enter- tain the hope that with perseverence and increased attention to these essentials, we shall, in time, produce cotton, ia quantity and quality, that will stand comparison with the produce of any country in the world.'* * Report of Mr., Stewart Douglas on Samples of Indian -grown New Orleans and Egyptian Cotton, to the Horticultural Society of Bengal (29tli March 1862.) 143 But with cotton, as with all products of com- mercial value^ for the supply of which there is any competitionj assuming natural capabilities for f>ro- ducing them in the quantity and of the quality desired, there is the equally important question of cost of prodvction to be decided, before it can be expected that private persons will invest their money in novel speculations, especially if attended, as cotton cultiviition in India appears to be, with considerable risks. But as quantity depends generally, on conditions already known, the deside- rata to be ascertained by experiment are reduced to two, — quality, and cost of production. And the grand question at issue is: — Whose interest — whose duty is it, to satisfy capitalists on these points — that of the people of the buying or selling — of the consuming or producing Countries ? There is little difficulty in deterrainiug that this duty — if duty it may be called, — vests in the people of the producing Country, for an opposite conclusion, would lead us biickto that simple state of society in which each consumer (trader, family, or individual) supplies his own wants. In- dependent, moreover, of this view, as at the present day, no civilized nation supplies all its own demands, to adopt the principle that the consumer should be a producer also, would necessitate his carrying on his operations in a dozen, or it might be, a hundred different places, many of them under foreign rule, — which would be impossiible. 144 But, it may be urged, if the people of the producing country are infants, as the law defines that term, and incapable of performing this office for themselves, will not the duty then devolve on the party, next most immediately interested in its due performance — the consuming nation ? I venture to think not; but rather on the Government of the producing Country, which in such circumstances is, in loco parentis, and bound, — always supposing it to be manifestly for the good of the country — to discharge those obligations which her wards, by reason of their tender years, are unable to discharge for themselves. Hence, we have the term Paternal Government, as signifying, I assume, a Government suitable to a coiiutry the people of which are in a state oi infancy, and unfitted for the management of their own affairs, or self-government. As long then, as a country has a Government, in no case can it be fairly said that the duty of developing the natural resources of that country, devolves on the people of another country. Nor, would it be wise in any Government to dispute this position, for that Government that would shift this responsibility from its own shoulders, and impose it on those of irre- sponsible agents, would retain no higher place in the affections of her children, than that of a step-mother, and would hardly have the same just right to lay claim to ad\antages derivable from their increased abilit/ to bear taxation oq attaining the age manhood- 145 This is a question certainly involving very high atid important considerations — a question which perhaps it would be better to leave in the hands of men more accustomed to deal with those pro- blems of political philosophy which governments are daily called on to solve, and one which I should not have touched upon, were it not for a confident conviction that the interests of both this country and England will be better served, if questions regarding India, involving interests of great national importance be treated philosophically, if at the same time practically, instead of being left to be worked out on the principle of a theory wholly inapplicable to her present circumstances, by the haphazard operations of individuals — irresponsible agents, acting often under the exciting influence of a self-interest, which need not necessarily conduce to the welfare of the country ; and if by these remarks I can direct the attention of deeper thinkers to the subject, and thus contribute to a better understanding of the position and condi- tion of India in comparison with other nations of the world, I shall have accomplished my end. I would not, however, be understood to advocate a French centraliaation, nor any of those strange doctrines in ecouomic science with which we are occasionally favored from that country; nor yet do I mean by the use of the term philosophical, the iatrodu'ction of that speculative theorism, so 146 tnucli decried a few pages back. Of all systems this -latter is the most abominable — the most mis- chievous ; because, being propped up by what are called ' sound principles,' it often decieves or mystifies the public, — as a rule not the thiukiug portion of the people, — into the belief, that a policy apparently so well considered and surely based, will, in the end, be conducivp to the best interests of the country, whereas, all the wliile, it simply indicates a total absence of originality of ideas, — a grievous want of common sense, and is the greatest possible impediment to a nation's progress. On the contrary, I advocate what appears to me to be the most practical, and only practicable, method of obtaining the end all interested in India must have in view, — the development of her great natural resources, in a manner, at once, the most expeditious, and most beneficial to the country. For, to take an illustration from common life, let us suppose our old acquaintance Jones, to come into the possession of an estiite as largo as Yorkshire. His first business would naturally be to have his property surveyed. His next probably to ascertain its value i. e. its capabilities for production, mid natural sources of wealth. Well, let us further suppose him to discover that his property not only contains the fine arable land in possession of the tenantry already established on the estate ; but large tracts of viigin soil suitable for growing tea, cofi'ee, cotton, 147 flax, hemp &c. &o., lying waste and uncultivated'; rich mines of coal, iron, copper, salt ; dense forests of valuable timber, &c. Now what would be the proper course for Jones, or any wise man of business, under the circumstances, to pursue, for the improve- ment of his property, the welfare of his tenantry, and his own advantage ? This seems a very simple question. It is one, at least, that individuals find little difficulty in solving daily, very much to their own and their country's benefit. But let us follow Jones to his Estate. What will he do with it ? Well, having satisfied himself that his property, i. e. his land, his minerals, his timber &c. is good, and can be worked at a large profit, he will, certainly not allow his immense wealth to lie long dormant ; but will proceed at once to take measures to develop it. This he may of course do in many ways. The usual method adopted is for a proprietor to let out his waste land on such advantageous terms for a limited period, as will induce his surplus tenantry to bring it under cultivation ; or, should population, be scant, to effect that object by the introduction of foreign labor. This Jones will probably do. With regard to other sources of wealth, the return being usually so valuable, he will very likely work them himself — or should his tenants be so enlightened, active, enterprizing, and wealthy, as to be qualified for undertaking 148 such operations, he. might finii it his advantagje to effect au arrangement with them, by which the undertakings might be worked, something on the metayer principle, i. e. the tenants finding the cnpital and labor, and the proprietor recieving a royalty pf one half of the profits. This plan would equally well effect the desired end — the loiver strata pf the people being enriched by the working ex- penses, the higher by one half of the profits, and the lord of the soil by the other. The estate itself would be benefitted by the great addition to its productive wealth. But it remains to be considered what course Jones would pursue if his tenants were all very simple people, and possessed of neither enterprize nor wealth sufficient to render them an efficient means to the desired end. The first idea that suggests itself is, that in such circumatauces, Jones would be forced to adopt the first mentioned plan ; that is,- having first satisfied himself, by the most careful e»- quiry and examination, or by experiment, that he had good ground to assume a profitable result, to under- take the task himself — provided he had capital to carry it out, or security or credit on which to borrow. And the latter contingency, of course, assumes, that the anticipated return from the working of the several sources of wealth on the estate, would far exceed the normal rate of interest of uioney at -the time. 149 But, it will be objected, if Jones should have neither capital, nor credit, or be incompetent, or though none of these, should yet, for any other cause, be unable or unwilling, to work out his own prosperity, what would he do then? Would he not be obliged to sit down and wait until he should be more favorably circumstanced — or to advertize in the journals of foreign countries far and wide, that he had a fine estate capable of yielding untold wealth in iron, gold, fibres, tea, cotton, silk, and abundance of labor, and that any one who liked was welcome to come and make his fortune thereon, in the hope that some rich and enterprizing people would come and help him. No. I do not think it likely that Jones would adopt either of these courses. Because, by the first, , he would probably cut off all hope of ever realizing the object of his aims ; and by the second, he would certainly postpone it to such an indefinite period, that his grand-children might never live to derive- any advantage from the result. For, supposing Jones to be a good man of busioess and competent to manage his own affairs, he would at once under- stand, that people with money would require a far better guarantee, first, for the existence of the untold wealth, and second, for the cost of producing and bringing it to market, than was contained in his simple assurance, before they could be induced to withdraw their capital from undertakings ia 150 which, if the profit were small, the security was unexceptionahle, to invest it in operations under- taken for the improvement of an estate, separated by an immense distance from their supervision and control — or before they would themselves leave their homes and set out with their capital to his assistance. If he were a cautious man, too, he would foresee, that even if a few responded to his invitation and failed, as almost all pioneers do, it would da^iage the credit of his scheme, and thus materially injure his prospect of success. He would further be aware, that careful speculators would view a prospectus holding out prospects of brilliant success, but unsupported by satisfactory data, with much suspis- cion, and would naturally argue somewhat in this wise. * How is it if these speculations which Jones wishes to float on the market, will eventually afford dividends unheard of in Europe, that he does not Work them, himself?' And if he were to allege that he had neither capital nor credit, they would reply ' Well Sir, if with such a noble estate, preg- nant, as you tell us, with latent wealth, you have not credit sufficient to enable you to put your pro- jections before the public, in such a manner as ordinary people of business find necessary to enable them to obtain the confidence of capitalists, there must be some enormous risk, — some mismanage- ment in the interior economy of your estate, or some other cause unknowu to us, that unfits it for resi- 151 deuce, or that renders your schemes uncertaia or unsafe, and makes it more advisable for us to keep our money where it is — or, at least, to hold back until such time as we see people come from your estate, ladea with your iron, your copper, your cotton, your tea, and satisfy us that they are good of their kind, and tell us what it had cost them to obtain them.' In the mean time, if Jones' income and expenditure were closely balanced, he would be compelled, on every sudden pressure, to raise his rents, to enable him to live as he was accustomed to, to construct roads, build bridges, and to perform many other functions ohligaiory on all good land- lords. Or, should the sovereign, or the paramount authority, have fixed the tenure of his lands, this source of increase would be cut off; and his only alternative then would be the Money Lender ! When this failed i. e. when his credit was gone, or so far gane, as to render it possible for him to obtain money only at a ruinous rate of interest, he would be thrown back on his original position, stud, abandoning all hope of improving his property, he would be compelled to let it go to ruin, or, at best, to sit down in inactivity with a heavy millr stone of debt about his neck, leaving the com- munity of his tenantry in the same state of poverty as that in which he found them. In such circumstances, it is very clear, that, the last state of Jones, would be worse than the first. 152 Jones, tberefore, if a man of business and wise, would not entertain either of these ideas; but know- ing that in ■ entering on speculations promising a very much larger return than the interest he was already paying for borrowed money, every day passed in inactivity was certain loss, he would, immediately, set about developing the resources of his estate himself — if he could; or, commencing such experimental operations as would enable him to lay his projects before the public, with such convincing data, — such positive proof of success, as would at once guarantee the whole of his shares being taken up, and insure him besides a handsome premium for the risks incident on new experiments — if he could not. That Jones, if equal to the management of large operations, should, tentatively, undertake the develop- ment of the resources of his own estate, in preference to having recourse to foreign agency, would be better for the community of his tenantry, individually and collectively, and for himself, — and this is clear. Be- cause, while in both cases, the working expenses would go to enrich the laborers (his tenantry), in the latter, receiving all the profits himself, he would be able not only to live with greater splendour, but to spend a very large surplus, in works for the improvement of his property, and for the public good. In other words, the entire portion of Jones' wealth would still remain on his estate,— the 153 unproductive being made productive — and the pro- ductive, as the natural result of the greater pros- perity of his tenautryj beiug increased many fold. But as the major part of the success of all under- takings is good management, and as experience has pretty well estabislied that no system of checks fiilly compensates for the absence of the ' master's eye,' it is quite possible that Jones, if possessed of a very large estate, might find himself somewhat embarrassed on this score. His time would be ipaach occupied with other pressing matters. He would be busy examining the accounts of the collec- tors of his rentsf; looking after the settlement of disputes and the punishment of offences; giving instructions to his engineers for the construction of ■works of utility, canals, roads, bridges &c.; and other business connected with the management of his estate ; and could probably devote but a very moderate amount of time and attention to oper- ations undertaken with the view of opening up new sources of wealth. It would be a sine qua non, therefore, if he decided on retaining this depart- ment in liis own hands, that he sliould retain, at the same time an intelligent and efficient agency, under a chief of ability, in concert with whom he mii;ht work out his plans. And the interest of the whole community living on the estate and of the proprietor himself, would be so 154 great in, and so bound up with, the result, that the necessity for this would strike him at once. For — always supposing Jones to be a practical man — he would comprehend, that if he looked on this portion of his business as secondary, and left it to be worked out, in a hap-hazard manner, by persons fully occupied with other duties, who had not more- over the special knowledge necessary for rightly understanding it, the whole of his borrowed capital would, very likely, be exhausted in undertakings which, under such circumstances, it could hardly be expected, would turn out otherwise than expensive failures, barren of results. It often happens, however, that great landed pro- prietors are not fond of entering into mercantile or business speculations ; sometimes from a mistakeu notion that such transactions are unbecoming the dignity of high personages. Now Jones, being one of a mercantile people, would not, probably, have any scruples, on this score, about turning a penny for his own or his peoples ' advantage, provided he could do so honestly. And it is a very singular fact that in those quarters where his nation is so much sneered at on this account, we find the most august .personages in the land violat- ing the very priuciple they profess to uphold. Thus, no one can travel very far over the conti- nent of Europe, without running against Royal Manufacturies of all sorts — manufacturies for 155 clocks, watches, porcelain, glass, tapestry, &c. ; and workshops for every description of material on the excellence of which may depend the efficiency of the public service. Much may be said, it is true, on the comparative merits of different systems in regard to the latter; but, at present, we will not interrupt the course of our illustration, but continue to accompany the progress of our proprietor, in his praiseworthy exertions for the improvement of his estate. But, if Jones would have no scruples about under- taking business transactions, on the score of dignity, it is more than probable that he would desire to refrain, as much as possible, from interfering in these transactions, from a well grounded belief that such a course would have a tendency to dwarf the intellects, and paralyse tUe energies of his tenantry, the thews and sinews from which he derived his strength — the main source of all his wealth. If Jones, then, were a man of sound judgement, — he would abandon any short-sighted notions he might have had, of looking, ultimately, to prc^fiis derived from these sources, as a legitimate means of recruit- ing his own finances, or of improving his estate. His object would rather be to hold such property in trust until the iutellects and energies of his tenantry were so far developed, that they would be qualified for relieving him of this duty, using the surplus profits in the interim, to supplement the 156 deficiency ia the contributions of the tenantry to the general fund, caused by their poverty-stricken and helpless condition. He would carefully avoid .entering into competition with his tenantry, and in this view would not occupy the field a moment longer than necessity compelled. There would, of course, he an understanding between Jones and his tenantry, on his making over his lucrative business, with all rights of direct partici- pation in the profits, and engac;ing to retire from- business altogether, that the loss should be made up to him. either by a handsome royalty, or such other arrangement as would make him a joint participator in the general prosperity of the community, and thus better able to increase the efficiency of all departments maintained for the public good. But, if Jones should be compelled, or for any. reason should determine, to resort to foreign ; agency for the purpose of developing the re- sources of his estate, he would, be relieved of the trouble and expense of organizing and super- vising a large department to superintendent and carry out operations on an extended scale. The necessity, however, for undertaking them on an experimental and smaller scale, and of working them out to a point that would enable him to satisfy those he wished to attract to his help, that they were good and would pay, would still 157 remain. This business moreover would have to be very carefully and skilfully performed, under the superintendence of competent persons, or experiments that should succeed, would fail, and after the expenditure of much money Jones would be no nearer the end of his aims than he was before. On the other hand, if he would save him- self the trouble and expense, he must forfeit, as is usual in such cases, considerable advan- tages. For, though the condition of the operative classes would be much improved by the working expenses, the profits would not return to the country to be again spent in it, but would go to enrich the foreign proprietors of the stock. Still, on the principle tnat ' half a loaf is better than no bread/ if Jones saw no other means of developing his wealth, than by having recourse to foreigners, he would probably lose no time in adopting active and energetic measures for attracting them to his estate. The working expenses would certainly much enrich his people, and so improve their condi- tion, that in time they might, in turn, become developers, and at no very distant date the neces- sity for .the employment of foreign aid might disappear altogether. It will thus appear that there are three plans that Jones, or a person situated like him, might adopt for working out his prosperity. To leave the task in the hands of his tenantry. To undertake 158 it; himself. To avail himself of ' the agency of foreigners. And in each case, the method I have pointed out, is that, I believe, which an ordinary man of business would be compelled to adopt, to obtain ■ his end. . Now the business transactions of a Government' differ in no way from the business transactions of an individual, except perhaps in the greater magni- tude of their proportions ; and consequently one great secret of their success will always l)e, that they are conducted on proper business principles. India therefore, in my humble opinion, should adopt one or pther of these plans,, — whichever appears to the wisdom of her rulers most suitable to her present circumstances, — and act upon it, as would any good man of business, without delay. Thus, for instance, if ; India has no interest in producing cotton for England, India is quite right to remain §^upiae, and to allow England to look for her supply of cotton here, or there, or any where else she pleases, and to adopt her own measures for obtain- ing it. For, that India should be turned into a field for growing whatever England requires, altogether irrespective of the interest* of the people of the country, would be a doctrine too monstrous, to admit of argument for a moment. But, if India thinks that her clirriate and her soil are suitable for the growth of cotton, and she desires, for her own advantage, to secure a trade in this article, 159 of fifteen or twenty millions sterling per annumi but has not the matins of doing it, then is it hef business, and nobody else's i)nsiuess, to satisfy capita* lists on all those points regarding which cautious persons require information, before they will invest their money in undertakings of this kind. But in any case, where it is proposed that t)io\X'- sands of square miles of any country should be placed at the disposal of foreign markets, and millions of people employed in cultivating it, it will be for that country carefully to consider, whether the distribution of profits will be such as fully to compensate her for the consequences resulting from the displacement of produce, novr for the most part grown for home consumption. la regard to lauds now lying waste, the case is diferent. The results of placing them under culti- Tatiou with cotton, or with any other staple most remunerative to the cultivator, provided the labor market will bear the strain, can bring nothing but unmixed good to all parties concerned. But the point in regard to the development of ludiaa sources of wealth, that must be considered before any other, is good management. It is quite super- fluous to add that without this nothing can succeed ; and unless a Minister of State — or call him what you will — be appointed in India, whose special duty it shall be to look after this department, there will be, not simply a want of good management, ]f)0 but no managemeat at all, aad things will go on much in the hap-haz!ird way they have done hitherto, experimeats being taken up vigorously while a Governor General interested in their success Isolds the helm, and as quietly dropped in the reign of his- successor. I have not the slightest doubt that ihe archives of the Indian Government, could pour forth folios of reports, replete with most valuable information regarding the natural products of India^ .called for, but never used. Hence it is that the same blunders, as remarked by Dr. Boyle, are committed over and over again — and the Govern* ment in time of needi is so often found running here and there for information, which sometimes it has paid very large sums of money to obtain,. ?ind which might be found 'shelved' in the dusty pidgeon holes of some Secretary's office close by. Under all circumstances there surely ought tQ be some one at hand, better informed on these matters than any one else in the country, whose business it should be to counsel and advise the Government. As I write the Calcutta Chamber of Commerce is deliberating on its. reply to a solicitation from the Government of India for fidviee regarding the packing of seeds and cultiva- tion of Sotton. I doubt not that the Chamber'* feply will contain as much information- as could be expected from any respectable body of ten or twelve Englishmen of common sense whose business 161 is buying and selling, and not one of whom possibly may have ever cultivated an acre of ground with any staple whatever. Were there a Minister specially charged with this duty, it would be proper for him in all matters of national importance, to obtain every information from private sources available, through- out the length and breadth of the land, — to analyse, and condense it, estimating the opinions of all at their proper value; and this reswme embodying also his own conclusions, he would submit to the Head of the Government, who would then be in a position to pass a final order. But I cannot help thinking that the government of a country in the circumstances of India, that has not such an officer, and is dependent wholly on desultory sources of infor- mation, is altogether disqualified from efficiently carrying out any experimental operation of commer- cial importance whatever; and but very ill qualified to render those piivate individuals whom it invites to t.'ike on themselves the trouble, the risk, and the cost of these undertakings, that assistance which. tliey have a right to expect. Englanci has her Board of Trade with its Presi- dent, — a Minister of State. Almost every Government in Europe of any respectablity, has its Minister of Commerce. And until India has her Minister, with an efiBcient staff competent to take charge of the vitally important and responsible duties which in this country attach to such an pffi';e, I do .uot 163 tbink that the undirected and desultory efforts of Government officials, or private individuals, will effect a tithe ofvirhat might be accomplished in this direction, with better management, in a quarter of the time. We have seen what an able Minister in a very short time has effected in Finance ; yet the work he had to accomplish was light in comparison to what is left for a Minister of Commerce. Measuring the extent of the improvement in the condition of the people of India that may be effected, by that which has taken place witlaa the last few years, it needs not an over sanguine temperament to believe that, with the rails and electric wires which are now interlacing each other all over this vast Continent, it is possible to crowd into the short space of a geueratioa, improvements in material prosperity, that in older countries have been the work of centuries. I say a generation, not that that period would be necessary to effect in India a creation of wealth unparalleled in the history ot nations ; but because the intellectual development of a people is of slower growth, and must always be a work of time. Many nations have grown rich in less than one generation. But no nation on the face of the globe, has made much intellectual progress in less time. Nor will India. Yet, until India is educated, be it in one, or be it in ten generations, the full development of her great natural resources cannot be looked for; and until the fulness of 163 that time is come, the duty will be a burden on her Government, which, for ita own sake, for the sake of its snbjecta, it will be compelled to accept ; for, let it perform the task through its own agency, through the agency of foreigners, or by any other means, the responsibility will rest where it was at the beginning — with the Government, — and the Govern- ment vvill not be able shake it off. The Govern- ment, therefore, if it desires to be free, should be active and not passive ; seizing with avidity on every opportunity of opening up new fields of wealth, and preparing them for those who it decides shall work therein. But let Finance, Education, Commerce, these three, be placed on a sound basis — let there be a competent head appointed for each, and I have little doubt that all necessity for the direct interference of Government will soon vanish, and India, wealthv, enlightened, and prosperous, putting off her swad- dUug clothes, will walk alone, leaving her Govern- ment to look after such affairs of State only, as older nations, by the common consent of the people, think it better for their national honor and welfare, should be managed by persons appointed for the purpose*. And here I think it as well to mention that there is no necessity to see in this view a tendency to turn the Gnvernment of India into a * Royal Mer- chant trading to the East Indies,' or to establish it on the model of the, old Merchant Campany 164 of celebrated memory; nor yet a desire to support ia the abstract, the principle of a Government supply of capital. Nothing of the kind. I simply assert that the natives of this country are not in a condition to work out their own prosperity, nor to initiate or catry out such experimental operations, as are necessary to induce others to undertake the task for them, and that if the Government of the country, does not do the work, no body else will. ' In India' T have observed elsewhere 'we have as yet no communes, no town councils, no mayors or corporations, no religious and charitable socie- ties, &c. — those noble institutions, which, while rendering Englishmen a self-governing people, make the office of Home Secretary compara- tively a sinecure. A civil commissioner there, is a viceroy — the Government, both King and Father. Is a bridge, jail, church, or scho A to bs built, — i road, railway, or canal to be made, — a country to be drained, cleared, or watered, — Government must do the work — it alone must bear the cost. No aid from interested parties is solicited, or expected, No advice which local experience might elsewhere render valuable, is looked for, or tendered. The Govern- ment of India is the natives' Kamdenu — the cow npon whom all have a claim, and whose powers of Supply are deqmed alike everlasting and inexiiausti- ble. To bear the herculean vi eight of its burdens 165 it must be provided with the shoulders of an Atlns.'* If, in the mean time, outsiders come; by all means, encourajje thera, help them, and give thera every facility for helping themselves, provided at the same time, they help India ; but good precautions must be taken to ensure that they discharge both duties. To cover India with thousands of foreign middle- men, who should take the place of the native money lenders, as I have seen proposed, would certainly eifect a change : bat I am not so certain that that change would be for the better. On the contrary, it migh't, indeed, most probably, it would induce a very inuch worse state of things than that which at present exists ; for, whether true, or whether falsej the native cultivators would always believe that these aiddlemen were backed by the whole weight and power of the Government ; and there is no reason to assume that evils which existed for years under a somewhat similar system with Indigo, in Bengal, would not be perpetuated with other crops. TheS money lender is uuboubtedly in some respects a great evil; but he is also in some respects a great good. Could Government be the means of scattering far and wide over the country a system of small com- * Instruction in the Oriental Languag-es considered, specially as reg'&rds the l^t India Civil Services, and as a National Question p. 22. . 166 mercial banking establishments, undoubtedly it would confer a lasting obligation on the people-^could itj by any means, alleviate the evils of the pre- sent system of advance, it would be doing much good. But to do either, in present circumstances, seems almost impossible; and the wisest thing, therefore, that Government can do, is, instead of attempting to substitute one evil for another, to take the best measures for making ' the peasant- proprietors of India, altogether independent of money lenders, European or Native, at the very earliest possible date. ■ To enter into details as to the proper mode of carrying out agricultural or other great national {experiments is not my object. Such are invariably best worked out after first principled are fixed; and the same wisdom that shall determine that India shall no longer be inactive in developing the resources of her own wealth ; but active, — not fpasmodically, but as a rule — will doubtless also, suggest measures that will insure far more complete and accurate information on each subject, being placed before those intrusted with the duty of carry- ' ing out the policy of the paramount authority, than I can possibly command. There are certain principal points, however, connected with the present con- dition of circumstances, and with past experiments, especially those undertaken to compass the cultiva- tion of tea, that bear so directly on the whole 167 question of European influence on India, that they require some notice. ' The plan here advised, I would observe, is not essentially at variance with previous practice in India; but is in strict accordance with the policy which the Government of India hs.% partially pursued with the greatest success. The tea experiment was talked about, — written about, for years ; but nothing was done, until a Governor General, suo motu, directed that it should be carried out. It is true that in doing 80, many blunders were committed ; some naturally attributable solely to the novelty of the experiment ; but the major portion certainly due to the cause on which I have above laid so much stress — want of management. To this cause alone is it due that the Government of India has been a quar- ter of a century in effecting an object which might have been attained in a third of that time ; and in proof of tliis we have the plain and simple fact, that at the time the Indian Government had abandoned the experiment in tliis country as a total failure, the Dutch Government of Java, who commenced their experiments but one year earlier, were exporting tea in large quanti- ties for the markets of Europe. Does any one again dream, that if the Government of India had not taken the initiative in tea, we would now have in India one acre under cultivation with that valu- able plant. I do not think so ; and if others think with 168 me, then let them believe also, that as it has been with tea, so may it be with many other products; and that if the principle adfopted with this staple,i be adopted also with them,— rprovided that the experience gained in carrying out that one experiment be made proper use of, and valuable time, in other words, hard pounds, be not thrown away, to save miserable pennies,- — the results will be as profitable to the Government, as they will be benificial to the country and the people. : There u no feature, as I said in introducing this- subject, in the commercial policy of the Government of India of which it has a right to feel more justly proud than the introduction of the Tea Plant into India: and to the results which have attended it, I can fairly appeal as a jastification of the policy in regard to experiments, generally, here recom- mended. The results of this experiment, mareover, are not all apparent, especially to the Eoglish obser- ver, on the surface. It is not all, that India now sends England 2,000,000 lbs, of tea, and has enabled her to look on with comparatively small alarm at the gradual destruction of the noble tea gardens of China by the Taipings. It is this cultivation that has opened up India to Europeans ; it is this- cultivation that is making India known to English- men; and it is this cultivation that will even- tually bring about, in a larger degree then any other undertaking, that ead which all profess to have so 169 near at heart, yet wliicli noae, it appears to my humble judgement, take the ouly practicable means of accomplishing — the introductioa into India of British C ipital. Let not India flatter, I had almost said, flutter herself into the belief that she is going to sell 5,000,000 bales of cotton at one shilling and six pence, or even at the odd six pence per. lb. to the cotton spinners of England. All that part of the problem has been solved long ago. Time was when we had plenty of European cotton growers ia India. In the North Western Division of this Presi- dency, may still be seen the ruins of many large factories, all of whicli had their screws. A large quantity of cotton was annually exported from these districts which was eagerly sought for by spinners. It paid well, — the growers grew fat on the profits. But, in an unauspicious hour for India, cotton of a better quality came into the English market, from another quarter. Indian cotton declined, was gra- dually neglected, and soon no longer enquired for. The grower's occupation was gone ; his screws, his presses, his factories, uo longer a source of wealth, were abandoned, for other things. And so it will be again. The war in America over, unless India is in a position to send cotton in quan- tity to England, of the same quality as American cotton, Indian cotton will no longer be enquired for. When the Government of India will show 170 that this can be done, then will there be hope, that the cotton crisis of England may be turned to the advantage of India. It has not done so yet ; and I cannot, therefore, see, that any bright prospect lies before India in this direction.* The circumstances of Tea are in many respects precisely similar with those of Cotton. England — the whole World^haa always been dependent on one country for its supplies of this staple. The unsatisi- factory state of our relations with China moreover, has often caused considerable alarm in Englaad for these supplies j and from one of these panics resulted the experimental operations in tea cultivation in India "which have just now been crowned with such signal success. But how has this success been obtained ? Not surely by showinjj that tea of sorts, could be ■grown in quantiti/ in India? Nor yet by doing nothing at all ? No, but rather by doing the one thing needful— showing that India can compete with China in the London Markets — 'that she can send to England, not any quantity of the worst tea grown on the face of the Earth, — ^but tea equal, nay superior in quality to that exported from * I am convinced that without the introduction of exotic eeed, iinproTedsyBtemadfcultii^atioh, and the elevation of the quality of the article we shall becompelled to abandon India as our great reliauc* for the growth of cotton— .Speeoh of Mr. John Cheetham at the Annual Meeting of_ the Cotton Supply Association. Manchester 2Srd September 1862. 171 China.* And how different are the prospects" of the two cultivations ? On the one hand, we find everybody calling on somebody else, to undertake that which everybody admits, that anybody can do, — that somebody ought to do,— but which no body will do. On the other hand, we find monopolists destroy- ing their seed, lest by any chance it should fall on others ' ground, come up, and bear fruit; and knowing men calling out : — ' If you would save your money, have nothing to do with tea, — it is certain ruin.' But these men are already deep, and plunging deeper, iAto tea. Their warnitigs go unheeded. Govern- meat is beseiged, on all sides, by applicants for laud on which to grow this ' certain ruin.' Give it to us, rent it to us, sell it to us, grant it to us on any terms. These are the cries. Thousands upon thousands — hundreds of thousands of acres have beeii taken up for the cultivation, but more is required — more than there is means to survey — far more than there is labor to culti^ vate. Were all the land taken up in Assam and Cachar alone planted and in full bearing, it would * There is another country coming' seconrl to America in the quantity of cotton produced. I mean India; but the example of India, is to be avoided rather than imitated. You have nothing tO; learn from India, except indeed how to mismanage your business, and produce the worst cotton grown on the face of the 'Eaxi\>..