Ce Rema tanita ras See Rte Ay hak ate hp hala Peete Peet ata my APANNS it ade in Slat es Peal oh Wr om MA? eR tanapery a SOY pert i seat Pav iny se c a is rue 174 foal A rere pebebiiie tet mia Hitge nel Mara are Ldsten A eri enh sa eat pe CG ao erases warned Uriah Set G nt PaaS Ebi ge ey cel tee Iai eye Meats ne eats tae Sia Pate sy tot NS mi eeeerts int Meret p i reson ; 3 Ta if be rime ee ein iret Biel ae 5 peiaan i “ei as Celia erg p ee Seanad egress Fie ate) Leer ESP ret aietise eater s Een ARe s meee he ep tas Gornell University Library Bthaca, New York White Historical Library THE GIFT OF PRESIDENT WHITE MAINTAINED BY THE UNIVERSITY IN ACCORD- ANCE WITH THE PROVISIONS OF THE GIFT Gruest Charles Ellis. | ae 088 002 088 THE LIFE OF COLIN CAMPBELL, LORD CLYDE THE LIFE or COLIN CAMPBELL, LORD CLYDE ILLUSTRATED BY EXTRACTS FROM HIS DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE BY LIEUT.-GENERAL SHADWELL, C.B. IN TWO VOLUMES VOL. I. WITH PORTRAIT AND MAPS WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS EDINBURGH AND LONDON MDCCCLXXXI PREFACE Some of Lord Clyde’s friends being under the impres- sion that he had prohibited the publication of any of his papers, I desire to say a word in explanation. The impression is a mistaken one, although it cannot be denied that his consent was given with reluctance, as will be seen presently. It must be very well known to those who were on intimate terms with Lord Clyde, that he was an exceptionally modest man. Modesty was his char- acteristic from his youth, and became more con- firmed, instead of being lessened, by age, rank, and honours. He shrank from every kind of notoriety, and nothing but his remarkable sensitiveness in that respect caused the unwillingness he evinced to let his papers be used for a Memoir. Notwithstanding this, in his Will he leaves it to the discretion of the trustees to dispose of his papers, adding : “It may possibly become their opinion that some short Memoir should be drawn up. If this vl PREFACE. should appear to them to be absolutely necessary and indispensable (which I should regret, and hope may be avoided), then it should be limited, as much as possible, to the modest recital of the services of an old soldier.” The trustees have hitherto been unwilling to dis- regard Lord Clyde’s apparent objection to a Memoir ; but, after a lapse of seventeen years, they consider that no sufficient reason now exists for leaving such a distinguished soldier altogether unnoticed, and they feel justified in exercising the discretion which he has left them. The more intimately Lord Clyde’s true character and services are made known to his countrymen, the greater reason will they see to admire him and to honour his memory. Accordingly, the trustees have allowed the compilation of this simple Memoir, which, without trespassing much beyond the limits prescribed by Lord Clyde, endeavours to give a faithful impression of the man, while it affords, at the same time, a most encouraging example to all young soldiers, who will see in it to what the humblest and most friendless of them may aspire, when animated by that noble sense of duty which seemed to influence every act of his eventful mili- tary career. General Shadwell had been many years in the same regiment with Lord Clyde and myself. He PREFACE. Vil was with him in China in 1842, at Chin-kiang-foo, and before Nankin. He was on his staff in the Punjab campaign of 1848-49—at Chillianwala and Goojrat—accompanied him to the Crimea—and was on his staff at the Alma and in front of Balaklava. Long and intimately associated as he had been with Lord Clyde, and favoured with his friendship and confidence, he is better qualified than any one else I am acquainted with, to place our old chief’s character in its natural and true light before his countrymen. Consequently, such material as was available for the purpose was confided to General Shadwell, and these chapters are the result of his labour. HENRY EYRE. 26th July 1880. To the foregoing, I wish to add the following remarks :— Of his early years, though Lord Clyde frequently alluded to them in conversation with me, I learned few details from him. For the information regarding his parentage, birth, and education, I am indebted to the kindness of his lordship’s cousin, Mr P. § Macliver, M.P., who from the first has taken great Vill PREFACE. interest in this work, and who has rendered me valuable assistance, for which I beg to tender him my grateful acknowledgments. Not having had the good fortune to accompany Lord Clyde to India, on his being summoned thither in the summer of 1857, I was unable to approach this portion of his career with a personal knowledge of the incidents which marked it. Abundance of materials, however, in the shape of correspondence, reports, general orders, and other official documents, existed amongst the papers intrusted to me; but as Lord Clyde ceased keeping his journal on his arrival at Calcutta in August 1857, I was constrained to look elsewhere for assistance in tracing the narrative of events, in which he was the chief actor, during the time he held the supreme command in India. The kindness of friends has supplied the defici- ency. Sir Archibald Alison, who accompanied Lord Clyde to India as Military Secretary, and who hap- pens, moreover, to be one of his trustees, placed in my hands bis admirable account of Lord Clyde's proceedings, from the time of his reaching Calcutta to the end of February 1858, when, disabled by a serious wound, he was compelled to quit the side of his chief and return to England. This trustworthy record, acknowledged to be a masterpiece of military writing, was published in the October number of ‘Blackwood’s Magazine,’ in the year 1858. I have PREFACE. 1X therefore had no hesitation in following it closely ; the more so, as its accomplished author desired me to make any use I liked of it, and supplemented this favour by confiding to me the original letters, which formed the basis of his narrative. The journal kept in his official capacity by Cap- tain (now Major-General) George Allgood, C.B., who accompanied Lord Clyde as Assistant-Quartermas- ter-General with headquarters in the campaigns of 1857, 1858, and 1859, and which was included amongst Lord Clyde’s papers, has been of invaluable assistance to me. By it I have been enabled to trace the daily movements of Lord Clyde in the field with a confidence which has materially lightened my labours. For its copious use, I might almost say its reproduction, as well as for the plans executed by Captain Allgood himself, who has kindly allowed them to be engraved for the purpose of accompany- ing this work, I have to thank this old friend. To Sir Henry Norman I am under the deepest obligations. He had been Lord Clyde’s staff officer during his command at Peshawur, and had accom- panied him in his expeditions against the hill tribes. He again joined him prior to the relief of Lucknow. As he was discharging at headquarters the duties of Adjutant-General of the army, he not only possessed Lord Clyde’s entire confidence, but was an eyewit- ness of, as well as an actor in, the several campaigns x PREFACE. which his chief personally conducted‘during the sup- pression of the Mutiny. Sir Henry Norman not only has supplied me with much valuable information and advice, for which I cannot be too grateful, but I have taken advantage of an interesting lecture on the Relief of Lucknow, delivered by him at Simla in 1867, to reproduce many points connected with that episode in Lord Clyde’s career, which otherwise might have escaped my notice. The late Lord Sandhurst at the outset kindly proffered me his aid and counsel. Though, unfor- tunately, I was debarred by his premature death from reaping the full advantage of an offer, which, had he been spared, would have been of inestimable service to me, Lady Sandhurst has, with great con- sideration, allowed me access to her husband’s papers, in order to clear up one or two points, regarding which I have been in doubt. Colonel Metcalfe, who, as aide-de-camp to Lord Clyde, never quitted his chief’s side, from the time he joined him in Caleutta till the latter left Paris on his return to England in 1860, has afforded me much information, which I could not otherwise have obtained. To him and such other of my friends, not mentioned by name, who were admirers of Lord Clyde, and who have kindly rendered me assistance, I take this opportunity of returning my sincere thanks. PREFACE, XI Believing that letters written to the subject of a memoir are, in-many cases, of as much service in elucidating personal character, as those written by the individual in question, I have not scrupled to introduce, amongst others, including some from Sir Charles Napier, the late Lord Lawrence, Sir James Outram, Sir Patrick Grant, &c., many of Lord Can- ning’s letters to Lord Clyde. For this I have the sanction of Lord Clanricarde, to whom my warm acknowledgments are due. This correspondence not only shows the points on which the Governor-General and his Commander-in- chief were at variance, and which, as demonstrated by the logical consequence of events, added, in Lord Clyde’s opinion, to the difficulties of the task im- posed upon him, but they are valuable as an evi- dence of how men in high position may agree to differ, without any diminution of personal regard, when the one object in view is the furtherance of the public service. Lord Clyde was the first to acknowledge the entire success of Lord Canning’s policy, whatever opinion he may have held as to the method of its execu- tion; but his loyal subordination to the head of the Government, for whom he entertained the sincerest respect and affection, was a marked feature in his relations with Lord Canning, besides being eminently characteristic of the man himself. xu PREFACE. By the insertion of this correspondence, I have been solely actuated by the desire to do full jus- tice to the memory of these distinguished public servants. LAWRENCE SHADWELL. Sourncotre Loper, READING, 1st September 1880. Note.—In these volumes no attempt has been made to reduce the spelling of Indian topographical names to a rigidly uniform system. The popular orthography of the despatches and plans of the time has been generally followed; and though it may not have the merit of strict accuracy, it will enable readers to identify places which, perhaps, would have been unfamiliar in a transliterated form. by Se CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. CHAPTER I. PAGE Motto— Parentage — Birth — Education — First commission — Sails for the Peninsula—Vimiero — Sir John Moore’s ad- vance and retreat — Expedition to Walcheren—Gibraltar— Battle of Barrosa—Joins Lord Wellington’s army—Battle of Vitoria — Siege of San Sebastian — Forlorn -hope — Wounded— Narrative of failure of first assault — Passage of the Bidasoa—Again wounded — Promoted in the 60th Regiment, . ‘ . : : 1 CHAPTER II. Returns to England—Attempt to join Sir Thomas Graham in Holland—Proceeds to Nova Scotia—Invalided—Gibraltar — Transferred to 21st Fusiliers—West Indies—Staff ap- pointment — Sir B. D’Urban — Promotion and return to England — Ireland — Purchase of unattached lieutenant- coloneley — Antwerp — Operations against that place — Endeavours to return to full pay—Appointed to 98th Regi- ment — System of command—Character as commanding officer, CHAPTER III. Conduct of regiment on the march—Introduction to Sir Charles Napier — Newcastle-on- Tyne — Correspondence regarding x1v CONTENTS. Chartist movement — Success in maintenance of order — Conduct approved by the authorities — Correspondence with Sir Charles Napier—Visit of Colonel Booth, 43d Regi- ment—lInspection of regiment — Presentation of colours— Sir C. Napier’s address—98th moves to Ireland — Under orders for the Mauritius—Embarks for China — Crowded state of vessel—Operations up the Yang-tsi-kiang—Treaty of Nanking—Sickness and mortality in regiment — 98th stationed at Hong-Kong—Letter regarding loot, . ‘ 75 CHAPTER IV. Command at Chusan—98th transferred thither — Efforts to improve its efficiency — Reflections in journal — French diplomatic mission — Method of administering Chusan — Arrangements for its evacuation — Exchange of civilities with Chinese Commissioners—Letter to Colin Campbell— Evacuation of Chusan—Voyage to Batavia—Arrival at Cal- cutta—Offered command of a brigade in Punjab—Accom- panies regiment to Dinapore — Inspection — Extracts from journal — Leaves regiment — Proceeds to Lahore — Inter- views with Lords Hardinge and Gough — Command at Lahore—Precautions against surprise—Extracts from jour- nal—Visit to Simla—Colonel Lawrence leaves for England —Sir F. Currie, Resident—Outbreak at Mooltan—Move- ment of troops—Extracts from journal — Communications with Colonel Cureton, : 3 ‘ . 122 CHAPTER V. Operations of Lieutenant Edwardes — Moolraj shuts himself up in Mooltan— Edwardes watches Mooltan and awaits reinforcements — Colin Campbell’s disappointment at not accompanying General Whish’s force—Extracts from jour- nal—Progress of the revolt—Siege of Mooltan—Defection of Shere Singh — Siege raised—Colin Campbell secures Go- vindghur— Shere Singh quits Mooltan— Preparations for Punjab cumpaign—Appointed Brigadier-General — Journal of events — Ramnuggur — Sadoolapore — Indisposition — Journal — Chillianwala — Wounds— Comments of Indian press—Refutation of charges—Letter of Adjutant-General, 168 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. Encampment near Chillianwala—Fall of Mooltan—Journal— Enemy’s movements — Russool abandoned — Strength of Sikh position — Junction of Lord Gough’s with General Whish’s foree—Advance to Goojrat—Enemy’s position— Battle of Goojrat—Colin Campbell’s share in the action —Defeat and pursuit of Sikh army — Colin Campbell joins pursuing force — Behaviour of Sikhs on laying down their arms—Attock—Jumrood—Command of Sind Sagur district — Letter regarding operations — 13th and 22d N.I.—K.C.B.— Reception by 61st Regiment — Ap- pointed to Peshawur command—Sir C. Napier at Pesha- wur—Expedition to Kohat—Colin Campbell visits Cash- mere — Illness — Addresses Sir H. Lawrence on subject of Kohat Pass—Resignation of Sir C. Napier, CHAPTER VII. Journal—Governor-General visits Peshawur—Temporary com- mand of division — Raid of Momunds— Correspondence with Lord Dalhousie—Organisation of frontier defence— Sir Colin’s scheme approved—Irruption of Momunds—Sir Colin moves out against them—Construction of Fort Michni —Road made—Force returns to Peshawur—Views on de- fence of frontier—Iresh troubles with Momunds—A flair of Panj-Pao—Difference with board of administration— Sir Colin pressed to enter Swat—Declines without orders from Commander-in-chief—Operations against the Ootman- Kheyls—Prangurh—Iskakote—Destruction of villages in Ranizai—Letter to Sir H. Lawrence—Resignation of com- mand—Sir William Gomm’s regret——Governor-General’s reprimand—Letter to Sir William Gomm, CHAPTER VIII. Letter from Sir Charles Napier—Sir Colin’s reply—Compli- ment offered by officers of the Company’s service—Leaves Peshawur— Visits Dugshai— Proceeds to England — Sir Charles Napier —Selected for employment in Turkey— Embarks—Command of Highland Brigade—Varna—Pro- motion to Major-General—Embarks for Crimea—Letters xv bo rar bo Xvi CONTENTS. recounting battle of the Alma—Defence of Balaklava— Liprandi’s attack—Sir Colin’s share in it—Introduction to General Vinoy—Highland Brigade concentrated at Bala- klava—Measures for its defence—General order regarding 93d Highlanders, ; : G : : - 802 CHAPTER IX. Improvement of defences—Interruptions—Battle of Inkerman —Russian force in Tchernaya valley — Reinforcements— Hurricane of 14th November—Effects of weather—Mor- tality amongst Turks—Sir Colin’s anxiety — Withdrawal of Russians across the Tchernaya—Sir Colin amongst his troops — Labour of Allied troops on fatigue service— Coloneley of 67th Regiment— Winter—Sir Colin’s rela- tions with General Vinoy — Presents from Scotland to Highland Brigade—Visit of Sir H. Keppel—Letter from Sir J. Burgoyne—Increased vigilance—Abortive expedi- tion of 20th February—Letter to Colonel H. Eyre—Appre- hensions of attack — Reconnaissance — Volunteers — Sir Colin’s objections to them—Sir Colin’s disappointment on departure of Kertch expedition— 1st Division leaves Balaklava — Death of Lord Raglan — Sir Colin in the trenches—Highlanders detached to Kamara—Letter pre- vious to assault of 8th September — Offer of command at Malta—Letter to Colonel Eyre—Determination to quit the army, . ‘ ‘ : . 343 CHAPTER X, Preparation for winter quarters—Termination of active opera- tions—Sir Colin leaves the Crimea—Letter of Lord Pan- mure — Interview with Lords Panmure and Hardinge— Visit to Windsor: its results—Anecdote at Lord Palmer- ston’s table—Honours conferred by Glasgow—Letter from Paris — Return to the Crimea — Peace — Description of position of Russian field-army—Farewell address to High- land Brigade—Glasgow—Command of 8.-E. district—Evi- dence regarding purchase systein — Inspector - General of infantry—Proceeds to Berlin—Refusal of command of China expedition—Inspection of depots—Anecdote—Offered the command in India—Journal—Caleutta, ‘ ‘ . 388 CONTENTS. Xvil CHAPTER XI. Assistance afforded by Sir P. Grant—Review of the situation —Sir Colin communicates with Sir Jas. Outram and Have- lock—Efforts to press forward reinforcements— Prepara- tions for reception of troops at Caleutta—Labour in de- spatching them to the front — Bullock-train — Letters to Sir P. Grant, Sir John Lawrence, and General Wilson— Sir Colin congratulates General Wilson on fall of Delhi —First relief of Lucknow Residency—Sir Jas. Outram’s position—March of Greathed’s column through the Doab —tLetter from Sir John Lawrence—Letter to the Duke of Cambridge—Sir Colin leaves Caleutta—Narrow escape from capture — Reaches Cawnpore — Difficulties of the situation — Letter to the Duke of Cambridge — Leaves Cawnpore—Mr Kavanagh— Plan of attack—Review of - relieving force, ; ; : ; ‘ . 412 LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS IN THE FIRST VOLUME. PAGE AcTION aT SADOOLAPORE, : i . To face 191 OPERATIONS AT CHILLIANWALA, ; : " 198 ENGAGEMENT ON THE Huicuts or Pans-Pao, . " 277 ENGAGEMENT AT ISKAKOTE, . , , " 286 THe HicHianp BrigaDE aT THE ALMA, ; " 323 GeneRAL Map or Inpia, ‘ ‘ At the end. LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. CHAPTER I. MOTTO — PARENTAGE — BIRTH —EDUCATION—FIRST COMMISSION — SAILS FOR THE PENINSULA—VIMIERO—SIR JOHN MOORE'S AD- VANCE AND RETREAT—EXPEDITION TO WALCHEREN—GIBRALTAR — BATTLE OF BARROSA—JOINS LORD WELLINGTON ’S ARMY— BATTLE OF VITORIA — SIEGE OF SAN SEBASTIAN — FORLORN - HOPE — WOUNDED—NARRATIVE OF FAILURE OF FIRST ASSAULT—-PASSAGE OF THE BIDASOA—AGAIN WOUNDED—PROMOTED IN THE 60TH REGIMENT, “Purch vie Cheduly, Vernuntt, und Zeit, WAivd moglich die Anmiglichkeit.” “‘By means of patience, common-sense, and time, Impossibility becomes possible.” These lines, which were inscribed by Lord Clyde in the year 1832 on the fly-leaf of one of the memoran- dum-books kept by him at uncertain intervals, have been selected as the motto of this biography, inasmuch as they contain the moral of his professional life ; for it was by the exercise of patience and common-sense, under the influence of time, that he won for himself VOL. I. A 2 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1792. a coronet and the baton of a Field-marshal, and that he was honoured after: death by a public funeral in Westminster Abbey. Colin Macliver, better known as Colin Campbell, was the eldest child of John Macliver and Agnes Campbell, who were married, as certified by the register of Glasgow, in that city on the 29th January 1792. John Macliver was born on his father’s estate of Ardnave, in the island of Islay in Argyleshire. This gentleman, the grandfather of the future Lord Clyde, had followed the Pretender in the famous rising of 1745; and having, by this act, forfeited his property, he removed with his family to Glasgow, where John, Lord Clyde’s father, who followed the trade of a carpenter, settled after marriage. Agnes Campbell, Colin’s mother, was a daughter of a re- spectable family, who had settled in Islay near two centuries ago with their chief, the ancestor of the present Earls of Cawdor. Colin Campbell’s kins- men had often served in the army; and one uncle, after whom he was called, fell as a subaltern in the war of the American Revolution. Colin, the subject of this memoir, was the eldest of four children, two sons and two daughters, and was born on the 20th October 1792. His sister Marjory Alicia, to whom frequent allusion will be made hereafter, was born two years later. Colin was educated in the High School, then the principal educational institution in Glasgow. In the class-books his name appears as Colin Macliver 1808. | HIS CHANGE OF NAME. 3 No. 1, owing to a cousin who bore the same name being in the school with him: At the age of ten he was removed from Glasgow by his maternal uncle, the late Colonel John Campbell (who thenceforth took charge of the boy), to an academy at Gosport, where he remained till he was fifteen and a half years old, when he received his commission on the 26th May 1808 in the 9th Regiment of Foot. At the Horse Guards he had been previously introduced to the Duke of York, the Commander-in-chief, by his uncle. The Duke supposing the boy, as he remarked, to be “another of the clan,” entered him as Colin Campbell, and from that day he assumed his mother’s name. This is the explanation of a change which has puzzled many, and has given rise to various surmises. Upon leaving the Duke’s presence with his uncle, it is said that he made some remark upon the subject, which was met by telling him that “Campbell” was a name which it would suit him, for professional reasons, to adopt. On the 29th June, five weeks from the date of his first commission, Colin Campbell was promoted to a lieutenancy in his regiment. In a memorandum-book dated 1813, he thus re- cords the commencement of his service: ‘‘ Appointed to an ensigncy in the 9th,’ May 26, 1808, then in 1 His battalion was the 2d, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron, afterwards Lieutenant-General Sir John Cameron, K.C.B., of whom, as a commanding officer and friend, Colin Campbell ever spoke in terms of affectionate regard. Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron had served in the 43d Regiment, under Sir John Moore, at Shorn- 4 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1808. the Isle of Wight. Received an order on the 14th July to proceed instantly to join the regiment, being under orders for embarkation. Left the Isle of Wight on the 15th July, and arrived in Canterbury on the 17th.1_ Marched on the evening of the 19th for Ramsgate; on the 20th embarked, and sailed in company with the 2d battalions 43d and 52d, under the command of General Anstruther. August 19th.—Off the Bay of Peniché, where we landed in the evening. Lay out that evening the first time in my life. 20th.—Joined the army, then encamped at and about the village of Vimiero. 21st.—Was engaged at the battle of Vimiero.” It was at the commencement of this battle that a circumstance occurred to the young subaltern, to which in after-years he was wont to refer with the deepest feelings of gratitude. Colin Campbell was with the rear company of his battalion, which was halted in open column of companies. His captain, an officer of years and experience, called him to his side, took him by the hand, and leading him by the flank of the battalion to its front, walked with him up and down the front of the leading company for several minutes, in full view of the enemy’s artillery, which had begun to open fire on our troops whilst covering his attack. He then let go the boy’s hand (Colin was not yet sixteen), and cliffe. He was the father of Lieutenant-General Sir Duncan A. Cameron, G.C.B. 1 There is apparently some mistake in these dates, for it seems im- probable that the battalion could have accomplished the movement between the 15th and 17th. 1808, ] HIS FIRST ACTION. 5 told him to join his company. The object was to give the youngster confidence, and it succeeded. In after- years, though very reticent of his own services—for Lord Clyde was essentially a modest man—he related the anecdote to the writer of this memoir, adding, “Tt was the greatest kindness that could have been shown me at such a time, and through life I have felt grateful for it.” After the battle of Vimiero, which resulted in Marshal Junot’s defeat and the Convention of Cintra, by the terms of which the French evacuated Portugal, Colin Campbell was transferred to the first battalion of the 9th, in quarters at Quelus, near Lisbon, and again found himself under the command of Lieutenant- Colonel Cameron, who had himself been moved to the same battalion. It was one of those selected to form part of the army under the command of Sir John Moore, who was instructed to advance into the north of Spain, open communications with the Spanish gen- erals (who at that time were holding with their armies the line of the Ebro), and frame the plan of the campaign with a view to the expulsion of the French from Spanish territory. It is not necessary to recapitulate in this memoir the circumstances attending Sir John Moore’s advance to Salamanca, or the reasons which induced him to forgo his original intention of retiring on Portugal when he found that the armies which he had come to support were no longer in existence, and that he himself was without magazines or money. Suffice 6 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1808 it to say, that after Sir John Hope had joined him with the cavalry and artillery, which had moved by the devious route of the valley of the Tagus, he conceived the bold and generous idea of advancing upon the enemy’s line of communication, in order, by attracting the attention of the French towards himself, and by relieving the Spaniards of the presence of superior numbers, to afford them breath- ing-time to organise the defence of the southern provinces. On the organisation of Sir John Moore’s army in divisions, Colin Campbell's battalion formed part of Major-General Beresford’s? brigade, under the divi- sional command of Lieutenant-General Mackenzie Fraser. The British force, increased by a division under Lieutenant-General Sir David Baird, which had landed at Corufia from England, and had marched through Galicia, advanced to Sahagun on the 21st December, with the intention of falling upon Soult’s corps, which was unsupported. But no sooner did Napoleon hear at Madrid of the move- ment, than he set in motion 50,000 men with in- credible rapidity, and leading his columns through the passes of the Guadarama, which were blocked with snow, put himself in communication with Soult, —too late, however, to crush his foe, for Sir John Moore had anticipated him by twelve hours, and was in full retreat across the Esla, pursued by Soult. Then followed the memorable retreat to Corufia. 1 Afterwards Field-Marshal Viscount Beresford, G.C.B. 1809. ] THE RETREAT TO CORUNA. 7 In this terrible operation, conducted in midwinter, young Campbell bore his share. His battalion suffered considerable loss—1 officer and 148 men having died on the road, or been made prisoners in consequence of their being obliged to halt from ex- haustion. On reaching Corufia, the 9th was stationed in the town, and was not engaged in the action of the 16th January, in which Sir John Moore met a glorious end; but it furnished the fatigue - party which dug his grave on the ramparts, where his remains were interred in a somewhat hurried manner by the officers and soldiers justly dear to him, on the morning of the 17th, the sound of the enemy’s guns, which had opened a heavy fire during the sad ceremony, mingling with the words of the solemn burial-service—a scene which never can be forgotten so long as Napier’s History and Wolfe’s poetry are read. The result of the action of Corufia enabled the British force to effect its embarkation, which was completed on the 18th under cover of Beresford’s brigade forming the rear-guard. To give some idea of the discomforts of the retreat, Lord Clyde used to relate how that, for some time before reaching Corufia, he had to march with bare feet, the soles of his boots being completely worn away. He had no means of replacing them, and whe he got on board ship he was unable to remove on as, from constant wear and his inability to take them off, the leather had adhered so closely to the flesh of the legs, that he was obliged to steep 8 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1809. them in water as hot as he could bear, and have the leather cut away in strips—a painful operation, as in the process pieces of the skin were brought away with it. The ist battalion 9th landed at Plymouth and Portsmouth, and moved thence to Canterbury. On the 17th July, Colin Campbell marched with his battalion to Ramsgate, to join the magnificent force under the Earl of Chatham, which had been desig- nated to proceed up the Scheldt, attack Antwerp, then but feebly protected, and destroy the French fleet moored under its walls—the intention being to create thereby a diversion in favour of Austria. The 1st battalion 9th was brigaded with the 38th and 42d Regiments, under the command of General Montresor. It disembarked on the island of South Beveland, opposite that of Walcheren, whence the expedition took its name, where it remained above three weeks during the operations against Flushing. Lord Chatham losing sight of the primary object of the expedition, delayed so long in the reduction of that place, that the enemy was afforded the opportunity of concentrating troops for the defence of Antwerp, and of taking measures for the removal of the fleet above that fortress. The object of the imposing armament sent forth by England proved abortive ; and the troops succumbing to malaria, the result of exposure to the pestilential atmosphere of the marshy islands of the Scheldt, the main body of the land forces, including Colin 1811. ] THE BATTLE OF BARROSA. a Campbell’s battalion, returned to England before the end of September. The 1st battalion 9th re- sumed its old quarters at Canterbury. Seven thousand out of the 40,000 originally embarked had perished on the spot; and the remainder, both officers and men, brought away with them the seeds of disease which affected them more or less for the rest of their lives. It will be seen, during the course of this memoir, how severely Colin Campbell suffered in this respect. He was next transferred to his original battal- ion, the 2d-9th, then stationed at Gibraltar. From this post he was detached, with the flank companies of his battalion, to join, towards the end of Feb- ruary 1811, a British force of over 4000 men, which, starting from Cadiz under the command of Sir Thomas Graham,! had disembarked at Tarifa, for the purpose of operating, in conjunction with a Spanish force of more than three times that number under General La Pefia, upon the rear of Marshal Victor’s corps, at that time blockading Cadiz. On the 5th March, a severe engagement took place at Barrosa, the brunt of the action falling on the British force, which was left unsupported by La Pefia. Thus, owing, as Napier terms it, to the “ heroic vigour of Graham’s attack,’ Marshal Victor was defeated, with the loss of an eagle, six pieces of artillery, two generals, and more than 2000 men killed and wounded. As, however, La Petia kept aloof during 1 Afterwards General Lord Lynedoch, G.C.B, 10 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1811 and after the action, and as our troops were unable from exhaustion to follow up the victory, the result of the expedition proved fruitless. Graham retired to Cadiz; and the French, taking heart, finally resumed the blockade of the place. In amemorandum attached to the statement of his services in the records of the 21st Fusiliers, in which regiment he subsequently served, Colin Campbell thus speaks of his part in the action—“ At the battle of Barrosa in 1811, when the present Lord Lynedoch was pleased to take favourable notice of my conduct when left in com- mand of the two flank companies of my regiment, all the other officers being wounded.” Amongst these was his dear friend William Seward, with whom Colin Campbell maintained intimate relations until the death of the former, who, after attaining the rank of major in the 9th Regiment, retired upon half-pay in 1835, and died in the Channel Islands im 1857. Seward, like Colin Campbell, had no private means. Their scanty pittance of pay was all they had to depend upon, yet they were equally firm in their determination to avoid debt. In this they were suc- cessful, though in after-years Colin Campbell would frequently narrate the temptations to which they were exposed, and the narrow straits in which they oftentimes found themselves in their endeavours to effect their honourable purpose. The next service in which he was engaged was with an expedition, under Colonel Skerrett, to succour 1812. | GIBRALTAR. 11 Tarragona, besieged by Marshal Suchet. It arrived in the roadstead off that fortress on the 26th June 1811; but as the troops did not land, and the place fell two days afterwards, the expedition returned to Gibraltar. In the autumn and winter of that year Lieutenant Campbell was attached to the Spanish armies under the orders of General Ballasteros, and was present at the affairs of Coin and Alhaurin, in the valley of Malaga. Later on, when Ballasteros was driven under the walls of Gibraltar, many good Spanish families availed themselves of the pro- tection of that fortress—affording the opportunity, which the young English subaltern eagerly seized, of mixing with them, and of improving himself in the French and Spanish languages. He was present also with the light company of his battalion at the latter part of the siege of Tarifa, in December 1811, when the efforts of the French under General Laval to assault the place signally failed, through the vig- orous defence of the garrison, which was mainly composed of British troops. The year 1812 was passed quietly at Gibraltar, but in January 1813 a draft of upwards of 400 men was sent from the 2d battalion to join the 1st battalion 9th in Portugal. Lieutenant Campbell accompanied that detachment, and at the end of the march, again found himself under the command of his original chief, Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron. After the retreat from Burgos, the Anglo-Portu- guese army had gone into winter- quarters at the 12 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [ 1813. end of November 1812, and the 5th division, in which the 1st battalion 9th was brigaded, was located in the vicinity of Lamego, on the Lower Douro. When Wellington advanced in the spring of 1813 towards the Ebro, turning at the outset the French line of defence on the Douro, his left wing, under Sir Thomas Graham, was directed to march through the mountainous districts of Tras os Montes on Braganza and Zamora, and effect a junc- tion with the centre and right of the Allied army. The former was conducted by Wellington in person, the latter by Hill. Of the part which his battalion took in this advance, eventuating in the battle of Vitoria and the retreat of the French across the Bidasoa, Colin Campbell kept a daily record, which he preserved with his papers). On many days nothing worthy of transcript is recorded—merely the features of the ground, the state of the roads, and the distance of each day’s march being noted, with a minuteness that evidences the interest which he took in all matters connected with the operations in which he was engaged. The movement commenced by the passage of the Douro on the 14th May. After an ineffectual at- tempt to cross the Esla on the 31st May, in which operation young Campbell acted as orderly officer to Lieutenant-Colonel Crawford of the 9th, in command of the flank companies of the 3d and 5th divisions, the passage of that river was effected at Almandra; and although the enemy had already been felt by our 1813. ] SKIRMISH AT ASTALITZ. 13 advanced parties, and some skirmishing had ensued, no serious collision occurred until the Ebro had been crossed. “ Journal, 18th June.—Through Astri to Osma, where a large body of the enemy was met unex- pectedly [this body was Sarrut’s division of Reille’s corps]. The meeting was as great a surprise to them as to us. ‘They placed themselves on the heights of Astalitz, evidently with a view to effect their retreat. The light companies of the Ist brigade, with a portion of the 8th Cacadores, were employed against the enemy, and were supported in the first instance by the fire of a brigade of Royal Artillery. Colonel Cameron sent a battalion com- pany to support his own light company [to which Lieutenant Campbell had been posted]. This being our first encounter this campaign, the men were ardent and eager, and pressed the French most wickedly. When the enemy began their move- ment to the rear, they were constrained to hurry the pace of their columns, notwithstanding the cloud of skirmishers which covered their retreat. Lord Wellington came up during the day about half-past three. We continued the pursuit until dark, when we were relieved by the light troops of the 4th division. The half of our brigade [consisting of the 3d battalion Royal Scots, the 1st- 9th and 38th Regiments] came up to Astalitz, where it remained until dusk. The regiment encamped near Carranca. The ground on which we skirmished was so thickly 14 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1813. wooded, and so rugged and uneven, that when we were relieved by the 4th division, and the light companies were ordered to return to their respective regiments, I found myself incapable of further exer- tion from fatigue and exhaustion, occasioned by six hours of almost continuous skirmishing.” On the 20th, Graham completed his last move- ment with the left wing of the Allied army, prior to the battle of Vitoria, which was fought on the following day. The French army was posted in front of the town of Vitoria, situated in a plain behind the small river Zadora. The right, under Reille, extending to the northward across the Za- dora, rested on some heights above the village of Abechuco and Gamara Mayor, which were protected by field-works. Sir Thomas Graham’s column, con- sisting of nearly 20,000 men, with 18 guns, was directed against Reille, with the object of forcing the Zadora at Gamara Mayor and turning the French right. “ Journal, 21st June—The column, composed of. the Ist and 5th divisions, Major-General Anson’s brigade of British cavalry, and Pack’s brigade of Portuguese infantry, moved from Murguia and Vitoriano along the highroad from Bilbao to Vi- toria about twelve o'clock; and before approach- ‘°° ing the village of Abechuco, the 4th Cacadores of Pack’s brigade and the 8th Cacadores of the 5th division moved towards the hills on the left of the road in extended order, against the enemy on 1813. | THE BATTLE OF VITORIA. 15 the heights in front of Gamara Mayor. They were supported by two battalions of Pack’s brigade, fol- lowed by our division and Anson’s brigade of cav- alry, having their left covered by Longa’s division of Spaniards, which moved towards Gamara Menor. Both the villages of Gamara Mayor and Menor are upon the Zadora, which runs through the valley of Vitoria. In this movement I was detached with the light company to cover the right flank of the brigade in ascending the heights. As soon as the enemy was driven from the heights, he retired through Gamara Mayor to the other bank of the Zadora, and our people halted upon the ground from which the enemy had been driven. From this ground the whole valley of the Zadora, upon the left bank of which the enemy was posted, covering Vitoria, was to be seen, and the progress of the battle to be observed. “While we were halted—waiting, it was said, for orders—the enemy occupied Gamara Mayor in con- siderable force, placed two guns at the head of the principal entrance into the village, threw a cloud of skirmishers in front amongst the corn - fields, and occupied with six pieces of artillery the heights immediately behind the village on the left bank, which covered the approaches to it in all directions. They showed also heavy masses of infantry close behind, as supports to the troops in the village. About 5 p.M. an order arrived from Lord Welling- ton to press the enemy in our front. It was the 16 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1813. extreme right of their line; and the lower road, lead- ing to France, by which alone they could retire their artillery and baggage, ran close to Gamara Mayor. “The left brigade (General Robinson’s) moved down in contiguous columns of regiments, the 4th being in the centre, the 59th upon the right, and the 57th upon the left. Our light companies (1st bri- gade1) were sent down to extend and cover the right flank of this attack. The regiments, although ex- posed when they approached the village to a most severe fire of musketry and artillery from behind garden-walls and the houses, which the enemy had occupied, did not take a musket from the shoulder until they carried the village. The enemy brought forward his reserves, and made many desperate efforts to retake the village, but he could not suc- ceed. This was repeated till the bridge became so heaped with dead and wounded that they were rolled over the parapet into the river underneath. Upon the first effort of the enemy to repossess themselves of the village, our light companies were closed to the left upon the 9th, and brought into the village to support the 2d brigade. We were not long in the village before ‘we were ordered to the left, to cover that flank of the village. We moved through and occupied the bank of the river, upon the oppo- site side of which was the enemy. During our stay the enemy relieved his skirmishers three times. After three hours’ hard fighting the enemy retired, leaving 2 Commanded by Major-General Hay. 1813. ] THE BATTLE OF VITORIA. Ly his guns in our possession. Crossing the Zadora in pursuit, we proceeded about a league after them, and encamped near Metauco.” Hill had turned the enemy’s left, and the attack of the British centre had been crowned with success. Indeed, it was in consequence of some of our cavalry that had reached Vitoria having passed through the town and appeared upon Reille’s rear, that the latter was compelled to retire from any further contest with Graham, who was patiently awaiting the de- velopment of the other attacks. The battle was won, and the confusion of the enemy great— his movements being seriously impeded owing to the road to Salvatierra and Pampeluna, his only line of retreat, being blocked with carriages and fugitives, the highroad to Bayonne having been previously occupied by Graham. The French carried away only 2 guns, leaving 143 in our possession, and their army was for the moment completely wrecked by the loss of their artillery, ammunition, stores, equi- pages, treasure, and papers. On the 23d, Graham was detached with his corps to Guipuscoa, leaving the 5th division at Salvatierra. Thence it marched on the 26th with the 6th divi- sion across country to Logrofio, with the object of intercepting Clauzel, who, at the head of 14,000 men, had approached Vitoria to succour Joseph. Apprised of his danger—for Wellington had put in motion against him, in addition to the 5th and 6th divisions, two brigades of light cavalry, VOL. I. B 18 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1813. and the 3d, 4th, 7th, and light divisions of in- fantry—Clauzel retreated by forced marches upon Saragossa, and finally fell back upon Jacca. The 5th division had nearly reached La Guardia when it received counter-orders, and returning to within a mile of Vitoria, proceeded along the royal route vid Montdragon and Tolosa to join Graham, who had in the meanwhile invested San Sebastian. As a consequence of his successful advance from Portugal, Lord Wellington had shifted his base of operations from Lisbon to Corufia and Santander, so that San Sebastian, situated on the Bay of Biscay, near to the French frontier, had consequently be- come of primary importance to him, on account of the many advantages its harbour was likely to afford him during his ulterior operations. Unwilling to have two sieges on his hands at the same time, Lord Wellington had decided on blockading the important fortress of Pampeluna with a corps of Spaniards; whilst Graham, with the lst and 5th divisions of Anglo-Portuguese, prosecuted the siege of San Sebas- tian—the remainder of the Allied army being em- ployed under his personal direction in covering these operations. Prior to the battle of Vitoria, San Sebastian had been of no account as a fortress. It was all but dis- mantled, and had been denuded of many of its guns, required for battering-trains, and for use elsewhere. The day after the battle, the place had been entered by General Emanuel Rey with the escort of the con- 1813. ] SAN SEBASTIAN. 