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The History

GARAUSIUS,

Che Mntch Augustus, and Emperor cf Britain, Zeeland,
Mnutch Flanders, Armorica, and the Seas;

The “Great First Hollandish Admiral;
AND
THE FIRST SAILOR KING OF ENGLAND.

WITH WHICH IS INTERWOVEN AN

Historical and Ethnological Account

oF THE
MEN APIIL;
The ancient Zeelanders and Dutch Flemings.
COMPILED FROM UPWARDS OF TWO HUNDRED

ANCIENT, MEDIZVAL AND MODERN AUTHORITIES.

 

H
BY

3. Watts de Weyster.

 

POUGHKEEPSIE :
PLATT & SOHRAM, PRINTERS.

1858.
D
The Hingdon of sroliand,

The small-.spot of ground which has engaged the
eyes of all Europe, even since the earliest ages,—the
mention of whose important name, at any time, excited
the observation of all parts of the world,—and whose
universal trade has communication with all the more
or less civilized nations,—always remains the object of
attentive reflection for every cosmopolite; who has
hecome in any way acquainted with its. natural, politi-

cal and moral history. A piece of ground, torn from
the on and during so many ages defended against
a country appearing to the eyes of travelers,
in the summer as a garden, divided into orchards ( gar-
dens), and grass meadows, in the winter as a small
archipelago, in which the cities, like so many islands,
elevate themselves above the surface of inundations,—
a state, which is incomparable on account of its lene
struggle in obtaining civil liberty, and endless sacrifices
for promoting its interest,—a nation, which has been
continually divided by political quarrels, violent eccle-
siastical disputes, and internal divisions, and after all
has never been torn asunder,—a nation, under only
very small obligation to nature, and compelled by it to
be industrious, but nevertheless, simply through its
own industry, as great in all arts and sciences as any
nation of the earth; much greater indeed than all the
favorites of nature,—should not all this make the
Hingdom of Hallbnd a constant and most important object
of critical observation ?—| Anglicised from the ‘Dresses,
Morals and Customs in the Kingdom of Holland.” 1808. |

 

 

o

       

 

Enteret according to Act of Congress, in the year 1868, by J. WATTS pz PEYSTER, in the Clerk's
Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York.
TO

JOHN WALCOTT PHEuis,

CAPTAIN IN THE UNITED STATES: ARTIULE®

+
*

THE ACCOMPLISHED SOLDIER AND CHRISTIAN Gi....—..

DISTINGUISHED FOR GALLANT AND' MERITORIOUS COND CT
t ' :
¢ ', + THROUGHOUT THE

«

WAR WITH MEXICO,

AND PARTICULARLY IN THE

BATTLES OF CONTRERAS AND CHURUBUSCO:
THIS WORK
AS-A TESTIMONIAL OF RESPECT AND ESTEEM IS
A FFECTIONATELY DEDICATED:

BY HIS FRIEND,

THE AUTHOR.
Che History of Caransins:
‘ FROM
Robert ‘of Gloucester’s Chronicle.
A. p. 1176-1204 :—1209-1358-(1483 ? )

A STRANGE MELANGE OF FACTS AND FANCY.

*
Transcribed and first Published from a MAanuscripr
™m the Harieyax Liprary, by ‘

THOMAS HEARNE, M. A.
Oxrorp, 1724.

*

Anglicised, so as to be intelligible to ordinary readers, by

7.W. de PD.

Interpolated avords and sentences in (—).

A stalwart young bachelor in this land was tho;. (then)

Caraus* [(Karant) Carausins] was he named, the cause
‘of so much wo (woe. )

For tho’ he had in war erst been, and done great mais-
trie (exploits),

And had said much of himself (his loyalty ) he thought
in tricherie (treachery ).

He went and begged leave then of the Emperor of

Rome,

To keep the sea about this British land from strange
men that thither come (infested it),

And promised him, that, while there, if well advanced

he were,

 

*Nennivs, the Chronicler, tells us that the Scottish river Carron (Ca-
ruNus, Latin,) derived its name from Caravsins, which in this form,
K(C)araun, ix alinost identical,—(('eraua, Carauy, Karaun, Carron.)
Vv.

To yield more gold to Rome than. all Britain did thither
bere (bear).

Then the Council of Rome believed his fair behest (of
fer,

And that he was astrong man and of great power with.
the meste (multitude).

The Emperor with good charter, and with his own
cel (seal)

Him gave of the seaabout.(Britain) the warde (duty of
defending) every del (part).

This false man went forth then with his charter aboute
(all about),

. And, of evil-doing men, gathered to him a great route
(army ),

And then he purchased by the gold that God did him
sende (sent),

And provided him good ships, and into the sea wende
(went),

And won him soon much gold ‘with strength and
quoyntise (prudence and capacity),

And afterwards by robbery ; help, however, failed (to
afford) other wyse.*

So large (generous) he was to his men of Hane that
“he fonde (acquired),

That he had a very great host in a very little stonde
(time).

He robbed in islands in the sea, and the havens all
aboute,

‘So that of needy men there came to him so (ver y) great
(a) route (multitude),

a RRA RAD A ER DE PRA A

 

 

- *That is, he did not aid the Roman allies and subjects, who were plun-
dered by his confederates, the sea-rovers, whom Carausius had been sent
to destroy. ,
vi.
That there was no neighboring prince able to resist.
him round about.
His power waxed ever, so that each land him began to
doute (fear),

So that he spoke with the men here of this land,

And appeared to them so faire y now, and gave them
to understand

Thatif they would abowe (submit) to him, and him as
their king nome (name),

That he would bring them all safe out of the danger
of Rome,

And deliver this land from the Romans, and of strange
men (foreigners) echon (every one),

That so free a land as this (Britain) in _the world | there
should be non (none).

This land then made him its ay for he was so quoynte
(wise) a man,

And he began to war anon upon the king Bastan,*

And easier against the other gathered his hoste faste,

So that they came together and fought a battle at laste.

But Caraus of felonye (wickedness) began to under-
stonde (conceive),

And thought that (as) the Picars (Picts) were from a
strange lond (land, )

That were with Bastan the king, that Funernce [ (Ful-
gentius, ) his uncle, | hither brozte (brought),
That he would liztliche (likely) to him turn (with them)
for hire he thozte (thought),
To him he spoke so cunningly, and meds (rewards) :
began to bede (offer), :

 

_ * A fabulous sovereign of Britain, mentioned in the Pasti Annales of
Gatrxsp (Geoilry) of Moymourn,
vil.
So that he (Fulgentius) the king Bastian betrayed in
his nede (need),

For tho’ he came with him to battle he turned against
him e(a)chon (every one) :

So that he neither knew which were his friends, nor
which were his fon (foes),

And Basraw and all his folks eode a non to gronde (were
immediately ground to pieces),

And he himself and many others were slain there in
astonde (astonishment at the treachery of so
near a kinsman). ,

Then was this false Caravs (Carant) made king of this
land (England) here ;
Without assistance it came to him of kynde (as thoug h
begotten to it or by right) to have such power.*
Then (when) tything (tidings) came they to Rome
that he (Caraustvus) had done them (the Empe-
rors Diocterran and Maxian) such shame,

They took a great lord, Auiecr (Allectus) was: his
name,

And sent him into this (British) land, and men with
him ynowe (enough),

So that in battle this Carausius he slowe (slew),

*Gatrrep (Geoffrey) of Monmovrs (translated) reads as follows, with
regard to the facts narrated between the 25th and 44th lines :—

Which (the sovereignty) when he had obtained it for the asking, he im-
mediately declared war against Basstanvs, and slew him, and took upon
himself the government of the kingdom. For the Picts pened Bassi-
anus, those whom Duke Fyreenrits, the brother of his mother, had led into
Britain, who, when they should have assisted him, corrupted by the prom-
ises and gifts of Caravstus, they deserted from Bassianvs in the heat of
the battle, and fell with fury upon their former fellow-soldiers. There-
upon the latter, stupefied, since they were ignorant of who might prove a
friend or who an enemy, fell into confusion, and the victory declared tor
Caravsius. Who, when he had achieved this triumph, assigned to the
Picts a district to settle in, in Albany (Scotland), wherein, having-inter-
married with the Britons, they dwelt throughout subsequent ages.
viii.
When this battle was done he began to‘arere (raise or
wage)

War upon men of this land, because they with Caraus
were (had served).