^Address of Mr. John Cheetham,to the Bepresmtatives of the Cotton groimmg countries at the International Exhibition— IZth August 1S62. 172 produce 50,000,000 lbs. of tea-* But all the laud taken up, is but a tithe of the immense tracts, now covered with dense forests or jungle, which, though of a rich and virgin soil well suited to tea cultivation, lie waste and uncultivated, — the harbours of malaria, — the refuge of wild beasts. One tract alone, the Nambar Forest, is four hundred square miles in extent, the whole superb tea land. In the Kohistan of the North Westera Provinces and the Punjab, according to the estimate of Dr. Jameson, there are a million acres of land available and well fitted for tea cultivation, and estimating the crop at the low average of 200 lbs,- per acre, it would give 200,000,000 lbs. of manu- factured tea, as the out-turn of the Himalayan Range; alone. Or, if-we allow one half of this vast extent of land only, to be rich soil ; or reduce the yield even to 100 lbs. per acre, as Dr. Jameson has done, we could still calculate on obtaining a supply of 100,000,0001bs. annually, from this source, the greater portion of which would reach the great commercial centres of the World, through the London Brokers. Nor would it be necessary, to use the language of the zealous, and indefatigable Doctor, *in * The Gorernor General's Ag:ent on the N. E. Frontier, stateiJ that the quantity of land taken up in 1859, in Assam alone, waa capable of producing^ 30,000,000, lbs. of tea. In the same letter he says an acre of land, well cultivated, will, give six maunds (480 lbs.) of tea and upwards. — (To Govern ment of Beng:al No. US, 1 1th November 13S9.— Selections from Records No. XXXVII.) 1?3 bringing such results about, to interfere greatly with the lands now under cultivation with cereals and other food crops. Let each village, as in China, cultivate a certain number of acres. Let the waste lands, and lands covered with virgin and useless forests, there being no market available for the timber, be brought under cultivation with Tea, by means of British capital and enterprise, and the Hill Provinces, now considered so poor and wretched, would become as important to the State as any others of the empire. Throughout the coun- try, too, a wholesome and refreshing beverage Would be spread, and a great boon conferred on the people. Nowhere does a safer investment of capital present itself, provided the undertaking be carried on with prudence and judgment, than in Tea culti- vation. But parties must not be led away by the small results now obtained by the Government Plantations, and suppose that all they have to do, to make fortunes, is to become " Tea-planters," whether they be backed by capital or not, as with- out capital the undertaking must prove a failure. For British capital there is a vast and boundless field presented, and we think within bound, when we assert that a million sterling or more, would readily find profit with employment^ if invested in the cultivation.' There can be little doubt, I think, that a finer field for the investment of that superabuudauos 174 of capital -with w,bich great Britain seems to be oppressed, thau ludian tea cultivation, if honestly and well manf^ged, does not exist. As long as Indian teas will fetch an average of Is. 8d. to 2s. per lb. or even less, in the London, market, and the price of labor in India, does not exceed present rates, oertainly no investment that I am aware of, will yield such high interest with so little risk. The benefits, then, of this cultivation to England, as securing her against any sudden interruption of her supplies from China,- — as aflfbrding her a safe investment for some millions of her surplus capital — aud as offering her a suitable outlet for a large portion of her middle class population, are very great. But if, the prospective benefits from tea cultivation to England are great, to India they are far greater ; and of this we have an earnest, in the results already brought about by the operations under- taken in Assam and Gachar, though as yet these operations are very infantile. In one district alone (Luckimpoor Assam) there are still 228,634 acres of waste land available for tea cultivation. Colonel Jenkins, the Govei'uor General's, Agent on the N. E. Frontiers, in reporting the fact thus observes : — 'It seems sufficient to advert to this large extent of waste, — not only lying unprofitable, but most injurious to thia neighbouring powerless Native cultivators, from the cover these forests afford to 175 herds of destructive wild animals,— to shew how greatly advantageous to this Province any measure must be which tends to induce the larger introduc- tion of capital, and its employment under European direction, in the highly profitable production of Tea : not only by the reclamation of tlie jungles themselves, but by the consequent beneficial efi'ect on all the country.' — (Letter to Government of Ben- gal dated Mth October 1859.; And these observations are much to the point. When lands lie waste and uncultivated in any province, there is always a loss to the State to which such province belongs. But when those lands are in the vicinity of, and scattered here and there through, regions already thinly populated, and are the harbours of deadly malaria and wild beasts, and when the population of that province are indigent and lazy, it is clear that the gain of having such lands cleared, cultivated, and populated, will be increased many fold. And that tea cultivation will accomplish this and much more than could ever have been anticici- pated, not only towards improving the condition and social position of the people, but in enhancing the value of the land already occupied, the short past famishes a very safe guarantee. ' The effect produced in the district and on the people by the cultivation of Tea ' says the Commis- sioners of Luckimpoor 'is already most marked, although, with teference to the quantity of land 176 taken tip fof Tea, and the extent brought undef cultivation, the plantations are yet in an early stage of development; yet, the establishment of ten factories in the vicinity of Dibroo Ghur has led to material improvement. Within the last few years, the value of labor has increased sensibly. For- merly, previous to the demand for coolies caused by the operations of the planters, the hire of laborers was from Rupees 2-8 to Rupees 3 per mensem, it has now risen to Rupees 4, and at times it is even requisite to offer as high as Rupees 4-8 to secure services required. The na- tural consequence of this state of things is, that the ryots are becoming more and more indepen- dent. The cultivation of Tea not only affords occupation for men, but women and children also obtain employment as leaf-pickers; and it follows that factories, wherever established, tend to pro- mote comfort and plenty, and to reduce poverty and want. 'The advantage resulting to the district from the expenditure of capital in the manufacture of Tea is not only confined to the poor classes ; carpenters, artisans, writers, and tradesmen benefit. The demand for produce of all articles of ordinary consumption has increased, and hence a general impulse is given to commerce. Within the last few years the Bazaars at Dibroo have doubled in extent, there has been a considerable increase to the 177 trading community, and merchants from down country are continually opening new shops.' ' From what I have stated, it may fairly be de- duced, that the cultivation and manufacture of Tea is all-important to the well-being of the district, and to encourage its extension would undoubtedly conduce to most beneficial results.' Nor is this district of Assam, a solitary instance of rapid improvement. The Collector of Nowgong writes: — ' I have every r eason to believe that the cultiva- tion of Tea in this district has been attended with great success, and that, provided, private capital be forthcoming, there is no limit to its extension. The effect of such undertakings on the people of the country is most favorable ; large sums of money are put into circulation, the condition of the people is improved, and they are encouraged and instructed in habits of regular industry and thrift.' The evidence of the Collector of Seebsagur again is equally satisfactory. ' During the past three years' he reports ' a considerable increase has taken place in the price of grain and all other produce ; in 1856-57 dhau used to sell at sixteen poorahs* for * 2 Maunds'. ^^^ Rupee, and during the past two years it has sold at only four poorahsf for the Rupee, the producer thus receiving now four times the price for his produce compared to what he did four years ago, and this without paying any 178 increase of land rent or tax of any kind ; and the Assamese laborers being all agriculturalists, they, of course, all benefit by the rise in price. I have no hesitation in stating that there are no peasantry in the World better off than the Assamese.' And the reports of all authorities are in the same strain, affording ample testimony to the great; increase to the wealth of the North Eastern Pro- vinces, since the introduction of tea cultivation. In the North Western Provinces and the Punjab,' the Lieuts.-Governor have borne handsome testi- mony to the beneficial influence of European settlerst in the provinces under their Government, and to their steady and orderly behaviour; and on the benefits of tea cultivation to the poor people of the Himalayas, I need not enlarge. They will be the same doubtless as they have been, to a small extent, and will be to a great extent, ' in Assam. Mr; Fortune, who had seen what a blessing this cultiva* tion is to China, and who, if not a practical tea planter, was yet an observant traveller, has well •remarked on this head : — ' At present, as a general rule, the natives of these Hills are lazy and indolent, and seem perfectly satisfied with a bare subsistence — indeed they can scarcely be said to enjoy the common necessaries of life. Their clothing is miserable in the extreme, and their dwellings would scarcely be considered fit for the lower kinds of animals, I will not say in 179 Eagland, but even ia a half civilized country like China. If a change in the habits of the people could be brought about by the cultivation of Tea, such a famine as that which was felt in Kumaon and Gnrhwal this year (1856), is not likely to occur. But if a people are so indolent as to allow their lands to lie waste, ar only half tilled — if they are content with their daily bread, and make no provision for the future — a dry season, such as the last, may occur at any time, when the crops fail, and a famine is the result. Such a state of things could never take place in China, at least from such a slight cause, because the Chinese feel that the necessaries and luxuries of life are indispensable to their happiness, and they are industrious in order to supply them. Another great advantage of Tea cultivation for the Hill farmers is this : it would never fail to yield a crop, even in the driest seasons. Last spring I had an opportunity of seeing all the Government Plantations in the dry weather, and, when nearly every other crop had failed, the Tea seemed unin- jurgd. This is a fact of very great importance, and shows that, with proper* management, there ia scarcely a chance of failure even in the. driest year.' But Mr. Fortune in making these remarks had in view the production and manufacture of tea, not simply as a staple for exportation, but as an article for consumption by the natives themselves. He con- templatedthe introduction of a system similar to that 180 -existing in China, -where small tea plantations are seen dotted on every hill side, and the natives are met on the roads in numbers, carrying the produce of their, little farms to the market towns, or to the factories of foreigners for sale. And, if the Government of India desires to confer on Her Majesty's Indian subjects the benefit of this harmless luxury, — a luxury universally appre- ciated wherever the English language is spoken, and one that would evidently be highly prized by the people of this country, — this is a view that will be forced on its consideration; for, tea to be consumed, generally, by the people of India, must be reduced to a much lower price than vould remunerate Europeans for growing it. If the natives of India then are to add this healthy and refreshing beverage, to the small number of their present comforts, they must produce and manufacture it themselves. To supply tea for two hundred millions more people than at present consume it, is certainly a startling idea. It does not, however, involve any thing impossible. A million of acres of land will produce, at a very low average estimate 200,000,000 lbs. of tea, and of land suitable for tea culti> vation, we have not one, but many millions of acres, now waste and uncultivated. Nor are these lands confined to those provinces in which experi- ments have been already made. They are spread 181 far and wide. The Neelgiri Hills, though previ- ously abandoned ia consequence of the unscientific manner in which the Government experiments were carried out, it has been so satisfactorily proved will grow excellent tea, that the Secretary of State has sanctioned native tea makers being sent to the Madras Presidency from the tea factories in the Himalayas. It has just come to light too, that tea plants planted some years ago in Chitta- gong by Mr, Sconce, the late Commissioner of Eevenue, are thriving well. Tea has been manu- factured from them, which I have tried, and found to be good. There is sound reason to believe then, that the regions in which tea will grow in India, are varied and numerous. The natives now seek it eagerly as a restorative, and when suffer- ing from catarrh; and that they will drink it largely, as a healthy and refreshing beverage, as soon as ever it is brought within their means,— there can be no doubt whatever. The demand for this article from Australia, from America, from the Continent of Europe (where tea is gradually encroaching on the domain of Coftee,) is increasing so rapidly, as to leave no room, to antici- pate a fall of prices ; while if, in addition, the people of India, Thibet, Afghanistan, and Persia, come into the market as consumers, which they seem very well inclined to do, it will take very many years before the supply will exceed the demand. That Q 182 the supply will keep pace with the demand/ we might have doubts j but experienee warrants our concluding that it will. The average quantity of tea exported annually from China in the nine years ending 1780, was 18,838,140 lbs. of which England and her dependencies took 13,338,140 lbs., Great Britain alone of this amount consuming some- thing short of 6,000,000 lbs. The annual exportations from China now, are about 150,000,000 lbs. And of this supply, England takes the enormous quantitv of 100,000,000 lbs., or possibly a little more.* China, ias hitherto complied with the increased and yearly increasing demand upon her for this article'; bu't It must be recollected that we have a very dan- gerous rival to compete with, in the demand for the home consumption of 300,000,000 inveterate tea,totallers in that quarter. It may be very fairly doubted if, under the circumstances, the China market will be able to bear a further strain ,- and if such be true— and it will be admitted that the large quantity of very inferior teas which now reach Europe from this source give color to the suspicion— it is to Indiaalone that Europe, America, and the British colonies, will be able to look, to make up the complement of their demand. "The deliveries, of the month (May 1862) have ag^ain been exceesaive, say SJ millions; and the exports are already Sf mil- •lions over last year. (Circular of Messers W. J. and H. Thoinpson London 1 th June 1862.) 183 The prospects of Tea cultiration then ia ludiaj whether they be exaruiaed from an external, or an iuternal — an English or aa Indian point of view, would seem to be pregnant with results beneficial alike to to both countries. li cannot be supposed, however, that these results will be obtained without much diflSculty, probably some disappointments, and certainly very great care and attention on the part of the controlling authority. It is impossible when examining under- takings involving extensive agricultural operations, to exclude considerations connected with the three principle elements of their vitality viz.. Land, Labor, and Capital, — their relation to one another, and to circumstances as existing around them. For, these considerations, as ef]fecting cost of production, it is obvious, must enter if not directly more or less remotely, into all questions connected with the commercial policy of a nation : and, if they be overlooked, complications in regard to one or other, will be certain to arise, that may endanger altogether the success of the undertakings, and under any circumstances cause much embarrass- ment. At the outset then we are met with the necessity of solving problems, involving fundamental principles in a comparatively new science, which, however students may have previously settled them to their own satisfactitm, are still disputed by the ablest economists of our times. 184 • With the geileral ignorance that prevails regard- iiig the condition and circumstances of India, it will be difficult for Englishmen to understand, how difficulties could arise in disposing of questions relating to these matters, in this country. The general belief is, that, in India, there are mil- lions of acres of land unowned and unclaim- ed — millions of people starving for want of em- ployment,— and countless heaps of richess — gold and silver and precious stones &c. tied up in old stockings and such like receptacles of hoarded wealth. But such an idea, if not purely imaginary, is certainly very wide of the truth, and no means will better serve to dispel the illusion than a concise review of the tea experiment in relation to these questions, with a brief retrospect of the complicai- tions that have arisen in disposing of them. First, in regard to land, it is a mistake to sup- pose that all the waste and uncultivated land in India, is, like the vast tracts in America and Australia, unowned and unclaimed. Much of it has become waste after seasons of famine. Some has been laid waste by the ravages of predatory tribes or hostile neighbours. More is allowed to lie waste from the indolence of the. people, and their un- willingness to cultivate a rood more than is sufficient for their bare subsistence. But the largest portion perhaps, of such land, is uncultivated, waste, forest and jungle, because the people have not the capital 185 and enterprise to reclaim it, The bursting of bunds, the excentricities of mighty rivers, too, often devastates miles of cultivated lands. For genera- tions, land may thus remain waste, and during the interval, the right in 'the soil will, so to speak, lie dormant; but let Government attempt to dispose of the land, or let any one attempt to reclaim or cultivate it, and it will soon be found that this right is fondly cherished, and will be stoutly maintained by some village community, or some representative of the ancient possessor. In the Wynaad district of Madras, in which coffee cultivation has been so successfully introduced, Government has had experi- ence of this, and the fact is well known to all who know India. There is yet another, and more powerful cause than any here given, but this I shall notice under a different head. Of the 13,554,333 acres of culturable land said to be waste in the Madras Presidency, only a very limit- ed extent is stated to be ' at the absolute disposal of Government, the remainder being subject to certain established rights of the village communities.^* In Bombay, the land suitable for cultivation at the disposal of Government,, is defined to be 'of the poorer sort' and in small detached patches, except in districts which are so unhealthy as to be pronounced deadly to Europeans, * Official Correspondence— Betara to an older of the House of Commons dated 30th May 1863. 186 The Lieuteriaht-Governor of the N. W. Proriiices states, that with the exception of the tea tracts, the lands at the disposal of Government ih the districts under his charge 'offer very little temptation for the embarkation of British Capital by reason of the sparseness of the population, the difficulty of communicatioh, and the deadliness of the climate in which they are situated/ In Bengal, excepting in the Soonderbnns, Assam, Cachar, ArraCan, Chittagongr, and some Hill dis- tricts, there is little or no land at the disposal of Government. Of culturable Waste land there is said to be in Oude 438,343 acres, but this amount it is stated will be greatly diminished by grants to natives. Oa the prospect held out by the re- mainder of these acres, the Chief Commissioner thus remarks. 'The cost of felling the trees and grubbing Up the brushwood is very heavy. Culti- vators must be attracted by liberal advances and very low rents j ai)d if sickness breaks out, which it usually does in a newly cleared tract, all will take to flight. It is a well known fact that not one European grantee out of twenty has succeeded. Those who have ultimately prospered were heavy losers at first,' or bought out the first possessors who were ruined. This was Mr. Cooke's case. The. very largest settler in Goruckpoor was ruined by clearing the forest too fast j he cut down 187 the tall timber before he had made sufficient arrange- meuts for bringiag the land under the plough, and the conseqaeuce was, that an impenetrable brushwood sprung up which it would have cost hira a fortune to clear/ [u the Punjab a very large extent of cultura- ble land is said to be available viz. 7,626,785 acres. But here again we find the same objec- tion raised. The Financial Commissioner in his report on the subject says ' These lands are not suited for the permanent settlement of Europeans, l)ut the upper portion of them would afford a fine field for European capital and enterprise. The area suited from its climate for the colonisation of Europeans is very limited indeed. In fact the 800 acres at Kotgurh, is the only tract at the absolute disposal of Government which can be pro- nounced both suitable for colonisation, and desirable from its known productive powers, for the invest- ment of capital.' In the Province of Nagpoor, there are 526,081 acres of land a great portion of which it is reported might he profitably cultivated. It is said that in Mysore there are 2,917,361, and in the assigued districts of Hyderabad, 1,710,880 acres of land uncultivated : but of the former it is stated by General Cubbon the late Commissioner that ' even if the climate were more favorable, there are not many (of these lands) on which European 188 Capital, skill, and energy could be exerted with profit to the capitalist or instruction to the people, except the coffee tracts in the Hilly Western Districts, for the soil in general has proved un- favorable to the production of Cotton, indigo, and the finer qualities of tobacco; while in the careful Cultivation of the various kinds of grains and oil Seeds the natives of Mysore require little teaching.' He adds that the Sovereignty of Mysore being vested in the Raja, and the powers of administra- tion being exercised, in trust, on his account, tlie lands could not be rele^ised from all demand for revenue; and the same objection is raised by the Resident at Hyderabad. It is a fact, moreover, satisfactorily established bv the investigations of the most competent medi- cal men who have turned their attention to the subject, and, as regards India, especially by those of the late Doctors Mackinnon and Spilsbury, that Europeans born in tropical climates, and not j'eared in cold countries, die out in the third ceoeration, or if not, become idiotic, or, at best, so physically and intellectually weak and degene- rate, as to be devoid of every trace of that energy, enterprise, and vigor, which are the distinguishing characteristics of the Anglo-saxon race. This is now tolerably well known, and the idea of colo- nising India generally, has, I believe, consequently been abandoned. 189 It will be seen, thus, that, as regards the plains, the Government of India has little to dispose of, and that that little is not worth the acceptance of those who can obtain all they require, if land be their desi- deratum, in regions far more congenial to their constitutions and habits. I have given these statistics then, not because they were necessary to enlighten Indian Statesmen, who must know, or who certainly ought to know these facts ; but because I desire, to exclude from the whole, the discussion of a question which ought to be confined to a comparatively limited part. When people talk, generally, of the Secretary of State — of the Governinent of India, throwing obstacles in the way of European settlers obtain- ing land in India, they evidently talk at random, and without a knowledge of the true facts of the case. The Secretary of State and the Government of India, as far as regards powers of absolute disposal, have, little more concern with the great area of the plains of Hindostan, than Her Majesty's Ministers have with the broad lands of England. But that the subject may be more clearly understood, and follow- ing out the principle of looking at these questions from a business point of view, I will add, that were it otherwise — were for instance the rights of the people in the soil to be confiscated tomorrow, and iill the cultivated and culturable land in India to be put up to public auction the next day, except in unpopu- 190 lated and wild tracts, and a few districts favored by a soil and climate suitable for growing an extraordi- narily remunerative crop requiring Europeun skill in its management, not an acre of it would come into the possession of Englishmen ,for the sound and very simple reason, that it would be worth the natives! while — to pay more for it ! And this, moreover, is a view, that, for the right understanding of the land question in its relation to European settlers in India, it is highly important should be carefully borne in mind. Of the land actually at the disposal of the British Government in India, exclusive of those lands men- tioned as available in the Punjab, about 189,108 acres in the Gorukpoor district, some 600 square miles of rocky hills in the Banares Division, and 3,028 square miles in Sindb, the jfoUowing table will give; an approximate idea. Pegu 28,111 square miles. Jubbulpoor Division N. W. P 25,1 80 ditto. Tenassaiim and Mai'taban Provinces . 14,176,011 acres. Arraoan 4,860,000 ditto. Cossyah and Jyntiah Hills .. .. 453,000 ditto. Assam (4 out of 7 districts) 4,469,533 ditto. Dehra Doon (Himalayan Baiig:e) .. I4l, 652 ditto. Darjeeling: (ditto.) 250,000 ditto. Kamaon, Gurwahl Simla &c. (ditto) .. No Returns. Soonderbuns 809,648 ditto. Cachar 200,000 ditto. Besides some thousands of miles of mountain and plain, covered with forest. /"Space enough to accom- Chittagong' < modate any number (, of European settlers. 191 The above abstract is as complete as the state- ments furnished to Grovernment enable me to make, it ; but it is yet very incomplete. None of the land here returned has been surveyed. In all the above mentioned districts rules for the grant of lands were published, Government offering them to the public on the easiest terms. Thus, in the Soonderbuns, the whole of the grant was to be rent-free for twenty years, and one-fourth rent-free for ever; the remainder being assessed at about three farthings an acre per annum from the twentieth to the thirtieth year ; five farthings a year for the nest ten years ; two pence a year for the next ten years ; and three pence a year, from the fifty- flrst to the end of the ninety-ninth year. After the expiration of ninety-nine years, the grant was to be liable to survey and resettlement, and to such 'moderate assessment' as might 'seem proper to the Grovernment of the day, the proprietory, right in the grant, and the right of engagement with Govern- ment remaining to the grantee, his heirs, executors or assigns, under the conditions generally applicable to the owners of estates Tiot permanently settled.' In Aracan, the lands were divided into five classes, forest lands on hills, forest lands on plains, bush jungle, reed and long grass jungle, short grass jungle and fallow lands. These were given rent- free for periods, of 34, 24, 16, 8, and 4 years, snb- ject then to rents increasing from 6d, up to la. 6d. 192 an acre per annum, for periods varying from eight up to sixty-four years, after which — setting aside one fourth which was to be rent free for ever, — they were to be subject to assessment, not exceeding that of lands of similar quality in the pergunnah or district immediately adjoining the estate. The rules for the grant of waste lands in the Tenasserim Provinces were very similar to those promulgated for Arracan fot the first fifty years. From that up tc the ninety-ninth year they ranged 6d. an acre higher. In Assam and Cachar one fourth of the grant, as usual, was to be rent free ugiist 1860 to Secretary Government of India. 200 chronicles of the King of Oude, or the Ruler of some other native State, yet it is taken from a Blue Book on waste lands situated in territories under British rule, ' After spending nearly 40,000/. in the three estates of Hope Town and Arcadia alone, in reclaiming the waste lands, bringing a population into the Doon from the plains, building mills, machinery, canals, draining, &c., the Government ruled that our pro- prietary right was inchoate only, and therefore not complete even in lands brought under cultivation.'* 'Permission was given to aay one who sought it, to fell and carry away the timber in our forests, on the payment to Government of a price for the privilege and right of so doing, and which was col- lected on it its leaving the Doon, not as a toll or tax, for the tax upon timber and other articles imported had been abolished in 1836. f Our right to protect and preserve our pro- Lf xiv.'o^i843!"^^^' Perty was disputed or overruled by the Government, until the right for which we had been struggling was annul- led, by the destruction of all timber, even to the seed-bearing trees. We were compelled to submit to trespassers from the plains, who brought with them extensive herds of murrain -infected cattle * The opinion of counsel was taken on this subject, both in India »nd England, which declared the proprietary right of the grantees to be complete,— iVofe by Col, Thomas. 201 into oiir grants, by wbich hundreds of our cattle perished. We have had lime-burners cut down our finest timber for fuel for their kilns, because the -Government had reserved to itself and to the public the right of taking limestone from lands, provided the price for the privilege was paid to them.^* If then the intentions of the Indian Grovernment were pure and disinterested in this matter, and ;this I think Trill not be questioned, it is abundantly dear that the regulations for the disposal of waste lands required most careful revision, and some modification. This appears, moreover, to have been for some time felt by the Grovernment of India; ■and, that attention was not earlier directed to the subject, was probably attributable to the total absence of settlers, or to circumstances, before alluded to, which combined to keep the hands of the supreme authorities ever full with matters affecting the stability of the British rule, or having for their object the consolidation of the Indian Empire. The time, however, had now come for seriously considering the question of waste lands in India. Tea cultivation in Assam, Cachar, and the * Letter from Lieut.-rolonel C. F. Thomas Joint Proprietor and Sole Manager of East Hope Town and Arcadia Grants, to the Superintendent Dehra Dhoon dated 10th October 1859. — Blue Book 16th June 1862. In forwarding' the letter from which the above is extracted to Government, the Superintendent made no comments, 1 assume therefore that he was satisfied to allow judgement to go by default; otherwise I should not have reprinted the passage. 202 N. W. Himalayas, and Coffee cultivation in the Wynaad district of Madras,hadmade considerable pro- gress, and were found to offer, not only safe, but high- ly profitable investments for capital. It was, moreover, essential to the success of these undertakings, that the operations should be carried on under the super- intendence of Europeans. Enquiries, also, had, from time to time, been made of Her Majesty's Secretary of State for information regarding these lands; and Lord Stanley on the 16th March 1859, had addressed the Viceroy in these terms : — ' I observe it stated in the papers which accom- pany your letter under reply, that the extent of cnlturable land in the Punjab, at the absolute dis- posal of the Government, is very limited, With reference to applications which may be made in this country for grants of land under such conditions as, after considering my Despatch of the 22d December last, No. 2, you may be prepared to recommend, it is very desirable that Her Majesty's Government should be informed of the extent of land capable of cultivation at the disposal of the Government, not only in the Punjab, but throughout British India, and I desire that you will take such steps as may be necessary for obtaining that information ; you will then submit it to me in a condensed form, accompanied by a statement of the conditions which, having regard to the difference in the sys- tems of revenue administration prevailing in the 203 respective localities, you would recommended for disposing of such landsj either for terms of years or in perpetuity, to persons desirous of bringing them into cultivation. Your report should distin- guish, as far as possible, the present state of these culturable tracts; whether they are covered with timber forests, or consist of grass plains inter- spersed with jheels, capable of being drained, or if they are tracts requiring expensive artificial means to make them productive. Her Majesty's Govern- ment will then be enabled to afford to applicants in this country an amount of information respecting the facilities offered to persons proposing to settle in India for agricultural purposes, which they are not now in a condition to furnish. All such appli- cants will, of course, be required to make their arrangements with regard to the occupation of land with the local authorities.'* On receipt of these orders, information was imme- diately called for from the different Governors and Lieuts. of Provinces by the Governor General. The local Governors, again, called for reports from all commissioners of Kevenue and other officers of experience under their authority, and a variety of opinions, with details of considerable interest, were collected, and submitted to the Supreme Govern- ment for consideration. In the mean time, a second despatch from the Secretary of State sanctioned * Despatch of the Secretary of State dated 16th March 1859. 20.4 tte commutation: of annual payments by one pay- ment,, and the terms were notified in the ' Gazette.'* By this measure that the Home Authorities ha4 taken, up the question, was noised abroad. An extraordinary excitement followed. Prom the thou- sands of square miles in Pegu and Jubbalpoor — from the millions of acres in Arracan, in the Tenasserim Provinces, in Chittagong &c., it is true, not a sound was heard: and the demands of the tea planters of Parjeeling, and the coffee planters of the Wynaad had been satisfied. A small voice spoke in the Doon of Dehrah. But for the rest, the great wastes- of India were silent, or if their stillness was broken, it was but by the roar of the tiger, which proclaimed them untenanted by man. In Calcutta, howeverj'a cry was raised by the owners or agents of some half dozenteaconcernsin Assam and Cachar — a cry, not for the removal of the resumption and other objection- able clauses of existing rules, — not for a new set of rules for the Provinces with which they had any concern ; but for the sale in fee-simple of the whole of the waste and uncultivated lands through- out India — at 5s. an acre I Nothing short of this, it was asserted, would meet the wants of capitalists, planters^, and settlers. The withhold- ing of this, it was put forth, retarded all European enterprize, for the establishment of cotton plan- tations, tea, and other agricultural enterprises. For * See Calcutta Gazette 17th August 1850. 205 tbis the Lieuteneut Governor of Bengal was ad» dressed, — for this the Governor General in Council was petitioned,-^and for this the strongest pressure of the Press was brought to bear on the Supreme Authority in India. No delay could be tolerated. The necessities of the planters were imminent ; and it was considered harsh and unjust on the part 0>i the Indian Government, to refuse any longer that which the Lieut. Governor of Bengal had so strongly recommended, — that which, it was asserted, had been already conceded by the Secretary of State, when he sanctioned the redemption of the land tax in Madras, and the commutation of annual payments in Bengal. It is quite true that in A.ttgu^t 1830 the Lieut. Governor of Bengal had transmitted to the Govern- ment of India the drafc of a new set of rules for the disposal of the waste lands in the provinces under his Government, providing for the sale of grants as a * valid heritable and transferable tenure in perpe- tuity,' subject however to the conditions previously in force regarding clearances, except as regards the penalty of forfeiture, which included only such portions of the grants as might not have been brought under cultivation; and the mind of the Calcutta public was in the state above described, when these rules were brought before the Supreme Government for consideration. One Member of Council wrote a Minute, strongly advocating the 206 sale out-right of all waste lands j* another drafted a set of rules for carrying the measure into effect; and His Excellency the Viceroy, after considering in Council the opinons of all his Lieutenants and their subordinates on the general question, published, on the 17th October 1861, a Resolution, in which he sanctioned the sale of all unassessed waste lands' in India ' in which no right of proprietorship or exclusive occupancy was known then to exist, or to have existed in former times and to be capable of revival,' — at 10*. an acre for cleared, and 5s. for un- cleared land : — ^As regards the sale of waste lands,' observed Earl Canning in introducing this Resolution in Council, ' there can be no question of the substantial benefits, both to India and to England, which must follow the establishment of settlers who will introduce profitable and judicious cultivation into Districts hitherto unreclaimed. His Excellency in Council looks for the best results to the people of India; wherever in such Districts European settlers may find a climate in which they can live and occupy themselves without detriment to their health, and whence they may direct such improvements as European capital, skill, and enterprize can effect in the agriculture, communications, and commerce of the surrounding country. He confidently expects that harmony of interest between permanent Euro- * See Parliameatary papers— Waste Lauds (India). 