PA Digitized by Microsoft® Digitized by Microsoft® This book was digitized by Microsoft Corporation in cooperation with Corneii University Libraries, 2007. You may use and print this copy in iimited quantity for your personai purposes, but may not distribute or provide access to it (or modified or partiai versions of it) for revenue-generating or other commerciai purposes. Digitized by Microsoft® VERNER'S LAW IN ITALY Digitized by Microsoft® Digitized by Microsoft® VEENEK'S LAW IN ITALY AN ESSAY IN THE HISTORY OP THE INDO-EUEOPEAN SIBILANTS R. SEYMOUR CONWAY, B.A. FOUNDATION SCHOLAK OF GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDQE, WADDINGTON CLASSICAL SCHOLAB IN THE UNIVEESITY OF CAMBKIDGE, EXHIBITIONEB IN LATIN IN THE UNIVEESITY OF LONDON, WITH A DIALECT MAP OF ITALY EFHEAWOOD, B.A., F.R.G.S. LONDON TRUBNER AND CO., LUDGATE HILL Digitized i^Siprosoft® ® /l-339/f COhNELL^N \J% dHf\i\ % / ffismftrilige: PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. ANE SONS, AT THE DNIVEBSIXY PRESS. Digitized by Microsoft® PBAECEPTOEIBUS MEIS ET INTEB EOS POTISSIMUM GULIELMO GEORGIO RUSHBROOKE LITEEAEUM HUMANIOEUM AC LINGUAE SANSCEITICAE AD SCHOLAM OIVITATIS LONDINENSIS EBVEEENDO DOCTOEI HUNC QUEMCUNQUE FASCIGULUM D. D. D. Digitized by Microsoft® Pj^ Cornell University BB Library r^^^ The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924021622943 ■^ Digitized by Microsoft® TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE Prefatory Note viii Introduction. (First principles : scope of the Essay : title : results hitherto accepted : results of the Essay.) §§ 1 — 5 . 1 I. The Phonetic relation op S and B. (Nature of the change oi Sto B: its physiological and historical causes : note on s and ch in Old Church Slavonic : s before nasals and other consonants in Latin.) §§ 6 — 13 ... 7 II. S between vowels in Umbrian. (Chronology of the Iguvine tables : accent in Oscan and Umbrian : discussion of the Umbrian evidence : eso- or esso- in Italic?) §§14 — 27 . 18 III. S BETWEEN vowels IN OscAN. (Extent of the Oscan evi- dence : its discussion : tt or ss in Oscan and pro-ethnic Italic ? Note on Bartholomae's theory.) §§ 28—30 . 37 IV. Rhotacism in the Minor Italic Dialects. (Enumeration : Picentine : Marruoinian : Sabine : Pelignian : Marsian : Volscian: Faliscan: classification: Mr Heawood's map.) §§ 31—39 . . . . 45 V. S between vowels in Latin. A. Introductory Considerations. (Aspect of the ques- tion : special characteristics of the change : borrowing : date of rhotacism in Latin : the change of the Latin accent : list of words : elimination of irrelevant examples.) §§ 40 —52 . . . . . 55 B. Evidence as to the causes op the change op S to B. §§ 53—60 74 C. Evidence as to the change op accent. § 61 . . 83 Appendix. A. The subsequent history op S between vowels in Latin and Romance. §§ 62 — 66 . . . . 86 B. Final S in Aryan. §§ 67—74 . 94 C. Final S and B in Umbrian. §§ 75 — 77 . 107 D. The development op the Latin perfect. § 78 . 110 Index op Words cited D'g'feed /3y M/crosoft® 113 NOTE. In the course of the following essay I have striven to be accurate in acknowledging its obligations to my numerous teachers. In some places however I may have unconsciously reproduced what I have heard or read, — a mistake almost inevitable to those whose information is derived partly from lectures and partly from books, — or in others equally unconsciously I may be reproducing what I have not heard or read but what has been already suggested, and accepted or refuted long ago. And further than this, some of the principles on which my small superstructure is based I may have regarded, perhaps prematurely, as the common property of scholars and needing no formal acknowledgment. This is especially the case with borrowings from the Orundriss der Vergleichenden Grammaiik. To this references are generally given in specific points, but no number of references could in the least express my sense of the debt which all students of language owe to its distinguished author, Dr Karl Brugmann. And I am anxious, in view of the one or two points in which I have ven- tured to diifer from his authority, to acknowledge beforehand my share in the stimulating influence his teaching has everywhere exerted on the study of linguistic science. In all that concerns Latin I owe very much to Dr Roby's lists of parallel forms which have been constantly before me. The evidence in Umbrian, Oscan and the Minor Dialects could hardly have been found except in Biicheler's Umhrioa and Zv^taieflf's two handbooks, the Sylloge Inscriptiomimi Oscarum, and the Iriscriptiones Italiae Mediae Dialeeticae. Osthoff's Oeschickte des Perfects is of course indispensable, however much one may differ from his conclusions. The essay was written in March last as a dissertation for the Lan- guage Section of the Classical Tripos, Part II, 1887, and has since been thoroughly revised and enlarged by the Appendices. The last of these is of course only printed as a suggestion. (JONVILLE AND CaIUS COLLEGE, CAMBKiriQE, September, 1887. Digitized by Microsoft® VEKNER'S LAW IN ITALY. INTRODUCTION. 1. The attempt made in the following essay to reduce to rule a series of phenomena hitherto neglected or First princi- unnoticed is one which, by this time, hardly needs -P'^*- an apology even in England. It is now generally admitted that the modern view of phonetic change is fully justified by its results. The more or less a priori considerations by which its supporters at first sought to defend it were of a kind whose convincing power varies greatly with different minds and even with the same mind at different times; but the mass of evi- dence they have since accumulated is surely sufficient to establish at least this principle, that sound-change, so far as we know it historically, whatever possibilities we may reserve for it in the abstract, happens only in accordance with certain definite sequences which we call Phonetic Laws ; — to establish it, that is, as far as any doctrine can be by purely inductive evidence, a basis, however, which has proved sufficient for the whole fabric of Natural Science. And we may perhaps notice that the power of prediction, which is popularly regarded as the crucial test of all scientific theories, may be said in a sense to have been exercised successfully on behalf of the new principles of the Science of Language. Fresh instances occur every day of stray words that have at length been brought home to their correlatives in other languages after having for long resisted identification through some difficult change of form or meaning, simp^f/ifficajuffiBc/w&ftfeave been led to expect, C. 1 2 INTRODUCTION. § 2. that is, we have predicted, that the form which the original sound would take in that language was the one which after- wards has been recognised in this particular word. Conversely, when we know precisely what origin or origins a particular group of sounds existing in any word can have in the language to which it belongs, and precisely what their correlatives are in kindred languages, our field of search for cognates is im- mensely narrowed, and if they have survived, always provided our phonetic generalisations are correctly made, they are sure to be sooner or later discovered. 2. The endeavour therefore to arrive at further generali- Scope of tlie satioDS of this kind, whether in any particular ^^'"^V- instance it succeed or fail, may be fairly regarded as a legitimate method of work, and single explanations and inferences, which while strictly in accordance with the rules of sound-change that we have already recognised, might never- theless, if advanced for their own sake, be considered over fanciful or unduly emphasised, may perhaps claim a more generous indulgence if they help in any way to throw light on the possibility of such a result. And in this case, whether the general rule is finally accepted in the form in which it presents itself in this essay is a matter of small importance ; I shall be more than content if I succeed in achievincr two things; if I can render any clearer the probability that there is some rule to be discovered, and any easier for more ex- perienced hands the task of determining its final form. It is in view of the first of these objects that I have endeavoured to rearrange under a new method of grouping many classes of facts already well known ; as for example in dealing with the Latin changes, most of the words I have discussed will be found somewhere in the collections of Roby, Corssen, Bruo-- mann, Stolz, or Mommsen' ; for the Romance languages I have depended entirely on Diez's Grammatik der Romanischeii Sprachen, except for Italian. My second and more important object was to collect new evidence on the question where it 1 Boby's Latin Grammar, Vol. i. Corssen, Aussprache des Lat. Brugmann, Grundriss. Stolz, Lat. Grammatik. Mommsen, Vnteritalischen Dialeltcn. Digitized by Microsoft® INTRODUCTION. § 3. 3 had not been sought before, — not at least with any approach to exhaustiveness, — namely, in the various Italic dialects, especially of course in Umbrian and Oscan. This I have en- deavoured to carry out as thoroughly as possible, that is in such a way as to give with equal fullness what evidence there is on both sides, against, as well as in favour of the conclusions which commend themselves to me. 3. The title ' Vomer's Law in Italy ' suggests the origin of the enquiry undertaken in what follows. The appa- rent irregularities of the change of s to r in the Teutonic languages were explained by Verner as due to differ- ence of accent in the different words ; the Latin accent we know to have prevailingly the same exspiratory character as the Teutonic ; and an attempt to apply Vomer's method of expla- nation to the Latin irregularities led me to the conclusion that the exceptions to the rule were governed by a new set of special conditions closely analogous to those which determine the change of s to r in Sanskrit. My impression that in Latin it was largely governed by accent was strengthened by the paral- lelism of one or two of the Umbrian forms, and this naturally demanded a detailed investigation '. The Appendix on the history of s in Aryan and Romance is really a necessary piece of evidence only separated for convenience. The change of s to r at the end of words in later Umbrian is discussed in the ^ In speaking of tlie title I may perhaps deprecate an objection 'that Verner'sljaw does not hold in the Italic languages for the other spirants (/) and therefore presuma,bly not for the sibilants.' If no positive evidence were to be had on one side or the other this a priori argument might be allowed some weight, but it can hardly count for much as balanced against such evidence. Besides it is clearly unscientific to demand that any particular phonetic cause shall have exactly the same apparent effect in all the languages in which it has any effect at all: it is, e.g. no evidence against the Joss of original cr between vowels at some period in the history of the Greek spoken in Attica, that in Laooniau every a whether original or hysterogen equally fell away; yet Attic and Laconian in other respects are obviously far more closely related than Italic and Teutonic. And, after all, in the still confused state of our knowledge of the history of the aspirates in Italic (v. Br. Gds. § 389 Anm. which appears to be a mere slip) it would need considerable boldness to assert that something analogous to Verner's Law had never been in operation at some period of their development. Digitized by Microsoft® 1—2 4 INTRODUCTION. § 4. same place, as the essay is primarily concerned only with Medial Rhotacism in Italic. 4. Before concluding this introduction by a statement of Results hither- tte ' laws ' I shall endeavour to justify in the follow- to accepted. ^Qg chapters, it will be convenient to review our present state of knowledge on the subject. The rule for Latin that s became r between two vowels has a fairly large number of exceptions ; the only methods of explaining them hitherto, so far as I know, have been to treat them as borrowed words, to suppose s reduced from an original ss, or to assume that the word first came into use after the rhotacism had ceased. These of course must still hold good wherever they can be proved, and the last may be our only resource, provisionally, where we can detect no other variation in the phonetic history of the sound, but we are not committing any inconsistency in rejecting it if a more probable cause suggests itself. Moreover there are a certain number of words for which these assumptions are not merely baseless, but almost impossible, as ndser, which Stolz^ mentions with one or two others, while in the Grundriss^ they are passed over in silence. But a glance at the list of such words given on p. 74 below will shew that they are too numerous to be neglected. In Umbrian again Breal notices asa as the only exception to rhotacism between two vowels ; Brugmann' following him, treats it either as a borrowing from another dialect or as a 'graphische Altertlimlichkeit,' while even Biicheler's* encyclopaedic observation has only detected three other exceptions, the termination -asius, and the pronouns eso- and pis-i. In reality, besides these examples, excluding words in which there is any reason to suppose the loss of a consonant before the s or an original ss, there are over a score of words in the Iguvine Tables which shew s between vowels, aad several well-known names of places in Umbria itself, one of which, Pisaurum, is noticed by Roby, Vol. i. p. 60. In Oscan again when it is written in Latin characters as in the Tabula Bantina, 1 Lilt. Gram. § 60. i. = § 569 Anm. 3. 3 ibid. •• Vnilrica, p. 184. Digitized by Microsoft® INTRODUCTION. § 5. 5 z is used not merely to denote the sound of the Oscan T, i.e. ts, but as a variant of s between vowels — presumably to denote a voiced s. s also occurs between vowels on the same inscriptions, and so far as I know no one has suggested any reason for the variation except the carelessness of the (much-enduring) stone- mason. With regard to the changes in Aryan and Romance, reasons for doubting the explanations hitherto suggested aie given at the end of this essay. Finally the history of medial s before nasals in Latin can hardly be considered settled'. 5. The conclusions I shall endeavour to justify are as follows : A. Medial s between vowels Results of 1. Following an unaccented syllable ^ ^^"^' u.. became voiced (z) in (i) pro-ethnic^ Italic, as in *regezent, *foidezos, and (ii) in Latin after the first change of accent, as in *suez6rem; j8. i. and further became r in Latin Umbrian and other rhotacising dialects, as in Umbr. benurent, tdderor, Lat. regerent, so- roris, ii. while it was kept in. Oscan and other non- rhotacising dialects, as in Osc. angetuzet, egmazum. 2. Following an accented syllable a. was kept in all dialects, as in Umbr. ose ('anno'), Osc. eisuc-en, A6sernim, Lat. nasus, miser, quaeso; /8. except in Latin and Faliscan v^here it be- came r even when following an accented syllable, if it was (i) followed by i or u. its use 1 Stolz, L. G. § 60. 2. Br. Grds. § 570. A term of this sort is sa i?L«cb 'S^^^^ thaijittle apology need be made for 6 INTRODUCTION. § 5. and (ii) preceded by i or u or a long vowel or diphthong, as in niris, quaerit, Furius, niirus (gen. niirus), dirinait. There is scarcely enough evidence to determine whether this qualification extended to Umbriau and the other rhotacising^ dialects. B. Medial s before nasals 1. which was kept in Oscan and Umbrian (Br. Grds. § 570), 2. in Latin, a. when following an unaccented syllable was lost with- out compensation (Br. l.c-), as in Gatmna, /3. when following an accented syllable i. arising before and (?) after the period of rhotacism, was lost with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel, as in ahenus, primus, dumus (?), ii. arising during the period of rhotacism be- came r, as in carmen, v^rna, diiirnus. I may add here two corollaries as to the date of the change The Latin of the Latin accent, which, if correct, are a good accent. ^jgg^j more important than the mere explanation of the changes of s. They are discussed pp. 64 — 68 infr. 1. The Latin accent had become bound by quan- tity, i.e. it could not go further back than a long penult or antepenult, before rhotacism began, that is before 450 B.C. {v.p. 61 infr.). 2. But it did not become bound by the number of syllables, i.e. restricted to the last three even when the penult and antepenult were both short, until after rhotacism had ceased, that is after 350 B.C. There is further independent evidence as well as that of rhotacism that proper names did not yield to these changes till considerably later than the rest of the language. Digitized by Microsoft® I. The Phonetic relation of s and r ; and the history of s before consonants in Latin. 