19 voy that had left Vitoria on the 20th June. Rid- ding himself of the Spanish emigrant families and the members of Joseph’s Court that had accompanied the convoy, he sent them to France, and proceeded to put the place into a state of defence. Foy, in his retreat along the royal road, had thrown in a reinforcement, and the garrison was further in- creased by 300 troops from Gueteria, and by a de- tachment of gunners from St Jean de Luz, thus bringing up the numbers to 3000 men. Owing to the deficiency of British cruisers on the coast, a strict blockade by sea could not be enforced, so that French vessels with supplies were enabled to enter the harbour at night. San Sebastian is situated on a peninsula, having the harbour on its southern, and the small river Urumea on its northern side. It is approached by a sandy isthmus, defended by a line of works, with a hornwork in front; and 600 yards in advance of this work, and near the neck of the isthmus, is a range of heights, on which stood the convent of San Bartolomeo, with the suburbs of San Martin at its foot. In rear of the town is the Monte Orgullo, on which is situated the castle of La Mota. The Urumea was fordable at low water, and on its northern side were some sandhills called Chofres, along which the road between the suburb of Santa Catalina and the small port of Passages was con- ducted over a wooden bridge across the Urumea. The French had fortified the convent, and connected 20 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1813. it with a redoubt placed on the heights of San Bar- tolomeo—a second redoubt, formed of casks, having been constructed midway on the road between the convent and the hornwork, as a support to and means of connection with the outwork. Lord Wellington visited the trenches on the 12th July, and on the following day Sir Thomas Graham undertook the siege with the 5th division, under General Oswald, and with Wilson’s and Bradford’s Portuguese brigades,—the whole force, inclusive of some seamen from the Surveillante frigate, amount- ing to nearly 10,000 men. The side towards the Urumea being deemed the weakest, was selected for attack; but as a prelim- inary to the assault on the body of the place, it was considered necessary to gain possession of the convent and redoubt of San Bartolomeo, against which two batteries had been constructed on the night of the 10th. On the 14th, Colin Campbell records in his journal that “the gun which had been placed in the battery of the convent was silenced,” and on the 15th, that “‘an attack was made on the convent by the 4th and 5th Cagadores, to ascertain what number the enemy kept in his works.” This attack was repulsed with great loss. On the 17th the attack on the convent and redoubt was made in two columns. The right, consisting of a detachment of Portuguese, supported by three com- panies of the 9th under Lieutenant-Colonel Crawford, with three companies of the Royals in reserve, was 1813.] SIEGE OF SAN SEBASTIAN. 21 directed by Major-General Hay against the redoubt. A Portuguese detachment, supported by three com- panies of the 9th under Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron, formed the left column, which, under the command of Major-General Bradford, was destined to attack the convent. Colin Campbell with his own, the light company, accompanied the right column. The Portu- guese detachments, which respectively led the attack of either column, moved forward so slowly on the sig- nal being given, that the soldiers of the 9th dashed through them ; while those on the left, or Lieutenant- Colonel Cameron’s party, pushed forward with such impetuosity, that the garrison, apprehensive of being cut off from the suburbs, abandoned the redoubt. The grenadiers of the 9th perceiving this, assaulted both the convent and the suburbs: the former was carried at once, but the troops that had been driven out of the convent joining those in the suburb, a terrific struggle ensued, the issue of which was doubt- ful, till the remaining companies of the 9th, which Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron had sent for, came up and drove the French out of the suburb of San Martin. The effect of this tough contest, under the personal leading of Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron, who received a severe contusion in the leg, facilitated the capture of the redoubt by the right column with few casual- ties’; but, excited by its success, that body passed beyond the suburb, contrary to the orders of the divisional commander, and throwing itself against the cask redoubt, was repulsed with serious loss. 22 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1813. In this affair, according to the records of the regi- ment, the 9th had upwards of 70 officers and soldiers killed and wounded. Sir Thomas Graham, in his despatch to Lord Wellington of the 18th, after thanking the general officers engaged, adds,—“ But I beg, in justice to the officers, whose gallantry was most conspicuous in lead- ing on their men to overcome the variety of obstacles that were opposed to them, to mention Major Snod- grass, Captain Almeyra, and Lieutenant de Queiros (severely wounded), of the Portuguese service, and Lieutenant Colin Campbell of the 9th Foot.” It was not till the commencement of 1836 that Sir John Cameron saw, for the first time, Sir Thomas Graham’s despatch. Being naturally surprised and hurt at no mention of the part taken by the left column having been made in it, he wrote to Colin Campbell, and after recounting in detail the gallant behaviour of the 9th in the left attack, he added,— “T had the advantage of a good view of everything that passed from the redoubt to the convent, and I am sure there must have been very few men in the redoubt when you entered it; indeed Crawford told me as much, though I was not able to extract much from him when he came to the convent. At the same time, I must do him the justice to say that he spoke most highly of you, adding that you were the first to enter the redoubt.” Colin Campbell replied as follows: “ You are quite right, my dear Sir John; it was the guns pointed at the redoubt, and the co-oper- 1813. ] THE STORMING-PARTY. 238 ation of the left attack, that facilitated the possession of that post. The former caused the enemy to leave the ditch before the 9th (three companies) took the lead of Major Snodgrass’s people (Portuguese), and the firmness of those in the work itself was shaken by our attack on the left; for when the three com- panies under Colonel Crawford passed forward as a whole, by Major Snodgrass’s desire, the resistance was of a much less effective character than had pre- viously been opposed to Snodgrass’s people. Since the receipt of your last letter I have read the report of Sir Thomas Graham to Lord Wellington. It is some twenty odd years since I first saw this report. You are therein represented only as being in support ; whereas not only did you lead the left attack all the while, but made it with your own regiment, unas- sisted by other troops. I can therefore readily enter into your feelings on perusing this despatch.” The entry in the journal on the 17th contains the brief remark—‘ Convent taken.” On the 20th, all the batteries being completed opened on the town. On the 24th the town was on fire, and the journal narrates that the French could be seen feeding the fire near the breach which had been made in the eastern flank wall, and which was considered prac- ticable ; but in consequence of the fire, the attack was deferred till the following day. The storming-party was composed of the 3d bat- talion of the Royals, destined to storm the great breach ; the 38th to assail the lesser breach which 24 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1813. had been made on the 23d to the right of the main breach ; and the 9th, to act in support of the Royals. The assault took place before daylight, and failed. The darkness, the narrowness and the difficulty of the ground to be traversed before the breach was reached, the insufficient destruction of the defences—in short, the neglect of Lord Wellington’s instructions, and the deviation from the original plan of the siege, arising from the desire to save time, all contributed to the disaster. The troops reached the breach straggling and without order, and were there met with so de- structive a fire that they recoiled; and notwithstand- ing the heroic courage of many officers, who endeay- oured to rally them, they failed to effect a lodgment. All further efforts became hopeless, and the storm- 1 In reference to the order of attack, Colin Campbell, who delighted in honouring the memory of his former chief, narrated the following anecdote, in the presence of the writer of these pages, to Sir John Cameron’s eldest son, the present General Sir Duncan Cameron, G.C.B., when that officer, in command of the 42d Highlanders, joined the High- land Brigade in Turkey in the spring of 1854, and first made the ac- quaintance of his father’s old subaltern :— Sir John Cameron having established the character of a rigid dis- ciplinarian, as well as of an intrepid regimental leader, of which he had furnished frequent proofs during the previous Peninsular cam- paigns, had earned for himself amongst the soldiers of the 5th divi- sion the sobriquet of “the Devil.” When it became known to them that the assault was to be made right in front with the Royals leading, and not left in front with the 9th leading, they gave vent to their dis- appointment by remarking, in their plain but expressive language, that they wished it had been left in front, and “the Devil” to lead them. “ That, sir,” remarked Colin Campbell, when subsequently recounting this anecdote to another friend, “ was a compliment of which any man might be proud, and which I should prefer to the most elaborate epitaph on my tombstone.” 1813. | THE ASSAULT ON SAN SEBASTIAN. 25 ing-party abandoned the attempt, having suffered serious loss. This day’s work is represented in Colin Campbell’s journal by the single word “Storm!” but there fortunately exists a letter from him, of the 10th April 1836, to Sir John Cameron, in which he gives a detailed account of his share in the assault. “T did not,” he says, “‘ accompany my friend Harry Jones of the Engineers on the 25th July. I was placed in the centre of the Royals with twenty men of our light company, having the light company of the Royals as my immediate support and under my orders. I was accompanied also by a party with ladders, under Lieutenant Machel of the Engineers, with orders, on reaching the crest of the breach, to turn to and gain the ramparts on the left, proceed- ing on to the demi-bastion, from thence along the curtain to the high work in the centre of the main front, and therein establish ourselves. “Tt was dark, as you know, when ordered to advance. All before me went willingly enough for- ward, but in a very strageling order, arising, in the first instance, from the order of formation previous to attack, in being extended the whole length of the parallel in a front of fours, which it (the parallel) would admit of by packing when halted, but was not of sufficient width for troops to maintain that front when in movement. We thus debouched from the mouth of the opening made from the parallel, which was not quite so wide as the latter, in twos 26 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1813. and threes. The space we had to traverse between this opening and the breach—some three hundred yards—was very rough, and broken by large pieces of rocks, which the falling tide had left wet and ex- ceedingly slippery, sufficient in itself to have loosened and disordered an original dense formation ; and the heavy and uninterrupted fire to which they were opposed in the advance, increased this evil,—these different causes combining to make our advance look more like one of individuals than that of a well- organised and disciplined military body. “On arriving within some thirty or forty yards of the demi-bastion on the left of the main front, I found a check. There appeared to be a crowd of some two hundred men immediately before me, opposite the front of this work—those in front of this body re- turning a fire directed at them from the parapet above, and which was sweeping them down in great numbers, and also from an intrenchment which the enemy had thrown across the main ditch, about a yard or two retired from the opening into it. I observed at the same time a heavy firing at the breach ; and as the larger portion of the right wing appeared to be collected, as I have described, opposite the demi-bastion, it was very manifest that those who had gone forward to the breach were not only weak in numbers for the struggle they had to encounter, but it was apparent they were also un- supported. I endeavoured with the head of my detachment to aid some of their own officers in urg- 1813.] CAMPBELL LEADS THE FORLORN-HOPE, 27 ing and pushing forward this halted body. They had commenced firing, and there was no moving them. Failing in this, I proposed to Lieutenant Clarke, who was in command of the light company of the Royals, to lead past the right of these people, in the hope that, seeing us passing them, they might possibly cease firing and follow. I had scarcely made this proposition when this fine young man was killed; and several of my own (9th) detachment, as also many of the light company Royals, were here killed and wounded. In passing this body with the few of my own people and most of the light com- pany Royals, some might have come away, but the bulk remained. Their halting there (opposite the demi-bastion) thus formed a sort of stopping-place between the trenches and the breach, as the men came forward from the former on their way to the latter. 1 think this important step originated with those men who had kept close to the retaining-wall of the hornwork in their advance, and who, on arriv- ing at the opening into the main ditch, mistook it in the dark and in their ignorance for the main breach, and imagined it to be an opening through which they might find or force a way into the place; but on meeting with resistance from the defence thrown across the ditch, they returned the fire of the enemy, and thus offered an object for those who followed to halt and gather upon. In going along the base of the wall between the salient of the demi-bastion and the breach, the enemy threw over quantities of hand- 28 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1813, grenades, which, with musketry-fire from the side of the nearest round tower looking on the line on which we advanced, killed and wounded a good many. On arriving at the breach, I observed the whole lower parts thickly strewed with killed and wounded. There were a few individual officers and men spread on the face of the breach, but nothing more. These were cheering, and gallantly opposing themselves to the close and destructive fire directed at them from the round tower and other defences on each flank of the breach, and to a profusion of hand-grenades which were constantly rolling down. In going up I passed Jones of the Engineers, who was wounded ; and on gaining the top I was shot through the right hip, and tumbled to the bottom. The breach, though quite accessible, was steep, par- ticularly towards the top, so that all those who were struck on the upper part of it rolled down, as in my own case, to the bottom. Finding, on rising up, that I was not disabled from moving, and observing two officers of the Royals, who were exerting themselves to lead some of their men from under the line-wall near to the breach, I went to assist their endea- vours, and again went up the breach with them, when I was shot through the inside part of the left thigh. “ A-good deal of firing was kept up by our un- wounded men from the bottom of the breach during the period of which I have been giving an account. “About the time of my receiving my second hit, 1813. ] FAILURE OF THE ASSAULT. 29 Captain Archimbeau of the Royals arrived near the bottom of the breach, bringing with him some eighty or ninety men, cheering and encouraging them for- ward in a very brave manner through all the inter- ruptions that were offered to his advance by the explosion of the many hand-grenades that were dropped upon them from the top of the wall, and the wounded men retiring in the line of his advance (the narrow space between the river and the bottom of the wall). Seeing, however, that whatever previous efforts had been made had been unsuccessful—that there was no body of men nor support near to him, while all the defences of and around the breach were fully occupied and alive with fire, and the party with him quite unequal in itself,—seeing, also, the many discouraging circumstances under which the attempt would have to be made, of forcing its way through such opposition, — he ordered his party to retire, receiving, when speaking to me, a shot which broke his arm. I came back with him and his party, and on my way met the 38th, whose advance became interrupted by the wounded and others of the Royals returning. As you were at the head of the 9th pressing forward among the 38th, and neces- sarily saw our return to the trenches, I here bring my relation to a close. “TI was then of opinion—and, if you recollect, so expressed myself to you on your visiting me in my tent after our return to camp—that one main cause of failure was the narrow front and consequent 30 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1813. length and thinness of the column in which we advanced. This necessarily became more loosened and disjointed by the difficult nature of the ground it had to pass over in the dark—a disadvantage which the heavy fire it was exposed to in that advance augmented—so that it reached the breach in dribblets, and never in such body or number as to give the mind of the soldier anything like confidence of success, or such as would be in the least likely to shake the firmness of the defenders. “Tf some means had been devised, just before the attack took place, of placing the Royals in one big honest lump, somewhere near to the extremity of the parallel, which might have been contrived with- out much difficulty or danger, and have started them in some such dense form with the 38th along the parallel, well packed up in a front of fours, their right close up to the Royals, and in readiness to start forward immediately after them, the stoppage opposite the demi-bastion would never have occurred, and some two hundred men at least of the Royals would have reached the breach in a compact body, and in the first instance; and as the breach was quite practicable, such a number would have forced bodily through all opposition. Even under all the disadvantages of the original bad arrangement and disposition of the Royals, and all the difficulties | have enumerated as having been encountered by them in their advance, I firmly and sincerely believe that, if they had moved forward in daylight, when 1813.] CAMPBELL MENTIONED IN DESPATCHES. 31 the officer could have seen and been seen by his men, and when the example of the former would have animated the exertions of the latter, the Royals would have gone up and over the breach in the line- wall of San Sebastian on the 25th July; for, as I have stated, it was perfectly feasible.” Lord Wellington, on hearing of the failure of the attack on San Sebastian, proceeded thither, and find- ing a lack of ammunition and other means of attack, he directed Sir Thomas Graham to suspend the siege, which was momentarily turned into a blockade. Marshal Soult, who, on Joseph’s defeat, had been appointed the Emperor’s lieutenant, had in the mean- while reorganised the French forces, and made a vigorous effort to relieve Pampeluna and San Sebas- tian by a combined attack on the position held by the Allies in the lower Pyrenees. The attempt prov- ing unsuccessful, Graham was enabled to resume the siege of San Sebastian, the former attacks being re- newed from the same points with a greater number of guns. In the meanwhile, Colin Campbell had again been mentioned by Sir Thomas Graham in his despatch to Lord Wellington reporting the assault on San Sebas- tian, dated 25th July, and in the following terms: “T beg to recommend to your lordship Lieutenant Campbell of the 9th, who led the forlorn-hope, and who was severely wounded in the breach.” Notwithstanding his wounds, Colin Campbell con- tinued his journal, though at uncertain intervals. No 32 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. {1813. mention is made of the second and successful assault, which was delivered on the 3lst August; but he notes the fact of the French, who on the capture of the town had withdrawn into the castle of La Mota, asking for terms on their surrender, and the march- ing out of the garrison on the 9th September— the English bands playing and a salute being fired as soon as they cleared the town, when the Spanish flag was hoisted on the castle ;” further remarking, “ that all their guns were unserviceable, though there were plenty of provisions remaining.” Until Pampeluna had fallen, Lord Wellington did not attempt any offensive operation on a large scale. Preparatory, however, to his projected invasion of the south of France, he was anxious to push his left wing across the Bidasoa, so as to secure the descent of the Allied forces into France, whenever the time for the general advance should arrive. The French held a strong range of heights on the right bank of the Bidasoa, extending to the sea, the key of which was a steep mountain called La Rhune, opposite the pass of Vera. From this position Lord Wellington determined to dislodge them. On the 24th September the 5th division marched, and encamped near Oyarzun. His wounds being still unhealed, Colin Campbell was left behind at San Sebastian. There is'no entry in his journal between that date and the 6th October, on which day he rejoined his regiment. Hearing of the likeli- hood of an engagement with the enemy, he had left 1813. ] CAMPBELL BREAKS FROM HOSPITAL. 33 San Sebastian, accompanied by a brother officer, who had also been wounded, and, like himself, not dis- charged from hospital. By dint of crawling and an occasional lift from commissariat and other vehicles proceeding along the road, they made their way to the 5th division, and were in action the follow- ing day. The entry on the 6th, which terminates abruptly, is the last entry in Colin Campbell’s Pen- insular journal. He records the midnight march of the 5th division to Fuenterabia, which it reached a little before daybreak, and concealed itself behind the banks of the Bidasoa until about 7 a.M., when a bugle from the steeple at Fuenterabia gave the signal to advance. The troops forded the river at low water; and the 5th division, advancing left in front, made straight for the strong heights of the Croix des Bouquets, which was the key of the right of the French position, and which was carried by a vehement rush and charge of the 9th, headed by the gallant Cameron. The operations on the side of Vera were equally successful, and Lord Wellington’s object was accomplished. The loss of the 9th was heavy; and Colin Campbell, who commanded the light and leading company, was again badly wounded. The breach of discipline he and and his comrade had committed in leaving hospital before being dis- charged, did not escape the notice of their command- ing officer. Colonel Cameron administered to them a severe reprimand, giving them to understand that their offence would not have been passed over so VOL. I. c 34 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s13. lightly but for the good example they had set the men of their companies in the action of the 7th. Although his name remained on the returns of the 9th Regiment until the following January, Colin Campbell did no duty with it after the 7th October, in consequence of his wound, from which he was long in recovering, and the effects of which caused him much subsequent inconvenience. On the 9th November 1813 he was promoted to a company, without purchase, in the 60th Regiment. 35 CHAPTER II. RETURNS TO ENGLAND—ATTEMPT TO JOIN SIR THOMAS GRAHAM IN HOLLAND—PROCEEDS TO NOVA SCOTIA—INVALIDED—GIBRALTAR —TRANSFERRED TO 21ST FUSILIERS — WEST INDIES — STAFF APPOINTMENT — SIR B, D’URBAN— PROMOTION AND RETURN TO ENGLAND — IRELAND — PURCHASE OF UNATTACHED LIEU- TENANT-COLONELCY —- ANTWERP — OPERATIONS AGAINST THAT PLACE—-ENDEAVOURS TO RETURN TO FULL PAY—APPOINTED TO 98TH REGIMENT—SYSTEM OF COMMAND—CHARACTER AS COM- MANDING OFFICER. In December 1813, Colin Campbell returned to Eng- land, bringing with him a letter to the Horse Guards from Major-General Hay, “under whose immediate eye he had been during the last campaign,” recom- ce mending him “as a most gallant and meritorious young officer.” Obtaining leave of absence, he found a home with his uncle, Colonel Campbell, during which period he appeared before a medical board in support of his claim to a pension for the wounds he had received at San Sebastian and the Bidasva,—the result being that he was granted a temporary pension of £100 per an- num—a substantial addition to the slender pay of a regimental officer, upon which alone he had hitherto had to depend. 36 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1st4, Whilst he was on leave, Colonel Campbell had applied to Sir Thomas Graham for an appointment for his nephew on the staff of the expeditionary corps which had been sent under the command of his former chief to Holland, for the purpose of co- operating with the Allies in their attempt to liberate that country from the French. This application elicited from Sir Thomas Graham the following reply, proving the continued interest he took in young Campbell, to whose services, as has been seen, he had already accorded his public acknowledgments : ‘“* HEADQUARTERS, Groot Hunporst,! 25th February 1814, “Dear CoLoneL,—lIn the hurry of business I for- got to answer your letter at first, and as the staff of the army was entirely filled up before I got the command, I wished to have had something to offer your nephew before | wrote. However, as I have no doubt of being able to provide for him soon, I have written to General Calvert to ask his Royal Highness’s leave for him to join this corps imme- diately ; and you had better send him up to town, that he may himself apply at the Horse Guards to know the Duke’s determination. Should it not be favourable, it would then be of consequence to get his exchange into the Royals effected without loss of time, as I expect the 4th battalion to arrive im- 1 Sir Thomas Graham was at this moment engaged in his prepara- tions for the assault on the fortress of Bergen-op-Zoom, which was delivered on the 8th March 1814, and resulted in a disastrous failure. 1814. | LETTER FROM SIR THOMAS GRAHAM. 37 mediately, and he would then join it as a matter of course. “You may assure his Royal Highness the Duke of Kent that in my opinion no better officer could be brought into the Royal Scots.—I remain very faith- fully and obediently yours, “THOMAS GRAHAM.” The authorities did not accede to this request, and Sir Thomas Graham conveyed their decision to Cap- tain Campbell in terms which must have mitigated in some degree the young officer’s natural disappoint- ment. Writing from Calmhaut on the 16th March 1814, he says :— “T am sorry to tell you that my application to the Commander-in-chief for your having leave from the 7th battalion 60th, in order to hold a staff situation, has failed of success. The Adjutant-Gen- eral writes to me that the service for which this battalion is destined will not admit of your being employed with me. “The only chance there is now, therefore, would be your being able to effect an exchange into the Royals, or any other regiment. His Royal Highness the Duke of Kent is so desirous of bringing officers of distinguished merit into the Royal Scots, that I should hope your exchange would meet with his approbation ; and you may confidently refer to my warmest testimony in your favour, should you think 38 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. (1814. that such a recommendation would be useful to you on this occasion.” That Colin Campbell did think so, and that he took advantage of his old chief’s kind offer, is apparent from the following certificate, found with his papers : “ HEADQUARTERS, BRUSSELS, 25th July 1814. “J hereby certify that Captain Colin Campbell, then Lieutenant of the 9th Foot, under my com- mand, behaved with the utmost gallantry and intre- pidity at the storming of the convent redoubt in advance of San Sebastian, and afterwards at the assault of that fortress, on both which occasions he was severely wounded ; in the action near Irun, at the forcing of the enemy from their strong and intrenched position on the Bidasoa, on the 7th October 1813, not three months from the date of the attack of the convent redoubt above mentioned. “ LYNEDOCH, Commander of the Forces.” “To all concerned.” This certificate was accompanied by the following letter :— “ BRUSSELS, 25th July 1814. “Dear CAMPBELL,—I received yours of the 9th inst. and the 27th June only by the last mail. As no one can deserve better to be rewarded for his exertions, I have great satisfaction in sending you 1815. | PROCEEDS TO NOVA SCOTIA. 39 annexed a certificate which I hope may be useful to you.—I remain faithfully yours, “ LYNEDOCH.” Seeing no longer any hope of serving under Lord Lynedoch’s command, Colin Campbell applied, with his uncle’s sanction, for permission to join his regi- ment. The 7th battalion 60th Regiment, to which he was posted, had been raised in the previous autumn from the German prisoners of war in Eng- land, and was already serving in Nova Scotia, where a considerable force had been collected under the command of Lieutenant-General Sir J. C. Sher- brooke, in consequence of the hostilities that had broken out between Great Britain and the United States. Captain Campbell joined his battalion in October 1814, by which time the operations con- ducted against the Americans on the Penobscot, in the State of Maine, had been concluded. He did not remain many months in Nova Scotia, his health having suffered from his wounds to such an extent as to incapacitate him for the performance of his duties. He left Halifax at the end of July 1815, and in the following January appeared before a medical board in London for the purpose of obtain- ing a renewal of his pension. This was granted ; and having been recommended to make use of natural warm baths in a southern climate, Colin Campbell proceeded to the south of France. As this treat- ment produced some improvement in his condition, 40 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1816-19. the continuance of a residence in a moderately warm climate was again prescribed towards the close of 1816, as the best means of insuring his complete restoration to health. It was during this period that Colin Campbell seized the opportunity of Paris being occupied by the Allies to pay a visit to that city. On the expiration of his leave, Captain Campbell joined at Gibraltar the 5th battalion of the 60th, with which corps he remained till November 1818, when his battalion having been named for reduction, he was removed to the 21st Royal North British Fusiliers, serving at home. Prior to this transfer he appears to have memorialised the Duke of York—with what object, his papers do not show, but probably with the view of securing a continuance of employ- ment on full pay—and to have supported his prayer with certificates from Sir John Cameron and Sir John Macdonald, then Deputy Adjutant-General, Horse Guards. Allusion is made to these certificates, which speak of him “as a most deserving officer, and an acquisition to any regiment,” merely to remove a popular fallacy that prevailed in later years, and according to which Colin Campbell was represented as an unknown and friendless officer up to a late period of his service ; whereas it will have been seen that in early days he had won for himself powerful friends, through whom his merits must have been perfectly well known at headquarters. In April 1819, Captain Campbell followed the 21st Fusiliers, which had embarked the month previously, 1819-21. ] SERVICE IN THE WEST INDIES. 41 to Barbadoes, where he found himself under the com- mand of Lord Combermere. Lord Lynedoch, ever constant to his young friend, wrote to him on the 20th April as follows :-— “My DEAR CAMPBELL,—I am sorry not to have seen you before your departure. I send you a note of introduction to Lord Combermere, in which I have spoken of you as, 1 think, you deserve. As people are apt to think we attend more to private recom- mendations from friends on the other side of the Tweed than to real merit, I trust, in justice both to yourself and me, that you will take an opportunity of assuring Lord Combermere that you never had any other recommendation to me than your own good conduct while under my command. — With best wishes, believe me ever faithfully yours, “ LYNEDOCH.” The next seven years, from 1819 to 1826, were passed by Colin Campbell in the West Indies—the first portion of the time at Barbadoes, whence seven companies of his regiment proceeded in 1821 to Demerara, in which colony he was appointed to act in the double capacity of aide-de-camp and brigade- major to General Murray, governor and commander of the forces. Though suffering from frequent at- tacks of fever and ague, the seeds of which had been contracted at Walcheren, Colin Campbell’s naturally vigorous constitution enabled him, notwithstanding 42 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1821. frequent trouble from his wounds, not only to bear up against a tropical climate, but to enjoy the pleas- ant society which, prior to the abolition of slavery, was to be met with in our West Indian colonies. His means at this period, augmented by his pay asa staff officer, were so easy as to render him careless about taking the necessary steps for the renewal of the pension which had been temporarily granted to him, and which consequently lapsed in the year 1821. Years afterwards he was wont to reproach himself for this neglect of his interests, in throwing away the chance of securing an annuity which, in his subsequent straitened circumstances, would have been of great value to him. General Murray was succeeded in command of the troops in Demerara by Major-General Sir Benjamin D’Urban,! an accomplished soldier in every sense of the word, who had earned for himself well-merited fame in the Peninsular campaigns, throughout which he had served with high command in the Portuguese contingent of the Allied army. Between him and his brigade-major there forthwith sprang up an intimacy which soon ripened into mutual esteem and affection, 1 Lieutenant-General Sir Benjamin D’Urban, originally a cavalry officer, and who had served on the staff in Ireland, attained his reputa- tion as a distinguished leader of cavalry of the Portuguese contingent in the Peninsula. At the close of the war he was appointed Deputy Quartermaster-General in Ireland. He held the command in the Windward and Leeward Islands from 1825 to 1833, whence he was transferred to the Cape of Good Hope as governor and commander- in-chief. He afterwards commanded the troops in the West Indies, and died commanding the forces in Canada in 1849. 1821-25.] CAMPBELL PURCHASES HIS MAJORITY. 43 rendering Colin Campbell’s position as a staff officer exceedingly agreeable. In his own regiment, as also in the society of the colony, he formed several en- dearing friendships, of which ample proof is afforded by repeated allusions to them in terms of warm affection in his later journals. Amongst his com- rades of the 21st Regiment, the names of Doherty } and Sutherland are of the most frequent recurrence. Thus the time slipped by till he was promoted, by purchase, to a majority in his regiment in November 1825. To make up the sum which it was necessary for him to contribute towards the furtherance of this object, Colin Campbell was indebted to the spontane- ous liberality of a friend in the colony, who assisted him with a loan of £600, in addition to which he borrowed a sum of £200 from his agents. Being without means, and having taken upon himself, since he had attained the rank of captain, the obliga- tion of assisting his father with an annual payment of between £30 and £40, the incurring of such a heavy liability, to be still further increased by the expense of a field officer’s outfit, may appear at first sight a rash proceeding, and not warranted by his circumstances. On the other hand, the promotion was of the greatest professional importance to him, and may be regarded as the turning-point of his 1 Lieutenant-General Sir R. Doherty was appointed captain in the Zist Foot in 1818, and became a lieutenant-colonel unattached in 1826. He was appointed to the 3d West India Regiment in 1838, and two years later was nominated lieutenant-governor of St Vincent. He became a major-general in 1858, and died in September 1862. 44 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1826. career. There remained the alternative of seeing younger men, more favoured by fortune, pass over his head, or of throwing up the service in disgust with the blankness of his prospects—to seek, as so many others similarly situated have done, an opening in some different line of life. Happily, Colin Camp- bell, actuated by an ardent love of his profession, and, it may be, prompted by the consciousness that he had that in him which he could turn to good account should the opportunity offer, elected to brave the apparent imprudence of the step he was about to take, feeling quite at ease, so far as his kind benefac- tor was concerned, as to the liquidation of the loan which had been so considerately imposed upon him. His promotion required him to vacate his staff appointment, and leave the chief who had become so endeared to him. On his quitting the colony, Sir Benjamin D’Urban issued a valedictory order ex- pressive of “the high opinion he held of Major Camp- bell’s zeal, ability, and unceasing diligence in the performance of the duties of his office ;” and as a further proof of his general’s estimate of him, Colin Campbell was the bearer of the accompanying letter to Sir Herbert Taylor, the Military Secretary, which he presented to that officer on his arrival at home:— “ Private. “ Kine’s Houst, DEMERARA, 23d January 1826. “ My peAR Taytor,—This will be delivered to you by Major Campbell of the 21st Fusiliers, who is 1826. ] LETTER FROM SIR B. D’URBAN. 45 desirous of expressing to you his thanks for all your kindness in his regard, and of asking you when it may be most proper for him to lay his humble gratitude for his promotion at the feet of his Royal Highness. “He has now been seven years in the West Indies (five of them in this country) without quit- ting his post, and he has of late suffered so severe- ly from periodical returns of the fever peculiar to Guiana, that if he had not been so fortunate as to be promoted now, he must have come home for a time on leave of absence, or his constitution would have been irrevocably injured. He will therefore now join the depot, where he will be very useful. “T have already given you my opinion of this officer so fully, that it is unnecessary for me to add anything to it, except to say that he has con- tinued to the end of the chapter a most attentive, zealous, and valuable staff officer, and has been of great assistance to me in this extensive district, where all the duties of an assistant adjutant-general have de- volved upon him, and where he has, besides, performed many others beyond those of his immediate post. “T recommend him to your countenance and protection. “Major Campbell can give you an accurate ac- count (and one on which you may rely) of all our proceedings here—of our health, discipline, and actual state in all regards. 46 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [ 1826-28, “God bless you, my dear Taylor.—I am ever yours faithfully and affectionately, “ B, D’Urpan.” Major Campbell, on his arrival home, joined the depot of his regiment — anticipating by twelve months the return of the service companies, which reached England from St Vincent and Grenada in the winter of 1826-27, and were forthwith moved to Windsor, where the regiment remained till the spring of 1828. His appearance may be gathered from a portrait of him taken in his uniform at this period. A pro- fusion of curly brown hair, a well-shaped mouth, and a wide brow, already foreshadowing the deep lines which became so marked a feature of his coun- tenance in later years, convey the idea of manliness and vigour. His height was about five feet nine, his frame well knit and powerful; and but that his shoulders were too broad for his height, his figure was that of a symmetrically-made man. To an agreeable presence he added the charm of engaging manners, which, according to the testimony of those who were familiar with him at this period, rendered him popular either at the dinner-table or in the drawing-room. Whilst quartered at Windsor, he was an occasional guest at the house of the late Dr Keate, the well- known head-master of Eton, who also was a Canon of Windsor. It was at the table of this gentleman's 1829-81. | RETURN TO ENGLAND. 47 Eton house that the following circumstance, so char- acteristic of the subject of this biography as to deserve mention in it, occurred. A fellow-guest, aware of Colin Campbell’s service in the Peninsula, somewhat bluntly, and in not very good taste, asked him how he felt when he led the forlorn-hope at San Sebastian. ‘‘ Very much, sir, as if I should get my company if I succeeded,” was the reply, which, it is hardly necessary to add, put an end to any further interrogation on that subject. On leaving Windsor, the 21st Regiment proceeded to Portsmouth, and from thence to Bath. In the October following, it embarked from Bristol for Water- ford, whence it marched to Fermoy. In June 1829 the regiment moved to Mullingar, and remained in Ireland till September 1831, when it was suddenly ordered from Dublin to England in consequence of the burning of Nottingham Castle. On reaching England it proceeded to Weedon. During his ser- vice in Ireland, Major Campbell was frequently em- ployed in aiding the civil power to recover, by means of ejections and sales under military protec- tion, the payment of tithes ——a duty repugnant to his feelings, but one which he performed with such discretion as to elicit the approbation of his superiors. Seeing no prospect of a vacancy in his own corps, he had, before leaving Ireland, made an effort to obtain promotion by the purchase of an unattached lieutenant-coloneley ; and with this object he had 48 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1832, solicited the good offices of Sir John Byng,! com- manding the forces in Ireland, through the medium of Major-General Sir Edward Blakeney,’ at that time in command of the Dublin district. It can easily be imagined, from what has been stated regarding the purchase of his majority, that Colin Campbell was unable to contribute anything from his own means towards the sum necessary to be lodged for the attainment of this step. The deficiency, however, was made good through the kindness of a relation on his mother’s side. Still, when the money was ready, the lieutenant-colonelcy was not forthcoming. He had to exercise his patience alittle longer. From Weedon his regiment proceeded to Chatham in 1832, and from thence Colin Camp- bell again addressed Sir John Byng on the subject of the heutenant-colonelcy. Sir John Byng con- sidered it unnecessary to send him any letter of recommendation to the General commanding - in- chief, as he had himself “on more than one occasion written to the Horse Guards in high terms of ap- proval of him.” He expressed a strong opinion of his competency to command—recalling to Campbell's recollection the fact of his having been “ frequently placed in command of troops upon some important occasions ;” and adding, “that the two major-generals in whose districts he had served in Ireland had fre- quently reported very favourably of his conduct.” d 1 Afterwards General Lord Strafford, G.C.B. * The late Field-Marshal Sir Edward Blakeney, G.C.B. 1832.] NEGOTIATIONS FOR A LIEUTENANT-COLONELCY. 