207 pean settlers and the half-civilized tribes, by whom most of these waste Districts, or the country adjoin- ing them, are thinly peopled, will conduce to the material and moral improvement of large classes of the Queen's Indian subjects, which for any such purposes, have long been felt by the Govern- ment to be almost out of the reach of its ordinary agencies. But it is the firm conviction of the Governor General in Council that, in order to obtain perma- nently good results from such measures, it is indis- pensable not only that no violence be done to the long existing rights which, sometimes in a rude, sometimes in a complicated form, are possessed by many of the humblest occupants of the soil in India, but that these rights be nowhere slighted or even overlooked. Scrupulous respect for them is one of the most solemn duties of the Government of India, as well as its soundest policy, whatever may be the mode in which that Government may think fit to deal with rights of its own.' In these two paragraphs (which, with two paras, regarding the redemption of the land revenue, are pro- bably the only portion of the Resolution drafted by his Lordship's hand) we learn the objects and reasons of this great statesman and upright and good man, for a mensure which will mark a memorable epoch in the fiscal laws of the British Government of India, and which, as effectually overthrowing 208 all those barrierSj said to have been hitherto set up between British enterprize and the development of India's wealth, rendered the solution of this ques- tion which has so long occupied the attention of English and Indian statesmen, a matter of time alone. But the terms of the Resolotion, were not accept^ ed in their integrity in England. Her Majesty's Crovernnient, while it cordially participated iu the sentiments contained in the seoon'd of the para- graphs above q;Uoted> considered the proposition 'to divide all the unassessed and ancl^imed lands throHghout India into two classes, those which ar6 • encumbered with jungle,' and those which are not, and to sell the lands of each claiss at a unifotm ^rice per acre, without any regard to their sittiatioa or to their presumed fertility ' as ' untenable ;' and directed that the plan followed in most of the British colonies should be followed^ arid the lota for sale jmt 6p to auction, and sold to the highest bidders above 5s. an acre. It also objected to the provisions for placing purchasers in possession before the lots had been regularly surveyed ; and to the manner in which prior claims of occupancy or rights of property, were disposed of; ruling that all lots ^ould be surveyed and their boundaries demarcated before sale, and be sold subject to any 'rights of property ' o* other claims that might be established in a Court of competent jurisdiction. The Resolu- 209 tion had further given power to all holders of grants •which had already been given for a terra of years at progessively increasing rents, to redeem the future land revenue at the highest rate fixed during the currency of the grant, provided it did not exceed the rate fixed as the price in fee-simple of wastes; but the latter provision Her Majesty's Govern- ment considered, fixed the price for such lands within too narrow limits, and disallowed it. For the rest, the orders of the Governor General were allowed to stand. All waste and unassessed lands at the absolute disposal of the Government of India, therefore, may now be put up to auction at an upset price of 5s. an acre and sold in fee-simple to the highest bidder, the purchaser being called on to pay 10 per cent, of the purchase money down, and being permitted to pay the balance by instalments within 10 years, subject to an annual charge of 10 per cent, on the portion of the pur- chase money unpaid, until the whole is liquidated. The proposal to sell out-right 100,000,000 acres, more or less, of land, — an area far exceeding in extent many principalities of Europe, would, at any time, and in any country, be a question requiring very serious consideration; but when such a questioa arises in a country the main source of the revenues of which is the rent derived from land, the necessity for thought and reflection is much intensified. Lord Canuingj doubtless, conceived that m introducing 210 this measure he was acting in the spirit, and in full accord with the principle, of the despatch of Lord Stanley, trhich contemplated disposing of these lands in accordance with his recommendation, either ' for terms of years, or in perpetuity'; and with his ripe experience of India, that he should be unwill- ing to leave a measure, fraught with interests of such magnitude to the country he had goverued for six years so successfully, to be carried out by a new Viceroy, is perfectly intelligible. lu this sense, it is probable, he acted ; and as he had no defined inatructions from Home, it is not surprising that differences of opinion should have arisen on points of detail between the two powers. These differences have been freely commented on, the public journals teeming with articles, — as regards the waste land question, generally adverse to the modifications' of Her Miijesty's Government. That necessity compelled the publication of these differences was unfortunate ; for there can be no question, that in the present condition of the people of India, it is of paramount importance that the authority of the Viceroy should, if not in reality, in appearance, be almost supreme; but the occasion, as involving an act to be felt, in its effects, for ever, was one of that singular importance to the future of India, that had the highest authority, refrained out of deference to a principle — in favor of which it can hardly be doubted considerable concession was 211 made — to insist on such modifications in the Reso- lution as were conscientiously believed to be essentially necessary for the protection of the in- terests of the State, or for the good of the country, the act TTOuld have been criminal. Many of the arguments, moreover, brought fortvard in England, against these modifications, as being applicable solely to countries very differently circumstanced, lose all their force when brought to bear on India. It is not competent to me, liowever, to discuss this portion of the subject. Nor is it necessary. The question which was agitated, is decided — the cause which was tried, has been gained; and henceforth Englishmen can come and buy as much of the waste and unoccupied land of India, as they choose to pay for, at whatever rate, over 5s. an acre, the market of the day shall decide tliem to be worth. Time will satisfy all parties as to the quan- tity, — out of the tea distrits, — they will take. My own opinion on the general question, viewing it both from the settler's or self interest stand-point, and from a higher point of view, is, that the sale of all the waste lands in India was altogether unnecessary, — that the agitation for it was mischiev- ous, — and that its concession, was inexpedient. I think that the sale of these lands in fee-simple, was unnecessary , — first, because, as regards security of title and right of property, — the only essential points involved in the question, — all the advantage 213 that could possibly result to a settler or capitalist; could have been obtained by other means, without raising a question which in India must always be involved in difficulties. Secondly, I think that it was unnecessary, — because nobody wanted it; if we except a few persons in two divisions of Bengal, ' who wished to dispose of some tea estates in the London Market, and who believed that this kind of title, best suited English ideas and would conse- quently take more readily with buyers, — and some others interested in tea land in the same districts, who, not understanding their own interests, were led away by popular excitement. And thirdly, I think that the measure was unnecessary, — because,; if the object of the Government consisted in attracting European settlers into the districts in which waste lands are situated, in those d istricts from whence the cry for the sale of land in fee-simple emanated, that object had been already gained without it. At the very time, the cry for the fee-simple was being raised in Calcutta, scores of Europeans were pouring into Assam and Cachar, a hundred and fifty thousand acres h.a.i been already leased, and more was being daily applied for^far more than to bring one third part of which into cultivation there was even a remote prospect of getting either capital or labor for. Or were it true that both these desiderata could be obtain- ed — which, however, was not the case, — the seed 213 for the only crop it was desired to grow, could not be procured but ia the most limited quantities, for the supply did not equal a tenth part of the wants of those already in possession of the field. Instead, therefore, of there being the slightest necessity for attracting Europeans to those wastes from whence the cry came, by the concession demanded, the necessity, if necessity there was at all, lay entirely the other way, and consisted, rather, in warning an excited public against too hurriedly rushing into a field which, looking at the circumstances of the cultiration in progress, was over-oceupied already ; or placing such checks as would serve to keep the immigratioa of Europeans within the limits pre- scribed by the circumstances of the Province, and the cultivation in question. Indeed it became ridiculous to argue the necessity part of the sub- ject, after the offer to purchase the fee-simple, had been made to the settlers at Madras, and declined ! I think that the agitation for the sale of waste lands in fee-simple was mischievous , — because the demand, including in its scope the whole of the immense wastes of India, and involving the abandonment by the State of its claim for revenue from these lands for all time to come, required more cautious legislation than would a simple request for the removal of the objec- tionable clauses of existing rules, — and hence it fol- lowed that the rales under which it has been thought 214 advisable or expedient to sanction this measure, though possibly suitable for large capitalists, are very much less favourable to the great mnjority of Europeans already established in Assam, Cachar, and the Himalayas, and any that under present circumstances are likely to go to these places, than those previously in force. Under former rules, a developer, or his agent, proceeded with his little capital to the spot on which he wished to settle, and looked out for a bit of land suitable for the crop he wanted to grow. Having found it, he applied for it — and the moment the Board of Revenue's sanction was obtaned, he was put in possession of it. He was not hampered in any way — there was no survey, no advertizement, no auction. One-fourth of his grant was rent-free for ever. For the remain- der, he was not asked to pay a single six-pence to Government, or to any one else, for fifteen years, and then only about &d. an acre per annum, for eighty-four years to come. By this arrangement he was enabled to expend the whole of his means, minus the cost of his own support, on his land, and double, or, in tea, quadruple his little capital before the Govern- ment asked him for one farthing of revenue. And in what position I would ask have his friends placed him ? He now goes to the spofc, and, after con- siderable labor and trouble and some loss of time, having selected, to the best of his judgement, a plot of land suitable as regards soil, climate, and position, for 215 his wants, he applies for it, — and is not put in posses- sion. As soon as is practicable* it is, at the applicant's expense, surveyed. It is tlien advertized, and, after the expiration of one month, is put np to auction and sold — probably to somebody else, who, a thousand miles off, may have been advised by letter that the spec is a good one, — or possibly to some one nearer at hand, who, not having taken any trouble, nor expended either time or money in its selection, is, of course, in a position to pay more for it. But if the land is knocked down to our settler, he must pay 10 per cent, of the purchase money down, and 10 per cent, on the balance for ten years to come or forfeit it if he fails. Thus if Jones had taken a grant of 4,000 acres, under the old rules, he would have nothing to pay for fifteen years, and then only an average of Qd. an acre on three-fourths, or £75 per annum, for the next eighty-four years ; but if he now takes a similar grant, he must pay down, in addition to the cost of the survey &c. &c. iS 1,000, or £100 within three months of the day of sale, and £90 per annum until he is able or willing to p;iy the balance, under pain of having the grant sold in satisfastion of the Government claim. But the cruelest part of the arrangement is, that, while under the old rules, he had a good title, holding his land, as he iiow must, • One surveyor haa been eanctioned fur Assam a province cou- taiuing' some five or six miltious of acres of waste laud. 216 subject to any 'rights of property' third parties may establish ia it, under the new, he has not a saleable title at all.* Under these circumstances, to my mind, the last state of Jones, is very much worse than the first. On this pointy however, we are saved the trouble of surmising. "Will settlers who hold grant? under the old, commute oinder the new rules ? I think that the concession of the sale of vraste lauds in fee-simple was inexpedient for many rea- sons. In ordinary sales the seller fij^es, with reference to the demand, present or anticipated, the priqe he will take, and holds until he gets it; or, watching the fluctuations of . the market, ;he often exercises a sounder discretion by lowering his price, to such sum as will leave him a fair profit. Failing his obtaining this, if the article will not spoil, he holds for another season, or carries it to another market. Thus, a seller, may fix a price beyond what a buyer will give, and a buyer may offer a price below what a seller will take. Under ordinary circumstances, however, though the sellers fix the price, the buyers regulate it, the action of each, — always supposing healthy competition — operating to establish an equilibrium. This I believe is termed the ' market value ;' and as regards buyer and seller it may be considered mutually arrived at. If, however, a seller has a monopoly of any commodity,/or which there may be a demand, the case is diflerent. He then fixes his own * No law on this subject has yet been passed. 217 pnice, and buyers, unable to regulate it, have na alternative but to pay it — or go without. This may be called the seller's price, the limit to which, can be determined only, by equalizing the ratio the necessities of the parties bear to each other, or that of the quantity ia demand to the quantity of the commodity for sale.* Another case is the converse of this viz., that in which the mo- * Mr. Mill (Principles of Political Economy p . 5 43) objects to the term ratio, on the double ground of its beingr unprecise, and ina,ppropriate. It may be so ; for, to speak of a raUo between two vary- ing magnitudes is mathematically absurd. 1 use the term, because it is current; and he has not. unfortunately, left us any better to define the operation by which an equilibrium is effected — by' which the terms of the equation are mads equal. In objecting, that the quantity in demand is not fixed, but varies according to the value, he says. ''The demand therefore, partly depends on the iialvtB. But it was before laid down that the value depends on the demand. From this contradiction how shall we extricate ourselves?" He then lays down the following equation of value. ' Demand and Supply, the quantity demanded and the quantity supplied, will be made equal ;' and defines "the valtte a commodity \vill bring in any market" to be, *' no other thanihevalue which in that market gives a demand just sufficient to carry off the existing or expected supply." Now this is quite intelligible to any person with a tolerable knowledge of the subject, who reads Mr. Mill's lucid explanation : but his definition does not leave it clear whether the value regulates, or is regulated, by the demand, or neither or both J and as he uses the word value to define both the operation and the result of it, we are not left a very great choice of terais. Value is no doubt, as it were, a compen.sating balance between demand and sup- ply; but how to define the operation by which it adjustsitself, or is adjusted, and at the same time express that the value will be highest when the demand is greatest and the supply least, and vice versay is a difficulty, the resort to mathematical phraseology has not «utuiounted. 218 Bopoly lies with the market, in which case the price is fixed by the buyers, as, for instance in auction sales without reserve. This, however, is a species of sale, which, in consequence of the greatness of the risk, is never resorted to except in markets where the competition is kuowu, to be such as to guarantee to the seller a good, if not the highest price — or in what may be termed 'forced sales.' When we read that Mr. 's property has gone to the ' hammer,' we need not to be told that he is no longer in a position to put his own valuation upon it. There are very many points in connection with this subject to be considered before the phenomena of values and prices can be rightly understood. My object, how- ever, is not to define laws, but simply to cite the different kinds of valuations of property adopted in the ordinary business transactions of life. If I have done so correctly, there would appear to be three — the mutual valuation of seller and buyer, — the valuation of the seller, — and the valuation of the buyer ; and the conditions of sales Under each of these denominations, which for our purpose may be considered essential, are : — for the first, a market in which to negotiate the transaction ; for the second, such a demand as will guarantee to the seller a fair profit; and for the third, such active competition as will ensure him against loss.* * I oace saw a horae, cartaiulj worth £10, sold at auction for five shillings. 219 Now the question in regard to the thousands of square miles of waste lauds in India, is. Are any one of these conditions found ? And I think I may safely answer — they are not. That there is no market, will not be disputed;'^ that there is uo competition cannot be denied ;t ^^^ that the de- mand is confined to the tea and coffee districts, if not patent to all before, the cotton famine has satisfactorily proved. If, then, these things be true, and the condition of affairs is really as I have sketched it, no farther arguments, I should think, are wanting to prove that circumstances are not such as to render the present a favorable time for a general sale out-right of all the waste land in India. Again, it is an implied condition of mercantile transactions that both parties, buyer and seller, knowj or are supposed to know, both the intrinsic value of the commodity to be sold, — and their own in- terests. Now, independent of situation in regard to a market &c., a necessary condition to determining the value of any land, is a knowledge of its natural * By a market I mean a city, town, or place, where informatioa can be obtained by purchasers, from a Government Office, ag'encies, or other sources, and where brokers fee, and other appliances for determining the market value of the thing' for sale exist. f A special clause of the Governor Generals Resolution provided for a lot for which there was more than one applicant beings put up to auction; and I have only heard of one sale havings takea place under it. This was in the Kang'ra Valley, where the lot (100 acres) was the only one in the whole Valley for sale. 220 properties, or to use more definite terms, its capa- bilities for production; and to do tliis, plainly, some knowledge ef the nature of the soil, and its miueral wealth are necessary. The geological survey of India has not extended to a hundredth part of the unculti- vated part of the country. It is only the other day that .the climates of Assam and Cachar,. were looked upoa as deadly to human life, and their soils as capable only of producing dense jungle and the rankest yegetatiou. ■The capabilities of the soils of much of the great wastes of India are as little known now, as those of these now coveted lands were then. No one then can possibly be in a position to say what is their value. Hence, probably, the determination to sell them by auction. But here, again, we are forced on the horns of a dilemma, for it has been already shown, that, in the absence of the most active competition, this species of sale is precisely that in which there is the greatest possible risk of loss ; and to fix a limit, or upset price as it is called, to any purpose, it is an essential that the value of the thing to be sold be ascertainsd, which in regard to this land, has been determined to be, at present, impossible. Gladly would I get out of this diffi- cultly, but truely I do not see the way. I am fully aware of the differences of opinion regarding the relative values of land and capital in wastes reclaimed, and that some economists have gone so far as to assert that the whole is capital, 231 and that waste land, therefore, has no vallie.* But we have only to coasider the length of time over which this outlay is spread, and to place against it the accumulated wealth of the produce of the land, and the fallacy is transparent. When rich deposits are taken from the bottom of the Sea or other place where they are not now utilized, and laid on barren rocks, that land may be called capital ; but if so, it is capital not invested in, but capital converted iato land, and its value is determined not by the cost of its formation : but by its fertility and advantages iu relation to other lands in the neighbourhood. The exchange value of land, like that of every thing else, is affected by circumstances, -^-proximity to markets, population, roads, rivers, climate; but there is still its power of produc- tion, which the absence of any or all of these, though it may put it out of the market, cannot annihi- late. The diamond in the mine, gold in the rock, any of the precious metals, so locked up, are subject to very similar laws, and it appears to me absurd to argue, that the one has intrinsic worth, while the other which has inherent powers of producing the * Mr. Carey an Amerioaa Economist in his " Priaeiples of political eoononay" asserts that all the land in any country is not equal i a value to anytliinj like the Capital that has been laid out on it ; or in other ■vfords that to bring the laud of aay country to its present conditions from a state of primoeval forest, would not pay. He concludes from this that all rent is the result of capital expended, which theory if true would vitiate tiie priaciples of atax on laud, , - 223 inost precious of all kinds of wealth — the necessaries of life — has none. Thus if two pieces of land, one suitable for grow- ing opium, and the other capable onl7 of producing rice : or two mines, one a gold and the other a copper mine, were situated in the same locality, and at a considerable distance from a market, it is quite intelligible that, the expenditure of capital and labor required to produce the opium and the rice, and to work the gold and the copper mine being, respectively, precisely the same, the opium land and the diamond mine should have a high exchange value, while the rice land and the copper mine would be unsaleable. Yet need not the rice land and the copper mine be yalueless. As the electric fluid in the Leyden Jar is imprisoned till approached by the conductor, so would be the natural properties of the rice land and the copper in the mine, until advancing civiliza- tion, improved communication, or other circum- stances, set them free. In an old country, therefore, the object, of a wise man with valuable property in land, or wealth in mines, should not be to give them away, or to sell them, at a nominal value, to the first person who would undertake to cultivate the one or to work the other, but rather to endea- vour, if within his power, to bring them within those influences which would give them a value in exchange, in proportion to their natural value, and then, and — unless to do this was nearly impossible or 223 the prospect indefinitely remote — not till then, to sell them. It will follow, I opine, then, that if circumstances regulate the price of land, its natural properties as well as the capital that may have been laid out on it, determine its value. If an upset price means any thing, in regard to a number of commodities for sale of the same denomination but of different values, it ought to mean, the lowest price the seller can afford to take, or will take, for the least valuable ; because, if it be fixed with reference to the most valuable, or the average value of the whole, a large proportion will not sell at all. Now a large proportion of the immense wastes of India is worth no more than the deserts of Arabia Petrea, and the rest ascends in the scale of fertility, like the lands of all other countries by regular degrees. What 5s. may represent in relation to the whole, I do not know. It has been Calculated with reference to the terms of the present leases of 99 years, that in selling these leases in the tea districts of Assam and Caehar at that rate. Govern- ment would not be a loser. But the return to labor and capital expended on tea lands, including all expenses of clearances, is several hundred per cent more than that upon any land under cultivation in India, except, perhaps, opium lands. If then, all things considered, 5s. represents the value of this kind of land, it must follow that no other wasteland, 224 will sell at all— or, allowiag tlie necessary margins for the operation of secoadary iaflaencea, if other lands will sell at this rate to any great extent, that in the absence of a very active competition, these lands will be sold mach under their valne, and, ultimately, very large sums of money be lost to the State* These reasons lead me to the conclusion that there are, at present, no proper means of determin- ing the value of any of these lands ; and that while the determination to auction them will be wholly inoperative, except in isolated cases, to secure the State ao-ainst ultimate and serious loss in those districts where there is a present demand, the fixing of a uniform rate of 5s. au acre as a mini- mum limit, will effectually shut out from all possibility of reclamation, such tracts as the Soon- derbuns, and the great proportion of the immense wastes of India. * The Secretary of State directed iu his despatch that '• the several Governments aad Lieat. Governors should be instructed to fix, after commanication with the chief Local Authorities, a miaimum price suited to the circumstances of the various descriptions of land which they may find to beat thiiir disposal in each district of their Presidency or Province." There is little or no waste land available in the Bombay or Madras Presidencies, and as fire shilling's has boen fixed as the uniform upset price for Beng-al and the North West Provinces; and as the terms ou which leases were granted in Arraean, the Tenasserim Provinces, Peg'u, the Punjab, and most other places were not more favourable than those granted In Bengal, it^ ■may be assumed that this price will, indeed must, regulate the .whole. 225 ,Mj ; esteemed friend Mr. Arthur Grote ' of the Calcutta Board of Revenue, in reporting on this subject said.: — ■ ' It appears to me that to grant a perpetual tenure of large tracts of unoccupied laud, on the easy terms at present offered in Assam, Darjaeling, and the Soonderbunds, would be to repeat the error of 1793, and that to allow grantees to buy a discharge from all future demands for land-tax, by a present pay- ment of the value of the annual tax chargeable on their grants under those terms, would be a culpable sacrifice of prospective State income.' • ' For, the terms now offered designedly abandon to the grantee a large margin of profits under the cur- rent settlements, with an express view to the lands being returned to the State on the expiration of this settlement in a vastly improved condition. The per- mission to commute by a single payment the annual tax now ch argeable on their grants for a term of years, which the present orders give to all grantees, is fair and reasonable. A similar privilege should not, I think, be given to commute in discharge of all future claims for tax, except on revised terms of grant,' 'This revision should provide for the annual tax being fixed at an amount scarcely short of what the Scate expects to find the land capable of paying on the expiration of the period of our present designedly moderate settlements. The State would not be 226 justified in fixing the tax at all below that amoaut, if it were not for the advantages promised by the immediate location in its provinces of a numerous body of enterprising settlers.' ' I doubt whether commutation on such terms would be sought so long as the present rates of interest prevail. The same consideration would, it has always been my opinion, interfere with any general resort to the privilege it proffered to Bengal landholders to redeem the land-tax.' And these views appear to me so sound, and the arguments used in support of them so conclusive, that I cannot conceive how any one acquainted with the circumstances of the Government and the people, in relation to these uncultivated tracts (some of which contain lands which, if equalled, are not exceed- ed in fertility by the lands of any country in the world,) can hold opposite opinions. Indeed it is, in my opinion, clear that if waste lands, or any other lands in India, not excepting those the assessment on which is ^fixed in perpetuity, are sold at present, they must be sold at a loss to the State, for on no other terms will the people buy themj and if this can be established, unless far greater advantages than any yet set forth can be shown to exist, the position will not be disputed. Before entering on this portion of the subject, however, I will notice, another difficulty and by no means a minor one, in the way of the sale of 227 these lands. I allude to the hucks, or rights of the natives thereiiij those hucks the scrupulous respect for which Lord Canning declared to be one of the most solemn duties of the Government of India, and which declaration Her Majesty's Government most cordially approved. Now it must be borne in mind that the native idea on the subject of these hucks, is peculiar and very strong, — amount- ing even to the assertion of a right of property, or, at least, of joint-ownership. These rights con- stitute occupancy, pre-emption, right of grazing cattle, cutting wood, grass &c., use of water courses, and general right to the products of all waste lands, mines, quarries not worked, &c., rights of way, rights to certain municipal offices, family riglits &e. To the general English reader it may appear that little difficulty would beset the path of a Statesman in dis- posing of rights to which no title could be made out ; but to all familiar with the early history of Property, and the constitution of society in the Patriarchal form, it will be apparent, that this subject is one involved in some complication. That the state of society in the greater part of India is of the true archaic type, Mountstuart Elphiustone in his History of India, has already acquainted the public. A right of occupancy here is not, as Blackstone has supposed, a 'kind of transient property in.' It is asserted to be an inalienable right of possession, of which the holder cannot be dispossessed without 228. iiijustice, A competent expounder of the native- feeling in regard to what they consider their hacks, , or rights says : — ] 'The following is an example of the regard the ^ people have for their rights. In every village there , are Mirdhas, who are by profession robbers. Each , of these holds 10 to 20 beegahs of land, for which he is expected to prevent others from committing robbery in his village. For, the sake of this right to their land, though they are all professional,! thieves, they sometimss suffer losses; still they make good robberies comm.itted by others, rather , than leave their Hucks over the land. Tney abstain . from committing robberies iu each other's village. . Here is another remnrkable instance, — there is one Chiefdom in Bandlekund called Dattia, where there is no regular Police ; yet we hear travellers general- ly experience no sort of inconvenience on the road, for there the village Police system of the sort above alluded to js in force.* This mode is also observed * This primitive system of police, or black mail as it may be called, is by no means confined to native states. In the neighbour- hood of Delhi there is a larg'e village inhabited entirely by Goojurs, all professional theives, of whose services the Magistrate makes valuable use. During- the three years my Regiment was quartered there, I had one of these gentlemen constantly in my pay. He stack his spear in the compound or grounds of my house, and no more. He came on the 15th of every month and took his Rs. 4 (eight shillings.) For the remainder of the month I nevsr saw him; yet I slept more secure than if I had had a sentry at every corner of my house. I speak of the times before the mutiny of 1857. Whether or not the same system is now in force I cannot say. 229 in many Native States. Joshees,, Poorohits, and others, above alluded to, as Astrologers, religious M edicants, &c., formerly held lands or received pay* meiits in cash either from the Native Governments or Zemindars. Though the British Government refused to sanction such grants, yet the Zemindars give them out of their own Hucks. Tirth Boorohits or the Priests at sacred places, such as Benares, Allahabad, Muttra, &c., also receive grants of lands and cash from Zemindars. These persons even apply their. Hucks and lands and other property connected with it to any purpose they like; they give iu Grants and dowry, and mortgage it; yet the Hucks are entirely voluntary ; but the claim of the owner on them is, by common consent, held to be so strong that they are treated like legal property. This may show how the people of Hindoostau value their Hucks. Indeed, iu some cases, they, iu order to retain their Hucks in their family name, become converts to another religion or even give their lives. These Hucks, therefore, should not be taken away by the Government, or made subject to sale by the process of any Court for personal debts. Fhey should be treated as entailed property, of which the life interest only can be alienated. The result from preserving and increasing the existing Hucks will be good. But it will be much better froin continuing the system which Lord Canning has' commenced oCestablishing new rights V 230J df- the ahfovff description ■ by giving' Estates/ Talooks, &c.i* ' • - oJ h... .ij,:,. ■'}-, -•In another place the Sajah saT$. "Institutiott of a new enquiry into'grahts. Selling rights (Hnckspi ■fthich the Qxhjedts valui dearer than there lives, and many oHher things which will be described herfeafter, are '^: cont'ribiitiug to the dissatisfactioiii of the subjects." ' ' . I have heard it said raoreovja",' by other native- gentlemen, not inferior in status, or of less int&lli- gence than the author of these Observations, that the' rjjght of oecupancy in Indian is an exclusive ailil per- manent right, which cannot be alienated or 'purchased/ except withtlie bonsent of the holders. - The savage mces VI ho dwell an hills and in jungle'^, are the own^i of- those hills and jungles ; the tribes who squat? on knds are the owners of those lauds; villagers^ who, like the patriarchs of old, graze their -flbek-s on vast pasture lands, who cut grass or fire wood iu' forestsj have, if not an ownership in those laiids and forests, a prescriptive title to these rights under the law of ancieiit custom — a law iii India something' fike an Act of Parliament, — of which they cannot be deprived without injustice, and Viihich prohibits the skle of such liands, other\iise than fenduhibertd with the'se lights. " It it'asSUmed" says the Secretary of State, in his despatch that half-civilized tribes will i'-, * Memorandum of Observationa on the Administration of Iiidia by Rnja Dinker Riio of Gualiar, M.eml!ei: of the Governor. Genei'*l's. Council for m;il{i'ng' Laws p. 8 — Home Office, Calcutta l662. 231 be ready to appreciate a commuaity of interests between the Earopean settlers and themselves. I apprebetid, on the contrary, that passionately attach- ed as they are known to be to their ancestral lands, they might naturally regard the intrusion of Euro- peans strangers as an encroachment and a wrong inflicted on themselves.' And such in many if not all places is undoubtedly the case. In the Pahalam Valley of Kangra, a spot some have thought to rival, in the picturesque beauty of its scenery, the vale of Cashmere, there are about 50,000 acres of pasture and other land admirably fitted for tea cultivation ; but not one acre will the few scattered village communities permit to come into the hands of Europeans, at ten times its actual value, as estimated by the normal rates of the district. Oa this point I am well informed, for holding pro- perty in the Valley, I was anxious to add to it by securing more land; and the following extract of a letter from my agent will as well illustrate my subject, as the success which att ended my attempts. "I have used all my powers of persuasion, to induce the Zemindars to sell me enough land to complete the Raipoor estate ; but though I have offered as high as fifteen and twenty rupees an acre,* prices before unheard of in the country, • The Zemiailars can sell, it must be recollected, nothing but the proprietory right, subject after the expiry of the settlement, to any assessment the Government chooses to impose. 232 all my efforts have proved unavailing. They steadily refuse to sell a single rood. They say. 'Why have you come here? We don't want you. We know you oaly wish to deprive us of our land, and then make coolies of us to work on your estates, but we are determined you shall not have the land' There is, therefore, a combination amongst them, not to sell any land to Europeans, and no man dares to break it." These ideas will doubtless give way before the advantages^ — the solid benefits which invariably flow from the introduction of capital :* but, that they exist and that such claims are now put forth in many parts of India, is iadisputable ; indeed tbere can be no better measure of the importance attached to bucks in land by the natives, than the distaste with which they view the encroachment of -Europeans. It is true that the waste lands for sale are sup- |)osed to be unincumbered with hucks, and at the absolute disposal of Government ; but though there is little definite knowledge on the subject, it would seem that such is not the case, or why the pro- vision for selling these lands subject to any * rights of property ' that may be established in them here- * la parts of Assam the price of ^rain has risen four hundred per cent, in four years, since the introduction of tea plantingr, thus placing' the Governrae at in a position to double the land tnx, and Btill leave the cultivator more than twice as rich as he was before.— See p. p. 176 -77 mpra. 233' after ? The inference is invitable, that the proposal is nothing more nor less, than to sell that with which the seller admits he can give but a doubtful title' — a title that would not be recognised in any country of Europe. — on the security of which, as it stands at present, no English capitalist would advance a shilling J and it is consequently of some little importance to examine carefully into the rights of the case, so that what is done may be equitable, and that the State, the natives, and the settlers, may receive, each and every, their /ms^ dues. Native Rulers, brought up in the atmosphere of ■native society, have doubtless been imbued with its ideas. It may be asked, then, have they respected these rights ? On the contrary History satisfies u8, that if they have silently acquiesced in their subjects appropriating waste lands, they have seldom failed to vindicate the principle of Adverse Possession, by respecting no rights that did not pay, and others only so long as it suited their convenience. The British Government, however, has not a like im- munity from its own acts, and this fact has long since been discovered by our Indian subjects, and is often, I am afraid, turned to account to advance claims to which neither Ancient Law, nor Ancient Custom have given any sanction. As if, moreover, the mail of legfil enactments and public opinion, were not sufiBciently binding, instead of depending fox a character on the uprightness and integrity 234 of its acts, it is forever making pledges and promises, which the very necessities of numerous societies ia various and progressive stages of development, render it impossible to keep. Successive Govern- ments, consequently, while continually breaking the pledges of their predecessors, are as actively engaged in forging fresh chains for their successors to wear, and in their turn to burst ; and it is thus that gradually, but steadily, has been accumulated a solid basis for that idea, now fixed, of the bad faith of the English race. In the present case we have two races brought into collision as competitors for rights of property and other rights in the soil, the one we may say in the first or lowest, and the other in the last or highest stage of development ; and both, as might be expected, imbued with the most opposites views of justice, rights of property, and their own interests. The situation is, in this particular, peculiar, and calls therefore for the most careful consideration, lest, by adopting a process of transmutation too much in accordance with the ideas which regulate the views of the one party, violence be done to the feelings of the other — or by a blind and indiscriminate regard for traditionary rights, the true functions of a Govern- ment be abandoned, and the progress of the country be materially retarded. In all other respects, however, it is not new. The studeut of the history of Property is aware, that a 235 state of things similar to that existing in India, has afforded matter for thought to the lawgivers of all civilized nations, from the earliest ages of which we have a historic record. The systems of occupant- village-community- family- tribe- and joint-owner- ship are known to have existed amongst the people of most countries in the earlier stages of their progress, from the days of the Romans,— and more lately in Austrian and Turkish Sclavonia and in many pro- vinces of the vast Russian Empire — down to our own times. The difficulties which beset the Governments of these countries in administering the affairs of the State, and the people themselves in transacting their own business, in consequence of the fetters with which proprietory rights were trammelled, are now well know to jurists, and the necessity which improving organizations of societies imposed on lawgivers of getting rid of them, has been made patent by successive laws on the subject, from that of the Usucapion of the Romans, to those of Limitation amongst ourselves. Regarding rights of Occupancy, with which we have now more immediately to do, the latest and probably the highest authority on the subject says : — ' Before pointing out the quarter in which we may liope to glean some information, scanty and un- certain at best, concerning the early history of proprietary right , I venture to state my opinion that the popular, impression in reference to the part 236 played by Occupancy in the first stages of civilisa- tion directly reverses the truth. Occupancy is the advised assumption of physical possession ; and the notion that an act of this description confers a title to " res nuUius," so far from being characteristic of very early societies, is iu all probability the growth of a refined jurisprudence and of a settled condition of the laws. It is only when the rights of property have gained a sanction from long prac- tical inviolability, and when the vast majority of the objects of enjoyment have been subjected to private ownership, that mere possession is allowed to invest the first possessor with dominion over commodities in which no prior proprietorshi p has been asserted. The sentiment ia which the doctrine originated is absolutely irreconcilable with that infrequency and uncertainty of proprietary rights which distinguish the beginnings of civilisation. Its true basis seems to be, not an instinctive bias towards the institution of Property, but a presump- tion arising out of the long continuance of that institution, that every thing ought to have an owner. When possession is taking of a " res nullius," that is, of an object which is not, or has neoer been, reduced to dominion, the possessor ,is permitted to become proprietor from a feeling that all valuable things are naturally the subjects of an exclusive enjoyment, and that in the given case there is no one to invest with the, right of property except the 237 Occupant. The Occupant in short, becomes the owner, because all things are presumed to be some- body's property and because no one can be pointed out as having a better right than he to the proprie- torship of this particular thing/* If this view of case be the correct one, and much that we find existing around us, goes a considerable way to prove that it is, popular notions would seem to be an unsafe guide ; and I think, therefore, that be- fore any attempt was made to sell, outright, the waste lands in India, it would have been desirable that some definitive — some fixed principles regarding rights, real or traditionary, should have been laid down by competent authority, not only to entitle the possessor to sell, but to prevent those blunders the commission of which has so hampered successive administrations of India, in their anxious endeavours to ameliorate the Government of the country. Fiscal questions, vitally affecting the future welfare of large provinces — questions that have occupied the most serious attention of the profoundest thinkers on these subjects in all ages, are here not unfre- quently decided off-hand, on the recommendation of settlement oflBcers, or collectors, by chief Civil Authorities, who if they could find the time fully to consider their bearings, can hardly be expected to possess the qualifications necessary to deal satisfac- torily with them. A remarkable instance of this * Ancient Law by H. Sumner Maine p. 356. 