6. Before proceeding to discuss the history of s in Italic it is necessary to say a word or two on the phonetic aspect of its change to r, which seems to have been unduly neglected. It is usually stated, clearly as a generalisation from the (apparent) historical evidence in various languages, that s (the breathed dental sibilant) becomes r through the intermediate stage of n (the voiced sibilant), and it is often implied that the change happens only and always by this method. Even Erugmann appears to assume this in discussing the Teutonic rhotacism*. But phonetically there is surely no more reason why the voiced z should pass to the voiced r than the breathed s to the breathed r (rh). It may be said that the breathed r did not exist in the particular languages in wbich s became r; whether this could be proved or not, it is scarcely an answer to the difficulty. We are still left to ask why it did not, if s would naturally have giveu rise to it under the same conditions as those under which z became the voiced r. The following quo- tations give us sufficient data to explain the change, and they say nothing whatever of ;? as a necessary intermediate stage. (i) '8 owes its sibilance to the breath being directed on to the teeth not by the tip itself but by the blade of „ ^ ,. •' '^ ... Quotations the tongue The normal position for s is on the fromPho- gums a little further back than for th, the tongue "^ ****' ^'' "' being somewhat shortened.' Sweet, Handbook of Phonetics, p. 39. Digitized by Microsoft® 1 Grds. § 581. 8 VERNER'S law in ITALY. § 6. (ii) 'The characteristic feature of r is that the friction passage is formed as imjch as possible by the tip alone. Hence the tip generally points upwards, and there is a tendency to make the outer front of the tongue concave, so as to prevent any front modification. The tongue being thus shortened, there is also a tendency to form the con- sonant further back than is the case with the other point consonants. The medium position for r is just outside the arch and it cannot be formed at all in the interdental position.' Ih. p. 37. (iii) ' sh is very similar to s but has more of the point element which is the result of its approximation to rh, sh is in fact s arrested on its way to rh [and similarly the voiced zh is z arrested on its way to r]. This is done by retracting the tongue somewhat from the s position and pointing it more upwards, which brings the tip more into play.... The normal position for sh is naturally between that of s and rh, near the arch.' lb. p. 40, (iv) ' The above account of the mechanism of s and sh...\s The change of transposed '...by some phoneticians, 'chiefly on the 8 ^ sh under ground of the frequent development of sh in lan- mjiuence of y. gy^gg q^^^ qJ g followed by y. But the point of the tongue is clearly directed upwards in the change from s to sh. Theories of the historical development of sounds cannot be allowed to override facts that can be demonstrated by observa- tion, and the change of s into sh under the influence of y may be easily explained as the result of simple retraction of the s towards the y position.' Ih. note, pp. 40, 41. (v) ' The position of s giving sibilation to vocalised breath Change of s produces z which differs in no wise from the oral to r. action of s.' ' r as pronounced in England differs from z merely in the narrowing and retraction of the point of the tongue. In Scot- land, in Spain, and on the continent generally, r receives a stronger vibration of the whole forepart of the tongue.' M. Bell, Principles of Speech, pp. .53, 54 (quoted by Roby, Vol. I. p. 401). Digitized by Microsoft® PHONETIC CONDITIONS OF THE CHANGE. § 7. 9 The following rough lines then may be taken as indicating the three positions of the tongue under the palatal arch. 7. It is clear therefore that the change from s to r, whether both are breathed or both are voiced, is that of a p]^onet^ccon- continuous retraction elevation and pointing of the ditions of the tip and fore-part of the tongue, and that ^ is no " ""^*' nearer r than s is to rA\ What then would be likely to cause this movement ? Either (1) a mere carelessness of articulation by which the tongue was allowed to slip back slightly from the more or less protruded s position, and at the same time the hinder half allowed to fall slightly so that the front became relatively raised, or (2) the proximity of any sound which required a more backward position of the tongue than that for s, and hence a modification of the s either in consequence of or in preparation ^ In passing it is as well to note tliat the peculiar 'narrowing ' of the Eng. lish z by which the tongue is gathered together more closely towards its centre is (i) not found iu the continental z as in Fr. rose, and (ii) does not afieet the general issue one way or the other. Its only effect is to make the hiss or the vibration rather stronger, especially as (iii) it does not appear to have any essential connexion with thS'SSJiS^l ^iMifiM^ than the breathed. 10 VERNER'S law in ITALY. § 8. for the pronunciation of such a sound. These two purely a priori phonetic conditions correspond very well to what we find actually happening. 8. The first happens (a) when s sinks to r in consequence Historical of lo^s of a stress-accent. The syllable containing conditions of {^ jg qq longer articulated with so much care and I'^'itro/ distinctness; it is more open to corruption both accent. £j.q^ ij;g ^j-al and acoustic character than if it were felt by speakers and hearers to be the most important syllable in the word. Consequently if there is any tendency in the language to draw back the s position to the r position, it will have free play. Or again if there is no such tendency, but the s happens to be in a position where a voiced sound would be easier to produce, it sinks forthwith to z, so to speak nemine contradicente. So that the same cause produces or rather allows the change of s to ^ and the changes of s to rh, z to r, but the former is not by any means the necessary intermediate stage: s may sink to rh in consequence of a rhotacising ten- dency, and then rh may become a voiced r in consequence of vocal surroundings; this is quite as simple as to suppose the order s > z > r, which however in Teutonic at least appears to have been the historical course of the change. In the languages we are dealing with, namely the Italic, r and rh cannot (with any certainty at least) be distinguished, so that we do not always know which of them was the final stage in the progress'. But in Sanskrit we can distinguish them since the breathed r under certain conditions experienced a further weakening to h, and this arises from an original s quite as regularly as does the voiced r". ^ Final rhotaoism would seem to be a special case due to loss of accent. In Umbriau tbe frequent omission of tbe r in this position would seem to indicate that, as in Sanskrit, under certain conditions (which the confused state of the transmission on this point has greatly obscured) it was the breathed sound (v. App. C). In the earliest period of Elean rhotacism (Cauer.^ 253, 258) it has been noticed that p appears only before ju. and f , « remaining before vowels, breathed consonants and a pause. ' Cf. App. B, and the following section. Digitized by Microsoft® HISTORICAL CONDITIONS OF THE CHANGE. § 9. 11 9. Again the same careless articulation may be caused (0) by the adjacency of some other sound which absorbs the greater part of the emphasis of the soundswkLh syllable, as for example a long vowel or diph- "("sort em- thong before the s, or which ( S BETWEEN A'OWELS IN UMBRIAN. § 25. 31 class of official words as kuestretie uhtretie {kuestr- uhtr-) dequrier all of which would be most naturally borrowed from Latin, as occurring most constantly in the official formulae of the Eoman administration. It is extremely improbable that the process of narrowing which has been carried so far in the signification of auctor, quaestor should have gone on independently in two separate dialects, especially in the case of qvaestor where the change of meaning connotes a series of constitutional changes in the republic. euront nom. pi. masc. which only occurs in VI b. 63 side by side with earn (vib. 16, 24) eo {=eof via. 20) eaf (viia. 52) (c£ also iepru (ii a. 32) iepi (iii 21) eu ii a. 2, ii b. 9) is the only form in this case which occurs from any pro- noun in the Tables except puri pure (v a. b) and ^orse (vi and vii). The masculine form corresponding to the neuter eu would clearly be *eus which in the later stage of Umbrian would be eur. We might suppose that -{h)ont was simply added to this, but we have the forms erarunt in IV 1 before final rhotacism had begun (no example occurring in III, IV though final s is frequent) andpm va. 3, pisher \ih. 41 after it had set in, which shew that as a rule these affixes were regarded as in- separable. The r therefore may be merely due to the engraver under the influence of the uncompounded form *eur as well as of *eruront the nom. pi. properly cor- responding to the ablative eriront VI b. 48. But we might regard it as an analogy form in real use with no great stretch of probability ; it would be an example of ' recomposition,' and arbitrary, as such forms are, by the side of pisi pisher, though we have no such example of the simple pis surviving (except in the compound sopir) as we have of eu eaf cet. pure V a. 25 similarly is either a mis- writing for *pu-rse (as arveitio for *arsveitu, tertu for *terstu, armor for *arsmor) and in 5 similarly mis- written for *pude — a scarcely pro- bable coincidenc@«^f<^fe'c4^''<^^y an analogy form for 32 vernee's law in itily. § 26. *pusi under the influence of *pur (Osc. pus Cipp. Ab. 8). Corresponding uncompounded forms we have in nom. sing, poe poi VI a. 5 etc. and they must be contained in the nom. plur. masc. porse vi a. 15 (for *por-de or *pos-de^). Some explanation by analogy of this sort is clearly required since it occurs in the same inscription (v a) as the form pisi ; that the difference between these two is purely phonetic, credat Judaeus. 26. In the Umbrian pronoun or pronouns corresponding to the Latin is ea id, besides forms derived from the eso and ere. g^gj^^g ^_ g^^^j g^{^g_ g^^-^^. .^^g appear to have double forms with s and r almost throughout. The forms are given in full by Biicheler, Umhrica, p. 192-3. Nom. sing. M. ere, erele ? esuf (ioT *es-unt-s) F. eru-k eso N. edek e-rse esum-eJc esom(-e) Dative, common to both, esmei esme esmi-k Genitive, Masc. er (?) ever irer ererek Fem. erar, eraront Ablative, Masc. eru{-ku) esu{-ku) essu iso isunt Fern, erdk erahunt esa Neut. issoc esu Abl. PI. eriront esir isir esis{-co) erereront (!). The genitive plural erom (from the stem i-) may either be due to the analogy of the genitive plural of feminine nouns, or be explained as the other forms in r. In ere eso- may we not see an example of a doublet due to sen- tence accent in pro-ethnic Italic, eso-, accented, as a deictic pro- noun, sinking to *ezo-, unaccented, when it was merely anaphoric, which became ere in Umbrian and eizo- (ei in Latin characters = {. (h) in the Oscan alphabet) in Oscan? There are many illustrations of this kind of differentiation in pronouns, Eng. 1 This -de appears to have spread by analogy from the neuter forms, the d originally being the final of the relative. Perhaps also from the old form of the ablative in -d, which was lost except before this suffix {pu-e = qtio is not ablative but instrumental). Cf. Thurneysen's explanation of Lat. idem. Digitized by Microsoft® S BETWEEN VOWELS IN UMBRIAN. § 26. 83 that (deictic) thst (conjunction and relative) : them and 'em, or indeed the neuter form of the demonstrative that appropriated to the deictic meaning, the less emphatic masculine the being used for the article. In German der 'that,' der 'the' (to say- nothing of der ' who ') are only distinguished (except in one or two of the oblique cases) by the emphasis with which they are pronounced, and on p. 439, § 583 ad fin. of the Grundriss Brug- niann refers to an exactly parallel alternation of s and r, in this very pronoun (amongst others) in Teutonic due to exactly the same cause. The weakening of the vowel from a full e to the half sound variously written e, i, ei (h) would be produced by the same loss of accent. The distinction of meaning is pre- served regularly in Umbrian', but in Oscan, as in Latin is, the anaphoric pronoun is occasionally used as a demonstrative ad- jective (T. B. 7 eizeic zicelei, 11 eizac egmad, 24 eizazunc egma- zum, the only three examples) but regularly (eleven examples in Tab. Bant.) as a pronoun ' he, she, it,' while the s form, as we should expect, only occurs in the proper deictic sense (eisucen zicelud T. B. 16), since if it were used in an unemphatic posi- tion the s would sink in Oscan, as it had in pro-ethnic Italic, to the voiced sound, whereas the use of the s form in the emphatic position would not exercise any such positive influence to con- vert the z to s". The influence of the anaphoric form is no doubt responsible for the i in isunt issoc etc. This last word brings us to the only difficulty of this view, if difficulty it can be called, the ss in issoc and esso each of which occurs once in the Tables. But before discussing these forms we may notice another certain example of sentence- accent, the infinitive erom in Umbrian, ezom in Oscan and the forms eram era cet. in Latin'. This coincidence in irregu- larity clearly points to a common cause, the fact that the verb 'to be ' was as a rule pronounced, if not altogether as an en- clitic, at least without a sufficiently strong inde- pendent accent to preserve the original s. Suritr ' The compound eri-hont contains the anaphoric pronoun just as in Latin idem. Should we' suppose an accent on the affix, erihont ? 2 Cf. c. I. supr. §§ 8—9. " Umbr. furent, Lat. /"'■gfLfgld'WA^Jjf.gsb^^g here, v. iiifr. § 56, p. 77. c. 3 34! VKRNKR's I^VW- IX ITALY. § 27. again, which BUcheler connects probably enough with sveso, comparing the Latin sirempse, is on the same accentual footing in the sentence as igitur, the first i of which is now generally derived from the a of agitur corrupted by loss of accent. This completes the number of words in Umbrian iii which r repre- sents original s between vowels at the end of the first syllable. The question of the as however is important and is best dis- cussed before we leave the Umbrian forms behind us. 27. It has been generally assumed that these two forms sufficiently accounted for the s between vowels in issoc esso. ~ . . . • the remaining forms where it was written singly, as proving that the ss was the original form in Umbrian, and therefore also in pro-ethnic Italic, since the pronoun seems to occur in almost all dialects. I think however it will be admitted, after a glance at the evidence briefly discussed in what follows, that though this assumption might have been maintained so long as it seemed necessary from a phonetic point of view, yet if it had to stand or fall simply on the general evidence in support of the ss, it could not be defended with any sort of confidence. Issoc occurs once in vil b. 3, sve neip j)ortust issoc pusei suhra screhto est 'si nee portarit ita uti supra scriptura est' (Biicheler), and esso once in vi a. 43, in the formula ' tiom esso hue peracri pihaclu {tertiu) — (subocau suboco) ' in the following line in the same formula occurring with a single s'. But in VI and VII the pronoun occurs elsewhere thirty-nine times, always with a single s. In the same line as issoc occurs appei else- where always spelt with a single p. In vi and VI [ we have ennom as well as (more frequently except in Vll b) enom, but the Oscan and Latin forms of the word (e.g. on the Tabula Bantina, where double letters are consistently^ written where- 1 It might be suggested that the double ss in these two words was connected with the fact that they were slightly 'out of system.' Issoc =' ita' and essu might very well be so translated in the formula. So that the traditional spelling held in the pronoun but gave way to the attempt at greater phonetic accuracy in the derivative adverb. 2 E.g. mallom (perh. containing tlje suffix -no-) meddtr. nudicatinom (1. 16), medicatud (1. 24) as Buch. has pointed out are quite regular, the double letter being lightened in polysyllables. Digitized by Microsoft® SS IN THE IGUVINE TABLES. § 27. 35 ever pronounced but only a single n in einom) seem to prove that a single n was original. A still more certain example of double letters etymologically unjustified is avvei vi a. 3 which is the only other example besides essu in vi, appei perhaps = ad- que (cf. e? re) but Bucheler compares eVe^ which would place it on the same level as avvei : in any case the double letter is only written once. Where it is not justifiable, the reason for it appears to be an attempt to express the accent on a short syllable; at least I can conceive of no other cause for avvei ennom, and it would seem at least a possible explanation espe- cially in the case of s\ Again, apart from the difficulty of explaining the ss etymologically, it is hard to see how it ca"ii have arisen in pro-ethnic Italic ; I do not know of any words in which it is supposed to be Indo-European, and the change of tt to ss does not seem to have taken place in Oscan^ and there- fore not before the separation of the common stock. And further it seems improbable that any language should have possessed two such pronouns as *esso- and *ezo- of such closely neighbouring form and meaning but of difi'erent origin, yet this is the only alternative view of the relation of the Italic originals of the actual forms we find in Latin, Umbrian and Oscan. Finally the evidence of the Oscan inscriptions is strongly in favour of the single s. We have no example at all of a double ss in the pronoun though it is of fairly frequent occurrence, and essuf (which is not certainly connected, and occurs in Umbrian in II and IV, there of course with a single s) only once and on the same inscription as esidu, which is one otherwise carelessly engraved. The only Oscan inscriptions bearing on the point are as follows" : Z. 0. 17 is the one just mentioned where we have essuf side by side with esidu {leiguss [LJufrikanuss also occur). This shews either ^ Cf. seffei, for *se/ei = ' sibi' in Pelign. (Zv. I. I. M. D. no. 33) and bassim (=|8affi>') C. I. L. 1181. 