49 In the meantime, Colin Campbell, hearing of a probable vacancy in the 65th Regiment, had applied for the lieutenant-colonelcy of that corps; but Lord Fitzroy Somerset informed him that, “though Lord Hill was perfectly aware of his merits as an officer, and would be happy to have the means of recom- mending him for the purchase of promotion, he could not undertake to say that he would be able to select him for the lieutenant-colonelcy of the 65th Regiment.” The spring and summer of 1832 passed without bringing the much-desired promotion; but on the 5th October of that year, a letter from Lord Fitzroy Somerset reached him, conveying the notification that on his lodging £1300 in the hands of his agents, Lord Hill would submit his name to the King for the purchase of an unattached lieutenant- coloneley. The money was duly lodged, and his promotion appeared in the ‘Gazette’ of the 26th of the same month. “Thus,” to use his own words, “making a period of nearly twenty-five years on full pay—viz., upwards of five years as a subaltern, nearly thirteen as captain, and seven as major.” Anxious to employ his time and satisfy his active and energetic temperament, Lieutenant-Colonel Camp- bell cast about for something to do, and the occasion shortly presented itself. Belgium, which, during the period of Imperial supremacy, had been absorbed into France, had passed, under the provisions of the treaty of 1814, from the dominion of that country to the rule VOL, I. D 50 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1882. of the Netherlands; but in September 1830, having risen in revolt against Dutch authority, she had been raised, under the protection of the great Powers, to the status of an independent kingdom, the crown of which was offered to Prince Leopold of Saxe- Coburg, who became the first King of the Belgians. The citadel of Antwerp, however, which was gar- risoned by a Dutch force under General Chassé, still held out; and France, in agreement with the other protecting Powers, had sent a force under Marshal Gerard to assist the Belgians in reducing this important stronghold, which commanded the navigation of the Scheldt, and enabled the com- munications with Holland to remain free. Colin Campbell determined to watch the opera- tions; and having obtained leave of absence, pro- ceeded to Antwerp, where he found a party of English officers assembled for the same purpose. From this date he recommenced his journal. He kept separate memoranda of the siege, from which he compiled reports for the authorities at the Horse Guards; but having lost them, he transcribed in his journal a letter addressed to his former general, Sir Benjamin D’Urban, and sent from Marburg in Hesse Cassel on the 22d January 1833. This letter, in which a minute description is given of the operations of the French from the beginning to the end of what he terms “this most extraordinary siege,” though very interesting, is too long for repro- duction, entering, as it does, into details of a tech- 1832.] VISIT TO THE SIEGE OF ANTWERP. 51 nical character, which might weary any but the professional reader. The great disparity between the besiegers and the besieged was one of the striking features of the contest. Indeed, the odds with which the Dutch had to contend were enormous. To hold the citadel and its immediate outworks on the right bank of the river, as well as three forts on the left bank—for all the other defences had been obliged to be abandoned at the outbreak of the revolution—‘ the brave old Chassé” could not muster more than 4500 men, sup- plemented by thirteen gunboats under the command of an energetic sailor named Kaufmann, by means of which the communication between the citadel and its principal outworks was maintained. The French force, composed of selected regiments of all arms under the command of Marshal Gerard, with General St Cyr as chief of his staff, amounted to not less than 73,000 men, and was further supported by the whole of the Belgian army. The French broke ground on the 29th November, and on the 4th December 1832 opened fire. Colin Campbell thus describes the scene: “‘The day was calm and still, and the sight beautifully grand, and never to be forgotten. The citadel was not slow in returning the fire; but in metal and number of guns the attack was over- whelmingly superior, and so manifestly so, that one common feeling of admiration was excited in all lookers-on at the intrepidity of the Dutch artillery in standing to and working their guns under the 52 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1832. storm of iron which was pouring upon them. A young French officer of cavalry standing close to me could not help expressing openly and warmly his admiration of the conduct of the Dutch artillery, observing, at the same time, that he viewed the position of a simple soldier in the citadel as more to be envied than that of Marshal Gerard ; for the latter could gain little honour in the capture of the citadel with the army and means placed at his disposal for that purpose—whereas the little garrison, by conduct- ing itself bravely, carried with it the admiration and sympathy of the world.” “ Chassé’s defence was very obstinate,” and “ Cen ard,” Colin Campbell remarks, “ was disappointed in his expectations of early success in mastering the place. The Dutch repaired in the night the injuries done to their works during the day, opening their fire with renewed animation; and so to the end of the siege did the brave Dutch artillery conduct itself, its fire diminishing as the siege approached to a conclusion, but never being silenced. From the moment the French gained the open ground, where the heads of their approaches could be seen from the citadel, until the end of the siege, every gabion they attempted to place in daylight was instantly knocked down by the Dutch artillery. They were obliged to do all their work by night—it was done by the flying sap—and the day was devoted to widening and im- proving the work of the previous night.” On the 1832, | THE SIEGE OF ANTWERP. 53 occasion of the French capturing the lunette, which they had previously mined, fifty-eight of the Dutch fell into their hands. “I saw the prisoners,” Colin Campbell continues, “next morning, and to my great astonishment I found them to be a parcel of mere boys. Forty of the number had never shaved. The French were not proud of their prisoners, and evidently annoyed with the length of time they had devoted to the capture of a work occupied by such people.” After a vigorous defence against an overwhelming attack, Chassé, on the 23d December, desired to capitulate, terms being agreed upon in the course of the day. ‘I was admitted,” Colin Campbell remarks, “into the citadel two days afterwards. No language can convey an idea of the picture of desolation which the interior exhibited. Every building destroyed, and the whole interior ploughed up in every direc- tion with shot and shell. . . . The garrison, except the artillery, were wholly composed of young soldiers. Three-fourths of the whole were under twenty-two, and had not been in the service above two and three years—a great many a much shorter time. The defence was honourable to the garrison and the national character. With a garrison com- posed entirely of old soldiers, the defence, which had been of a passive character, might have been much more active and the operations of the French longer retarded ; but having seen the terrific fire to which 54 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1832, these young people had been exposed for eighteen days and nights, and which they bravely and man- fully faced, their conduct deserves all honour and praise. “The officer commanding the little squadron of gunboats in the river, Captain Kaufmann, a true sailor and warrior, would not allow himself or his people to be included in the capitulation. With the six gunboats lying in the river, he attempted to pass down with the evening’s tide on the night of the 23d December. Unfortunately the moon was at the full, and only one boat succeeded in passing the Belgian batteries. The remainder returned to their anchoring ground, The crews threw their guns overboard, scuttled the vessels, and landed at the Téte de Flandres. Those boats which had passed into the inundation in front of the Téte de Flandres were set fire to and burned. All were destroyed with their colours flying at the masthead. As the navy had supplied the citadel and forts with flags, Kaufmann took possession of them all and burned them, to prevent their becoming a trophy to the enemy. “To have been present at,” he concludes, “and to have witnessed the operations of a siege com- menced and carried on en régle to the crowning the crest of the glacis and the establishment of the breaching and counter batteries thereon, and the descent of the ditch completed, has given me great satisfaction. The French army entered Belgium to 1833. ] VISIT TO GERMANY. 55 clear the Belgian territory of the Dutch occupation of the fortified places on the Scheldt. The object of the expedition remains uncompleted. The Dutch still hold Lillo and Leitkenhoek, which cannot be attacked, as the country for miles round both places has been placed under water. “Kvery French officer with whom I spoke ridi- culed the idea of the alliance between our countries continuing beyond the moment. They compared it to a quadrille, the figure of which required that we should join hands for an instant, but at the conclu- sion of which we should resume our natural and ancient positions of des vis-d-vis.” Immediately after the capitulation of the citadel of Antwerp, Colin Campbell proceeded to Marburg, in Hesse Cassel, which he had visited in 1828 and 1829 when on leave of absence from the 21st Regi- ment. At this period he kept a journal of his daily proceedings, in which he records frequent returns of his old enemy fever and ague. He mixed freely in German society, his object being to acquire a know- ledge of the German language, and to combine with this economy cf expenditure. On the 5th March he records “‘the anniversary of the battle of Barrosa fought in 1811, the return of a day which always brings pleasing recollections.” From Marburg he proceeded to Dusseldorf, and thence to Bonn, where he appears to have spent a most enjoyable time in the society of intimate friends, making excursions to the places of interest, and “in July,” he records, “ to 56 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1833. the right bank of the Rhine, to see the inspection of eleven batteries of artillery by Prince August, brother to the King of Prussia. He was most civil to me, and I had the honour to dine with him. I made acquaintance with Colonel von Kurzel of the 7th Uhlans, and the greater number of his officers, who messed at the Klotz, where I dined when not en- gaged. I shall always recollect with pleasure my stay in this neighbourhood. ‘Ich werde es nimmer vergessen.’ ” “ Journal, October 11th.—I had all my things packed up and in readiness to start for Marburg, there to pass my winter; for although I had made a little progress in reading German without the aid of a master during my stay at Bonn, still, having spoken nothing but French and English while there, I was anxious to get back to a place where I should have little opportunity of conversing except in Ger- man, and I hoped before the spring to have made progress sufficient to enable me to understand, if not to speak, with some facility. Whilst all these inten- tions were determined upon, arrived a very kind letter from of the 5th October, mentioning that he had that morning been at the Horse Guards, and had seen , who had begged him to say to me that if I could possibly make it convenient to come over shortly to England, I would in all probability serve myself essentially by doing so—that two or three occasions had arisen on which my name had been mentioned, and in all likelihood I would have been 1833. ] RETURN TO ENGLAND. 57 employed had I happened to be on the spot. He did not exactly mean on full pay as lieutenant-colonel of a regiment, which must come nevertheless by-and- by, but on particular service, which, though tem- porary, helps to keep a man under the eyes of the public and men in office: such, for instance, as the other day—within this week, in fact—when six officers were suddenly thought necessary to be sent to the Portuguese frontier to watch the movements of the Spanish troops; but it was requisite to make out their appointments all within forty-eight hours. I was wanted, but was out of reach. This communication overthrew all my quiet arrangements which I had been con- templating to make during the winter, and I joy- fully prepared to leave the following evening for England.” He accordingly started for England in company with the Reverend Wm. Jacobson,! who had been spending the long vacation at Bonn, and between whom and Colin Campbell an acquaintance, originally commenced in 1827 at that place, had ripened into affectionate intimacy, enduring through life. “ Journal, October 25th—Saw Lord Hill. Re ceived me very kindly. Thanked me for the reports was forced to report that I sent to him from Antwerp; told me that he was desirous of serving me; that he would keep me in view and recollection.” 1 Afterwards Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, and now Bishop of Chester. 58 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1ss4, “ October 29th—Saw Lord Fitzroy Somerset, who received me very kindly ; shook hands with me, and thanked me for my reports from Antwerp. Re- mained in town until November 20th. During my stay dined frequently with my old friend and chief, Sir Benjamin D’Urban. He spoke to Lord Hill respecting me, as also to Sir John Macdonald, the Adjutant-General. The latter, when I waited upon him, was very civil to me.” The remainder of this year was spent in visits to his relations the Coninghams and the family of Mr Clutterbuck, whose wife was a sister of Mrs R. Coningham, at Watford. The year 1834 found Colin Campbell still unem- ployed. After paying a visit to Portsmouth and the neighbourhood, where, in the house of Admiral Om- maney, he met his intimate friends William and John Barrow, he proceeded in April to join some other friends in Holland, visiting Leyden and Utrecht, a full description of both of which places he gives in his journal. At intervals he suffered from his old enemy fever and ague. The month of May he passed in London. At this time his spirits were depressed by the weariness of waiting for an opportunity of being brought on full pay, and he thus gives vent to his feelings : “ During this month I dined frequently with my kind friends the Gledstanes, Robinsons, Cavans, and others. However grateful to one’s feel- ings to have such kindness shown to me, it is not sufficient to satisfy me in my dependent position ; 1834, | CAMPBELL IN SOCIETY. 59 and although they are most kind to me at the Horse Guards, still, their opportunities of obliging and serving me in my position and with my rank occur so rarely, that it is almost a hopeless case to indulge in the belief that they can employ me without pay- ing the difference, which I have not to give. I was offered this month, in a most flattering manner, the 62d, upon paying the difference. It was most graciously made.’ All this time he was sending money to Islay for the support of his father; and as he had found it necessary to increase the annual amount, it must have made it a hard matter for him to meet his own expenses with the slender means of a lieutenant-colonel on half-pay. In June he went to Oxford, “to pay a visit to his friend Jacobson, and to be present at the installation of the Duke of Wellington as Chancellor.” In June che makes the following entry : “10¢h—Dined with Mrs or three Poles and some Frenchmen, all adventurers, undistinguished by talent or even personal appear- ance, and all evidently in search of women with money. One of the number, a Pole of the name of , a general of the age of fifty at least, paid marked attention to a young girl, daughter of ; about seventeen, having been induced to believe that she was possessed of considerable wealth. So over- charged with vanity was he, that he swallowed the bait; and as I did not dance, I was highly enter- tained by following the movements of this wily and ; a ball in the evening. There were two 60 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1834, penniless adventurer, who, to conclude the farce, left the room before the party broke up, because one of his countrymen came there in the suite of some London guests of Mrs , who, he said, was not a Count, as he had represented himself to be, but had only been a sous-officier in the Polish service, from which he had been discharged for misconduct. What a commentary upon this appetite of our coun- trywomen for patronising foreigners !” Towards the end of July his hopes of employment were raised, only to be dashed, by an unsolicited attempt on the part of a friend to obtain for him a vacancy expected in the 36th Regiment. ‘“ From the 26th July,” he records in his journal, “to the 1st August, the day upon which we became aware that the regiment would be offered to Spink, and that, in case of his refusal, there were many others, older lieutenant-colonels than myself, whom Lord Fitzroy deemed as having, from their standing, much more just pretension than myself, I was full of anxiety, as I had been indeed for the previous five or six weeks, for I had never been of opinion that they would have found a candidate to give the difference; and as I always believed that it would eventually be given without, I was always indulging and encouraging the hope that, through and the favour of Lord Fitzroy, I might possibly be the fortunate person. It was very foolish of an old fellow like me to be giving way to such hopes, aware as I was that there were two hundred candidates before me upon the list. 1834. | WAITING RETURN TO FULL PAY. 61 I was much touched by the friendly and anxious interest displayed by some of my friends. “ Friday, 22d.—Dined with —— ; a pleasant and agreeable evening. In passing to his house we met some officers of the Fusilier Guards. The dress reminded me of the sacrifice I had made in giving up my regiment for the unattached, and I gave utter- ance to these feelings. He recommended me to con- sider all that had occurred as for the best—that sooner or later something would turn up to com- pensate me for all my disappointments. I hope he may prove a true prophet.” A few days later, hear- ing that another opportunity of being provided for in the 76th Regiment had occurred without his name being brought forward, he thus gives vent to his disappointment: ‘I feel quite at a loss what to be about, or how to act. My means are wholly inadequate for London. I feel that it would be unwise and impolitic to absent myself from the occasional presence of the authorities, and I have not the means without assistance — considerable assistance—of proceeding to the Rhine. “ Saturday, 27th September.—Heard of the death of the governor of Sierra Leone. Applied to Lord Fitzroy Somerset by note to be considered a candi- date for the appointment. The note in reply was most kind and flattering, assigning reasons for de- clining to recommend me, which I could not but approve.” Lord Fitzroy Somerset’s answer was couched in 62 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [ 1334. the following terms: “I cannot reconcile myself to the idea of your going to Sierra Leone. The situa- tion of the governor is a very arduous one, and is very ill paid; and however long you may retain it, there is no chance of your gaining credit in the administration of the government, nor would you forward your professional views. I would therefore recommend you to abandon the notion of asking for such employment.” On the 3d October he “saw Lord Fitzroy Somerset at his levee. He was very civil, and said he would like to see me with a red coat on again.” Hope deferred had, in Colin Campbell’s case, made the heart sick, for on the 11th October the following entry occurs in his journal: “It is exactly twelve months since I was called back to England from Germany, with a view to my employment with others on a particular service in Spain. It after- wards became unnecessary to send us; and here have I been lingering on from week to week, and month to month, in the expectation and belief that some opening would offer which would enable them to employ me, always a prisoner to London or its immediate neighbourhood. It has been a sickening time to me; and what makes it more disagreeable is the little appearance, even after twelve months of misery, of such a termination as would be satisfac: tory.” His patience required to be exercised for some months longer. In the meantime, he paid a visit to Cambridge, and was present at two lectures 1835. | WAITING RETURN TO FULL PAY. 63 delivered by Whewell and Sedgwick. Returning thence to London, his time was spent amongst his friends, as he describes it, ‘‘ doing nothing and ex- pecting nothing. Cavan and Gledstanes very kind tome. I can never forget the conduct of good Mr Gledstanes.” In January 1835 he was tempted, out of good- nature to a friend who was seriously embarrassed, to put his name, in conjunction with another, to a bil for six months for £412. That doing so was contrary to his principles and repugnant to his feelings, is evidenced by the comments he makes upon it in his journal. “I did that for him which I had never done, and most assuredly never shall again, except it were for , who is never likely to require such a proof of my friendship.” As no further allusion is made to this matter, it may be assumed that he was relieved in due course of the liability to which he had lent himself. Hearing, in February, that his old regiment the 9th was about to proceed to India, which would necessitate the appointment of a second leutenant- colonel, Colin Campbell, in deference to the wishes and opinions of others, wrote to Sir John Cameron to beg him to recommend him for it. His old commanding officer complied with his request, in- forming him that “ he thought he [ Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell] stood a good chance of succeeding, though, under the present circumstances of the army, there must no doubt be claims of long standing.” 64 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1835. In March he was “still in London, living on very scanty hopes of employment.” On the 16th he pro- ceeded to Chatham, where the depots of his old corps, the 9th and 21st, were quartered. The former “paid him the compliment of asking him twice to dinner; and he was a frequent guest at the table of Sir Leonard Greenwell, the general officer in com- mand, where he met numerous old comrades and friends. On the 1st April he “left Chatham for town, having passed a most agreeable fortnight with his old friend Sutherland.” The remainder of the month of April he spent in town. “Journal, Saturday, 25th. — Rode s horse to Rosehill [the residence of Mr R. Coningham|, followed by in the coach. He announced, with the sanction of Lord Hill, the intention of appointing me to the 9th, and, at the same time, apprised me of the intention of offering to remove me to the 98th.! Monday, 27th A pril.— Wrote a note, expressing my grateful acknowledgments for the great favour for which I was destined. The note was sent to Lord F., who was out of town, and returned with the following remark on the outside, ‘I wish he were not going so far off’ “Journal, May 1835.—An eventful month. Sent for on the by Lord Fitzroy. Found him with 1 The service companies of this regiment, which was raised in 1823 at Chichester by Colonel (afterwards Lieutenant-General) Mildmay Fane, the old 98th having been reduced after the peace, were at this time stationed at the Cape of Good Hope. 1835. ] FUTURE PROSPECTS. 65 Sir John Macdonald. He asked me if I had thought of this exchange. I told his lordship that at my age (forty-two), with the prospect of retaining my activity for a few years longer, I was free to confess that the command of a regiment in England for the next four or five years, and the certainty of employ- ment in case of a European war, together with the chance of distinction to be gained therein, would be preferred by me to the mere acquisition of money in India ; but that I could not conceal from his lord- ship my apprehension respecting the probability of the reduction of the 98th, and my further dread that his lordship might not be in the way to pick me again off the highway, as he had so kindly done a few days ago. He declared that he knew nothing of any intended reduction, and Sir J. Macdonald observed that I could always fall back upon an Indian regiment; but Lord Fitzroy remarked that would not be the 9th, in which I had been brought up. I was desired to give it a couple of days’ con- sideration, and decide upon it. “In India for four or five years, say seven years absent from home, I had the prospect of laying by £5000; but then I must be confident of health, which I could not be—my old, miserable Demerara fever would certainly return, and permanently too, after a short stay in Bengal. The inconvenience” (arising from one of the wounds received at San Sebastian) “would be perpetual, and my life would be miserable. I therefore determined to accept the VOL. I. E 66 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1835, proposal of a removal to the 98th, which would give me five years of home service, a good deal of trouble in managing a home regiment, but the great likelihood of the preservation and enjoyment of the little health which has been left to me. In addition to all these reasons, there came to confirm, though not to in- fluence me, my own inclinations. I hope I shall have decided for the best. In every case, I hope it will prove eventually for my own happiness. Be- yond the desire to be independent of all pecuniary relief, I care not one straw for money, nor its accumu- lation. “Gazetted to the leutenant-coloneley of the gallant and good old 9th Regiment on the 8th May 1835, in which I had received my first commission on the 26th May 1808, and in which I served until promoted to a company in the 60th Regiment on the 9th November 1813. “Purchased several good books for my barrack- room, such as Napier, Jones, and had an excellent telescope given me.” Sir John Cameron was one of the first to offer him his congratulations. Writing from Devonport on the llth May, he says, “It has given me real pleasure to know from you that you have succeeded in your application for the lieutenant-coloneley of the 9th Regiment, an appointment which I was happy to see confirmed in the last ‘Gazette. I congratulate you most sincerely on the event, which I am very sure will be hailed with satisfaction by the corps in which 1835. | APPOINTED TO THE 98TH. 67 you so early distinguished yourself. Your old friend Seward will rejoice at your return, and I believe he is the only one now with it of whom you can have any recollection.” A few days later, when he heard of Colin Campbell’s transfer to the 98th, Sir John Cameron expressed his disappointment as follows : “Tam truly sorry that you should have to exchange from the 9th Regiment, having hailed your return to it as an event which would, I was very sure, give great satisfaction to that corps. I am sure they will one and all feel the disappointment as much as I do: better had it not been gazetted at all, than that you should have had to leave us again. At the same time, you could not have done otherwise, considering the friendly manner in which Lord Fitzroy has acted towards you. The depot of the 98th is in this gar- rison, in good order, and commanded by a very intelligent officer, Major le Marchant,’ son of the late general of that name killed at Salamanca.” As the service companies of the 98th Regiment had nearly completed their period of foreign ser- vice, it was not considered necessary to send Colin Campbell to the Cape of Good Hope. Leave of absence was granted him to remain at home pending the return of his battalion. Before leaving London for a trip to the Rhine, he records in his journal the settlement of an affair between Mr Sterling, the celebrated writer in the ‘Times,’ and Mr Roebuck, at that time representing Bath. “I could not,” he 1 The late General Sir J. Gaspard le Marchant, K.C.B., G.C.M.G. 68 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1836. says, “avoid or escape compliance with any request from Mr Sterling, but it was with aversion and dislike that I mixed myself up with disputes and quarrels in my position as commanding officer of a corps, and still more so with persons hotly engaged in political controversies, from which a soldier ought to keep as far aloof as he would from treason.” His appointment to the command of a regiment appears to have exercised a most soothing influence on his spirits, for he characterises the “ month passed on the Continent as one full of happiness and great enjoyment.” Early in 1836, Colonel Campbell was elected a member of the United Service Club. ‘My debts and embarrassments,” he records, “ indisposed me to entering it;” but an intimate friend insisted on his taking up his election, and by advancing the entrance- subscription, enabled him to do so. In accordance with the scrupulous feelings in regard to money matters which were characteristic of him throughout life, he immediately repaid half the amount. In the early days of his connection with the United Service Club, a circumstance occurred in which, rising su- perior to the narrow feelings of prejudice, he exer- cised his privilege as a member in a matter affecting the interests of certain officers of the East India Company’s military service. It having come to his knowledge that an attempt would be made at an approaching ballot to black-ball some candidate or candidates, for no other reason than because they 1336. ] ACQUAINTANCE WITH HENRY EYRE. 69 belonged to the Company’s army, Colin Campbell, whose sense of justice revolted at such a proceed ing, hastened to London, at some cost and incon- venience to himself, to support the election. It is believed that his efforts proved successful. It was at this period that he first became ac- quainted with Captain Henry Eyre,! then command- ing the depot of the 98th Regiment, and commenced a friendship which, though interrupted, as will be seen hereafter, by long intervals of absence, ripened into an intimacy of the most affectionate and endur- ing character. As soon as he knew that he was to have the 98th Regiment, Colin Campbell wrote to Eyre; and when the latter visited London, the Colonel sought him out, never missing a day whilst he was there without questioning Eyre regarding the minutest details, and evincing extraordinary interest in every matter connected with the depot and regi- ment. Already, though he had never seen an indi- vidual belonging to the corps except Captain Hyre, his attention seemed to be engrossed in it, and his inquiries were endless. No day passed, whilst Eyre was within his reach, without Colin Campbell going to the former “to be drilled,’ as he called it; and thus they became the greatest friends. When Hyre returned to the depot, Colin Campbell wrote to him almost daily. Nothing connected with the regiment seemed unworthy of his attention. Even at this early period of their acquaintance, Eyre felt that in its new 1 Now General and Colonel of the 58th Regiment. 70 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1837, commanding officer the 98th had obtained a soldier of no ordinary ability ; and he then formed the opinion that Colin Campbell was endowed with a military capacity which would not fail to develop itself more fully, should he be placed in higher command, where the exercise of tactical and even strategical skill would be required. Eyre often expressed to his brother officers this view of Colin Campbell’s powers, in which opinion he was warmly supported by Sir Charles Napier, long before any opportunity had occurred of showing what Campbell’s qualities as a leader were. At this time it was undecided by the authorities whether or not Colonel Campbell should proceed to the Cape to join the service companies of his regiment. Several times he was under orders to do so, but on each occasion was countermanded, the result being that he remained at home on leave till the 98th returned to England in two divisions, when he joined the depot at Portsmouth during the summer of 1837. He then finally assumed command. Having attained, in the command of a regiment, the object of his professional ambition, Campbell at once put in practice the principles on which he had been trained in the 9th Regiment. These were a part of the legacy of Sir John Moore to the British army. In the camp at Shorncliffe Sir John had introduced a system of instruction and interior economy, such as had produced in the regiments serving under his com- mand an excellence, which had borne the test of trial 1837. ] SIR JOHN MOORE'S SYSTEM. T1 in the varied phases of the great Peninsular struggle, and had left a permanent mark on the service at large. The existing regulations of the army are founded on the principle of Sir John Moore’s sys- tem; and it is not too much to assert that any body of British troops, instructed and commanded in like manner, will assuredly produce the same rich re- turn for the care bestowed upon them, as did the noble regiments which had the good fortune to be trained under the hero of Coruta at Shorncliffe. Their traditions and esprit de corps survive to this hour, a fitting tribute to the memory of that ac- complished soldier. There was no secret in his me- thod. The officers were instructed, and shared their duties, with the soldiers; and, by the development of the company system, under which the captains and subalterns were brought into intimate relations with the non-commissioned officers and privates, a knowledge of each other was obtained, and a feeling of confidence engendered between the several ranks, which, far from producing familiarity, had the effect of creating an interest on the part of the officer in the soldier, and of calling forth a responsive and willing obedience from the latter, who soon learned to look upon his officer as the protector of his inter- ests and his best friend. Crime was neither con- cealed nor magnified; every indulgence was ex- tended to the steady and well-conducted soldier— the youngster who might have heedlessly given way to temptation being gently chided, and earnestly 72 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1837. warned of the consequences of a persistence in ir- regular habits, whilst the habitual offender was duly visited with the just penalty of his misdeeds. Colin Campbell had good material to work upon. The four-company depot, according to the testi- mony of Sir John Cameron, no mean judge, was in excellent order; and the service companies, which had returned home in charge of Major Gregory,! a good, conscientious officer, had not been tried by the climate at the Cape of Good Hope. Liquor, however, was cheap there—the result being the presence in the ranks of some hard drinkers, whose example was naturally prejudicial to the young sol- diers. On representing this evil to the authorities, Colin Campbell was granted special facilities for their discharge. Stern in rebuke—for with the temperament natural to his Highland blood he was prone to anger when occasion stirred it—he was, on the other hand, gentle, nay indulgent, towards all such as manifested anxiety in the performance of their duties. Nor did he make any difference between ranks. Setting himself an example of punctuality and strictness with regard to his own duties, he exacted from his officers a like discharge of theirs in all that concerned the in- struction, wellbeing, and conduct of the subordinate ranks. Though no doubt there were occasions on which, from an excess of zeal, he was apt somewhat 1 Succeeded Colin Campbell in command of the 98th Regiment, and died on his way home from India in 1848, 1837.] AS A REGIMENTAL COMMANDANT. 73 to overstrain the machinery, of which he was the moving principle, yet he succeeded in establishing and maintaining such feeling and esprit de corps in all ranks, as made both officers and soldiers happy and proud of serving under his command. His endeavour was to make the 98th a sound, well- instructed, and serviceable regiment, such as any corps will be, commanded by an officer of energy and judgment in strict conformity with the regula- tions. How far he was successful in this object, the reader will judge for himself. Frugal in his habits by nature and the force of circumstances, he laid great stress on the observance of economy in the officers’ mess, believing that a well-ordered establishment of this kind is the best index of a good regiment. For this reason he de- termined not to sanction the use of any wine but port and sherry; the introduction of other wines he viewed as extravagance, and he set himself against any expenditure which he considered incommensurate with the means of his officers. Regarding the mess as one of the principal levers of discipline, Colin Campbell made a rule of attending it, even when the frequent return of his fever and ague rendered late dinners a physical discomfort to him. Cramped in his means, he denied himself many little comforts in order that he might have the wherewithal to return hospitality, and be able to set an example to his brother officers in the punctual discharge of his mess liabilities. His intercourse with his officers off 74 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1837. duty was unrestrained and of the most friendly character. He sympathised with them in their occupations and sports, and though the instruction and discipline of the regiment were carried on with great strictness, the best feeling pervaded all ranks, so that everything was done in good-humour. CHAPTER IIL. CONDUCT OF REGIMENT ON THE MARCH — INTRODUCTION TO SIR CHARLES NAPIER—-NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE—CORRESPONDENCE RE- GARDING CHARTIST MOVEMENT — SUCCESS IN MAINTENANCE OF ORDER— CONDUCT APPROVED BY THE AUTHORITIES—CORRESPON- DENCE WITH SIR CHARLES NAPIER—VISIT OF COLONEL BOOTH, 43D REGIMENT—INSPECTION OF REGIMENT—PRESENTATION OF COLOURS—SIR CU. NAPIER’S ADDRESS—98TH MOVES TO IRELAND —UNDER ORDERS FOR THE MAURITIUS —EMBARKS FOR CHINA —CROWDED STATE OF VESSEL—OPERATIONS UP THE YANG-TSI- KIANG — TREATY OF NANKING— SICKNESS AND MORTALITY IN REGIMENT—98TH STATIONED AT HONG-KONG—LETTER REGARD- ING LOOT, From Portsmouth the 98th proceeded in the ordinary tour of duty to Weedon, and from thence to Manches- ter, whence it moved to Hull. In the long marches which were made before the introduction of railways, the discipline of a regiment was severely tested. An officer who took part in them thus records his recol- lections : ‘‘One thing I may say, that the 98th Regiment was in such a high state of discipline in these marches through the length and breadth of the land, that none of those occurrences which have since been the subject of complaint took place. Day after day I have seen the regiment turn out without a 76 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1839. man missing ; and the drunkenness was very trifling, considering how popular the army then was, and how liberally the men were treated to liquor. The fact was, Colin Campbell appealed to the reason and feel- ings of the men, and made it a point of honour with them to be present and sober in their billets at tattoo, and at morning parade for the march. He could invite, as well as compel, obedience.” ! In July 1839 the 98th Regiment was ordered from Hull to Newcastle-on-Tyne. For some time previ- ous, the state of the manufacturing populations in the north of England had been a cause of anxiety to the Government; and what was termed the Chartist movement was, to all appearances, paving the way for insurrection, when the command of the northern district was conferred on Sir Charles Napier, who at the beginning of April of that year succeeded Sir Richard Jackson at Nottingham. Sir Charles Napier and Colin Campbell were at this time personally unac- quainted. Official correspondence had passed between them for some little time before they met, and had enabled them, to some extent, to form an estimate of each other’s qualities. Their first meeting, however, as related by Colin Campbell to the writer of these pages, was so characteristic of Sir Charles Napier, and so complimentary to the former, as to demand notice. It, moreover, formed an important epoch in Campbell’s career. From that moment he con- ceived an esteem and respect for the noble soldier, 1 Notes by General Sir E, Haythorne, K.C.B. 1839.] FIRST MEETING WITH SIR C. NAPIER. TT under whose command he had been so fortunate as to find himself placed, which speedily developed into a feeling of affectionate regard, wellnigh amounting to veneration ; for Colin Campbell, the most sensi- tive of men in all matters affecting his professional reputation, was deeply moved and honoured by the confidence which Sir Charles Napier, ever disposed to encourage zeal and military talent in a subordi- nate, forthwith extended to him. The 98th, as has been said, had been ordered from Hull to Newcastle-on-Tyne, and was march- ing in three divisions. The headquarters had reached York on a Saturday, and were halted for the Sunday, as is the custom of the service, in that town, where accommodation had been provided in billets. Sir Charles Napier, who happened to be returning from a tour of inspection in the northern part of his district, arrived by the coach at noon, and descended, in his ordinary travelling-dress, at the inn, where dinner was provided for the pas- sengers, and in which Colin Campbell was billeted. Seeing a bugler of the 98th at the door, he inquired if the commanding officer was inside, and on being told he was, at once introduced himself. Looking at his watch, and remarking that the coach stopped so many minutes, the appointed time, for dinner, he asked if it would be possible to collect the men under arms before the coach resumed its journey. Without any hesitation Colin Campbell replied in the affirma- tive, remarking that the billets were pretty handy, 78 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1839, and that it was just the hour when the officers would be visiting the men at their dinners. The “assembly” was sounded; and as the men were being collected and formed up in front of the inn, Sir Charles Napier invited him to partake of the meal, cross-question- ing Colin Campbell the while on various points con- nected with the interior economy of the regiment. He then inspected the troops; and on finishing the last company, just as the horses were put to, he mounted the box, remarking, “ That’s what I call inspecting a regiment.” It was what some command- ing officers might term sharp practice, but it was a satisfactory test of the discipline and order, which Colin Campbell had perfected in the 98th Regiment. No sooner had he arrived at Newcastle than he was brought into contact with the magistrates, owners of collieries, and many of the county gentle- men, who, in their apprehension of a rising of the Chartists, fell back upon him for assistance in the maintenance of order. In his dealings with these gentlemen he evinced much sober judgment, satisfy- ing himself by personal observation of the real state of affairs, reasoning with such as were anxious to proceed to extremities, in the hope of putting an end to the prevailing anxiety, and reassuring the faint-hearted, in such a manner as speedily gained the confidence of all. He attended many of the Chartist meetings, and soon discovered that the movement included a large proportion of supporters who advocated moral rather than physical arguments for the attainment of 1339. | THE CHARTIST MOVEMENT. 