238 may be found in the Kaagra Valley, to which I have before aUuded, where a few years ago, a British settlement officer quietly made over the proprietory rights of the State iu 50,000 acres of land that would now be invaluable, to a few village commu- nities without any stipulation whatever, simply, I ■believe, because he did not know what to do with them. There were no people to cultivate this laud; the village patriarchs could use compara- tively but a very small portion of it for grazing their flocks; and now Europeans who would fill this beautiful valley with industrious people, and enrich it with -wealth, are shut out of it, because they are not of the Gens of the villager proprietorsj who, sooner than admit alieas within their brother- hood, will spend all the small resources of their community in purchasing, at an enormous premium, the smallest plot of laud that, by accident, may ■come under the Government hammer. For twenty years to come, these villagers have been endowed with the power of preventing thousands of acres of productive land, to which they never had the shadow of a title, and for which they do not pay, and never have paid a farthing, from being cultivated, and thus of depriving Government of the revenue it might derive from these lands, or, in other words, of the means of making roads, bridges &c., and otherwise improving the property of the State. It is a singular fact too, that while the acts of Her Majesty's and the 2S9:. SupretHe Governments eviuce the deepest au-siety to^ farther the introduction of British enterprise aiid^ ciapitarl into those districts now unpeopled add w&ste/ we find these large landed proprietors exempted, not only from aW taxation, but from the payment <»fa«y revenue on account of their immense posses- sions, While a few tea planters, have to purchase- dr"pay revenue for their petty holdings, and.atli cnormoMS premium to these monopolists for a pro- prietory right to which they never had a . title, ^lould ihey he foriuMte ettough to induce .any to suflFer them to obtain an acre of land. It has been ruled, moreover, notwithstanding the grekt disadvantages under which settlers in the Kangra Valley labor, that thougii tea, seed is still distributed ^rofis in the N. W. Provinces, the planters ia the Punjab must pay for it, to plrOvide a fund for making KOsvds and bridges, — or, in other words,- to make good the deficiency of revenue caused by the illegiti-< mate monopoly of the landholders; while the •hig4» prices bid for land at Goverument Suctions by thb Zemindars is viewed by the Authorities with much satisfadtiou. Surely this state of things indicates iSome iniseoficeptiotn of th6 true circumstances of the position, or of the motive springs 1*1110)1 r'eg'ulate the actioa of monopolists, or of societies iti an archaic stage- of development. 1 am the morfe convinced of frhiS, as it is well known thkt thfe Biatiuguished. stittesmun a6w at the head of affaiVs 240 in the Punjab, takes the warmest interest in the success of the planters, — the best guarantee, that when he comes to look into matters he will put them to rights. Most certMuly it is imperative on a Government in the position of the British Government in India, scrupulously to respect all the just rights of the people in the soil or otherwise ; but it is equally its duty carefully to investigate all claims on the State of auy class, be they European or Native, and espe- cially if supported by traditionary evidence, which may either retard the improvement of the country, or involve the imposition of unjust burdens on the whole community. And, when the interests of the State and the country, may be sacrificed, in the manner above mentioned, it will be apparent that some standard should be adopted, more in accord- ance with principles based on sound experience, than the varying opinions of settlement authorities are likely to be, if it be desired that the land tenure of the whole country shall ever be placed on that solid basis, the singularly important relation it bears to the revenues of the State, demands. And if the present age is at fault in regard to some of the links of such a chain of evidence as would enable us to trace back the history of proprie- tory rights to their first origin, in India we are not altogether helpless. We have Institutes older than Justinian's, and the advantage of having 241 conquered cotifjuerors with a good code of Iaw9j which, if never fully in force, have furnished the ruling idea, and hence the guiding principles ia disputed points, for many centuries. , Hindoo Law it is true, is not always very clear on any point; but the following extracts will afford some insight into the views of Indian law- givers regarding rights of occupancy and property in the soil : — Nerasinka purami. — Thrice seven times extermina- ting the military tribe, Parasu Rama gave the Earth to Casyapa, as a gratuity for the sacrifice of a horse." On .which the Commentator remarks. " By Conquest, the earth became the property of the holy Parasu Rama ; by Gift, the property of the sage Casyapa ; and, committed by him to Cshatriyas for the sake of protection, became their protective property successively held by powerful conquerors, and — NOT BY SUBJECTS CULTIVATING THE SOIL." " But, annual property is acquired by subjects on payment of annual revenue : and the king cannot lawfully give, sell, or dispose of the land to another for that year. But if the agreement be in this form, " you shall enjoy it for years •" for as many years as the property is granted, during so many years the king should never give, sell, or dispose of it to another. Yet if the subject pay not the revenue, the grant, being coaditioual, ia annulled by the w 242 breact of tte condition ; and the Aen<;r may grant it to another." Yajnyawalcya. — " And the king shall receive a sixth part of unclaimed property occupied by any bf her person." " Since the T*fOrd King here"' says the Commenta- tor " denotes lord of the soil ; and since the cultivator, being owner of that land, is so far equal to the king ; he would be entitled to the sixth part of the unowned property occupied by him. The answer 'is, the word king inay be explained lord of the soil to exclude another king : but a royal property is supposed in the use of the word ; the cultivator has a subordinate usufructuary propertyj not a royal 'property : and Sri Ckishna Teucalancara thinks there may be, in the same land, property of various •kinds, vesting in the king, the subject, and so forth. It should not be objected; if that be the case, Tvhy cannot the king give the land to another, in the same year for which revenue is paid? Because a seller or giver may, by sale or gift, annul his own property, and invest another with similar property, but cannot create property of another nature (for a sale by a subject cannot create pro- perty of another nature, namely royal property;) therefore, usufructuary property being raised by a conditional gift to the subject, the king cannot again create property in the same thing, by a gift to another." 243 " But whence is it deduced, that such property. vests in the cultivator? There is no proof of it.. His property is not by occupancy; for the king being a more powerful owner, his occupancy cannot be maintained : it is not by sale ; for no sale has been, made : , it is not by gift from the king on con- dition of revenue; for, were it so, his property cannot be aaauUed , without the asseut of the owner." " Some hold, that the subject, is invested witb. ownership by a gift from the king on cqndition of revenue. If he go elsewhere an,d revenue be not paid, the gift is cancelled by the breach of the con- dition. It should not be objected, that his interest in the land would be equal to the king's ; for the king's assent is not given in such a form. Thus, the. king assenting in these words, " let a subordinate usufructuary property be held by thee, while my property remains in this land, which belongs to me •" such property is created, as is d,es,criibed by, the terms of bis assent. Nor should it be objected, that in this case property is not created, nor is effect given to an existent property, but mere possession as of a thing pawned. This would be inconsistent with the explanation of husbandman, as given by Chandeswaka and others ; that is, ' owner of the. field." " A specific agreement should be made, when the land is delivered , that it shall be enjoyed year by 244 year, until a greater revenue be offered by another person.' '' Others hold, that the king has no property in the soil, nor power to dispose of the subject's abode, because all have a right in the soil; since the earth was created for the support of living animals, as expressed in the Sri Bhagavala : " The Earth, which God created for the abode of living creatures;" and because Manu has only declared, that the sub- jects shall be protected by the king." " But, in fact; without property in the soil, there can be no certain rule for the protection of the subjects." " And if it be argued, that the positive necessity of supposing a proprietary right, and the consequent obligation on the king to protect the inhabitants of that country; of which he is proprietor, should not be affirmed, because such property is not deduced from positive precept ; we answer, the exclusion of every other authority is naturally implied; and it is positively required, that thare be "a right of pro- perty co-ordinate with the non-existence of a deter- mination not to exclude other authority." " If a potent subject be able, independent of the king, to resist invaders, and even to seize the lands of others ; shall his property be deemed independent of the king ? No ; for that subject ought to be punished by the king, if he transgress the law : but, if the sovereign be not able to inflict punishment on him, even he is king." 245 ■ The subject's property iu the. soil is weaker than the king's, for the subject is weaker than the king : but it is founded on the reason of the law, and on settled usage : therefore the land of one subject ought not to be sold by the king to another. "The meaning of the text, which describes the earth as the abode of living creatures, is positively this ; the property is his, who uses the land, where he resides, and while he uses it : and thus, when land belonging to any person is sold by the king, it is a sale without ownership."* But, turnijig from Hindoo Law, let us examine the Laws of our predecessors.- NoQAYAH.— "Waste Land" says the Canon" "is land, unproductive in consequence of want of irriga- tion, and the like, for which no owner is known, and situated at such a distance from all populated places, that the sound of the voice of man cannot reach its borders. Whoso cultivateth such laud, is the owner thereof, provided he hath done so with the permission of the Soltan.f Should he have made a • Digest of Hindoo Law, wjt,h the commentary of Jagannatha Tercapanchannaaa. — Colebroke, The great importaace of this portion of the subject must be my excuse for the length of these extracts. ' fin the original the words I have rendered 'owner thereof ' ara malaha-ho, on which the Commentntor says i. e. he shall acquire property in the land he shall have cultivated— no more. The word also I have translated Saltan, is Imam, which means, a Leader, or the highest legally constituted authority. 246 fence round it, he may hold it for three years. At the expiration of that time, should he not have brought it into cultivation, the Solt^a may take it away from him, and give it to another. Whoso shall have dug a well in waste land, with permis- sion as aforesaid, for him is a circuit of forty cubits on all sides; and whnso shall have opened a spring, for him are similarly five hundred cubits. It shall be lawful for the owner to prohibit any other person from doing the like within this cir- cuit j and if any person shall dig a well or open a spring on the border of the circuit of him ■who shall have first dug a well or opened a spring, for him is an enclosure, only on three sides thereof &c." QoDOORi fapud the Hidayah). — "And the Settler, though of another religion, acquires property, in the land he shall have cultivated, equally with the Moslim; because it is by the cultivation of waste land that property is acquired therein — always assuming the permission of the Soltan, which in the case of a Settler as aforsaid, is, in the opinion of all the Doctors, essential." 'Some Lawgivers hold' says the Commentator, "that in the case of a Moslim, the permission of the Soltan is not essential to the acquirement of property : but Aboo Haneefah is of a contrary opinion, and his opinion has been given the pre- ference by Qazee Khap, and is approved." 247 And in the Fatawa-i Alamgeeri^ it is tKus written; " The Saltan hath power to bestow waste land. And if he shall have made a grant of such land to any one, he shall let him alone for three years; when, should the grantee not have cultivated it, it returns to him (the SoZ;a«)and he may give it to another, for property iu waste land is acquired only by cultivation." The English Rules of Procedure, the only Law at present on the subject, differ more or less, iu every Province in India. The demand, however, for Wastes being, for the most part, confined to one Presidency, the following will serve as a type of ths whole. Bengal. — " If before the day of sale a claim of proprietory, or occupative, right in any part of the land be preferred, the Collector shall investigate the claim, and, if satisfied that it is groundless, shall reject it and proceed with the sale." " If on investigation any such cl.iim should appear to be well grounded, the Collector may either reject the application for purchase of the lands or refer it for the orders of the Commissioner. In the former case the applicant may appeal to the Commissioneri The Commissioner may direct the Collector either to reject the application, or to proceed with the sale of the landj either unreservedly on the conditions • This is a collection of legal opinions and precepts in six large Quarto vols, prepared by order of the Emperol; 'Alamg'eer,— iu India an indisputable authority. 248 prescribed in Rule 9, or, if any claim to right of proprietorship, occupancy, or use in any part of the lands be established to the satisfaction of the Com'- luissioner, with a special reservation of such right, or exclusive of the area in -which such right exists. If the application for purchase of the land be rejected, the amount' deposited as cost of Survery vvill be forfeited." North Western Pkovinces. — " Where it is evident that there exist rights of property, or of exclusive occupancy, either active or latent, the afiplicant will be informed that the'case caUnot be taken up under the Grant Eules, excepting in favour of the party originally possessed of those rights, or who has pur- chased them from such party. " It will be an im- portant part of the Collector's duty to make certain that any transfer of such rights shall have been made with a complete and fair understanding on the part of all cbncerned." - " In case of there being any doubt as to whether existing rights are of the exclusive character neces- sary 'to 'bar' alienation, the Collector will report the case through the Commissioner to the Sudder Board of -'Revenue. If the rights claimed, though not exclusive, should appear to the Sudder ' Board of Revenue to be such fights of pasturage,' wood ciit- tiag, &c., as commonly obtain in the Hill Districts, and' are entitled, as "existing rights in a rude form," to protection under paragraph Q of the 249 Resolution of the Governor General in CotrneiT, No. 3264, dated the 17th of October 1861, the Board will instruct the Collector to endeavor to bring the applicant for the Grant, and the parties who possess a right to use the spontaneous products of the soil within the tract applied for, to a mutual agreement as to the terms upon which (if any) any hereditary and transferable property in the soil may be given to the former, subject to the exercise of their cus- tomary right by the latter. If an amicable arrange- ment be come to, the Collector will report the parti- culars for the information and sanction of the S udder Board of Revenue. Otherwise the Collector will proceed to estimate the value of the prescriptive rights, as above, on a liberal basis, and will submit the case, through the Sudder Board of' Revenue, to the Government in view to the payment of full compensation." All written laws must necessarily have been fram- ed after Societies had advanced some stages beyond the most primitive state. It is futile then, to hope, by the examination of codes of laws, to ascer- tain how property in the soil was first, or is naturally acquired. Nor would it be of any practical use to do so. The first laws of peoples, are valuable-, however, as giving us the nearest possible view of an interesting subject, and the concurrent testimony of the lawgivers of many nations in an early stage of civilization in favor of certain fundamental 250 priuciples, especially if consonant with our own sense of right, is useful as an index to guide us when Jegislatiug for a people less advanced than ourselves, in preserving to them those privileges, to which they may be justly considered to have a prescrip- tive right. Now Hindoo and Mohammadan Law differ ia at least one important particular as regards lapd tenure generally. According to Hindoo Law, though the subject may obtain a subordinate or usufructuary property by cultivation, the royal, or superior right of property in the soil, vests in the Sovereign. Nor can he divest himself of it, except by sale or gift* By the Mohammadan Law, on the contrary, should a King on subduing a country by force of arms, have recognized and confirmed the rights of the people, or concluded a treaty of peace and made a settlement with them, the proprietory right in the soil vests in the people, subject always to the claim of the State for khiraj or revenue. , . , , But from the extracts and observations cited above, it will be seen that, as regards the reclamation of wastes, according to neither Hindoo nor Moham- madan Law, can mere Occupancy confer any right of property whatever. Indeed the prominent features of both the Hindoa and Mohammadan systems are, that they clearly lay down the principle, that to create property in waste land, it is essential that such land be occupied with 251 the consent of the Sovereign ; that it be cultivated ; and that revenue be paid for it. Failing the first of these conditions absolutely, or the latter two within the limits defined, the Sovereign can take the land away, and give it to another. The prominent feature of the English system, I am afraid, is, thiit it does not clearly define any prin- ciples. The collector is informed that where there exist ' rights of properly or of exclusive occupancy either active or latent,^ or other exclusive rights, the land cannot be sold ; but what constitutes a right of property, or what a right of occupancy, the public and the collector-— the latter probably a young military oflScer, but a few years emancipated from regimental duty, — are left in unhappy ignorance. No limit defines the extent of land over which a right of occupancy may exist. No bounds limit the period within which a proprietory right can keep land out of cultivation, — within which the power of the occupant or proprietor, to debar the State from obtaining its just dues, is restrained. Yet, without a knowledge of what constitutes a valid right, how shall a developer select his land — how shall a collector satisfactorily decide disputes? — without a revenue, how shall the Government discharge those func» tions which, converted by its own act from expedient into obligatory,, such developers as do settle, will have a right to compel it to observe ? I canned clearly see how these difficulties can be got over. S53 and therefore, I think, that until tlieae points shall be first decided the a.tteinpt to sell these lands, is premature. For though the testimony of the present circum- stances of India, is confirmatory, in a high degree, of Mr. Maine's opinio^i, that the notion, that occu- pancy confers a title to " res nnllius," is not charac- teristic of societies in an early state of civilization j and the Law is clearly against the existance of any permanent and inalienable rights in land, as long as it is uncultivated and w.aste, . all the difficulties which have hitherto been supposed to surround this subject are not, unfortunately, re- moved. The area of this peninsula — an area so immense as almost to preclude the possibility of people, accustomed to frame their ideas on the scale of an island comparatively so diminutive as Great Britain, forming any very accurate opinion on the subject — has hitherto placed it beyond the power of any of the Sovereign Rulers who have governed it, to bring it under the control of one system of laws. The variety of races, moreover, which inhabit India, differing many degrees in civilization, would render the adoption of any one system, in its integrity, at present inexpedient. Ruling Sovereigns, again, prior to the succession of Her Britannic Ma- jesty have never even fully established their authority within one half ot' the extent of territory over which they nominally have held sway, and though 253 British rule, has fof a considerable time- been tolera" bly firm over the greater portion of Hindoostan proper, it is only within the last few years i. e. since the year 1858, it can be said that the work of con- solidating the Empire has commenced. Up to this day then, no Government of India has been in a ■position to assert thos'e rights which legally belongeA 'to the Crown, and hence it has been, that in different forms, and under varying conditions, many have been appropriated by the subject. These rights have been allowed to exist, to use the expres- sion of Earl Canning, in a ' rude form,' because the Government itself has existed only in a rude form; and the real question is, how shall the 'Government, now that it finds itself in a position to assert its authority over the whole of its Empire, deal with rights, which, thdugh its undoubted property, it has, from its own weakness or inattention, silently permitted others to possess themselves of? The tights of property in the soil viewed from european and native points of view, are so different, and foreign conquerors, changes in dynasties and laws, local cir- icumstances, &c., have created so many and so great a confusion of tenant rights throughout the country,, that questions liable to arise out of such a situation involve some nicety. They ought not, therefore, to be left to be decided by young collectors, or indivi- ■duals, buyers or sellers, — native or european. My endeavour has been to disencumber the position of 254 some of tte difficulties with which it was stippoiseff tb be surrounded. But to frame a rule, or at least to lay down such broad principles as commist' sibners and collectors can apply to the circum- stances of the localities in which they may be placed,* tfithout risking a sacrifice of the interests of the State, the Coiintry, or the People, is clearly the business of the Crown, whose property these rights' ^re, and not the business of either occupiers or intending settlers, — and until the Crown has done so, it cannot be said tli'at it is in a position to sell. " Kings " says the Hindoo lawyer before quoted, " were created "by God to decide the various contests between subjects concerning occupancy Arid the like, and to maintain just proceedings : therefore the king, as lord of his subjects, is called lord of men {nerapati.} By his own power, the king prevents others from seizing "the land over which he has dominion ; by his own power, he legally seizes the land over which othfers reign : therefore he' is not subordinate to the subject." And this would seem to be the common sense 'View of the case." But the point, as regards disposing outright of waste lands, in India, requiring the gravest atten- tion, is th6 intrdduction into the Country, generally, of a novelpriaciple,— a principle altogether foreign ' to the fiscal laws 6f ' the land, and the traditions and ideas of the people; and it was partly for the better elilcidation of this portion of the subjeict 255 that. I have extracted so largely from Hipdoo La* books. la regard to the origin of property in the soil most Nations seem, as if instinctively, to staj5t flrora the same point — to recognize one gre^ principle viz., that the E^irth is God's.* In Hindoo Law, the King holds under a deed of gift, originally granted by the sixth incarnatioa of the Deityj, who wrested the Earth from the dominion of tyrant warriors ; and in selling land the King sells his sovereignty, fqr the obligation to protect, except in the case of Brahmanas i. e. the Church, implies the payment of revenue, and a promise of one King cannot biad his successor. In practice, moreover, the idea of a King disposing of his property or estate,, while able, to protect it, is unknown. Hindoa Sovereigns, if revenue is not paid, imprison and otherwise punish their subjects, — seize their lands, cultivate them themselves, give them away, or make such other arrangements as will insure their receiv- ing their just share of the Earth's , produce ; but I have not heard that Hindoo Rulers, have ever adopted the system of selling land. According to Mohammadan Law, in countries that have been settled, the proprietary right dofS not vest in the SoltS.n. Nor can he sell lands that escheat to the Crown, or remit the revenue * For in truth, there 18 no other Lord of the Earth but one, THE SUPRBME GOB— Jagannatha, on a text of Manu. The Earth is the Lord's. He gives it unto whom hf pleaseth- QOEAK. 256 justly due, unless he compensates the Bait oi-MfrI,i. e. the public treasury^ either from the amount received from the landj or from his privy purse, by a sura equal to the khiraj or revenue accruing thereon.* PriTate individuals cannot sell lands at all, otherwise thaa chargeable with the revenue due to the State. lu practice, it is true. Sovereigns have availed them- selves largely, and often wholly regardless of the Haws by which the Bait cUMat is governed; of their royal prerogatives, to bestow lands, free of revenue, as rewards to faithful servants. Much again of the land so bestowed on individuals has been bequeathed to the Church, and to be devoted to the ' service of God ;' and out of this illegal exercise of a despotic power, has arisen, — a beacon as it were to warn posterity off this fatal rock,^ — the gradual and increas- ing poverty and weakness of Mohommadun dynasties when not strengthened by fresh conquests. The comparatively small revenues of the Ottoman Empire, — indeed of most existing oriental States, is mainly due to this cause, and the Inaam Commis- sions in India, furnish convincing evidence of the •mischief and injustice that Governments may inflict ■ on posterity, by a thoughtless alienation of the revenues of the State. In the East generally, and in India particularly; it has been the rule that the crown has been fought for, • rf the proprietor is very poor, the Soltau may remit the revenue, in wbioh case It is written otf to Charity. 257 and usurpers, it is known, have but very small respect for the responsibilities of their predeces'- sors. When Kings wanted money, as in former times in Europe, they seized, imprisoned, and tortured rich subjects, until their wants were sup- plied; or later, if under the surveillance or pror tection of the British, they borrowed, on the security of their jewels or other valuable property, from some wealthy banker. The idea of a Stat$ loan, as understood in Europe, in India, is wholly unknown. Jageers and rent free grants, conferred by Sovereigns on their nobles and servants, as a rule, have been held on the condition of main-r taining troops &c., — or were the reward of personal services, and were conferred, and received, with a full understanding that the security for their permanence was the life of the donor, the pleasure of his successor, or the power of the possessor to hold them against all comers. Possession, it is true, is nine points of the law in most parts of the world. Here, to the stronff, it has always been something more. Such a title, therefore, might be good as regards possession ; but that it could create an absolute property in the soil-^— that it could confer immunity from revenue for all time to come, is an idea that could not, under such circumstances, enter into the day dreams of a single individual living under such a form of Government; aad;,^ conseijuently, it never did^ 258 Englshmen brought up — born, I mav say, witb -the idea that^ land, like all other things, ought to be private property, and blinded by that charac- teristic prejudice ■which ever prevents them from seeing good in the institutions of any country but their own, have endeavoured, by experimental measures, to introduce the practice here.* .But these measures have proved -wholly abortive ; and it is fortunate, for, the subject has never yet been con- sidered carefully, practically, and on its true merits, by persons thoroughly competent to deal well and ■wisely with it. It would certainly be a danger- ous, if not a rash policy, to introduce measures involving changes in principles that may affect vitally the stability of the state revenue, before those principles have been discussed and examined in rela- tion thereto, from every point of view. Nor do I allude, now, to the great measure proposed for adoption by Lord Canning; but rather to minor measures, involving similar principles, adopted, appa- rently, with little thought or consideration, on the suggestion of local authorities. The measure of that great and good Viceroy, whose name will never be mentioned by any who had the happiness to serve under his Government but with admiration • For some years the land revenue has been redeemable in the col- lectorate of Calcutta, Chittag^ong', and other places, at fifteen and ten years parehaee, and g'enerally estates oould be freed from risk <>f sale, by deposit of Government securities ; but of neither of these offers has any advantage been tajcea. 259 and respect; was one of a diflferent sorf. If tliere was a statesman in India, distinguished among those of his countrymen who have held the high office of Governor General, for the cautious, calm, and attentive deliberation with which he considered all questions affecting important interests of the people and the country over which he was set to rule, that statesman was Enrl Canning. There can be little be doubt, then, that had this lamented noblej- man been spared to India and his countr)', posteri- ty would not have wanted an explanation of liis policy, worthy of his contemplative mind. It was; however, not so ordered, and while his Lordship's policy in regard to the redemption of the laud revenue has been unsparingly commented on, we are left ill ignorance of the motives which actuated him in recommending a measure pregnmit with conse'- quences of such enormous import to the well-being of the country. For my own part, on many grounds, and especially looking to the present circumstances of India, I venture to lean to the opinion of the economists of Mr. Mill's school, and think it fortunate fof India that she is able to obtain so large a portiou of her permanent revenue from the land. , The more modern English idea on the subject, howevcE, would seem to be, that the natural tendency of societies is to reduce all things to a state of private property, and, that the, . measure of , the 260 social condition or state of civilization of peoples, is the mean between these two extremes — the commu- nity, and the individual state of property. This theory has not yet been put forth as a law. I am perhaps the first that has so stated it. But the arguments advanced by most writers of the day who advocate the redemption of land revenue, seem, for the most part, to be based on some such conclusion. I would not wish either to defend or to dispute the position. On the contrary, admitting it to be true, as it will not be denied that the advance of all societies in civilization is by steps, progressive and slow, it will follow that many yearSj-^many centuries I might say, must elapse, before a society in a primitive or archaic state, would reach that highest point in the scale, at which, for the perfection of the theory, all things should be the property of individuals. Now it is au indisputable fact, that throughout India, community iof property is not only the rule,- but it is that one institution so deeply rooted in the minds of the people, so ingrained in their nature it would almost seem, which neither force of laws, nor force of arms have been able to destroy. " Dynasty after dynasty" to use the words of Lord Metcalfe " tumbles down ; revolution succeeds to revolution ; Hindoo^ Pathan, Moghul, Mahratta, Sikh, English are all masters in turn ; but the village community remains the same ;" and though there are many Provinces 261 of Iiidi.i, in which individual property m the so3 is hfld uuder the Crown, the increase of fiimilied always tends to maintain the aneieut and normal state of societies, constituting communities within communities, as contemplated ia their aneient laws. It will be objected, I fear, that I lay much too great stress on ancient laws, many of which are contradictory, aud most of which are now obsolete. But, if many are contradictory it is because they were framed for societies in different stages of progress, for which we have not the key, and if most are obsolete it is for a similar reason. At the same time a careful study of the customs and habits of the people of those parts of India in which I have lived, has satisfied me that viewed by the light of more modern native writers, these ancient laws afford still a more accurate picture of the existing state of native society in the interior, than any yet sketched by European pen or pencil. And, if this be true, and I do not think it will be disputed by those who are competent to form any sound opinion on the subject, we could not have a stronger proof . of the very slow degrees by which the progressive development of societies, when left to themselves, is worked out. Even in Calcutta,- the metropolis of British India, where Newton and Bacon, Shakes- peare and Milton, have been familiar as ' household words,' for upwards of a qnarter of a century, whole families consisting of grand-fathers, grand- 362 mothers, fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, brothers? wives, daughters, uncles, auuts, &c., share the paternal estate, under one roof, living in the con- stant turmoil, toil and trouble, of female broils and disputes, and native gentlemen, brought up ia English schools and colleges, are unable to shake themselves free of this community of interests and property inherited with their birthright,— Secawfl it is the custom of their country. > If then, the theory that individuality of property Is the condition of society in its highest or mp.st artificial stgite, admitting progressive development^ it will be self-evident that to attempt tQ introduce o? to carry out the principle in India now, would -b^ absurd j and; if the; application of this idea, seem? absurd from jthis, the abstract principle or lowest point of view, hoW' much more so will it appear, whea viewed practically ? It is not my intention to go over here, all the.tirguments for and against the alienation of the revenue, of State derived from land,'by its commutation for an immediate payment. These tvill be found far more ably discussed in books on political' economy, and in the state papers, already before the : public, on this subject.* There are one or two. points, however, which as I have already travelled far beyond the limits proposed ia * Vide particularly the very able minute of Mr. Boss D. Mang'Ies, ' of the Indian Council, and the opinion of Sir John Lawrence.^Par- liamentary papery 2J.8t July 1862. 263 tMS'rfeview, 1 may as well notice ; for, as I confess. that I am unable to see any necessity for the. mieasiire, or that any advantage could be gained by its iritrodactioa into India, I am bound, in a measure, to show cause for entertaining this view. ' 'Now, much is daily written about the principles o¥ 'taxation. But, independent of that one grand fKfa'daraental principle, that all, in consideration of the protection they receive, should contribute to the necessities of the State in proportion to their means,— a principle, as based on common sense,, the soundness of which all people will be inclined to admit, — the rest is little else than application. And, as this, most especially in countries governed by alien dynasties, must be carried out in accordance with the wishes of the governed, rather than the governi ing body, what remains for the latter, is to exercise such wisdom, judgement, and ingenuity, as will direct them to collect the amount required, not in accordance with any ideal principles, but in such a manner aa being most acceptable to the latter, will cause the burthen to press least heavily on those who have to bear it. In England my Lord Lovelace and Mr. Tom Smith whitewash their servants? heads, and pay annually a certain sum of money to the State on this account. Both do this most, willingly,— the former because the custom has long been in use in .his order; and the latter because be wishes ta be thought a member of the fashiona- 2U fele world. All persons of respectable position put a. device on their silver spoons, — a cat, a bird, a dog, : a monkey &c., or on the panels of their carriages, if they can afford carriages, and readily pay for the privilege. Nay persons called Kings, are maintained by the Government expressly to invent these devices &c., for the gratification of their people. Viewed from a philosophical point, tiiese taxes, and all such as are directed against pride or vanity, and not against wealth or luxury, are supremely redicnlous; but as long as . the people are happy in bearing them, no harm is done. To apply similar taxes, however, to a people living in an entirely different state of society, with different ideas and diametrically opposite views on the subject of taxation — to a people, in short, who will not K/illingly bear them, would not only be unwise, but tyrannical. In ludia the land revenue is not a tax, and never has been a tax in the sense in which that term is understood in Europe. Nor yet is it rent. Fusing the elements of the different systems we have to deal with in India, without violating the fundamental principles of any, the question may be fairly thus simply resolved. " The earth, the source of all wealth, is the Lord's. It's produce is his creatures. Kings are God's Vice* gerents on earth. As such ,they have certain duties «ii)d responsibilities to perform towards the rest of creation. In consideration thereof, they are legally entitled to a portion of the produce of. the soil— a 265 tenth, a sixth, a fourth, as the laws of the land, or the necessities of cirGumstances, may determine."