2 T. infr. § 30 p. 39 seq. ' I do not think I have omitted any in whioli the pronoun occurs except those in which no letters arq]^jft^^^^.5j/i^(,^Ji^(esr.. profated). 3—2 36 VERN Ell's LAW IN ITALY. § 27. 1. If the engraver is trustworthy that the two words are distinct and that the pronoun has only a single s ; or, 2, as seems more probable, that the writing is too careless to prove either. We have uunated with a single t but on other inscriptions (e.g. no. 63) wherever any letters are doubled we have tt in these perfect forms. 18. This shews esidu. .'.prufaited. 63. eisak eituvad with double letters written elsewhere. 143. 6o-OT= id; the inscriptions in Greek alphabet have double letters. In the Tabula Bantina besides the forms with z we have the form quoted above eisucen, and here double letters are used with great consistency. This view of issoc essu and essuf is not essential to the explanation of ere and eizo- as due to loss of accent, since it seems at least possible that even ss should be reduced to a single z by the same influence. Digitized by Microsoft® III. S between vowels in Oscan. 28. We have Oscan inscriptions from Areao/Oscan. 1. Samnium, including the Frentani. 2. Campania. 3. To the North. a. In Volscian territory, one name at Tarracina in Latin alphabet but with the Oscan mode of nomenclature. /3. Doubtful missiles at Asculum in Picenum. 7. Doubtful inscription in Aequicolan territory (Z. 0, 1) which Mommsen thinks spurious. 4 To the South a. NoHh Lucania. ;8. Bruttii. 7. Messana. No inference therefore can be drawn from s or r between vowels in geographical names south of the northern boundary of Samnium and Campania. The direct evidence in Oscan as to the influence of accent is confined to the inscriptions written in the Latin Extent of the alphabet, since the local character does not dis- olcanimerlv- tinguish the voiced and breathed s, using x {z) timu. only to express the compound ts. The Latin z represents both this and the voiced s. Of course there is a good deal of indirect evidence illustrating the forms in other dialects, most of which has been already discussed in dealing with the Umbrian forms : one point, the question oT tt or ss in Oscan and pro-ethnic Italic, 38 verner's law in italy. § 29. will be best discussed in connexion with the other Oscan phe- nomena. 29. 1. s occurs between vowels, representing the breathed B between sound, at the end of the first syllable in the follow- vowels at the . i ■ /-\ end of the first mg words in Uscan. syllable. eisucen T. B. 16 osii T. B. 4 Caisidis (Z. O. 159) em/T. B. 19, 21 pieisum T. B. 6 Aesernim (Z. 0. 166) nesmwm T. B. 17, 26 praesentid'Y.'B.2\ (coin in Latin letters) eisucen, v. supr. § 26. esuf, § 27. nesimum, § 18. osii appears to be a complete word. The stone is not broken off directly before it, but leaves a clear space as thougji before a new word. Perhaps amosio {'annuo ' Fest. Mtill. p. 26) should be referred to Oscan sources. pieisum, a dis.syllable, pi- = qu-. praesentid, contrast ezom. Caisidis, an Oscan name as is shewn by its form OV. C OV. though in Latin letters. aserum T. B. 1. 24, has probably lost a nasal before the s. If the s is for ss (ad-s-) it is due to the analogy of the longer forms of the verb in which the single s would be regular by Biicheler's law (cited § 27, p. 34, supr. note). 2. z occurs between vowels after an unaccented syllable in the following words angetuzet T. B. 19 censazet T. B. 20 eizazitiic egmazum T. B. 24 ezom T. B, 11 (cf. § 26, p. 3-3, supr.) and the pronoun eizo- (cf. § 26, p. 33 sup.) and its compound poizad {ligud) T. B. 20. Cf pollad on the Cipp. Abell. and Umbr. pora. s occurs between vowels after an unaccented syllable only in the last line of the Tabula Bantina, in tacusini of which only T,..IM are on (he stonc^tlic intermediate letters Digitized by Microsoft® tt AND SS IN OSCAN. § 30. 39 being Biicheler's conjecture, which would not be affected by the substitution of z for s. 30. The question whether I.-Eu. d+t, t + t cet. had be- come SS in pro-ethnic Italic is one of some import- tt o,, gg ;„ ance and bears directly on the Latin change of s to Oscan. r, but it is most conveniently discussed in this chapter as most of the evidence comes from Oscan'. To begin with however we have the forms adgretus futus gnitus given by Festus which shew t where classical Latin has ss, or s after a long vowel (Ost. Perf. Exc. VI.). These Brugmann explains {Gds. § 501) as contractions like cette for cedite, mattus for maditus. This view seems at least somewhat arbitrary. If it were possible to regard the forms as archaic or dialectic it would be much more natural to do so. Further no example is quoted of ss in Oscan, only Pelign. oisa (v. infr.), but on the contrary ulttiuf from the Gippus Abellanus which Brugmann and Osthoff explain in the same way as adgretus etc., though, as Bartholomae points out, there is no analogy for such a form as *utitio. The evidence seems to shew that tt was regular in Oscan. 1. We have the double ttiu the 3rd pers. pi. of the perfect, Osc. teremnattens, Pel. coisattens. Into the Evidencefor difHcult question or rather riddle of the origin of **' these forms it is needless to enter here. We may hold with Osthoff that they are all derived from the analogy of the per- fect of the root sta- ; or compare the Latin forms in ss (amas- sem) with Bartholomae, or with others the Celtic t perfect (flsruhirt), but we are bound to keep in view the fact that the tt is regular on all inscriptions which shew any double letters. ' This section was written with the body of the Essay in March last (1887) before the publication of Bartholomae's article on the question in Bezs. Beitrdye XII. The issue there raised is rather broader, and in deference to his authority I have added a note at the end of the chapter dealing directly with the theory he maintains. It is however of equal concern to both of us to shew that I.-Eu. t + t, d + t cet. =Osc. tt, not ss as in Latin. I have therefore left this section as it was first written, only noticing where Bartholomae gives evidence that had escaped me or questions any I had accepted. As we worked independently, there is no need to point out more exactly how far our investigations coincided or diverged. Digitized by Microsoft^ 40 verner's law in italy. § 30. There is no doubt about the form whatever there may be about its explanation. 2. iiUtiuf occurs several times quite clearly on the Cipp. Ab. 3. punttram (ib.) contrasts with the Latin tonstrix etc., and perhaps shews the same stem as Skt. panth- path- {=pnth-). But in this word and in alttram Bartholomae considers the tt a purely Oscan extension of an original t. 4. The following names (if they are not genuine Oscan, what are they ?) : Siuttiis Zv. 0. 62. Tittius Zv. O. 108. Bla... Zv. 0. Ill which is taken as the beginning of the Roman name BlaMius. KoTTft etc. Zv. O. 147 — 152 ; contrast Latin Cossus. SraTTiTjis Zv. O. 160. 5. Bartholomae gives also a. [ajittium C. Ab. 53, cf. aeteis T. B. 12 and Gr. alaa. /3. patt... Zv. 0. 4 which Bartholomae reads as * pattens, considering it a sigmatic aori.st from the root pat-. He traces the participle in viu pat[tust] Zv. 0. 73. y. angetuzet T. B. " = ingesse^-int," which however for the present at least seems doubtful. 6. The two Latin words fidtilis (in meaning clearly con- ^ ,.,. ... nected with /»)2(io but contrasting with the genuine futtths rutdiis . . . . . mitto (jutta Latin fusilis) and rutiliis (rutilare) which looks gu m I eia. -^^^^ ^ connexion of RJJDH^ {rufus ruber epv6po<;) seem easily explained as borrowings. Their limited sigaitica- tion points the same way, v. infr. § 44, p 61. So does the combination P. Rutiliics Rufus', the last word being certainly Oscan by the side of Lat. ruber, ruttilo- or rather ruttlo- and rutlci- {-om etc.) would be the regular forms of the two stems in Oscan like meddix and medicd{-tud) by Blicheler's law^ The 1 So Stolz, though he does not explain the t. ■^ Cic. Br. 2V). ^ Cf. p. oi u. supv. Digitized by Microsoft® tt AND SS IN OSCAN. § 30. 41 Eomans in borrowing the word took the easier form and still further lightened it by the anaptyctic vowel'. Futtilis would be a regular adjective in -Hi- formed from the stem of the past participle like fusilis fissilis missilis rasilis sutilis and many more given by Roby, to be distinguished from those like utilis agilis habilis nuhilis fragilis facilis formed from the verbal stem. Further the words mitto gutta (guttur) littera (which seems certainly the right spelling) are quite simply explained as Oscan on this hypothesis, mitto is a frequentative (i.e. a nominal from the past participle) from the root seen in 0. H. G. midan; gutta a past participle, and littera, probably *littra in Oscan, a noun from the root or stem lit- with the common in- strumental suffix -tra-, Vike punt-tram^. Against this there is simply no evidence in Oscan. The only possible example of s or ss derived from tt is Fisanius Z. 0. 83, one of a batch of inscriptions in which double letters are regular, and Fiisu . . in Z. 0. 38 (v. supr. § 19, p. 25). Of course these names might be very easily borrowed. Elisuist in Z. 0. 11, as the form shews, contains a stem lis found also in liisd.. In no other Oscan inscription is there any example of s or ss derived from tt. In Pelignian (Z. D. 12) we have the phrase casnar oisa aetate, the second word of '' '^""'"' which is generally taken as a past participle of utor in a pas- sive sense, 'having ended his life' or 'having enjoyed (great) age ' (? aetate), the former of which is scarcely the sort of senti- ment we expect on the tomb of a man who further describes himself as Des forte faber ('dives, fortunae faber'). ' Bartholomae supposes rutilus derived from Etruscan, but there is of course no evidence for this beyond the phonetic possibility he maintains. ^ Ost. Perf. p. 557 gives the four words just mentioned together with littus litus, glutus gluttire, mutus muttire, iuca hucca, Jupiter Juppiter, stupa stuppa, mucus mucciis, sucus succus ; 'es ist ebeu wie gesagt ein problem fur kiinftige forsohung, noch einmal die losung des ratsels zu fiuden, naeh welohem princip die lateinische sprache zur auspragung soloher — sei es satzphonetisoher sei es aiich dialektischei — doubletten gelangte.' After aU the riddle does not seem very terrible, littus for litus may safely be ascribed to confusion with littera: in all the others it is noteworthy that we have an accented u before the double letter. In all but sucus the Romance forms vouch for a short vowel in popular Latin, and it may at least be conjectured that the easier fi, §, took the place of u when accented while the cojfiisSSgflf'tfekilMfM'Si^h that the vowel dropped. 42 VEUNER'S law in ITALY. § 30. Sanskrit enas (' that ') = Latin oinos {' one ') ; ekas ' one ' perhaps = Oscan eko- ' that.' Why should not Sanskrit eSas ' that ' (Gr. ojo?) = Pelign. oisa, so that casnar oisa aetats = ' senex unica aetate,' which contrasts very well with the ' few feet ' {pes pros) of soil he occupies ? If this explanation be rejected as too fanciful we must either take Bartholomae's suggestion {Bezz. Beitr. 12. 80) that the spelling with s is due to Latin influence like the word faher and the alphabet used in the inscription, or suppose that ss was regular in Pelignian as in Latin and Umbrian ; the diffi- culty would be that Pelignian has the t perfect as regularly as Oscan {coisatens Zv. D. 29). But there is clearly no warrant for doubting that tt was regular in Oscan. If so, it would natu- rally seem to follow, pace Bartholomae's theory, that tt was kept in pro-ethnic Italic, and only sank to a sibilant in some of the separate dialects. Accordingly adgretus etc. would natu- rally be regarded as archaic forms, perhaps of the same age as Lases, Auselius, with others quoted by the glossographers, and the newly-discovered Nmnasioi on the Praenestine inscription (v. infr. § 34, p. 48). Note. In the article I have referred to (' Die "\^ertretung des altital. ss im Oskischen,' B. B. xii. 80) Bartholomae develops a theory that Indo- European d + t,t + t cet. had already sunk to ss or some approximate sound in pro-ethnic Italic, which in Oscan was once more converted to tt or J)]'. His main concern is to shew that tt does appear in Oscan to represent I.-Eu. t+t etc., which as we have seen is certainly the case. The rest of his proof seems far more problematical. It is necessary to follow the argument a little closely since, if correct, it affects some of the evidence on the Latin change of s to ;•, though almost equally in favour of and against my theory. Its loss and gain cau be estimated very shortly. Two words in which s derived from tt is kept after an unaccented syllable and which I had explained' on the view that the tt was kept in Latin till after 350 B.C. when the period of rhotacism was over, are now thrown on our hands quasillus and excusare. The former like pusillus must then have come into use from Oscan or Sabine later than 350 b.c, and the s of eMusare etc. may have been kept by cmissa. On the other hand if ss (s after long vowels) had replaced tt from the earliest times in Latin my theory gains ' \. iufr. § 51, p. 72. Digitized by Microsoft® baktholomae's theory. 43 the not inconsiderable support of tlie mass of past participles like laesus fusus rosus cet. in all of whioh we should then regard the preservation of the s as due to accent, just as much as in caseus rdsa etc. The arguments for Bartholomae's theory as opposed to the view I have advocated may be very briefly summarised. In justice to him I should add that he seems throughout to regard it a.s a matter of common agree- ment, following Osthoflf and Brugmann, that I.-Eu. tt had become ss in pro-ethnic Italic, and does not attempt to establish this point directly. The only forms in which an admittedly original « or ss seems to him to have become t are 1. patt-lens?] Zv. 0. 4 which he derives as an aoriat from *pat-sens. 2. The very doubtful "angetuzet (T. 'B.) = ingesser{nt." The meaning of ' ingesserint ' does not seem very happy in the sentence where it occurs. ' aestimaverint ' is the equivalent usually given for the word from the needs of the contest. 3. The perfect in tt which he compares, clearly with great probability, to the Latin forms in ss, amassem etc. But it must be observed that even from Thurneysen's investigations the origin of the doubled s in such forms is hardly certain, though if we assume them to be merely bye-forms of the s- or -sis- aorist, Bartholomae's view would give us a very satisfactory explanation of the Oscan forms. If his theory were merely that original ss became tt in Oscan it would present no difficulties from my standpoint. Of the objections that follow only those in Oscan would possess any weight against such a view and these are not very serious. Turning however to the arguments against the theory as it stands, we encounter a good many substantial difficulties. A. In Oscan. 1. aserum T. B. 20, where the first s is probably from -cfr- {ned-s-}, Bartholomae regards as a late formation. 2. meliissai Zv. 95, if correctly transcribed, he corisiders a Greek word. 3. essuf he explains as for *eJcsuf, but the ss is of very doubtful authority, v. § 27, p. 35 supr. So also n\e\ssimas Zv. 0. 41, which is not so certain, as the s is elsewhere regular in this word. Of. § 18, p. 28 supr. B. In Latin. 1. adgretus futus gnitus. 2. {f)ss remains in vorsus prOsa etc. whereas in words out of system, if the s had existed from the earliest period of Latin we should have ex- pected the regular change of rs to rr. 3. A very serious difficulty to the view that tt > ss was an Italic not a Latin change is thcPfiBfefilS^ ^^f^sft^ in spelling even after long 44 verner's law in italy. vowels down to Cicero's time. It seems equally improbable that the language should have kept for four centuries either the sound of the ss in that position, or the spelling after the sound was lost. Of course the ss in writing may have been merely due to the influence of the forms after short vowels like missus, but again it seems very improbable that the double letters, which themselves were quite a late introduction, should have been written except where they were sounded. The difficulty vanishes if we suppose the change of it to ss only newly completed when double letters began to be written. The long vowel would not lighten the consonant all at once. 4. Finally there are the words quasillus excusare mentioned above which are more difficult to explain on Bartholomae's hypothesis. C. Generally. 1. No one supposes tt had become ss in Indo-European and there- fore we cannot start with more than )>]) in Italic, 2. and if therefore this ]•]> became ss in Italic before the dialects split, is it likely that individual dialects should exhibit the converse change of ss to tt 1 3. The forms with tt in Latin (v. supr.) must have come from some- where, and it does not seem hkely that the same people who failed- to pronounce tt without Usping should have so altered a century or two later as to change t to tt. 4. Briefly we have three certainties to argue from — a. Original t r + < in Indo-European, etc. J /3. tt in corresponding positions in Oscan, and y. ss in Latin. Clearly the obvious conclusion is that i. ItaUo tt ii. remained tt in Oscan, and iii. became ss in Latin. This may seem a very small result of so long a digression but the be- lief in an Italic ss seems to be a superstition that dies hard. It is to be hoped that even its ghost may haunt us uo more. Digitized by Microsoft® IV. Rliotacism in the Minor Dialects. 