The Brytones (Britons) then of this land to schilde
(shield) them from schame,

Chose them a new king, Ascipiop ceablepredonu)
was his name,

That was Karl of Cornewail (Cornwall), he satheral ys
ost anon (his host immediately)

To war, and to stand against the Romaynes (Romans
who were) ys fon (his foes).

He went him to London, as kyng Auxcr there was,

To honoure there false Godes as it fell out then bicas
(by chance), .

Tho’ the king this astounded that his folk thus come
(people came upon him)

He at once left his sacrifice, and his folk with him nom
" (took),

And went out against him, and hard battle he smyte -
(fought),

So much folk there was slain, that rief + was it to wyte
(know):

These ‘Britains were so courageous, and wox euer (wax-
ed or wrought) so faste (firm),

That the Romaynes and their king had to fly at laste.

The Britons followed after, as they ought to do,

And slew many thousand, and Atvzcr the king also.

A lordlyng of the Romans, that I know was named
GALLE,

Came and yielded him to our kyng, and his men, nay
indeed alle,
ix.
The king him took to prison, to London he was brozt
(brought), .
The kyng him would give lyf (life); but his men would
nozt (not),
Nor suffer that there should be left alive any of their
fon (foes), .

But led him in to London, and his men echon (every
one)

Toa running water, that yet is there I wene (think),

And smote off -all their heads to bring them out of
tene (trouble),

‘This water there where they slew them was called
Galle-brc(o)k, (Wallbrook, )

After Gate, that same prince, that there his death
to(o)k. |

Then was Britatn, this land, of Romeynes, almost lere
(empty or delivered).

But scarcely was it ten zer (years) before they here
agayn were,

AscLepiop made himself there to be crowned as king
anon (at once),

And kept about ten years this land well mid (in pros-
perity) fram his fon (from his foes).
But through Romaynes, that hither came; that heathens
~ were echon (every one),
And through misbelievers, Christendom was nigh in-
deed al agon (all lost),
Two Emperoures of Rome, Dyoclician (Diocletian),

And an other, his associate, he that furious Maximtan,

Were both reigning at one time, the one in the East
ende,

And the other in the West, of the world, Christendom
to schende (destroy ).
x
For the wicked Maxim1an Westward hither sozte (de-
parted),

And Christenemen, “that he found, to strange deaths he
brozte (consigned).

Chirches he leveled to the ground, there must not one
stonde (stand),

And all the (Christian ) books, that he might find in any
londe (land),

He would let them burn every one amid the heye
strete (in the middle of the high or public
streets ),

And the Christians all he slew and none alive lete (left).

Before God there was no mercy, then for Christendom,

In so little time never was undergone so great a mar-
tyrdom.

For there were in a month seventeen thousand and mo
(more) _.

Martyred for their love of our Lord, (oh! was not that
great wo’)

With foreign great Saints that he held (or flayed alive)
in long torment,

As Saint Curistyngé, and Saint Fry, and also Saint
VINCENT;

Fanian and Sepastran, and many others, as we may in
Church rede (rend),

And many a one turned again to heathenism for drede
(dread).

Among all these in this land, that were monion ritonlee:
or many a one)

Here martyred at this tyme, Saint ALBon was on (one),

He was the first martyr, that to Kngland come (came),
Much was the shame men did then to Christendom.
Xi.
The Lord hath the dear man who many led into Cris-
tendom (the fold of Christ).
Under these wicked Emperoures there wasa noble mon
(man),
Elevated by their wicked laws, that under them much
won.
Constance (Constantius Chlorus) was his name, he
conquered of Spayne
The homage, and of France, and afterwards here of
Bretayne.

 

Hollandish and Zeelandish Sailors, and Dutch and
Flemisl) Soldiers, compared.

No sailors can §jollandia’s sons surpass’ in trades em-
prize, (a)

But Zeeland’s boys the bravest (b) are, when battle’s
signal flies ;

And sfhile the Netherlands produe’d the stoutest men
for war, (c) |

Of all the Dutch, the Gueldre-lads (d) the palm of cour-
age bore—

Though champion’s-belt, Nymwwegen’s sons had won and
nobly wore; (e)

While of the martial Flemish race (f ) none were like
Hjainault's (g) men,

Of whom the Valenctennes (h) cits the boldest prov’d
again.*

* Sir Wituiam Tempre's Observations upon the United Provinces of
the Netherlands. Chap. IV., page 182-4 (1688), (a) Temple, Heylyn,
and a host of authorities; (b), Temple, and the ‘results of an hundred
naval conflicts: (c), Czesar, and the testimony of centuries; (d), Marlianus,

‘Leodius, Long, Lempriere, Anthon, Milman, Littleton, Spruner, &e. &c.
&e., establish that the {Menapit embraced the people of the Duchy of
Gunvpres (Gelrences) ; (e) and (h), Temple; (f), The whole history of
the Spanish and Austrian monarchies; (g), Ciesar first encountered the
Mevarit and Morint, in the Hennegau; and had the worst of it.
Wonders performed ai Eleurys by the Dutch Coot of
Snfaniry, July |, 1690.

“Never did any Troops perform greater Wonders
than the Foot, who, when they were forsaken by the

Horse, alone sustained the Charges of the French Horse
and Foot, and being Attacked in Front, Flank and Rear,
all at once, they yet continued firm, unbroken, and im:
penetrable: They let the Enemies Horse approach. with-
in Pistol shot of them, and made their Discharges with
such an unconcerned and steddy Aim, that the whole
Squadron together seemed to sink in the Ground, hard-
ly thirty of the whole number getting off, and this
Course théy so accustomed themselves to, that at length
they laughed at their Enemies, and challenged them to
advance ; The French, on the other side, were so abash-
ed with the Execution done upon them that they retired
as soon as the Dutch began to present their Muskets at
them, nor durst they any more come near ihem, but
suffered them to retreat in good Order, without offer-
ing to pursue; and this unparallel’d Bravery made
the Duke of Luxemburgyh speak in their Praise, that
they had out-done the Spanish Infantry at the Battle
of Rocroy, where the Spaniards performed Wonders,
adding withal, Prince Waldeck (the Dutch General)
ought ever to remember the French Horse, and himself
never to forget the Dutch Foot.".—LIFE of WILLIAM
IIL, late King of ENGLAND and Prince of OR-
ANGE, 3d Edition. Pages 288-9. London, 1705.
Errata, Omissions, and Explanations.
UNIMPORTANT TYPOGRAPHICAL ERRORS NOT NOTED.

Page 5, line 24, for ‘*‘Pyranean”’ read “Pyrenean.”

“ 7, “ 8, after “English,” insert ‘(See Prefatory Remarks,
page XII, Wonders performed by the Dutch Foot at Fleurus, 1690.)”
Page 7, line 10, after “despot of Java,” insert “*aendels.”

“ 13, “ 16, after “elements,” insert ‘See nz Peyvsrer’s Dutcu
Battie or tHE Battic ;”’ the account of the same, styled the Bar-
TLE OF THE Sounp, wherein Oppam ‘performed acts (of heroism)
which surpassed all the examples of antiquity.’-—(Les Delices de
la Hollande, La Haye, [the Hague,| 1710, Vol. I., pages 245-’6,
and 380-1, and in peta Nevuvitun’s Histoire de Hollande, Vol.
III., Chapter FX., pages 83 to 94.)”

Page 18, line 27; after “Rhine,’’ insert “which expressed as well
the Maas and the Schelde, for all but the Tabudan (ffoudt) mouth’
of the latter were looked upon as outlets of the Rhine.”
Page 19, line last but one, after “Friesland,” insert “which in the
* Vth Century included Zeeland.” ie
Page 19, last line, for Grarron,”-read “GraTTan.””
Page 27, line 18, after ‘““Minevia,” insert ‘‘Menevia or Menapia.”’
 « «© 39. after “section,” insert ‘(the third part known as
Holland, from which Henry Fox derived his title of Lord Hot-
LAND in 1768.)” ’ ; :
Page 31, line 19, for “in” read “from.”
“« 33, © 41, after “285,” insert, “or 287.”
- 39, “ 20, for “Tristan” read ‘'TocHon.”