* Virtually then, whatever may be the law — what- ever the popular belief, there is no perfect property in the soil, either of the king, or of the cultiva- tor, the right of both to their fair and equitable share of the produce being equally strong, legal, and valid. Or if it be desired to define the position more clearly, it can only resolve itself into this,— thstb the property vests in the Community, the King is the agent, and the Cultivator, the tenant or laborer, as the case may be, which simply brings us back to the point from, which we started, —that community of property is the rule in societies living in a primitive state of civiliza- tion. To speak of heavy burthens ou the land in * Mand says :— " A Militart king', who takes even a foarth pfirt of the crops of his realm, s.t a time of urg'ent necessity, as of war or in»asion, and protects his people to the utmost of his power, oommits no sin." On which the Commentator observes : — " Fpom the circumstances of the times, if oonfidenoe cana ot be placed in the subject, the value of a sixth part, or other proparlion of the crop, any how ascertained, mny be taken, whether the actual produoe be more or less thai was estimated : this method is authorized by settled usag^e, and is indicated hy the text." On this law is based the revenue levied, in our own times, by the Maharattas so well known under the title of Chqut i. e. the fourth,^ thus establishing' satisfactorily, th-.it, up to the latest date, thepcm- c^Ze observed in India, has ' been diametrieaHy ' the opposite of that adopted in England, the shares in the produce of the ."ioil of the King and the Cultivator in the one case, fluctuating with the seasons Slid according to oircurastanees,— and in the other, being fixed and i'mmutable. ' ■ ■ . . ■ 266 -India is clearly an error. As long, therpfore, as present ideas on the subject remain undisturbed, tlie land, revenue in India, can never be considered a tax; and if retained at an equitable rate, being simply the rendering unto Csesar of the things that are Caesar's, will always be willingly paid. Dissatisfac- tion can only be the result of oppression — another term for bad government. Dissatisfaction, moreover, never has arisen on this score. Complaints, loud and bitter, may have been raised against many of the evils of the English system of Government, — the interference with religion, caste-prejudices, established rights, social customs, dress, food, — and above all against the evils of systems of police, civil and criminal courts of justice, and /Ae im/josi- tion of direct and novel taxes; but even in 1857, ■when the storm of rebellion was at its height, when the discontent, pent up for years, was set free to vent its force in one terrible outburst of rage, no murmur, no sign, indicated the slightest impatience on the part of the people on the score of the land revenue. Instead' then, of there being any necessity for drying up, for ever, this fertile, simple, and ever increasing source of revenue, by exhausting its waters at a drain, I cannot but think, that any action likely to disturb existing ideas on the subject, or tending to the substitution of a tavation peculiarly abhorrent to the people of India, for payments most willingly made, would not ouly be erroneous in 267 principle, but fi-cally miscliievous, if not politically (iHiigerous in its results. As to the advantages which it is said would be giiined by the redemptinu of the land reveaue, they are I believe of a two-fold nature — political and material. In regard to the first it is believed that iu selling the land, the British Government would purchase the loyalty of its subjects, and consequent immunity from sedition, rebellion, and disaffection. But the loyalty of a whole people cannot be pur- chased with gold, nor yet I fear with land, — its price. The experience of history from the earliest ages down to our own times teaches us this. The holders of maafee, or rent-free tenures, are in the position of persons who have redeemed the land revenue. They were not one whit more loyal than others in 1857. The people of Bengal now, are not more loyal thaa the people of the North West, but on the contrary, if they had the power, would certainly be the very first to drive us out of the country. It has been the invariable custom moreover, in the many struggles for dominion which have deluged India with blood," for the various Rajas and great Jageer- dnrs or land-holders, to make terms with that one of the contending parties which appeared to be the strongest; and it would be unreasonable to suppose that any intelligenc foreign power who might dis- pute the sovereignty of tins realm with us, instead- of endeavouring to s>trengtheu its arms, by holding 268 out proinises of still greater advantages than those which the people enjoy under British rale, if so unjust, would be so intensely stupid as to inaugurate its advance, by confiscating the the people's rights in the soil. On the other hand, it must be remem- bered, that, though all Englishmen may be fully ^ satisfied, that if the British Government in India . is to be overturned, it must he overturned by a European, and not by a Native power, a generation, at least, must pass away, before anj/ confidence in the stability of our rule will be established in the minds of the natives. This fact, of itself, is quite sufficient to indicate the measure of the success likely to attend any, present attempt at a redemption of the land revenue, and, at the same time to show, — what it appears strange it should be necessary to reitirate so soon after 1857 — that though our Government must, of necessity, be sustained in peace and order by the good will of the people, it is maintained only, as all Governments similarly circumstanced can be maintained — by the strong arm of power. Looking to the character of the people, and estimating the future by our knowledge of the past, I am of opinion that things will go hard indeed with the English in India, when the land revenue, if equitable, be it free, perpetually, decennially, or annually fixed, will have the weight of a grain of sand, in turning the scale of their fortunes. Indeed there is little need to 269 argue this point. It is fully established. The natives of ladia will not speculate on the security of British rule iu India, on any terms that are likely to be offered by Her Majesty's or any other English Government, and this sets the question, ia its political bearing, at rest. With regard to the advantages in material pro- gress likely to result from the redemption of the land revenue, their value to the State in a financial point of view, is real, only, in so far as they represent abilitv to bear increased taxation. For instance, if a Government owed £ 100,000, and were to sell land producing a revenue equal to the interest it had annually to pay, for that sum, with a promise that no tax should be substituted for this revenue, it would be simply the extinction of an annuity by the pay- ment of its value, the gain to either party being nil. Now taxation in any shape, it will be admitted, is, or is considered to be, a burthen ; but, if taxation be equal, or equitable in its incidence, and if the transaction be a bargain, in which both, or all parties, understanding clearly the advantages and respon- sibilities likely to accrue to them therefrom, will- ingly acquiesce, many of the objections often raised thereto are avoided. In England these matters are settled by the people themselves through their deputies in parliament assembled, and as these deputies represent all classes and all interests, the deci- sion is usually both just and equitable, and agreeable 270 to the people. Iil a country circamstanced lifee India, ; however^ there are two parties to a transaction of this kind— -the Community and the Landholders ; and ■ the part the King i. e. the State, has to perform, is clearly to rnediate between these two interests. Now it has been before shown that the land rerenue in India, is simply the return of that' portion of. the produce of the soil to the King, as the trustee for the Community, whioh is his rightful property, and not atax ; and' iti is essential to the i right understand-: ing of this question that this point he kept pro- minently; ia view. For, if it be set aside, and the question i>e argued as if the land was the property of individuals^ or iu other words, from an English point of viewj the error pf the (premises will inevi- tably apipear in the conclusion, and vitiate the result. To make any such attempt, moreover, would be at' once to overturn the main principle on which, the fiscal, systeta pf India has from time immemorial been based^— and to cut from tinder the Govern- ment of India, as it were, the solid ground oa vhich it has always justified its right to derive so large a portion of its revenue from the land.- Strong in the sense that it was dealing with the property of the State, and not taxing the property of individuals — the Government of India, as the necessities of the Community in regard to protection find good Government increased, has always had the power, withia fait limits, to increase, concyrrently* 271: its demand on the produce of the soil'; and if, in a country -where it is of paramount importance that the Government should be based on the support of a contented people, the destruction of this ancient principle, and the substitution for it of a grinding system of taxation, can be considered an advantage, it, is certainly an advantage, the results of which will not be unaccompanied with some evil. It is in reality then rights in property with which we have to deal, and not the distribution of taxar tion, which has not, or, from an equity point of view, ought not to have, any thing whatever to dq ■with the question. Now, admitting the King's power to dispose of the rights of the Community in the soil, it is evident that before they are sold, some means must be ascer- tained for properly estimating their value. But, as these rights are in the produce, and the produce^ especially in India, is not a fixed quantity, but very fluctuating, and as its money value varies considerar bly, and as population increases and the means of intercommunication improve, will vary very much, more,* — this cannot now be done with any thing approaching that accuracy which it is absolutely necessary for an administrator or trustee to observe, when dealing with the property of others. It is * In parts of Assam the money value of rice within the last ■four years has Increased three hundred per. cent! Seep.p,' 17fi.6-7, 272 ionly then wlien the resources of a country have been developed to the fullest, and when population has reached that point where emigration should step in to relieve the strain, that such a balance can be struck as will enable the King to ascertain, with certainty, the true value of the property he would dispose of. But, the advantages to be derived from the sale of the laud are this very development of the resources of the country — that increase of population which invariably follows an increase of wealth — in short the material progress of the country — and it is to ensure the speedy accomplishment of this end, that it is proposed, not to compound for the estimated increase in the value of the property to be disposed of, but to sell it at present rates, bestowing the future surplus on the purchasers, in consideration of the improvements it is assumed they will make on their own estates. It is conceded that great prospective gain must accrue to one of the parties concerned — the Land-holders. It is conceded, also, that equal prospective loss must result to the other — the remaining, or the poorer por- tion, of the Community. And it might be enquired, by what principle of constitutional Government, the King could justify or sanction an arrangement which involved a sacrifice of the property of one class of the subjects of the State— that class the interest of which in this instance it should be his special province to guard — in favor of another ? But 273 there is little need to pursue the enquiry in this direction. If the loss to the Community, of a considerable portion of their legal share of the produce of the soil, were all they had to com- plain of in such an arrangement, the case of the advocates for the present redemption of the land revenue of India would not be irretrievable. Com- pensation, in other WRys, might be made. When, however, it appears that instead of the poorer portion of the Community-being compensated for the loss resulting from the bestowal of their property, by their own Guardian, on their more wealthy and powerful fellow subjects, that Guardian makes a free gift of it, with the avowed intention of compelling these unfortunate people to make good the deficiency of their own estate, the case assumes a very different aspect. It is no longer a question of policy. It is one rather for the opinion of the Grown Lawyers. Scrupulous respect for rights of the people in the soil, it has been said, and, most firmly do I believe, most conscientiously said, is one of the most solemn duties of ii Government, and the sentiment has beeri cordially concurred in by Her Mnjesty's Govern- ment, and as heartily echoed, I am certain, by every lioiiorable man. Indeed there can be no doubt whatever, that however opinions may differ, all' persons ofiScially concerned in this measure could have been actuated by but one sentiment in their 2r4 treatment of this momentous question,— an anxious desire to benefit tlje country and the people God's providence has entrusted to our care. I doubt, therefore, if many, and especially those brought up in a country where the land has long been the property of individuals, have fully apprehended this, T^ew of the question: — a view, which in my humble opinion, is not only fully applicable to the circumstances of India, but in strict accord withi the ideas of the people. The people of India,, from times. anterior to History, have been led ta consider the Earth the source of all wealth, and the main and legitimate source also front which the revenues of the State should be derived ;* their Sovereigns, whether Hindoo, Mosalman, Mahratta, or English, have ever recognized the correctness of this principle; and whether it be wise or unwise, sound in principle or the reverse, that the land of a country should be the property of individuals, surely it is too much to expect thnt in the short space of a decade — for it is liardly more since the Indian Government has attempted the introduction of European principles of Government, and consider- ably less since any effort at the spread of education has been made — an ancient people forgettinii those ideas which governed the actions of their rulers for. centuries — perhaps for thousands of years, should * The Earth in Hindoo Shatter is called Kamdenu — the Cow that g;rants every wish. 275 patiently submit the neck to a j'oke, necessitated by the deliberate alienation of their own properly, by their Sovereign Tphose special province it was to protect it. India is undoubtedly a rich country ; her resour- ces indeed seem almost inexhaustible; and, assum* ing peace and good Government, that she will be yet both wealthy and prosperous, there is little room to doubt. But, if there is little room to doubt this, there is still less room to doubt that she will not assume that position among the nations of the world to which her uaiional capabilities give her every right to aspire, one hour before those conditions uuder fl hich other nations have emerged from darkness are found : or in other words, before her people are EDUCATKD, ENLIGHTENED aud FiiEE. Any uumber of novel experiments, will certainly not has-ten by one moment the approach of the wished for time; but, on the contrary, if calculated to irritate the people, will be far more likely to postpone it, and possibly to create such a feeling of suspicion, distrust, and hostility to the ruling power, as to render it a matter of extreme difdculty to initiate any reforms at all. But were it otherwise — were it as probable that the anticipated advantages would follow the redemption of the land revenue, as it is certain that they would not, there is one insuperable obstacle to the measure at present, which cannot be got over. Had this been foreseen, it would have prevented this extremely 276 awkward question from ever having been raised, and Her Majesty's Government would thus have been saved the embarrassment they must have felt, when committed to a line of policy official documents on the subject would seem to indicate ^hey partially adopted with the utmost reluctance. To this obstacle 1 have before alluded.* It is simply this. The Government can only sell the land at a certain price, — and that price the land- holders will not pay. Many, arguing on the attachment of the natives to ancestral rights in the soil, their desire to fiee it from all risk of sale, and the facilities a fee-simple tenure affords for raising money, have expressed the opinion that the natives would largely avail them- selves of the privilege of redeeming the land revenue on their estates, at twenty or twenty-five years,' purchase. A few, more cautious again, have expressed doubts as to whether much success would attend the measure while the rate of interest for money in India remains as high as it is at present ; and this is correct. Yet the exact position does not appear to have been clearly apprehended by anv. Some say 'we will calculate the rate of interest at 5 per cent., and sell at twenty years' purchase.' Others say 'no! rates will fall. Yoii must, therefore, calculate the rate of interest at 4 p. cent. We cannot then afi^ord to sell under * See pag;e 326 sup'a. 2?? twenty-five years' purchiase.' Now it is quite trud that, when land is in the hands of a Government aind poptilation excessive, that Government may demand for it any rent or price it thinks fit; and the utmost discrimination and judgement are necessary in such cases, lest, by the imposition of a rack-rent, tenants be prevented from improving their holdings, and, aSi often occurs, the land of the whole country be wora out and ruined, — or, by renting it on too easy terms^ the interests of the Community be sacrificed tothos6 of a particular class. In Ireland it was, perhaps I may say is not uncommon for tenants to bid up rents to any height, in the firm intention of paying only so much a s they are able, and no more. In short, a monopoly of land is the most absolute of all monopolies, for, the desire to possess being acted on by the necessity of procuring the necessaries of life, the price is forced up to the very highest possible point, and people are left no alternative^- but to pay it — or starve. In such cases, the seller certainly fixes the price ; and to this state of things only, is the reasoning above given applicable^ The question then is, is th*" present one of these cases— are these conditions now found in India? Certainly not. Land, not population, here is in excess. The revenue moreover is fixed in- perpetuity, and, as a matter of course, its value is simply a question of calculation ; or it is settled periodically,— usually on the metayer principle of 278 leaving half the surplus profits in the hands of the landholder. In all cases the people are left in possession, and latterly, where the lands of provinces have been re-settled, rates have been re- duced. Admitting constitutional Government then, Tvhat the Government can afford to take for the land, is altogether beside the question. Its demand, except under a threat of enhancing present rates, could not influence prices one iota. What is required to be known, is simply, what the land, or rather the Community's share of its produce, is worth — what it will fetch in the market. That is its price — and the Government, if it desires to sell, must take that, or nothing at all. Such being the condition of things, it may not he uninstructive to enquire what is the market value of land in India generally. I say generally, be- cause it is obvious, that all conclusions regarding a country of such immense extent of area, must be accepted with considerable margin. It has been already shown that in India, the conditions of a strict monopoly are not found. Its exchange value, therefore, will be regulated similarly with that of other things, i. e. land will be cheap if it is plentiful and money is scarce, and dear if it is scarce and money is plentiful. Now it is a fact, that in India there are many thousand square miles of rich and highly productive land lying waste and uncultivated. Land then is plentiful. Again, 279 a principal reason why so mucli land is waste, is, that there is not Capital in the country to bring it under cultivation. Money, then is scarce, la India, therefore, land ought to be cheap, and money dear. And so it is. But how cheap? How dear? This I shall endeavour to show. " A lender of money" says Manu " may take in addition to his Capital the interest allowed by Vasistha, an eightieth part of a hundred by the month," — that is to say, one and a quarter per cent^ per mensem, or fifteen per cent, per annum. , Vyasa, again is more explicit. He says " monthly interest is declared to be an eightieth part of the principle, if a pledge be given ; an eighth part, is added, if there be only a surety ;* and if there be neither pledge nor surety, two in the hundred may be taken" — that is to say, one and three fifths per cent, per mensem, or nineteen and one fifth per cent; per annum with a surety j and twenty four per cent, per annum without one. It will naturally be objected that the ancient laws of ancient lawgivers have little to do with a practical question in the middle of the nineteenth century. True. I refer to ancient law, however, to show what little progress India has made since the # Commentators are not happy in their explanation of this passage. They make 'the eighth part added' to be a sixteenth ; bat are only able to do so, by assuming' a clerical error, which as it occurs in many MSS. seems hardly admissable. 280 days of Manu-^wjiat little change the revolution of so many centuries has made in the value of money in this country. The rates of interest for money in India, it must be admitted, are extremely arbitrary, Taryipg from 6 to 75 per cent. ; but the following will, I think, give as nearly as is necessary, the prevailing rates all over the country. , Bankers lend money to bankers, at 6 per cent, per annum. Bankers lend money, in large sums, to other approved parties, or on good security, mart* gage of landed property &c., at 12 per cent. The normal rate of Bankers interest of the country, for small sums, is 24 per cent. An enormous business, however, in very small sums, is done by Buneeas, small Traders, Headmen &c., z.% \ an ana with a surety or pledge, or at one ana or one sixteenth in the rupee, per mensem, without either, or at the rates of 37^ and 75 per cent, per annum. Accounts, by European Bankers, are invariably made up half yearly, and by natives, generally, yearly. Money transactions between Bankers are carried on at the comparatively low rate of 6 per cent. in consequence of the unexceptionable nature of the security^ The Banking system of India is peculiar, and, looking to the present state of society, perhaps the most peculiar feature in it, is the integrity with whiph it is conducted. The credit of the Bar- ings and Rothschilds in the Western world, is 281 not better than that of some of our Indian Bankers over the whole extent of a peninsula as large as half Europe. Their Bills are as good in the native markets as the notes of the Bank of England are in Great Britain, and for a long time to come, I am afraid, will be preferred, among a very large class of the mercantile cummunity, to the Govern- ment notes. When, however, we come to pass beyond the limits of the Bankers guild, the. com- plexion of circumstances is altered. Money is scarce, the prevailing order of things in India ug^ to the most recent date, has been uncertainty, the great body of the aristocracy, large landed proprie- tors &c., &c., fond of pomp and show, are extrava- gant ; and these circumstances combined has had. the effect of keeping the rates of interest for money very high, — so high, that as above mentioned, 1? per cent, on the security of good landed property, is a fair and moderate rate of interest, in the territories under British ruJe. In native States indeed the difficulty of obtaining money is so great, that landed proprietors, sometimes, make over their estates with their rents, as security, to money-lenders, until the debt with interest is paid in full, the money-lender receiving the full return of the estate in addition, for the time he may hold it.* We cannot then fix, very accurately, the rates of • This practice would seem to be contiary to Hiodu Law. MANn says. ' If he take a pledge to be used foi his profit, he must hare 282 interest for money prevailing in native society. Yet we must clearly understand, that this is the proper test, and not be led into the error committed by Eng- lish politicians, in making the Government securities, the standard of value ; for, though they may affect the question from the sellers', stand-point, they have really nothing to do with it from the buyers' point of view. If, however, we are satisfied that money cannot* be obtained on the security of good landed property under 12 percent.; or the converse, if capitalists can obtain 12 per cent, with the security of good landed property — and it will be admitted, I am sure, that this does not overstate the case, — we have a sufficiently accurate and true standard by which to find the present value of land in India in relation to money. Land in India is worth, in these circumstances, just eight years and four months' purchase ; and if we allow an increase of about two years, in Consideration of the greater security of property, attachment to ancient rights in the soil, &c., — and looking at the question as one concerning so vast an area, we cannot do more, — it will give ten years purchase, as the exact viilue of landed property in no other interest on the loan.' But there are 80 many and apparently conflicting' opinions regarding pledges "to be used," and pledges " to be held in custody," that it is not easy to determine the Law. In Lukhuow, and other Mahommadan States to evade the law against receiving interest for money, to make over estates, with usufruct j was common. 283 India. And that this is correct, moreover, there can be no doubt. The share of the State has been offered for sale by Government, at fifteen years' pur- chase in the Collectorate of Calcutta, the place of all others where land might be supposed to be highest in value, and at ten years' purchase in Chitta- gong, — and in both cases declined. Now, the British Government can borrow money in India at 5 per cent, per annum, and in Eng- land, on the security of the Crown, at 4 or even 3^ per cent, per annum. With reason, then, Her Majesty's Government say, ' we cannot afford to sell the share of the Community under, at least, twenty-five years' purchase.' But, with equal reason, the people of India say ' we cannot afford to buy, above, at most, ten years purchase.' And the most embarrassing feature in the case is that both are right. How, then can an agreement be come to — how are the terms of a bargain, in which the standard of exchange has a seperate value on either side, to be equalized ? It cannot be done ; and thus ends the great question of the redemption of the land revenue of India, for the year 1861. It is quite excusable, I admit, English politicans -having taken, as in England, the Government securi- ties as an index of the value of money. , I have been myself eighteen years in India, and my avocations and predilections have kept me in constant inter- course with the natives of the country : yet, I am 284 daily learning some new phase of native character, some, to me, novel features in their various systems of Economy, social, religious, and political. There is unfortunately a wide gulf between tlie Hindoo and the Englishman, which nothing but time and education will suffice to bridg<^ It is perfectly intelligible, then, that Europeans in India should not have minute and accurate information on all points relating to the social philosophy of the people, and bat an imperfect acquaintance with the prin- ciples on which they transact their business ; but it is inconceivable to me how any one who has resided in the interior of the country, even for a short time, and who has had opportunities of obtain- ing the smallest insight into the existing state of the country, could have supposed, for an instant, that a people so proverbially alive to their own interests — so quick, in general, at making a bargain, should all at once become so intensely stupid, as to be willing to pay nearly three times its actual value for anything, mncii less for a thing of which they are in actual possession, and already enjoying the fruits. Since the accession of our beloved Queen to the Sovereignty of this great Empire, a great change has taken place in the future prospects of India. Thousands of miles of electric wires now traverse the length and breadth of the country, bringing the most distant points of this vast peninsula, — points which but a few short years back were a three 885 weeks' interval apart, into inomentary cnmmuuica- tion. Already lines of rails are in progress, that will soon connect all the great centres of political and mercantile importance, A firman has gone forth, authorizing the holding of landed property by Europeans in India. They are thronging into the country. Banking establishments, joint stock Com- panies for the manufacture of Indigo, Cotton, Tea, Coffee, Beer, Salt, &c. — for the mining of Coals and Iron, — Companies for sea and river steam communi- cation — Tramway and other Companies are springing up in all directions. A tide of the precious metals, undoubtedly, is setting in with auch a full flood, that people may well wonder whether India can, at once, absorb the silver stream that is rolling in ; land is being reclaimed ; trade is being extended ; wages are rising ; India, in short, imbued with fresh life and vigor, is rapidly growing. And will the develop- ment of these beginnings not effect a change in the relative values of land and capital? Will it not enhance the money value of the community's share of the produce of the soil ? Most certainly it will ? Under the circumstances then, if far distant, it cannot be said that the time will not come when the land of India may be worth, not twenty-five years' purchase at present rates; but twenty-five years' purchase at infinitely higher rates than any that have ever yet prevailed in India. And setting aside legal considerations regarding the right of a 286 non-representative Government to dispose of the property of the Community in the Soil, and viewing the question as one simply of policy, nothing more should be wanting to prove, that the present is the least opportune time that could possibly have been chosen, for attempting the introduction of a measure of such fundamental importance in the philosophy of government, as the transfer of the property of the Community, or the Crown, in the soil, to individuals. The outline of things above sketched certainly indicates that there is great room for profitable speculation in land . hut for such, capital is required, and notwithstanding Middlemen, which a few short years ago were considered the curse of Ireland, are thought by some to be required in India, I doubt very much whether the transfer of estates from ancient and noble families to native money-lenders and English Capitalists, is a policy that would tend to ensure those political advantages considered of so much importance. The present sale laws for arrears of revenue, though possibly not more stringent than is necessary, have undoubtedly not made the people more attached to the Government of their Rulers. Indeed it is an admitted fact, that if the arm of the law were restrained to-morrow, every such new proprietor would be ousted by the people, and the property restored to its hereditary possessor. That the immense wastes of India should be brought under cultivation is, certainly, most desira- 287 ble, and the advantages to the country resulting from such a measure, all will fully admit. But I have fairly demonstrated that to efifect this object, the «a?e, of the land is not necessary, and that a question involving such great interests to the millions of Her Majesty's Indian subjects, as the redemption of the land revenue, should have grown out of it, and should have come up for consideration and decision on the application of a few tea planters, I look on as a serious misfortune. From the sale of wastes much good, and no present harm cau possibly result. There is reason to believe, however, that provinces like Assam and Cachar, the soil of which is not exceeded in fertility by that of any soil in the world, will ere long, be quite as populous, and far more prosperous than any part of India. It will naturally be argued by native Zemindars then, that if the sale of the lands on very easy terms is thought good for Europeans, it must be thought equally good for us, and Government could hardly refuse to grant it, if dematided. Had the question regarding the redemption of the land revenue or the sale of the rights of the Community generally, after full and fair discussion, been decided in the aflarmative, there could be no objection to the sale of wastes; but until such has been done, it is not expedient to introduce an idea into India which possibly may cause dissatisfaction with fisc al arrangements that till now have been considered correct in principle, and have been for 288 centuries approve(f and acquiesced in, not only by f he people of India, but by the people of _all Asiatic countries. A Governor General of India brought up in an English school of politics, can have no knowledge wbaterer, from personal intercourse with the na- tives and practical experience of the country, of many circumstances necessary to the complete Understanding of an Indian question. Of necessity, therefore, on those points requiring this special knovrledge he must be guided by the opinions of his advisers. The late EmfI Canning in sanctioning the redemption of the land revenue of India was apparently fully sensible of the momentous nature of the question with which he was dealing. He foresaw the important bearing such a measure, if carried into effect, must have on the finances of the State, on the prosperity of the country, and the welfare and happiness of the people. Above all he foresaw that such a measure, if once passed, was irrevocable. His information was defective ; he knew it, and his cautious wisdom • suggested that iu legislating on so important a point — a point on which opinions so widely diflfered, — ^experience, tlie truest of all tests in matters involving doubts and difS- culties, would be his best and safest guide, Hq determined, therefore, before committing the Govern- ment to a measure involving such serious conser quencesj to fortify his judgement by experiment. S89 "Aito the redemptioa of the Laud Revenue" said his Lordship, "great caution is necessary iu dealing with what has always formed so large a part of the revenues of, the Government of India. The Governor General in Council proposes, there- fore, in the first instance, to limit the permission of redemption in any one district to such a number of estates as shall, in their aggregate assessment, not exceed 10 per cent, of the total land tax of the collectorate, or corresponding fiscal divisiou of the country." This restriction will enable Government to ascer- tain in eacti province, without undue risk to its permanent fiscal resources, the practical effect of permitting the redemption, both in completely populated and well cultivated districts, and in those whera there is much uncultivated land and a thia population. It will aflford an opportunity of here- after reconsidering the effects of the measure with the light of ample experience, while the limit which it prescribes is large enough to allow of a consider- able number of those who may be able and desirous of redeeming the Land Revenue of their estates, to do so partially or wholly." But Her Majesty's Ministers again over-ruled the Viceroy's orders, limiting the power to redeem the land revenue to lands required for dwelling houses, factories, gardens, plantations, ■Sea., and subw stituting for the tentative and experimental mea- z 1 290 sure of Earl Canning, the larger and more extended measure of a perm anent settlement throughout ladia, in all districts and parts of districts where the assessment was ascertained to be equitable and no considerable increase could be expected. To renew the discussion of questions which have been already considered and decided by the advisers of the Crown, is in India open to objection. I find some little difficulty, therefore, in treating thia portion of the subject, especially as great differences of opinion have arisen between the highest authori- ties in arriving at present conclusions, and, if the question be narrowed to an election between redemp- tion as an experiment, and permanency of settle- ment as a rule, I am decidedly of opinion, that of two evils, our late deeply lamented and respected Viceroy chose the least. Great questions, however, of this nature are of no mere local interest. They involve principles which are of universal application, — prin- ciples which have been discussed by economists in all ages, which will be so discussed probably to the end of time , and which concern not Her Majesty's Ministers nor the Indian Government alone, but the Governments of all existing Empires, and the thinking portion of the whole civilized "World. The land tenure is perhaps of all questions concerning a country, that which is most intimately bound up with its material progress, and the welfare, prosperity, and happiness of its people ; and every 291 change in connection with it. oughtj therefore, to be introduced with the utmost caution, and only after the fullest and most careful consideration. It is not ray business, as I before said, to review the proceedings of either Her Majesty's or the Indian Government. At the same time, it would answer no useful purpose to ignore opinions that have been commented on by every public Newspaper in England and India. Her Majesty's Government have been freely accused of not only destroying the prestige of the Government of India, but of attempting by the illegitimate exercise of an auto- cratic or despotic power, to bring it into contempt with our Indian subjects. Now I venture to differ from the conclusions arrived at by both those high governing authorities, and can consequently be accused of no partizanship, yet I have no hesita^ tion in saying that a perusal of such correspon- dence as has been made public ou the subject, leads me to a conclusion the very opposite of this. No Government could possibly have been placed in a position of greater difficulty than was the Government of Her Britannic Majesty in dealing with this very important question. Their greatest difficulty, moreover, lay in reconciling their honest convictions of what was best for the welfare of our Indian subjects and the Country, and their auxions desire to maintain supreme the authority of Her Majesty's Representative in India; and 292 that their embarassment on this point was extreme, every line of the public despatch on the subject bears conclusive evidence. So apparent is this, that, as it is perused, the impression becomes almost irresistable, that solely out of deference to the prin- ciple which Her Majesty's Ministers are accused of violating, a decision has been come to at varience with their better convictions. Indeed on no other supposition is it easy to reconcile some of the con- clusions arrived at with the arguments on which they are based. In such circumstances, where the object of all is the same — the welfare of India — the better plan, is to direct our attention to principles,' in which all have a common interest, leaving differ- ences regarding procedure to be settled by thosfr whom they alone concern. I shall step aside for One mometit, however, to notice an idea which seems to have been adopted as the watchword of a party viz., that ' India should be governed in India.' India, undoubtedly, should be governed in India, because from the moment a contrary principle is recognized, there is danger of the fulfilment of a prediction once uttered by a very wise head, that 'India will be lost in the House of Commons. But, if there are sound reasons why India should be governed in India, there are quite as sound reasons, both political and constitutional, why the proceedings of the Indian Governnient should be subject to the watchful control of" the Sovereign. The intricate foreign 298 relations of the Indian Government, and the proud character of the races with which it has to deal, are sufficient to indicate the necessity, from a political point of view, of not sinking the identity of the Sovereign in that of her Viceroy ; while the con- stitution of the Indian Government, and the very great difficulty of some of the great questions of internal policy liable to arise, is an equally strong argument against permitting them to be decided, unless first carefully examined and considered by some of the wisests heads in England, as well as India. Without any disparagement of the Indian services, which have contained among their ranks some of the most able statesman of modern times, it must be obvious that the training they receive, is not calculated to fit them for dealing, finally, with questions of imperial policy, requiring special know- ledge. Able politicians and administrators, both Military and Civil, may be as plentiful in India as blackberries are in England ; but if we look amongst the ranks of Her Majesty's Indian services for an Economist, a Financier, a Jurist, an Educationist, we look in vain. Much may be done to repair this deficiency, as has been satisfactorily demons- trated in Finance, by importations from England ; and as the Government of India gains fresh strength, the reins of control may be gradually relaxed, possibly with much benefit to the country ; 294 but that they should ever be permitted to slip altogether from the hands of the Sovereign, is an idea that could not, with safety to the best interest of the Country, be entertained. The real remedy foj" this difficulty, however, is not the leavening of the Indian services from England ; but the con- terse — the employment or apprenticeship of some members of the Indian services in England. But, strange to say, against this plan, simple and inexpen- sive as it would be, theHome authorities have ever set their faces. Yet we have living instances of the success of the plan. Sir Charles Trevelyan served a twelve years' apprenticeship in India. Why we should not have many such very able and useful public servants, I cannot see. But to return to my subject. In regard to a permanent settlement of the land revenue of India, it is obvious that, in principle, it is precisely the same as redemption, the only diflference being, that in the One case the income is distributed over an indefinite term of years, and in the other it is capitalized. In both cases the income is fixed for ever. For in- stance, if A buys a house worth £1,000, and B buys a house of the same value ; but the house that A buys, bears a grbund rent of £5 a year, and the land on which the house that B buys is held in fee simple, A will only pay for his house £1,000, while B will have to pay £1,100; or £100, more than A, supposing the normal rate of interest for 295 money in the country in which the house may be sjcuateel to be 5 per cent.,— or £125 if it be 4 per cent., £167 if it be 3 per cent., and so on. This is clear and simple, and it will follow, that, from this point of view, the only poiot to be considered is the alteration in the value of money in the country concerned, which, as I have already shown, in regard to India, is a question of much import- ance. Some people talk much of the depreciation in the value of the precious metals, but this is a very loug process, aud seems to have been intro- duced in^o the argument, rather as a remnant of the old confusion of ideas regarding prices and values, than from any practical hearing it has on the ques- tion under discussion. Long before the quantity of the precious metals in circulation in the world, could influence the result of this measure, if it ever could influence it at all, the gain or loss to the State, would have been absorbed in its powerful affects for good or evil on the Country. Now I have before stated my objections to the principle of redemption, as applied to India in its present circumstances, and as the principle, or at least, the effect of a permanent settlement of the land revenue from a financial point of view, is pre- cisely the same, it is superfluous to say that the same objections which apply to the one, apply to the other, though possibly with greater force ; and this 296 would seem to be admitted* The measure of Lord Canning was preferable, I think, to a permanent settlement throughout India, because it was designed to be partial, tentative, and purely experi- mental. At present it would certainly have been wholly nugatory, and ere mischief was done, experi- ence and the expression of public opinion, would have placed the Indian Government in a position to come to a satisfactory conclusion on all points of dispute and doubt. As matters now stand. Her Majesty's Government are prepared to sanction the settlement in perpe- tuity of revised assessments throughout India ; but it is provided that each case should be recom mended by the Viceroy, or that the recommenda- tion of the local Government should have his support. The Government of India have still the power, of staying proceedings, and it is therefore not too late to express a hope that time may be given for the measures of good Government and the development of the resources of the country in pro- gress, to work themselves out, before any action whatever be taken in the matter. Without entering on the consideration, in detail, of the advantages expected to result from a per- • Whatever advantajfes or disadvantag'es are anticipated from a direct permanent settlement will be equally caused by the indirect mode of attaining the same object by the redemption of the land aiaessment.