31. Since the evidence from the minor dialects is so scanty it might seem more logical to discuss them after Latin, but there is very little to be said about them and it is more convenient to place it directly after that of Oscan and Umbrian, to which of course they are more closely akin. Mommsen (Untert. Diall.) enumerates Scope. Messapian Oscan Volscian Sabellian Marsian Marnicinian Sabine Picentine. Zv^taieff (Tnscrr. It. Med. Dial.) gives inscriptions from Picentes Marsi Marrucini Aequicolani Sabini Volsci Vestini Falisci Peligni Capenates. Mommsen (p. 96) describes the Messapii as ' ein vorgriechis- cher den Kretern und Makedonern gleichartiger Stamm.' The rest may be discussed in Zv^taieff's order, i.e. the geographical from North to South, leaving the Falisci and Capenates to the last as more akin to the Latin. It will be seen that in many dialects, e.g. Volscian, where it has been assumed there was no rhotacism on the ground of the occurrence of s between vowels in several words at th^'®S#t^ rsuc^smm at Mr Heawood's map, 48 VEIiNEll'S LAW IX ITALY. § 34. point to the concluBion that rhotacism was absent from Marru- cinian as from Sabine. Sabine, etc. 34. On the only Sabine inscription (Zv. D. 8) we have No rhotacisjti inesene (as Biicheler has shewn for mensene) and in Sabine. Flusare = Lat. Florali. But the glosses (collected by Mommsen) and many names we find to be distinctively Sabine shew clearly that there was no rhotacism. Fasena, Auselius, Lehasius, Yalesius, Volesus^, Volusus a.Te given by various autho- rities as Sabine. Also Casinum Varro (LL. 7, 28, 29) interprets as ' vetus.' crepero res creperae Varro says are also Sabine and connected with crepusculum; if so they were probably borrowed Sabine names '^ith the s form. Of Sabine origin are the host at Rome. ^f gentile names at Rome in -sius which begin to be very frequent on inscriptions under the Empire and had doubtless been widely in use among the un-official classes a good deal earlier. The influx is perhaps to be connected with the migration of the agricultural population to Rome which the reformers strove in vain to check or reverse. Such names are Calvisius Numisius Vnlusius Aedesius Agrasiiis, cf also Maesius 'lingua Osca' Fest. Mlill. p. 136. It is curious to note a trace of the origin of the name in the conjunction Calvisius Sabinus, the friend of Pliny the younger, and also Oaesius Sabinus (Mart. 7. 27) Caesia Sabina (Cic. pro Caec. 4, 6), and this last name may share with the Umbrian Caesena and the Latin Kaeso the parentage of the numerous gentile names' beginning with Gaes-, Caesennia' Caesellia Caesernia Caesetia Caesidia Caesiena Caesilia Caesinia Caesionia. In the new Latin inscription on the fibula from Praeneste we have the dative of a proper name, JSfumasioi. If the date, as Biicheler' holds with the explorers Helbig and Dummler, is 1 The name of a gigantic Satine Juv. 8. 182, Ov. Pont. 3. 2. 105. ^ Taken from De Vit. 3 Also Gaesenia, C. I. L. 1191, the n being probably doubled by the Latin accent in its third stage. ■■ Jlheini.'^rhe!: Mii.':e\im, Vol. 42 (1887), 2nd no. Digitized by Microsoft® MAKSIAN. § 36. 49 as early as the 5th or 6th century B.C. it might be considered an interesting example of Latin in which s had not yet passed to r. At that date it is immaterial whether we regard it as Latin or Sabine. 35. The solitary Vestinian inscription (Zv. D. 9) offers no evidence. From geographical considerations it y ,■ ■ probably ranks with Sabine and Marrucinian. Pelignian (Zv. D. 10 foil.) certainly coincided with Oscan, e.g. 28 T. Valesies 29 upsaseter. . .coisatens. The sign s however is always used even where " wnian. (e.g. upsaseter) in the Tabula Bantina we have z {censazet). oisa in 12 has been already discussed, Minerva in 33 cannot be a true Pelignian form though the inscription was found at Sulmo. Marsian. 36. Here again the inscriptions (Zv. D. 34 foil.) give no help. We have s between vowels but only after the first syllable esos (37), Caso Casuntonom (43), Vesime (41). Pliny (H. N. 17. 22, quoted by Mommsen) notices a similarity between the Umbrian and Marsian met hods of vine culture, which it must be confessed does not prove much. But geographically the Marsi appear connected with the Latins and Volscians and therefore very probably shared their rhotacism. Note. In Zv. D. 39 (which Mommsen and others consider a Latin inscription) the third letter of the name of the deity, j^fote as to elsewhere called Vesuna, has been generally read as z. ' Vezune.' It will be seen however on inspection of the facsimile (Tab. vi. 6) that the inscription has been carelessly engraved with only a straight tool (e.g. the o's are square •0-). Hence to make s three strokes were required, ^, but the engraver' was careless about joining the strokes at the right points and instead of ^ we get the lowest stroke affixed too high ^ (the s in the last word libs) and the middle stroke joined to the top too far forward Ti "X the sign in the supposed ' YezuneJ The sign at the end of the first line A is the same with ' Compare the forms orS on ffle Loorian mscr. Eoehl I. G. A. 321. C. 4 50 verner's law in italy. § 37. its top stroke lost, and all of tliem are merely equivalent to tbe Latin s denoting probably as in Pelignian both the breathed and voiced sound. Volscian. Zl. The Aequicolan inscriptions, if they are genuine, give no evidence. But we have the names Gliternum Aeqman. (Y\m. iii. 17. 1) Amitemum which may contain -es stems (v. supr. p. 16, § 11). Norvesiae proves nothing in our ignorance of the Aequian accent and may have lost an n before the s. The map shews that the geographical argument is not very decisive, but it seems slightly to favour a connexion between Volscian Aequian Marsian and Latin. Mommsen states that 'rhotacism is strange to Volscian' relying on the occurrence of s between vowels in the scian. ^^jy inscription (the Tabula Veliterna), but it is always after the first syllable, esaristrom (cf. Umbr. esona), asif (' arens ') and the name Cosuties, and s occurs here in Umbrian where rhotacism was certainly present. Generally the dialect seems closely akin to Umbrian e.g. in the palatalisa- tion of k before e and i (fasia), and the change of final -ns to f. pihom recalls the Umbrian pihatu, etc. The geographical names too, FrUsino (Juv. 3. 224, Mod. Frosinone) Casinum by the side of Liris (which was originally *Loisis if it is to be connected with lira) Privernwtn (p. 15) and the coin inscription Auruncud in Sabine letters if it really is to be regarded as a genuine Volscian form dating from the time when Aurunca still existed, i.e. before it was destroyed by the Sidicini in 336 B.C.', all point to rhotacism under much the same conditions as in Latin, and Auruncud would apparently shew that the Volscian accent was the same as the Latin, though I do not think any emphasis can really be laid upon this word. The strong resemblance to Umbrian in other respects seems to me the chief ground for supposing rhotacism in Volscian. 1 Cf. infr. § 5G, p. 78. Digitized by Microsoft® FALISCAN. § 38. 51 Faliscan. 38. Though there is a fairly large number of inscriptions assigned to this dialect the evidence is somewhat Faliscan MM- confused and it is difficult to arrive at more than a ""'*• probable conclusion. The following are all the words that occur which affect the question of rhotacism : No. 55. Gesilia= Lat. Gaesellia. 56. Caesula. 60. Zertenea =Sertinia, cf 68 de zenatuo sententiad, which seems to indicate the origin of the z, the preposi- tion being treated as part of the word and the accent of the compound falling on one of the following syllables, dezdnatuo or dezenatuo (according as the Faliscan accent was Italic or Latin). Sucb phrases as these caused a variation in the spelling and the z appeared for initial s even where there was nothing in its surroundings in the sentence to cause the change of sound. This explanation implies nothing as to rhota- cism since the originally sibilant character of the first sound would be preserved in any case by the influence of the large number of cases in which there was no tendency to change it to r or z. The difference between s and z would be less anomalous. On this inscription (60) we find mate : for mater, and in 68 pretod de zen. sent, shewing that final r had a weak Final r easily assimilated sound as in CretaQ and modern ""eathe ■ English. 65. M. Clipearius. 68. Menerva. 70 a (the inscription in Saturnians). Gond[ec]orant, sai- [pis\su7ne, dederun[f], sesed. 70 b. Minervai, dederunt, coiraveront. This part of the inscription Zv^taieff considers a later addition in Latin. It has no trace of either Faliscan dialect or Etruscan alphabet. 71. Voltio Folcozeo Zeoatoi f. On the Z of Zextoi, cf supr. jjQ gQ Digitized by Microsoft® 4—2 52 VERNER's law in ITALY. § 38. This appears to be all the evidence on the question. It Conclusion. leaves us three alternatives : 1. To consider Faliscan a non-rhotacising dialect, regarding Menerva Glipearius as borrowed from Latin and 70 a as being pure Latin as much as 70 b. Then Caesula as contrasted with Folcozeo^ gives us the original relation between sound and accent. This seems however unlikely since a. Menerva occurs in a certainly non-Latin inscr., though it also occurs in Pelignian, and /3. the modern name (which wherever it is derived from the ancient appears invariably to represent the pronunciation of it prevailing on the spot) of Falerii is Fallen. This seems to prove also that the Faliscans kept the old Italic accent on the first syllable. 7. The geographical position of the Faliscans renders it probable that they shared the rhotacism of the Latins and Umbrians. 2. To consider Faliscan identical with Latin in point of rhotacism though keeping the Italic accent. Caesula and GaeselUa prove no more in Faliscan than in Latin as their origin is so uncertain. We should in this case regard Folcozeo as an Oscan or Sabine name with its original sound exactly reproduced. Coiraveront in 70 b if it is not actually Latin, would give us the same difficulty as the Latin coira cura v. infra § 58, p. 79, and Glipearius would be regular, 3. To consider Faliscan rhotacism identical with Latin mi7ius the changes due to i and u. Here as in Umbrian there is .really no evidence on the question. Caesula would be regular. Of these alternatives the second seems far the most probable and has been assumed in the colouring of the map. • The name Folcatius appears in the Index to the first volume of the C. I. L. but in the inaor. (783) it is only a doubtful conjecture, which should perhaps he corrected by the Faliscan form. Digitized by Microsoft® TABLE OF DIALECTS. § 39. 53 Summary. 39. The dialects may be divided into five classes in point of rhotacism, though perhaps to little purpose, since a charac- teristic of this kind argues very little by its presence or absence for the affinity of any two dialects in other respects. Indeed the whole argument from geography rests on the 'chain' as opposed to the ' tree ' theory. Digitized by Microsoft® TABLE SHEWIKG THE PREVALENCE OF RHOTACISM IN THE ITALIC DIALECTS AS EVIDENCED BY TRADITION, INSCKIPTIONS, AND LOCAL NAMES. Names in brackets are included under the name they follow. I. Dialects in which Rhotacism was certainly present. 1. Latin (Rutulian). 2. Umbrian. In this dialect only both final and medial Rhotacism. II. Dialects in which Rhotacism was probably present. 1. Picentine. 2. Faliscan. 3. Volscian. III. Dialects in which there is no evidence but that of geographical contiguity. 1. Marsian. 2. Aequian. 3. Hernican. 4. Vestinian. 5. Auruncanian. I V. Dialect in which Rhotacism was probably absent. Marrucinian. V. Dialects in which Rhotacism was certainly absent. 1. Peligcian. 2. Sabine. 3. Oscan (Bantian). The result is embodied in Mr Heawood's map. Names whose form is of importance are printed in ordinary type : those in Italics shew the distribution of the dialects as denoting the places where inscriptions have been found : those in capitals have no reference to the argument. Modern names are enclosed in brackets. The ground plan of the tribal divisions is enlarged and slightly modified from those given by Mommsen (Unterit. Diall.) and Droysen {Historische Ilandatlas). Digitized by Microsoft® DIALECT MM' OF ITALY Cir. 400 B.C. SHEWING THE AREA OF RHOTACISM jyuB Jfuri -Iihatai:isrrL ^^i Jihi/tadym prohahle yon Htuttucism. „ No e\-idence ejvt-pt po K/niphictL/ condpiuty .Va/ijt» ot' importan/x ffr their thrni , Ouis liScULTUm SilBS at" insaiptutas shfrw^ th^ tir- are easier than (u)su , ^ 1 or] . ^, (ur ... . I «,i^ ^c.o.^i. uL^c^u < ;., . , but also } easier than < . . {tp^i J ( {i)si er ) [ir It is however remarkable that an original r, as in mr, vireo, pirus, hirundo, hirudo, does not exercise this influence on a preceding i. The reason I suppose must be that the Latin r, which came from Indo-European, was a genuine trilled conso- nant, while the r which arose from the careless and, so to speak, slight pronunciation of s had more vocalic character, and conse- quently more influence on the preceding voweP. 1 V. § 20supr. p. 26. ' The difference however is probably not phonetic. Parent benurent would be restored on the analogy of the singular ftist benust while in Latin the analogy worked conversely, perhaps helped by the infin. fore which may be for *fuere, tuderor etc. shew the regular e. '^ This seems fairly well illustrated by the English pronunciation of r. "It is strongest [i.e. most genuinely consonantal] between two vowels, as in merit" (A. M. Bell, quoted by Koby, Vol. I. App. i.), and it does not seem much harder to pronounce the i in birret than the g in merit : but where the r has its weak sound as before a consonant or finally it always 'broadens' (more correctly I think 'lowers') the vowel, a.PSi*ifi?'ii^^UPWffS> y/heie the vowel is not to be o8 VEENER's law in ITALY. § 42. An interesting example of tliis is the difference between the Lat Flora J^atin Flora and the Oscan Fluusa\ The original Osc. Fluusa. of both was *Fl6voza or Fldvuza in Italic (perhaps shewing the same participial sufiSx as some trace in the neuter iu Lat. papaver cadaver, and therefore representing^ the I.-Eu. stem *bhl- -uos-), which in Latin became immediately either *Fl6vora or *Fl6vura, and ultimately in either case *Flovora and, contracted, Flora, while in Oscan either *Fl6voza sank to *Fl6vuza, or the latter was the form before the lan- guages separated, and * Fldvuza became *Flouza, and ultimately *Fluza written Fluusa. This seems to cast some doubt on the derivation suggested for the Picentine river Flusor (p. 46), since if the contraction had not taken place in Italic it would probably have become *Fl6vura, and hence *F%uror as the Latin Flora. We may suppose, however, that the contraction had taken place in Umbrian before the period of rhotacism, and this is also indicated by the Umbr. rusem- e', as contrasted with the Latin ruris (Zend ravanh-) ihuris (^d'o??). This diver- gence between the influence, or rather the date of the contrac- tive influence, of accent in Latin and the other Italic dialects is further indicated by the Latin ^ 6per-is, humerus, ti'dmerus by the side of the Umbrian onse and the Oscan udpsannaTn l>i lovfMcTifi, and need not surprise us more than the general „, , , divergence of Latin accent from the Italic, which Umbrian rho- was preserved in the other dialects. At a time when accent was shifting, as it must have done in distinguished from that of her herd, visitor word. Note that the pronunciation of stirring, etc. is due to the influence of stir, etc. ^ Note that of course s in the Oscan alphabet may represent either the voiced or the breathed sound. ^ It is scarcely necessary to observe that it does not represent the I.-Eu. feminine form, but an Italic feminine formed from the masculine stem, i.e. the noun which became in Latin ^os. * The accent which by the contraction in Umbrian fell on the syllable imme- diately before the z would not it is true (§ 26, p. 33) convert it to the breathed sound but it certainly would prevent its change to ?'. * This will be, I think, admitted as an easier explanation than Brugmann's hypothesis of an Indo-European doublet *6meso- *6mso. Further examples of a contraction which took place after but not before the rhotacism are the forms dedro cedre. Digitized by Microsoft® BOKKOWING. § 43. 59 Latin before the rhotacism (v. infr. § 47), it would naturally be given in pronunciation with less marked emphasis, and hence would not exercise so much contracting influence, and the same interval which allowed the change in Latin from the old accent to the new, would allow the old accent to produce its normal effect in other dialects where it was preserved ; so that there is nothing to prevent our supposing, as it is natural to do, that rhotacism took place, medially, at the same time in both Latin and Umbrian. 