“ 47, “ 19, after “Lor Augusti,”] insert, ‘or HILARITAS
AUGGG.—[Happiness or Enjoyment of the three Augusti].”’

Page 48, line 31, after “which,” insert “that learned numismatist
considers after examination.” ee

_ Page 52, line 10, for “‘prancing,”’ read “galloping.” :
Page 54, line 12, after “demolished,” insert “In this singular little
structure we possessed, until within about a century, a perfect
specimen of one of the Roman temples in Britain. According to
tradition it was dedicated to the Goddess of Victory. ‘It had a tes.
selated pavement. It was 19 feet 6 inches in diameter, within,
arched towards the top, with a round aperture (like that of the Pan-
theon at Rome) in the midst of the dome, 11 feet 6 inches diameter,
and the utmost height to the periphery, or edge of this aperture, from
the floor, 22 feet.

“At a little distance from the top, beneath the circular opening in
the midst of the dome, was a small square window on one side, and
round the inside, resting on the floor, were stone seats, and against
the wall, on the south side, an altar; the door of entrance, which
had a regular Roman arch, being placed under the square window.

“Arthur’s Oven was pulled down about 1743, by Sir Michael
Bruce, of Stonehouse, near Falkirk, for the sake of the stones ; but
Xiv.
with little profit to himself, for the stones were used in constructing

a milldam, which was soon carried away by a flood.”
“55, line 5, for “‘Nonnius,”’ read ‘‘Nennius.”’

“ 59, lines 5 & 6, after “transmutation,” read “Caraun, Rarant,
or Carnn—Anglicised into Caros, Carowg, and Caron—may
have been gradually lengthened into Carunus, and then into
Caransius.” /

Page 73, line 5, after “confound,” insert ‘“Bononia.”

“43, © 6, for “Boulogne,” read “ Bonogne.”

‘* 78, last line, insert “The lines most applicable to this occa-
sion are those of tricksy ARIEL, from Act I. Scene IL. of Suaxe-
SPEARE’S Tempest :

“JT boarded the king’s ship ; now on the beak,

Now in the waist, the deck, in every cabin,
‘I flam’d amazement: sometimes, I’d divide,

And burn in many places; on the top-mast, —
The yards, and bowsprit, would I flame distinctly. ;
Then meet and‘join: Jove’s lightnings, the precursors.
O’ the dreadful thunder-claps, more momentary

And sight outrunning were not: the fire, and cracks
Of sulphurous roaring, the most mighty Neptune
Seem’d to besiege, and make. his bold waves tremble :
Yea, his dread trident shake.”

*

* * *
* * * *
* * oe ae

 

 

“and for the rest o’ the fleet,
Which I dispers’d, they all have met again ;
And are upon the Mediterranean flote,
Bound sadly home for Naples, (Britazn).
Supposing. that they saw the king’s ship wreck’d,
And his great person perish.”
Page 79, line 9, after “foitress,” insert “(which Tristan, in his
History of the Emperors, [Paris, 1644, Vol. III., page 380,] says
had been very strongly fortified, aud garrisoned with Roman soldiers
by Caravsius.)” }
Page 85, line 16, after “tribe”? insert ‘‘and its affiliations or adop-
tions, constituting a confederation rather than a substantive nation.”’
Page 835, line 34, for “‘sixteen pages,’’ read ‘‘one hundred and forty-
four pages,” or “nine signets.”’
Page 87, line 14, after ‘‘armies,” insert ‘Such, after study and re-
flection, are the writer’s convictions.”
Page 89, line 9, out “‘which,”’ and insert it before “branching,” in
the 11th line.”
Page 92, line 1, after “Momburp,’”’ insert “(where then was the
Portus Crassis Britannica 2)”
Page 92, line 13, for ‘“Morionorum,’’ read “Morinorum.”’
“95, ‘ 17, for “immediate antagonists,” read ‘‘allies.”’
“ 96, 23, for “(Ronans)” read “(Romans).”’
‘ 96, last line, after ‘“‘are” insert ‘and were.”
XV.

“97, line 2, after “Germans,” read “The only Belge of pure
blood were the Bellovaci, Ambiani, and Attrebates.”’

Page 97, line 5, after “Mor,” insert “still a common Flemish word.”
(English, Mere.)

“ 98, “ 29, after ‘‘inhabited,” insert “then.”’

__ 100, “ 15, after “Venice,” insert “and according to Gibbon,
(V. 487,) the tutelar Saint of Corinth.”
Page 105, line 31, for “Garon” read “Saxon.” -

“ 109, “ 1, between “and” and “uncertain” insert “intru-
sive or.” .

: Page 109, line 8, after “‘philosophers’’ insert “followed.” °

« 109, * 27, for “Romer’s Walle” read “Romergwalle.”’

* 110, “* 8, for “Sflearapii” read “senapii.”

“110, ‘ 24, for “medizeval,” read “the first or early modern.”
““  Jd1, “ 14, for “Frisiibones’’ read “Frisiabones.”’
“111, “ 82, after “Frisia” insert “friezland. or Fresra, in
the Vth, and even as late as the [Xth, century, included the Maas-

Scheldic Archipelago.”

Page 112, line 11, after “knife” insert—‘(in the Norfolk dialect, a
large clasp knife.was, and may still be, known as a ‘snicker-snee.’).”’
Page 116, line 3, after ‘Bois-le-Duc,”’ insert “extending down to
Roermunde, on the Maas, and embracing Lillo and Breda on the
Schelde.” a

Page 119, line 4, between “a” and ‘“‘stone’’ insert “square.”

«122, * 2, after “Parokeanités”’ insert “or Parokeanitai.”’ .

“123, “ 19, after “progress” insert “Any one who will exam.
ine TurNer’s Anglo-Saxons, will be satisfied that the Greeks not
only were acquainted with northern and western Europe and Brit-
ain, but had traded thither and established colonies therein.”

Page 125, line 19, insert “With regard to science in the Nether~
lands, at the epoch of the invention of. printing, the provinces of
Overyssel and Guelderland were the most learned countries of Ku-
rope.—(NEALE’s History of the so called Jansenist Church of Hol-
land.)’’ hie

Page 196, line 34, after ‘“succeeded’’ insert “(about B. C. 120.)”

“ 182, ‘ 28, strike out from ‘Batavi’ to ‘but’ in the last line of the
page, and substitute “their territory embraced the triangle, whose
apex was at Burgunnatium( Schenkenschanz) bounded by the old Rhine
(which flowed by Leyden), the Wahal, and the Maas (emptying by
its Rotterdam mouth).”

Page 134, line 25, after “[aiones, plural,’’] insert “Latinized.”’

“135, “ 17, after “burg,” insert “Pxiny locates the Cumbri,
Teutones, and Cauci on the shores of the British Channel ; CLauDIANn,
in his ‘Getic War,’ (quoted page 42,) styles the Ocean, which re-
ceives the Rhine, the ‘Cimbric.’ We shall see hereafter that the
NETHERLANDISH Caucr were in fact a constituent of the Menapian
confederation, or, according to Pontanus, the Trans-Rhenan Mz-
napPu, between the Flevan Lake, the Yssel, the old Rhine, and the
Vecht, embracing about the present province of Gueldres and the
eastern half of Utrecht.”
XVi.

Page 148, last line, continue—D’ANVILLE, more correctly, how-

ever, locates it between the Vire and the Somme : Dewez, from

Calais tothe Schelde,”’

Page 153, line 13, for 1529: obstinate,”’ read “1535 ? repentant.”
‘© 153, “ 15, before “relapsed’’ insert “obstinate or.”
“157, ‘ 25, after “bonfires,’’ insert ‘and judicial murders by

immersion in mortar and subsequent starvation.”

Page 164, line 82, after “sea,” insert “According to Eynprus: Srra-

BO, the best interpreter of Cesar, extended the Menapi and Morin1

southward to the edge of the Ardennes forest.”