79 their objects—the result being that the local author- ities were quick to recognise in the officer command- ing the 98th Regiment a man who, notwithstanding that he held decided opinions of his own, could be depended upon in an emergency; and if, prior to his coming among them, they had entertained doubts and apprehension, such feelings were allayed, if not dis- pelled, after a short experience of Colonel Campbell and his mode of action. Above all, he was aided by unqualified support from Sir Charles Napier. Having received an application from the magis- trates of Durham for military assistance, Campbell sent a detachment thither, and in reporting the circum- stance to Sir Charles Napier, thus unfolded his views of the situation. Writing on the 13th July, he says: ‘“‘ While expressing great apprehension and alarm of a general outbreak taking place among the pitmen and other workmen, the different gentlemen with whom I have communicated since my arrival here have admitted that a very large proportion of their people, considerably more than one-half, would pre- fer to remain quietly at their work, and aloof (if they could manage to do so with safety to themselves) from the meetings and other proceedings, in which they at present take part, and which they are induced to join from intimidation alone. I scarcely think a combination of this character can be made to break out generally and simultaneously, as the magistrates and other gentlemen of the town and neighbourhood seem to apprehend. I have been told, also, that the 80 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1839. delegates from the convention, as it is termed, have been trying all sorts of means to persuade the pitmen to destroy the machinery in the collieries. I do not find that an instance has occurred of this advice having been followed: they have sense enough to know that it would only be the occasion of depriv- ing themselves and their families of the means of subsistence. From the quiet and orderly behaviour of the people whilst attending the demonstration meetings, which have taken place in town every night during the last week, and from what has been told -me of the conduct of the people in the county dis- tricts, [ am induced to believe that they have no idea themselves that they can obtain anything by force, and that they have no serious intention of try- ing it; but seeing, as they do, the state of alarm into which their masters and the authorities are thrown by their demonstrations, they continue them, I suspect, in hopes of extorting from their fears that which they have sense enough to know they cannot obtain by violence. The alarmed bearing of the magistrates, and others with whom I have communi- cated, has helped to confirm me in this opinion ; for it invariably occurs, when I ask of these people for positive proof of anything, that I am answered by rumours, not by facts. The people are now aware that their petition, which was presented by Mr Atwood, has been rejected ; and if nothing takes place in the course of the coming week in consequence of this dis- appointment, I am in great hopes that the excitement, 1839. | LETTER FROM SIR C. NAPIER. 81 which has been kept up so long, and has been so active hitherto, will then gradually subside.” Sir Charles Napier unreservedly approved of the detachment being sent to Durham, and in his reply on the 17th July, tells Colin Campbell, “ All you have done is right; but if the detachment remains at Durham, the magistrates must furnish a barrack with everything requisite for the men, and this barrack must be so situated that the communication with the country can be maintained,—that is to say, it must be in the suburb: (fown)°?”""", just in that manner. It must also be perfectly comfortable for the soldiers, and the officers’ quarters attached to it. Under these conditions I can allow the detachment to remain for the present; but unless these condi- tions be complied with, you must inform the magis- trates that I must positively order the detachment back to Newcastle. I will not leave troops in billets. Read this to them. I will let you have your men from the Isle of Man” (a company of the 98th was detached there) “‘ when I can, but just now we are in a ferment at Manchester and its neighbourhood. The magistrates think I have two millions of soldiers ! Does it never come into their heads that they have constables, and may have special constables ? However, I hope that your detachment has ere this returned to you from Durham.” The steadiness and good-humour of the soldiers, when so bitterly harassed by the incessant duties demanded of them, in consequence of the Chartist VOL. I. F 82 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1839. movement, were beyond praise. This was due to the discipline established by Colin Campbell. Though he was satisfied from his own observations that the agitation amongst the pitmen and others would not culminate in a breach of the peace, he made every preparation for meeting such a contingency. The, regiment was instructed in street-firing ; and all such manceuvres as might require to be executed in the event of the troops being called upon to act, were diligently practised. The soldiers were impressed with the conviction that their commanding officer was not a man to be trifled with in the contemplated emergency ; and, so far from allowing themselves to be tampered with, they let it be understood in their intercourse with the inhabitants that they were thoroughly loyal, and ready to obey any command they might receive from their officers. On one occasion the 98th cleared Sandgate, a well-known street in Newcastle, by coming to the charge, with- out actually using the bayonet. On another, the Chartists seized a small drummer-boy of the regi- ment, and putting him at the head of one of their processions, constrained him to beat a drum. At once the cry arose that the soldiers had joined the mob, and, at a late hour, up came a magistrate in hot haste to the barracks with his story. Colin. Campbell immediately replied, “I will show you what the soldiers think, even though it be in the middle of the night.” Directing the bugler to sound two of the company calls, followed by the 1839. ] SERVICES ACKNOWLEDGED. 83 “assembly,” he took his friend to the barrack-room door. In five minutes the soldiers streamed out, fully armed and accoutred, and giving vent to loud imprecations, to which Colin Campbell directed the magistrate’s attention, especially to the observation of one soldier—a north-countryman too—who signi- fied in homely language “ his willingness to stick his own grandmother if she were out.” ! Colin Campbell’s prognostications proved true : no rising took place, and after many weeks of doubt and anxiety, the excitement calmed down, men’s minds were reassured, and the district resumed its ordinary state of tranquillity. His conduct during this trying time did not fail to elicit the approbation of the authorities. On the 6th July, Mr Phillipps, the Under-Secretary of the Home Office, addressed him as follows: “Lord John Russell has directed me to express to you the satisfaction he has re- ceived from the report of the magistrates at New- castle-upon-Tyne of the prompt and valuable services, which you have constantly rendered them since the commencement of their intercourse with you. Lord John Russell has not failed to make known to Lord Hill the testimony borne by the magistrates to your valuable services, and Lord John Russell requests you will accept his best thanks for your exertions, and for the zeal manifested by you in supporting the civil au- thorities, and in the preservation of the public peace.” Two days later he received the following letter 1 Notes by General Sir E, Haythorne, K.C.B. 84 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1839, from Sir Charles Napier: “I have great pleasure in communicating to you the approbation of the Com- mander-in-chief and the Home Secretary, and I will not deprive you of their words, but will send you the originals. This I do through the Adjutant-General, as I do not imagine you would enjoy them the more for paying 10s. or 12s. postage! I thank myself very much for putting you where you are, and it shall not be my fault if any senior officer supersedes you.” The enclosure, from Lord Fitzroy Somerset, conveyed Lord Hill’s satisfaction in knowing “ that his conduct had met with the unqualified approbation of her Majesty’s Government.” This was followed on the 24th August by a resolution of the county magistrates, tendering their acknowledgment of the cordial and efficient manner, in which he and the troops under his command had co-operated with the civil power in the preservation of the public peace. Ever vigilant in his protection of the soldier’s interests, and prompt in securing for him the full measure of his rights, Colin Campbell was equally careful of the health of his men. With this object in view he saved them, as far as he could, from all unnecessary duty in the way of guards, diminishing any sentries that he did not consider absolutely necessary for the protection of public property or the general requirements of the service. His endea- vour to carry out this principle in the Isle of Man, where a party of the 98th was about to relieve a detachment of the same corps stationed there, gave 1839. | SENTRIES IN THE ISLE OF MAN. 85 rise to a correspondence which produced the following characteristic letter from the humorous pen of Sir Charles Napier :— “ NorrincHam, 7th September 1839. “TI think you had better send a company of the same strength to the Isle of Man, as that which it relieves, unless Captain Wallace (98th) can show good cause why we should send more than fifty-six. I am out of all patience with the Governor for having a sentry at his door, and will give him a strong hint that either the sentry or the servant must be given up. Glory or convenience must go to the wall! Lam not aware that a Governor of the Isle of Man has any right to a servant. However, right or no right, we must give the detachment less duty ; for it never did, and never will do, to give men hard duty without occasion. I see no need of a sentry over the Governor, nor of one over the jail. We have a jail here: I allow no guard or sentry to it. Let the civil power make their jail strong; and as to the castle, why should it have a sentry? Some one lives in it, and let the inhabitant take care of his house. I see no need of any sentries but the one at the barracks, and I beg you will ask Captain Wallace to tell me what can be urged in favour of the Governor’s ‘ sentrification.’ Wallace, if I may judge of his letter, with a beautiful sketch he sent me—and for which I beg you will thank him—is a sensible man and a good soldier, and if he says any 86 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1839, one of the three sentries is necessary, I will admit of it; but he must give me his reasons. . . . How- ever, as is Governor, he must be dealt cautiously with, or he might prove too strong for me, and keep his sentries; so I will write to the Horse Guards to know his powers in this particular. Ask Wallace if there be any need of soldiers at all in that great kingdom? I feel half inclined to take the detachment away altogether! I should think an old cannon of Queen Elizabeth’s time and an invalid bombardier would be quite enough to reculate the price of potatoes and all other garrison duties, Seriously, though, let Wallace give me his opinion in writing, through you, whether a detachment is needed or not, and what civil force there is—I mean constables. There seems to be a rage now for having soldiers everywhere, to the great disparagement of our discipline. I shall look for your answer and Wallace’s opinion with impatience. “ P.S.—If has a daughter, and Wallace has any tendresse for the Princess of Man, and thinks of standing sentry himself, of course you must not tell him how lightly I talk of that great kingdom !!!” On the 20th September the Mayor of Newcastle, Sir John Fife, in forwarding some resolutions of a complimentary character, in acknowledgment of the services rendered by Colonel Campbell and the officers and soldiers under his command, addressed him as follows: ‘The time having now arrived when the 1839.] THANKED BY THE TOWN OF NEWCASTLE. 87 civil power seems, by itself, enabled to enforce the law, and to afford protection to life and property, my brother magistrates and I feel desirous of express- ing to you our gratitude for your services during the recent period of disorder and tumult, when by your promptitude, and the admirable conduct of the officers and men under your command, we were so effectually supported in our efforts to vindicate the authority of the law. It is not only to you as the commanding ofticer of the garrison that we now offer our thanks, but we must ever gratefully re- member the alacrity with which you attended our meetings for the purpose of organising the con- stabulary force, the important assistance you af- forded, and the unwearied vigilance with which you watched night after night, for many weeks, those arrangements which we jointly made to secure the peace of the town.” The opinion Sir Charles Napier had formed of the 98th Regiment may be inferred from the subjoined extract of a letter, written in reply to a desire expressed by Colin Campbell of proceeding with Major Eyre on leave of absence into Norfolk, and in which Sir Charles Napier refers to their first meeting at York :— “ NorrincHam, 4th October 1839. “The colliers at Poynton in Cheshire are obstrep- erous, and may possibly delay my inspections longer than I wish, which is to begin them directly—z.e., 88 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1839. about the 10th, which would bring me to you about the 20th, I suppose. Now, perhaps your best way would be to be off with Major Eyre at once. Send me your formal application for leave to whatever time you want it, and I will write to you in Nor- folk a few days before I reach Newcastle, so that you can meet me there for the inspection, and go back to your sport the day after, for ’tis a pity to lose this fine month. You know that it is not the three manceuvres and a half, all smartly got up for inspection, that shows the state of a regiment: my inspection of the 98th was made when I asked you to a téte-d-téte dinner at York! When I know the commanding officer I know the regiment, and the contrary. Gregory’s detachment at Sunderland told me what he is. So now, if you like, you and Hyre may be off; or if you like it better to wait, you may reckon upon me about the 25th at furthest, barring accidents.” He did not take advantage of the offer to pro- ceed at once, for on the 14th November Sir Charles Napier wrote to him again on the same subject: “You may go when you please, but with the un- derstanding that in case of alarm you must get back to Newcastle in double-quick. The sooner you go the better, for I doubt our being much longer quiet. I am not afraid of the temporary command being with either Gregory or Eyre, because they are soldiers. If I did not think so, I could not let you 1839. | LETTER FROM SIR C. NAPIER. 89 stir. You have the reins in hand, and that is every- thing—the work of prevention being, in my opinion, our chief affair. It is fear for them, not of them, that gives anxiety. I hope they will profit by the lesson at Newport. God knows! meetings are going on, and trade everywhere declining, so that hundreds are out of work, and the winter rapidly coming on. Round Birmingham the arming continues, Thorn tells me, with illegal secret meetings bound by oaths. These things don’t look well. . . . I advise you not to wait for , but be off and take your sport while we are quiet. Just as I was writing the word * quiet,’ in came post and brought me the enclosed from the King of Man. You see he is a diplomatist. I asked him plump to take off the sentry at his own gate and that on the prison, but you perceive he don’t say a word about this armed Mordecai sitting at the king’s gate. There are funny fellows in this world. Let me have the letter back, and tell me what sentries are taken off and what left on. He refers to you, because I said that you were anxious as well as myself on this point. Present my compliments to your officers. I said all I could about Gavin in my confidential report, and copied your own words about Gregory and Eyre. It is no use for a man to have good soldiers under his orders if he does not push to make them known. I wish I had the power to serve them better. Unfortunately, one must take the displeasure of punishing without the means of rewarding.” 90 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1839. The resolutions of the local authorities, in acknow- ledgment of Colin Campbell’s services during the Chartist agitation, were no idle compliment, accom- panied, as they were, by numerous offers of hospi- tality and proffers of friendship towards him. Not- withstanding his being unmarried, and that he had passed the greater portion of his career in the hut and the barrack, so that social intercourse in its domestic sense was in a great measure unknown to him, he eagerly availed himself of these intro- ductions to the county families, thoroughly enjoy- ing the visits to their houses, and the relief which these afforded him from the monotony of barrack- life. His lively and agreeable conversation, as well as his conspicuously delicate and refined manners, especially towards women, made him a remark- able favourite with ladies both young and old. Children were his especial delight, and amongst the families with whom he was most intimate he numbered many sweethearts of tender age. At no period of his career was he happier; and during the subsequent portion of his life, he was wont to express himself to that effect. Indeed everything tended to make him so. He was proud of his regiment, con- sidered his officers second to none, was honoured by the confidence and good opinion of his general, and could not but be flattered by the manner in which his society was courted by the gentry of the county and town, amongst whom he found several old com- rades and friends, with whom he enjoyed much 1840, | SOCIAL INTERCOURSE. 91 pleasurable intercourse, and with whom he fought many of the battles of his early days over again. Nor was his brief sojourn in the north without some romance in it, the recollection of which was a fre- quent source of pleasure to him in after-years. The popularity he had acquired for himself was extended to his officers, who experienced similar hospitality ; and that the 98th left an agreeable and enduring impression behind it, is proved by the hearty wel- come again proffered to all ranks by the town and county when, after a lapse of twenty-eight years, it found itself quartered again at Newcastle, under the command of an officer! who had originally joined the regiment under Colin Campbell at that place. Being very anxious to have the detachment of the 98th brought back from the Isle of Man, Colin Campbell suggested to his friend Lieutenant-Colonel Freeth, Assistant Quartermaster-General at the Horse Guards, the desirability of its being accommodated in Tynemouth Castle. The reference of this request to Sir Charles Napier produced from him the follow- ing letter, which was found amongst Colin Camp- bell’s papers :— “Ist March 1840. “Pray tell Campbell he has no conscience. I am daily fighting battles with the cavalry for keeping two headquarters at Leeds to preserve the command 1 Major-General Peyton. 92 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1840. for him at Newcastle [Colin Campbell was junior to the officers commanding these cavalry regiments], and now he growls about his company at the Isle of Man! Ask him to tell me where I am to put the 33d depot? Disposable! Yes, it would be so, as far as I know. But the thing I want to know is, where is it to be disposed? Two depots are already jammed up at Hull; and though patience and spittle, they say, will do wonderful feats, they can- not shove a third depot into Hull! These colonels of regiments think I can raise barracks at pleasure, that I have the wonderful lamp of Aladdin! There and ready to eat me because they are must go into Leeds together; but they must, never- theless, for I want to keep Campbell at Newcastle. So tell him to be quiet and not growl, and trust to me for doing all I can for my friends of the 98th. His officers are right good, but so would they be in any regiment that he commanded. Send him this letter, for I have no time to abuse him myself, and he cannot expect a civil letter.” Colin Campbell’s explanation is not forthcoming ; but if his sensitive temperament was affected by the remarks in the foregoing letter, Sir Charles Napier’s reply must have soothed him. Writing to him on the 7th March from Manchester, Sir Charles Napier says: “I was not serious in my abuse of you to Freeth, but I really am hard up to stow away the large force we have. I have, since my arrival in the 1840. ] DISPOSITION OF TROOPS. 93 district, contrived to stow away above 1000 men without cost to the Government. I found many infantry in billets, and now there are none; and I have the 10th, 79th, and 8th Hussars, more than I found here. To do this requires some management, and is very troublesome; but I will do my best to give you your company from the Isle of Man, if I can. . . . However, I fear I shall not be able to keep you long together and in command, as I wish ; for it is no flattery to say that both Ross! and I feel safe while you are at Newcastle, and it may any day become a very dangerous part of the district in a trice! The 96th melt away by degrees to New South Wales, and they threaten to take the 20th. However, I assure you I am most anxious to keep your beautiful regiment together as long as I can fairly do so... . Every dragoon lieutenant-col- onel is your senior, which is provoking. You say you are not a grumbler though you have the appear- ance of one. I have sixteen regiments under my command, and wish every one was commanded by such a grumbler!” This drew from Colin Campbell the following reply :-—. “ March 9, 1840. ““T have just received your note of the 7th. | assure you no one can feel more sensibly the kind 1 Colonel Sir Hew D. Ross, R.A., stationed at Carlisle, to whom, as senior officer, Colonel Campbell reported direct in cases of emergency. He ultimately became a Field-Marshal and G.C.B., and died in 1868. 94 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s40. consideration you have always shown to my regi- ment, as well as to myself personally, or be more grateful for it; but I beg of you not to allow for one instant my standing to interfere with the con- venience of the service or your own arrangements. There is no disposition of yours that will not be most agreeable to me, and any one you send here will find me attending to his wishes with as much heartiness, zeal, and cordiality as if you yourself were on the spot, and in the immediate command of Newcastle. Pray therefore, my dear general, do not think of me for one moment, but make whatever arrangement may be most convenient to the service and to your- self. My great and principal object is to have the regiment as much united as possible for some time to come. Between Newcastle and Sunderland we are, as it were, together. The two places are so near to each other that I can move officers and men with- out trouble to any authority, expense to the country, inconvenience to the service, or even to the individ- uals themselves. Sunderland is an excellent place for the recruits, and is so come-at-able by means of the railroad, that the commanding officer might visit them daily if it were necessary. The being left here would be a matter of the greatest moment and advantage to the regiment, until the large body of recruits now under instruction has become fit for the ranks; and we shall be all glad to remain here, as long as you can allow of it with fairness to others and to the service. As to the forty or fifty 1840.] CORRESPONDENCE WITH SIR C. NAPIER. 95 men at the Isle of Man, I must be content to forget them for the present ; for unless they were sent to Tynemouth, I should find a difficulty in making room for them, as we are now complete. I am quite satis- fied to have nine out of ten companies so conveniently posted and so near together.” Sir Charles Napier having occasion to commu- nicate with Colin Campbell a fortnight later, on a matter concerning the accommodation for troops at Newcastle and Sunderland, refers, in a postscript, to the letter just quoted. ‘I had,” he says, “no time to answer your letter; but while I know that the soldier-like spirit which makes you so ready to serve under a senior officer is strong within you, I will not put one, if I can help it, over you. I may be obliged to do so, but it will be against the grain.” Colin Campbell having expressed a hope that Sir Charles Napier would obtain the honorary coloneley of a regiment then vacant, received the following reply : “ CHESTER, 12th June 1840. “JT cannot let a post go without thanking you for your most kind letter of yesterday. [I am much too poor to be indifferent about a regiment, especially as I fear I have lost all I had in the world in the Yankee funds ; and I am almost as much vexed that they should get it as at having lost it myself! However, I will never make the least stir or attempt 96 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1840, to get a regiment from Lord Hill, whose kindness to me has been great; and I feel perfectly well assured that, when I have a claim beyond others, he will give me one, and I ought not to have one before. I see many a man before me now in my estimation of claims, and so let matters stand till his lordship’s good pleasure sees fitting ; and when that time comes, I shall sing, ‘Oh be joyful!’ for the devil take the sixpence I can save in this command, and do not know how my predecessors managed, if they did. I wrote a note to you yesterday, to know Sir F. Mon- tresor’s address, and sent you your own note to show you that you had not told it to me, lest you should suspect me of humbugging. The fact is, when a man is in a hurry he forgets these trifles—at least I do. One cannot count farthings when spending £1000. “This attempt to assassinate the Queen is very disgusting. I do not like capital punishment, but | should hang such chaps. God help us if anything happened to the Queen. ... She seems to have shown right good pluck, and so has Prince Albert. I doubt whether your friend would have been so cool.” On the 20th August, Sir Charles Napier tells Colin Campbell, in reference to the state of affairs in the Mediterranean : “I wish they would send me with the 79th, the Rifles, your chaps, and the 10th, to try Mehemet Ali’s metal. I was eleven years in the 1840.] CORRESPONDENCE WITH SIR C. NAPIER. 97 Levant, know the language and climate, and can bear heat like a salamander; but I fear I have no chance of such luck, and must be content to remain dry-nurse to ‘special constables’ and grouse-shoot- ing magistrates as the only glory I can attain. A melancholy futurity !” On the 28th November, Colin Campbell received the following from Sir Charles Napier : “ Many thanks for your note of the 26th. As you are to go to Ireland in the spring, I will not chop you up now. The 68th depot must jog on, or rather jog off (for they desert terribly), till you go. I am very sorry to lose you, my dear Colonel, but at all events I will do my best to keep you together while you are with me, so that Blakeney may see what you are. I had no intention of moving your Newcastle com- panies ; and now, from what Sir Willoughby Gordon tells me, I am resolved not to move your Sunder- land companies. The Syrian business is well done, and glorious. I pity the poor Egyptian fellows, slaughtered and blown up in Acre, because they are wretched fellows, driven into the ranks ; but still the vagabonds ought to have made a better resistance, I think Ali is in as bad a way as his predecessor Pharaoh, when he got such a bellyful of sea-water ! After all, it is astonishing—a fortress like Acre taken in three hours by ships alone. Well, our sailors are noble fellows! John Turc, too, seems to have shown good pluck ; indeed he never wanted that, to do him justice. I hope, but do not expect, that we shall be VOL. I. G 98 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1841. as prosperous in India.|_ -—— may do well with you. It was not all east wind that made me give them the benefit of three inspections! But this is between you and me. Matters now go on better. -——’s father is quite right to put him with you. [If I had a son, he should be with you in a week out of any regiment in the army.” A newspaper called the ‘Northern Liberator, which was a Chartist organ at Newcastle, having ceased to appear, the authorities in London inferred therefrom that the Chartist feeling was declining. Sir Charles Napier being of a different opinion, applied to Colin Campbell for information regarding it. “ CHESTER, 4th January 1841. “Many thanks for your New Year’s good wishes towards me and mine, all of which I return to you and yours, including your 98th children. Be so good as to make inquiries for me into the real cause of the ‘Northern Liberator’ coming to an end. I do not quite understand the why of this matter. Lord Normanby thinks it arises from a decrease of Chartism: I am of opinion, and so is Wemyss,” that Chartism is increasing (not physical- force men) in number. I am strongly disposed to think that it is poverty among the poor classes— who formerly, when excited, were the purchasers—not principle, that produced the paper in question. How- 1 Tn allusion to the expedition to Afghanistan. 2 The senior officer at Manchester. 1841. ] THE CHARTIST PRESS. 99 ever, you are in the place where this can be most easily traced, and it is very important to know. As to magistrates, I don’t give sixpence for their opinion ; nine out of ten are not worth a straw. Ask your old soldier—I forget his name (Austin or some such) —and at the office itself, why this paper died. They will lie, but their lie will have a hole in it to look through. Perhaps you have some sergeant with double-jointed wits in his skull who could pick up what is said. In short, find out if you can.” On the 14th, Colin Campbell replied :— “This cursed old enemy of mine, the ague, has been regularly getting the better of me. I have been scarcely out of my bed for the last four days. It was an advantageous offer for the purchase of the printing establishment and property of the ‘Northern Liberator’ by a joint-stock company, to publish a general advertising paper for the north of England upon some new system, which led the pro- prietors of it to dispose of the property, and to get rid of a concern which had not yielded them that return for the money invested, which they had originally anticipated. “ Although the paper enjoyed, for a considerable period during the Chartist disturbances, and until the termination of the trials of the Chartist leaders, a very extensive circulation, and which included amongst its subscribers at that time many of the better classes of this neighbourhood, who took it for 100 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. fis4i. curiosity, it was not supported by advertisements ; and I am told that unless a newspaper be employed as an advertising medium, especially by the com- mercial and trading parties of the community in which it has circulation (and it did not extend much beyond this district of the country), it cannot pay its expenses, and yield at the same time a suitable return for the money invested. This was the case of the ‘Northern Liberator. As a mere trading speculation it failed, and therefore the readiness of the proprietors, who were not persons of large capital, to accept the offer of the joint-stock com- pany. The extinction of this paper is not received by any one in this neighbourhood, acquainted with the working classes, as any proof of any change in their opinions on the subject of Chartism. Since the failure of the Chartists to carry out their views and wishes by violence, and which entailed upon so many of their leaders such heavy punishments, they have become very quiet and subdued; but there has been no change of opinion. Let the troops be reduced in number in this immediate district, and a general stir among the Chartists in other parts of England take place, and you will soon be made sensible that Chartism hereabouts is not upon the decline. I have not been able to get out to see Austin, who is some eight miles from the barracks. I have taken so much bark, that I feel I shall be all right again in a few days. “ P.S—I was terribly grieved in finding myself 1841, ] DISCIPLINE IN THE 98TH. 101 obliged to bring a grenadier to trial for theft. The thing was too distinct and palpable, as it appeared to me, to be got rid of. This is the first man tried for theft from a comrade since I joined the 98th. I have had some very suspicious cases brought before me in that time, but the parties were recruits, ex- cept one old soldier. Although that kind of crime does not exist in the regiment, still theft from a comrade is a crime which no commanding officer can allow the men to suppose can be dealt with other- wise than by court-martial. It was the first time that had been before the commanding officer as a defaulter, yet I felt that it would have been dangerous, and that I should have acted wrongly, if I had disposed of the case in any other manner.” On such principles did Colin Campbell uphold discipline in his regiment. Nor did it bear a character for discipline alone. To its handiness in the field General Sir E. Hay- thorne contributes the following testimony: “It was when the regiment was at Newcastle that it was so beautifully drilled—so steady, so perfect in battalion movements, so rapid and intelligent in light-infantry exercise. Colin Campbell did wonders with it. I recollect Colonel Booth, commanding the 43d, a celebrated drill, came to see us, as the guest of our chief. We went out on the moor. The open column, as if by instinct, accommodated itself to the features of the ground, obstacles, &c., without noise 102 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1841. or confusion,—all of which was noted by Colonel Booth. Presently the bugle sounded the ‘ regimental call’ and ‘skirmish.’ The old style—1, 2, 3 com- panies skirmishing; 4, 5, 6, supports ; the remainder reserve. A change of front obliquely was executed by a sound from the bugle, and a complete change to a flank by a new line of skirmishers, also by sound of bugle. Skirmishers were next reinforced, until the whole regiment was mixed up, company with company, and the line charged. It then formed a rallying-square, and finally each company was withdrawn, and all by sound of bugle. Though not altogether a service movement, it was one which showed Colonel Booth how perfectly the individual instruction of both officers and men had been effect- ed; and I recollect Colonel Booth volunteered after- wards to tell us at mess that there was nothing the 43d did, which the 98th could not do—a great com- pliment, considering the character the 43d of that day bore for smartness.” It was at Newcastle too that Colin Campbell taught the 98th to advance firing in line—a difficult movement at any time, especially with the old “ brown Bess” of that period, but which on two subsequent occasions he turned to good account against the enemy. This manceuvre he had learned from his old commanding officer, Sir John Cameron, who had reduced it to a system in the 9th Regiment during the Peninsular war. The period was now approaching for the removal of the 98th from Newcastle, where it had been station- 1841. ] LETTER FROM SIR C. NAPIER. 103 ed an unusually long time, to Ireland. Sir Charles Napier had to make his half-yearly inspection early in May; and it was arranged that, at the same time, he should present the new colours about to be issued to the regiment. With reference to this he wrote to Colin Campbell from Calvelly Park on the 18th April: “You can have all your people together for the ceremony except the Manxmen, and I fear the Secretary at War would not stand my sending them round by Carlisle to Newcastle to come south, where I must bring your chaps, much against my grain; but cut you up I must. I had a rather broad hint yesterday about the ‘ Newcastle Rangers,’ so I felt that I must victimise you, or I shall have the others crying out. However, you are able to stand being cut up; but I wanted to turn you over to Blakeney in the state you now are. You must relieve the 78th immediately after inspection, and I would much rather lose you at once, now I cannot fight off the mischief beyond inspection. Lords Hill and F. Somerset are at Egerton, within six miles from this, which takes my time up. You re- main with me till a regiment comes from America. Iam going to a great dinner to morrow at Liver- pool, given to ‘ Black Charlie.’? I hear that it will be a grand sight, their rooms being so fine.-—Yours truly, C. J. Napier. 1 Sir E. Blakeney, commanding in Ireland. 2 Admiral Sir Charles Napier, G.C.B. 104 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. (1841. ““P.S.—I dined the day before yesterday at Eger- ton, and I could not but feel very sensible of the kind- ness of Lord Hill to me. One feels pleased to find one’s work gives satisfaction, though one does it out of principle, and therefore independently of any man’s approbation. After dinner we got back to the Pen- insula ; and he described one or two of his actions there with all the minuteness of the charmed head, of the hand, in short, which did the deeds. He is not failing, depend upon it. It is his quiet, modest way that makes people think so. No failing mind could describe actions as he did.” On the 12th May new colours were presented to the 98th by Sir Charles Napier, in presence of a large assembly of people, who had collected in front of the stand of the Newcastle race-course to witness the ceremony. The usual forms common to such occasions having been completed, Sir Charles Napier, who, amongst his varied accomplishments, possessed the power of speaking to soldiers in no ordinary manner, delivered the following address :— “Soldiers of the 98th, it is a proud thing to present 600 British soldiers with those splendid standards, under which they are to fight the battles of their country—a country that will bear no base- ness, a people that exult in the achievements of their warriors. These colours, I well know, will never be abandoned by the 98th. The first colour is that of the Queen, which represents the honour of the 1841. ] PRESENTATION OF COLOURS. 105 British crown, and of the navy and army, which has guarded its glory untarnished and refulgent for a thousand years. Now let me speak of your regimental colour. As the Queen’s colour represents the general renown of the whole army, so does the regimental colour represent the immediate and par- ticular glory of the regiment. In the history of ancient times we read of the phalanx and the legion; they were the distinguished bodies to which nations intrusted their military honour. Our ocean empire, widely spreading over the globe, obliges us to divide our army into smaller por- tions, called regiments. It is true that the war in Spain created those noble divisions, whose fame equalled that of the phalanx and legion. But these divisions were temporary creations; they had no standards. Like the body of man, they perished, but, like his spirit, their fame is immortal. “Regiments are therefore the real constant and integral parts of which the British army is com- posed. To these celebrated battalions has England confided the honour of her arms. Bravely have they responded to the trust reposed in them, and more so in this, than in any former age; for never before did they encounter so noble and fierce a warrior as Napoleon, never before were they led by so great a general as Wellington. In presenting to you these colours, soldiers, it may not be out of place to observe that we all enter the British service of our own free will. We are not slaves forced into the 106 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1841 ranks by a despot ; we are free men, who enlist from a spirit of enterprise, loyalty, and patriotism. We swear before God and man to be true to our colours, round which we are bound to rally. To break such a solemn oath is to dissolve the ties of military society. A deserter is a scoundrel, who betrays his God, his Queen, his country, and his comrades. He betrays his Creator, because he swears in the pres- ence of the God of truth to be true, and he is false. He betrays his Queen, because he swears to stand by his colours, and he abandons them. He betrays his country, because she pays him, she feeds him, she clothes him, she arms him, and he deserts. He betrays his comrades, because by desertion he throws that duty upon them, which he has sworn to do himself. “Soldiers! it is incumbent upon those sensible and right-headed men whom I have the honour to address, to admonish the young and _ thoughtless against the disgrace of desertion. I say ‘ disgrace,’ because no honourable man can think without shame and sorrow of seeing the British uniform paraded in a felon’s jail. That noble red uniform, so admired by our friends, so dreaded by our enemies ! — that uniform which Wolfe, and Abereromby, and Moore shed their life’s blood to honour !—shall this be seen herding with felons in a jail? The very thought of it is disgusting to the heart of a soldier, and I will turn from it to a subject that is more grateful to my feelings, and speak of the beautiful regiment which is 1841. | SIR C. NAPIER’S ADDRESS. 107 before me; and in truth I know of nothing which makes a perfect regiment that the 98th does not possess. Young and hardy soldiers, steady and res- olute non-commissioned officers, enterprising and honourable officers, the whole well knowing and well doing their duties; and above all—because it is the mainspring of the machine—an able and experi- enced soldier at your head. When I say this, I pay no vain and empty compliments. It is not in my disposition to say such things without foundation. “Of the abilities for command which your chief possesses, your own magnificent regiment is a proof. Of his gallantry in action, hear what history says, for I like to read to you of such deeds and of such men ; it stimulates young soldiers to deeds of similar dar- ing.” [Taking the book from the orderly officer in attendance upon him, Sir Charles Napier read the account of Colin Campbell’s attempt to mount the breach of San Sebastian with his chosen detachment on the 25th July 1813, given in his brother's His- tory, vol. vi. pp. 81, 82.] “‘ Major Frazer was killed on the flaming ruins ; the intrepid Jones stood there a while longer amidst a few heroic soldiers, hoping for aid, but none came, and he and those with him were struck down. The engineer Machel had been killed early, and the men bearing the ladders fell or were dispersed. Thus the rear of the column was in absolute confusion before the head was beaten. It was in vain that Colonel Greville of the 38th, Colonel Cameron of the 9th, Captain Archimbeau 108 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1841. of the Royals, and many other regimental officers, exerted themselves to rally their discomfited troops and refill the breach; it was in vain that Lieutenant Campbell, breaking through the tumultuous crowd with the survivors of his chosen detachment, mounted the ruins—twice he ascended, twice he was wounded, and all around him died.’ There,” continued Sir Charles Napier—“ there stands Lieutenant Campbell ; and well I know that, should need be, the soldiers of the 98th would follow him as boldly as did those gallant men of the glorious 9th who fell fighting around him in the breaches of San Sebastian. “Soldiers! young, well drilled, high-couraged as you all are, and led by such a commander as Lieu- tenant-Colonel Campbell, I must and I do feel proud to have the honour of presenting you with these splendid colours, confident that if the day of trial comes, and come I think it must, they will be seen waving victoriously in the smoke of battle, as the 98th forges with fire and steel its onward course through the combat. “War is to be deeply regretted; it is a scourge and a curse upon nations. It falls not so heavily upon soldiers—it is our calling; but its horrors alight upon the poor, upon the miserable, upon the unhappy, upon those who feel the expense and the suffering, but have not the glory. War is detestable, and not to be desired by a nation; but if it comes, then I will welcome it as a day of glory for the young and gallant army of England, and among the 1841. | ** OLD FAGIN,” 109 rest, for those brave men who will fight under the consecrated banners which I have this day the hon- our of presenting to the 98th Regiment.” In the evening Sir Charles Napier was entertained at the mess. Towards the close of dinner he looked up and down the table, and having engaged the attention of all present, remarked, “I suppose none of you young gentlemen will care to drink wine with ‘old Fagin,’ because there is no champagne on the table.” He was aware of the sobriquet he bore in the regiment on account of his arched nose, of a Jewish type, which corresponded in some degree with Cruikshank’s etching of the Jew in ‘ Oliver Twist,’ at that time a recent and popular work. Drinking to the health of the officers, Sir Charles Napier seized the occasion of remarking on the wisdom of the rule limiting the mess wines to port and sherry, which he considered reflected credit alike on the commanding officer and the members of the mess. Colin Campbell having asked for a copy of the address, Sir Charles Napier sent him one, remark- ing,—‘*I scribbled down my recollections, and think you will find it nearly word for word what I said, for in writing my words came back. I have made the clerk copy it fair. I recollect perfectly saying, ‘Colonel Campbell, salute your new colours.’ [| might have said something else, but it certainly was not, ‘and stand by them.’ If I added anything, it was, ‘I am sure the regiment will always stand by 110 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1841. them;’ but this was not any part of the address. As you have thought what I said worthy of being inserted in your records, perhaps Edie [an officer of the regiment who possessed a printing-press] will some idle day, if he ever has one, print your account of the ceremony, and give me a copy? For I was not lying when I said I was proud of the honour of presenting the colours to the regiment. Some men laugh at these matters. To me they appear of the highest importance, and to be the foundation of that spirit to which we owe Waterloo and all the rest.” In July the 98th received the route for Dublin, but on its way thither was detained a fortnight at Manchester, in consequence of apprehended election riots. On reaching Dublin it marched without halting to Naas and Newbridge, and from thence to Carlow, where a considerable force under the com- mand of the senior officer present, Colonel Jackson! of the Carabineers, was concentrated, for the preser- vation of order at the approaching election for the county, as O’Connell had thrown the whole weight of his influence into the scale in favour of the Liberal candidates, one of whom was a member of his family, and had further excited the population by his pres- ence at the scene of the contest. Having been informed of the probability of the 98th, which had nearly completed its tour of home service, being destined for the Mauritius, Colin 1 The late General Sir James Jackson, G.C.B., K.H. 1841. | PROSPECTS OF FOREIGN SERVICE. 111 Campbell obtained leave in the middle of August, for the purpose of seeing his friends before proceed- ing on so distant a voyage. He states in his journal that, while in London, “I made a strong effort to get the destination of the corps changed to Bermuda, as the state of our relations with America, respecting the imprisonment and trial of Macleod, made it more than probable that a war would ensue between the two countries. Bermuda in this case would become a point of the first importance, where the regiment could not fail of being very actively and prominently employed. These considerations led me to press my wish for the change from the Mauritius to Bermuda very urgently upon my friends who could be of any use to me in forwarding my views. My friend \ unsolicited, wrote to Lord Fitzroy Somerset, then absent from town in Kent. His lordship, however, was of opinion that, as stations had been assigned to the regiments then under orders for service, to alter the arrangement already made would not be fair. This decision of his lordship appeared to fix our destiny, and I tried to reconcile myself to it accord- ingly with the best grace possible. Upon the return of Lord Fitzroy to town I saw his lordship. He was very kind, and expressed in the warmest terms his regret at my removal to such a distance as the Mauritius. I told him I had one favour to ask of him, which was that, in case of troops being required for service in India or China, he would have the goodness to hold in his recollection the pleasure it 112 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1841 would give us all to be actively employed. He gave no direct reply, but again repeated his own regret, and that of Lord Hill, that I was going so far out of the way. A few days after this, his lordship sent for me to say that if, wpon my arrival at the Mauritius, I should find the lieutenant-colonel of the 87th Fusiliers disposed to exchange with me, that Lord Hill would approve of such an arrangement, and would be glad to see me return home in command of that corps.” On his return to London from visit- ing his friends, on the 25th September, Colin Camp- bell records: “ Some observations made by my friends at the Horse Guards caused me to suspect the regiment was destined for service in China. I did not, however, ascertain positively until the middle of October, when J learned that the six ser- vice companies of the regiment had been placed at the disposal of Lord Ellenborough, Governor-General of India, for service in China. Lord Fitzroy Somerset gave me unsolicited a note of introduction to Lord Ellenborough, who received me very warmly and kindly. He spoke much of the nature of the service upon which the regiment was about to be employed, and regretted that he could not be of the party. I told his lordship I trusted the conduct of the regi- ment in China would be such as to induce him to retain the corps under his own orders in India when the campaign in China had terminated.” The 98th, in the meantime, had been moved round to Plymouth, where Colin Campbell rejoined it on 1841. ] EMBARKATION FOR CHINA. 113 the 23d November, and busied himself in completing the arrangements for its embarkation in H.M.S. Belleisle, 74-gun line-of-battle ship, armed en flute, which had been commissioned for troop service by Captain J. Kingcome,! with a complement of 280 officers and men. The number of troops actually accommodated in this vessel was half a company of Royal Artillery, commanded by Captain Greenwood —55 officers and men; 98th Regiment, 810; women and children, 116,—making, together with the ship’s complement and naval supernumeraries, a total of 1274. In addition to the foregoing, Major-General Lord Saltoun, appointed second in command of the China expeditionary force, with his staff, consisting of Captain J. Hope Grant,? 9th Lancers, brigade- major, and Captain A. A. T. Cunynghame,’ 60th Foot, A.D.C., took passage in the Belleisle. The crew occupied the main deck. The lower and half of the orlop-decks were appropriated to the troops, the after part of the lower deck being appor- tioned to the women and children. It was originally intended to have accommodated the whole company of the artillery in the Belleisle; but the general officer commanding the district, being of opinion, with Colin Campbell, that the space was too limited, considering the length of the voyage—at least six months, if not more—a representation was made 1 The late Vice-Admiral Sir John Kingcome, K.C.B. 2 The late Lieutenant-General Sir J. Hope Grant, G.C.B. 3 General Sir A. A. J. Cunynghame, G.C.B. VOL, I. H 114 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1842 which led to an inspection of the ship by the local naval authorities. These came to the conclusion that, by removing fifty men of the Royal Artillery, with a proportion of the women and children belonging to that company, to the other two troop-ships forming part of the convoy, ample accommodation would be provided for the 98th and the remaining half of the artillery, with the women and children of the respec- tive corps. Officers, whose experience of troop-ships and transports has been gathered from voyages made since the commencement of the Crimean expedition, in the maenificent vessels of the various ocean steam- ship companies, and, more recently, in the Indian troop-ships, can have but a faint idea of the over- crowding on board the Belleisle, the burden of which vessel did not exceed 1750 tons. On the 20th December the Belleisle sailed for Hong- Kong, in company with the Apollo and Sapphire, on board of which were detachments of the 26th, 49th, and 55th Regiments. The squadron touched at Tene- riffe, Rio de Janeiro, Simon’s Bay, and Singapore, and the Belleisle finally dropped anchor in the har- bour of Hong-Kong on the 2d June 1842. During the detention of the vessels at Simon’s Bay, Colin Campbell seized the opportunity of visiting Sir Benjamin D’Urban, who, after having held the gov- ernment of the Cape Colony, was living in retirement at Wynberg. The meeting with his former chief, whom he loved so well, afforded Colin Campbell great pleasure, and formed a bright episode in this 1842. | ORDERED TO NORTH OF CHINA. 115 otherwise tedious voyage; for he was a bad sailor, and ill calculated to bear the restraint of a life on board of a man-of-war. It was on his return from Wynberg that he expatiated on Sir Benjamin D’Ur- ban’s professional capacity, which he considered to be of the highest order; and he was wont to remark that he looked upon him and Sir Charles Napier as the two general officers in the British army best qualified to handle 40,000 men in the presence of the enemy. Orders were awaiting the 98th, on its arrival at Hong-Kong, to proceed to join Sir Hugh Gough’s force in the north of China. The town of Ningpo, which the Chinese had unsuccessfully attempted to recapture in the early part of 1842, had been vacated by the British forces on the 7th May; but a small force was left at Chinhae, at the entrance of the Ningpo river, as well as in the island of Chusan, whilst the main body proceeded to attack Chapoo, in Hang-chow Bay, which town was held by a Tar- tar garrison. Chapoo was carried on the 18th May. From thence the expeditionary force moved to the Rugged Islands, off the mouth of the Yang-tsi-kiang —remaining at that anchorage a fortnight, to give time for the surveying and buoying of the bar. On the 13th June it entered the river and proceeded to Woosung, the point where the Yang-tsi-kiang is joined by the Shanghae river. On the 16th the line of defensive works at Woosung was carried ; and on the following day a naval force, composed 116 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1842. of the lighter vessels, proceeded to Shanghae, caus- ing the Chinese troops to evacuate that town. Measures were taken for the survey of the Yang- tsi- kiang, preparatory to the advance upon Nan- king; and it was during the interval occupied in the execution of the latter part of these operations that the Belleisle made the passage up the coast, joining the expeditionary force at Woosung on the 21st June. Here the 98th was posted to the 1st brigade, under Lord Saltoun, and formed a portion of the third division of vessels in the ascent of the river. The surveying officers having prepared the way, the expedition left Woosung on the 6th July, with the object of advancing on the important cities of Chin-kiang-foo and Nanking—the former situated at the junction of the imperial canal with the Yang- tsi-kiang, and better known to the Chinese as King- kow, or “mouth of the capital,” from its position on the high water-way connecting Tien-tsin, the port of Peking, with the southern provinces. On the 19th July the Belleisle arrived off Chin-kiang-foo. The following day was occupied in reconnoitring; and a plan of attack having been arranged, the troops , disembarked at an early hour on the morning of the 21st. The 98th, on landing, moved off under Lord Saltoun against a body of Chinese who had taken up a position a few miles from the right bank of the river, and to the right of the city—the assault and capture of which were effected by the remaining 1842. ] THE 98TH IN CHINA. 117 portion of the force. The 98th had little or no opposition to contend with. A feeble fire from Jingalls was opened by the Chinese upon the regi- ment, whose advance was covered by the light company in skirmishing order, together with a detachment of a mountain-battery served by Madras Kuropean artillery. A few discharges, however, from these guns quickly dispersed them. But a foe of far more formidable character had now to be encoun- tered. The heat soon told on the 98th. Unprovided by the authorities with an equipment suitable to the climate, the regiment landed in its ordinary European clothing—a costume ill adapted for the fierce sum- mer-heat of China. Many men were struck down by the rays of that terrible sun—amongst the number Colin Campbell himself, who, however, happily rallied under the timely influence of a little brandy adminis- tered by a brother officer.! Thirteen men perished on the spot, seven of whom were amongst the number of 240 soldiers who had been berthed for six months in the fore part of the Belleisle’s orlop-deck. From this moment the effect of overcrowding gave a rapid impulse to the seeds of latent disease,—for on the night following the disembarkation, several fatal cases of cholera occurred; and this, coupled with the simultaneous outbreak of fever and dysentery, soon thinned the ranks of the 98th. By the end 1 Ensign H. Dallas, who died of fever at Hong-Kong in 1843, and whose memory is affectionately cherished by such of his brother officers as survive him. 118 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1842. of the month fifty-three soldiers had succumbed, and the Belleisle rapidly became a floating hospital. A body of troops under Major-General Schcedde was left in occupation of Chin-kiang-foo, and the expedition resumed its advance to Nanking, off which city it arrived on the 9th August. As soon as the ground had been reconnoitred, such of the 98th as were fit for duty were transhipped from the Belleisle, and conveyed in the Phlegethon steamer to Kwan-yin-mun—situated on an arm of the river about fifteen miles from the part of the city op- posite which the expedition had anchored. Colin Campbell was unable to accompany his regiment, being detained on board sick; but he rejoined it in a few days, only to be laid low again with fever. In the meantime, just as the preparations for the attack on Nanking were completed, negotiations which had been commenced between the Chinese Govern- ment and Sir Henry Pottinger, H.M.’s Plenipoten- tiary, put a stop to further offensive operations. A treaty of peace was concluded on the 26th August; and the object of the expedition having been ob- tained, the squadron retraced its steps down the Yang-tsi-kiang. On the 15th September, the worst cases of the 98th having been removed to another transport, the Belleisle weighed anchor from Nan- king, and after touching at Chusan, reached Hong- Kong at the end of October. Jt can be imagined with what distress Colin 1842,] CONDITION OF THE 98TH. 119 Campbell contemplated the wreck of the regiment of which he had been so proud. Writing to his sister on the 18th December 1842, he says :— “The want of sufficient barrack accommodation in this place obliges the authorities to keep us on board until barracks can be built to receive us. We (the 98th) remain, therefore, in this ship—of which a twelvemonth’s residence has most heartily sickened me—and I see little prospect of a release from our prison for the next five or six months. “The regiment has lost by death up to this date 283, and there are still 231 sick, of whom some fifty or sixty will die; and generally, of those that will remain, there will be some seventy or eighty men to be discharged, in consequence of their constitu- tions having been so completely broken down as to unfit them for the duties of soldiers. This is the history of the 98th Regiment, which sailed from Ply- mouth in so effective a state in all respects on the 20th December last year,—and all this destruction without having lost a man by the fire of the enemy ! I am well myself, but this melancholy overthrow and ruin of the corps under such circumstances makes me very miserable. The force is still here—having been detained in expectation of orders from India, which not having arrived, all are to sail to-morrow, save those to form the garrison at Hong-Kong. “ A row has taken place at Canton within the last ten days, during which the houses of some English merchants were destroyed by fire, and their property 120 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [isde. plundered by the mob. The merchants look upon the disturbance as a proof of the intention of the people to prevent the Government carrying into effect the provisions of the treaty of peace recently concluded with the English. If these suspicions or opinions should prove correct, there may be some- thing further to be done before long in this imme- diate neighbourhood. If all remains quiet at Canton, and no further row of a serious character takes place, I propose to pay it a visit, for there alone are to be purchased curiosities of this country, as also the silks, which, by the by, are quite as dear as in England. I shall get Crawford Kerr to send you a dress when I next pay him a visit. “T believe I have already told you that I did not take any loot—the Indian word for plunder—so that I have nothing of that kind, to which so many in this expedition helped themselves so bountifully at Chin-kiang-foo and near Nanking. Tell, there- fore, ——, with my kindest remembrances, that although I visited many private dwellings of rich people, full of costly and curious things (in the apartments of the ladies particularly), I did not take anything. Not that the desire to possess was not upon me as with others, but that I foresaw the cer- tainty of being called upon to punish others for the same proceeding if the war had continued, and | wished to stand right with my own conscience, and to prevent the possibility of reproach from others while enforcing discipline by the orders of my supe- 1842, | LOOT. 121 riors. It was in the palace of the emperor that I promised to plunder and rob, to please ——, but although in many houses belonging to his Celestial Majesty’s highest officers, I did not get into one of his own abodes. The opportunity, therefore, has not offered for the performance of my promise. It may yet arrive, however, and I shall not forget it.” 122 CHAPTER IV. COMMAND AT CHUSAN—98TH TRANSFERRED THITHER—EFFORTS TO IMPROVE ITS EFFICIENCY REFLECTIONS IN JOURNAL— FRENCH DIPLOMATIC MISSION METHOD OF ADMINISTERING CHUSAN— ARRANGEMENTS FOR ITS EVACUATION—EXCHANGE OF CIVILITIES WITH CHINESE COMMISSIONERS—LETTER TO COLIN CAMPBELL— EVACUATION OF CHUSAN—VOYAGE TO BATAVIA—ARRIVAL AT CALCUTTA — OFFERED COMMAND OF A BRIGADE IN PUNJAB— ACCOMPANIES REGIMENT TO DINAPORE—INSPECTION—EXTRACTS FROM JOURNAL—-LEAVES REGIMENT—-PROCEEDS TO LAHORE— INTERVIEWS WITH LORDS HARDINGE AND GOUGH—COMMAND AT LAHORE — PRECAUTIONS AGAINST SURPRISE— EXTRACTS FROM JOURNAL—VISIT TO SIMLA—-COLONEL LAWRENCE LEAVES FOR ENGLAND—SIR F. CURRIE, RESIDENT—OUTBREAK AT MOOLTAN— MOVEMENT OF TROOPS —EXTRACTS FROM JOURNAL—COMMUNICA- TIONS WITH COLONEL CURETON. On the breaking up of the China expeditionary force on the 20th December, Lord Saltoun was left in command of the troops—Colin Campbell, as the next senior officer in Hong-Kong, assuming the com- mandantship of that island. He now concentrated all his energies on the care of the survivors of his regiment. The worst cases were transferred from the Belleisle to the hospital-ship, the less serious finding accommodation in a permanent hospital which had recently been erected on the outskirts 1844. | COMMAND AT CHUSAN. 123 of the town. The temporary quarters allotted to the 98th at Chuck-Choo (Stanley) having been re- ported ready, the residue of the corps—some 350— disembarked in February, and occupied that post. Colin Campbell received the notification of his nomination to the Companionship of the Bath, and of his appointment as Aide-de-camp to the Queen, the latter carrying with it the rank of colonel,— this after thirty-five years’ service, of which up- wards of thirty-two had been passed on full pay. He remained at Hong-Kong till January 1844, when, by virtue of seniority, he succeeded Major-General Sir James Schoedde, K.C.B., as brigadier of the second class, in command of the garrison of Chusan, on that officer being ordered back to India with his own (the 55th) regiment. Captain Haythorne,! 98th Regiment, who had graduated under Colin Camp- bell, accompanied him as major of brigade. The climate and the quiet of his life at Chusan were a great relief,to him after the depression from which he had suffered so severely at Hong-Kong whilst watching, without being able to alleviate, the mortality of his regiment. This continued its fatal progress all through the year 1843; and Campbell himself was a frequent sufferer from attacks of in- termittent fever. From the 21st July 1842, on its first landing at Chin-kiang-foo, up to February 1844 —a period of little more than eighteen months—the unfortunate 98th had lost by death alone 432 out 1 General Sir E. Haythorne, K.C.B, 124 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1845. of a strength of 766 non-commissioned officers and men. Whilst at Chusan, the ordinary routine of his life was varied by occasional visits from the flag- ship and men-of-war on the station. With Sir Thomas Cochrane,! the Admiral, and with Captain Chads,? of the Cambrian, he exchanged much friendly intercourse ; and on the former paying his periodi- cal visits of inspection to the north, Colin Camp- bell seldom failed to accompany him to Ningpo and Shanghae. With our consuls at these ports he was in frequent correspondence and on intimate terms, and under their roofs he could always reckon on a hearty welcome. Struck with the healthiness and efficiency of the troops, both European and native, under the influ- ence of the bracing climate of the north, he had not been many months in his command before he con- ceived the idea of obtaining the sanction of the military authorities to the removal of the 98th from its unhealthy quarters at Hong-Kong to Chusan. With this object in view, he put the case before Major-General D’Aguilar, K.H., who had in the in- terim succeeded Lord Saltoun in the China com- mand; and finally, after a lengthy correspondence, his heart was gladdened by a compliance with his wish. This was at the commencement of the year 1845, when he recommenced his journal, which had been interrupted, with the exception of a few weeks 1 The late Admiral of the Fleet, Sir Thomas Cochrane, G.C.B. * Afterwards Sir Henry Chads, K.C.B. 1845. | AT CHUSAN. 125 in the autumn of 1841, ever since 1837, the date of his appointment to the command of the 98th. In the meantime, he had made good the oppor- tunity offered by the substantial increase of his professional emoluments since his arrival in the East, to relieve himself of his most pressing liabil- ities (for he left England, as has been seen, heavily embarrassed), as well as to make provision for his sister and the support of his father, in the event of his dying before them. At the same time, he dis- pensed hospitality with a free hand; and should the eye of any of his surviving guests light on these pages, they will call to recollection the many plea- sant social gatherings at Colin Campbell’s table in the town of Tinghae. “ Journal, January 26th—I have now been in Chusan exactly one year. My time, upon the whole, has passed agreeably enough, as compared with the miseries I have previously endured in the various trying situations in which I have been placed with my regiment since its departure from England : the climate also more favourable than that of Hong- Kong; and, as I am obliged to remain in this coun- try, I feel grateful to the Disposer of all goodness for my good fortune in having been so much favoured in being sent to Chusan. My expenses during the year, from unavoidable causes, have been greater than I could wish, or feel to be consistent with the object I have in view—viz., of making a little purse, and passing the remaining years of my life in retire- 126 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1845, ment and quiet. I will try and accomplish this object of saving as much as possible, and also of getting away as speedily as I can.” “ February 9th.—The desire to save is not founded upon avarice, but upon the love of that independence which frugality now may procure for me hereafter, when I must yield to a younger officer, for I cannot always remain young and effective.” Colin Campbell was a self-improving man when he had the opportunity of obtaining books which interested him, especially such as treated of profes- sional subjects. The entries in his journal at this period show that, on his major of brigade leaving him to command his company in cantonments, on the arrival of the 98th at Chusan, he devoted most of his solitary evenings to reading, and to an active correspondence with his friends at home. Nor was his taste confined to professional literature. Shakes- peare engaged his attention, and he was fond of poetry, especially Scotch, having committed to mem- ory many passages from the works of Allan Ramsay and Burns. One stanza from the latter poet’s ‘Epistle to a Young Friend” he was never tired of quoting to those most in his confidence at that period, its burden being in unison with the one great object he had propounded to himself :— “To catch dame Fortune’s golden smile, Assiduous wait upon her; And gather gear by every wile That’s justified by honour: 1845. | ARRIVAL OF THE 98TH. 127 Not for to hide it in a hedge, Nor for a train attendant, But for the glorious privilege Of being independent.” The first detachment of the 98th reached Chusan on the 14th February. From that moment Colin Campbell spared himself no trouble in administering to its requirements, not only as regarded its comfort and interior economy, but also by supervising with his presence on parade the instruction of the offi- cers and men, of which latter the largest proportion were comparatively recent drafts of recruits from England. « Journal, 23d February.—Fixed upon a house to be fitted up for me in the cantonment, so as to be near the regiment, where the presence of some supe- rior officer in the corps, who really takes an interest in its wellbeing, is very much wanted. This will cost me some money ; but for an object of so much importance to the interests and welfare of the corps, I must make some sacrifice of more than ordinary moment in the present miserable plight of my unfor- tunate regiment.” On the 26th April the headquarters of the 98th arrived under the command of Colonel Gregory, the former major of the corps, who had been promoted to the unattached list on the 98th leaving England, and who, on the augmentation of the regiment to the Indian establishment, had been appointed to it as junior lieutenant-colonel. His arrival was a great 128 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1845. pleasure to Colin Campbell, whose active aid in re- storing the corps to its former state of efficiency was warmly appreciated by the former. Upon Colonel Gregory’s health, however, the climate of China had already becun to tell unfavourably. Colin Campbell had also been ailing, and anxious about himself; but by abstinence, and strict attention to diet, he recovered his health, though he never relaxed his exertions in pushing forward the instruction of the regiment, seldom missing a parade, of which, till the sun became too hot for exposure at mid-day, there were three daily. The officers were kept at it as close as the men—leave of absence, except on medical certificate, being refused to those who had originally accompanied the regiment from England, on the ground that their experience was imperatively neces- sary to form instructors out of the comparatively raw material of the depot. The officers of the garrison staff all performed their regimental duty. On the 16th June he reports progress in his jour- nal: “ Parades as usual in the morning and the evening : men improving, but still a great want of individual correctness in carriage, facings, motions of the firelock, &c. ; but they move in line and open column very fairly, and I confidently expect, before the end of the year, to have them more perfect than any battalion in this part of the world.” The frequent result of his relentless enemy, ague, was to render him depressed and irritable; and his mind, in sympathy with his body, would on such oc- 1845. ] LIFE AT CHUSAN. 129 casions indulge in the expression of morbid thoughts. The following is an instance :— “ Journal, 3d July.—Some little possibility of the island being retained until the gates of the city of Canton are opened to us. I am led to entertain this suspicion from the wording of an official document and public notification by Mr Davis! (H.M.’s Pleni- potentiary in China), declaratory of his intention to have Canton placed, as regards free admission of foreigners into the city, on the same footing as the other ports. This would keep me another year or six months longer at Chusan. The bare possibility is disagreeable to contemplate. I have only one thought and one wish left, and that is for repose ; for my spirit has already been sufficiently broken by disappointment, and as all I wished to have pleased have sunk into the grave, success or miscarriage in the struggles of professional life have become empty sounds.” «29d July—Yesterday being the anniversary of our landing at Chin-kiang-foo, the men who had been present on that occasion asked and obtained leave from their officers, with the sanction of their com- manding officer, for an advance of two rupees = four shillings. Much fear was entertained by the com- manding officer, Gregory, in which I also shared, that they would forget themselves, and that drunk- enness would ensue. All, however, but one, were present and sober at tattoo. This says a great deal 1 Sir John Davis, Bart., K.C.B. VOL. I. I 130 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1845. for the good feeling existing among the old soldiers of the regiment, and is an evidence how much they may be trusted upon particular occasions. They had afforded me many proofs of this when a larger number were in existence. Dined at mess: a feeling of coldness comes over me now at that table. So few remain of those who came out originally with the corps; and the necessity of being very strict with the young ones since appointed, leads them to look upon me as a very particular old gentleman, towards whom the prevailing sentiment is one more of fear than of liking, and I am too old to enter into the amusements and conversation of youths of their age.” “95th.—This is the anniversary of the first assault of San Sebastian—did not think of it until late in the evening — thirty-two years since. Time flies very fast, and few of those who were with me then are now alive.” As a counterpoise to the indulgence of these mor- bid feelings, augmented by his extremely sensitive temperament, Colin Campbell derived much pleasure from a visit in September of two friends, for whom he entertained sincere regard. The Honourable Frederick Bruce, the late Lord Elgin’s brother, who eventually died as British Minister at Washington, was at that time Colonial Secretary of Hong-Kong ; and having proceeded to the north of China for change of air, he found himself the guest of Colin Campbell at Chusan. The other, Mr Robert Thom, a native of Glasgow, and a profound Chinese scholar, 1845. | HOSPITALITIES. 131 was the British Consul at Ningpo, with whom Campbell, as the chief British authority at Chusan, was in the habit of holding frequent official inter- course. He was a man of great erudition, and by the charming simplicity of his character won the esteem of all such as enjoyed the privilege of his acquaintance. Early in October the French frigate Cléopatre, bearing the flag of Rear-Admiral Cecille, and having on board Monsieur de Lagrené, Envoy and Minister Plenipotentiary of France, empowered to negotiate a treaty with China, arrived at Chusan. He was accompanied by Madame de Lagrené and two junior members of his family, as well as by a large suite, amongst whom were a number of delegates repre- senting the principal industries of France. In the entertainment of these guests Colin Campbell took a leading part, not merely on account of the position he held, but because his knowledge of the French language enabled him to converse fluently with his guests. Under his auspices they visited the island and its environs; and after proceeding to Ningpo and Shanghae in a small steamer placed at their disposal by him, they finally rejoined the Cléopatre, and left for the South on the 11th November. Towards the close of the year the health of the regiment, which had been slightly affected by the summer heat, was quite re-established, and its in- struction had progressed sufficiently to admit of the intelligence of the officers and men being tested in 132 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1845. something more than the ordinary mechanical evolu- tions of the parade-ground. For this purpose Colin Campbell selected suitable positions in some of the passes and elevated ground of the island, where, dividing the regiment into an attacking and defend- ing force, he pitted one against the other, so as to accustom it to the use of cover and the practical exercise of skirmishing on broken ground. The result was satisfactory, and_his spirits being cheered by the authoritative intelligence from England that the 98th would proceed to India on the settlement of affairs in China, Colin Campbell took advantage of the Admiral’s invitation to accompany him at Christmas to Shanghae and Ningpo, whence he re- turned to Chusan before the expiration of the year. It must not be inferred, from the foregoing, that Colin Campbell’s duties at Chusan were limited to the command of his brigade. The entire civil charge of the island, as large as the Isle of Wight, was con- fided to him. His principle was to leave the inhabi- tants as much as possible to themselves. He never interfered with their concerns or customs, unless called upon to arbitrate in matters which the head- men of the district were unable to settle, and which they voluntarily referred for decision to a military officer acting as magistrate under Campbell’s orders. At the same time, he was jealous of any interference on the part of the Chinese officers resident on the mainland ; and on more than one occasion he vindi- cated the authority vested in him by seizing several 1846. | CIVIL ADMINISTRATION. 133 naval employés who had crossed over from the main- land, for the purpose of exercising jurisdiction in the island. The attitude he assumed soon convinced the mandarins that their best policy was to refrain from a repetition of similar acts, and for the remainder of the British occupation no renewal of such attempts occurred. The understanding of the troops (Euro- pean as well as sepoy) with the inhabitants was excellent—the latter, in the rare cases that called for the intervention of the brigadier, soon discover- ing that in their temporary ruler they possessed an officer who dispensed justice without regard to race or respect of persons. At the commencement of the year 1846, Colin Campbell expresses a hope in his journal that “it may be ‘the last year he will spend in China.” Colonel Gregory’s health having compelled him to take leave of absence, Campbell redoubled his exer- tions in perfecting the field exercise of the 98th, his never-flagging interest in which was producing its reward. Many of his entries at this period tend to mark his satisfaction with its progress, and his conviction that “a few drills under his own com- mand would be sufficient to enable it to go through such a review as no corps in the East could surpass.” He was “therefore quite at ease as to the appear- ance they would make on landing in India.” « Journal, 21st February.—I should like very well to be kept here to the end of the year, and then leave for Bo00d, «a 2 + The regiment is now in first-rate 134 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s46. order, and I hope to land them in India in that state, should we go there shortly. The longer I remain here, the more likely I shall be of a command in India, supposing that I find it necessary or advisable to remain in that country, which I hope I may not be obliged to do.” “5th March.—Anniversary of Barrosa! An old story—thirty-five years ago. Thank God for all His goodness to me! Although I have suffered much in health and in many ways, I am still as active as any man in my regiment, and quite as able as the youngest to go through fatigue. I am only obliged to be most careful in my diet. I must dine early, and I dare not taste wine without inconvenience. These are trifling matters, and only felt on account of my position, which obliges me to dine frequently at mess and in society.” “13th March.—The Catholic clergyman called on me yesterday to tell me of a rumour being in circu- lation on the other side, that a délégué, sent by the emperor, was on his way to retake Chusan, and that he was to have 3000 chosen men for this service. I wish it would prove true.” This rumour, no doubt, originated in the measures that the Chinese Govern- ment were preparing for the reoccupation of the island on its approaching evacuation by the British troops, in accordance with the treaty of Nanking. About this time Commissioners had been nominated by the Chinese Government to receive over Chusan ; but in consequence of difficulties connected with the 1846.] VISIT OF THE CHINESE COMMISSIONERS. 135 opening of the gates of Canton to foreigners, the British Plenipotentiary (Sir John Davis), had post- poned the evacuation of the island. Colin Campbell now came into communication with these officers, having been directed to transmit them a copy of Sir John Davis’s letter to Keying, the emperor’s High Commissioner, giving his reasons for the delay. The points under discussion having been agreed upon in the form of a treaty between Sir John Davis and Keying, and the formal approval of the emperor having reached Canton, Keying’s headquarters, Colin Campbell received orders on the 29th May directing him to admit Heen-ling and the other Commissioners into Chusan. Whilst these negotiations were pending, Colin Campbell invited the Commissioners to pay him a private visit. Three of them accepted the invita- tion, and were entertained with great formality, a review of the troops being held for them, and a banquet given in their honour. They were much pleased with their reception, which was all the more gratifying because, whilst on the island, they received the news of the settlement of the diplomatic difh- culty. A few days later, Colin Campbell crossed to Ningpo to return the Commissioners’ visit. On the 13th May he dined with them. ‘The reception was most distinguished. Music playing as we entered the courtyard ; three guns being fired as we approached the grand entrance, and the whole of the mandarins in their full dress coming to meet us at the outer 136 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s4e. entrance, from whence, after much ceremony, we were conducted to a sort of reception-room, and were served with tea. Shortly afterwards we were ushered into a large open hall, in which a long table, or rather succession of tables of the same size were joined together, on each of which were twenty dishes very beautifully and symmetrically arranged. We all sat on one side, and the mandarins at both ends. We had chopsticks, with which I managed to eat, and finally made a hearty dinner, during which | tasted more dishes than I had ever done at any one time before in my life. These first dishes, which we found on the table on our arrival, were mostly cold, but were afterwards replaced by hot ones—birds’- nest soup, sharks’-fin soup, béche de mer, and an endless quantity of other viands. I bevan to think the dinner would never terminate, as Thom [the consul] in vain tried to induce the mandarins to discontinue the supplies. At last, however, it came to an end, and we got up, holding our chopsticks in our hands, and bowed, as an acknowledgment of our sense of the kindness we had received at the enter- tainment. We were accompanied to the outer door of the house, and on our departure there were music and the three guns, as on our arrival.” The steamer Nemesis having been placed at the disposal of the Chinese Commissioners, they reached Chusan on the 5th May. At their first official interview, Colin Campbell records: “I remained at home, and received them at my gate as a mark 1846. | TRANSFER OF CHUSAN. 137 of respect. They thanked me through Mr Thom, H.M.’s Consul at Ningpo, for the mildness and equity of my rule during my command in Chusan, and for the kind treatment of the inhabitants, of which, they said, the people had spoken. They afterwards dined with me.” On the 10th, the mandarins received over charge of the gate of the city, from which date they resumed the jurisdiction of the island. The interval between this and the arrival of the trans- ports was occupied in the transaction of business with the Commissioners, varied by mutual entertain- ments and reviews of the troops, &c.