43. Why then should Latin shew these special phonetic characteristics, that is if we choose to regard them as peculiar to it ? This brings us at once to the C'o)T«Zatiore of -, . IT 1 , • T. specialised second point to be discussed, the question of Bor- grammar and rowing. A glance at any tribal map of Italy re- ^o^^^"'^ minds us how small a number of people the Latins were compared with the multitude of aliens with whom they came perpetually into close contact. At war and at peace, fighting side by side with them in the Eoman armies, or against them almost annually for the first century of the republic and more, admitting them by degrees to full Roman citizenship, erecting public monuments in all the free towns with inscrip- tions written by Romans, but in the local dialect ; — in these and a hundred other ways the Latin-speaking folk were constantly forced to know something of the dialects spoken by their neighbours, and of these perhaps especially the Sabines and Samnites. And the fact that we find a certain number of words borrowed from these sources completely adopted into the Latin vocabulary is the almost inevitable consequence of the history of the language itself. Thanks to the same geographical position, at once central and isolated, which trained the Romans to the headship of the Italic peoples, the language they spoke became in many respects unique among its kindred dialects, such for example as its accent, the imperfect in -bam, the infini- tive in -re, the curious development of the 'perfects' in -si and -ui ; and while these strong individual characteristics, partly as signs of the character of the people who spoke it, partly as ren- dering it intrinsically a(^a§» d|in@»(6i@B@w on for it the predomi- 60 verner's law in italy. § 44. nance over its rivals, the isolation of which they are the signs necessitated a considerable addition to its vocabulary when it was spread over a large area. A conquering people may often adopt the language of the conquered, as the Normans in Eng- land ; but it seems that nearly always a language which is adopted largely by aliens, though its grammatical structure may remain long unaltered, admits a host of strange words into its vocabulary. This was the case for example in the transition from Attic to the Koiv!}, and from Latin to the several Romance languages'. 44. In general of course it is regarded as a fair assumption that a word whose form we find it difficult to ex- borrowing in pla-in hy the laws of the language it is used in, so particular f^j. ^s we know them, has very possibly been bor- rowed from some other after these laws had ceased working. But there is obviously a danger lest this method of avoiding difficulties may only prolong the ignorance of the real phonetic laws which has led us to adopt it, and it is perhaps a pardonable digression to enumerate a few characteristics which may justify the assumption of a borrowed word with more cer- tainty than the mere convenience of the moment. The evidence jp , . I ■ of borrowing is External and Internal. External dence of bor- evidence can hardly be classified, as it includes so lowing. rnany different species: the direct statements of grammarians [Minerva a Sabinis, Varro) : our knowledge of the political (e.g. classis^) or natural (e.g. elephas) history of the districts from and into which it was introduced : or some collocation, such as Caesius Sabinus, are among them. But these are of course always accidental and frequently wanting ; the Internal cannot escape notice if they are present. ^ It has been pointed out to me that personal names (cognomina, in English the 'Christian' name) are very frequently borrowed, e.g. Philo, Philippus, Blaesus. In the list of words borrowed from Sabine (p. 48) we have many gentile names, which were probably introduced at a time when nomina were not yet distinguished sharply from cognomina. 2 In point of fact I do not believe classis to be borrowed, but a regular -ti- noun formed from clad- (clades) ' to out.' It has survived from a very early period of the language and its concrete sense prevented its extension by -on- {*classio). Digitized by Microsoft® EVIDENCE OF BORROWING. § 45. 61 Briefly they are (1) Irregular phonetic form, judged by some internal evi- well established law, e.g. rufus. rowing. (2) Irregular flecdon, e.g. pelagus and other Gr. nouns; also caro carnis (contrast hominis). (3) Irregular gender, e.g. pelagus neuter, caro feminine. (4) Parallelism with some word shewing the regular form and a kindred hut different meaning, e.g. rifus ruber. Especially (5) A peculiar limitation or ' secondarisation ' of meaning which seems nearly always to attend an alien word, e.g. caro in Oscan ' a part ', in Latin ' (a portion of) meat ' ; rufus in Oscan ' red ', in Latin ' red-haired ' ; vov^fio';^ in Syracusan Greek means a 'coin' {Tab. Her.), being clearly borrowed from the Oscan *numso- = Lat. numerus (v. supr. § 42), in the wider signification of ' number '. None of the examples just given affect my theory, but in the course of the following pages we shall have opportunities of applying these conditions with greater relevancy. 45. It is necessary to summarise once more the evidence for the date of the change of s to r in Latin. Some Evidence as of it appears to have been misinterpreted, and one ^l^thi Elmta- of the passages from Livy I have not seen cited cis"»- before. 1. Brugmann lays stress on the tradition that Appius Claudius substituted the hooked G for Z in the ^^^^^^ Latin alphabet as shewing that the sound of the Claudius and voiced sibilant had disappeared from Latin at the date of his censorship 312 B.C. 1 £/ios shews the treatment of the group vowel+n + (T + vowel in pro-ethnic Greek. iJ/xos : vovfi,os as eliiiDi^iiwidiiy Microsoft® 62 verner's law in italy. § 45. 2. On the fibula which Helbig and Diimmler have recently Praenestine discovered at Praeneste there occurs the word Ifu- masioi. The alphabet fixes its date at not later than 500 B.C. and the other words are certainly Latin pure and simple. Cf. § 84, p. 48 supr. 3. On the Buenos Inscription^ which is not later than 300 B.C., Duenos. a. Z certainly does not occur ; /3. while we have the form pacari which as being (pro- bably, V. infr. § 55, p. 76) an analogy form would date from the end of the rhotacising period. 4. Cicero (Ep. ad Fam. 9. 21) tells us that the consul of „. 336 B.C. was the first of his family called Papirius instead of Papisius (v. the following section). It is sometimes said that 'proper names would yield to the Change. in change later than other words' which would seem proper names, ^q imply that the change was conscious, which a real phonetic change appears never to be, though in days of the printing-press the spelling, as it remains the same, may produce a sort of retrospective consciousness. The remark seems equally superfluous if it merely means that proper names would be less frequently used than other words, seeing that the first time they were used they would be pronounced in the new fashion. It is of course quite true if applied only to the spelling of proper names, and perhaps this is all that Cicero or his authority could really vouch for. 5. So far as I can discover by the help of Halm's index there are no passages in Quintilian bearing on this Quintilian. ■ , « 6. The following passages from Livy give us a good deal of help : Livy. a. 2. 80, Valerius Volesi filius, who was dic- tator in 492 B.C. /3. But the consuls for the same year are given in 2. 28 as Aldus Verginius et T. Vetusius, although 1 Cf. supr. § 12, p. IG. DATE OF RHOTACISM. § 45, 63 7. in 2. 41 (486 B.C.) the mother of Coriolanus is throughout called Veturia. B. 3. 4 Gonsules inde A. Postumius Alhus et Sp. Furius F'uscus. Furios Fusios scripsere quidam. Id admoneo ne quis immutationem virorum ipsorum esse quae nominum est putet. This gives us the key to the enigma. It shews that Livy con- sidered the form with r the correct one, and the spelling with s as a (perhaps) unexplained solecism. Hence the names of per- sons well known in history like Valerius and Veturia would appear in the form by which they were usually spoken of in Livy's own day, whereas Volesus, which had passed out of use^ after giving rise to Volero, and the label of the lay figure Vetusius would be merely transcribed after Livy's incurious fashion". Sp. Furius Fuscus was consul in 462 B.C. The plural Fusios shews that Livy found the form with the s in some of his authorities and r in others at this place, and chose the r form himself as being the prevailing one, the examples of it of course occurring at later dates. We conclude therefore that the change (1) had certainly not taken place in 492 B.C. {Vetusius, Volesus) ; (2) probably had not taken place in 462 B.C. if we sup- pose Fusios to represent the genuine spelling at that date. It is possible that the variation here may really go back to a variation in the usage of the Furian family itself in 462 B.C. between the traditional and the phonetic spelling. It seems rather an early date however for disputes as to orthography, and the Papirii must, comparatively, have been ultra-con- servative to have only adopted the new spelling 130 years after the change in sound. They may not however have had occa- sion to spell their names so often in the Consular Fasti. On the whole it is best to regard these two dates 462 B.C. and 336 B.C. as the extreme limits in either direction. The change itself must have been complete within a very much shorter 1 Until re-introduced from Sabine, v. supr. § 34, p. 48. 2 Illustrated in this case by the fact tbat he does not mention the variation of spelling until he has committed himself in a preceding book to both alterua- ,. . . ., Digitized by Microsom tives m a similar case. 64 VERNER'S LA.W IN ITALY. § 46. period than 130 years in so small a community as the Latins. Conclusion '^^^ °^'^ *^**® 450—350 B.C. may therefore be retained with confidence until further evidence enables us to determine its limits more narrowly. 46. The last point to be discussed is by far the most im- portant, the bearing of the evidence of rhotacism Date of the ^ ' , . . _ . j. tt -j. change of the on the date of the change m the Latm accent, id.as it Latin accent. ^^^^ already pointed out that the stock passage in Proper names. Quintilian (1. 5. 22) might be quoted to shew that the old accent lasted longest in proper names'? In a very brief notice of the subject he selects as typical solecisms the accentu- ation of the two names Gandllus and Cethegus on the first syllable. 'Adhuc difiSciUor observatio est per tenores vel ad- centus, quas Graeci m-pocraihia'i vocant cum acuta et gravis alia pro alia ponuntur ut in hoc ' Camillus ' si acuitur prima, aut gravis pro flexa, ut Cethegus, et hie prima acuta (nam sic media mutatur).' It may of course merely represent a natural mistake of non-Latin Italians pronouncing their adopted tongue in the same fashion as their own ; but if so it is a very curious coincidence that both the examples should be proper names, which are not often quoted elsewhere as illustrations. If the view of accent-change as largely analogical be correct, it is easy to see that the old pronunciation would last longest in personal names which are a kind of personal property, it being almost as great a wrong to mispronounce a man's name as to steal his 1 A general shifting of accent, as distinguished from the change in the few individual words in which it may have begun, does not seem, strictly speaking, to be a purely ^AoweZtc change, but to involve a certain propor- tion of arbitrary analogical influence. There is no a priori evidence that any one method of accentuation is intrinsically easier than another, and hence wlien the accent in a partictdar langiuige was changing there must have been a certain amount of volition exercised on the part of those who first set the fashion. The contrast of classical Latin where accent has become bound by quantity with Oscan and Umbrian and late Latin where quantity has been more or less suppressed in favour of accent seems to point to the wish to pronounce syllables with the length that was felt pro- perly to belong to them, as the motive power of the change. The steady retrogression of accent in modern English, e.g. in such words as indispfitable inJhputahlc, seems certainly analogical. Digitized by Microsoft® CHANGE OF ACCENT IN LATIN. § 47. 65 purse. The II of the modern Fallen seems to indicate that in spite of its long e Falerii was accented on the first syllable. The r in ValeriKS Veturius Masurius Rahlrius Papvrius Etruria Pinarius may be due to an accent on the first syllable retained for this reason, but they are not conclusive since, as we shall see, they can all be explained quite regularly without this hypothesis. 47. In order to shew as clearly as may be the unmistakable conclusion which is forced upon us by the evidence of rhotacism if we accept the arrangement of the cent. Direct phenomena suggested in this essay, I have arranged evidence of in five classes all the words (1) in which the change of s to r cannot be due to the influence of i or u, and (2) in which it need not, i.e. in which it might conceivably have been caused by the absence of accent in the preceding syllable, and (3) in which s is retained between vowels ; the inclusion of the second class of words enables us to muster all that can possibly be admitted as evidence on the question. I. Words whose form is explicable only on the assumption of the oldest accent. j^^^,^^ „^ II. Words whose form is explicable on the i"'""/- assumption of either the oldest or the intermediate system but not of the latest. III. Words whose form is explicable on the assumption of either the oldest or the intermediate or the latest. IV. Words whose form is explicable 7iot on the assumption of the oldest but on that of either the intermediate or the latest. V. Words whose form is explicable not on the assumption of the oldest nor of the intermediate but only of the latest. By the intermediate stage of accentuation I mean that in which the accent had become bound by quantity in so far that it could not go back behind a long syllable in the penult, or if the penult was short, behind a long syllable in the antepenult, but could go back to the fourth from the end or to the initial syllable, if all that intervened between it and the last were sh ort. Digitized by Microsoft® 66 verner's law in italy. § 47. It will be seen therefore that these five classes exhaust all possible combinations of the three stages, it being remembered that any change which is governed both by the oldest and the latest systems will be equally subject to the rules of the inter- mediate (e.g. foideris, a word whose accent was the same when Latin passed into Romance as when Italic passed into Latin) ; and also that any word governed by the intermediate but not by the oldest is governed also by the latest^ and hence the (mathe- matically^) possible classes '' explicable on the oldest or the latest hut not on the intermediate," and " hy the intermediate hut not hy the oldest or the latest" are historically impossible. The results are as follows :- — 1. There are no words whose form is explicable only on the assumption of the oldest accent (half-a-dozen examples which might be placed here occurring also as due to the influence of a following i or u, e.g. Pinarius) ex- cept one example of an isolated form in a system in which the remaining forms were all accented on the first syllable; this would clearly be the sort of place in which the old accent would linger longest, and cannot be quoted as evidence that that accent was genuinely in force elsewhere. The example in question is the genitive plural of the first declension, mensdrum, older mensdrom', accented on the first syllable because of mdnsa Tninsam mdnsdd mdnsaes (?) cet. 2. There is one word with r, one with s, and several proper Cl II 2+ ^^™®^ '^^^'^ ** {gloria from (?) *cUvSzia, caesaries, Valerius) which may be explained on either the oldest or the intermediate but not on the latest system. ■■ Except in the (purely hypothetical) case of a word of five or more syllables ending in --.---. ^ The number of alternative combinations may be represented hy the formula which can be expanded in eight ways. The two oases ^-B + C,and -A + B-G I have just explained are impossible, and - A -B - C represents the class of 9hanges in accented syllables. ' It is of course possible that the change of o to u in this (always) unaccented syllable was before the period of rhotaoism but it is safest to dispense with so doubtful an explanation, especially as vowel degradation as a whole is rather late in Latin. Digitized by Microsoft® CHANGE OF ACCENT IN LATIN. § 47. 07 3. Counting rus (contracted for *rovos orig. *revos, cf. § 42, p. 58) temporis foederis regere videram pulveris once ^^^ ^^^ ^g_ each as typical examples, there are some TWENTT- FIVE words with r and TWENTY with s which are explicable equally on all three systems. 4. There are some seventeen words with r including most of the best-known examples of the change in root- ^^^^^ iy 21 + syllables, and FOUR with s, which are not explicable on the oldest system but by either the intermediate or tho latest. 5. There are no words which need the supposition of the latest accent. In caer'&leus (older cairUleus) the m ^^^^ ^ ^^^^ seems certainly original (v. infr. § 60, p. 83) and it is this which has caused the change. From these figures it is obvious I. That there is no evidence that at the time when rhota- cism began the oldest accent was in force. II. That during the period the intermediate accent cer- tainly came into force. III. That there is no evidence that the latest system had come into force before the end of the period, and a, certain amount of evidence that it had not. This last conclusion exactly agrees with the inference drawn by Corssen from the contraction of forms like optumus Manlius reccidi imperi, and the degradation of the vowel of the second syllable in benivolus malivolus malig(e)nus, which clearly point to the retention of the first-syllable accent on words of this shape till a fairly late era. It is a natural conjecture that the final change was due to the influence of the Greek accent, sup- ported of course by that of the great bulk of words in Latin which had a long syllable either in the penult or antepenult and therefore an accent in the same position. The argument of course implies that the exspiratory cha- racter of the accent in Latin (and also in the other Italic dialects) had at least begun to develop at this time. We can trace a gradual deYelq^mg^i^o^l^^gg^^TQent in accentuation in 68 VERNER's law in ITALY. § 48. the history of Latin, from the mainly musical accent which probably came from the final stage of Indo-European, to the almost purely stress-accent which moulded the Eomance lan- guages. The Latin of the cultivated classes at Rome appears to have resisted this tendency with more success than any other of the descendants of pro-ethnic Italic. 