Page 171, last line, add to the note, ‘““Vators considered the Portus

fEpatiaci identical with Boulogne. It is very probable that hoth it

and Meldi were in the vicinity of Calais.

Page 185; line 32, after “VIIth Century,” insert “(See Butier’s

‘Lives of the [Roman Catholic] Fathers, Martyrs, and other Princi-

pal Saints, Vol. II., November VII., St. Witurprorp, pages 826-

828, wherein he speaks of the Frisons at the mouth of the Rhine.

Sr. Witursrorp preached to the Zeelanders, Hollanders, and West

and Last Friezlanders, and was first Bishop of Utrecht ; afterwards

the head-quarters of the, so called, Jansenist Church of Holland.

Page 195, line 2, after ‘Boston’ insert “(Consult Bancaort’s ‘His-

tory of the United States,’ pages 3001, wherein he states that the

Puritans originated “in towns and villages of Nottinghamshire, Lin-

colnshire, and the borders of Yorkshire,’? and that their {place of

secret meeting” was “an unfrequented heath in Lincolnshire, near
the mouth of the Humber,”’ whence they fled across the sea to Hot-

LAND, 1608.)” ; ;

Page 196, line 20, after “century, insert, ‘‘: according to ‘Turner,

it was founded A. D. 600.”

Page 200, line 27, after ‘“‘overcoat,’’ insert “Saaum, which puCancE

in his ‘Glossarium’ mentions as synonymous with Sagum, a species

of cloth,—Gallice, Sate‘—(translated by Guy Migcr; ‘a Coat used
in time of War by the ancient Persians and Romans, being some-
thing like a Jacket, or a close Coat, such as we wear ’em now
adaies,’’ whose skirts did not descend below the knees,—according to

the Acapemici Cruscani, “‘Saia, specie di panno lano, il piu sottile, e

Saia, drappata dicono a una sorte di panno lano fino, chiamato dai

forastieri Peluzzo di Siena,”’) by Wesster rendered ‘Serge.’ ”’

Page 216, line 10, after “clocks” insert—“(by Huycens, 1657—

Clavis Calendaria, I. 9.)”—

Page 221, line 5, for “‘nudle’’ read “miile.”’

“224, last line, for “‘at its head,” read “head or vice regent.”
Page 226, line 8, for “(Dectremus)” read “(Dectremis or DEcEM RE-
MIS).

Page 227, line 1, out * after “‘deep,’”” and expunge Nore *, in con-

nection, at foot of page.

Page 227, line 20, after “ALFRED,” insert a *, and subjoin as a note,

“*See Article ‘Clepsydra or Water Clock,’ in the ‘Clavis Calendaria,’

Vol. I. pages 4 to 7.”
xvii

Page 236, line 2d from bottom, alter “constitute,” substitute for the rest-of
the sentence, ‘a distinct work, entitled ‘Tre Risk ann Procress or TIE
SAX0-GERMANIC-NETHERLANDISIE CONFEDERATION, (Wenapio-Frank Alli-
anee,) known under the generic name of FrRaNkKs or FREEMEN,’—which
will be published (D. V.) in the course of the year, 185%—to which the
reader is referred for details.”
Page 252, line 10, for “2° bevtogenbosed ” read “ S Mertogenbosey.”

see 22) for SV redlse” read “Nivelles.”
Page 250-268. N. B. Readers will take notiee—although the good sense
of the majority should render this remark unnecessary—that while the
‘main historical facts in these pages are correctly set forth, the unimportant
details were suggested by the author's imagination, in the same way that
while a portrait to be valuable must be exact, the accessories are left to the
taste and talent of the artist.

Paye 257, line 9, after “wake” insert, ‘“—for the wake of an ancient. tri-
reme, or galley of a Jarger class, resembled that of a modern side-wheel
steamer—”

Pave 259, line 10, after “flect,” insert “Burenerr, in his Naval History,
says a thousand sail.”

Page 261, 3d line, after “peace” insert a * and add as a note:

“The other warres made by the Caosars prooved not so well in the begin-
ning: for Constantius Clorus, who remained to make head against Carau-
sius; as Carausius was valiant & wily, and in possession of al Britannic.
so could he no way prevaile against him, but was rather foreed by the
Germanes which came down against him, to conclude a peace with Carau-
sius; and so Carausius reinained peaceable Lord of Britannic the space of
Tyeeres, Yet afterwards his companion & familiar friend called Alectus
slew him, and tooke the government of the land to himself, which he held
3B yeeres, (W. Traurron’s “istoric of all the Romane emperors begin-
ning with Caius Julius Cesar and successively ending with Rodulph the
second now reigning.” London, 1604.)

Page 263, line 32, after “Caravsius,” insert—
“Ships dim-discovered, dropping from the clouds.”
Page 275, line 8, after “general,” insert—
“Not all the glory, all the praise,
That decks the hero’s prosperous days ;
The shouts of men, the laurel crown,
The pealing anthems of renown,
May conscience’ dreadful sentence drown,”
Page 275, line 16, after “enemies.” insert “Aniecrus might have exclaimed
ed with Macheth—
“Tam cabined, eribbed, confined, bound in
To suey doubts and fears.”
Pave 277, line 19, after “offices,” insert—
“And with necessity,
The tyrant's plea, (Allectus) excused his devilish deeds.”
ii
xviii

Page 280, line 32. after “Franks” insert a“, and add asa note, “How the
excesses committed in London by the disbanded troops could have been at-
tributed—after consideration of the preceding operations—by historians.
to the Franks, is difficult to imagine ; since it is next to impossible that
Fraxx and Saxon mereenaries could have constituted the who/e army
of ArLecres, History records that his guard corps @’armée—the only one
which encountered the Romans, and was almost cut to pieces, was compo-
send of Fraxxs; this renders it probable that the remainder of the troops
who were not. engaged, consisted of Roman legionaries—who had pro-
elaimed for, or afterwards deserted to, Earawsius—Romanized Britons,
and Celtic subsidiaries—among them, perhaps, Pets and Seots, whom we
have reason to suppose first served under the dabariim of the usurper’s pre-
decessor, the Menapian Averstrs.”
Pages 233, line 26, for “@Wallebrooe” roul - WWal-(EWael—lades, Latiny-
droge (Hroc)*’, and add as a note: “An intelligent critic suggests that
Wallbrooe is correct, inasmuch as it is synonymous with G all brooe,
and took its name from Lreigs Ganuus, a Roman captain, who was. slain
there. The brook—which ran nearly acrosa the heart of Roman London,
has long since been covered over, and a street, known by the same appel-
lation, occupies a portion of its course and constitutes the only memorial of
ity having existed. Moreover, if Vaut-@all signifies the “Creek of Gallus,”
“Wallbrook’’ (q. d. Gallbrook) may have the same signification, and
both mean the Gaul’s (or Celt’s) brook. This appears evident from the
substitution of “ Wo" for *G" in some words. The name of the kingdom
of “Wales” is said to be derived trom: the root of “Gael” (Gaul,
Ikael, Calt (C hard] ); and Gal-ewalas (or Wealas) is the old Saxon
tor Frenchmen, and “* Weala-rice”™ (¢ hard, like k) for the kingdom of
France. “Wal-kynne” also signifies “Walli, (Cambri) Welshmen.
Page 286, 2d line after “cainpaign,”’ insert—

“Sound, sound the clarion, fill the fife!

To all the sensual world proelaim.

One crowded hour of glorious life

Is worth an age without a name.”

Page 295, line 8, after “Century,” insert a *, and add as a note, “Tur Popry
or tHE XVern Centrey; translated from Chapter ITT, page 213, &e. of ‘The
Discovery of Italy,’ Fornova, 1845. Histoire de Franee au Neizeime Seicle,
La Renaissance (The Regeneration) of Jvies Micnerer, by the Author of
‘Cararcsius,’ &e. &e,

When Crarres VITE of France entered Rome, on the 31st of December,
1494, the Pope Ropertck Borers, the famous Arexaxper VI, who re-
cently had been elevated to the Pontifical throne, was not as yet the ilustri-
ous personage who has left such a mark in history. He was a man sixty
years old, very rich, who for forty vears had? managed the finances of the
Church, and collected its taxes. At the time of his preferment he was the
yreatest capitalist of the (Roman) Catholic College. He did not drive a
close bargain for his place, but paid generously, and without concealment,
XIX
for every vote; to one, sending, in open duy, tour mules loaded with silver ;
to another, five thousand crowns of wold; putting in practice, to the letter,
the precept of the Gospel, ‘Distribute thy goods to the poor.