—great readi- ness being exhibited on the part of the Chinese authorities to meet Colin Campbell’s wishes on various points submitted for their consideration. Arrangements were made for the enclosure and pro- tection of the European burial-grounds; and the names of such natives as had compromised them- selves with their own Government by services ren- dered to the English, prior and subsequent to the peace of Nanking, were prepared for the information of H.M.’s Plenipotentiary, the individuals themselves having been previously sent to Ningpo and Shang- hae, under the protection of the British consuls at those ports. On the 7th July, Sir John Davis arrived at Chusan ; and a few days later, the whole of the transports destined to remove the garrison were assembled in the harbour. Pending the final arrangements for the reception of the troops, the Chinese Commis- 138 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1846. sioners addressed a letter to Colin Campbell, the translation of which, by Mr Gutzlaff, the Chinese Secretary, is here given :— “Since the conclusion of peace, in the 22d year of Taou Kwang (1842), between China and your hon- ourable country, there has been a continuation of harmony and good feeling. “You, the Honourable Brigadier, took up your residence at Chusan in the 23d year of Taou Kwang (1844), and, whilst observing and maintaining the treaty, you behaved with the utmost kindness and the greatest liberality towards our own people, and restrained by laws and regulations the military of your honourable country. The sepoys, to the num- ber of several hundreds, who were quartered in the city and mixed with the Chinese, lived: with them on the best understanding, and no instances of insult or aggression ever occurred. The European soldiers stayed with you, the Honourable Brigadier, outside the walls ; and you, the Honourable Brigadier, kept them under such strict control, that they never ill-treated or annoyed the inhabitants. “Thus the very cottagers enjoyed for several years tranquillity and protection, and were not exposed to the calamity of wandering about without a home. All this is owing to the excellent and vigorous administration of you, the Honourable Brigadier. “We (the Commissioners) are all under deep obligations to you, and have already personally 1846. ] EMBARKATION FOR INDIA. 139 expressed our sincere thanks. Hearing now, how- ever, that you, the Honourable Brigadier, are about to return to your country crowned with honour, we draw up this letter, and forward the same for your consideration, whilst we wish you every happiness. “This is the principal object of this despatch, addressed to the British Brigadier Campbell. ““Taovu Kwang, 26th year, 5th (intercalary month), 23d day—16th July 1846.” The troops embarked on the 21st, Colin Campbell making a point of giving over the barracks to the Chinese Commissioners, as he states in his journal, “in beautiful order,” and receiving at the same time an acknowledgment from H.M.’s Plenipotentiary “of his public services, which he had so zealously and successfully rendered by his military rule in the island, and especially for the care which he had taken of the property and rights of the Chinese population, the best proof of which was the letter of acknowledgment he had received from the native authorities deputed to receive back Chusan.” The vessel in which Colin Campbell took passage to Calcutta being unable to clear the harbour on the 24th July, he once more landed on the island. “ Journal, July 24th.—-Took a walk on shore in the evening—my last walk in Chusan, where I have passed many days in quiet and peace, and where I was enabled to save a little money, with which I hope to render my last days somewhat comfortable. 140 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [184 Whilst there, I was enabled also to assist others to a great extent. My health upon the whole pretty good; and altogether I have every reason to be grate- ful to God for sending me to a situation wherein I was enabled to accomplish so much for my own benefit and that of the comfort of others, whilst my duty kept me separate from them.” The following day the voyage to Calcutta fairly commenced. The master of the Lord Hunger- ford transport, selected by Colin Campbell for the conveyance of himself and the headquarters of the 98th, parted from the other vessels at starting, and, clearing the Chusan group by the northern passage, stood away by the Loo-choo Islands into the Pacific, in order to catch the south - eastern “trades” in the Moluccas, and passing through the Java Sea, enter the Bay of Bengal by that route, in preference to beating down the China Sea, in the teeth of the south-west monsoon, to Singapore. The Eastern Archipelago was entered by the Gilolo pas- sage; and on passing through the Straits of Salayer from the Molucca into the Java Sea, Colin Camp- bell decided on calling at Batavia to replenish the supplies, which were beginning to run short, as well as to obtain fresh provisions, in consequence of symptoms of scurvy having appeared amongst the troops. Batavia was reached on the 20th Septem- ber, the passage through the Moluccas being fa- voured by a fair wind ; whilst the proximity to the islands presented a constantly varying outline of 1846. | THE VOYAGE. 141 landscape, mountainous and magnificently wooded, the gorgeous colours of which, lighted up by an Eastern sun, attracted the eyes of all, and rendered this part of the voyage, even by Colin Campbell’s admission, enjoyable. The time occupied in provisioning the ship afforded him a favourable opportunity of visiting some of the many natural beauties with which Java abounds. These, and the exchange of compliments with the Dutch authorities, who lost no opportunity of mak- ing the visit of the British officers agreeable, were a source of great pleasure to Colin Campbell,—the more so that the fresh provisions obtained on arrival told with immediate and happy effect on the health of his men. On the 30th September the voyage was resumed ; and after a favourable passage up the Bay of Bengal, Calcutta was reached on the 24th October. Four days previously he recorded in Spanish, in his journal, the entry into his fifty - fifth year, adding, “T thank God most sincerely and devoutly for the favour He has been pleased to extend to me, and for enabling me to render assistance to those who had a right to expect it from me, when J had the means of affording them aid.” The other detachments from the vessels, which had taken the route by Singapore, did not join the headquarters till the last week in November. In the meantime, Colin Campbell had, from his senior- ity, assumed the commandantship of Fort William, 142 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1847. delegating the command of the 98th to Colonel Gregory, who had rejoined at Calcutta from leave of absence. The regiment having had Dinapore allotted to it as its station, was inspected prior to its departure, Colin Campbell being a spectator. “The men,” he records, “moved tolerably well after their long confinement on board ship. Every one spoke of our steadiness, and moving so correctly by sound of bugle, our practice on board ship having made the men very perfect.” | “ Journal, 10th December.—Received yesterday a very flattering letter from Colonel Wood, military secretary to Lord Hardinge,! the Governor-General, apprising me of his lordship’s intention to appoint me brigadier of the second class in the Jullundur Doab, if no insuperable difficulty should offer with respect to seniority. This is very flattering; but I would prefer remaining with my regiment, because, by the time I am determined to get home, I should be a richer man than if I were to go as a general officer to the Punjab.” On the regiment commencing its march on the 18th December, Colin Campbell resumed command of it. “ Journal, 1st January.—Another year! How my heart has daily wished and wearied for release from my present life!” But rising superior to any morbid feeling, when contemplating the state of his regi- ment, for which he had laboured so earnestly, he adds with soldierly pride: “The march of the regi- 1 The late Lieutenant-General Robert B. Wood, C.B. 1847.] ARRIVAL AT DINAPORE. 143 ment has been conducted to my entire satisfaction, no men falling out, and the distance of sections so correctly preserved that their wheeling into line is like the operation of a field-day. Those who follow me will benefit by this order and regularity in con- ducting the line of march. The youngest officer and soldier must see the advantage of it.” On his arrival at Dinapore, Colin Campbell found his appointment in general orders as brigadier of the second class, to command at Lahore. Whilst preparing to start for that place the regiment was inspected, after which he took occasion to address it. In the following summary of his remarks, as entered in his journal, will be recognised the principle which - ever regulated his treatment of the British soldier, whereby he insured discipline and military efficiency, while at the same time he won the confidence of the troops placed under his command. “2d February.—Regiment inspected. Men steady as rocks; moving by bugle-sound as correctly as by word of command—equally steady, accurate, and with the same precision. Spoke to the regiment in the evening : complimented them upon their con- duct and intelligence at the inspection, after a march of six weeks, following on a voyage of four months through the tropics — the same precision and accu- racy in all that they did, as if they had been daily at drill. Told them that it was attributable to the original instruction of the soldiers being perfect ; complimented them on their good conduct on the 144 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1847. line of march, which was orderly and compact, no man quitting the ranks without leave, and rarely a man falling out from sickness or inability to keep up with the column. Thanked them for the prompti- tude with which they had responded to the appeal made to them the day after the arrival of the corps, when they had been enjoying themselves with the 9th! [the regiment relieved by the 98th] on the first day of our arrival. Drunkenness had ceased, and perfect order and regular conduct restored, pre- paratory to their inspection, there not having been a single defaulter on the previous day. Told the corps that this circumstance was the strongest and best evidence of the high feeling existing among them. That it had its origin in the attention of the officers to their duty, in their looking after the wants of their men, in their care to procure for the soldier all to which he was entitled, and in sharing in every duty of every kind which the soldier was called on to perform. That it was owing to this system of there being but one rule for officers and soldiers in all and every circumstance. That the men had worked very willingly and cheerfully in helping the baggage over the difficulties we met with on the march, the officer assisting and being present in the rain and in the mud with the soldier. With this example of his officer there was no com- plaint—nothing but cheerfulness and good-humour ; and so will it ever be during the continuance of this Colin Campbell’s original regiment. 1847. | LEAVE-TAKING. 145 system, from which so much advantage has been derived in the diminution of crime, and by the attachment and respect felt by the soldier for his officer under such circumstances.” It was nothing more than a rigid adherence to Sir John Moore’s system, under which he had been trained in the 9th Regiment. “ Journal continued.—In the evening dined at the mess. The president, to my surprise, rose and pro- posed my health in connection with the inspection of the regiment, and the exertions that I had made, as senior lieutenant-colonel and commanding officer, to produce such results. The toast was received with great warmth and cordiality, for which I was unpre- pared, considering the attention and exertions I had exacted from all ranks in getting the regiment into order, and taking into account the number of officers of short standing in the service, who could not see the necessity of the pressure I had put upon them. I accepted the compliment upon public grounds, and took occasion to observe that the same care and attention which they had shown to their duty would always produce the same results, and that according to the manner in which the officers did their duty, so would it be performed by the non-commissioned officers of the corps. I could not speak with in- difference, and my manner could not conceal my deep anxiety respecting a corps in which I had served so long. I begged that, if their old colonel had been sometimes anxious and impatient with VOL. I K 146 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s47, them, they would have the kindness to think of their exertions, and the satisfactory feeling which that recollection would occasion, and to forget the manner and impatience of one, who had no other thought or object in life but to add to their hon- our and reputation collectively and individually. I could not but feel complimented by the grounds offered for the mark of respect they had shown me; for up to the last moment of my command, when every one was aware that I was to leave them, I performed my duty in all its details, and exacted the same from every one, with the same strictness, as if T had not been about to leave the regiment.” Colin Campbell now commenced his journey to Lahore, “ feeling,” as he records, “more than he ex- pected, when taking leave of the few officers who happened to be at his quarters at the moment of his departure.” It was in the old days of palanquin- travelling; so that on reaching Cawnpore, where the 21st Fusiliers happened to be stationed, he was enabled “to pass the day with his dear old friend Sutherland.” He expected to have found Hope Grant, at that time commanding the 9th Lancers at Meerut, but ascertained that he had gone to get married at Agra. Hearing that the Governor-General was in move- ment from Kurnal to Meerut, Colin Campbell deter- mined to meet him. “ Jowrnal, 15th February.— Called on Colonel Wood (Military Secretary), by whom I was taken to Lord Hardinge, who received me very kindly. He spoke of all the officers with 1847. | LORDS HARDINGE AND GOUGH. 147 whom I should be connected at Lahore: Colonel Lawrence! was the king of the country, clever and good-hearted, but hot-tempered,— told me that I should find him ready to afford me information, assistance, and advice whenever I required it; men- tioned Captain (afterwards Sir Herbert) Edwardes,” another of the politicals, clever, and a nice person. He gave me to understand that if any of the force should have to take the field, I should have to com- mand it. His lordship said something also about the native troops,—of the loose way the European officers did their duty—of his having found one of them, when on guard, in bed, and the guards with- out any written orders. His lordship was kind and friendly in his manner. He spoke of the objection that had been made to my appointment, owing to my want of knowledge of the language, and stated other reasons, which he had overcome.” Having taken leave of Lord Hardinge, Colin Campbell started for Saharunpore, at that moment the headquarters of Lord Gough, the Commander- in-chief. “ Journal, 19th February.—Lord Gough arrived to-day from his shooting excursion. Friendly and cordial in his greeting—dined with him. After din- ner he desired me to write to him whenever I had anything to say to him. He asked me if he could do anything for me. I replied that I had no favour to ask for myself, but that his lordship would afford 1 The late Sir Henry Lawrence, K.C.B. 2 The late Major-General Sir Herbert Edwardes, K.C.B., K.C.8.1. 148 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1847, me pleasure to remove my regiment nearer to the frontier, and, as soon as possible, from its present location, which afforded so many temptations to the men to drink. Took leave of the headquarter people. Colonel Cureton! accompanied me to the dak bungalow, and saw me off. He is a nice per- son, and has proved himself to be so by his kind- ness to me.” By invitation of Colonel Lawrence, Colin Camp- bell, on his arrival at Lahore, proceeded to the Resi- dency, where he was “ very cordially received,” and asked to stay till he could obtain a quarter for him- self. He found a pleasant chief in Sir John Littler, who put into his hands a copy of Lord Hardinge’s memorandum of instructions for the occupation and defence of Lahore, as well as of the country on the right bank of the Sutlej—‘“‘a very comprehensive document.” Sir John Littler also accompanied him round the works, followed by a large staff; but Colin Campbell was not satisfied with this. “To see and understand how the troops were posted with reference to the defence of the walls, as well as from an exterior and interior attack, he felt that he must go alone with the engineer.” In the selection of his quarters, too, he was governed by the interests of the service, conceiving it “to be his duty to be with his troops, and not separate from them.” He at once discovered a kindred spirit in Henry Law- rence, who won his heart, not alone by his personal 1 Adjutant-General of the Queen’s troops. 1347. ] LAHORE, 149 kindness, but by being ever ready to do good, and kind, and considerate acts to the garrison. Lahore was at this time the most important mili- tary post in India, having regard to the delicate relations existing between the British authority and the native Government of the Punjab, which, though controlled by the Resident, still possessed a cénsider- able army, sufficient at any moment to become the nucleus of revolt, and a rallying-point for the remains of that formidable host, which had so recently and so desperately measured its strength with the British power on the banks of the Sutlej. Sensible of this, Colin Campbell neglected no means within his power to secure the charge intrusted to him. “ Journal, March 3d.—Went out with Colonel Lawrence and his family to the Shalimar gardens, where we breakfasted. The Durbar had sent out the tents and canopies of Cashmere shawls and beauti- fully-worked silks from Moultan, the property of the Maharajah. They certainly were very superb and handsome. I never imagined I should have found myself walking on floors covered with shawls of Cashmere. All the garrison was invited; but it ap- peared to me proper to allow only half of the officers to be absent from their men, which I expect will be the occasion of remarks in print. If the Sikhs wanted to murder all the officers, they could not have an easier or a better opportunity of doing so, than when they were collected four miles from their men, enjoying themselves at a féte.” 150 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1847. Good reason existed for this precaution. A con- siderable Sikh force was located in and about La- hore, to say nothing of a large and somewhat tur- bulent population unaccustomed to British troops. With a view to any possible contingency, Colin Campbell prepared the most detailed instructions for the disposition of every corps and detachment on the occurrence of any alarm, so that every one might know at once where to go and what to do. A copy of these instructions was sent to the Governor- General, and met with Lord Hardinge’s cordial approval. Quick to resent unauthorised interference in mat- ters affecting his own position, Colin Campbell was scrupulously careful in limiting himself to the dis- charge of his own duties; and from his instinctive love of discipline, he shrank from even the appear- ance of encroaching upon the prerogative of his superiors. In one instance, however, imagining that his zeal had carried him a little too far, with a nice sense of the respect due to his chief’s position, he reproached himself for want of deference towards him. “ Journal, March 11th.—I discovered, a few days ago, that the arrangement for the occupation of the works inside the town by the native regiments in the Rounie or fausse brave was originally for the eight regiments which had been already relieved by the five now here, and I directed the engineer to distribute the five corps now in the Rounie amongst the posts 1847. | DISTRIBUTION OF TROOPS. 151 which had been formerly occupied by eight. This appeared to me very pressing, and requiring arrange- ment without delay; and I told Sir John Littler of my having given the order to the engineer. I might be mistaken, but I thought his manner seemed to say, ‘There is no necessity for this;’ and it then occurred to me that the more judicious mode of pro- ceeding would have been to have made the suggestion to him in the first instance. This would have been more respectful, and at any rate would have shown more deference. I had no intention to presume in any way. I shall be more thoughtful another time, for he is a nice person, and I should be truly sorry to give him occasion for displeasure or offence.” Conscious, too, of his quickness of temper, Colin Campbell was in the habit of taking himself to task in his journal “ for having forgotten himself,” as he termed it—‘‘as he had come to Lahore with a deter- mination to get on well with every one.” Even after a discussion with his brigade-major, Keiller, a fellow- countryman and valued friend, who possessed his entire confidence, he is found alluding to it. Here is an instance: “Got very angry last night when speaking to Keiller about some officers who had been making remarks about quarters. I wish I had not allowed my temper to beat me; but I am too old, 1 fear, to change my bad ways and habits, and this heat of temper has always told against me.” Asa further evidence of his effort to curb this infirmity, he inserted as a motto on the fly-leaf of one of his 152 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s47. diary-books at this period the following quotation : “Quelque chose que nous disions dans un moment d’emportement, il est bien rare qu’elle ne nous cause pas de regrets.” ! Though he had had several attacks of fever since his arrival at Lahore, Colin Campbell’s health had been generally good; but in the middle of April he felt an alteration in his eyesight, which caused him to see double, and gave him great uneasiness. He put himself under medical advice; and by a sparing use of his eyes, which seriously interfered with the active discharge of his duties, he gradually but slowly recovered from this affection, which was pecu- liarly distressing to him at a time when his physical and mental energies were concentrated on the meas- ures he was adopting for the strengthening of his post. In the meantime, Sir John Littler had left Lahore for the Jullundur Doab. “ Journal, 24th April.—Colonel Lawrence called on me this morning to mention a report which had been made to him in secrecy by one of the hill chiefs, of an intention on the part of the principal Sirdars to rise against the English authority. I con- fess I was glad to hear of this report, for I had felt, from the moment of the general’s departure, that the precautions adopted by him were wholly insuffi- cient in the position of H.M.’s 10th Regiment (in the citadel); and yet I did not like to take immediate * “It is seldom that we have not cause to regret words spoken in a passion.” 1847. ] DOUBTS REGARDING THE SIKHS. las measures, upon his departure, for the greater secu- rity of my position in the Hazarabagh and Musjid square, in which the 10th is quartered, for fear it might be said that in doing that, which the general had not done, I was making myself appear active and prudent to his disadvantage—and therefore this report came most opportunely to strengthen and render my position in the citadel less insecure than it was. The 10th Queen’s Regiment, officers and soldiers, were completely at the mercy of the Sikh troops in the citadel, in which there were always 1000. They might come down upon the 10th, and all within the Hazarabagh, any night they pleased, and butcher the whole corps, officers and men, when in bed. Colonel Lawrence felt this also, as well as the necessity of having a watch at night on the top of the roof of the gateway, which had been converted into a mess-room for the 10th. I went, immediately after the departure of the colonel, with the brigade-major, Keiller, to examine the top of the gateway or tower: and I found that, with scarcely any expense or trouble, the place might be converted into a very strong post, giving one com- mand, within half-musket-shot, of one of the prin- cipal and inner gates in the citadel, so as to prevent all communication between the outside and the in- side in that direction; while, with the aid of lad- ders, we had only a descent of fifteen or seventeen feet into the interior of the citadel. To make the post quite secure, it was necessary to remove a build- 154 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [147 ing, seemingly of recent construction, which abutted on the roof of the gateway, and, completely com- manding the tower, was higher even than the highest part of the gateway. I went again in the evening with the engineer, Captain Tremenheere,' to look at the capabilities of the place as a post. He agreed with me that a few additions would make it very strong, and one that would give us, in a great mea- sure, the command of the citadel and its garri- son, never less than 1000 men, but which might be increased without our knowledge, by the secret introduction of small parties of men to any amount. While we occupied this position, no body of men could move at night in the interior of the palace or citadel without being heard. As a precaution, I ordered a double sentry to be placed at the top of the gateway, between dark and daylight, to report any stir that might be heard in the citadel, or the tread of feet in numbers, like the march or movement of troops. This precaution will prevent our actually being taken by surprise, inasmuch as we may have time to fall in. I only want freedom from moles- tation for one week, when I hope to have my post completed at the top of the gateway, which places my head and shoulders inside their stronghold, with the advantage of their inability to move in the in- terior without my knowledge, and the further advan- tage of perfect security of access for my troops to the inside of the citadel whenever I like. 1 Major-General G. RB. Tremenhceere. 1847. ] FORTIETH YEAR OF SERVICE. 155 “25th April._—Colonel Lawrence and Major Mac- gregor came this morning to look at the place on the top of the gateway, where I am anxious to have a post. Both concurred in its propriety; and the colonel said he would speak to the Durbar to break down or remove the house, which abuts upon the top of the gateway. I hope to have my post established before the end of the week, when I shall be quite at ease.” On the general’s return to Lahore, he approved of his brigadier’s proceedings; and Colin Campbell, whose relations with Colonel Lawrence had ripened into intimacy, invited himself to the Residency at Anarkullie for change of air. This visit was bene- ficial to his eyes, and he “ enjoyed himself much.” * Journal, 26th May.— Commenced to-day my fortieth year of service. Colonel Lawrence told me to-day that he had been asked by Mr Elliot! whom he would like to have to command, if Sir John Littler and I went away. This looks as if they con- sidered it not indispensable to have a major-general. Colonel Lawrence behaved to me in the most hand- some manner, and told me that he preferred to have me here to any other officer, and had written accord- ingly to say so. He has behaved to me in the most kind and generous manner ever since my arrival here.” On Sir John Littler proceeding to Simla, Colin Campbell assumed the temporary command of the 1 Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign Department, after- wards Sir H. M. Elliot, K.C.B. 156 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1847. division, by which he was brought in close official connection with Colonel Lawrence, and spent much time in his society, never paying a visit to the Residency without recording the “pleasure he de- rived from it,” and the happiness “it was to him to be a guest under that hospitable roof.” On the 19th June, Sir Charles Napier, who had been kept informed by Colin Campbell of his proceedings at Lahore, replied to him from Kurrachee, expressing his approval of what the latter had been doing. After condoling with him about the affection of his eyesight, he says: ‘I am delighted at all your pre- cautions against surprise. In India, we who take these pains are reckoned cowards. Be assured that English officers think it a fine dashing thing to be surprised—to take no precautions. Formerly it was an axiom in war that no man was fit to be a commander who permitted himself to be surprised ; but things are on a more noble footing now! The Indian army wants great radical reforms, and most of all in the system of discipline rather than drill. I cannot now enter into these opinions. You are too able a soldier not to have seen this already. The Bombay army, and indeed all three, are full of good soldiers ; but the regimental discipline requires improvement. I have tried to remedy this, as far as the Bombay army goes, but it can only be effec- tually done by a commander-in-chief. A general on | the staff has not sufficient powers to effect reforms of this nature.” 1847. | VISIT TO SIMLA. 157 Colonel Lawrence’s health having suffered from the fatigue and anxiety inseparable from the arduous post he so worthily occupied, it was arranged that he should return to England on leave ; but before doing so, he proceeded to Simla on a visit to Lord Hardinge, his place being temporarily filled by his brother John, the late Lord Lawrence, who at that time was commissioner of the recently annexed dis- trict of the Jullundur Doab. Colin Campbell, who had frequently met him at the Residency, “was delighted at the prospect of John Lawrence remain- ing at Lahore during his brother’s absence.” “ Journal, 19th September. — Received a letter from Colonel Lawrence telling me that he had had much talk about me with the Governor-General ; that no general had yet been appointed; and that he would not be surprised if Colonel Wheeler? and myself were left in independent command, but that this was mere surmise, and I was not to speak of it. Moreover, that in the event of any force moving out of Lahore, I should command it. That the Gov- ernor-General would tell me so when he saw me, but that he would not write upon the subject.” Early in October, Colin Campbell proceeded on a short visit to Simla, to pay his respects to Lord Har- dinge, who was on the eve of returning to England. “ Muttianah, 18th October—The Governor-General 1 Afterwards Major-General Sir Hugh M. Wheeler, K.C.B., mas- sacred at Cawnpore in 1857. He was at this time commanding a brigade in the Jullundur Doab. 158 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1847. came here to-day with his sons, Colonel Wood, &c. Very civil to me. Told me he had received pleasant accounts of me from Lahore. [I presume from Colonel Lawrence.]| He further told me he in- tended to do something better for me before he went away, but not till then—that it might not be said it had been granted by any application of mine to his lordship. JI presume he will make me a first- class brigadier; and this will make me my own master at Lahore, which will be very agreeable, besides adding something to my income. But my heart is not at Lahore. I cannot, however, get away for another year; and I must be content to remain unsatisfied till the beginning of 1849, when I shall be able to leave this country for ever.” “ Monday, 26th.—Forgot to mention that Lord Hardinge told me last Saturday of his intention to make me a brigadier of the first class. I told his lordship of my ambition and desire to get home; but they tell me I must stay another year, if I do not wish to throw off all claims upon the service. I suppose I must submit, bon gré mal gré mor.” Having taken part in the farewell entertainments given by the Commander-in-chief in honour of the Governor-General, and seen the latter off, Colin Camp- bell set out again for his post, taking Jullundur on his way, where he made Colonel Wheeler’s acquaintance ; and finding that Colonel Lawrence was at Umritzur, he took the opportunity of examining the fort of Govindghur, which was unarmed, visiting as well 1848. ] RETURN FROM SIMLA. 159 the holy shrine of the Sikhs, and returning with his friend to Lahore. Colonel Lawrence, after remain- ing a few weeks at Lahore, gave up charge to his brother John, and finally left on the 1st December to join Lord Hardinge at Calcutta, Colin Campbell accompanying him the first stage on his homeward journey. From this period to the end of the year, he spent much time with John Lawrence, frequently accompanying him on shooting excursions. The pure air, the freedom from official work, and the society of his companion, appear to have afforded him more gratification than the sport, for he records in his journal the pleasure he derived from these outings, though he admits “his inability to hit a feather from the back of an elephant.” “ Journal, 9th January.—Heard this morning from John Lawrence that Sir Frederick Currie was almost certain to come here, but only for a year. I am most sorry that John Lawrence is going away, because he is not only a nice, friendly, and honest fellow, but he is the sort of political authority with whom I should like to have to act if any disturbance were to arise during my stay in the Punjab.” Colin Campbell’s anticipations with regard to being left, on the departure of Sir John Littler, in independent command of his brigade, were in like manner disappointed, for that officer, in giving up his divisional command on the 20th January, was succeeded by Major-General Whisb,’ an officer of 1 The late Major-General Sir 8, Whish, K.C.B. 160 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [184s. the Company’s service. Simultaneously with the arrival of this officer, the garrison of Lahore received an important addition in the Queen’s 53d Regiment, which had been moved up from Ferozepore. In this corps the late Lord Sandhurst was then serving in the rank of captain, and in this manner first came under the eye of his future chief. At the same time Brigadier Wheeler paid a visit to Lahore, and during his stay was Colin Campbell’s guest. From the first, that worthy old soldier appears, by his subsequent correspondence, to have entertained a sincere regard for Colin Campbell, who heartily reciprocated the feeling, and who, with excusable pride, had out, for his brother brigadier, his force, consisting of 7000 men of all arms, with 18 guns, on which occasion ‘the general complimented him on the mode and facility with which he handled the troops.” “ Journal, 16th March.—This book filled up. I commenced it in Calcutta, and did not expect to have reached the end of it in India; but if I have not realised my hope of joining those I love so much at home, I have been enabled by my saving to contribute much to their comfort and happiness, and this knowledge must be my consolation. This time next year must see me, if alive, on my way homeward. May it be so.” Little could he foresee the grave events which were at hand, and which were to exercise so import- ant an influence on his future career. 1848. ] REVOLT OF MOOLRAJ. 161 “ Journal, 23d April.—Informed by the general that the movable brigade was to be held in readi- ness to move to Mooltan. 24th.—Met the general at Sir F. Currie’s. Informed by the latter of the in- telligence from Mooltan being very bad: fears en- tertained for the safety of Messrs Agnew and Ander- son.! A report from the former, dated the 19th, had been received, giving an account of his having been cut down when leaving the fort or citadel of Mooltan, after the completion of the ceremony of its being handed over to him by Moolraj, Governor of the Doab of Mooltan, and of Lieutenant Ander- son having been similarly treated. Sir F. Currie was of opinion that the citadel of Mooltan, described by Mr Agnew in his report as the strongest fort he had seen in India, would not be maintained by its garrison upon an English force presenting itself before it, but that the garrison would immediately abandon Moolraj. I was not of this way of think- ing, feeling sure that a force without the means (artillery) of taking the place would be laughed at by the garrison, and that our troops must either remain there inactive until those means arrived 1 These gentlemen—the former a member of the Bengal Civil Ser- vice, the latter a lieutenant in the Bombay Fusiliers—had been de- puted, in the capacity of assistants to the British Resident at Lahore, to proceed to Mooltan, and superintend, under the authority of the Sikh Durbar, the substitution of Sirdar Khan Singh as Dewan or Governor of the territory of Mooltan, situated between the left bank of the Indus and the right bank of the Sutlej, in the place of Moolraj, who, after the death of Runjeet Singh, had succeeded his father as adminstrator of the province, subject to the authority of the Lahore Government. VOL. I. L 162 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s4s, from Lahore—the nearest station and support, dis- tant 210 miles, or 18 marches, through a heavy coun- try—or retire upon that place until a more suitable season for carrying on operations had arrived ; that either result would have a bad moral effect, and encourage all the idle vagabonds of disbanded Sikhs to swarm to the standard of Moolraj, and to crowd round the British force thus isolated. “ Monday evening, 24th.—Met the general at Sir F. Currie’s. Settled by them that a brigade, con- sisting of a wing H.M.’s 14th Light Dragoons, a regiment of irregular cavalry, two batteries field- artillery (one European, one native), H.M.’s 10th Regiment, three regiments of native infantry, and half a company Sappers and Miners, should march on the 26th. Sir F. Currie’s instructions to General Whish declared the object of this force to be the capture of Moolraj, Governor of Mooltan, and his followers, who had attacked Mr Agnew and Lieu- tenant Anderson on the 19th. It was known that the citadel of Mooltan was very strong, and it was to be expected that on our arrival there Moolraj would shut himself up in his citadel; and if so, that we should be obliged to remain inactive while guns were being brought from Lahore—or, what appeared more probable, that nothing additional would be put in movement after us, but that we should be ordered to retrace our steps, and that we should be followed by all Moolraj’s active and troublesome rabble, who would plunder our baggage, and keep us incessantly 1848. | REVOLT OF MOOLRAJ. 163 on the alert. All this would happen, without taking into consideration the deadly effects of the sun in this month and May, and the probability of the rain setting in and rendering our movement impracti- cable, and making it difficult to find encamping- ground. Upon my return home I thought of these considerations, all of them being opposed to so feeble a demonstration, as well as of the season of the year being so unfavourable for military operations with European troops. I therefore got up at 3 a.m. and wrote my sentiments to the general, who had evinced no intentions of giving me written instructions upon this service. “ Tuesday, 25th.—Sent for by Sir F. Currie, whom I had seen early in the morning, when I could gather from his observations that he had his apprehensions about sending out the troops at this season of the year. When sent for the second time to the Resi- dency, where I found the general, Sir F. Currie gave us an account of the attack made upon the mosque [at Mooltan ], in which these poor young men | Agnew and Anderson] had taken up their quarters, and which had been fired upon by the citadel during the day of the 20th; of the garrison having come out and surrounded the mosque at night; of the escort having abandoned their trust of defending these poor fellows, and having gone over bodily to the enemy ; and of these savage scoundrels having rushed into the rooms where the two wounded officers were lying, and having murdered them and mutilated their 164 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [184a, bodies, which they afterwards exposed on the walls of Mooltan. The whole relation was very horrible and distressing. The news received to-day induced Sir F. Currie to abandon the idea of sending troops to Mooltan for the present, which I was not sorry to hear, for the sun is too hot for Europeans to bear without incurring a Jarge loss of life as well as great sickness.” “27th April.—Publicly announced in orders that the movement upon Mooltan was countermanded. Very glad of this, for I foresaw no credit from our proceeding without guns to take the fort. “98th April.—lt would appear that Lord Gough has had pointed out to him by Sir F. Currie how desirable the march of a European force to Mooltan would be in a political point of view. I think his lordship will consider the season of the year and the near approach of the rainy season as objections to our moving before the cold season. I shall be very glad if I prove to be right in my opinion. I cannot stand the sun with impunity.” “5th May.—Sent for by Sir F. Currie to meet the general, the object being to inform us of the position of Lieutenant Edwardes, who had reached Leia,! on the Indus, from Bunnoo, and of intelligence having been received by him (Sir F. Currie) direct from Mooltan, to the effect that the troops with Edwardes 1 Leia, a town on the left bank of the Indus, where Lieutenant Edwardes, one of the political assistants of the Resident, happened to be at this time with a small native force, engaged in the settlement of that portion of the territories of Mooltan. 1848. | MILITARY PREPARATIONS. 165 were actually in treaty with Moolraj, and ready to join him upon a body of his retainers presenting themselves at Leia; that a force had been ordered to proceed from Mooltan on the 30th ultimo. Edwardes had reached Leia on the 25th; and it was feared that he would, not receive intimation of this treachery in his camp, and would not only himself be sacrificed, but that the fact of the defection of so large a body of Sikh troops would have the very worst possible effect upon the country, and render it probable that the troops under Major Lawrence at Peshawur might imitate the example, and murder, or permit the mur- der of, all the British officers in that direction. Sir F. Currie read also a correspondence between him- self and the Commander-in-chief. He had urged upon the latter the great necessity, upon political grounds, of the revolt at Mooltan being put down, to which the Commander-in-chief in his reply pointed out the inexpediency and impracticability of carrying on operations at this season of the year. But while he stated these opinions, he was quite ready to com- ply with the instructions contained in a certain letter of Mr Secretary Elliot, which Sir F. Currie stated to be an order to his lordship to comply with any requi- sition for troops made to him by the Resident. It was very evident that both my chief and Sir F. Currie were uneasy about this place, and they de- termined to send for the following reinforcements from Ferozepore and Jullundur: A wing of H.M.’s 14th Light Dragoons ; a regiment irregular cavalry ; 166 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1848, two regiments native infantry, the latter from Jul- lundur. “6th to 22d May.—Nothing particular beyond a discovery made of one Khan Singh, with the Vakeel of the Ranee, being engaged in an attempt to seduce some of the sepoys. There was sufficient proof to show that both had communicated with different sepoys, and had made promises to them if they. would join in an outbreak which it was intended to make. These men having been seized, were tried, and condemned to be hanged, and were hanged accordingly. This act of vigour produced an im- mediate and good effect, by putting a stop to the blustering and vapouring of the idle people without employ, who were in the habit of taunting our servants and the sepoys about the rising that was to take place, and which vapouring talk had the effect of frightening all the ladies, and of circulating reports of an apprehension which did not exist.” Colin Campbell had kept both Henry and John Lawrence advised of these momentous occurrences, and had also communicated privately with Colonel Cureton, who was at Simla with the headquarters of the army, and from whom he received a “ compli- mentary reply upon his views respecting the move- ment upon Mooltan.” Colonel Cureton, writing on the 3d May, tells him: “Your most excellent detailed and very interesting letter of the 27th ultimo reached me this morning; and it being the only intelligible account, to my knowledge, that has reached this, I knew it would 1848.] COMPLETES FORTIETH YEAR OF SERVICE. 