48. Having thus summarised the evidence in favour of the two corollaries as to the change of accent already given, § 5, p. 6 supr., it will be legitimate as well as extremely convenient to assume them in what follows. There follow lists of words arranged under two separate methods, (1) according to the phonetic cause of the condition in which the sound is found : (2) in the five classes just described. It might seem more natural to put the second first, but there is a considerable number of words where the change appears to be due to analogical influence (e.g. Tiios maris for *motis (metior) ara etc.) which are best disposed of in connexion with the first arrangement. After the discussion here the second classification will contain only lists of words with refer- ences to preceding pages. First of all however it is desirable to give a complete list of all words bearing on the question, i.e. all those which shew s, or r representing an original s, be- tween vowels in Latin, arranged according to the authorities by whom they have been collected. This section of the essay will then be concluded by removing from the list such words as have been previously given by authorities but for one reason or another appear inadmissible. 49. Corssen' gives the following list of words in which s Words with r ^as becom^r between vowels : from s. Lar-es ara feriae harena viarius nefarius etc. (jf}7*SiRP7L t List eram etc. quaero gero liaurio uro sero fieri nares marem aeris cruris thuris juris muris moris flons roris gliris speres (Enn.) foederis etc. liber {? loehesum ?) temporis etc. ' .-1 iixspr. 1. 228. Digitized by Microsoft® Further addi- EXAMPLES OF THE CHANGE. § 50. 69 labons etc. arborem puheris pulveris etc. vires sperare prospera plurimvs melioris etc. dirimere dirhibere mensdrum etc. dare ; Curio Aurelius Spurius Furius Valerius Pinarius Papirius Vetu- rius Numerius ; Falerii Etruria Cures. The followiug are added by Brugmann and others : pdricida (ttt^o?) mulieris (muliebris from -esris) humerus numerus^ pejerare (Osth., from pejus orig. *pejeris) ^P!'^'^ autho- pacari (Duen. Inscr. all interpp.) haereo queror (questus) curare cura (Pel. coisattens) virus (to?) soror (Skt. svasd) nurus (vvc'i) lira (Teut. leis-, Germ, geleise) oris gloris ruris puris telluris gloria (? «Xeo?, Skt. gravas) vomeris puerius) Marcipor (cf pusus pusa, pupulus for pupus-lus) for *povesus, the r of the perfect, pluperfect, aad future perfect indie, and the imperfect and perfect subj., and of the 2nd pers. sing, pres. ind. pass, legere = i-Xeyea-o. The following I think should also be added : caerulus cae~ ruleus (v. infr. § 60) glomerare tolerare (probably -es- ] . . . . ^^""^ from j-stems) acieris (perh. a comparative like **""*• mulier) arere (Volsc. asif, Umbr. asom) maereo (maestus), equiria (equiso), pauper (?) pawperies (?) : Masurius (?) Liris (?) Laurentum (Lausus) Aurunci (Ausones) Auruncud (cf § 37, p. 50 supr.) Tibur (?) Ardea (?) Aricia (?) Caere (?) luridus (? 'mala lustra'). 50, Eoby (l. p. 59) gives the following list of words con- taining s between vowels : , n ~ , J ■ • -J n Words with s All perfects and supines in -si and -sum irom between two stems ending in dentals, asinus bdsium caesaries towels. ° _ . . J. T^ . Roby's list. caesius casa caseus causa cisium jusus Laser miser nasus pusillus quasillus quaeso rosa vasa ; Caesar Kaeso Lausus Piso Sisenna Sosia ; Pisa Pisaurum. Stolz (Lat. Gr. § 60) gives labosus (Lucil. Non. 8. 46) and alludes to the ' large number of gentile names in -sius.' Volusius Aedesius Agrasius Calvisius are examples. To these we must add the following : — rosidus agdso equiso 70 teener's law in italy. § 51. Further ex- positus (posivi posui) pusula pusio siser immusulus ampies. (^ sort of gagle, Fest. Mull. p. 112, 113. Cf. Mac- beth, 'a mousing-owr) pesestas (Fest. Mull. 210 ' pestilentia ') : Aenesi (Fest. Mlill. 20 ' comites Aeneae ') : Masurius (Pers. 5.90): Tusanis (C. I. L. I. 971) : Aesola (a town in the district of the Latini). 51. We may dismiss at once names of places situate in districts where Latin was not spoken, as Pisa^, eliminated^- Pisaurum^. Bisemxa too, like Porsenna, would seem (1) as late in- to be an Etruscan name, and in view of the accen- troductions, . ,-ii /e^/. /->^\ tuation 01 proper names noticed above (§ 46, p. 04) it appears not to affect the argument, hasium cisium pusio (teste Forcellini) do not occur in Plautus though they belong to just that class of words in point of signification which is com- monest in Latin comedy, and we may safely predict that they would have occurred there if they had been in use at the time. Pusula too is a late word, occurring first in Seneca. Gaesum is a Gallic word, and Blaesus apparently (?) a Greek name. Citres is a name occurring in Sabine country and must (2) as errone- contain an original r : it is to be distinguished from ously derived, -y^ords derived from the Italic root cois- (cusianes koisis coisattens). Spurius is once written ^Trovatov in Dion. Hal. III. 34 : but in view of the clo.se connexion of meaning with a-7Telpa> ('sporadic' 'bastard') and the Oscan.name Mara Spurnius (Z. 0. 82), it seems best to treat this as either a mistaken reading (which of course in the present state of the text is possible enough) or a mistaken etymology, either being due to the influence of ^ov(Tio n. V. Kupr. § IS), p. 2(i. Digitized by Microsoft® IRRELEVANT EXAMPLES. § 51. 71 riossus 414 A.U.C., Verrucossus 521 A.U.C. iu the P''™'^ of rho- consular Fasti), where there was also a nasal to a. adjj. in protect the sound from further corruption^ which °™^' lasted on, as an element in the vowel, till quite late times. Labosus clearly belongs here, whether it is for *labos-osus (like clamosus dolosus fragosus and others given by Roby) or, as seems at least plausible, formed not from the stem lahos-, but from the verb lahare, on the analogy of clamare clamosus onerare onerosus criminare criminosus moratus nwrosus dolere dolosus and others. The meaning ' slippery ' would give a more picturesque tinge to the two passages in Lucilius where it occurs (Non. 8. 46), ' iter labosum,' and ' labosas Tantalu qui poenas ob facta nefantia luvit,' which would describe the cup slipping from his grasp. The commonest case is of course that of participles and perfects in s. After a long vowel or consonant the a participles s was written single in Quintilian's^ time, but here **''• in Cicero's the ss was kept in writing, though in pronunciation then, as afterwards, it was probably kept only after short vowels, as in missus, where it was always written from the time of the first introduction of double consonants^. If Brugmann's view of the pro-ethnic character of the change of tt to ss in Italy were correct, all participles like fusus would be citable as evidence in support of the theory advocated in this essay, V. supr. § 30, p. 39 foil. The derivation of caussa seems to me so obvious and certain that I can hardly believe it has not been suggested y_ caussa qua- before. On inscriptions of the republic (e.g. C. I. L. stJJus. L 198, 556, and 533) the ss appears regular, and in the passage in Quintilian (7. 20) already alluded to (§ 51 (2) /3. n.) it is ' This n appears not to occur in any inscription (v. Index to C. I. L.i.'n adjecta,' where Mommsen gives only vicensumus etc.), but Eibbeck reads it from the MSB. in two passages of Vergil. = V. App. A. The fere in the passage there cited seems to me to imply that the remark applied only to the large class of words, mainly participles, in which s or ss came from tt. ^ Por the well-known cases of a long vowel with a single s where from the form of the present we should have expected a short vowel with a double ss (casus from cado, fusus horn f undo) , v. Osthoff, Perf. Exo. vi. p. 537. Digitized by Microsoft® 72 VERNER'S law in ITALY. § 51. given explicitly as one of the words which were so spelt ' Cice- ronis temporibus paulumque infra.' Apart however from spell- ing, which is at best very unsafe evidence unless independently supported, we have the forms of the compounds incusare, excu- sare, where the weakening of au to u shews there was no accent on that syllable, from in-causdre, ex-causdre. The s therefore we should expect to have become r if it had been single. These forms however betray the secret by their resemblance to excu- sum incusum. Is not caussa a past passive participle of an original *caudo, to smite or cut (cf. Cauda, 'the smiter,' caudex, ' the bark, or the stump or plank cut off,' also Caudium, the place where the valley divided or opened out into the plain) ? Res caussa would = ' res decisa' 'res judicata,' and a glance at the article in any dictionary will shew that the forensic signifi- cation of the word is the oldest. A large number of words meaning to 'judge' mean properly to 'cut,' e.g. KpLvai cernere decide. The form *caudo must have died out in this derived meaning and cudo have been substituted in the literal sense from the compounds incudo etc., just as spicio^ miniscor have banished *specio * meniscor, and cludo had supplanted claudo in all writers except Cicero at the end of the republic. It had probably only been preserved so long from the influence of includo etc., by such independent forms as claustrum. An incidental advantage of this explanation is to get rid of the irregular u in the present stem of ciido. In qudsillus an original ss has been reduced by the later accent, as in cu7"Alis from currus. Gr. Kd6owm dbh {mddbhis usadbhis vidvadbhis) zg > dg (madgas) he considers the regular changes.] Passing then to the changes of final s Osthoff (p. 36) develops his theory of the origin of o in Sanskrit before vowels, nasals, liquids and voiced explosives. The ' pause-forms ' of as Digitized by Microsoft® 7 — 2 100 VERNER'S law in ITALY. § 71. as in pro-ethnic Aryan were ah ah. These were ' substituted ' for az and az before voiced explosives, and for as as before vowels and all other consonants except dentals and palatals, where the s was kept, because of its close physiological connexion with the following sound, ah became o before voiced conso- nants, and this was made general in Zend except before en- clitics, and in Sanskrit supplanted ah before vowels, nasals and liquids, while ah was kept before breathed guttural and labial explosives, ah became a in Zend and a in Skt. before voiced explosives, and these were similarly apportioned. Then the relation of agvam : kavim, sunum produced kavih, sunuh as the pause-forms of kavis sunus. Then since pitur, etc., also became pituh, etc., before a pause, kavih sunuh produced an analogical kavir sunur in the same position as that in "which pitur appeared, namely before voiced explosives and vowels. This view of the purely analogical change of s to r is held also by Bloomtield (Am. J. P. 3, p. 31 n.) but rejected by Bmgmann, who allows (Gds. § 647. 6) a real phonetic change of i to r before vowels, nasals and liquids, though the i in this position he has to explain as an analogical substitution for s. He does not however reject (§ 556) Osthoff's explanation of the 6. 71. Having thus reviewed the orthodox position as fully rt g ; . and faithfully as we can, it is at least lawful to mlts of the .point out where it fails of conviction, and to sift its discussion. , • ,• t. -, • , ttt , certainties irom its conjectures. We may grant Osthoff's law for the loss of s in Indo-European, though the direct evidence in its favour is almost confined to the word ihpvw ; we are clearly bound to admit that e in some words came from az in Sanskrit after it had split off from Zend, whether or not we hold with Dr J. Schmidt that the a retained an ' e-colouring.' And if we allow the diphthongal character of Sansk. e, as we have seen (supra § 69, p. 97) we must, it becomes immaterial what the exact character of its first component may have been. jSTevertheless, admitting all this as fully as we may, we are very far from necessarily rejecting Bloomfield's theory in its entirety. It is quite possible for a change which took place partially in Indo-European and partially in Sanskrit, to have Digitized by Microsoft® MODIFICATION OF BLOOMFIELD'S THEORY. § 71. 101 taken place also in the intermediate stage of pro-ethnic Aryan : the forms in nazd- may very well have been formed in Aryan, perhaps on the pattern o£pi-zd-, at a later time than the loss of z before voiced consonants, which Bloomfield supposes took place before ? and S had sunk to a; the word in fact does not seem to occur except in Sanskrit and Zend, and Osthoff himself finds a difficulty in supposing it Indo-European, hazdyat again by Osthoff's own law must be a new formation, and it may just as well have been formed in Zend or later Aryan as at any earlier time. These are the only two forms in Zend which stand in our way since in imazda- etc. the z is not original and did not belong to the earliest period of Aryan. In Sanskrit however we seem to have clear proof {madgus majjati) that z was kept medially before gutturals and palatals after the change of ^ and d to &, but it is not so certain whether it remained so long before bh, since mddbhis usadhhis vidvadbhis may conceivably be new formations from the loc. pi. in -tsu. I do not know whether OsthofFs explanation of e <^ a in Zend (supra, p. 99) has been confirmed, but in want of further evidence than he gives in its favour, we are free to regard the forms ebyo -ebish as shewing a trace of I.-Eu. e (e* < ez-) before -bh-"^ ; the Vedic avayds, Zend mane vace etc. are further evidence for Bloom- field's theory which Osthoff does not notice. In any case we have seen that there is no evidence against the view that z was lost before d dh and n in Aryan before the time when e and S sank to (X. All that is essential to Bloomfield's explanation of Sanskrit and Zend o and Prakr. e as arising directly from I.-Eu. final -8s -Ss is that we should be allowed to suppose a loss of final s before voiced explosives, liquids and nasals in Aryan : and if he were granted its loss only before d dh n r I it would not be a great stretch of probability to suppose that the form they took before these was made general before other voiced explo- sives. Such are the reservations we must make in deference to Osthoff's arguments, and these are all. But are there no in- herent weaknesses in his own position ? It is at least a satis- ' Indeed until the Zend Avesta is better known can we be certain that other forms with e= Skt. e may mlgUiBB^ 8^jA)erS&itti>'! 102 _ VERNEr'S law in ITALY. § 72. faction to recognise our ignorance. And Osthoff's theory cer- tainly presents very considerable difficulties. They seem fairly obvious but I do not know that they have been definitely pointed out before. Whether or not they are fatal or even serious the reader must decide. 72. The basis of the whole structure is a " substitution of Difficulties of *^® pause-form " for the sound naturally belonging Osthoff's own to final -as -as in the middle of the sentence. On ^'"^^' the average, we may reckon, a word occurs at the end of a sentence or clause about once for every seven or eight times that it is used elsewhere ; by Osthoff's theory we are therefore asked to suppose that the form which a word had one time in eight was felt to be so inherently proper to it that it was substituted for the form it had the other seven times. Even if we suppose the early Aryans averaged only three or four words to a clause the improbability is only reduced to 4 : 1 instead of 8 : 1. And if it is nevertheless a phenomenon to be expected for some reason or other, why is there no illus- tration forthcoming? Even on its author's own shewing it appears to be without analogy of any kind. But the substitu- tion when made was not completed : -as was kept before dentals and palatals, because of the close physiological con- nexion between them and the preceding s. But surely when a particular sound is substituted for another by analogy, by the feeling that the new sound is the correct one, the change is generally carried out with completeness ? Are we justified in combining analogy and phonetics in this way? Be this as it may we have a far more serious difficulty to the theory in the fact that the forms in -h are only beginning to appear in use in the Rig- Veda where -as is at least as common as ah before k(h) and p(h). If -ah was the regular form in pro-ethnic Aryan, how is it we find the older form in Sanskrit ? Are we really to sup- pose another analogical readjustment, -as t- -as c- dragging over -ah k- -ah p- -ah n- -ah I- ? Credat Judaeus. This difficulty Osthoff does not notice ; Brugmann (§ 556. 3) escapes it only by supposing the exceptions -as k- etc. made in Aryan to the original substitution oi ah-, so that the pausc-furm should have Digitized by Microsoft® bruqmann's view. § 73. 