He had four children by his mistress Vanozza, who were acknowledged
publicly, and brought up without concealment. His manners were not
worse than those of the other Cardinals, and he was much more laborious
and attentive to business than they. One thing he was charged with—that
of being always governed by a woman, the Vanozza, and the mother of
Vanozza; he was afterwards led by his daughter, the beautiful Lucretia,
who has been sung by all the poets of this epoch. His affection for her
constituted his weakness, and he loved her too dearly for his own honor.

Another very astonishing fact in connection with the Court of this Pope
is, that Borera, born in the country of the Moors, at Valencia, in Spain,
was able to attract to Rome a number of traders belonging to that country,
both Moors and Jews. He inaintained an intimate correspondence with
the Turk, and was in receipt of a pension from him for detaining as a pris-
oner the Sultan Gem (Zizim). This strange friendship went so far, it is
said, that he made the proteges of Basazet Bishops, and even Vardinals.

This memorable poutiticate happened just in time to crown an astonish-
iny series of wicked popes. One only, Pius II, iu sixty years, formed an
exception to the rule. The characters of the others presented a combina-
tion of three things: they were, first, impudent debauchees ; and second-
ly, at the same time such good fathers of families, so avaricious, miserly,
ambitious for their own, that they would have Jaid the world in ashes to
make their bastards princes; besides that, thirdly, they were ferocious
priests. Paut himself tortured the members of the Academy of Rome,
suspected of being Platonists, one of whom died in his hands. This Paci
had such a thirst for the blood of the Bohemians, that in order to exter-
minate them heexhorted Marruias Corvinus, the only defender of Europe,
tu let the Turks alone, in order to become the executioner of Bohemia. He
discovered « new and singular neans of amassing treasure, which was, no
longer to nominate any one to a bishopric, but tv leave every one vacant
and himself collect the revenues. If he had lived he would have been the
last Bishop of Christianity.

SixrusTV was much worse. //is furious, Gupudent, unbridled pontifi-
cate surpasses the recitals of Suerontus. Rome, in the time of the popes,
as in the time of the emperors, has aften produced perfect madmen. The
idea of infullibility mounted tu their brains, so that many « sensible
man became u furious maniac. Sixrus, once Pope, affurded a new exam-
ple. He drove out the women, lived like a Turk, requiring thenceforth
only pages. These minions, growing up, became shepherds of souls—
Bishops or Cardinals. With these denaturalized manners, he was no less
actuated by natural feelings; ruined the Church for his bastards, particu-
larly two, whom he had by his sister ; embroiled the whole of Italy ; and,
sword and fire in hand, sought to acquire principalities for them, He in-

troduced a new Jaw of nations ; putting—unheard-of atrocity !—prisouers
XX
of war to the torture ; and threatening the bishops who did not. side with
him to sell them as slaves to the Turks.

This horrible pope died, and every one returned thanks to God.

Who would have thought that the succeeding pontificate could have been
worse still? Yet so it proved. Innocenr VOI (ous Baprisr Crpo) was
not less rapacious for his own lineage, and not less corrupt. Over and
above his own crimes he had a greater, in that he tolerated the crimes of
all others. There was uo longer any safety: rape, robbery, every crime.
was tolerated in Rome. Noble ladies were carried off in the evening and
returned in the morning; the Pupe laughed. When the people saw him
so indulgent, they commenced to murder; he was not disturbed any the
more for that. A man had killed two girls. ‘To those who denounced the
deed, the Pope’s Chamberlain gaily replied, ‘(od has no pleasure in the
death of a sinner, but that he should pay and lire?

  

At the death of [Ixyocentr there were two hundred assassivations each
fortnight at Rome. Arexanprer VI deserves the credit of restoring some
little degree of order. The cardinals deemed that in him they had selected
an administrator. He was originally a lawyer of Valencia. They consid-
ered him avaricious, but not ambitious. Although nephew of Canixres
III, in place of the establishment of a prince, lhe desired simply a goud
post to make money in. One of the Roverr, nephew of Sixtus JV, had
three archbishopries. Boreia, looking to the substantial, had only the
revenues of three archbishoprics. Above all things, a business man, a
fluent speaker, agreeable, a prodigious bestower of promises, inexhaustible
in falsehoods, this ceclesiustical Figure succeeded singularly well in all his
missions. That is the reason why he was maintained for such a length of
time in the position of the factotwm of the popes, who could not dispense
with lim, neither for political intrigue nor for the great spiritual traffic,
the counter of pardons and punishinents, the bank of livings, of sins and
Jawsuits.

5

   

In this bank of exchange between the gold of this world aud the goods
of the world to come, two things showed that Borgia was not a vulgar
financier, but an inventive head, a creative mind. /Ze was the first of’ the
Popes who declared officially that he could, with a word, absulve the sins
even of the dead, and velicre the souls suffering in purgutory.

This showed a perfect. comprehension of his time. He foresaw perleetly
that if faith diminished, nature gained strength; that as people became
less Christian they became the more men [lumane], more tender, more
feeling. What son could have the heart to leave his mother in the devour-
ing flames‘ What mother would not pay to deliver her son therefrom ?

But if the spiritual fires of purgatory yielded so goodly a crop, how mueh
more were the visible and temporal flames certain to produce an impres-
sion and extract silver from the pockets. Who can tell what amount the
Holy See acquired through dread of the Inquisition, Jiu Germany, two
monks despatched by Innocent VILL into a small district, the diocese of
Treves, BURNT SIX THOUSAND MEN (8 sorcerers,
RAI

We have already spoken of Spain. Whoever considered himself in
dauyer there, hurried to Rome to lay his possessions at the feet of the Pope.
What did the latter? The rapacious Sixrvs TV, so bloodthirsty in Italy,
showed himself gentle aud kind in Spain, recalling to the Inquisition the
parable of the Good Shepherd. Atexaxper Vi. on the other hand, tar
wiser, comprehended that the more the Inquisition burned men the greater
need there would be of the Pope. Ie praised the Inquisition, was cruel in
Spain, clement in Italy. The Jews and Moors against whom, there. he
hurled fire and flames, found him, at home, the best of men, establishing
themselves near him and bringing thither their fortunes. A Pope se inti-
nate with the Jews, the friend of Bajazet, had much to fear from a cru-
sading army, i *

 

Errata Evratorui.
Page 10, line 13. Au accomplished Dutch Jady informs the writer that
the present proverb is “Biever Turks Dan Paaps.”
Page 20, line 29, for “Delrt-hacen” read “Delfts-haven”

“21, line 10, for “Delph” real “Delt.”

“24, line 17, after “talent,” insert *, and add as a note, “EUMENIUS
states that when Consrantivs rebuilt alvéin, on the Arouwer, in France, he
derived the majority of his workinen from Britain, ‘which abounded with
the best builders. ”

Pave 24, line 21, after “coins” insert 2 + and add as a note, “The numer-
ous medals struck by Caracsivs are no inadequate tokens of the wealth
aud splendor which graced his reign ; and the inscriptions and devices with
which they are impressed display the pomp and state which he assumed in
his island empire—Parerave’s History af the Suglo-Sarenus.”

ave 27, 2d line trom bottum, for “channels,” read “profound channels
of asen or estuary.’