167 be so interesting to Lord Gough, that I did not hesitate reading it to him, and giving him, at his particular request, an extract from it. Lord Gough desires me to offer you his most sincere thanks for the clear, and the only clear, information it has afforded him of the late events, and to beg that you will, as far as you can, keep him aware of all that may be going on. It is little for me to say that I consider your view of the whole matter, as detailed in your letter to me, and in your official—which, as you desire, I herewith return—most just, clear, and soldier-like ; but that Lord Gough is entirely of the same opinion, I am sure will be gratifying to you— his first expression after hearing your letter being, ‘Thank God we had Campbell there.” Colin Campbell’s circumstances were by this time so much improved as to enable him to place his sister in a position of independence ; and this re- flection produced a lightness of heart to which he had hitherto been a stranger, and “ which, though it might be the cause of prolonging his stay in India, afforded him exceeding pleasure.” On the 26th May he records the completion of his fortieth year of service, remarking that it was a long time to have served, and expressing his grati- tude “that his health, under all circumstances, was wonderfully good, enabling him to go through as much exercise and fatigue as the youngest man in the force;” and further, that “at that moment he was very nearly clear of debt, and of all pecuniary obligation.” 168 CHAPTER YV. OPERATIONS OF LIEUTENANT EDWARDES—MOOLRAJ SHUTS HIMSELF UP IN MOOLTAN—-EDWARDES WATCHES MOOLTAN, AND AWAITS REINFORCEMENTS—COLIN CAMPBELL’S DISAPPOINTMENT AT NOT ACCOMPANYING GENERAL WHISH’S FORCE— EXTRACTS FROM JOURNAL— PROGRESS OF THE REVOLT—SIEGE OF MOOLTAN— DEFECTION OF SHERE SINGH—SIEGE RAISED—COLIN CAMPBELL SECURES GOVINDGHUR—SHERE SINGH QUITS MOOLTAN— PRE- PARATIONS FOR PUNJAB CAMPAIGN — APPOINTED BRIGADIER- GENERAL — JOURNAL OF EVENTS — RAMNUGGUR — SADOOLA- PORE — INDISPOSITION —- JOURNAL —_ CHILLIANWALA — WOUNDS —COMMENTS OF INDIAN PRESS— REFUTATION OF CHARGES— LETTER OF ADJUTANT-GENERAL, AT the outset of these grave occurrences at Mooltan, an effort had been made to stem the revolt with the assistance of such native levies as were available at the moment. Lieutenant Edwardes’s small force was in due time joined by a few thousand Sikhs and Pathans under Colonel Van Cortlandt! from Bunnoo, of which place they formed the garrison; and the Khan of Bhawalpore was called upon to threaten Moolraj’s rear should a hostile movement be made 1 Originally an officer in the Sikh army. He was subsequently made a Deputy Commissioner in the Punjab, and during the Mutiny raised and commanded a considerable force. For his services he was rewarded with the Companionship of the Bath. 1848.] LIEUTENANT EDWARDES’S OPERATIONS. 169 from Mooltan against Edwardes. Cortlandt having joined Edwardes, the enemy was defeated on the 20th May; but the force under these officers was so small as to render its reinforcement by the troops from Bhawalpore—whose ruler responded loyally to the demands made upon him—an urgent necessity. Moolraj failed in his efforts to counteract this man- ceuvre, which was effectually executed —Edwardes and Cortlandt having crossed the Chenab on the 18th June and given battle to the advanced parties of the enemy, who were routed, and fell back upon Mooltan with a loss of six guns, their baggage, and stores. The motley force at Edwardes’s disposal was now further augmented by a body of some few thousand men under the command of the Sheikh Imam-ood-deen, making, with the Bhawal- pore allies, a total of about 18,000. Moolraj made a further but fruitless effort against the allied force on the 1st July, but his troops were driven back in disorder into the town with the loss of two guns. The result of this daring and brilliant enterprise on the part of this gallant and talented young officer was to shut up Moolraj in his fortress. Unprovided, however, with matériel, and with a force inadequate to undertake the siege of a place of such strength, Edwardes was constrained to sit down before it and watch the enemy. With this object he encamped in its vicinity, and applied to Lahore for reinforce- ments. The only troops despatched from Lahore up to this time were a body of 5000 Sikhs, which, on 170 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1848, the news of Edwardes’s success on the 18th June reaching the capital, marched to Mooltan under the command of Rajah Shere Singh. © During the month of June affairs remained quiet at Lahore and in its immediate vicinity, the only exception being the despatch, under Colin Campbell's superintendence, of a small but lightly-equipped force across the Ravee in pursuit of one Bhaee Maharajah, a fomenter of rebellion, who, at the head of some four or five thousand followers, had made his appearance about 35 miles from Lahore. “ Journal, June 30th.—Wrote to Colonel Cureton about getting the command of the brigade proceed- ing to Mooltan. I hope for the appointment, and change of employment from a dull garrison-life, of which I am most heartily sick.” “ July 7th.—Called on Sir F. Currie in the morn- ing. He showed me a letter from Lord Gough dis- approving of any measures being undertaken by the regular army before the cold season. Told me he would not wait for the reference to Calcutta made by Lord Gough, but would move a brigade from here at once if circumstances should make it neces- sary. I do not think I can be put aside for another officer, if a brigade should go from this.” _“ July 9th.—Received in the evening a note from: Cureton, dated 5th, to tell me, by desire of Lord Gough, that it was his intention, if a brigade left this for Mooltan, that I should accompany it. I was also informed by Sir F. Currie that he had made 1848, ] DISAPPOINTMENT ABOUT COMMAND. 171 application to General Whish for a brigade to pro- ceed to Mooltan with a siege-train—two regiments from this and two from Ferozepore—but that the general was going to order two brigades of infantry, with one of cavalry, and two troops of native horse- artillery, with a suitable number of foot-artillery to fight the heavy guns, and that the general himself intended to accompany the force. I could not recon- cile this declaration with the assurance that I was to have a brigade, if one should leave this.” “ July 16th—Heard this morning of the gener- al’s application to be allowed to command the force having been acceded to, and that I was not to leave Lahore. This is a clear piece of jobbery. They have taken Colonel Harvey of the 52d Native Infantry.” Colin Campbell’s disappointment was natural, as he had relied on the faith of Lord Hardinge’s as- surance, when he accepted the command, that he would be employed in the event of any portion of the Lahore garrison being required for field-service. This feeling was aggravated by the selection of two officers junior to himself for the command of brigades. But it soon passed away. Calm reflec- tion enabled him to perceive, what the keen sagacity of Sir Charles Napier had originally detected as the weak point in the arrangements of 1846, that the policy of leaving Moolraj in possession of Mool- tan would probably eventuate in another Punjab war. The occurrences at that place could only be regarded as the prelude to greater events—the spark 172 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s4s, which ignited the train; and in this view Colin Campbell comforted himself with the belief that the importance of Lahore as a military command, hence- forth intrusted to his sole charge, would be enhanced during the general gathering of the impending storm. The general progress of the revolt may be traced from the extracts which will now be given from the journal ; but to render the state of affairs more intel- ligible, it should be premised that General Whish, who had left Lahore on the 24th July with the column detailed from the garrison, reached Mooltan on the 18th August. The Ferozepore column joined him within the next few days, but the siege opera- tions were delayed until after the arrival of the battering-train, which did not reach its destination till the 4th September. “7th August—Dined at the Residency. A report that disaffection had been shown at Bunnoo, whence a party of troops were ordered to march with treas- ure. The cavalry portion had declared for Moolraj. They were brought to reason by the Mussulman commander. The regiment also of Sikhs, which had been discovered by Lieutenant Edwardes to have entered into terms with Moolraj when he was at Leia in the latter end of April, and which he sent in consequence to the rear to blockade a fort held by some Sikhs for Moolraj, had recently tried to join the troops in the fort, but were prevented by the Pathan chief who had the corps under his command. At the same time Captain Abbott, in Hazarah, reports 1848, ] PROGRESS OF THE REVOLT. 173 the regiment in that district to be very strongly in favour of Moolraj, and most anxious to join him or to move upon Lahore. I wish they would do so.” “25th August to September 2d.—Intelligence from the Hazarah country unsatisfactory. On the 26th, Chuttur Singh moved from his position, whilst his son was in the camp of Lieutenant Nicholson,! and driving the armed peasantry collected by Captain Abbott before him, marched in the direction of Hoosan Abdul. Lieutenant Nicholson, who was at that place, retired towards Attock on the 29th. Received information of these events yesterday, 1st September. Sir F. Currie desired me to request Brigadier Wheeler to hold his movable column in readiness to move in this direction. In the after- noon, when I informed him how bare he would leave the Jullundur if he should be obliged to call this brigade to Lahore, he desired me to limit the order of readiness to H.M.’s 61st Regiment, one regiment of native infantry, a troop or field-battery of artil- lery, and the regiment of irregular cavalry. This would leave Wheeler with one regiment of light cavalry, two regiments of native infantry, one troop or field-battery of artillery, and render it unnecessary, for the present, to send troops to the Jullundur from the rear stations of Loodiana or Umballa. My force here is sufficient, in my opinion, not only to provide for the protection and security of the city and can- 1 The late Brigadier- General Nicholson, killed at the capture of Delhi in 1857. 174 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [184s, tonment, but to admit of the employment of the following force in the field—viz., 300 sabres 14th Light Dragoons, 450 H.M.’s 53d Regiment, a troop of horse-artillery, and two regiments of native infantry. I have only to wish that circumstances should arise to render the employment of this little force necessary.” It has been seen with what a grateful feeling of relief Colin Campbell welcomed the happy moment which found him free from pecuniary embarrassment. The subject was constantly in his thoughts, frequent allusions to it occurring in his journal at this period ; but from the entry on the 3d September, which is manifestly a reflection of his own feelings, it may be imagined how a sensitive temperament, such as his, must have fretted under a burden, which for so many years he had borne with honourable impatience. “The following observations,” he remarks, “ are so true respecting the state of mind of an honourable man when in debt, that I will here copy them: ‘The life of an honourable man who is deeply in debt is a life of thraldom, frequently of despair, always of anxiety, and never of comfort. Contumely, and often insult, must frequently be borne with patience; and that resentment which nature invariably dictates, must be banished from the mind, provided the means of prompt payment be not at our disposal.’ ” “9th September. — Reports from Peshawur and Hazarah to the 4th. One thousand Pathans, with an Afghan Sirdar, and Lieutenant Herbert, 18th Native Infantry, had been put into the fort of Attock, and the 1848. | DEFECTION OF SHERE SINGH. 175 boats removed to the right bank of the river. Chuttur Singh had retraced his steps to Hoosan Abdul, evi- dently satisfied that the fort was not to be gained. It is supposed his object now will be to try and release the garrisons of Gundur and Puklee, who are confined to these places by the armed peasantry.” “11th.—Heard a letter read to-day from Napier.1 Opened his first parallel on the 7th. Eleven thou- sand men stated by him to be intrenching themselves between this parallel and the city wall. This bespeaks confidence in their own strength on the part of the enemy. Napier further represented the place to be much stronger than he had expected to find it. “12th to 21st—Heard on the 14th, by express, that the front of our approaches had been cleared by an attack in two columns, consisting of half our force. Attack successful; but from the private ac- counts, it would seem that the enemy were in no wise dismayed or discouraged by it. On the contrary, they came out and assailed in small parties our advanced position, just gained at the point of the bayonet. Beyond this position, and between it and the town, there was still an intrenched camp to be carried, behind which rose a high round mound, formerly a brick-kiln, upon which were mounted six field-guns (6-pounders), which completely covered and over- looked their intrenched camp. On the 14th, Rajah Shere Singh, with his troops, went over to the + General Lord Napier of Magdala, G.C.B., then serving with the Bengal Engineers, had accompanied General Whish’s force to Mooltan. 176 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [184s enemy. This event led to the raising of the siege ; but without the defection of the Rajah, the siege must have been given up, from our numbers being inadequate to carry on the duties of the trenches, and from the natural difficulties outside being far greater than we had expected to find them. Moreover, the enemy's numbers were far greater than we were prepared for; so that it was speedily discovered that our force was not adequate to push on the works in a vigorous manner, and at the same time control the operations and attacks of the enemy. ‘This sus- pension of the siege will give great encouragement to the enemy, and the desertion of Shere Singh will no doubt be followed by the troops of the Durbar at Bunnoo, Peshawur, &c., &e. There is evidently the commencement of a nice little war in the Punjab. “On the night of the 19th sent off 273 of the 14th Irregular Cavalry, followed by the 1st Native Infantry, to Umritzur, in order to get into Govind- ghur, if possible, without a fight.” Govindghur was the fort of Umritzur, the ancient and sacred capital of the Punjab, so called from Govind, one of the dis- ciples of Nanuk, and himself a great teacher and leader of the Sikh religion. At this place is the famous shrine dedicated to his memory; and as being the chief centre of religious fanaticism, the necessity for securing the fort at this juncture was obvious. “‘20th.—Heard of the entire success of the troops getting into the fort, and this morning (the 21st) of the infantry having got in also, and the Sikh troops 1848. | SHERE SINGH LEAVES MOOLTAN. 177 having been removed, so that the fort is in our own keeping, in which, I presume, it will remain. I hope this will satisfy the old lord.” Lord Gough lost no time in conveying, through Colonel Cureton, his unqualified approval of Colin Campbell’s action in this matter, which “had re- lieved his mind of a load of anxiety,’—all the more so as it was evident, from the supplies, &c., found inside the place, that the measure had not been taken a moment too soon. At the same time Colo- nel Cureton informed Colin Campbell of the orders he had received to proceed to Ferozepore early in the ensuing month, and collect there the nucleus of a cavalry force, it being Lord Gough’s intention at that time to assemble an army on the frontier, with the object of proceeding to Mooltan in command of such a force as would preclude any doubt of its strength being sufficient for the reduction of that place. From this time until the beginning of November, Colin Campbell made no entry in his journal, the rapid march of events having thrown so much busi- ness on his hands, as to preclude his attending to matters of a private nature. Early in October, Shere Singh had quitted Mool- tan, and had marched with a force of 8000 men and 10 guns in a north-westerly direction along the Chenab, with the intention, it was presumed, of joining his father, Chuttur Singh, Governor of Hazarah. Elsewhere the revolt had spread. The Sikh troops in Bunnoo rose, and on the 24th October VOL. 1. M 178 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s4s. the garrison at Peshawur followed their example— Major Lawrence with his family, and Lieutenant Bowie, having been obliged to seek refuge at Kohat, from whence they were delivered over as prisoners to Chuttur Singh. Attock had to be abandoned. Lieutenant Herbert, whilst escaping from that place, fell into the enemy’s hands. Nicholson was fortu- nate enough to reach Lahore; whilst Captain Ab- bott, the only British officer left outside the capital, remained in the rugged country of the Hazarah, where he held out until after the final discomfiture of the Sikhs at Goojrat. Rebellion had also broken out in our own recently annexed province of Jullun- dur, giving ample occupation to Brigadier Wheeler and the troops under his command. In fact, the whole country had risen, with the exception of Lahore, which was threatened by the proximity of Shere Singh, and had to be carefully watched, both inside and out,—an attempt, which luckily failed, having been made to burn the bridge of boats across the Ravee within a mile and a half of the town. In consequence of these events, Mooltan became the secondary object. Leaving the troops before that place to be reinforced from Bombay, the atten- tion of the Government was primarily directed to the preparations for striking a decisive blow in the northern part of the Punjab, and for crushing Shere Singh, to whose standards crowds of disaffected Sikhs were daily flocking. Although he had previously been given to under- 1848. ] PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 179 stand that there was a likelihood of his being em- ployed in the campaign now imminent, it was not till the 1st of November that Colin Campbell knew for certain that his hopes in that respect were to be realised. By this time General Cureton, with the cavalry brigade, had reached Lahore, and had crossed the Ravee in support of Godby’s brigade, which held the bridge-head on the right bank of that river. On the 8th, Colin Campbell resumed his journal : “Sir F. Currie is most anxious for an advance to the Chenab, in order to clear the Doab between that river and the Ravee. The military difficulties as regards this occupation are want of carriage and supplies, the commissariat being wholly unprepared to meet the wants of the troops for any forward movement upon the smallest scale. Received an order from the adjutant - general to form a strong brigade from the garrison of Lahore, and to advance with the former to the support of the force under the orders of Brigadier-General Cureton. Upon ref- erence to the commissary - general, found that he could neither furnish the ten days’ supplies which should accompany the troops, nor the carriage for its conveyance, supposing the supplies for a strong brigade for ten days were forthcoming; that he had merely sufficient carriage to move a wing of H.M.’s 53d or a couple of native corps. I referred the question to headquarters as to which I should take with me. Ordered to take the latter, the Com- mander-in-chief not deeming it advisable to take 180 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1348 from Lahore any portion of the 53d in the present state of the country. Selected the 36th and 46th regiments of native infantry ; and these two corps, after great difficulty about carriage, marched from Lahore on the 10th.” Two days afterwards Colin Campbell joined Brigadier-General Cureton’s camp at Dadur-sing-ki-killa, and took command of the troops in advance, with the temporary rank of briga- dier-general.1 “13th.—My orders from the Commander-in-chief were to consult on all occasions with Cureton, who was in possession of his views and wishes; to attack any irrecular troops that might remain on the left bank of the Chenab ; but if Shere Singh should cross, that I was not to touch or approach him, or do any- thing to alarm him, but leave him until the arrival of the Commander-in-chief. On the 13th, Colin Campbell wrote as follows to Lord Gough: “I have had the honour to receive this morning your letter containing the copy of one from your lordship to the Governor-General, dated the 11th instant. I have read both these letters with the greatest attention. Your lordship may rest completely assured that your 1A second brigade of infantry, under Brigadier Eckford, with six guns, had crossed the Ravee and reached General Cureton before Colin Campbell left Lahore with the 36th and 46th Regiments. This brigade of Eckford’s, 31st and 56th N.I., remained in charge of the camp at Saharun during the affair of Ramnuggur, all tents having been left standing, as it was his intention to return to the encamping-ground after the affair was over. Eventually the tents and baggage were brought to Ramnuggur on the 22d, under escort of these two regiments and the native troop of horse-artillery. 1848. | LETTER TO LORD GOUGH. 181 orders and instructions for my guidance, while in command of the troops in advance, will be most strictly followed and obeyed. My only desire is to obtain your lordship’s approbation; and you may rely upon my using my best endeavours to succeed in this object, by following implicitly your instruc- tions, and in acting to the best of my ability in carrying out the wishes and views of your lordship, so clearly defined in your letter now under acknow- ledgment. I need scarcely say to your lordship how truly glad and delighted I am to have Cureton here to act with me at this moment, and to be aided by his judgment and experience until your own arrival, or until relieved by a senior officer. My first step on arrival in camp yesterday morning was to consult with him, and to learn from him your lordship’s views and wishes with respect to the pro- ceedings of the force assembled here. “ According to Lieutenant Nicholson’s report, Shere Singh is still opposite Ramnuggur. I feel confident that he will never venture to cross the river. There are, it is said, some three or four thousand recently- raised levies, with three or four guns, at Ramnugeur. I am told by Lieutenant Nicholson that the ford near to that place, as well as two others between it (Ram- nuggur and Wuzeerabad), are now fordable for infan- try —the deepest part, and that only for a short distance, in all of them, not reaching to the hip. The spies of Lieutenant Nicholson reported yester- day that the Bunnoo troops were still within three 182 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1848. marches of the camp of Shere Singh, hampered and delayed by having from 150 to 200 sick and wounded men to carry with them, and for the conveyance of which they were deficient of carriage. By the last ac- counts received by Lieutenant Nicholson from Pesha- wur, Chuttur Singh was still at that place. It is very clear that your lordship will be upon the Chenab, if not over it, some time before Chuttur Singh, with the Peshawur force added to his own in the Hazarah, can reach the Jhelum. Our force here appears to be well posted—equally convenient to move upon Ram- nugeur or Wuzeerabad, should your lordship require a movement to be made upon either place, or upon any of the fords between the two places. “T enclose a note J have just received from Wheeler. Your lordship will see that his force would be within six miles of the Ravee on the 11th. From the pre- cautions he had taken to procure boats, I think it more than probable that he would effect the passage in a couple of days. He will be at Eminadab by the 15th at latest. I have ordered the 2d brigade of cavalry, with Cureton’s concurrence, to remain at Corria until further orders, as also the horse-artillery with that brigade.” “ Journal, 17th.—Marched from Dadur-sing-ki- killa to Saharun, near to Alkalghur, so as to be within reach of the enemy, who might remain on this side of the Chenab. Received orders from the Commander-in-chief not to disturb Shere Singh should he cross over from the right to the left or this bank of the river. Shere Singh was reported 1848. | OPERATIONS ON THE CHENAB. 183 to have crossed several of his battalions. The enemy were consequently in the situation in which the Commander-in-chief desired them to be left unmolested till his arrival.” “19th.—Enemy on the right bank. The people that came to this side are evidently nothing more than a mere look-out party. Desired to keep H.M.’s 61st, and to make arrangements for a flank move- ment upon Wuzeerabad, where it is proposed to cross a force under Cureton and myself.” “ 21st.—Lord Gough gave Cureton and myself permission to attack some infantry said to be on the left bank of the Chenab. On my way from head- quarters, settled with Cureton to move the following morning without beat of drum or sound of bugle. “92d. — The cavalry, consisting of Brigadier White’s brigade, H.M.’s 3d Light Dragoons, 5th and 8th Light Cavalry, 12th Irregulars, with two troops of horse-artillery and one light field-battery ; two brigades of infantry, consisting of H.M.’s 61st, 36th and 46th Native Infantry, commanded by Brigadier Hoggan, and 2d Bengal Europeans, with 70th Native Infantry, commanded by Brigadier God- by,—moved at 3 a.m. from our camp at Saharun, leaving tents standing, in charge of Brigadier Eck- ford’s brigade, consisting of 31st and 56th Regi- ments N.I., and a troop of native horse - artil- lery. Cureton and myself had settled that we should return to our encamping- ground after the business had been concluded. The Commander- in-chief had promised to support our movement 184 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s4s, by a forward move of cither one or two of the brigades of the 2d division marching with himself to Ramnuggur. When my division was forming, the Commander-in-chief, with his staff and escort, came upon the ground, and virtually assumed the command of the operation. We moved in a single column : infantry in front, followed by the artillery, the cavalry bringing up the rear. The country a perfect bowling - green, — some portions cultivated ; and as the soil is light and dry, it is difficult to move the guns through it. As day broke, we formed a line of contiguous columns of battalions, with cavalry and artillery on either flank. Here the Commander-in-chief took a decided command and direction of the whole movement. “The march was longer than we had expected. On passing to the right or eastward of Ramnuggur, we could see the enemy’s position on the right bank of the river very distinctly. That bank is high and commanding, and completely overlooks the ground on this side, which is a dead flat, from the high ground, a ridge of low sandhills, on which Ram- nugeur stands, to the margin of the river. In the rainy season, I should imagine, the whole flat must be covered with water. Some small parties of the enemy were observed to be hurrying towards the river. These, the Commander -in-chief directed, should be followed by the horse - artillery, sup- ported by some of the cavalry. The battalions supposed to have been on this side—if ever there 1848. | RAMNUGGUR. 185 were any in the position which had been described to us—had gone. The horse-artillery, in their eagerness to overtake the enemy, plunged down into the deep sandy bed of the river, and opened fire, immediately under that of the enemy posted on the high ground on the opposite bank, on some small parties of the enemy who were hurrying across the ford. In withdrawing from this too advanced position, an attempt was made to drag one gun and two waggons over a steep bank, against which they had been taken by their drivers. The bank was far too high to admit of a carriage being taken over it; and in this difficulty the gun, with the ammunition-waggons, were left. I came down at the moment the artillery were retiring; and seeing the gun in the difficulty, I spoke to Colonel Lane, who was retiring with his troop, when he replied that he had sent assistance to it. I pro- ceeded to the gun with Captain Younger, Judge- Advocate of the division, and Lieutenant Tomhs' of the Artillery, Deputy - Assistant Quartermaster- General of the division. We stopped while two sets of horses were sent to try and remove the gun. But these efforts were ineffectual. The truth is, the gun could only be got out of the position in which it was by cutting down the bank, or by taking the gun to a considerable distance on either side of where it was placed—in doing which, our men would have been exposed to the fire of the whole of the enemy’s 1 The late Major-General Sir H. Tombs, V.C., K.C.B. 186 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1848. artillery, posted on the opposite bank, numbering 28 guns. I saw, after the first set of horses had de- parted, that the gun was not to be got away by such efforts as were being made; and I sent an officer, Captain Younger, to bring down two regiments of infantry in line, and to place them in a ravine a little way in rear of where the gun had been left, and where the infantry would have the gun on the spot where it had been left under their fire, in case the second effort of the artillery should fail. I saw I could do no good by stopping in a situ- ation exposed to the fire of 28 pieces of artillery at point-blank range, and I accordingly went off with the intention of bringing down two regiments of infantry. On my way I met the Commander-in- chief, who disapproved of the measure. Whilst all this which I have been relating was being done, the enemy set up the most extravagant shouts of exultation from their whole army, and immediately sent across the whole of their cavalry to take pos- session of the gun. They came across very boldly and confidently ; but they did not venture from the banks of the river, where they were charged by our cavalry, under the personal directions of the Commander-in-chief. These isolated fights of cavalry could lead to no positive result or advan- tage; for the enemy’s cavalry were under the pro- tection of their artillery, and could retire to the bed of the river, where they were under cover of musketry as well as of artillery fire. 1848. ] RAMNUGGUR. 187 ““T spoke to Colonel Grant! about the disadvan- tage and evil of these isolated fights, and urged him to speak to the Commander-in-chief. I also met poor Cureton, for the last time as it turned out, and spoke to him about the uselessness of these duels between our regiments of cavalry and that of the enemy. While engaged in conversation with him to this effect, I observed the 14th Light Dragoons get in movement in direction of the enemy, and I observed that they were no doubt going to engage in one of these useless encounters with the enemy in the broken ground on the banks of the river. I begged him to go and look after them, to prevent their acting wildly or foolishly. He observed that the chief ought either to take the whole manage- ment into his own hands, or leave it to those whom he had made responsible. Thus we parted. I never saw Cureton again. He was an amiable and a truly good man, with much good sense and discretion, and an excellent officer of cavalry. “Poor Havelock? of the 14th was also killed. In the evening the troops were ordered to take up a line of an encampment immediately under the sandy ridge of low hills on which Ramnuggur stands. The night was very cold, and I had but little rest, being obliged to get up to look after pickets.” 1 Afterwards Sir Patrick Grant, G.C.B., G.C.M.G.; then Adjutant- General of the army in Bengal, and now Governor of Chelsea Hospital. 2 Brother of the late Major-General Sir Henry Havelock, K.C.B. 188 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1848. “ Friday, 24th.—Still at Ramnuggur. Baggage came up to-day. Sleeping in the open air with light covering is not agreeable.” “97th.—Sent for by the Commander-in-chief, and offered the situation of adjutant-general [of the Queen’s troops, previously held by Colonel Cureton]. No desire for the appointment. Stated fairly and unhesitatingly my wish to get back to Europe.” “ November 30th.—Received an order yesterday afternoon to wait on the Commander-in-chief. Found there the other general officers of the army. The object of the Commander-in-chief in wishing to see us was to mention his intention of sending my divi- sion, with a brigade of cavalry and 28 field-guns, under General Thackwell,! to a ford midway between Ramnugeur and Wuzeerabad, to cross at that place, and, when over, to proceed to attack the enemy in their intrenched position opposite Ramnugeur. “At half-past 2 a.m. my division,—consisting of H.M.’s 24th, the 25th N.I., and the flank companies of the 22d N.I., under Brigadier Pennycuick, C.B. ; H.M.’s 61st Regiment, and the 36th and 46th N.L, under Brigadier Hoggan; with the 31st and 56th N.I., under Brigadier Eckford,—marched to join a cavalry brigade, three troops of horse-artillery, with a pontoon - train, two field - batteries, and two 18- pounders drawn by elephants. “We had great difficulty in finding the place of rendezvous. Two brigades of infantry went astray, 1 The late General Sir Joseph Thackwell, G.C.B., &c., &c. 1848. | FORDING THE RIVER. 189 but they fortunately reached the point in fair time. The cavalry had moved on, and their track was lost ; but, as daylight began to dawn, every portion of the force got into its place, and we all went onwards in great spirits. The movement was, in my view and in that of the general, a hazardous one—the plac- ing a force under 7000 in a position in which they could not be supported, and where they might be opposed by 30,000. “The country was perfectly level and tolerably well cultivated. After a march of fourteen or fifteen miles, we arrived at a part of the river which was guarded on the opposite bank by the enemy. It was the ford of Ranee-ke-Puttun; and above this, about a mile higher up, was the ford at which it was intended the force should pass. Lieutenant Paton, Assistant-Quartermaster-General, was sent to examine it, and the approaches to it. His report was, that it was of this shape, eS and breast-high in some places; that the sand, through which the guns must pass, was very deep and heavy, and that the bullocks with the pontoon- train would certainly not be able to drag the pontoons through it; and as he had not tried the ford personally, he could not tell whether the bottom of the ford was firm enough to bear horses. The enemy, moreover, were on the opposite side, ready to oppose our pas- sage, and in such cover as to make it difficult for our guns to drive them from it. Besides, the bank 190 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [ 1848, on the opposite side had a dark appearance, the sure sien of its being a quicksand. All these considera- tions made the general deem it hazardous to try and force a passage at a ford of which he knew so little, and he determined to go on to Wuzeerabad, about ten miles farther, where we knew there were some . boats; and the fact of there being boats at that place was a proof that there was no enemy on the opposite side, for at most places the banks are within match- lock-fire : so, had there been an enemy on the oppo- site bank, they would have obliged the boats either to come to them or to leave the place. “ At about half-past seven or eight o’clock p.m. the head of the column (Pennycuick’s brigade) reached the bank of the river. There were fifteen or sixteen boats ; but the owners and hands of many had been taken away to show a ford at which the cavalry and baggage were to pass over. However, there were still some remaining ; and by dint of examination of the boats by Lieutenant Smith of the Engineers, several of the boatmen were discovered under the fore part of the boats. By ten o’clock H.M’s 24th Regiment, the 25th N.I., and flank companies 22d N.I., with 2 guns, were across the river. ‘This secured the passage of the remainder. The night was very cold, and I had nothing but a small cover- let between Haythorne! and myself. The men, too, were without covering. By noon next day the whole 1 His former major of brigade at Chusan, who had now joined him as A.D.C, PLATE 2 Tp8 Ee ahiwy? 0) & PROMS iE eT MOT ps€ It iid 4 SYS aa ty Tht th GIST eT ask TLS $1. SP TOR ETE PhS LN. SO PUPUEMO ) IYY AAPL gn vit Mf te? Je Ay ayy fo winryo) Yb Ug pe ULL” YS Yd GC PIPL DD UPMPIQ ‘HMO dGVTOOaVS £0 VIVMVTOOGVS ye NOILOW 74140 HOLIWS gl Saetes Tides BILL sith hit Mints « LIEMPTOO PRS, Th is Ae a ONT ate /} £ el Qu CDT Pp pagparz)l ae VIYUNT DOU YY PPO Nt “AaNitnny ALIDAD ) igs : MEDAL) AZ f at Lar bok bbe dT” [P 2 MOL] SITU fy ARatche & tor Fain” 1848, | ACROSS THE CHENAB. 191 force was across, the cavalry and the baggage having got across a ford. At two o’clock p.m. on Sunday, the 22d December, we marched ten miles through a highly cultivated country, and only halted long after dark.” “ December 3d.—Marched at 6 a.m. Infantry in contiguous columns of brigades at open distance ; cavalry on the flanks—the greater portion on the right flank, the one farthest from the river. The columns were halted by a misunderstanding of an order about eleven o'clock, when the corps were completed from the reserve ammunition to sixty rounds in pouch, and an issue of spirits was made to the Europeans with their breakfast. After this refreshment the troops moved forward close to the village of Langwala, when the general (Sir Joseph Thackwell) received a letter from the Commander- in-chief, to inform him that he had sent a reinforee- ment of the 9th Lancers and 14th Light Dragoons to join by the ford of Gurra-ke-Puttun, and that he was to wait at that ford, and not attack until these troops joined him.t The general immediately or- 1 The allusion to the 9th Lancers and the 14th Light Dragoons having been sent to join Thackwell prior to the action is apparently a mistake. It would seem, on inquiry, that they were not ordered to do so until after Lord Gough heard of the action at Sadoolapore, and they only marched from their camp to the river opposite them on the day after the affair of Sadoolapore. But the Commander-in-chief had sent Thackwell reinforcements before the action, consisting of the Europeans and 70th N.I., under Godby ; and, before the action com- menced, a wing of the 56th N.I. and a wing of the 3d Irregular Cavalry, all under Colonel Jack, were sent by Lord Gough to the left rear of Thackwell’s force, to cover Godby’s crossing. It was for this 192 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [ 1848. dered the troops: to halt, observing that he had already come too far, and that we must wait until joined by the 9th and 14th, which he would go and look after. I asked him to allow me in the mean- while to deploy and take up a position. He replied, ‘No. Remain as you are until my return.’ ‘ Immediately after this conversation the general went to look after his reinforcement, and I rode to the front to reconnoitre. On riding some four or five hundred yards to the front of the centre, I saw several of the enemy’s horsemen ; and, on proceeding a little farther, I cbserved in some ground, rather wooded and enclosed, to the right, a good many cavalry and infantry scattered over the ground. It was evident, from the numbers I saw of both arms, that a large body of the enemy were near at hand; and under this impression, ] returned to the force, and directed the villages of Langwala, Khamoo- khan, and Rutta to be occupied each by a company of infantry as a precaution —for the force being divided into three inert masses, was not in a state of formation for troops to be when liable to be attacked at any moment. However, my orders were impera- tive. Iwas not to deploy, but to leave the troops in the formation in which they then were. “Some two hours passed over, when the camp- followers were seen running in in great fright, and reinforcement, it is supposed, that Thackwell was anxious. They joined early on the 4th, before the force advanced from Sadoolapore, and many hours before the 9th and 14th, the two latter crossing the Chenab at Ramnuggur, and arriving late in the afternoon. 1848. ] SADOOLAPORE. 193 immediately afterwards followed the report of artil- lery, the shot of which came near our columns. At this time General Thackwell returned to the troops. Having, on his way back from the ford of Gurra- ke-Puttun, without finding the 9th or 14th, passed in front of the villages of Langwala, Khamoo-khan, and Rutta, and seeing companies of infantry in each of them, he ordered them to rejoin their corps. In anticipation that these villages would be held (for it was our true position), I had sent these companies to occupy them as a precaution, not having been allowed to take up the position with the whole force, that it might be secured to us, in case of the neces- sity arising for our occupation of it. The columns were immediately deployed. On the deployment being completed, the enemy were close to the vil- lages; and as there were on our side of them large fields of sugar-canes, which were circular in form and would serve as admirable cover for the infantry, it was deemed advisable to retire a couple of hundred paces, so as to be out of musketry-fire from that cover. We retired accordingly in very perfect order ; and, while free from the effects of musketry-fire from the sugar-fields, we obtained a beautiful open space, as smooth as a bowling-green, between us and the villages,—so that if the enemy had advanced to attack us, as we had expected they would, we had an open plain, on which to advance and attack them while debouching from the openings between the villages. The enemy, however, did not advance VOL. L. N 194 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1848. beyond the villages, but took possession of them, and opened a heavy artillery-fire from some twenty or twenty-four pieces of artillery, while they attempted to turn our flanks by large bodies of cavalry. ‘“When the enemy were close to the villages, almost entering them, Sir Joseph Thackwell said, ‘We must advance and attack them.’ I replied, ‘That as they were advancing so cockily, we should allow them to come into the plain beyond the vil- lages before we moved.’ When, however, the enemy halted at the villages and opened an artillery-fire, it was manifest to me that they had no intention of coming beyond that point; and I accordingly asked Sir Joseph Thackwell to allow me to attack them with my infantry, advancing in echelon of brigades from the centre, thus refusing both flanks to these attacks of cavalry, which were in truth feeble—for a few rounds from our guns repulsed each attack. He replied that he was afraid of his flanks. As the day advanced, I asked him a second time to allow me to attack, which he refused for the same reasons.! 