103 intruded before vowels and voiced consonants but not else- where. Such a limitation is purely arbitrary. Everything seems to shew that the change to Visarga is a late change, almost peculiar to post-Vedic Sanskrit, -ds -as -is -us as ^s us are constantly kept (Whitney, c. 2) where later Sanskrit sub- stituted h for s or s. The final -e in Prakrit = Skt. -as o is one of the strongest points in Bloomfield's case, but Osthoff and Brugmann say nothing about it, and their theory leaves it com- pletely unexplained. Finally what of the phonetics of the change of ah to au through the middle stage a} ? Why should a mere emission of breath like h produce a lowering of the tongue and rounding of the lips ? 3 {gh) is a fairly common sound, e.g. in Teutonic. Does it ever produce a similar labial diphthongisation of the preceding vowel? At all events the change needs illustration and Osthoff gives none. 73. It is hardly necessary to criticize OsthofFs analogical explanation of the Sanskrit rhotacism, as it has change of s been rejected by Brugmann. The attempt to ex- *" '^• plain a change of an individual sound, not of forms in any kind of system; by an analogy on the narrowest conceivable basis, is a noteworthy example of the dangers of the imaginative method. Like Brugmann's derivation of the Greek perfects in -ku from the single pattern eScoKa, it would have been long ago forgotten but for the distinguished position of its author. Such explana- tions have as a rule the unique advantage that they cannot be directly disproved ; but in this case the fact that h is only beginning to appear in the Veda while -r from -s is fully established renders it untenable. Brugmann's view is that ir ur came by regular phonetic change from -i£ -uz ori- ginally only before vowels, these having been sub- stituted for -is -us on the pattern of the Sanddhi of voiced explosives. Then ir ur displaced -iz -uz before voiced explo- sives. This is open to very little objection. Only if we hold that s may as easily pass to rh as i to r, and that before con- sonants as readily as vowels (supra, §§ 7 — 9, p. 9) we need not assume quite so much shifting in usage as is necessary for his view, havisas would indicate that rhotacism did not tak-e place Digitized by Microsoft® 104 verner's law in italy. § 74. between vowels (it is only an accentual accident that it did so in Latin) but we should consider the r the natural phonetic result of an abridged -s before voiced consonants and similarly perhaps the h from rh as the true form of s before k and p. That before voiced consonants final s was kept down to the period of rhotacism, and not changed to d, as it was medially, we may ascribe to the influence of its form before vowels and t o, just as in Zend where -s is universal after i and u. On the other hand there are one or two forms with r before breathed consonants which may possibly indicate that the change took place there also (aglrpada, cf. purpati). This however is quite uncertain ; it is at any rate very simple to suppose that the forms with r before d dh h hh etc. were extended to the position before vowels, e.g. havir daddmi, giving havir ddaddmi. This saves us one of Brugmann's two readjustments, which it is to be observed are supposed to act in a contrary direction. A more definite objection to his view is to be found in the regularity of r be- fore voiced explosives. If *patl daddti *patid bharati had been the regular phonetic forms and -ir was only an analogical sub- stitution we should expect to find a certain amount of variation and traces of -i, -id at least somewhere. But they do not occur. 74. If then the theories of Bloomfield, Osthoff, and Brug- mann still leave us an open question we are likely to be very sceptical of any further attempts at formulating definite ex- planations. Nevertheless every attempt helps, and equally by its failure or success, so long as it does not violate established principles. The scheme that follows is merely a modification of Bloomfield's theory and claims no positive merit of its own ; I shall be more than content if it is found free from serious errors of principle, and at the same time can afford any light for future research by indicating the limits to which the investi- gation has so far been carried. I leave to the reader's con- sideration without further comment the history of the various changes in the order that seems to me to involve the fewest difficulties, stating the alternatives in the most doubtful points. What amount of probability may attach to it I cannot decide, but it seems to be at least a possible solution. Digitized by Microsoft® RESULT OF THE DISCUSSION. § 74. 105 A. In Pro-ethnic Aryan. 1. Final. Modified re- a. -8s, -Ss became o^ ei before voiced ex- sioZfid/s plosives^ and aspirates, and before theory. liquids and nasals. /S. -OS, -es became o^, & under the same conditions. 7. -is, -los became -is, -us before all sounds but voiced explosives and -iz, -uz before these. 2. Medial. a. -zg-, -zj- remained. /3. -ezbh-, -ozbh- probably became -dbh-, -o-bh-. 7. -ezd-, -ozd- became -eH-, -o'-d and -ezd-, -ozd- became -e^d-, o^d-. 3. Later on a. and e sank to a, /S. 0- and e^ sank to a" and a\ o" and e' to d- and a'. B. In Sanskrit. 1. a. i. a-, of were blended with au, ai and became 0, e. ii. Or and of sank to a. /3. -iz-, -uz- became the cerebral iz, uz, which i. Medially became -id- -ud- (Brugmann Gds. § 591) except before d dh, with which they combined to -id- -ud-. ii. Finally probably remained being kept by iii. -is- us-, which became is us and so remained before vowels and breathed consonants. 2. a. Final and e both appearing before voiced ex- plosives, etc., where only one sound -as appeared before breathed consonants and vowels, was everywhere substituted for e except in Prakrit, where e banished o. On the pattern of the Sanddhi of breathed explosives" o was sub- 1 V. § 71 supra ad fiu. = Br. Gds. § 647. Digitized by Microsoft® 106 vernee's law in italy. § 74. stituted for -as before vowels and lost its final u except before a, with which it coalesced, leaving simply 0. /3. Medial -az- i. before d, dh became c. ii. before _;" became -a/-, iii. before g and (?) b became -ad-. 3. Later on a. Final i became r, and was substituted for s before vowels as o for -as. /3. Final s passed through rh to h except before dentals and palatals. Its retention here probably caused some variation in the other cases, so that the h was not fully adopted until sup- ported by the change of -as to -ah. If we doubt the change to rh, we must put -ih « is on a level with -ah < as. ry. mandbkis havirbhis replace the true phonetic forms on the analogy of mano havir. 4. Finally -as sinks to ah except before t, th, c, ch. C. In Zend. 1. a. a- Or became o e, a" became d. /3. Final -as became -a, except before enclitics which were practically a part of the word, fy. Final -d became -a. 2. The ending o is everywhere substituted not merely a. for e but also /8. for -&s (before vowels and breathed consonants) 7. except before enclitics. 3. -a was originally proper before voiced explosives, -S, elsewhere. 4. -ts -!t.s remain and banish -iz -uz. Digitized by Microsoft® 107 C. Final S arM R in TJmhrian. 75. The change of final s to ?- in. later Umbrian has no direct bearing on the theory advanced in the preceding chapters, but the subject is of course closely related to it and it is desirable to put the facts on record more definitely than has been hitherto attempted. Brugmann {Gds. § 655. 9) expressly leaves it an open question whether there are any phonetic conditions which determine the loss or retention of the r, or whether its occasional omission is merely due to a careless engraver. Whether or not any such conditions can be dis- covered will best appear from a few statistics. We have to exclude from consideration all words in which final s never became r, i.e. those, and only those, in which it was only the written representative of a stronger sound, -ss -s{i) -ns -cs -ps or the like, e.g. homonus aveis,fus, sis, vas, erus (Bucheler, Umhrica, p. 184). Also we must distinguish the loss of -/ (= orig. -ns) from that of a genuine -s or -r. Final r is not omitted in V VI and VII in any words in which s is kept in the earlier period (except sei si {=sis) which does not happen to occur at all in I — IV), so that there is, strictly speaking, no loss of final r, only of final s ; hence we must first see where final s is dropped in Tables I — IV. 76. In Table I a, s is kept sixteen times (five times in one phrase) before a, e, p, t, v, j, and a pause, and pi„aisin . dropped once in the adverb heri(s) before p. Tables i—iv. In I 6, s is kept twenty-one times, before a, e, i, k, p, t, h, s, s', and a pause, and dropped four times, before a, Jc, p, t = d. In II a, s is kept nineteen times, before p, k, f, s, m, v, once before t= d (l. 28), and lost five times before a, p and a pause. In II b, s is kept twelve times, before k, p,f, m, and a pause, once before t = d, and dropped twenty-eight times (twenty- seven in a long list of names in which it is kept twice) and once in the adverb heri(s), before a, e, i, k, p, t, s, m, v. In III and IV s is kept forty-two times before a, e, i, k, p, t, /; s, n, V, h, and droppgd^hr^g^^nes^^fore a, e, s. 108 verner's law in italy. § 77. From this it seems to follow that no rule for the loss or retention ofs in the older periocLcan be based upon the character of the following sound, so far as we can tell from the evidence we have. Curiously words with final s only occur twice before voiced explosives {t = d), and in one place it is kept and in the other omitted. Before all other classes of sound it seems equally kept and lost. On the other hand all words in which it is lost have one characteristic in common and it can hardly be accidental, thei/ are all datives or ablatives plural ending in -e(s) -ei{s) -i{s), except the adverb heri, where the i is probably long. We might conjecture then that after long vowels s was regularly lost under certain further conditions (e.g. before a pause or before some classes of following sounds or perhaps in enclitics, or again in words of more than a certain number of syllables where the last would be further from the accent) which we have no evidence to determine. Then the two forms would be confused and their proper positions obscured in usage. 77. The variations of final r are much smaller. In VI and Final r in VII it is only omitted in heri hertei (and there y—yil- always) and twice in sei si for sis (VI a 23, b 27). Seeing however that these two tables are only modernised copies of documents in which final s was regular, not much reliance can be placed on their apparent consistency in this respect. The engraver probably adopted a uniform spelling for the same grammatical forms wherever they occurred. In VI b 27 si (followed by a vowel) and sir (followed by p) occur side by side, the former being, we may conclude, the genuine form. In V however, which very possibly contains original, not copied, documents, there is less regularity. In the first section (a I — 13) not counting herte r is lost twice, once in emantu herte (emantur herte occurring just below) and once in a dative plur. eikvasese A tiedier ; r appears before a, e, u, p, h. In the next section (a 14—6 5) it is lost in this same phrase, but kept before a, e, u, p,t = d,f. In the fragment in Latin alphabet we have it once omitted before d in the same case, Claverni dirsans frater Atiersiur, and kept before a, e, o, p, d, s, m. Summing up then we may feel certain of this much, that Digitized by Microsoft® FINAL / IN UMBRIAN. § 77. 109 final s or final r that has come from s so far as our evidence extends are only lost after long vowels or diphthongs. In eman- tur the r is probably original. What farther conditions caused its loss or retention it seems impossible to discover. But the statistics given above will be available for further investigation, and may very likely prove more intelligible to other eyes than they are to mine. I need scarcely ask the reader to follow the variations of the writing in the case of final /. One tendency seems distinctly observable, both in I — IV and VI and VII, to write it only once in phrases where it occurs at the end of each word in the phrase. This would seem to indicate that it only existed in spelling at the time when the copy was made. However in the probably uncopied Va we have it written once, and in Vb it is once written and twice omitted, all four times before a pause. It is hardly worth while to pronounce any decision on evidence so confused. Digitized by Microsoft® 110 teener's law in ITALY. APR D. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE LATIN PERFECT. OSTHOFF, AND A. Indo-European. P- EH 2)8. 6 uoida uoitl'tha uoide uidma''^} 1 nitt'te uidnti eueidgsm eueidess eueidast eueidssma^(s) eueid8sta^(s) eueidasnt edeiksm edeikss edeikst edeiks(9')ma''(s) edeiksta''(s) edeiksnt uidai uitsai uitHai Then 1. Middle and Act. of perfect fused ■. • of short vowel of pi. active. 2. 1 Phonetic development of Aor., and loss of aug- ment. 3. Levelling of 1st pers. plur. perf. in consonant and vowel stems and also to anaptyptie vowel in dei- xlmus. 4. Levelling of 3rd pers. plur. B. Latin. ■pldl visti vide vidimus vistis vidontt veidisem veidls veidist veidimus f veidistis t veidisjnt First Stage. -f- deixem deix deixt deix(i)mus f deixtis t deixent to thematic -ont. Then 5. s becomes r in the 1st pers. sing, and 3rd pers. plur. of aor. 6. veidls gives veidit for veidist on •/• of videris, viderlt, helped hy regimus, re- git. 7. veidls, veidit give veidl on •/. of subj. deice, deices, deicet, supported by vldi, sedi. ^ Osthoff {Perf. p. 570) would insert here another stage: "2nd pi. 'risis altered to vistis on ■/• of estis, etc., and the variants visis vistis give rise to visti as well as visi." This seems unnecessary, as it is quite possible that tt!i became st in Latin, though tt may have at once become s,'!, or, more probably, remained as it was, and visti would drag over ^i-ittis. Digitized by Microsoft® Ill SIMPLIFIED FROM THE THEORIES OF THURNEYSEN, BRUG.MA.NlSr. C. Latin. Second Stage D. Final Stage vidi 'fidi visti fidisti vide Wided fidit vidimus (2). fidimus vistis fidistis vido(nt) fidSruni -ere veidi .veiderem veldl veidls veidisti veidit (1) veidit veidimns veidimus veidistis veidistis veidSr*" veiderunt -gre -erunt -ere (3) deixem (2) deixi dixi deix ' deixti dixti deixt deixit dixit deiximus (1)- deiximus diximus deixtis deixtis dixtis deixent . deixent dixerunt tutudi etc. etc.) (4) dixisti dixistis Then 8. The Aorist finally remo- Tlien 10, The expelled veiderem forms delled on the Perfect ; vi- dimuSy. vistis, vidi : visti 11. gives to veidimus, veidis- tis, veidi, deiximus, deix- tis : veidisti, deixti. veidi, veidit give deixi, de- ixit. 12. the pluperfect. Finally the remodelled aor- ist imposes its flexion on all genuine perfects like vidi, dedi, fidi, tutudi, and on dixi. Digitized by Microsoft® 112 VERNER'S law in ITALY. The advantages of this arrangement are 1. That it supposes a fairly continuous development, each stage in the process being so to speak homogeneous until it is completed. a. The singular perfect active is remodelled on i. the plural perfect active, ii. the singular perfect middle, and iii. difierent forms within its own system are levelled. /3. The aorist which has i. meanwhile undergone phonetic change and conse- quent internal analogical readjustment, ii. is now gradually and consistently remodelled on the plan of the perfect, which still survives. iii. The loss of its 1st person by rhotacism precipitates the fusion of the tenses, and y. The flexion of the aorist is now transfeired bodily to the perfect as well. 2. By taking the aorist as the back-bone of the structure it avoids the diflSculty of lengthening the stem- vowel of the perfect. 3. It shortens the process by which t or d is added to the 3rd pers. sing, of the form with a long stem-vowel. 4. It accepts the aid of both methods of explaining the forma- tion of the 2nd pers. sing, in -isti, and 5. This part of the scheme is not vitiated by Osthoff's objection to "uejdasm etc." in I.-Eu. since deiximus, deixtis would give deixti on the ■/•' of vidimiis, mstis, msti. 6. Osthoff's objection (Perf. p. 571) to the accent vevdesm/as sedeshos by the side of Casmsna *pruzx4na is now removed if we suppose the first to have belonged to the older, the others to the later stage of the Latin accent : v. supra, p. 65 foil. Digitized by Microsoft® INDEX OF WORDS. ABBREVIATIONS. L. Latin L-Eu.' Indo-European 0. Oscan Skt. Sanskrit U. Umbrian Zd. Zend Aeq. Aecjuian 0. c. s. Old Church Slavonic Etr. Etruscan Goth. Gothic Fal. Falisoan Ger. German Mars. Marsian Fr. French Mruo. Marruoinian Prov. Provencal Pel. Pelignian Port. Portuguese Pio. Picentine Sp. Spanish Sab. Sabine Walo. Wallachian Vol. Volsoiau In. Italian lo. Pro-ethnic Italic (The first figure denotes the section, the second the page.) acceso In. 66 91. aoechar Sp. 65 90. acieris L. 5S 76, 66 77, 61 84. aQirpada Skt. 73 104. adasia L. 60 83. adgretus L. 30 39, 42. Aedesius L (?). 34 48. Aenesi L. SO 70, 54 76. Aequasins L (?). 22 28. aes a- (i) -oris L. 49 68, 55 76. Aesernia 0. 20 26. A^sernim 0. 5 5, 29 38. Aesis U. 17 21, 20 26. Aesola or -ula L. agaso ti. SO 69, ager Falemus L. agitur, igitur L. iyxiXos. 60 83. Agrasius L (?). 34 48. ahar, ahas Skt. 68 95. ahenus L. 5 6, 12 16. ahesnes U. 11 14, 12 16. aisos Mruc. 18 23, 33 47. aisusis 0. 18 28. [a]!tt!umO. 3O40. Digitized by I C. SO 70, 53 74, 60 83. S3 74, 54 74. 11 16. 26 34. alies Pic. 32 46. amassem L. 30 39, 43. amatens Mruc. 33 47. amavant Skt. 68 95. ambrefurent U. 23 29. Ameria U. 23 29. Amiternum Aeq. 37 50. amosio L (?). 