Page 32, lines 80 and 31, strike out “(See note [tius Portus)” and substitute
after A. D400? eCracpies Cuesar, A. D. 43.7

Page 50, line 16, after “Isis” insert a *, and add as a note “Could the river
Jsis, which flows through Oxford, have derived its name from this Tsrs,
the goddess of navigation, worshipped by the Saxo-Netherlandic conquer-
ors or colonists of England ¢~
Page 51, line 14, after “engist” jusert “(Mengst, a stallion, Match)”

Page 51, line 15, after “Holland,” insert “Turxer admits that the Saxons
who first invaded England comprised the Frisraxs and their neighbors, and
that the district of Slesiréed, around Bredsted, (Oiniles NNW, of Arista,
was colonized by the Srranperisu ata date of whieh we have no records,
so that the country of the Jites and lngles was settled as remotely by the
Netherlandish race as the Low Countries eujoyed valuable accessions
by the immigration of the Danish Saxous”
Xx

Ergo, Angles (Angi), Saxons and NETMERLANDERS are the
sane race.
Page 57, line 17, alter "Ganxze™ insert “(GaN scCHE, Datel)?
Page 57, line 18, after “Walbe” insert “(Waloe,” Dutch.)
Page 97, (XV), line 2, after ‘Ul ttrchates,” insert “CSee oirliele Belg ium,
Encyclopedia Britannica)”
Page 101, line 6, for “(Santa Blaasy? read “Sinter, [from Sar,
French,| Blaas, Dutch.) whose fete-day—when the United Provinces
were Roman Catholic—was on the 5th December.”
Page (11, line 28, after “Friesland,” insert “(Old Duteli;  Viéeslund,”
present Dutch.)”
Page Lid, line 18, atter “words,” insert “The East FriezLaxpers—the
most republican tribe of the Netherlandish, and consequently of the Euro-
pean, races—neyver accepted feudalism1.—( Morey 1, 38.)”
Page 127, line 23, after “Wenen-borch” insert “(Henen-borghete, a village
whose domain carries with it a title of nobility.)
Page 130, line 20, after “1570,” add a *, and insert as aw note, “On Adz
Saints (Souls or Hallows) Day, 2d November of this vear, an awfal inun-
dation swept away one liundred and twenty-one houses in the village of
Seheveling, seated upon the sea, at the distance of an agreeable walk from
the Hague, which gave rise to the following poem, discovered ainong some
scraps cut from an old newspaper :

“Che Village of Sheveling.
al Dutch Legend of 1530 (1570).
~A startling sound by night was heard
From the wild Sheveling coast;
Like vultures on their clamorous flight,
Or the trampling of a host.
ft broke the sleeper’s heavy rest,
With harsh and heavy cry ;
Storm was upon the lonely sea!
Sturin on the midnight sky!
The slumberers started up from sleep,
Like spectres from their graves,
Then—burst a hundred voices forth—
The waves! the waves! the waves!
The strong-built dykes lay overthrown ;
And on their deadly way,
Like lions, came the jighty seas,
Jimpatient of their prey!
Like lions came the mighty seas!
Q vision of despair!
‘Mid ruins of their fallen homies,
The blackness of the ain
XXHi
Fathers beheld the hastening doom,
With stern, delirious eya ;
Wildly they looked around for help—
No help, alas! was nigh.”
Mothers stood trembling for their babes,
Uttring complaint—in vain—
‘No arm—but the Almighty’s arm—
Might stem that dreadful main!
Jesu! it was a fearful hour!
The elemental strife,
Howling above the shrieks of death—
The struggling groans for life!
No merey, no release, no hope,
That night the tempest-tost
Saw their paternal homes engulphed—
Lost! oh, forever lost!
Again the blessed morning light
In the far heaven shone;
But where the pleasant villave stood,
Swept the dark flood alone!’ *
Page 182, (XV), for “Burgunnatiun” read “Burginatinn.”
Page 143 (XVI), for “Page 143” read “Pave 140.”
Page 143, line 33, after ‘Srhefde™ insert, “Lingarp, in his ‘[istory and
Antiquities of the Anglo Saxon Chureh, concurs in this, conceding—as is
the fact—that the estuaries of the southern branch of the RAine aud Schelde
were often confoundedin ancient works of geography. At the beginning
of the second century, we descry a small and contemptible tribe, inhabiting,
under the name of Saxons, the neck of the Cimbrian Chersonesus ; in the
fourth, they had swelled, by the accession of other tribes of kindred origin,
into a populous and mighty nation, whose territories progressively reached
the Elbe, the Weser, the Himsa, and the Rhine.”
Page 171, (XVI), between “both it” and ‘and Meldi,” insert * Gradii.”
Page 219, line 18, for “.Viznewegen,’* and wherever it occurs, read “Nijme-
gen.”
Page 255, like 19, atter “Tun,” insert a *, and add aus a note, “Opoack
was the Chief of the Seyrri [Alans /], « tribe, or allies, of the Huns.”
Page 302, last line, for “enters,” read “entered.”
«st Note, Ist line, for “Grantaceaster,” read ‘“Grantac-caster.”
308, Ist and 2d lines, for ‘“ssues,” read “issued.”
“308, line 24, after “Croato,” insert a *, and add as a Note, “Cropie
or Hropr was the son of TEut(p)omm or THEOvomTR, the son of Ricoatie
or Marcomir, the famous chief of the Franks, sung by CLauplan and de-

feated by SriuicHa.”
Proloque.

This history was composed as an agreeable oc-
eupation, and published to gratify the author's love and
admiration of his Farners’ Fatherland, the Duteh
Netherlands; yet, nevertheless, was a work re-
quiring such wide investigation and close study that it
has consumed every available hour for upwards of a
year. The freedom and influence of the Menapians
(ancient Zeelanders, Dutch Flemings and
South-Hollanders) cannot be disproved; but
still, in order to make assurance doubly sure and render
facts more clear and irrefragable, a review of their his-
tory is intended, and, to that end, extensive orders have
been sent to Europe for the most reliable publications
in regard to so interesting a subject. That the Mrna-
pit, (MEN ATI[01)—under a name unknown to history
in its correct orthography—were a substéntive nation
when they arrived in’ the Netherlands is very likely, but
it is just as probable that the name by which the Ro-
mans recognized a fzbe was applicable to a confedera-
fon. Such is the opinion of two renowned ethnolo-
gists, who derived the Latinized Men artof C.nsarn,—the
Mevaruo, of Strabo,—from ftleen aft, two Teutonic
words, signifying a community of peoples, an appella-
tion which was afterwards universally assigned to the
most prominent constituent of the league. This view
clears up every difficulty as to the location of the
Cuavet, Toxanpri and Suevi, in the territory originally
assignedto the Menapians. From the Mexavrthe
Hjollanders derived their commercial bias; the Frayks,
whatever naval enterprise they evinced in the course of
their national career ; the Slemings, their manufacturing
XXV
energy ; the Zeelanders, their naval superiority ; and the
Perrrans their spirit of independence.

It has been remarked that this book seems a com)i-
tion of two works—one a biography of Garausings and
the other an ethnological account of the Mexari—
rather than one continuous history. Such is undoubt-
edly the case, but as hope assigns it to Cuampers’ th7rd
category in his classification of books*—the msefu/ and
mstructive—and as it was written to gratify those in-
terested in the subject, and not to please the public, it
is of no consequence whether it belongs to the first and
is saleable or not. The fact is, it was written more like
a series of articles for a periodical, and as interesting or
valuable facts were discovered or presented themselves.
than like a connected work undertaken in accordance
with a predetermimed plan, and it was printed from
time to time as the manuscript accumulated, the first
signet having gone to press a twelvemonth since.

Disgusted with the obsequious spirit which induces
historians to follow in the beaten track and flatter the
powerful or popular, lest by striking ont new paths for
themselves they should awaken the prejudices and
arouse the hostility of those whose opinions are based
upon their interests, or formed from books written on
purpose to deceive, the writer determined to judge for
himself and vindicate the nation to which the world
does the least justice, while it derived thence almost all
its useful if but little of its ornamental. “The world
knows nothing of its greatest men,” and we Americans
know less than the majority of those to whom we owe
the most. Misled hy'the teeming pens and press of

 

*A “wood book, in the language of the booksellers, is a saleable one; in
that of the curious, a scarce one: in that of men of sense, a useful and in-
structive one.”
XXvi

New England, which deluge the country with their Gas-
con glorification of the Puritan element, we are wofully
blind to the immense impulse which the Netherlandish
race gave to the progress of human improvement and
happiness.