— Despatch Secy, qf State 1862. 297 manent settlement of the land revenue, it is suffi-> cient to say that they embrace mainly what is called advancement in material progress, — the creation of wealth ; or, viewed financially, ability on the part of the people to bear increased taxation. Now if the advantages anticipated would neces- sarily follow this measure, there would clearly be ground for the sacrifice that, from one point of view, it must inevitably entail. The advocates of the measure entertain no doubt whatever, that theyi would follow, and not only follow, but follow very much on the principle that an effeqt does a cause.; On the country, without in any way disputing that the relation of the two may be precisely as stated,; I am. of opinion that there is a certain condition of circumstances which, is indispensible to the truth of the proposition, — that unless that condition is found, results will not equal expectations, — that that con- dition is not now found in India, or in any part of it, — and that it will not be found for many years to come — if ever. I venture to think, therefore, that while the sacrifice would be certain, the renlizatioa of the compensating advantages is, if not chimerical, extremely doubtful ; or, at all hazards, far too remote to warrant any action involving much future risk. Seventy years ago Lord Cornwallis proposed, by the introduction of a permanent settlement into one Province, to accomplish precisely the same ends as are now de&ired to be brought about over the whole 298 Country. la ratifying this measure, the Governor General declared himself to be fully confident " that the proprietors of land, sensible of the benefits con- ferred upon them by the public assessment being fixed for ever, would exert themselves in the cultivation of their land, under the certainty that t ey would enjoy exclusively the fruits of their own good management and industry, and that no demand would ever be made upon them for an augmentation of the assessment in consequence of the improvement of their estates,"* words which, without book, might easily be quoted as an extract from a despatch of 1862. " To conduct themselves" the Ordinance continues "with good faith {tad .moderation towards their dependent talookdars and ryots,are duties at all times indispensably requir- ed from the proprietors of land, and a strict observ- ance of these duties is now more thaa ever incumbent upon them, in return for the benefits which they will themselves derive from the orders now issued. The 'Governor General in Council therefore expects, that the proprietors of land will not only act in this manner themselves towards their dependent talookdars and ryots, but also enjoin the strictest ■adherence to the same principles, in the persons whom they may appoint to collect the rents from them." His Excellency, no doubt, thought to make English landlords of the Zemindars of Bengal ; but it is patent * Vide Bei^ulatiou I. 1793, Section Til. 299 to the World, that he succeeded only in making Irish ones. It is asserted, however, that the in- terests of the cultivators were sacrified to those of the landlords &c., and that other errors were com- mitted in the manner of carrying out this measure that fully accouut for its failure. With the light of present experience such , errors, it is stated, would not be permitted to take place, and it is confidently believed that by their avoidance in future all objections to a similar attempt being now made would be remov- ed. It is further advanced, that notwithstanding the notoriously depressed condition of the cultivators, a creation of wealth has taken place ip' Bengal, that, contrasting it with other parts of India, is truly remarkable. I fully admit the increase of wealth ; but to what, I would ask, is it due? It is due, not to the activity, energy, and eiiterprize of an intelligent landed proprietory ; but to the extraordinary fertility of the Gangetic Delta, its freedom from famines, and to those gains arising from an increase in the area of cultivation, to which the landlords of Bengal had no right or title, and which, however upright the intentions of the framers of the law of 1793, can be vievred in no other light than the illigitimate and unjust alienation of the property of the whole community for the benefit of a favored class. In ^the year 1793, 30,000,000 acres of land were un- der cultivation in Bengal, and in the year follow- ing, the land revenue was ^63,335,259. la the 300 year ending the 30th of April 1857, or ten days before the outbreak of the rebellion, 70,000,000 acres were under cultivation in Bengal, and the land revenue was £3,295,378. Had the excess of 40,000,000 of cultivated acres been assessed at the nominal rate of one rupee an acre, it would have yielded, with little expense, with less trouble, and with no dissatisfaction to the people, a clear revenue of £4,000,000 per annum. Seventy years have elapsed since the year 1793, and taking but one half of this period, the accumulation of the illigiti* mate annual gains of the landholders of Bengal, if hoarded, would represent 140,000,000 sterling, a sum far in excess of the entire present debt of India, the interest of which the whole Community have now to pay. This is certainly a very startling fact, and though it need not follow, and it is not proposed, that a permanent settlement should be made with the proprietors of estates including any large area of uncultivated land, taken in connection with the admittedly depressed condition of the cultivators, and the deplorable state of the public works, and the internal commerce of the Province, it is sufficient to upset any direct conclusions, drawn from general premises, regarding the effects of Lord Cornwallis* settlement, in its relation to the wealth of the Country. True, it may be said that the free gift of large tracts of w aste land, has accel- lerated their cultivation; but the reclamation .of 30i wastes, is not a portion of this side of the t[uestIoii, It has no concera ■whatever with it. It is undoubtedly to this cause mainly, if not entirely that the accumulation of wealth spoken of has taken place in Bengal, and that this wealth has centered in a favored class, which forms but a very limited portion of the Community, will not be disputed. Were it otherwise, the measure would never have been open to those objections, which, in my humble judgement, are fatal to the successful adoption of a similar policy in the present cir- cumstances of India. Were, for instance, the land tenure throughout India r«iyj/-?/>an as in Madras and Bombay,* and the j^reat bulk of the revenue payers industrious peasant-proprietors, like those of Norway, Switzerland, Belgium, and many parts of France and Germany, the gain being to the actual cul- tivators, a large portion of the increase would find its way back to the soil, and, the injustice to the community being confined within the narrowest possible limits, the evil would, in great measure, be counterbalanced by a corresponding amount of good, in the increased prosperity and happiness of the great mass of the people. But Englishmen, * The assessment in Madras until lately sadly required revision, or rather equalizing. Judgfing- from the condition of the people, as described by Mr. Bourdillon, the assessment must certainly, as a rule, have been too higfh. Operations however, are in progress, which will put the land assessment of Madras on, apparently, a very sound and equitable basis. Z 2 303 proverbially disinclined to see good in any systems other than their own, do not believe in peasant-pro- prietary tenures, because, they no longer exist in England — because they are Continental — and be- cause they cannot understand them.* Or, were the transaction presented in the form of an agreeement or bargain, that is to say — were Government to say to the landholders,—" We will fix your land assessments for ever, giving you not only all the surplus profits and fruits of your own industry and outlay of capital, but such security of title, such property in the soil, as by enabling you to raise money, will place you in a position so to improve your land that, in a few years to come, instead of returning you as at present 10 per cent, on your outlay or purchase money, it will yield you 30 or 40 per cent., provided that when that day comes, instead of giving us, as now, 5 per cent, or half your profits, you will give us 10 per cent, or one third, or one fourth of your profits, in whatever form may be most convenient or most agreeable to yourselves," the arrangement would be a very desirable one for all parties. But such was not the shape of the measure of 1793, and, con- * Those who would wish, to know something on the subject of peasant-proprietors may consult, with advantage, the Continental travels and other works of Arthur Young', those of the elder Laing, of the thorough Englishman Howitt, the Educationist Kay, the French Economist Sismondi, the English Economist Mill &c. 303 sequently, the most serious complications have arisen, to which I shall presently allude; and, notwithstanding the full flood of hght, seventy year's experience has shed on the suhject, such is not the shape of the measure of 1862. We have shown, then, that the accumulation of wealth arising from the increased area brought under cultivation in Bengal since the year 1793, has centered in the Zemindars, or landholders, — who it may be as well to reiterate were originally mere collectors of revenue, and never proprietors of the soil. It remains to be enquired — what have they done with it? It is admitted that they have increased their own wealth, and added to the value of their personal estates by the reclamation of wastes, and I should be extremely sorry to deprive them of any credit which is their just due on this score. But have they aided in improving the means of land or river inter-communication; have they made roads, built bridges or canals ; have they estab- lished hospitals for the sick, alms-houses for the poor, caravansaries for the weary and exhausted ; have they assisted in the maintenance of an ef&cient police ; have they built colleges or schools, attempted to improve the existing wretched \\Uage paishallas of the country or expended any portion whatever of their accumu- lated savings in elevating morally or intellectually their less fortunate fellow countrymen ; have they given long leases to their tenants on such terms 304 as have enabled them to improve their holdings and attain a small degree of prosperity ; have they built houses for them, drained, or bunded their land, or in any way cared for their comfort or welfare j finally have they shown a particle of that enterprize, energy and activity of character, which, in other countries, tend to divert the surplus wealth of one section of the people into channels from whence all derive advantage, and to which England owes her fine roads, her many railways, her mighty steam com - panics, her mining, iron-working, and other com- panies? They have done none of these things. How then has this vast accumulation of wealth been expended — into what channels has it per- meated ? Has it found its way back to the soil, to fulfil the ordinance of the Creator, to increase many fold the Earth's produce — to reproduce fresh wealth which all might enjoy, and of which the King, as trustee for the Community or the State, might receive his just share ? It has not. . The bulk of this wealth has been squandered in natches, poojas or festivities in honor of my- thological Gods and Goddesses, marriage and other ceremonies, feeding Brahmins &c. ; some has been hoarded J much has been put into gold and silver ornaments, jewels, brocades, shawls ; and considerable sums have been expended in barbaric splendour.* * The Rajah of Pachete has about 100 elephants, the keep of which caunot cost him less than £3000 per annum. 305 Nay more, the celebration of these wasteful festivals and ceremonies is often the source of grinding oppression on the part of many Zemindars, who invariably make them the occasion of imposing abtoabs, or taxes, on their tenants, a practice which, though it has been disallowed by law, is universal. No contrast could be more striking than that which meets the eye of the traveller from the North West, as he approaches Calcutta — the Metropolis of British India ! Bridges broken down, roads in some places washed away, and in others dis- gracefully out of repair, are every where to be seen. A few years back, I counted, for miles along what is called the grand trunk road, heaps of metal which had been deposited for four or five successive seasons, and never laid down. Nor could there be any mistake. The growth of the vegeta- tion — which in Bengal springs up after a rainy season even out of burnt bricks, — readily told the tale. In- deed it may truly be said, that in the interior of Bengal, there are no roads at all. Dacca, the once flourishing Capital of Eastern Bengal under Mahom- madan rule, is still unconnected with the Metro- polis. A trip to Darjeeling, the Hill Sanatarium of Bengal, and the only rising European colony of the Province, is literally a perilous undertaking. The hill portion of the road the last official report on the subject tells us will not h& practicable far carts, before the end of 1861. In the North Western Provinces of 806 India, where Government is the landlord, though very much remaihs to be done, we have the finest rosids perhaps ia the whole World, sarais stud the great lines of iatercomraunication at conveaieiit intervals, noble canals for irrigation hundreds of miles in length, intersect two great divisions of the country, ^nd others are being built in the Punjab. In truth, it is common ' to hear persons arriving in Calcutta from the upper Provinces exclaim that Bengal is a century behind the North West in material progress, and the assertion is undoubtedly not without some foundation. I am well aware of the great diflferenco in climate between Bengul and the North West, and the greater engineering difficulties, and the absence of kankar or road stuff in many parts of the former. I have resided nine years in each division of the Bengal Presidency, but making all due allow- ances for these differences, and at the same time taking into account that frightful famines have periodically decimated the population of the one throwing half the country out of cultivation, and that the other, besides being naturally far more fertile, has been entirely free from these visitations, I am unable to alter the conclusion at which I have arrived, that if the perpetual settlement in Bengal has enriched the Zemindars, it has kept the people in a sadly im- poverished and depressed condition, and immensely retarded the material progress of the country. It may be said that to build bridges and to make 307 roads is the business of Government ; but it is follj to argue as if Government were some benign individual, that disinterestedly distributes its favora from a sense of philanthropy whoHy regardless of return. No landlord lays out Capital on his estate without entertaining reasonable expectations of a return, unless it be for the purpose of beautifying it or improving its salubrity. Were he to do sq the World would assuredly write him down an Ass! And as the position of Government in this sense, differs in no respect from that of a good and wise landlord, why should the Government of Bengal have laid out millions of money in public works that could not have tended to increase its income by one shilling per annum ? There is no sound practical reason for the adoption of such a course. It consequently systematically refused to do 80, and if any one entertains doubts on the subject, let him consult the miiiutes of Sir John Peter Grant the late Lieut. Governor of Bengal, who for the last sis. years has strenuously endeavoured to obtain the ways and meaus of improving Bengal, in this respect, in vain. The Government of India in making a perpetual settlement with the Zemindars of Bengal, doubtless considered that they had made over, with the sur- plus profits accruing by the increase in cultivation and the value of the produce, the duties and res. poQsibilities which it still retained in its owa hands 808 in the North West, and it confidently expected that the Zemindars would willingly accept the high responsibility which attaches to ownership iu the soil. How the two Landlords have discharged their trust, what I have stated above will suffi- ciently show. But it is not all. The Zemindars have not only not discharged those duties and responsibilities in respect of public works, which in other countries landlords most cheerfully accept ; but shielding themselves behind the letter of the enactment Avhich perpetuated the decennial settle- ment, they have refused all further aid to Govern- ment iu lieu of any extraordinary protection they may be afforded in times of extreme peril, — or for auy public purpose whatever. Whi^n, in consequeuce of the inefficient state of the Police, especi- ally of the Village-Watch, thefts, gang-robberies, and dacoities had increased to an alarming extent in parts of Bengal, and Government sought all the assistance it could obtain, in righting the evil, it was alleged by the Zemindars "that Government were bound to defray the entire expenses of the Police establishment, and had not even the right to insist on the appointment of the village watchmen, if the Communities considered their interests did iiot require it."* It would be monstrous to sup- ■ Statement of objects and reasons of a bill to amend the law relating to Police chowkedars introduced by Mr. Moffat Mills into the Legislative Council of India, 16th September 1854,— Mr. Mills con- tinued, " The Course of Legialation on this subject which is described 309 pose that the Bengalis, a race wholly devoid of physical courage, who have ever been at the mercy of the first stalwart race of Northern men who chose to invade them, should be protected both in life and property at an enormous cost to Govern- ment, — that the State should be saddled with a debt of a hundred_millions sterling on this score, and they contribute nothing towards its liquidation. It is wholly inconcievable, out of India, that persons situated as are the Zemindars of Bengal, — persons who, as before shown, within little more than a quarter of a century, have been permitted to accu- mulate a hundred and fifty millions sterling over and above their legitimate gains, should be unwill- ing to aid a Government which had successfully strained every nerve to save them and their property from destruction ; yet in 1859, when an income tax was proposed, the Zemindars of Bengal, not only declared themselves such, but claiming immunity under the very Act that effected, it may be said, the creation of their -wealth, they most stoutly resisted its incidence, loading the Govern- below, does not in my opinion bear out this assertion," and lower down in his statement he adds, — " the consequence of these defects in the Law is, that the village-watch, the basis of our Police system, is utterly inefficient, the Chowkedars are inadequately and uncertainly paid, and ' being' kept in a permanent state of starvation,' they keep themselves comfortably, by leaguing with thieves and robbers." In the original the extract given in the text, is in the present tense. 310 ment with accusations of injustice and bad faith, in lieu of those outpourings of gratitude and sub- stantial donations which might have been looked for. Behind such facts as these, the confident expectations of Lord Cornwallis vanish into the thinnest of thin air ; and with them before us, I would venture to ask, what solid ground have we on which to rest the shadow of a hope, that the future of the present will bear better fruit ? I would add, however, that, though in clearly stating the case as between Government and its subjects, the peculiarity of the situation com- pels me to lay bare facts in all their nakedness, I do not desire to be understood as blaming the Zemindars of Bengal in the degree the un- measured terms here used would seem to imply. In viewing the case I have looked at it from an English stand-point, for the special benefit of Englishmen unacquainted with the circum- stances of India and its people. It falls to my lot officially to translate into the native languages for publication, the returns of the public works annually executed by private individuals in Bengal, and I am fully aware that, in their own small way, the Zemindars have always done some- thing towards building wells, tanks, school-houses, making village roads &c. The Bengali Zemindar has acted in accordance with the dictates of his unedu- cated mind and his narrowed intellect, and possibly 311 in a manner not very very dissimilar to that in which other people, similarly situated and in a similar stage of social, moral, and intellectual progress, would act. Before the powerful influence of self-interest was allowed to form so fundamental a portion of our Eropean systems of Economy, the contrast between the English and the Bengali landlord was not so great as it is now; and if we excuse the Government on the ground of its being precluded from deriving any profit from, the outlay of its capital, we must assuredly make some allowance for the Zemindar, who, though deeply interested, is at least two centuries behind the Englishman in educa- tion and social progress. My intention, then, is not to bespatter the Bengali with dirt j but simply to point out to those who know less of the people of India than those on the spot, that before plunging irrevocably into a policy which, if mistaken, will inevitably prove disastrous, some more certain data than ' anxious wishes ' and ' confident expectations,' are necessary, if it be desired that its results should be dififerent to those which have attended other measures introduced with similar intention. It is distinctly stated that the object aimed at by a perpetual settlement in India, is to improve the condition of the people, so as to enable them to bear direct taxation. Now the people of all countries living under anything approaching a constitutional Government, have, undoubtedly, a right to pro* 312 nounce an opinion on such a question. It has heen repeatedly dechired ex cathedra, that the principle of British Rule in India is not a Militay Despotism ; but on the contrary, that it is Her Majesty's ■wish that the British Government in India shall be based on the contentment and good will of the people. In European Countries, it is not a very easy matter to ascertain the wishes of the people. Of this we daily have convincing proof. In India, moreover, in consequence of the variety of races and religions, to say nothing of the caste prejudices we have to deal with, it would be almost impossible to find the people of accord on very many question of state policy of. great importance. In such cases the Government must be left to its own honest convictions to act as to its wisdom aiid judgement seeraeth best for the great mass of the people, and the past furnishes us with a good guarantee, that where information is not defective, and honesty and integrity of purpose are apparent, the people of India, ever accustomed to despotism, and, alas, too often, to despotism tyrannically exer- cised, will accommodate themselves to the wishes of their Rulers, with a readiness and a good will unknown in any part of Europe. But if there is one point in the policy of the British Government on which the people of India are in accord, — that point is direct taxation. Against this the voice of the nation has unmistakeably declared itself, and 313 looking to the anomalous positioa of the British Government in India, and its expressed determina- tion to govern with, and not against the will of the people, there seems to be some contradiction of principles involved in this measure and the declared objects and reasons for its introduction, that it would be well to consider, before it is too late, I trust my remarks will not be misconstrued into an arrogant attempt to dogmatize on points of principle and policy, which are disputed by persons and authorities of infirutely greater wisdom and experience in the philosophy of Government. The question under review involves interests of far too great magnitude for the admission into its discussion, by any con- scientious person, of feelings other than those which spring from an anxiou s desire for the good of this great Empire. Whatever then my views are, they are the honest result of ray experience of the people amongst whom I have lived for the better part of a quarter of a centurj', and the only object I have in stating them, is to endeavour to throw such light on this very difficult question, as any oppor- tunities of observation I may have had, enable me. It would be well, 1 say, to consider this point now, be- cause the time when the tax-gatherer should knock at the peoples' doors, will not be the most convenient for the purpose, nor yet the most favorable for ex* planations. I have already shown how the Zemindars of Bengal refused all voluntary aid to the Govern- z 3 314 ment for the amelioration of the police administra- tion, and denied its legal right to tax them on that account; and it is worthy of remark that they were supported in their views by the opinion of the highest legal authority in the land, the pre- sent Chief Justice of Bengal. Sir Barnes Peacock held, that " the same principle which prevents an augmentation of the assessment, equally precludes the taxation of the owners in respect of the rent or produce of their estates " as " such taxation must necessarily prevent them from enjoying exclu- sively the fruits of their own good manaijement and industry." Yet a similar principle is now enunciated, and it is dwelt on with force, that the benefit of all improvements is to go into the pockets of the landlords, and that the State is to be pre- cluded from ever obtaining any future augmenta- tions of income from this source (the land.) How the Zemindars of Bengal responded to the call of Government in the day of its trouble, and how, on the ground of their assessments being fixed, they objected to the income tax, are matters of too recent date, and are too well known, to need notice here. It is true that it is now declared to be the inten- tion of Government to look to taxation as the source from whence all future increase of revenue must come ; and as regards the intention of the law on this point, no future duubt could possibly 315 arise. But it must be borne ia mind that the people of India are very ignorant. The masses cannot read and write. They are clearly, ia these matters, in a state of infancy. Of this great question which so deeply concerns every man iu the country — which has agitated Anglo-Indian, and a large section of English society for the past year, and been discussed in almost every English Journal and Review in both Countries, not one in> twenty thousand of our Indian subjects has even so much as heard.* Should the Zemindars, then, when the time comes for Government to legislate for the deficiency of revenue, disclaim all knowledge of the intention of the previous law, it appears to me that it would be awkward. But should the Community, by that time more enlightened and independent, take higher ground, and admit an acquaintance with the * It ia a curious fact, that the raiyitrvari Settlement of Madras is a perpetual settlement, and when first made was declared to be so, a declaration which has since beea repeatedly re-asserted by the highest authority. The Madras Board of Revenue in 1857, in pointing out the erroneous impression that prevailed, reg'ardingf the Bombay settlement of 30 years giving a greater permanency of tenure than the Byotwari settlement of Madras, observed : — " This is altogether an error, for the Madras Ryot is able to retain his land in perpetuity, mithaut any increase qf assessment, as iong as he continues to" fulfil his enj^agements." And the Madras Government in the same year stated :— " The proprietory right of a Ryot is perfect, and as long as he pays fhejixed assessment on his land, he can be ousted by no one." The new assessments now being- made, are subject to revision after 50 years, a modification of which the people, I should think, have no' knowledge whatever. 8l6 intention, but demand a distribution of taxation in such a manner as to effect the restitution of their pro- perty, on the ground that they were not consenting parties to the transaction, I cannot foresee what answer could satisfactorily be given to them. For, should the Government be weak, the people would certainly resist ; and, should it be strong, and carrying things with a high hand refuse to listen to the re- monstrances of its subjects, they would inevitably inveigh against the injustice and bad faith of the English, as of late has not been uncommon. In any case, there is some reason to doubt the realization of those political advantages regarding which all seem now so certain. Nor do I raise objections merely for the sake of argument, nor yet for the purpose of mak- ing difficulties where none actually exist. I simply state, knowing as I do the detestation of the people of India of direct taxation, what has taken place, and what I firmly believe would take place again. The people of India, at present are whol- ly unacquainted with European systems of taxation. They cannot understand them; and though they will submit to any tax that is not oppressive or inquisi- torial without any apparent exhibition of dissatis- faction, every fresh imposition is carefully registered in their account with their rulers, and helps to .svvell the measure of their disaffection, when any violent revulsion of feeling calls for its exhibition. 317 In the North West, we have a thirty, and in Ma- dras, 9. fifty years settlement. The landholders and peasant-proprietors, having a perfect right of occu- pancy, sell and mortgaore their land without let or hindrance. Can anything further, as regards security of title, be required ? Does any English landlord give such good leases to his tenants? I think not. Assuredly then, security of title is not what is required to give the people of India such an interest in the soil, as will induce them to expend capital upon it. They have it to the full already; and if proof of the fact be wanting, I refer to the rent-free tenures. Rent-free estates are scattered throughout the Bengal and Bombay Presidencies. One sixth of the whole of the land in the Madras Presidency is held free of rent. Compare the condition of the cultivators of both, and what is the result ? The bulk of the testimony of the Government officials on the subject is, that the condition of the people paying revenue to Government is better than that of those paying none, the reason assigned being, that the demand of Government acts as a beneficial stimulus on their dormant energies. We must seek, therefore, for some other causes for the depressed condition of the cultivators and peasant-proprietors of India, than the absence of a perfect property in the soil. Nor is it diflficult to find them. Tiiey are, high assessments, rack rents, short leases, oppression of landlords, excess of 318 land over population., famines, defective means cf communication, peculiar characteristics of the peo- ple, &c. It is to these evils and not to the tenure of the land, that attention should be directed ; and it seems to. me that far more may be done to remedy them, if Government remains the Land- lord, than if the sole property in the soil be made over to individuals. And there is yet one more cause — a cause more potent than any yet assigned, in its influence on. the condition of the cultivators, and its bearing on this highly important question. I allude to the low degree of the intellectual development of the people. I am fully alive to the magic of pro- perty in the soil. I heartily concur in the opinion, that if you give a man secure possession of a bleak rock, he will turn it into a garden; and if you give him a ten years lease of a garden, he will convert; it into a desert. But, I conceive that by a man, is here meant, a thinking intelligent being, one who not only knows his own interest, but knows how to work it out; and, if Adam Smith's authority is of any weight, this coiild not have been predicated of an English man a century ago, and it cer- tainly cannot be predicated of any race or section of the people of India at the present day. ' Eiigflish settlers and speculators, as pioneers, and by the introduc'ion of capital, will do much for the material progress of the country; but it must ■never be lust sight of, that Eagliskmeu iu India, 319 are but a means to an end, and that though in the attainment of this end, the interests of both races may be well served, as long as the existence of the one race is exotic, the interests of both must ill no small degree be antagonistic. Englishmen in India, from this point of view, are useful only in so far as they supplement the deficiencies of the natives, for, birds of passage as they are, if they bring one rupee into the country, it is only that they may take two, or more probably four, out of it. India is certainly the one rupee richer; but still the two or four poorer than if the developers were true sons of the soil. It is Education then, to which England must look as the true means of effecting such a regeneration iu the people of India, as will make theia a willing instrument ia the hands of an enlightened and upright Government to work out their own pros- perity ; and it is by the force of example, that lever . which Arnold held to be of first importance in the philosophy of education, that the English developer, will prove so able and so valuable a help to the Govern- ment of India. Under the circumstances, it cannot but be a source of deep and sincere regret to those who wish India well, to see adepartnaent, of all those of a Government the most powerful iu its influence for good, or for evil — a department on the efficient and judicious. administration of which must ultimately depeud the solutiou of the very difficult problem on 320 which Her Majesty's Governnient are now employed, so sadly neglected Without a head, without the hasis of any fixed principles, this Department is altoge- ther unrepresented in the Supreme Government, and thus that bark which carries the best fortunes of the people, is left to drift whither the currents of the varying and crude opinions of half a dozen Directors of Public Instruction may carry it. Yet, I have no hesitation in saying, that the greatest, indeed the only great obstacle to the introduction of the policy Her Majesty's Government are so anxious to induct, is — the ignorance of the people. In their present state of intellectual development, it is utterly impossible that the people can understand their own interest, and assuming their interest to be the object of Government, it requires no logic to establish, that until they do know it, the action of the Government and its subjects will be opposed to one another. Had the people of India not been ignorant and superstitious, the rebellion of 1857 would have been an impossibility. It will be argued that the process suggested is long, and there is no doubt of it. But if there is no doubt of it, there is, unfortunately, no help for it, and, consequently, the greater reason why no time should be lost in straining every nerve in completing, consolidating, and perfecting the measures at present in operation. Nor will it follow that, in the mean time, any measures of good 321 Government suitable to the procjressive develop- ment of society, should be delayed oue moment beyond that time when the condition of the people renders them desirable. No inventions of modern times have exercised such magical influence on the progress of nations as Electricity and Steam. Telegraphic wires now connect the most distant points of the Empire. Bailroads are in rapid pro- gress along all the great lines of communication and trafic. Their effects will assuredly not be wanting in accelerating the accomplishment of that final task, to the completion of which the energies of all are directed. Combine these forces, let all work in harmony, and there can be little doubt that everything that could be desired will follow so rapidly, as to astonish even the most sanguine progressionist of the day. And of those questions which may be considered with a view to ad interim measures, that which first merits attention, and is of far more pressing import- ance than the title of property in the soil, against the principle of which not the breath of a murmur has ever been raised — is Labor. I have said above that it is popularly believed, that there are millions of people in India starving for want of employment.