29 38. ancora L. 60 83. AyKvpa. 60 83. angetuzet 0. 6 5, 29 38, 30 40. anguis L. 60 83. angulus L. 60 83. ansio Sp. 65 90. appei U. 27 34, 35. E. Aprusa U. 22 28. Aprusia and Aprucia L. 22 28. apstineo L. 62 86. ara L. 18 22, 40 55, S7 79. aradhvam Skt. 70 99. arbos, arbor, arbosem L. 32 46, 55 76, 56 77, S8 81, 61 84. Ardea L. 12 17, 49 69. ardeo L. 18 22, SO 69. ,.arerejj, 18 22, 55 76, 61 85. icrosofm 8 114 INDEX OF WORDS. AriciaL. 5e 77, 61 85. aridus L. 12 17, 18 22. arso In. 66 93. asa U. 4 4, 18 22. asellus L. 52 73, 64 74. aseriatum U. 18 22. aserum 0. 29 38, 30 43. asiane XJ. 18 23, 20 26. asif Vol. 37 50, 56 77. asignas Mruc. 33 47. asin Mruc. 33 47. asinus L. SO 69, 54 74. -asius and arius U. 4 4, 22 28. asneis Goth. 9 12. *asnos L. 54 74. aso asom U. 18 22. -aso In. 66 93. assum L. 18 22. asum Mruc. 33 47. atero U. 23 29. Aurelius L. 49 69, 61 85. aurora L. 18 24, 56 77, 61 85. aurum L. 18 24, 58 79, 80. Aurunca, Auruuci, Ausones 37 50, 49 69, 56 78, 61 85. Auselius L. 18 24, 30 42. ,, Sab. 34 48. Ausonia L. 56 78. *ausoris L. 55 76. avayas Skt. 68 94. avolso In. 66 93. avvei U. 27 35. B -bam L. 43 59. basium L. 51 70. bassimL. 27 35 (n.). batissare L. 64 89. b^uivolus L. 47 67. benurent U. 5 5, 23 29, 42 51 n. benuso U. 21 26. berus, berva U. 24 29. bhimar Skt. 68 95. *bhlv5s I.-Eu. 42 58. ♦bhflsh Skt. 54 74. bim asif Vol. 18 22. Blaesus L. 43 60n., 51 70. Bla[ttius] 0. 30 40. bucca L. 30 41 n. cadaver L. 42 58. cado L. 51 71 n. caelum L. 60 82. Caere Caerites L. 49 C9, 60 82. eaeruleus L. 47 67, 60 82, 83. caerulus L. 60 82, 83. Caesar L. 53 74, 54 74. caesaries L. 47 66, 53 74, 54 74. Caesellia Fal. 34 48, 38 52. Caesena U. 17 21, 34 48. Caesenia L. 34 48 n. Caesennia L. 34 48. Caesemia L. 34 48. Caesetia L. 34 48. Caesia Sabina L. 34 48. Caesia virgo L. 60 83. Caesidia L. 34 48. CaesUia L. 34 48. Caesinia L. 34 48. Caesionia L. 34 48. caesius L. 50 69, 60 83. Caesius Sabinus L(?). 44 60, 34 48. caesna L. 12 16. Caesula Fab. 38 51, 52. Caisidis 0. 29 38. ca-kr-yat Skt. 70 98. Calvisius Sab. 34 48, 59 82. camena L. 5 (B) 6, 78 112. Cameria, Camerinum, Gameses 23 29. Camillus L. 46 64. canus L. casnar Pel. 12 16. Canusium 0. 22 28. CAR 11 14n. carmen L. 5 6, 11 15. carmen (comb.) L. 11 15. caro, carnis L. 44 61. casa L. 50 69. casa Sp. 65 91. cascio In. 65 91. case Walo. 65 91. caseus L. SO 69, 63 88, 65 91. Casinum Vol. 37 50. casinum Sab. 34 48. casmena L (?). 12 16. casnar oisa aetate Pel. 30 41. Caso Mars. 36 49. (jastram Skt. 11 14 n. castrare L. 1 1 14 n. casuntonom Mars. 36 49. casus L. 51 71 n., 62 86, 63 87. Cauda L. 51 72. caudex L. 51 72. Caudium 51 72. *caudoL. 5172,63 88. causa and cosa Sp. 65 90. causa, caussa L. 51 70, 71, 63 88. cause Wale. 65 91. censazet 0. 29 38. cererem L. 61 84. cernere L. 51 72. Cesilia Fal. 38 51. ceso -je Sp. 65 90. C^thegus L. 46 64. cette L. 30 39. ch initial O. C. S. lO 13 n. cinerem L. 42 57, 55 76. Digitized by Microsoft® INDEX OF WOKDS. 115 oisimn L. 51 70. clamosua L. si 71. claudo oludo L. 61 72. *cl6v6zia L (?). 47 66. Clipearius Pal. 38 51, 52. Cliternum. 37 50. o6-i-ra L. (?) 58 79, 59 80. coil-are L. 55 76, 69 80. ooiraverunt Fal. 38 51. ooisatens, coisattens Pel. 30 39, 42, 35 49,51 70. congerit L. 59 81. conqueritur L. 59 81. consent L. 69 81. 003, ootis L. 58 81. cosa In. 66 92. cosmis L. 12 17. oosmisu L (?). IS 17. cosmittere L (?). 12 16. CossuB h. 30 40. Cosuties Vol. 37 50. Cotta 0. 30 40. covertuso U. 21 26. crepero Sab. 34 48. crepusoulum Sab. 34 48. crese In. 66 92. cruris L. 49 68, 65 76. cucumeris L. 65 76. cudo L. 61 72. Cumerus (mod. Comero) Pic. 32 46. oura, coira L. 58 79. curare L. 49 69, 58 79. Cures Sab. 49 69, 51 70. Curio L. 49 69, 59 82. Cusianes L. 6170. D dare L. 58 81. dastaya 0. Pers. 69 97. SavUs. 68 99. dazdi Zd. 69 97. -de U. 25 32 n. deoir Sp. 65 90. deciso Sp. 65 90. dederun(t) Fal. 38 51. dederunt L. 61 84. degetasiui 0. 22 27. ' deguno L. 12 16. dehi Skt. 68 94. delirare L. 58 79. delirus L. 58 79. dequrier U. 25 31. der = that and the Mod. Ger. 26 S'i. dersicurent U. 23 29. d6su6tude Fr. 65 90. -dha Skt. lO 12 n. diasisO. 22 27. didere, digero L. 12 17. diteso In. 66 92. Digitized by dirhibet, dirhibere L. 49 69, 59 81. uirimit L. 69 81. dirnico L. 12 16. dismota L. 12 17. diurnus L. 11 15. divissionea L. 63 87. dixet -isset L. 11 15. dixti, -isti L. 11 15, 78 111. dolosus L. 51 71. dudhabha Skt. 68 94. dumus L. 6 6. dusmusL(?). 12 16. edhi Skt. 68 94. egmazum 0. 29 38. eikvasese atiedier TJ. 77 108. eikvasia, eikvasates, eikvase(n)se U. 22 27. eiuom 0. 12 17, 27 35. eisak 0. 27 36. eiscurent U. 23 29. eisuc-en 0. 6 5, 26 33, 27 36, 29 38. eizeio zicelei 0. 26 33. eizo- 0. 29 38. ekas Skt. ao 42. eko- O. 30 42. elisuist 0. 30 41. emantu herte U. 77 108. emavant Zd. 68 95. enas Skt. 30 42. ennom, enom U. 27 34. equasius L. 22 22. equiria L. 49 69, 69 81. equiso L. 50 69, 54 74, 61 85. eram, ero L. 26 33, 66 77, 58 80. erarunt U. 23 29, 25 31. ere eso- and eizo- U and 0. 24 29, 25 80, 26 32, 27 36. erietu U. 24 29. eru erom TJ. 24 29. erus U. 24 29, 75 107. esaristrom XJ. 18 28. esas Skt. 30 4'i, esidu 0. 27 35. eso U. 4 4, 17 21, 18 23. esone esunu eesona U. 17 21, 18 23. csos Mars. 18 23, 36 49. esso- and ezo- U. 27 35. essu U. 27 34 n. esuc Mruc. 33 47. esuf and essuf 0. 27 35, 29 38. Etruria L. 46 65, 69 82. euront U. 24 29, 26 30 excusare L. 30 42. czariaf U. 22 28. czom O. 18 22, 26 33, 29 18. Microsoft® 116 INDEX OF WORDS. faamat 0. 11 15. Falerii mod. Falleri. 11 16, 32 46, 46 65, 58 98, 60 82, 61 84. Falerio mod. Fallerone Pic. 11 16, 32 46. Ager Falernus L. 1116. famelO. 11 15. famulus L. 11 15. Fasena Sab. 34 48. fasia Vol. 37 50. fefure U. 23 29. ferest U. 24 29. feriae (feriarl) L. 49 68, 60 82. ferime, ferine U. 24 29. fesnereU. 23 29. fesso In. 66 93. Fisanius 0. 19 25. Fiso, Fissiu, Fisiu U. 19 25. Fisuvi U. 19 25. flora L. 42 58, 56 77. Flos, *flo(v)ori3, floris L. 49 68, 55 76, 58 81, 61 84. Flosis Pic. 32 46. *Flovoza Ic. 42 58. flusare Vest. 34. 48. Fluaor Pie. 32 46, 42 58. flusso In. 66 93. Fluusa 0. 32 46, 42 58. fluusasiais 0. 22 27. foederis L. 47 79, 49 81, 59 100. *foidezos lo. 5 5. Folcatius (?) L. 38 52 n. Foloozeo Fal. 38 52. forent, fore L. 26 33 n., 42 57 n. formosus L. 22 28. fossa Pr0¥. 65 90. fragosus L. 51 71. frosetnm U. 21 27. Frusino Vol. 37 50. fiintlere U. 23 29. furentU. 23 29, 26 33 n., 42 57 n. Furius L. 5 6, 51 70, 59 82. furu U. 24 30. fus U. 75 107. fusible Fr. 9 11. Fusius L. 45 63, 51 70. fuso In. 9 11. fusus {spindle) L. 51 71, 53 74. futtilis L. 30 40. futus L. 30 39. gaesum Celt. 42 57, SI 70. gerebat etc. Lat. 61 85. gerit (*gi3it) Lat. 59 81. germen L. 11 15. gero, queror L. 42 57, 49 68. glirium L. 59 81. glomerare L. 56 77. gloria L. 47 66, 55 76, 56 77. glos, gloris L. 57 79. gluttire, glutuB L. 30 41 n. gnitus L. 30 43. gutta L. 30 40. hadnebyo /or -abyo Zd. 70 99. haerere L. 55 76. harena L. 55 76. baurit L. 59 82. havir dadati Skt. 73 104. havirbhis Skt. 74 106. hazdyat Zd. 69 97, 70 98, 71 107. heri L. 58 81, 63 87. heris beries U. 24 30. herte U. 77 108. bidhaiti Zd. 70 98. hodiernus L. 1116. homonus U. 75 107. honoris L. 32 46 n., 55 76, 66 77. hornus L. 11 15. humerus L. 42 58, 56 77. ISpria. 70 98,71100. igitur L. 26 34. iunnusulus L. 50 70, 53 74, 54 75. imperi L. 47 67. Imperiossus L. 5171. includoL. 5172. inoluso Sp. 65 90. inoudo L. 51 72. incusare L. 5 1 72. Inui, castrum L. 60 83. -ior -ioris {coinpar.) L. 55 76. irkesieMruc. 33 47. ise U. 21 26. isont U. 15 20, 26 33. issoc U. 26 33, 27 34. Vfu. 70 98. Juppiter L. 30 41 n. jus juris L. 58 81, 59 82. K Kaeso L. 54 74. karo O. 24 30, 44 61. karu U. 24 30. Kaselate U. 17 21, 19 2.5. kateramu U. 23 29. kepara Skt. 54 74. kiyedba Skt. 70 99. Koisis U. 17 21, 20 26. kuestretie U. 25 31. kuraia, kuratu U. 25 30. Kureties, Kureiate, Coredier U. 24 30. kurslasiu U. 22 27. Digitized by Microsoft® INDEX OF WORDS. 117 labos (oris) L. 58 81. labosus L. 51 71. laoerare L. 56 77. lapsum L. 62 86. lares, lar L. 57 79, 58 81. laser L. 53 74. Lases L. SO 42, 58, 81. Laurentum L. 54 76, 55 77. Lausus L. S3 74, 54 76, 58 80. Lebasius L. 34 48. legere etc. L. 55 76. leso In. 66 92. *leukesbhia I.-Bu. 68 95. liber (oW/ormloebesum) L. 49 68. libs Mars. 36 49 n. lira (Teut. leis) L. 37 50, 58 79. Liris Vol. 37 50. littera L. 30 41 n. littua L. 30 41n. luriduB L. 54 75, 59 81. M madbhis Skt. 70 99, 71 101. madgus Skt. 69 97,70 99,71101. maerere L. 5S 76. Maesius 0. 34 48. majjati Skt. 69 97, 70 99. malaoissare L. 64 89. m&lig(e)nus L. 47 67. milivolus L. 47 67. mallom 0. 27 34 n. mane /or man5 Zd. 68 95. Manlius L. 47 67. manObbis Skt. 68 95, 74 106. Mara Spurnius 0. 51 70. Marciporum L. 55 77. Maro L. 24 30. maronato U. 24 80. Maroucai Mruc. 33 47. Marruvium. 19 25. Maninus L. 24 30. mas, marem L. 57 79. MasuriuB L. 46 65, 51 72, 53 74. mate : for mater Fal. 38 51. mattus L. 30 39. mazda Zd. 69 97, 71 101. medha Skt. 68 94, 70 99. medicatinom, medicatud, meddix 27 34 n. Menerva Fal. 38 51. mensarum etc. L. 47 66. mensene Sab. 34 48. mergus L. 12 17. mesa Sp. 65 90. midan 0. H. Ger. 30 41. midha Skt. 68 94. midhvas (midhusas) Skt. 70 99. Misous B. mod. Musone Pic. 32 47. Digitized by miser L. 4 4, 42 57, 53 74. Misius E. (m. Asola) Pio. 32 47. misso In. 9 11, 66 93. missus L. 5177,63 88. Misus (m. Misa) U. 17 21, 19 26. mitto L. 30 41. morosus L. 51 71. mos, moris L. 58 81. mucus mucous L. 30 41 u. mulierem L. 55 76. murgisonem L. 60 83. mua muris L. 58 81, 59 82. Museiate U. 19 25. miisika Skt. 58 81. myazda Zd. 69 97. N Nar Narnia U. 24 30. naratu U. 24 30. naris L. 5 6, 60 82. nasika Skt. 60 82 nasusL. 5, 5, lO 13 n., 51 72, 53 74. nazdy6, nazdishto Zd. 70 99. nedisthas, nedlyas Skt. 68 94, 70 99. nefarius, nefasius L. 22 28, 60 82. Ner Nero U. 24 30. ner (nerus Aviip) 0. 24 30. nesimei U. 18 23, 20 26. nesimum 0. 29 38. nest Eng. 9 12 nldas Skt. 9 12, 68 94. nidus L. 9 12, 12 17. Niou/x(7us 0. 42 58 nirum (vripiov) TJ. 24 30. nois vois, nobis vobis L. 12 17. noisi nisi L. 12 17. Norvesiae Aeq. 37 50. nose Eng. 51 73. nosuO.C. S. 10l3n.,5l73. vovflfios. 44 61. NovkrinomO. 23 29. Nuceria U. 23 29. Numasioi L. 30 42. numerus L. 42 58, 55 76. Numisius L. 34 48. *numso 0. 44 61. vioi 59 82. nurus (us) L. 5 6, 59 82. Nuvlanus Osc. 69 97. -obhis from -ozbhis Skt. 68 94. oculus L. 60 83. oinos L. 30 42. oisa Pel. 30 41. ihKbs. 60 83. olle L. 24 30. omeso omso (?) I.-Eu. 42 58 n. ibixbs. 44 61 n. Microsoft® 118 INDEX OF WOEDS. onerosus L. 51 71. onse U. 42 58. ooserclom U. 18 24, 21 27. operis L. 42 59. optumus opitumus L. 47 67. OS oris L. 57 79, 58 81. *6s osis (' year ') Ic. 11 15. osatu oseto U. 21 27. ose ustite uus U. 11 15, 18 24. osii 0. 29 38. -oso -osa (adj.) In. 66 93. oso Sp. 65 90. -osas from -o-vont-tos L. 51 70. pacariL. 12 16, 45 62, 55 76. panthas Skt. 30 40. papaver L. 42 58. Papirius Papisius L. 45 62, 46 65, 59 81. parioida L. 49 69, 60 82. patt 0. 30 40. pauper pauperies L. 49 69. Pausulae Pic. 32 47. pejerare L. 49 69, 65 76. pelagus L. 44 61. pepurkurent U. 23 29. peracne U. 24 30. Perazuane U. 24 30. Pesaro In. 19 26. pesestas L. 50 70, 51 73. pesetom U. 17 21, 18 24. pesna, petna, petsna, penna L. 12 16. peso In. 66 92. pessum pessimus L. 18 24. Petra Pertusa U. 22 28. Philippus L. 43 60 n. PMlo L. 43 60 n. pieisum 0. 29 38. pihom Vols. 37 50. Pinarius L. 46 65, 47 66, 60 82, 61 84. *pis U. 25 31. Pisa Etr. 19 26 n., 51 70. Pisatello B. In. 17 21. Pisauxum U. 4 4, 19 26 pisher pisi pisest U. 18 23, 25 32. pisi U. 4 4, 25 32. Piso L. 53 74, 54 74. pi-zd- Skt. 71 101. plenasier U. 22 27. ■wXiovi. 58 79. plurimus L. 57 79, 58 79. plus pluris *pl6oris L. 58 79, 81. Plusa E. In. 17 21. poe poi U. 25 32. poizad O. 24 30, 29 38. poUad O. 24 30, 29 38. ponisiater puni<;ate U. 22 2i^. pono *posnoL. 9 12, 12 16. pora U. 24 30, 29 38. Porsenna Etr. 51 70. positus posui posivi L. S3 74, 54 75. posmom 0. 11 14. praesentid 0. 29 38. presso In. 9 11. pretod de zen. sent. Fal. 38 51. primus L. 5 6. prithee, please Eng. 51 73. Privernum Vol. 11 16, 37 50. procanurent U. 23 29. prodere dedere L. 58 81. prosesetu U. 17 21. prosperum L, 49 69. prufatted U. 27 36. prusikurent U. 23 29. Pubdipe Pupdike U. 15 19. pubes L. 49 69. pu-e U. 25 32 n. puer (-us) L. 49 69, 54 75, 55 76. pulverem L. 47 67, 55 76. punttram 0. 30 40. purasiai 0. 22 27. pure U. 24 30, 25 32. pure (vepuratu irvp) TJ. 24 30. purpati Skt. 73 104. pus 0. 25 32. pus puris L. 57 79, 58 81. puse puze pusei pusi U. 2 1 27, 2 S 32. puse Sp. 65 90. pusillus L. 54 75. pusio L. 50 70. pusula L. 50 70, 51 70. pusus L. 53 74, 54 75. Q quaesendum L. 54 75, 58 80. quaesito L. 51 73. quaesivi quaesitum quaestus. 54 75. quaeso quaero quaerebat L. 42 57, 51 72, 53 74. quasiUus L. 30 42, 50 69, 51 72. queiso Port. 65 90. quelle Fr. 24 30 n. querebar L. 55 76. queritur (*quisitur) L. 59 81. queso Sp. 65 90. quo L. 25 32 n. ;• in English in 'stirring '. 42 58 n. r in English, final and before conso- nants. 42 57 n. Eabirius * R&bierius (?). 46 65, 55 77, 59 HI. raouebish Zd. 68 95, Digitized by Microsoft® INDEX OF WORDS. 119 raocebyo Zd. 70 99. raao-je Sp. 65 90. raseus rasus L. 63 88. ravanh- Zd. 43 58. -re 0/ infin. L. 43 59, 5S 76. rScoidi 1. 47 67. redre Prov. 66 92 n. regere L. 47 67, 55 96. regerem L. 6S 96. *regezent lo. S 5. render Port. 66 92 n. rendere In. 66 92 n. reudre Fr. 66 92 n. rendir Sp. 66 92 n. renta Sp. 66 92 n. requisivi requisitum L. 64 75. reso In. 66 92. *resus L. 66 92 n. retre Catal. 66 92 n. rimaso In. 66 93. ripulso In. 66 93. riso In. 66 93. ros roris L. 57 79, 58 81. rosa Sp. 65 90, 66 93. rosa O.'C. S. lO 13 n. rSsa L. 53 74, 54 75, 62 86, 65 90 rose Fr. 7 9 n. rosidus L. 53 74, 54 75, 59 81. roBo In. 66 92. rozar Sp. 65 90. ruber L. 44 61, 60 82. rufus L (?). 44 61, 60 82. -rum (gen. pi. 1st deol.). 47 66, 61 84. rurasim(?) Mruc. 33 47. rus ruris *re(vJoris L. 33 47, 47 67, 55 76, 58 81. rus'e Wale. 65 91. Eusellae Etr. 19 26. rusemU. 18 23,42 58. P. Rutilius Eufus L. 30 40. rutilus L. 30 40. rutilare L. 30 40. sai(pis)sume Fal. 38 51. SED- L-Bu. 68 94. sedus sedima Skt. 68 94, 70 98. seffei Pel. 97 35 n. sei si = (sia) U. 75 107. Sentinnm U. 19 26. sepse U. 21 27. sero serebam L. 42 67, 55 76. serit (*siait) L. 59 81. aeritu U. 24 30. sese L. 18 24. sese sesust U. 21 27. sesed Fal. 38 51. seso U. 17 21, 18 24. Digitized by sestentasiaru U. 22 27. -si, -ui, -vi, perfects in, 43 59. Bidati Skt. 68 94, 70 98. sirempse L. 26 34, 65 76. sis U. 75 107. Sisenna L. 51 70, 53 74, 54 76. siser L. S3 74, 54 75. Siuttiis 0. 3O40. snusa Skt. 59 82. sopir U. 25 31. sororem L. 5 5, 49 69, 55 76, Sosia L. 53 74. spaso In. 66 93. sperare L. 55 77, 58 81. speres L. 58 81. spicio L. 51 72. Spuriua (^iroinof) L. 61 70, 69 82 staheren U. 23 29. 2raTTi7)is 0. 30 40. stuppa L. 30 41 n. Suasa U. 19 26. suasum L. 19 26. suavia L. 60 88. sueus suocua L. 30 41 n. *8uezorem O. L. 6 5. surur aururout U. 14 20, 24 30, 25 30, 26 33. sveso U. 26 34. taousim (?) 0. 29 38. taaam Skt. lO 13 n. tasez ta(jez U. 17 21. Taurasia 22 28. techu 0. C. S. lO 13 n. tellus telluri L. 49 69, 59 82. temperi L. 68 81. tempus temporis L. 42 57, 47 67, 65 77. teremnattena 0. 30 39. Teaenaces Tesenooea U. 19 25. teso In. 66 92. tesu Skt. lO 13 n. tetis Pie. 32 46. that, the Eng. 26 33. thus thuris L. 42 58, 49 68, 56 77, 68 81. Tibur L. 49 69. TittiuB 0. 30 40. rats Tois Arc. 70 99. Toitesia (?) L. 12 16 n. tolerare L. 55 77, 66 77. tonstrix L. 30 40. -tor -toria L. 66 77. triarius L. 22 28. Triresmus Triretamue L. 12 16. trnedhi Skt. 70 99. turbaaaitur L. 2126. turuf U. 24 30. Microsoft® 120 INDEX OF WORDS. Tusanis L. 60 70. tuB6 0. C. S. lO 13 n. tutere tuderor tuderato U. 6 5, 23 29, 42 57 n. tuvere U. 23 29. U udha Skt. 68 94. uhtretie U. 25 31. uittiuf 0. 30 40. ungula L. 60 83. upsaseter Pel 21 27, 35 58. (e)urit urebat &c. L. 59 81. urna L. 11 15. urnasier U. 22 27. uru U. 24 30. usadbhis Skt. 70 99. usaie U. 17 21, 18 24. 68 95. 18 24. 22 28. 17 21. 17 21. 18 22. 27 36. uupsen 0. 14 18, usar Skt. usil Etr. -usium 0. TJso E. In. ustite U. ustum L. uimated 0. uups-annam 21 27. uus V. ose. 42 58. vaoe/or vaco Zd. 68 95. vacuus L. 60 83. Valerius L. 45 63, 47 66, 55 77. Valesius Pel. 35 49 ; Sab. 34 48. varie U. 24 30. *vas Skt. 11 15. vas U. 75 107. vas vasum L. 18 24, 53 74, 54 76 Tasirslom U. 18 24. vastus L. 18 24. vaaus U. 18 24. veiro U. 24 30. Venusia 0. 22 28. ver veils L. 11 15, 16. verehasiui 0. 22 27. veres U. 24 30. verna L. S 6, 11 15. vernus L. 11 16. Verrucossus L. 5171. Vesiuicates U. 17 21, 19 25. Vespasia Sab. 22 28 n. Vesta L. 19 25. VesuUia 0. 19 25. Vesune U. 17 21, 19 25. „ Mais 36 58 n. vetemus L. 11 15. Vetusius Veturia Veturius L. 45 62, 49 69, 55 77. Vezune(?) Mars. 36 49 n. viarius L. 49 68, 60 82. viden, satin L. 12 16. videram viderim videro &c. L. 47 67, 55 77. vidulus L. 60 83. viduuB L. 60 83. vidvadbhis Skt. 70 99. viginti L. 56 77 vir L. 58 80. vis vires L. 58 80. virium &c. L. 59 81. virus L. 49 69, S7 79, 58 80. vodhar Skt. 68 94. Voiainier U. 17 21, 20 26. VoleroL. 45 63,55 77. Volesus L. 34 48, 45 63. Voltio Folcozeo Zextoi f. Fal. 38 51. Volusius L. 34 48. Volusus L. 34 48. vomis vomeris L. 55 77. vraisemblanee Fr. 65 90. vulgus L. 58 80. zastaya Zd. 69 97. Zertenea Fal. 38 51. zinphonia Sp. 65 90. zugar Sp. 65 90. cambbidoe; feinted by o. j. clay, m.a. and sons, at the university press. Digitized by Microsoft® TRtJBNER'S Oriental $r %,immstit Ij^nUmtiom. JL OA-TJ^LOO-TJIB BOOKS, PERIODICALS, A¥D SERIALS, ^istorp, ^Languages, JReligions, antiquities, litera^ tute, anD (j^eograpDp of tjje Cast, ^ffl> KINDRED SUBJECTS. PUBLISHED BY Ti^tJBIsrEI^ & oo. LONDON: TRUBNEE & CO., 57 and 59, LUDGATE HILL. 1888. Digitized by Microsoft® CONTENTS. 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