To the Wnikkerbakker he sincerely hopes that every
portion will prove agreeable and instructive; to all oth-
ers he has nothing to say except before they condemn
they had better be sure that they are capable of judg-
ing, or possessed of facts sufficient to overthrow what is
advanced in favor of the on/y people on record whom
Junius Csar encountered and could not compel to pass
under the yoke. 3. W. de PD.

Rosehill, April, 185G.
Che Story
CARAUSIUS,

Che Dutch Augustus and Emperor of Britain and the Seas ;

AND OF

Holland's atighiy mune in the Defeat

INVINCIBLE ARMADA:

LIKEWISE,

Che Hives of the Dutch Admirals,

FROM THEIR

MONUMENTS AND THE MEDALS
Erected to theie Memory aut Struck tu their Wouor

BY THE

‘Hierbanr Vaderland,”

COLLECTED, COLLATED 2 AND TRANSLATED
BY A

Descendant of that Rare
Ww DH O

ONCE GAVE AN AUGUSTUS TO THE WORLD AND AN
EMPEROR TO BRITAIN;
—OARAUSIUS, A. D. 285-"7—292—4—
TWICE PRESERVED THE RELIGION AND LIBERTY OF
ENGLAND;
—in 1588 ann in 1688—
THRICE PLAYED A DECISIVE PART IN ALBION’S GREATEST
NAVAL TRIUMPHS ;
—atT sLuys, 13840; La HoeuE, 1692; anp ateimrs, 1816—

EVER MAINTAINED THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE ANGLO OR
Crm euin Family,

COMPELLED TYRANTS TO RESPECT THE RIGHTS OF MAN;
WHOSE REPRESENTATIVES
Set te
Che Dutch ation,

MADE THE WIDE WORLD THE WITNESS OF THEIR GRANDEUR;
SPLENDOR WHICH KNEW NO LIMITS BUT THE POIES,
THE ZENITH AND THE DEPTH OF THAT ELEMENT
UPON WHICH
THLE

FOUNDED THEIR STATE AND HARVESTED THEIR WEAL''
A Mace to Whom the Ocean was a Friend, an Ally, a Ur seiv:,
and a Benefactor ;

WON BY THEIR ERTIENE VIGOR, AND RETAINED BY THEIR VALOR °‘*
ENTERPRISE.

 

PLATT & SOHRAM, PRINTERS, POUGHKEEPSIF
1858.
fyolland.

Wollanyd, that scarce deserves the naine of land.”

*

* x * *

“Glad, then, a3 miners who have found the ore,
They, with mad labor, fish’d the land to shore,
And div’d as desperately for each piece
Of earth, as if *t had been of ambergris;
Collecting anxiously small loads of clay,
Less than what building swallows bear away ;

* * +

How did they rivet with gigantic piles

Through the centre their new-catched miles!

And to the stake a struggling country bound,

Where barking waves still bait the forced ground ;

Building their watery Babel far more high

To reach the sea, than those to scale the sky.” —-AnprEw Marvet.

“A country that draws fifty feet of water,
In which men live as in the Aold of nature,
And when the sea does in upon them break,
And drowns a province, doth but spring a leak. :
* * *
* Bo * a
A land that rides at anchor, and is moor'd,
In which they do not live, but go aboard..—Burtzr,

Methinks her patient sons before me stand,
Where the broad ocean leans against the land,
And, sedulous to stop the coming tide,

Lift the tall rampire’s artificial pride.
Onward, methinks, and diligently slow,

The firm connected bulwark seems to go.
Spreads its long arms against the watery roar,
Scoops out an empire, and usurps the shore ;
While the pent ocean, rising o'er the pile,

Sees an amphibious world beneath him smile.
The slow canal, the yellow-blossom’d vale,
The willow-tufted bank, the gliding sail,

The crowded mart, the cultivated plain,

A new creation rescued from his reign.
Thus, while around the wave-subjected soil,
linpels the native to repeated toil,
Industrious habits in each bosom reign,

And industry begets a love of gain.”—CoLpsMiTH.

 

Entered according to Act of Nongress, in the year 1858, by J. WATTS pz PEYSTER, in lerk’
* Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. eheree
INTRODUCTION.

“Hail, holy Order, whose employ
Blends like to like in light and joy;
Builder of cities, who of old
Call’d the wild man from waste and wold.
And in his hut thy presence stealing,
Roused each familiar household feeling ;
And, best of all, the happy ties,
The centre of the social band,
The mstinct of the Fatherland.” —-Butwer’s ‘ScHILLER.’

Land of mp Sorefathers !
mijn (Ons) Dierbaar Vaderland!

PHYSICALLY SO SMALL, MORALLY SO GREAT—so small
that its continental territory has an area less than one
quarter of England alone—[about that of Wales |—and,
rejecting those portions which are occupied by water
courses, natural or artificial, is scarcely larger than the
state of Massachusetts:—so great that Louis Bouna-
PARTE, in his address to the Dutch army, assembled
upon the plain of Maliban, in 1808, could not refrain
—Frenchman and Celt (or rather Corsican, a race dis-
tinct, sw¢ generis,) as he was—from this remarkable
eulogy: the more remarkable because true:

“Officers and soldiers! Your ancestors gloriously
bore the standards and flag of their country to the ex-
tremities of the earth.”

Far north, Ice Master, Baremt3 and happier Heemskerck drave,

Erst Arctic’s virgin bulwarks burst—to one a glorious grave—

The other triumph’d o’er them frore, that his Hollandish might

Might steer to shear the regions drear, grim with Antarctic night;

And after frays which mighty praise insure his land alway,
Dying his name’s undying fame won Giberaltar’s day ;
a
Like Douglas, dead, his mighty dread, ’gainst odds, that fearful fight
Vast riches gave and made his grave exhaustless fount of light:
‘Towards the West, in Clio’s breast lies hid the remote day
When Holland free, in Acadie, trench’d, built, asserted sway,
Fore English ship, had made the trip, to steal the fruits avay—
Houtman of Gouda, no freebooter, South Holland’s merchant prince,
In Java, th’ East, laid out the feast, has gorg’d his nation since,
While, round the world, gales friendly whirl’d Hoorn’s Schonten
and Le Haire :
Cape 4Joru avows whose heroes brows the RosTRATE circlets wear
A score of years, such trophies rears, no other land can show—
Stern truth, proud boast—on ev’ry coast, three centuries ago.
* kK Bd *® * *

If Dutch conduct was so laudable in the youth and
manhood of their country, its declining years found the
amy ever faithful to the traditions of its ftlanrit; and
Sreveric Henry, and ready to maintain the lustre of its
palmiest era.

How they behaved under that Niro_zox, whom the
world styles Great, is likewise a matter of history, and
redounds to their honcr. On every occasion which
uforded them an opportunity the Dutch troops excited
the admiration of the Emperor and his Marshals, who,
whatever their faults, were, at all events, capable of
estimating soldierly bearing. Lovis Buonaparte bears
witness to this again and again, in his “Historical Docu-
ments and Reflections on the Government of Holland,”
of which country he tried to be the honest King for a
period of four years. -