* Now this is a most erroneous idea. Yet it cannot be confined to the outside public, for it seems hardly credible that * Vide p. 184 mipra. 333 Her Majesty's Ministers, if fully aware of the existing state of ladia in relation to this question, would be concluding treaties with foreign powers, to deprive her of her greatest want— her most precious wealth. The existence of the popular belief on the subject, can be very readily under- stood. It is maintained by talkers on Indian subjects, — persons who seem, to consider it their mission to address themselves to the redress of Indian grievances. These gentlemen are generally well intentionedj and often do much good; but as they will not always take the trouble to make themselves acquainted with the subjects, they^ take up, and, more frequently, have not the best opportunities of obtaining accurate informa,tion, they sometimes do a good deal of mischief. When I first came to India, now about eighteen years ago, it was customary to set down the popula- tion of British India at 130,000,000. I have been extremely amused in observing how this number has gradually been swelled up, first to 150,000,000, then to 180,000,000, and lastly to 300,000,000, at which, for the present I believe, it stands. Trae, Her Majesty's possessions in India have increased considerably withiu the last eighteen years. Bat in what ratio? The Punjab added, say 10,000,000; Nagpoor 5,000,000; Oude 5,000,000; Pegu 1,000,000 to the population of British India, making a total of 31,000,000 souls : — or, allowing 323 for the lapse of minor States and Principalities, say in round numbers 25,000,000. The latest returns to Parliament give the population of British India as 135,369,598. Yet in every speech in the House of Commons, in every newspaper article, in every review on the subject, 200,000,000 of Indian subjects are regularly paraded before the public with the same confidence as if they had been actuallr re^is- tered, mustered, and returned. Were the pu'blic" at the same time, favored with even an approximate esti- inate of the area of this great peninsula-were it alwavs added, for instance, that, Russia excluded lad.a ,s larger than half Europe, there would not be so much harm in the multiplication of these hundreds of m^lhona of people. But, generally, no allusion ^vhatever ,s made to this simple fact. The public consequently, never very discriminating in statistical matters, and having no standard of comparison pre sented to their minds other than that of their own l.ttle island, at onco run away with the idea, that India has a teeming population, with whichitissadlv oppressed and over-burthened. That the contrary is the case that India is extremely under-populafed, and that the crying want of the Country is a popuk- fonin some degree proportionate to its immense area, the vast tracts-the thousands of square miles of nch, bghly productive, and culturable land, which is now lying waste, for the simple reason that there are no people to till it, are a sufficient proof. 324 But to pursue the enquiry a little further, let us examine the question in greater detail. The number of souls per square mile in Belgium is 413, in Holland 271, in Great Britain 237 in France 177 in Prussia 159 in Austria 144. We are very badly off in India for statistics of any kind. A very great portion of the Country has never been surveyed. Without any great fear, however, of being over the mark, we may estimate the area of British India, at not less than 1,000,000 square miles, and taking the population at 135,000,000 it will give only 135 souls per square mile.* Now the produce of the soil of any Country, only reaches its maximum, when the pressure of population forces cultivation up to the highest possible point ; and as it is an axiom that each increase in pro- ductive power, is gained at a higher proportional increase of labor and outlay, the tendency of popula- tion is to increase beyond the power of the soil to support it, — or in other words, the ratio of the increase is always in favor of consumption, and against production. The Maximum attained, should population still increase, ia a self-supporting Coun- try, one of two courses only remains — population must be checked, or emigration carry off the surplus. It is impossible to compare a country of such vast extent as India, as a whole, with • The total area of India, including' native states, the parliamen- tary return gives as 1,476,316 square miles. 323 any Country of Europe^ except perhaps Russia; What, then, the comparative capabilities of the soil of India for supporting population may be . I cannot say. But taking into consideration that in almost all parts of the Country, two, and in several as many as three or four crops are obtained in a year, its power if not greater, ought not to be less than the European average. And if these data be approximately correct— and the figures here given certainly leave a very large margin for error, — it will appear, that taking tbe whole superfi-. cial area, ladia is very much Mfflrfer-pop.ulated.* It is quite true tliat population in India is very un- equally distributed ; so much so that while enormous tracts of country are waste and wholly without iuhabi- * The area of British India as computed up to date by the Surveyor General, is 836,746 square miles, which would give a population of 156 souls per square mils ; but even this nuinber though less than that of the most populous European countries, is, I think, an over-estimate. The returns of population based on the censuses taken in the N. W. Provinces in 1826 and 1848 are manifestly fallacious. The first gave an average, in six or seveu districts, of 484 aoula per square mile, the second an average of 323. But all censuses in India have been little better than guess work. The truest test, for general purposes, is the price of grain, and in most parts of India, making all due allowances for the dearneas of money, except in times of dearth it is, comparatively, extremely cheap. Cultivation tboroughout India is low, and large tracts of laud are waste. We require no other data to satisfy us that po,.ulation is not in excess of the productive powers of the soil. In China, where population is really excessive, we find cuUiyation at the highest point, and emigrutioD very active. The laws of nature are always a very saf« guide. Z 4 326 tants, population in others, is, as it wete, lumped. The characteristics of the people, their love of father-land and place of birthj caste restrictions and prejudieesj famines, innundations, poverty, ravages of disease, and of wlars-^all these have combined to assist in maintaining in the midst of large provinces unsur- passed in fertility of soil and natural capabilities by any country in the v^rld, a stagnation unknown in Europe. Thus in the province of Assam, the soil of which will literally produce any crop in luxuriant abundance, population is t)ot ouiy so sparse that six millions of acres are waste; but in populated districts, the people are so indolent and lazy, that the 'productive powers of the soil are, c&m'parati'Vely speaking, allowed to lie almost wholly dormant. And this brings me back to the Tea districts off Eastern Bengal, and the immediate subject of this Review from which I have long strayed, — the rise and progress of Tea Cultivation in India. Assam was once apparently a flourishing 'and well populated Province. The developer now as he Weilds his axfe, frequently comes upon ruins of considerable extent buried in the jungle of dense forests. The remains of noble buildings too, which are to be found scattered here and there, attest that the people had attained a no small degree of civilization. But the province had been subject to frequent inroads from hostile neighbours 327 and savage tribes, who ravaged the country, massacreiMg' thousands of the inhabitants and carry-. iug off their cattle. Immediately preceding the occupation of the country by the British, it hadl been overrun by a Burmese army, which it is said carried off 30,000 captives into slavery. The whole province, therefore, though of great natural fertility, through the annihilation of its population, and the plunder of their property, was reduced to a state of great prostration. The condition of things when the Englisjh first toQk possession of Assam, is thus describe ed by Colonel Jenkins the late Governor GeneraVs ^/i.gent on the North 'Eastern Frontier: — "When therefore we assumed the charge of the country, nothing could possibly be more unpromising than tbe state of the country. The small remnant of the people had been so harassed and oppressed by the long civil and internal wars that had followed the accession of Raja Gourinath Sing in 178Q down to 1826, that they had almost given up cul- tivation, and lived on jungle roots and plants, and famine and pestilence carried off thousands that had escaped the sword and captivity. AU men of rank, the heads of the Great Ahom and priestly families, had retired to one District, Gowalparra, having, with little exception, lost the whole of their property. With the nobility and gentry retired a vast body of the lower classes; the former mostly returned to Assam after our occupation, but large 328 numbers of the latter never returned, and tlieir decendants form still a Lirge part of the population of Habraghat and Kootaghat." But British troops drove out the Burmese, the British Government restored peace and security of property, and in accordance with the laws of nature, increase of population and wealth should have rapidly followed. Unfortunate! J', however, among the characteristics 'Of the people, laziness and indolence are most promi- nent. They determinedly refuse to do more work than will just sufifice to maintain them in the comfort of a rude existence. More unfortunately still, they are addicted to the use of a drug which heightens these characteristics by its baneful influ- ence on their physical powers — Opium ! This drug is consumed, in quantities, by 70 per cent, of the people. They give it even to their children, and the results ou the whole population are very evident. "The habit" reported D. J. Long in 1853, "acta very injuriously on the people : it renders them listless and apathetic; weakens their digestive system and produces congestions of the brain and other organs, particularly of the liver and kid- neys. It has before been noticed the liability to severe congestive inflammation of the lungs, to which opium-eaters are liable after slight labour. " So long as the opium-eater is able to procure good and nourishing diet, suited to his system. 829 and to provide himself with proper clothing and comfortable lodging, the evil eflfects of the drug are not so speedily seen as in the case of his poorer, brother, who, to obtain the means of indulging the. vicious habit, is obliged to stint himself in whole- some food and to go badly provided as to lodging, and clothes ; but even in the more comfortable class, the evil day is only put off. At length, under the. use of opium, the system gives way; the bowels be-, come torpid J the liver and kidneys congested; the circulation of the blood slugcjish, and the brain, unfitted for the healthy performance of its func- tions; torpor of mind and body becomes establish- ed and goes on iiicreasitisr, till dropsy or some other disease comes to close the scene." "The oftspriiig of such a race is a degenerate, one, weak and sickly. " Yet the cultivation of no crop reqi^ires a larger amount of labor than Tea. On an average one m:in per acre is required to work a tea plantation efficiently. In clearin,g and planting, it may be ranked with other Jigriculturai operations, but in hoeing or dressing, and plucking and manufacturing the leaf, it i^ peculiar. The trees flush from twenty to thirty or more times a year, and at these times/ all hands must be in readiness to a day, for the leaf if not plucked, hardens on the bushes and becomes unfit for tea in a couple of day8,-^and when plucked and withered, must be at once rolled aad fired. In 330 the infancy of Tea cultivation the lahor of the Province sufficed for the wants of the Planters. But as soon as the tea expHriraent was an esttiblished success, and cultivation had extended to !>ome thousands' of acres, tlie pres'iure for liibor begran t tations of Assam, to apply themselves to this, as to other requirements of their position," not merely with the pledged faith of Her Majesty's Government to encourage and assist those who relieve it of the duty of developing, the resources of the Country, but with an acquaintance with the true functions of Government, There are many parts of the world in which large and rich countries, are without inhabitants — many 346 in which, though populated, there is no form of Government. The now tolerably well understood law of population, and the less defined though equally recognized principle of progressive develop- ment, ever impelling man in a forward direction, are gradually evolving order from confusion, and !is steadily fulfilling the divine ordinance. — "Be fruitful and multiply — replenish the Earth and suhdue it." Here are fields in which consumers may also become producers; but is this course followed ? On the contrary, we find the secret of colonization tq lie in an essentially opposite principle, and that unless shoots from the parent stock take root and fiourish in the new soil, in . their turn contributing as consumers and pro ducers for the mother country, the object of the Divine law is not fulfilled — the wealth of the world is not proportionately increased. It has been the knowledge of this simple principle, that has made England's Colonies her glory — and placed her at the head of the commercial nations of the world. It has been the ignorance of this simple principle, thatj with population congested in many places, has left whole provinces in India howling wilder- nesses which might be smiling gardens, and thus assisted in maintaining a stagnation antagonistic to all progress. " The fixing of a new laboring population ■" in those remote and isolated provinces of India, which, though rich and productive, have 347 by the visitation of God or the inroads of savage man, been wholly, or in part, denuded of inhabitants, is not the duty of tea planters, or any other individuals who come with their capital and energy into the country to aid the Government in developing its resources. The question of colo- nization involves perhaps the highest and best interests of civilization, and is pre-eminently the business of Government : — first, because to be carried out on a scale commensurate with even moderate success, except in peculiar circumstances, it can be undertaken only by a body as powerful and wealthy as a Government ; secondly because to insure those beneficial results to the nation and posterity which should flow from the removal of population from the over-populous rcf^ions of the world to wastes, it must be conducted under such rules and regula- tions as wise and experienced statesmen alone are competent to frame, and a Government is able to enforce ; thirdly, because it is Government alone that possesses the power to bestow that for which people in number migrate— land ; fourthly because the benefit derived from such a measure by the Country and the Community or State, is infinitely greater than that derived by individuals;— _^if^/y, because colonization when undertaken under proper rules and regulations by a Government, can not only be made self-supporting, but eminently remu- ijerative, whereas if undertaken by individuals, it 348 ntwsf entail ruinous loss; sixthly because indepen- dent of all financial considerations, it is the sacred duty of a Government to aid in the distribution- of the population which it has pleased God to commit to its care, in such a manner as will best conduce to the prosperity, the welfare, and the happiness of all. It is a specious argument to advance, that those who are engaged in a cultivation, the return to the the cost of production of which, is very large, are the proper people, and can well afiFord, to provide for all the necessities of their position. But the class of people who emigrate from any country, except as be- fore mentioned under the pressure of peculiar circum- stances — are the poor. In the outset at least, all their expenses must be defrayed, and howsoever lucrative the business, trade, or cultivation for which their labor may be required, should these expenses or advances be defrayed by producers ot capitalists, they must be given some security that they will recover their advances, or at least that they shall, be the people who will reap the benefit of their outlay. Hence the necessity for a Contract law. But here again we are met by a greater diffi- culty, for however stringent may be the laws framed, no really good security can ever be given to capita- lists, Kvm^ in a //•«« cowra^ry, that after having paid all the expenses of importing labor, their laborers will continue to work for them. And this is 349 obvious, because the wages of laborj like the prices of all things, are regulated not by contracts, but by the circumstaaces of markets. The plan of coatraots for labor ia like cases, has been tried; over and over again, and in every instance — and latest in the province of Assam — it has been found,, as above shown, to be wholly inoperative, for this very simple reason, — that the trouble, the delay and expense, of enforcing labor contracts, has always far exceeded the gain to be anticipated from a successful civil suit. From the moment a Contract system such as that contemplated by the bill lately introduced by the Indian Legislature, but which the Secretary of State vetoed, is made law, the free laborer is reduced to a state of bondage ; and such complications are certain to arise where legislators address themselves to surface sores, instead of to the deep seated disease of which they are but the off-spring. The m )st approved plan— that which has been attended with so much success in Australia and New Zealand, is that called the Wakefield system, in which the sale proceeds of unoccupied land are formed into a fund to defray partially, or in full, the expenses of emigration. But this excellent system, by which it seems possible to create a sympathy, as it were, between the surplus of one country and the deficiency of another, and thus maintain a con- tinuous and ever increasing stream of the over-flow z 6 350 of population to those places where there is a superabundance of land ready to absorb it, would seem to have been unknown, or altogether set aside in Bengal. It is singularly to be regretted that this very serious question, involving as it does considerations of the highest national importance, was not, from the commencement, treated philoso- phically : and taking into account the great in- crease to our knowledge of the true principles of colonization within the last quarter of a century, it seems almost incomprehensible, that, with such very willing helps as the tea planters of Assam and Cachar, no attempt whatever should have been made to take advantage of the opportunity to put them into practice. But it would answer no useful purpose to pursne inquiries after the day for them has gone by. The Planters have suffered ; the coolies have died ; a dynasty has passed away ; another has succeed- ed; — Bengal has beeu boru again. The first act of the present head of the Govern- ment of Bengal, was to visit the tea districts of the provinces under his control; to go amongst the planters and the people ; to listen to their repre- sentations ; in fine, to satisfy himself, of the true circumstances and wants of the whole province ; and while acknowledging it to be the duty of the ruling authority to discharge faithfully its trust by the people, to warn and counsel all, that in remind- 351 iug Governoient of its duties they must not forget their own responsibilities. " It has always" said Mr. Beadon, "been, the first aim of> the British government on the occupation of a province, to give security of life and property to all, and to ensure to every man his just rights. These are the very elements of civilization and prosperity. That in this district the government has been successful in accomplishing this end, chiefly, I may say, through the able and distinguished officers who have been charged with the, local administra- tion, is evident from the increase of wealth, revenue, and population ; from the clearance of many thou- sand acres of forest ; from the contented appearance of the people ; and from the existence of this thriving town and station in a spot, where a few yeare ago, the voice of man was not heard." " But something more is required. It is the desire of the Goverarnent that every encouragement should be given to further development by the grant of waste lauds on favourable terms ; by opening out roads throu^jhont the province ; by establishing at every statiou schools in which sound knowledge may be imparted to all, both in English and in your own language; and by every other useful and practicable measure- It is for you to shew your appreciation of these measures by taking advantage of them, and thereby to co-operate with the government in the advancement of your country." 353 " I exhort you especially to have your children taught English as soon as the means of such instruc- tion are provided, from funds with which the govern- ment is prepared to supplement the efiforts of private liberality. A large English community is springing up amongst you, from the example of whose enter- prise, industry, and integrity you cannot fail to profit. English is the language of your rulers, and is fast becoming the language in which all public business must be conducted. You may be assured, that every Assamese child of respectable family now living who is not instructed in English in his youth will have cause to lament it in mature age." " Major Bivar has mentioned to me that a general, desire is felt by the community for the extension of the Electric Telegraph to Dibroogurh. This is a measure which I have long advocated, and I am happy to say that sanction has already been given to the construction, next season, of a line to connect Gowhattee with Calcutta, and that the extension of this line to Dibroogurh is promised in the following year."* The expression of such sentiments alone, gives the public fair grounds to assume that the interests of this noble province will be duly cared for, and as tending considerably to reassure those who have * Address of the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal at an audience held for the reception of the European and native gentry at Dibroo- ghur ia Upper Assam.— 9«A August 1863. S53 lately been deterred from embarking in tea specula- tions, will immensely increase the flow of wealth into the province. But Mr. Beadon did not rest satisfied witli talking good Government. While in Assam, the Rules for the sale of waste lands were published, and in framing them every possible endeavour was made to make them as liberal as the terms of the Secretary of State's despatch would admit of. Bengal before last, was now first in the field of progress. Other Presidencies and Provinces of India followed ; but it is certainly in a great measure to the liberal views of the present Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, English capitalists owe that this measure, as sanctioned by the Home Government, was put in a shape to be practically worked. He projected a main road from one end of Assam to the other, and bursting the chains of ideal principles which had so long fettered Bengal, he boldly announced that if the labor of the province was unequal to the strain, the Government itself must import. Further he extended the Presidency town's Act for breach of labor contracts to Assam and Cachar ; and finally, having matured his knowledge, he caused to be introduced into his Council, a bill to regulate the immigration of Coolies to the tea dis- tricts of the Lower Provinces. That this measure will satisfy the planters, as long as foreign emigra- tion is carried on under less stringent regulations, is doubtful ; but that it will be sufficiently powerful 354 in its effects to afford protection to the we&kand ignorant, and generally to ameliorate the evils of a traffic, which a sense of honesty compels me to say has not been very creditable to any one concerned, we have the guarantee that it was framed and introduced by a gentleman so distinguished in the cause of philanthropy as the Hon'ble Ashley Eden* But there is yet a phase of this case, which viewed from an Imperial point, is perhaps of greater import- ance than any yet noticed. I have already explained the condition of India to be that of a mighty penin- sula, larger than England, France, Spain, and Ger- many put together, having a moderate population, but so unequally distributed as to be congested in some places, while others are waste and unoccupied. The Indian question which has occu- pied the greatest attention in England for thp last few years, has been the reclamation of these wastes, and the Indian Government and Her Majesty's Ministers have declared themselves to be so deeply interested in the result, as to be prepared to make great sacrifices to accomplish it. Now for the attainment of this much desired end, two things are vitally necessary. Population and Capital; but primarily population. In these two then, consists the real wealth of India ; and of the two population is the most valuable, for without labor, * Since, the above waa written this Act has become Law. 355 in this matter, Capital is as it were, locked up and useless. Now it was known that Capital in India is scarce. Governmentj therefore, has used its best endeavours to induce Englishmen to bring this desi- deratum into the country, and in the Tea Districts of Lower Bengal its exertions have been attended with considerable success. Kegarding population there has been much misconception in England. But it has been shown that, in proportion to the area, it is very much below the average of populous European countries. Capital then being secured, the point it appears to me, to which the most serious attention should have been directed, was the leading of the over-flow of those districts in which population is excessive, into those for the reclamation of which their labor was required. But this point, does not seem to have been considered. Advertisements for years have filled the offieiul Gazettes informing the public that Government was prepared to give away land for nothing, or next to nothing, and some astonishment I believe, has been felt that no one has come forward to take it. As well, in my humble opinion, might a proclamation be issued informing hungry High- landers that breeches were to be had in the Sand- wich Islands for six pence a pair, and that all who chose to go there might buy them and wear them. It is notorious that the peasant-proprietors of Hin- dostan proper are groaning under an iniquitous 356 system of advances, because tliey have not the meaus of cullivating the little holdings around their own homesteads, and to expect those who are poorer still, to find means to migrate, and then funds for a year's support to enable them to settle, does not appear much wiser. But it is ar- gued, that no such expectation is entertained- — that it is the business of capitalists and speculators to provide means for these wants, as well as for all others of their position. Now if out of deference to the argument, we admit the correctness of this view, and consider the question as one simply of labor and capital, it cannot be denied, that, the admitted object of Government being to reclaim these wastes, it is a part of its business to co-operate, at least, in trans- porting labor to where capital, on its invitation, has been accumulated for the purpose, but which, for the want of it, is unemployed. Again, since it has been shown that the labor of the whole of India -as compared with its area, is short of the average of European countries, that it would be politic to endeavour to prevent the labor that is wanting in India, being diverted to other countries, will I think be conceded. In this view, then, were the Indian Legislature to pass an Act prohibiting foreign emigration, it would only be following a course that would doubtless be adopted by most European Governments under similar circumstances. But such is not necessary here. Since the passing of the Act 357 of 1839, "the general law has recognized it as a penal offence to contract with any native of India for labor in a colony beyond Seas, or to aid any native of India in emigrating for employment as a laborer. " And since the expenditure sanction- ed for Public Works this year, reaches the enor- mous sum of £12,000,000, and the Secretary of State has admitted that the whole of this amount cannot be laid out, because labor is not forth- coming for the purpose, the present would not seem to be the most favourable time for initia* ting a change of this policy. Those, therefore, who have the interest of India at heart, cannot but observe with deep concern the recurrence of trea- ties with foreign powers entered into by her Ma- jesty's Government, to deprive India of that which she cannot spare — of that the want of which, it ia now admitted, retards her own progress. The philanthropic policy of the British Government in regard to the Slave Trade, in the steady pursuance of which England still spends millions of money, must be the admiration of .the World, for all ages to come. But it is questionable how far it will be considered admisssable, or how far it is the in- tention of her Majesty's Ministers to sacrifice the best interests of India, to a question of British policy, after it has been acknowledged that the laboring population is below the wants of the Country itself. 358 It is argued by some persons in this Country, that any interference with these treaties would be objectionable as opposed to the full freedom which ought to be given to every man living under British Rule, to carry his labor to the best market. But this idea seems to have originated, rather in a misconception of the true principle involved, and a fear of being wrecked among the rocks and shallows of Protection, than from any desire to support a policy that must prove detrimental to the interests the Country. As long, however, as protection is the recognized policy of Government in its Home De- partment, and these treaties require special Acts to over ride the Law of the Land, such arguments in relation to treaties with foreign powers, must appear a little whimsical. To concede to the natives of India, the freedom of carrying their labor to any market they please is one thing, — and to con- cede to foreign powers the right to send agents into your territories to entice away the labor which your owQ country requires for reclaiming culturabie waste laud is quite another. The one is a right the natives enjoy, or ought to enjoy, in virtue of their subjection to British rule. The other is a right I have yet to learn that any nation on the face of the globe has thought proper to concede to foreigners. The one right involves a principle which is an important element of the British Constitution. The other a principle which if carried to the extreme 359 limit, would place all poor countries at the mercy of the rich — possibly depopulate many. i I have repeatedly in the course of this review had occasion to dwell on the fact that the natives of India are in a state of infancy, and consequently in need of protection, — not in the sense in which that term is opposed to free trade; but in the sense in which the Law applies it to persons under age. In the present condition of things, however strict emigration Rules and Regulatiorjs may be framed, it is wholly impossible for Government to provide against poor people being enticed from their homes under delusions, the falsity of which cannot he made apparent until the victims are beyond seas, and the reach of help. I have no hesitation in saying that many if not all the evils above commented on in regard to Coolie immigration to Assam, exist, though possibly iii a milder form, iu the present system of emigration to British and foreign colonies. The Government of India has no in- formation of the emigrants, after they leave the shores of India, neither en route to their destination, nor when they reach it; and there is too much reason to believe that, in some instances, the mortality on the voyage is excessive, and that the climate, and the work the coolies are put to, causes a very large proportion to be 'expended.'* In these circum- • The climate of the French Colony of Re -union is considered fatal to Africans, and Dr. Mouat, an advocate for emigration both 360 stances, I have very grave doubts how far, from a moral point of view, the British Government is justified in permitting its subjects to be removed from under the segis of its protection, until such time as they are of full age, without some better guarantees than at present seem to exist, that in doing BO it is not violating the very principle, it has sacrificed so much to uphold. The Government of India in this matter is helpless. The Govern- ment of Great Britain concludes a treaty, and forthwith the Governor General is ordered to pass an Act to carry out its provisions. Such an Act has lately been passed by the Legislative Council of the Governor General, to legalize the emigration of native labor to the Danish Colouy of St. Croix; and it is to be hoped that the very interesting debate on that measure, will attract such attention in England, as will at once cause an end to be put to the conclusion of treaties with foreign powers to deprive India of her most precious wealth. Iconceive|Indiato be under thedeepestobligationsto my esteemed friend the Hon'bleMr. Ellis, the Member of Council for Madras, for the able,lucid,and fearless manner in which he laid this matter in all its bear- ings before the Legislative Council; — " In reality" to Ite-union and Mauritius, thinks, that if the mortuary returns are correct, the climate is not much more adapted for Asiatics than for Africans. He states the number necessary to supply the full Wants of the Island at 50,000. 361 sfiid Mr. Ellis "the future progress of India, speak- ing not of particular portions of the country, but, of the Empire generally, ran a serious risk of being interrupted and del.iyed, by the want of a suffici- ent population. This deficiency of labor was likely to retard an object in which His Lordship's prede- cessor in the Government of this country, and the English public generally, had shown so great an interest, the reclaiming of the vast tracts of jungle and waste land, and the application to the soil of English capital under tiie superintendence of English settlers. When lie reflected upon the vast extent of llnilways still remaining incomplete; the tramways, feeders, and roads required to bring the great lines of Railway into profitable operation ; and the vast works of irrigation which were beingunder- taken with th« object of fertilizing and enriching the country ; when they knew that all these great enterprizes were not looming in the distance, but were already in progress he (Mr. Ellis) confessed that he thought they should view any increase ia the number of emigrants, and any measures which, like the present Bill, have a tendency to encourage emigration, as matters of regret, and as a serious evil. "The Liws relating to emigration would, he did not doubt, be found very sufficient in countries where the people were more civilized and self-reliant than they were in India; but he did not believe that the law, in its present state, was sufficient to z 7 362 guard the Natives of the interior of the coun- try from being deceived and enticed from their homes on false, or what was nearly as bad, on insuflBeient information. He believed that if we could follow the recruiters of emigrants into the interior of the country, and if we could watch their proceedings more closely than had hitherto been done, we should find them holding out the moat eiaggerated prospects to the most ignorant class of the population, and making promises as extra- vagant as those of the recruiting Serjeant to the bumpkins of a village in England, when a few fine men were wanted for service in India. The Natives in the interior completely misapprehend the posi- tion and powers of these recruiting agents. These agents displayed before their evfs a Purwaunah, as they styled the document they receive from the Emigration Agent, and they were invested, in the eyes of the people, with a certain degree of official aiuthority. They were listened to all the more readily in consequence of its being supposed that their objects had the support and approval of the Government. When once a gang of Coolies was collected, care was taken to gain over a few of the most intelligent among thpm. These were appoin- ted as Sirdars over small companies of the Coolies, were favored by the recruiter, and combined with the recruiter to keep up the illusions which caused ths Coolies to enlist. These Sirdars obtained, 363 ^during the march to Calcutta, a very great iiiftu>- ence over their respective gangs, and, by the time the C;)oIies reached their depot at Calcutta, they were fully persuaded of the reality of the promises held out to them when they left their homes, and that these would be speedily realized. Acting under the direction o,f their leaders they, parrot- Jtike, expressed their contentment when questioned by the Protector, and their entire willinguqss to fulfil their engagements. He (Mr. Ellis) must '.beg to observe that he believed the work of the Protectory so far as .lay in his power, was most con- scientiously performed at Calcutta by the Officer appointed for that purpose ; but he maintained that the bands of. intending emigrants were deceived before reaching the depotrand the influence of their Sirdars dictated their answers to the Protector." ; " He did not wish to dwell upon the lamentable and excessive mortality which had recently occurred ^mong the emigrants to the Island of Re-union-, and which had engaged, he believed, the attention of the Government of Bengal, and the Government of India, for he had no doubt that efficient reme- dies would be applied. This mortality, which was nearly double that which occurred among the emi- grants to the Mauritius, amounted, to 4^ per cent during the short time occupied in the. voyage, and in the distribution of the Coolies. . With reference to this uarticular branch of emigratioh .from this 364 country, he had carefully examined the reports regarding Cooly labor, inserted monthly in the Commercial Gazette published at St. Denis. He gatheerd from those reports some importanft acts. It appeared that the mortality among the Coolies receiv- ed from Calcutta was of the very serious character which he had already noticed, that this mortality was continuous during a great part of the year, and also that the Coolies received from Calcutta were physically ill-suited for the labors assigned to them on the sugar-cane plantations and in the sugar factories. It was added, and he thought this a very signiRcant remark, that the demand for labor in the Island was so great, that in spite of the large numbers already sent, the planters and manufacturers were eager to obtain these Coolies, although it was admitted that their physi- cal condition was unsuited for this labor. "When it was remembered that the Island of Re-union did not admit of much e:xtention of cultivation, and that the climate, though favorable to Euro- peans, is considered fatal to Africans, and hostile to Asiatics he very much feared, from the facts he had mentioned, that it had been found, as was the case with imported slave labor in America, that it paid to employ at excessive labor an Indian Cooly, even for a limited period, and that a large proportion of those employed succumbed to this labor." 