1TIn Sir William Napier’s ‘ Life of Sir Charles Napier,’ vol. iv. p. 149, a letter from the latter is quoted, in which, referring to the opera- tions in the Punjab in the winter of 1848, the statement, amongst others, is made that, on Thackwell being attacked by the Bunnoo troops, “our guns beat the Sikhs from their guns, and Campbell three times begged for leave to advance and take them, and then to charge. No! the Sikhs returned and carried off their guns in our sight.” Sir Joseph Thackwell, in a letter to Sir William Napier, of the 29th Sep- tember 1857, published in the Appendix of the second edition, dis- tinctly denies this. ‘The assertion,” he says, “that Campbell three times begged for leave to advance and take them (the guns), and then to charge (which I never heard of before), is totally unfounded in fact, for he never made any proposal to advance from the position which 1849, | INDISPOSITION. 195 Thus the day passed off in a cannonade from both sides. We lost some sixty-five or seventy men killed and wounded from cannon-shot. We slept on the ground, and next morning we found the enemy had moved off during the night in the direc- tion of the Jhelum. We also advanced to the neigh- bourhood of Halum, meeting on our way the division of General Gilbert,! and the 9th Lancers and 14th Light Dragoons, which had crossed the Chenab at Ramnuggur. The baggage had not come up, and I again passed another night without cover, very cold and very uncomfortable.” This exposure resulted in an attack of fever, fol- lowed by bowel-complaint, which confined Colin Campbell more or less to his tent till the 10th January 1849, on which day the Commander-in- chief, with the 2d division of infantry and two corps of irregular cavalry, encamped within three miles in rear and to the right of the encampment of the 3d division. had been taken up by the infantry, &.” Iam not aware that Colin Campbell, who was engaged repressing the Sepoy Mutiny when this letter appeared, ever saw this denial. Sir E. Haythorne was not pres- ent when the conversation between Colin Campbell and Sir Joseph Thackwell took place; but a few minutes afterwards, Colin Campbell recounted to Haythorne the statement made in his journal, and on my joining him a fortnight later, Colin Campbell gave me the same version of it, describing it as a lost opportunity. The point cannot, therefore, be determined, both the actors being dead; though it is quite possible that Sir Joseph Thackwell, with his mind occupied with many matters on the occasion referred to, either did not understand or had forgot- ten Colin Campbell's proposal. It is only another instance of the many difficulties that attend the writing of contemporaneous history.—L. S. 1 Major-General Sir Walter Gilbert, commanding the 2d division of the army of the Punjab. He died a baronet and G.C.B. 196 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1849. “ Journal, 12th Janwary.—Marched: the infantry in two parallel columns to Dingee, directly to our right — country open and mostly cultivated; the cavalry and horse-artillery in one column on the left flank, covering the infantry,—all columns formed right in front. “13th.—Dingee. The army moved forward, with a view of attacking the enemy, who had collected every man they could bring together in a position to cover the ford and boats in the neighbourhood of Russool. Their right, it was stated, rested on Moong, holding that village and two others between it and Russool, which is on the range of hills that begin to rise about half a mile to the westward, and run close to and in a line with the Jhelum up to the town of that name. The army marched in contiguous columns of brigades, in readiness to deploy at any moment. On approaching the village of Chillian- wala,! fire was opened with jingalls from a mound rising above the general level of the surrounding plain. It turned out to be a mere advanced post, from which our heavy artillery speedily dislodged its occupants. “The 5th (Pennycuick’s) brigade was deployed into line to attack this work, with the 7th (Hoggan’s) in support. I omitted to mention that the country 1 Some important particulars of the share taken by the 3d division in the action of Chillianwala having been omitted from Colin Camp- bell’s journal, the deficiency will be supplied, in the form of notes, by extracts from his official despatch and a memorandum on the action, referred to post, p. 208. 1849. ] MARCH ON CHILLIANWALA. 197 from Dingee was one continuous jungle, open in some places, but such as would have disordered and broken a line formation to a considerable extent. We moved by our centre, where the heavy guns were placed, and which followed the track or road from Dingee to Chillianwala and Russool. “On reaching Chillianwala I was directed to form line to the left of that village, my right resting upon it. Upon my left there were three troops of horse - artillery and Brigadier White’s brigade of cavalry. The ground upon which this force was formed was covered with wood dense and thick, as was also our front. Upon ascending a mud-pillar on the right of my division, I could observe the enemy’s position about half or three-quarters of a mile in my front. The 2d division was on the right of the heavy guns, with Brigadier Penny’s brigade somewhere formed as a reserve: the whole of the troops in line, without any portion in support or reserve save Penny’s brigade.! “On looking from the mud-pillar on the right of my division, I could perceive that the enemy oc- cupied a position of some five or six miles, at least, in extent. This position was full of troops, with the whole of their guns, between fifty and sixty. Our heavy guns opened at the distance of 1800 yards, which immediately brought a reply from twenty or 1 The troops piled arms, and camp-colourmen were called for by the quartermaster-general to mark out the camps, it being believed, both by divisional commanders and soldiers, that nothing more would be done on that day.—Mem., p. 4. 198 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1849. thirty of their guns in the centre of their position. This was about a quarter past one P.M. About two o'clock I received an order to advance the division in line to attack the enemy in our front, who were not to be seen except from a height of fourteen or sixteen feet above the level of the ground on which we stood, owing to the trees and thick wood in our front. A battery (No. 5) of artillery, six 9-pounders, was placed between the brigades, and three guns on the left.1_ I was told by the staff officer who brought me the order to advance, that the three troops of horse-artillery on my left would support my ad- vance.” “The division advanced accordingly through the wood. I accompanied the left brigade.* The wood 1 The remaining three guns of No. 10 battery were detached to join the rear-guard (Brigadier Hearsey) early in the morning of the 13th, were with it the whole day, and took no part in the action. 2 It is a fact worthy of record, and of great importance to the com- mander of the division, that instead of being supported on his imme- diate left by the 18 horse-artillery guns under Colonel Brind, as he had been twice informed he would be by his lordship the Com- mander-in-chief, the field-guns under Lieutenant Robertson, which had been placed by himself on the left of Hoggan’s brigade, were taken from him by some unknown staff officer, for the purpose of aiding the horse-artillery, and did not again join him till the battle was at an end. These guns pursued a dangerous course, and were absolutely alienated from the duty which had been imposed on them by the Commander-in-chief, without the cognisance of the divisional officer under whom they had been placed. The name of the staff officer who so far forgot his duty as to give the order to Lieutenant Robert- son is to this day unknown.—Mem., p. 6. 3 It was arranged between the brigadier-general and the late Bri- gadier Pennycuick, commanding the right brigade of the division, that the former should remain with the left brigade under Brigadier Hoggan — the brigadier-general considering this arrangement more PLATE 2. y es 2 a 1g S> & 4X a = . a Q ot ge €: 4 a “ y rai iH \ Moyeahwale AChiNianwalah Cones ny go a 8 fan y Rzan es RS. oss 8 Roa a ® wy tnuyft uvebe, Moraes + ure poy de i ie KET Gy Showing 46 NL $ of N°IO LF Bat? Division ord F< Ss of the ion « the Oper at CHILLEPANWALA. tHAre 3 troops Zo We 3 Langan ail hes Sah et nl s 1849. | CHILLIANWALA. 199 was thick in front of both brigades, but it offered many and more serious obstacles to the advance of poor Pennycuick’s, the line formation of which was exceedingly disordered and broken, the companies in many places being obliged to reduce their front to sections ; whilst the regiments, during this state, were exposed to the fire of fifteen or eighteen pieces of artillery placed on a mound immediately in their front, from whence the advance of H.M.’s 24th and the other two regiments could be plainly seen, al- though the battery was concealed from the view of our men by reason of their being below it, and owing to the thickness of the jungle. H.M.’s 24th ad- vanced at a rapid rate, and preceded the native corps on either flank. These corps, I am told, crowded in upon the 24th to escape the fire of the artillery, and by this means got mixed up with that regiment, adding much to their confusion. H.M.’s 24th continued their advance without firing a shot, though much disordered from the nature of the wood through which they had passed, as well as from their losses by artillery - fire. The enemy re- mained with their guns to the last ; and when Colonel Brookes and his officers and men stormed the battery, advisable, as he could discern faintly in the distance that the enemy’s right very much outflanked the British left. In considering the action of the 3d division, it is particularly necessary to bear this preconcerted arrangement in mind—the nature of the ground fought upon being such as to render it impossible that any commander could superintend the attack of more than one brigade. It will be necessary to distin- guish very clearly between the respective attacks of the two brigades. —Men., p. 4. 200 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1849. they found, formed on slightly rising ground on each flank of the guns, large bodies of regular infantry, with a body of cavalry directly in rear of the guns. The infantry opened a deadly fire upon the 24th on its entering the battery, which obliged this noble corps to fall back—not, however, before they had spiked several of the guns. The cavalry immediately rushed forward as the 24th retreated, and cut down all wounded men. Brigadier Pennycuick, Colonel Brookes, Major Harris, and 10 other officers, were killed at the guns, and Major Paynter, with 9 other officers, wounded, besides 203 non - commissioned officers and rank and file killed, and 266 non-com- missioned officers and men wounded. The two native corps of this brigade, the 25th and 45th, lost, comparatively speaking, a small number, not having kept in line or gone so far forward as H.M.’s 24th. The colonel of the 25th told me that his men could not keep pace with the 24th in advancing. My own impression and belief, from what I saw myself of the conduct of the native troops when engaged, is that the real cause of their not keeping up with the 24th was the enemy’s fire, and a want of sufficient inclination to approach it closely. This brigade, after being repulsed, retired to the ground from whence it originally advanced, and there re- mained. 1 Colonel Brookes had been a brother oflicer of Colin Campbell's, having originally entered the 9th Regiment towards the close of the Peninsular war. Colin Campbell entertained sincere respect for Colonel Brookes as an officer and friend. 1849. ] CHILLIANWALA. 201 “The left, Hoggan’s brigade, which I conducted, advanced without any great difficulty. I took care to regulate the rate of march of the centre or direct- ing regiment (H.M.’s 61st), so that all could keep up ; and consequently the brigade, consisting of H.M.’s 61st in the centre, 36th N.I. on the right, and 46th N.I. on the left, emerged from the wood in a very tolerable line. We found the enemy posted on an open space on a slight rise. He had four guns, which played upon us in our advance; a large body of cavalry in the immediate front of the 61st, and a large body of infantry immediately on their left, and opposite to the 36th N.I. The four guns were on the right of the infantry, and played upon the 61st and the 36th N.I. in their advance. The 36th N.I. went at the infantry, and were repulsed ; while the 61st moved gallantly and steadily on the cavalry in their front, which steadily and slowly re- tired. As the 61st had nearly gained the ground on which this cavalry had stood, I desired the corps to open its fire to hasten their departure. [This fire was delivered as the troops advanced in line,—the manceuvre so constantly practised by Colin Campbell, and adverted to previously, vide ante, p. 102. | “The fire put the cavalry to a hasty flight. About this time it was that the attack of the 36th had failed. . . . The enemy pushed forward two of their guns to within twenty-five or thirty yards of the right flank of the 61st and opened grape, while their infantry were completely in rear of the 202 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1849. right of the 6lst. I immediately ordered in person the grenadiers of the 61st to be thrown back, and No. 1 company of this regiment to be thrown for- ward; and directed the commanding officer, who happened to be near me, to form the remainder of his regiment in the new direction. As soon as No. 1 company had wheeled forward and was in line with the grenadiers, I ordered these two companies to charge the two guns, and headed them in this exploit, which they performed in the most intrepid manner. As soon as these companies had taken the guns, they opened fire on the flank of the enemy in pursuit of the 36th N.I., and obliged them to desist and retrace their steps. In the meantime, the re- mainder of the 61st was formed upon the two right companies ; and the officers of the 36th, with myself and other officers, tried to get the 36th to re-form upon the 61st, which we could not succeed in doing. The men were all talking together—many firing in the air, and all in confusion. During this halt for the completion of the formation of the 61st, the enemy advanced with two guns and fresh infantry, upon which the body that had attacked the 36th N.I., and had been driven back by the two right companies of the 61st, again formed. By this time the 46th N.I. had not formed on the 61st; but the confident bearing of the enemy, and the approaching and steady fire of grape of their two guns, made it necessary to advance, and charge when we got suffi- ciently near for that purpose. I gave the word to 1849. ] CHILLIANWALA. 2038 advance, and subsequently to charge when near to the guns, heading the 61st immediately opposite the guns, as I had done in the former instance! These two attacks gave the greatest confidence to the 61st ; and it was evident that in personally guiding and commanding them in these two successful attacks under difficult circumstances, I had gained the com- plete confidence and liking of the corps, and that with them I could undertake with perfect certainty of success anything that could be accomplished by men.” I must here mention that a field-battery had advanced with us in the first instance between the two brigades, and three guns of another battery on our left; but the infantry outmarched the artillery, and our change of front to the right on the two right companies of the 61st speedily clouded the artillery, which did not join us until near the close of the day. “ After the capture of the second two guns, and dispersion of the enemy, we proceeded rolling up the enemy’s line, continuing along the line of their posi- tion until we had taken thirteen guns, all of them at the point of the bayonet by the 61st. We finally met Brigadier Mountain’s® brigade coming from the 1 This second charge of the 61st, before the 46th could move up upon the new alignment, was, in Colin Campbell’s opinion, the most critical part of his operations during the day.—Mem.., p. 9. 2 “The 46th N.L., in its movement to form upon the left of H.M.’s 61st Regiment, was attacked by a large body of the enemy’s cavalry, which it gallantly repulsed.”—Extracted from Colin Campbell’s official despatch of 15th January 1849. 3 The late Colonel A. 8S. H. Mountain, C.B., Adjutant-General Queen’s troops. 204 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE, [1849. opposite direction. During our progress we were frequently threatened by the enemy’s cavalry, who had followed us, retaking the guns we had been obliged to leave behind us, our force not having admitted of our leaving a detachment for their pro- tection.? “The Commander-in-chief came up late in the evening. There was a question of our remaining on the ground on which we then stood. His lordship appeared in doubt, and asked my opinion. He had ordered one brigade of General Gilbert’s division, Brigadier Penny’s, which had been in reserve during the day, and the remains of Brigadier Pennycuick’s brigade, to encamp near the village of Chillianwala, and I respectfully suggested to his lordship that the safest and most prudent course would be to unite his foree, and get it together in one body. We accord- ingly moved in the direction, as we supposed, of General Gilbert’s camp.” I had ordered the engineer officer with me to take the bearing of Chillianwala before dark, and this precaution enabled us to move 1 “ During these operations,” Colin Campbell reports in his despatch, “we were upon two or three occasions threatened by the enemy’s cavalry on our flanks and rear, and obliged to face about and drive them off. The guns were all spiked; but having no means with the force to remove them, and it being too small to admit of any portion being withdrawn for their protection, they were, with the exception of the last three that were taken, unavoidably left on the field.” 2 The words‘ encamp” and ‘“‘ camp” used in this paragraph are mis- leading terms. There was no encampment, in the proper sense of the word. It was in the open ground near the village of Chillianwala that a portion of the army were at this juncture congregating, and where the whole force bivouacked for the night. 1849. | WOUNDS. 205 upon that village with confidence! ‘The fires of the enemy were in sight ; and but for this precaution in a dark night and thick wood, we might as easily have gone to their camp as to our own. The night was cold, and for some part of it wet. We were all, officers and men, without tents or other clothing than we had on: our horses were equally without cover- ing or food, and we all passed an uncomfortable night. My wound was a deep sword-cut in the right arm, given me by an artilleryman of the enemy de- fending his gun, who first fired at me with his match- lock and struck me in the side, the ball having broken a double-barrelled pocket-pistol in my waist- coat-pocket, which interruption to the progress of the ball saved my life.” The day after the action, Colin Campbell wrote a short note with his left hand to his sister Alicia: “T am happy to inform you,” he says, “that I escaped in the battle of yesterday with only a sword- cut of trifling consequence in the right arm. The muscles are not hurt to any extent; for I can use my fingers as well as ever, and hope to write to you with my right hand in a few days, when you shall have some account of the part my own division took in the battle. It was a hard-fought one. The numbers of the enemy were fivefold greater than ours, and they had the advantage of a very strong 1 Captain Haythorne, Colin Campbell’s senior A.D.C., actually led the division to the bivouac; for there was no light, and Lieutenant Irwin, the engineer officer, was unable to make out the points of the compass. 206 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [ 1849, position. The portion of my division, which I con- ducted myself during the attack, was most success- ful ;—but enough for this day.” On the 30th January he again addressed his sister as follows: “I am happy to inform you that the cut I received on the right arm on the 13th instant is closed, and I can now use the arm as well as ever. The fighting on the 13th was very severe. The enemy were strong in numbers and in guns, and in a favourable position. The troops I conducted myself were in a very critical situation during the greater part of the battle; but they managed, by boldness and determined gallantry, to overthrow everything opposed to them: I should say H.M.’s 61st Regiment, which I led myself—for it was that corps which carried and overcame every difficulty. I had many miraculous escapes, for which I am duly thankful. ‘The handle of my watch was broken by a ball. I had a pocket-pistol in my right waist- coat-pocket, which was broken to pieces by a ball, and my horse was wounded in the mouth. I got the sword-cut from an artilleryman of the enemy in charging some of their guns;! but here I am, 1 When Colin Campbell led the charge of the two right companies of the 61st after they had changed front, two of the enemy’s artillery- men fired at him from under cover of the gun nearest to him. One of these men, seeing he had failed in his object, rushed forward, sword in hand, and cut at Colin Campbell, inflicting the wound on his right arm mentioned in the text. These Sikhs were immediately destroyed by the grenadiers of the 61st Regiment. It was not till the following morning, when his junior aide-de-camp was assisting Colin Campbell to take off his clothes in his tent, that the latter became aware that he 1849. ] WOUNDS. 207 thank God, safe and sound, and quite well. We are not to attack the enemy again until the force which we had at Mooltan arrives here. It is ex- pected about the 14th of next month, when, I hope, we shall be able to bring this war to a con- clusion. The loss of so many fine fellows, and that of my oldest and dearest friends, is very saddening. If it should please God to take me through this war, I hope my circumstances will admit of my return to England in the course of another year. I must say, however, that I never entered action with a lighter and happier heart had been hit in another place. A bruise was then discovered below the lowest rib on the right side; and on further examination, a hole was found in the right lower pocket of a waistcoat worked for him years before by a fair Northumbrian friend, who had made him pro- mise to wear it during his aguish attacks, or on any occasion that he might deem useful. In the pocket of this waistcoat his aides-de-camp had, on the morning of the action, jokingly, and not without remon- strance from their general, placed a small pocket-pistol—the gift of a brother officer. The same shot smashed the ivory handle of the pistol to atoms—breaking, at the same time, the handle of his watch. But, humanly speaking, it saved his life ; for the ball hit him in a direction that, but for the intervention of the pistol, must have been fatal. Find- ing that the charger he had ridden was amiss and could not eat, he brought the animal into the tent shared by himself and one of his aides- de-camp. For forty-eight hours the horse remained there—not the most pleasant of companions in so confined a space—till at length Hope Grant, then commanding the 9th Lancers, brought his veterinary surgeon, and discovered the cause of the animal’s inability to eat. It had been wounded in the mouth by a musket-shot, which had passed through both sides of the mouth, finally lodging in the curb- chain. This was the shot of the second Sikh artilleryman from behind the gun. The pistol is now in the possession of General Sir E. Haythorne ; the curb-chain, with the bullet flattened in it, in that of the writer of these pages.—L. S. 208 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s49. than upon the recent occasions, for I had you provided for.” Whilst Colin Campbell’s account of the part he took in the action of Chillianwala is fresh in the reader’s mind, it may not be out of place to record, at this stage of the biography, that the result of the battle, contrasted with the loss sustained in it, gave rise to much criticism in the Indian army. Rumours of all kinds were circulated and discussed in the Indian press—the disaster that befell Penny- cuick’s brigade being directly attributed to want of precaution on the part of its divisional leader. Colin Campbell, being impressed with the idea that a willing ear was lent to these reports at head- quarters, took measures to controvert them; and after obtaining narratives from the chief of those who held subordinate commands in his division, he prepared a memorandum for private circulation, in which he refuted the charges brought against him— 1st, That Pennycuick led his brigade into action with unloaded muskets ; 2d, That Colin Campbell did not properly employ his artillery ; 3d, That he did not cover his attacks. The first charge, which Colin Campbell regarded as “almost too puerile to require contradiction,” was met by the assertion that “all proper precaution was observed by Brigadier Pennycuick in the arrange- 1849.] | SIR P. GRANT'S LETTER OF EXONERATION. 209 ment .and disposition of his brigade at the commence- ment of the action.” ! The refutation, however, of this and the other charges, will be best understood from the following letter, addressed by Sir Patrick Grant, the Adjutant- General of the Indian army, who served in that capacity during the Punjab campaign, to his father- in-law, Lord Gough :— “Camp, PEsHawuR, 2d February 1850. ‘““My pear Lorp,—I have had a very long and most interesting conversation with Sir Colin Camp- bell about Chillianwala, and he is most anxious that I should make you acquainted with the substance of it, and with the nature of the documents he has shown to me in the original. I can, of course, have no objection to do so. I told Campbell that I con- ceived he had not made the use he might have done of the artillery attached to his division—viz. No 5 light field-battery, and three guns of No. 10 (the other three were with the rear-guard). He has put into my hands a letter from Lieutenant Robertson, who commanded the three guns of No. 10 battery, in which he states that, after receiving orders from Campbell to advance with these guns in line with the skirmishers, a staff officer—who, he cannot say— rode up to him, and directed him to take his guns to the left and assist the horse-artillery; that he 1 The writer saw Pennycuick’s brigade load previously to the ad- vance of the 3d division against the Sikh outpost on the mound. VOL. I. 0 210 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. {1849. did so, and did not again join the infantry until after Campbell had formed his junction with Moun- tain at the close of the battle. Campbell has in vain endeavoured to discover who the staff officer was. The artillery officers who were with those guns, Lieutenants Robertson and Heath, write that they do not know, and have been unable to find out his name. Thackwell writes that he sent no such order to the battery, and so does Brind, who commanded the horse-artillery. But the fact is undoubted that the guns were taken away as described, and that Campbell lost their services. Again, Major Mowatt, the senior artillery officer with No. 5 battery, ac- knowledges in writing that, when the advance of the division was ordered, Captain Haythorne, Campbell’s aide-de-camp, rode up to him and communicated the brigadier’s orders for him to advance his battery in line with the skirmishers whom Brigadier Penny- cuick had, by Campbell’s orders, thrown out to cover the front of that brigade (the right one of the divi- sion), and to ‘open his fire as soon as he could get a good sight of the enemy.’ This Mowatt did; but the rapid advance of Pennycuick’s brigade carried them in front of the battery at the very commencement of the action, and rendered the battery next to useless. But this was not Campbell’s fault, whoever was to blame; and I must say, all that he has shown to me completely removed the impression, which I frankly told him I had entertained, of his having neglected to avail himself of his artillery to the proper extent. 1849.] SIR P. GRANT'S LETTER OF EXONERATION. 211 He is most anxious that you should know exactly what were his proceedings throughout the day; and when you have seen all he has placed before me in original (and he will send you copies by the next mail), I feel very sure that, with me, you will think he did his duty like a brave and experienced soldier, and with consummate judgment and skill. He has the highest respect for your lordship; and in the desire and earnest hope of retaining the good opinion of his old commander, he wishes you to know the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.— Believe me, my dear lord, affectionately yours, “PATRICK GRANT.” CHAPTER VI. ENCAMPMENT NEAR CHILLIANWALA—FALL OF MOOLTAN—JOURNAL —ENEMY’S MOVEMENTS —RUSSOOL ABANDONED—STRENGTH OF SIKH POSITION—JUNCTION OF LORD GOUGH’S WITH GENERAL WHISH’S FORCE—ADVANCE TO GOOJRAT—ENEMY’S POSITION— BATTLE OF GOOJRAT—COLIN CAMPBELL’S SHARE IN THE ACTION —DEFEAT AND PURSUIT OF SIKH ARMY—COLIN CAMPBELL JOINS PURSUING FORCE—BEHAVIOUR OF SIKHS ON LAYING DOWN THEIR ARMS—ATTOCK—JUMROOD—COMMAND OF SIND SAGUR DISTRICT —LETTER REGARDING OPERATIONS—13TH AND 22D N.I.—K.C.B. — RECEPTION BY 61ST REGIMENT — APPOINTED TO PESHAWUR COMMAND—SIR C0. NAPIER AT PESHAWUR—EXPEDITION TO KOHAT —COLIN CAMPBELL VISITS CASHMERE—ILLNESS—ADDRESSES SIR H. LAWRENCE ON SUBJECT OF KOHAT PASS—RESIGNATION OF SIR C. NAPIER. THe day after the battle, the army encamped in the immediate vicinity of Chillianwala. In this posi- tion, which he strengthened with breastworks, Lord Gough determined to await the result of the final attack on Mooltan, and the reinforcements which would become available on the reduction of that fortress. The Bombay column having joined Gen- eral Whish’s force on the 21st December 1848, the attack was renewed six days later; and on the 22d January 1849 the place fell, Moolraj surrendered, and the besieging force forthwith commenced its 1849. ] ENEMY’S MOVEMENTS. 213 march to join Lord Gough. For many days nothing of importance was recorded by Colin Campbell in his journal. Much rain fell, causing great mortality amongst the cattle, and rendering the movement of troops, especially that of heavy artillery, wellnigh impracticable. “ Journal, 6th February.—Three or four days ago the enemy moved a large portion of his force from his right down upon the low ground at the spur of the hill, where he had joined the river by an intrenchment to the left of Russool, and as far as Pooran, which is close to the pass of that name. It was supposed by our headquarter people that the object of the enemy was precautionary and defen- sive, and not aggressive; but as we were expecting a large convoy from Goojrat, the Commander-in- chief became very uneasy for its safety. I looked upon the move of the enemy behind the hills, which screened the operations from our view, as intended for future offensive operations against our right flank and rear; but the Commander-in-chief thought otherwise, though a movement on our part to our right, to Khoree or Dingee, which I deemed prudent and advisable, especially as the enemy had moved the larger portion of his army to his left, could not be regarded as a- movement in retreat. But the political officers were then averse to moving our position, as was also the Commander-in-chief, so that nothing was done. The convoy came in safely under a large escort the next day, and all apprehen- 214 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s49. sion or opinion of the necessity for a movement to our right, to meet and counteract that of the enemy to their left, appears to have been given up. On the 3d, we heard of the enemy clearing the Pooran pass ; on the 4th, that he had a few troops on our side of the pass; and yesterday, that he had moved eleven or twelve regiments of infantry to this side of it, with twelve guns—the former being placed in front of a belt of jungle which covers the mouth of the pass, and the latter in rear of the jungle. There was a meeting of general officers, chief engineer, and Major Mackeson,’ chief political authority, on the subject of our present position. Everybody con- demned it as a bad one, the nature of the ground admitting of the enemy turning both our flanks _ and getting in our rear unseen by us, without our being able to prevent him—a movement he could effect at any moment. Major Mackeson urged strongly the move to Dingee, with a view to ob- taining supplies and securing forage for our cattle, of which the possession of that place by the enemy would deprive us. An opinion, however, was ex- pressed by Grant, the Adjutant-General, that we could manage to feed our cattle as we had done before, and that the enemy being now out of the pass, it would be as well to remain where we were until General Whish had joined or was near to us; that if the enemy moved upon Dingee, we could move and attack him; that he would not be likely 1 The late Colonel W. Mackeson, C.B, 1849. | RUSSOOL ABANDONED. 215 to move so far out of the pass with his guns. In short, no definite conclusion or determination was arrived at, and the party separated.” “12th February.—All the tents at Russool have disappeared. There do not appear to remain any but irregular troops, who are formed in line along the crest of their intrenched position at Russool. As the morning advanced, we could observe the enemy gradually retiring from his right along his rear at intervals. The movement to his own left was com- pleted by mid-day. They retired very gradually, and diminished their numbers so slowly, that it was necessary to watch them very closely to be aware of their intentions. By three o’clock the whole had withdrawn from Russool, and our officers were riding amongst the works they had abandoned. “13th.—Reports brought in that the enemy had detached four regular battalions, with eight guns, to the pass of Khurreean, and that Owtar Singh had gone with his division to Jhelum. In the evening we observed the fires of the picket in the pass of Khoree, very strong and numerous. Reports were also brought in by a spy of the Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster - General Garden, that: 400 infantry and 4000 cavalry had actually marched from the neighbourhood of Khoree for Goojrat, and that the report in the bazaar of the enemy was that the whole were to march to Goojrat. “14th February.—Rode this morning to Russool, to look at the position and the works which the 216 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1849. enemy had abandoned. I never saw a stronger posi- tion; nor did I ever see one so well improved by works so admirably arranged, and so well adapted for the purposes of defence. It was indeed most fortunate that we had not to storm this place, for most probably we should have failed; and even had we been successful, our loss must have been frightful. “Heard of the enemy’s whole force, which had been encamped at Khoree, having marched from thence to Goojrat at four o'clock this morning, just as the moon rose. I heard a gun fired at three o’clock in the direction of their camp, which, it appears, was the signal to strike tents, and the whole army was off at four. They will plunder that rich country, and I have no doubt, if followed, will either take up a position behind Goojrat, with or without the sanc- tion of Gholab Singh, and there give us battle, or, after plundering Goojrat of all its supplies, start off to Jhelum, and cross to the right bank of that river, where it may not be convenient for us to follow them this season. “13th February.—Marched this morning to Lus- soorie—the whole force in a single column of route by the road of Mukhnawala, through the jungle, which was in many places very thick: distance about twelve miles. The object to be nearer forming a junction with the force of General Whish, while we should be nearer the Chenab, in case of the enemy venturing to cross for the purpose of pushing on to Lahore.” 1849.] EXPECTED BATTLE. 217 “16th February.— Marched by Parowda to Su- dalpoor. Country open. Enemy reported to be threatening to cross at Wuzeerabad. My own idea is, that this is a mere threat, with a view to get us to divide our forces, so that we may not have all our Europeans and guns in the battle which must take place in a few days, and which will decide in whose hands the empire of the East is to remain ; for that is the point at issue, and by the result of the approaching conflict will this point be settled. God grant that we may be victorious! and if it should please Him to take me through with life in the coming fight, I will endeavour to get home during the ensuing cold weather, and there pass the few years that it may please the Disposer of events to assign to me in this world, in the society of the few persons still remaining whom I love most, away from details of military command, of which I have become very tired, and with which, when neglected by those under me, I find I have no longer the temper or patience to bear as I ought to do. I shall therefore be happy to have an oppor- tunity of enjoying tranquillity in the retirement of private life, which I should have sought for long ere this, had my means or the circumstances of the times admitted of my indulging this long-wished- for happiness. “17th February.—Marched, after daylight, from our encampment near Sudalpoor to Isharah. The enemy is said to be threatening to pass at Wuzeera- 218 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1849. bad. We are near the river (the Chenab), so that some part of General Whish’s force, which has moved up the left bank to Wuzeerabad, may be in a situation to cross over to the right bank and join us.” “19th.—Moved to Koonjah, whither the political officers wanted to move some days ago, and which, most likely, would have brought on a general action before the Mooltan force had joined us. General Whish, with one brigade of infantry, joined last night, bringing with him 10 guns (horse-artillery) ; and, very late this evening, Brigadier-General Dun- das,’ with the Bombay division, including two European regiments (H.M.’s 60th and Bombay Fusiliers), detachment Scinde horse, and a troop and battery of artillery—12 guns. This division has marched upwards of sixty miles in the last three days. “20th February.—Made another short move to our right and front to Shadeewal and _ towards Goojrat, with the object of bringing us nearer to the enemy’s position, and to give the Bombay troops a little respite after their long marches, that they might be better fitted by rest for the day of battle, which, it is evident, will take place to-morrow. The position of the enemy was plainly to be seen from the top of a high house in Koonjah, and also in this village. Their camp seems to go all round Gooj- rat, and close to it; their cavalry, infantry, and 1 Afterwards General Viscount Melville, G.C.B. 1849. ] PLAN OF ATTACK. 219 artillery in a sort of semicircle round the eastern and southern side of the town, at some distance from it. Their right was behind a nullah, said to be very deep, which makes a sudden bend at nearly a right angle, and runs in a tortuous manner down to the village of Shadeewal. Their centre and left were in the open plain, covered by three villages called the greater and lesser Kalra, which they occupied as infantry-posts to cover their centre and left, with their artillery in the intervals—their main body of infantry being in rear, and their cavalry massed on both flanks. The Commander-in-chief determined to attack the centre and left; whilst the British left should threaten the nullah, but not attempt to cross it until he should send further instructions. “21st February.—Waited on the Commander- in-chief at daylight with the other general officers. He mentioned generally his plan of attack, adverted to in my journal of yesterday, without giving any detail of movement or disposition of the troops for the attack. I formed my two brigades, command- ed by Carnegie and M‘Leod, in contiguous columns of regiments, with a very strong line of skirmishers in front; the artillery in line with the skirmishers. When we arrived within long range of the enemy’s guns we deployed into line. The Bombay column conformed in all respects to what I did on their right. In this order the artillery, twelve 9-pound- ers, in line with the skirmishers, and the infantry, in line close in rear, advanced, the whole of them 220 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1849. as at a review—the artillery firing at the masses of infantry and cavalry formed beyond the nullah, who gradually melted away under the effects of this fire, and took shelter in’ the nullah. As we advanced, an effort was made by some of the prin- eipal chiefs to bring forward their cavalry to attack the advancing line; but it was evident from my position, from whence the movement could be seen in flank, that the willingness was confined but to a few hundreds. These were in front, follow- ing their chiefs, who were leading. The horsemen in rear of this more willing body evidently went forward reluctantly. The infantry, who had taken shelter in the nullah, accompanied this movement in a very disorderly and tumultuous manner. These latter were in vast crowds. I caused the artillery of my division to be turned on the flank of this advance of the enemy, while the Bombay troop of horse - artillery fired direct to the front. This double fire in front and flank caused them to waver, and finally to give way. They retired across the nullah, some of the infantry stopping under cover of its banks, from whence I finally dislodged them by my own artillery, which enfiladed the nullah, and which was moved forward and placed in position for that object. I received orders to storm this nullah; but to have done so with in- fantry would have occasioned a very useless and most unnecessary sacrifice of life. And seeing that this end could be obtained by the use of the 1849, } GOOJRAT. 921 artillery without risking the loss of a man, I pro- ceeded upon my own responsibility to employ my artillery in enfilading the nullah ; and after succeed- ing in driving the enemy out of every part of it, I had the satisfaction of seeing the whole left wing of our army, including my own division, pass this formidable defence of the enemy’s right wing with- out firing a musket or losing a man. This was a very great and exceeding satisfaction to me. We had too much slaughter of human life at Chillian- wala, without due precaution having been taken to prevent it by the employment of our magnificent artillery. Having felt this strongly, and having expressed it to the Commander-in-chief in warm terms, I determined to employ this weapon against the enemy to the fullest extent, whenever we should again come in contact with them,—and I did s0, accordingly, in the battle of Coojrat. “The discomfiture of the enemy was complete. All arms, cavalry, infantry, and artillery, left the field in the greatest disorder and confusion. The rout of the enemy was too complete to admit of the reunion of any very large number of the enemy in anything like order. “The army halted about a couple of miles beyond Goojrat, on the road to Jhelum and Bhimbur—a creat mistake, in my opinion. The cavalry and some of the horse-artillery followed the enemy on the road to Bhimbur, and took seven guns which the enemy had been obliged to abandon. The 222 LIFE OF LORD CLYDE. [1s49. cavalry returned to Goojrat that night: another mistake. “22d February.—Sent for by Lord Gough. Told I was to march to Dowlutanugeur with my division. Marched at 2 p.m. H.M.’s 9th Lancers and 8th Light Cavalry accompanied the division. Heard of nine guns having been abandoned by the enemy about twelve miles’ distance, and of two more at a farther distance. The first nine were sent for from headquarters; the last two were brought in by my division.” “25th. — Returned by order to Goojrat.