365 It is extremely refreshing to find a tone so healthy prevading the debates of a Council the mernber-a of which at one time it was thought were doomed to be dummies. From such constitutional proceed- ings as this debate records, evincing as they do respect for the wishes of the Supreme Authority, with an honorable and conscientious resolve faithfully to discharge the sacred trust with which members are invested, the public can augur nothing but the strengthening of the power of the Executive, and the welfare of the Country. It is further gratifying to know that Air. Ellis has not spoken in vain, — that this highly important debate has not been barren of results. Agreeably to the orders of the Secretary of State, the Act has become law ; but the discussion was not a week old before the propriety of deputing a Government Commissioner, as suggested by Mr. Ellis, to all the colonies to which coolies are sent, to obtain the information asked for, was considered; and it is tlie intention of the Government of India to revise and consolidate all the laws relating to the emigration of laborers from India. The revision and amendment of these laws will effect one portion of the object — the protection of the emigrant before he leaves India—and the deputation of a Commisr, sioner, should such an officer independent of all local Colonial influences be appointed, will go some way towards extending that' protection to hira, after he has left it. Thus, the Government of India will have. 36« done all that lies in its power to neutralize evils, which I fear must be inherent in every system of emigration ■where the emigrants are not sufficiently enlighten- ed and intelligent to understand, thoroughly, the engagements entered into ou their behalf. It will remain for her Majesty's Government to decide the points which seem to be disputed in India — viz. whether the direction of future legislation in regard to the population of India, is to be for the benefit of India herself, or for the benefit of British and foreign Colonies — and whether the existing anomaly shall continue, of the Indian laborer being pro- hibited by law from the freedom of carrying his labor where he pleases, and foreign agents being permitted to come and lure him to a distant land beyond Seas, when he might obtain all that he requires in his own country, within reasonable distance of his home, and under the protective laws of his own Government. If still anxious to reclaim the great wastes of India, it will be for both Governments, in concert, to consider, what arrange- ments, if any, can be made that will facilitate the removal of a laboring population from over- crowded districts to those where European Capita- lists are ready to employ it. And when we reflect that it has been satisfactorily established, that some of those districts which are now unpopulated, are admirably adapted for the growth of the best des- criptions of that commodity, the want of which has 367 reduced so'many hundred thousands, if not millionit of our own countrymen, to a state bordering on: starvation, the question is one that ought to have special interest for the people of England. The physical obstacles in the way of establishj ing a communication between the North Eastern Frontier of Assam, and the territories of the King of Burmah, are doubtless very great j but if the Burmese could march an army into the province, devastate it, and drive before them into Burmah 30,000 captives, with their cattle and house-hold goods, to the British Government these obstacles can- not be insurmountable. Now, moreover, since by the late commercial treaty, political difficulties are in some degree removed, the hostility of the Singphoos and other Hill tribes, can hardly be considered a valid ground for objecting to attempt this highly important measure. Our Burmese territories almost border the most populous country in the whole World ; a country in which — notwithstanding an unequal struggle has long been maintained between the laws of Man, and the laws of Nature, to restrain the over-flow of population from streaming out of it — the people are daily seeking new outlets for their energy and industry. In Pegu, we have 28,000 square miles of uncultivated land, a grea^t portion of which has been pronounced to be equal to any Cotton land in India; and these circum- stadces^ to my mind, indicate that there are Acts 368 left for the Legislature of India to pass, that would tead more to the advancement of the interests of both England nnd this Country, than Acts to legalize the abstraction of India's laboring population. Nor in holding this opinion am I altogether singular. Within the last few months a proposition has come up from the Chief Commissioner of British Burmah to sanction an expenditure of some £10,000, or ^612,000 for the purpose of inaugurating a system of immigra- tion from China. But it has not, I am sorry to say, met with the approval of the Supreme Government. It must he borne in mind, however, that the great que^stion of the development of India's vrealth, ha-t not hitherto been fairly looked at from all points. The actual relationship betweeu the great elements of prosperity — Land, Labor, and Capital — has not been accurately apprehended. Regarding land there could be no mistake. Vast tracts were there. Capital, people were not quite so certain about. It might be there; but if so, it: was locked up — hoarded. In tlie matter of population, however, there were no doubts whatever. Every body firmly believed it to be excessive. But it appears that on the attempt being made to reclaim one, out of the many provinces of this great peninsula in which large tracts are waste, the failure was uot iu that element regarding which people had fears — capital; but in tiiat iu which people least expected it — population. This now is kuow and admitted ; aad it may- be hoped that 369 with the light of this new knowledge, the ques- tion will be dififerently viewed, and tliat if invit.i- tions be still held out to English capitalists to bring or send their money into India, some endea- vour will be made to aid them in obtaining the means of making use of it. If not, capitalists will decline the offers made, and the solutiati of the problem must be left to time and circumstances. That it is the duty of a Government, with popula- tion excessive in some parts, and large tracts of rich land unpopulated in others, to take some measures to encourage the transfer of the surplus population to the surplus land, no reasonable being will deny. In older and richer countries, in which the people are more active, intelligent, and enterprising than the people of India, — in short in self-governing countries, a Government has little more to do than to advertise land, and /joor people very soon find their way to it. Here it is different. Advertisements are so much waste paper. The people who are wanting, cannot read or understand them. If they could, they would not believe them. Or if they did, they have not the means to avail them'selves of the advantages they hold out. And this brings me to ^he third point of this important subject — Capital. In treating of the rates of interest for money pre- vailing in this country, I have said suflScient to show that the popular notion of the riches of India 370 is very erroneous. When any Gommodity is to be obtained in al)undance, it isahviiys chea|). Thus, though we can conceive situations in which air and water, would be worth more tlian gold and pre- cious stones, ordinarily they have no value in exchange. If, therefore, money in India, a.t has been shown, is dear, it is a sure indication that it is scarce. Much may be — indeed is hoarded ; but taking into consideration the extent, and the na- itnral and productive richness of the country, the amount of the precious metals withdrawn from cirealation is not such as to vitiate any general 'conclusions, diawn from circumstances as we find them existing around us. We have no means of making even an approximate estimate of the Capital of the whole country, nor yet ■of ascertaining, with any approach to accuracy, the condition of any section of the upper classes of the people. We must, therefore, rest content with gene- ralities, which however will fully suffice for the pur- pose. From the days of the Phoenicians, the wealth of India has been proverbial. Nor can there be any doubt that India is an extremely rich country. From time immemorial, streams of gold, brocades, precious stones, muslins, spices, fibres, dyes &o. &c. have been flowing from India to Europe, which have enriched the raerchnnts <«f Venice, Genoa, England, and those of other countries, tiirough whose hands they passed. There could be no mistake about 371, these things. People saw them. Persons again who came to India, beheld mighty Kings and Princes, clothed in rich garments glittering with precious stones, living in all the pomp and splendour of. Orieutiil state. All this indicated immense riches.; Yet. the people were very poor. They had no. Capital. The country was in short, at once, the richest, and the poorest on the face of the Earth. How shall we explain the paradox — how reconcile the existence of immense wealth, with the absence of any Capital ? Nothing is easier. All Capital is the result of saving. In India, one class excepted, from the highest to the lowest, no one saves. All spend — often more than they can call their own. The King who bestows largesses with an open hand and dies in debt, is lauded in prose and verse as a noble and generous monarch. The King who departs this life leaving a full Trea- sury, IS satirized as a mean spirited miser. And the voice of the Nation concurs in the verdicts of these poets laureate. The one clasa alluded to are the Mahajan and Bunneea, or banker and money lender, class, whose business it is to supply the wants of others — to live and grow fat on the necessities of the remainder of the community. For the rest, in India, every one spends what he produces, or what is produced for him : and as such a state of things is inconsistent with the existence of Capital, that there is much 372 wealth, but no Capital, in ludia, is not at all sur- prising. Bub in the midst of so much wealth how is it that the great body of the people are, so misera- bly poor ? This would seem to be more difficult of explanation; but it is not so. In India the system on which society is regulated is pecu- liar. Tliere is a despotism — an Oriental despotism About it, which percolates through all ranks of society from the highest downward, that is not rtadily understood in Europe, Kings prey upon the wliole community ; the Governors of provinces prey on the people of the provinces over which they rule ; the great landholders prey on the landlords : and the landlords prey on the ryots. Kings having a large number of persons to prey upon, are rich ; and in their persons is represented the greatest portion of the surplus wealth of the Nation. Governors, petty Rajas, Nawabs, great landlords, &o., for the same reason, are, rich and well to do. But the unfortunate ryots, preyed upon by every one, have no one on wiiom in turn to prey, and are therefore very poor, — so poor that they are left nothing beyond the bare means of sub- sistance, — nothing to pay thecost of cultivating their little f^irms. Hence the necessity for the system of advances, against the iniquity of which so much is said and written, by people who under- stand very little about it, Nor do I allude solely 373 to English writers ; but to many in' India whose knowledge while only surface deep, is often taken, in England, for very reuch more than it is worth. The system . of advances, so much railed at in Euglaud and India, is simply a necessity arising oat of the extreme poverty of the people, and its only cure lies in such a settlement of the land tenure, as ensuring to the actual cultivators of the soil a larger share of the profits resulting from their own industry, will enable them, after providing themselves with the necessaries of life, to call their crops, at least, their own. The sale of land in fee-simple to ignorant and unenlightened landlords will not effect this. Nor yet the redemp- tion of the laud revenue. A perpetual settlement will be equally impotent to accomplish the end. It has not accomplished it in Bengal. On the con- trary, the ryots are admitted to be in an extremely depressed conditon. Before much beneEt can result from any improvement in the land tenure of tho country, landlords must be better educated, and cultivators more intelligent than at present. The former must learn that the ryots, as the source of their wealth, must be solicitously cared for, and that some better and more profitable use may be made of their accumulated savings, than squander- ing them in personal luxuries, marriage ceremonies, and barbarous festivals. Tlie ryot too must un- derstand, and be placed in a position to prove, that 374 his thews and sinews, are not merely a means of maintaining liis existence; but the means of en- abling him to live in a certain degree of comfort, and to bring np his children to industrious and useful callings. Until this happy state of things is brought about, India will be dependent, in a great measure, for her advancement on English capital, for at present, ' with all her riches — with all her productive wealth, India is so pbor, that the whole of her accumulated savings^ as compared with her .population and immense extent of ^rea, is but a drop, as it were, in the Ocean of the Capital of the World. The history of the Tea experiment is curiously Jilustrative of the want of Capital in India. In the N. .W, Provinces, the Government, as already explained, took considerable pains to introduce the ■Cultivation of the plant, and after nearly a quarter of a century of experiments, carried out at great ,expe'nse, it succeeded. Now the production of tea, necessitates a steady outlay for four years, without any return, and hence it requires the command ,of considerable-Capital. But English capitalists declined to invest their money in speculations so f^r removed - from the great centres of European commerce. There was neither ciipital nor enter- prise among the people themselves, and the Goverii- ment, havipgjspent its money for the attainment of an object by which it hoped to confer, a uationa 375 benefit on the country, was about to lose it, at the very moment it looked for the fulfilment of its expecta* : tions. Fortunately the cultivation of Tea is a garden operation, — an agreeable, gentlemanly, and profita- : ble occupation. A few Civil and Military officers,? therefore, v?ho had retired and settled in the Hills, i at once commenced to make plantations. Others, , still in the service, 'wished to invest their savings in like speculations; bat the rules of the Indian Servicesy did not permit Government servants to hold laud. The question was referred to the Secretary of State, Lord Canning suggesting that the rules should be relaxed. The Secretary of State disap- proved, on the ground that public officers' whole time and attention should be given up to their public duties. Lord Canning and his Council re- monstrated against this decision, zealously advo- cating the independence of the Services, The Secre- tary of State gave way in regard to Military Officers; but not in the case of Civil servants, or Military Officers in the discharge of Civil duties. Again did Lord Canning, the real and steadfast friend of India and the Services, urge, that Government had full knowledge of the character and conduct, of all its servants, and that in dealing with honor- able men, full reliance on their integrity, with re- wards and punishments, were a better preventive of the abu3e of privileges, than disabilities and pro^* hibitory euactmeuts. Finally the Secretary of SJatfi 376 , modified his orders, so tliat regimental officers might be permitted to hold land anj' where in India, and Civil Officers^ and Military Officers holding Civil appointmeivts, to hold it anv where out of the presidency or division of the presidency or Lieute- nant Governor-ahip in which they were serving, and so the matter now stands. ; Now had the Government of India been unable to procure a modification of the Secretary of State's,, first decision, the fine field for Tea, Chinchona, Silk, Hop cultivation, Iron works, &c. &c. opened up in the Himalayan ranges, must have remained unoccupiedv for many years; for, it having been determined that, Government will not work these undertakings on its own account to a profitable result^ the information required by English capitalists before they will invest their money in speculations in the remote East, could not have been obtained. Natives, except the class before alluded to, do not save; and besides the savings of the government civil and military Services, there is no Capital in the North Western Provinces of India, available for investment in un- dertakings for the development of the resources of the country. Lord Canning, when he advocated the cause of the independence of the Services in regard to the employment of their private means, was possibly aware of this fact ; but in the official documents I have seen on the subject, this point is not difelt on. When we consider, however 377 the peculiarity of our position in India, it comes to be a matter of considerable importance to take advantage of every possible means to compenaate for the drain on the Capitnl of the country that it necessitates. Tlie Home charges now amount to 110 less a sum than nine millions sterling, — hard Rupees, which are withdrawn from India, to be expended in England. Last year, it is true, that this amount, or nearly so, being required for Railway expenditnre, it was simply transferred on paper; yet had it not been required, an equal amount of Railway Capital, must have been sent into India. But taking the annual Home cliarges for salaries, pensions, payment of troops &c. at four millions sterling, it is clear that during the cur- rent century, an amount of capital, not less than £248,000,000, has been collected from the ryots of India, and spent in England. We have to add, moreover, to this very large sum, the amount represented hy the accumulated savings of all the civil, military, and other servants of Govern- ment, the wealthy mercliauts, tradesmen, planters, barristers and Englishmen of jill grades, who come to India to make money, — not to spend in it, but to take out of it. The influx of capital thus acquired and saved in India, has already had an appreciable effect throughout Scotland. Tyburnia in London shows outward and visible signs of havinc benefitted by India's capital. The Cape of Good 378 •H9pe> on the other hand, has severely felt the with-r drawal of the annual increase to its wealth, bv the alterations; in; the furlough regulations, whieli, depriving the Indian services of the privileges in re- gard to pay and service they enjoyed when on. leave in the Eastern Seas, induces them to spend their leaves in Europe. We have no means of obtain- ing even an approximate idea of the amount annually withdrawn from India and spent in Greut Britain by our migrating European population. But takin that there seems little doubt, that by a slight reduction in dujjy, it may be multiplied almost ad libitum. By the reducj^ion of the prohibitive duties prior to 1784, the quantity of tea consumed in Great Bititaan, was trebled in tu/o years. In 1783 the quantity of tea sold at the East India Com- pany's sales, amounted to 5,157,883 lbs. In 1785, it reached 16,307,4i33 lbs. The quantity of tea im- ported into Great Britain, in 1833, was 32,057,832, lbs, and in 1858 it was 75,432,578 lbs.* I have not got the Trade Returns of last year, but from the circulars of Messrs. W. J. & H. Thompson for the months of the first half of the year, we have data * The quantity of tpa re-exported was, in 1833—254,460 lbs, and in 1858,-7, 249,276 lbs. 888 to assume, that the quantity of tea imported inta Great Britaia in 1863, was very little short of 100,0Q(/,000 lbs. ! !* To say nothing of the possibility of an interruption of the trade with China, these results show how deeply concerned both India and England are, or ought to be, in the subject of this Review j and it is to be hoped that the Governments of both Nation* will see the necessity of acting in concert for the advancement of a cultivation which may confer such solid benefits on both countries. Let them carefully examine existing rules regarding waste lands, immigration regulations &c., and deliberately consider how thfey may be best modified so as to give those desirous of investing their money in tea, if no favor, z.^ least a fair field. If I may be the exponent of their views, I would venture to say that they want — no more. Nor must it be supposed by Englishmen anxious to seek their fortunes in foreign laitds, that the tea districts of India, if more profitable, are less attractive than many other parts of the world to which emigrants are daily flocking. Assam, it is true, was once thought to be so wild and unhealthy a province, that when troops were sent there the European Officers were permitted to draw extra allowances. But those days have passed. Much of * America before the present disunion, eonsumed about 35,000,000, Ibi of tea. 389 the jungle with whiqh, fof want of population, it was covered, is cleared away, and the province is now found to be not only very much cooler, but very much healthier than many parts of India. The noblest river in India, the Bramahputra, flows through the Valley, which is enclosed, on two sideSj with hills, and on these hiH^j ere long, will be estab- lished pleasant Sauataria. The Scenery of some parts of this fine province moreover is picturesque and beautiful, while the soil is unsurpassed in fertility by the soil of any country in the world. For the profi- table cultivation of tea,, no district, in India can be placed befpre Assam. But should a cold climate be prefered, there are many I'rom which to select : — Darjeeling, overlooked by the towering and snow-capped peaks of Mt. Everest and Chiuchinjunga, the loftest mountains in the world,; the charming, salubrious, and fertile valleys of Kamaoa ; or the pleasant and milder Doon of Deyrah. More westerly still, are Simla and Hazarah ; but far before all the tea districts of India in the grandeur of its scenery, and the picturesque loveli- ness of its situation, is the valley of Kangra. Many consider this valley more beautiful even thaa Cash- mere, and I cannot better conclude this hurried aud imperfect Review, than by the following extracts from the official report of Mr. G. Carnac Barnes B. C. S. on the settlement of this part of the country, in which he has sketched, at once so 390 graphically and so faithfully, the noble featares of this ^ Happy Valley,' that I make no apology for the space I allot to his interesting remarks. : " The District of Kot Kangra, with nominal excep- ' ' ■ tions, comprizes all the Hill Territory belonging to the British Government, situated between the Rivers Ravee and Sutlej. It extends from Shahpore near the Ravee on the West, in Lat. 33° 30', Long. 75° 45% to the borders of Chinese Tartary in Lat. 32?, Long. 78° 10'. The Northern extremity touches upon Ladakh, and the Southern limits of the district rest upon the plains of the Baree and Julundbur Doabs." - "The area contained within these general confines can only be conjectured, since a JEntire District. , .- i . , j great portion has not been and may never be, surveyed. The entire space may be roughly estimated at 8,000 square miles. Three pf the Punjab Rivers, the Beas, the Ravee, and the Chenab, take their rise withiu this tract. Various races of . men, belonging to distinct types of the human family, and speaking different languages; are distributed over its surface. Here are Hills just raised above the level of the plain, and moun- tain crests higher than any peak of the Andes. Every zone of climate and variety of vegetation is here to be met with, from the scorching heat, and exuberant growth of the tropics, to barren heighti 391 destitute of verdure, and capped with perpetual show." "Kangra consist of a series of parnllel ranges, divided by longitudinal Valleys; ara e ^ngea. ^y^^ general direction of whichj from Nortb-West to South-East, bave determined the shape of the District. These ridges and valleys increase gradually in elevation as they recede from the plains, and approach the snowy barrier which forms the Northern Boundary. The characteristic features of Hill and Valley are best defined where nearest to the plains. Thus, the border chain, which seperates the level tracts of the Doab from the Hills, runs in an uniform course from Hajee- pore on the Beas, to Roopnr on the Banks of the Sutlej. The Valley which it incloses, known as the " Juswun Doon," preserves the same regular simplicity, and stretches in one unbroken parallel to the same extremes. But the further we penetrate into the interior of this mountain system, the less these distinctive lineaments are maintained. Hills dissolve into gentle slopes, and platforms of table land and valleys become convulsed and up- heaved, so as no longer to be distinguished from the ridges which environ them." " The colossal range of mountains, which bounds Kangra to the North, deserves more The Chumba or iv xi • . j ... ,, 'Snowy Range. '^"*° this passing description. Al- though the direction, of this range 392 is in general conffopmity to that of the lower hills, yet the altitude is so vastly superior, and the* struc- ture so distin-ct, as to require a seperate notice. In other psrts of the Himalaya, the effect of the snowy mountains is softened, if not injured, by interme- diate ranges, and the mind is gradually prepared by a rising succession of hills, for the stupendous heights which terminate the scene. But in Kangra there is nothing to intercept the view. The lower hills appear, by comparison, like ripples, on the surface of the sea, — and the eye rests, uninterrup- ted, on a chain of mountains which attain an absolute elevation of 13,000 feet above the valleys spread out at their base." "I know no spot in the Himalaya, which for beauty or grandeur, can coinpete with the Kangra valley, and these over-shadowing hills. No scenery, in my opinion, presents such sublime and delightful contrasts, Below lies the plain a picture of rural loveliness and repose. The surface is covered with the richest cultivation, irrigated by streams which descend from perennial snows, aid interspersed with homesteads buried in the midst of groves and fruit trees. Turning from this scene of peaceful beauty, the stern and majestic hills confront us. Their sides are furrowed with pre- cipitous water-courses. Forests of Oak clothe their flanks^ and higher up give place to gloomy aud funereal pines. Above all, are wastes of snow or 393 pyramidal masses of granite too perpendicular for the snovf to rest on." " These Valleys by no means present a general evenness of surface. Their contour anee."'™' **"""■ is pleasantly broken by transverse ridges and numerous streams which descend from the mountains above. A hundred canals, filled with clear water, intersect the area in all directions, and convey the blessings of irrigation to every field. Trees and plants of opposite zones are here intermingled, and Alpine vegetation con- tends for pre-eminence with the growth of the tropics. The Bamboo, the peepul and the mangoe, attain a luxuriance not excelled in Bengal, while firs and dwarf oaks, the cherry, the barberry, and the dog-rose, flourish in their immediate vicinity. Among cereal productions, rice and maize alternate with wheat, linseed, and barley : and three-fifths of the soil yield double crops in the course of the year. The dwellings of the people are seldom grouped together, but lie sprinkled in isolated spots over the whole Valley. Every house is encircled by a hedge of bamboos, fruit trees, and other timber useful for domestic wants. Some- times a cluster of five or six houses occurs, and here a grain-dealer's shop and extensive groves denote the head-quarters of the town-ship. These scattered homesteads, the pictures of svlvan elegance and comfort, relieve the monotonous 394 expanse of cultivation, and lend an additional charm to the landscape. " There are mountainous massess still undescribed, which it is difficult to bring under cription! '"^ ™ either of the broad distinctions of ridge or Valley. If they fall under either definition they should properly be classed as valleys, although in shape and aspect they more resemble hills. Besides being contained within the parallel chains, and on the area that would be occupied by the valley, they belong to a later formation. Instead of the secondary sandstone we have a clay soil, and rounded pebbles mixed with conglomerate rocks. Such for instance are the low alluvial eminences which constitute the Talooquas of Burgiraon, Teera, Muhul Loree, and that portion ofRajgeeree south of the river Beas. An English traveller, Mr, Vigne, passing through the hills of Muhul Moree, compared them, not inaptly, to an agitated Sea suddenly arrested and fixed into stone. The crests are like angry waves succeeding one another in tumultuous array, and assuming the most fantastic forms. Viewed from a distance when the tops alone are visible, these hills have a bleak and barren aspect Their sides are often bare and precipitous, and it is a peculiarity of the tract that it is entirely destitute of forest trees. Not a hut is to be seen, not a single field to relieve and gladden the eye. Approach nearer, and how sudden and 395 agreeable the surprise ! Between the dreary hills, are romantic glades and hollows, resonant with the busy hum of men and the lowing of cattle. Cottages nestle under the hill side, and the corn waves luxuriantly, protected from the winds that desolate the heights above." " Such are the prominent features of this interest- ing region. I am conscious of many and serious defects of description, but so general a sketch must needs be imperfect : and to do fully justice to the endless variety of scene would require a far abler and more imaginative pen than mine. " END OF PART I. APPENDIX. Extract of a letter to a gentleman in Calcutta interested in Foreign and Colonial Ehiigration. " I HAVE, read, with much attention, the papers oq Colouiiil emigration you placed in my hands, and though they have helped to perfect my knowledge on many points, and show that much care is takeu , to insure the comfort and well being of the emi- grants, they have not induced me to alter the opinions I previously entertained, regarding this deeply interesting and highly important subject. I would not in any way be understood to advocate the imposition of any restrictions on the freedom of labor. His labor is all thepoor man has to bring to Market, and any interference with his free and unrestricted liberty to carry that, to where he can dispose of it to the best advantage, while the wealthy merchant may take his goods, without let or hin- derance, to any market in the world, would not only be economically a retrograde and, false step, at variance with those sound principles which have regulated the policy of the British Government now for many years, but extremely despotic, if not oppressive. At the same time, it must be borne in mind, that the labor of every country is its most precious wealth, and I conceive, that wbiFe II. ■recognizing to the full that ri^ht of unrestricted freedom in regard to emigration -whicli its subjects, by virtue of its constitution, enjoy, it would be more consistent with tlie policy of the British G-overnment, to leave the laborer to* his own free choice, than to take legislative action with the avowed object of facilitating the entrance of foreigners into this country to entice him out of it, and thus deprive Indict, of that wealth which she most requires." " The question as regardslndia, it appears to me, is one, not of price, as many suppose, but one purely of progress ; and the anomaly, is not that while we are crying out for labor in. front, we are permitting it to stream owt of the country in rear ; but that while the kw of the land restricts the liberty of the subject in regard to emigration evea to British and Indian Colonies (\ide the Act of 1839^) we are daily forging new Acts to legalize the -transport of labor to countries over the laws of .which we have no control, and in which we cannot -consequently guarantee our Indian subjects proper protection ; — and that while Coloiiial and foreign Governpieats give their developers every possible assistance in obtaining this labor, for three whole years, the late Lieutenant Governor of Bengal systematically refused to afford the same aid to> £«5r^i«A>»e» engaged ia developing the resources of .th e proTince he was paid for adipiaistering, aa^ 111. tniuntiiiiied that Government had no concera whatever in the matter." « It is unnecessary that I should allude to the results of this, to me, seemingly mistaken policy. You are well aware that they have been an amount of oppression, cruelty, desease and death it is painful to call to mind." It would be ridiculous to argue that the system of Government now maintaining in England, would have been suitable for the people of England, two centuries back, and 1 need not endeavour to demon- strate, that those who would attempt to apply it^ in its full integrity, to India in its present stage of development, could hardly expect the happiest results. I know that this is not allowed gener- ally in England, and I am aware that it is only partially admitted in India. Still I conceive that it is only because it is believed that the people of India are not yet sufficiently intelligent and enlightened, to know and understand what is best for their own interests, and with a view toprotect them from being crimped and kidnapped for the benefit of others, that the law of 1839 prohibit- ir)g emigration, is still retained in the statute Book. Such, at least, is the conclusion I draw from the tenor of the late debate in the Council of the Governor-General, in which the principle of freedom in labor as in other things, was fully recognized," ^v. "Now I contend that whatever may be the strin- gency of the laws fra,med by the Indian Governtnent oh the subject of emigration, they will be insufficient to pi-eVent the coolie from being lured away, T do not say, against his will, but with a very misty and im- perfect idea of what is before him. It must not be forgotten that he does not leave the Indian shores a free man. lie Ifeiaves it under the bondage of a five years contract, which, however unsuitable he may find the work He is put to, he is compelled to complete, and a further service of five years, before he can claim a passage biack to his native land. Under such a system, view it as you please, emigration must partake in some degree, remote let it be, of the naturte of the slave trade. As long as the coolies go, J^ a British colony the Indian Government has tho^l^isfaction of knowing, that living under the prSfection of English laws, their slavery will be of the very mildest form ; but in the case of foreign " coloiiies it has no such guarantee." ■ "From the moment the Government of India ~ considers its Indian subjects to be in a condition to exercise their free will in matters of this kind, the bearings of the case are completely altered. The native of India then, will be as free as the native of Britain. But until that time has come, apart altogether from considerations regarding the wants of this country, I certainly would not advocate the multiplication of treaties, at least with foreign powers, to facilitate the emigration of Indian coolies. The Hon'ble Mr. Eden says tlmt return coolies bring back large sums of money — somie- tiraes as much as Rs. 5,000 ; and Dr. Mitchell of Trinidad in his letter to Mr. Chamevorzow, states ' that since the year 1850, 1705 male adults, with their families, have returned to India from Trinidad who transmitted earnings through the Colonial trea- sury amounting to £34,855.' Both statements no doubt are quite true. But, without at all denying that those coolies who do return to India, come back in better circumstances than they went, the amount stated by Dr. Mitchell only shows an average of £20 per family saved in nine years of exile, and. such instances as that cited by Mr. Eden, are certainly isolated, and furnish no argument whatever against the principle I uphold, or prove that the same persons NV'ould not have made quite as much money in their own coun- try. The late Moti Lai Seal commenced life in Calcutta by selling empty bottles, and died worth a quarter of a million sterling. A door- keeper I dismissed a short time ago, had lent E.S. 500 of his savings to the other servants. I ofifered a return laborer from Assam last week, £5 a month, wages, to take service on a tea plantation iu the Hills, and he refused it. I have no doubt whatever, that on plantations in Assam where a fair system of jtask. work is in force, the laborers VI. (Could save more than lialf tlieir earnings. But be ■that as it may, a question so large and so important iu its bearing on the interests of civilization, cannot be narrowed to one simply of the profit of a few individuals. It extends far berond it." " I freely confess that I am not an advocate for the encouragement of emigration in the present •circumstances of India; but if it be sound in prin- ciple — if it be necessary, desirable, expedient, or -politic, that, with infinitely more work in India than the laboring population can do, and higher rates of wages than ever before prevailed, the Government of India should be compelled out of its own scarcity, to supply the wants of foreigners, — by all means let it be : provided that the Government of India, at the same time, adopts the course followed by other Governments, and helps its own Country. Let it not look on passively at the property of its own subjects — Englishmen, who, at its urgent solicitation, put their capital into the soil — perishing, while the labor that could save it, and which they are quite willing to pay for, is streaming out of the country, without stretching out a finger to help them." "The Planters asked the Government of Bengal, to Ao notliing for the provinces of Assam and Oaehar, that the Governments of France, Denmark, and those of her Majesty's Colonies who import •coolies, do not consider it their bounden duty to do for the Colonies for which they require labor. They VM'., asked the Government of Bongnl fo establish an imtnigration agency, with the necessary machinery of a Protectorate, Medical Examiner, &c., all the ex- penses of which tliey expressed their perfect willing- ness to pay. Tiieir request was refused ; and by this refusal, I think the interests, not only of the planters, but the interests of the Government, the Country, and the People, were sacrificed,. The planters;, therefore, in my humble jiidgement at least, have a just ground for eomi)la,int. Had what they required been conceded at the out-set, the country would have been spared the calamities the Immigration Committee's report disclosed, and none of the com- plications which have since retarded the progress of the tea districts, and taken up so much of the valuable time of the Supireme Government would have arisen." " I have visited the emigratiojj agency for Mauritius with its efficient superintendent Dr. Payne, and I can bear testimony to the excellency of the arrange- ments for the comfort, cleanliness, and health of the coolies ; the duties of the Protectorate too, are jnost conscientiously and well performed; and when a little supervision, care, and attention on the part of Government, can ensure such results, I cannot understand why we should hear of such depots as that of Thakoor Lalla, in Bengal. Were the several Local Governments of India now, to take isnofe kindly tp ths plan adopted by fQreign and colonial Goyern- Till. Aents, and aid Railway aillfhorities, developers, an?' others, in the transport of labor, I doubt very much if we would hear any thing more of a scarcity of labor, in any part of India ; for it cannot be denied, that if the population of the whole country is, proportionately with its area, below the average of populous European countries, it is still very dense in some parts The greatest quantity of labor is required for Hallway operations, and in the com- pletion of these works, the Government of India, and every tax payer in the country, are directly and deeply interested. "Within the last ten years, some fifty millions sterling have been imported into India for the prosecution of Railway works, and as the largest portion of Railway expenditure is in labor, this amount no doubt required a very considerable quantity of labor to absorb it. But in regard to the cultivation of Wastes, the case is quite different. The whole amount of capital expended in the same period, iu the tea districts of lower Bengal, for this purpose, does not aggregate even half a million sterling; and, assuming the semblance of a Govern-, ment, that any complications on the score of labor should have arisen in absorbing this fraction, seems almost ludicrous. Complications, however, and very serious complications, have arisen. These are now patent to Government as well as to the public,' and «uch being the case, the very serious question that grows out of them is, with what countenance can Her IX. Majesty's Secretary of State go before the British publiCj and iavite Capitalists to invest their money in land which he knows they cannot get labor to cultivate ? Has the Government of India no concern with this, I would plainly ask ? With a little pains and trouble on the part of Governmentj I believe that labor can be found for all the present wants of India, and for the Colonies besides; but if the economical idea put forth by Sir John Peter Grant, viz., that it is no part of the business of Government to trouble itself about these thingSj be acted upon^if the local Governments of India be allowed to do just as they please, and to decline to take that small amount of trouble which is necessary, and which Colonial and other Govern- ments deem it their duty and find it their interest to take, then Indian developers will continue to make an outcry against foreigners taking away that which they want, and, in my humble judgement, they have reason and riffht on their side." W. N. L.