At Avusferlitz they were peers of the bravest; in the
campaign of Friedland they distinguished themselves,
and Groveuy and other French Generals, who had the
temporary command of them, lavished warm praises
upon their cavalry and artillery, “At the siege of Col-
berg,” reads the dispatch, “the Dutch infantry rivalled
in valor the French army.” In 1807, under Morrizr,
5

upon the shores of the Baltic, “the Dutch army had the
greatest. share in the various engagements with the
Swedes, and behaved most gloriously”. “It was the
Dutch who compelled the Swedish army in Pome-
rania to a suspension of hostilities”; and thus, in 1807,
decided the matter in favor of France, upon those
coasts, even as at Mybury, in 1659, their determined
gallantry assured the victory to the Danes. Officers
and privates vied in doing credit to their blood, and
“General Mascueck stopped the enemy a whole hour
at the head of a single squadron” of hussars. ‘The
Dutch brigade which reached Spain on the 25th of
October, took part in this (the) action,” (in the neigh-
borhood of Bilboa,) on the 31st of that month, ‘‘and cov-
ered ttself with laurels.” ‘Marshal Leresre expressed
his satisfaction with the conduct of the Dutch, and de-
clared that 7 was ¢mposstble to act with greater valor.”
In Spain, CuHasse laid the basis of that reputation
which his defence of Antwerp crowned. He it was
who acquired the soubrijuct of the ‘Bayonet-General,”
from his fondness for using, and his troops success with
that weapon, the assumed prerogative of the English-
man. At Ocunn, the courage of his Hollanders won
for him decoration, title and domains. In a Pyranean
mountain pass, those same Hollanders saved the army-
corps of ERton and made their commander a Lieuten-
ant-General and Baron of the Napoleonic Empire. In
Gallicia, near Bonna/, in the battle of the 17th of March,
1809, “the Dutch brigade covered itself with glory,”
“advanced against the intrenchments (of the Spaniards)
with shouldered arms ; this bold manceuvre put the
enemy to flight and decided the victory.” Near Ctudad
Reale, on the 29th of the same month, the Dutch hus-
sars “charged with extraordinary intrepidity and the
greatest success.” (eneral SeBasTiani deemed it his
6

duty to make a special report of their “brilliant be-
havior.” Upon this occasion, the Colonel, ‘at the head
of one squadron of this regiment (say one hundred
men,) charged a body of Spaniards consisting of three
thousand foot and a regiment of horse.” ‘Their con-
duct,” adds the French General—well worthy to be a
judge of valor and military qualities—“‘vu7ll immortalize
them.” ‘The courage they displayed, and the services
they rendered on those days, have been appreciated by
the whole army, and particularly by myself.” On the
31st of May, 1809, the Dutch displayed unusual gal-
lantry in the capture of Stralsund, a victory of mo-
mentous importance to the safety of Napoleon’s domin-
ion. Upon this occasion the Dutch artillery performed
wonders, and “with its six-pounders engaged for two
hours against twenty-four-pounders, and silenced the
batteries of the town of the right.” Soldiers alone can
appreciate the dangers of such an unequal contest, and
the glories of a success. Two months afterwards (27th,
28th July,) on the distant fields of Spain, in the battle
of Talavera, ‘‘one of the most celebrated throughout
the Spanish war, the Dutch artillery particularly cis.
tinguished itself.” At Flushing, Ist, 15th, August,
the same Arm “covered itself with laurels” in a contest
with the English. At this very time the Dutch were
winning the loftiest distinction upon the rugged field
of Almonacid. Here, as before, their cavalry and ar-
tillery deserved and received the highest encomiums
of King Josepn. ‘As a reward for the good conduct
of the Dutch in the Spanish army, they were authori-
zed to reckon each of their campaigns in the Peninsula
two.” Whoever has read any account of the first great
Revolution in the Netherlands, must have almost shud-
dered while perusing the desperate but triumphant
enterprise of Monpracon and his capture of Zlerickzee.
7

It remained for the Hollanders of the XIXth Century
to emulate that temerarious exploit, by their re-capture
of Fort Batz from the English. But enough has been
shown to prove that exalted praise of the Vaderland’s
military is not speaking without book. Hundreds
upon hundreds of instances might be added to the list,
were it necessary to exhaust the record. Another
name would be deserving mention here, could gallantry
and every quality which makes the soldier, atone for
services against his native country. Despot of Java,
“chief devil ‘Moloch’ of the Javanese,” marshal, gov-
ernor-general of the Dutch empire in the East, “who
burst through the wilderness of Java with his great
military road,” and lives in story as the intrepid war-
rior, the stern disciplinarian, the fearless commander,
thou wert a type of the indomitable Hollander, wnchas-
tened by his morality, religion, or the almost universal
innate love of justice peculiar to the breed. Yes, I
have a right to make this assertion. Produce any Order
of Knighthood but that of the “Union,” which has ever
adopted for its motto a sentiment derived from those
statutes which enjoin upon, and teach, a man his duty
towards his neighbor. The war-cry of the chevaliers
of the “Union” might be the watchword of the pulpit:
“Doe wel eu zie niet om.”
(Do what is right, happen what may. )

And now, one word about patriotism :

Amsterdam owes its rise and prosperity to its fish-
erles, particularly the “Great” or Herring “Fishery.”
This is still remunerative, but the “Small” or Whale
“Fishery,” in which two hundred and fifty years ago
the Dutch were all pre-eminent, gradually became less
and less lucrative, until its prosecution entailed an al-
most certain loss. This falling off in a pursuit once the
most gainful, is due to the operation of causes with
8 ,

which the Hollanders had nothing whatever to do, and
mortal could neither overcome nor resist. The ambi-
tion of Napoleon, the counter-voracity of England, the
injustice and rapacity of both those powers combined,

iabored to destroy a commerce which was the world’s

wonder, the growth of centuries, and in a great degree
they succeeded.

Lie there, mischievous wretch, [Napoleon,] and corrode all around like a
cancer ;

Swallow the nations up, ee and ne again.

Glutton! = * a

Germany fought and fell; with the sword you hew her in pieces:

Holland abandoned her gold, but was oppressed as before.

Is not Hesperias’ land like a temple by savages plundered?

Even from the indigent Swiss honor is stolen away.
* % * * %
* * * tt %

‘Wrecked on your chalky coast [England] are the sacred rights of the
nations:

What is your island else but a piratical den?

Fire to the world you have set, that, unchecked, you may rob in the

medley ;
Like the voracious shark, wentler your ships on the sea, ’—
* x * *
* ok cd * ok

Hear me! why this dispute? [England is supposed to retort.] There is
world enough to contain us :

Greatness and glory you seek; gain is my wiser desire.

World’s benefactor called, but world’s manufacturer also,

SinceI can only be one, I have selected the last!

Zealous am I for freedom, I mean, the freedom of commerce ;

Freedom of course for myself, not for my neighbors the same.

Therefore I offer you peace; let us share the booty between us:

Green-covered earth shall be yours, mine be the billowy sea,

sings the Swedish poet, Esaias Tegner, late Bishop of
Wexio.

But let that pass—England’s unthankfulness to Hol-
land, although far less criminal in intent and less terrible
in its results, is nevertheless, considering her people’s in-
telligence, religious sentiments, and blood relationship
to the Dutch nation, alone to be compared to Austria’s
9

ingratitude to Poland. I dare not trust my pen to say
more—so, to resume the subject particularly under con-
sideration, Dutch patriotism :—

“The North Hollanders, however,” says Louis Buona-
PARTE, when no longer king, “notwithstanding the ex-
pense and loss incurred by the whale fishery, persisted in
continuing it from a pure spirit of patriotism, and from
national pride; and it appears to me that this alone
would be sufficient to refute those who charge the
Dutch with selfishness and avarice. On the contrary,
there is no people with hearts more enlarged or more
generous, and who are at the same time more moderate
and reasonable in their desires.”

“% x %

So small, lrepeat, that the contest for its possession
excited the scorn of the Turkish Emperor, Amurats II.,
who, hearing foreigners dilate upon the torrents of blood
spilled by the Spaniards in endeavoring to enslave them,
and by the Hollanders determined to be free, sup-
posed that the two nations in question were disputing
the possession of the most extensive empires. What
was his surprise, when the object of so many murder-
ous battles and sieges was shown to him upon the map.
“Tf the business were mine,” he remarked—in a tone
which showed his contempt for what seemed to him
such a petty affair,—‘] would send my pioneers and
make them shovel such an insignificant corner of the
earth into the sea.”

And yet so great, that Rome, at the zenith of her
force and fame, with the whole wealth and power of
the ancient world at her command, could not impose
her yoke upon the ancient Hollanders, the Menapii:
so great, that CHARLEMAGNE, the greatest monarch that
ever sat upon a modern imperial throne, could not en-
slave them: so great, that the most sanguinary bigot
10

history presents for our abhorrence, Purip IL, of Spain,
with the riches of the new world at his command, the
power of his mighty father in his grasp, the influence
of the Papacy—exerting all its blandishments of future
rewards, and displaying all its comminatory terrors—to
stimulate his peoples and his armies to their utmost,
as his support; although originally possessed of all
their strong holds and master upon every open field,
could not coerce that race to remain his subjects, who
had cheerfully contributed one half of his enormous
revenues to their native-born sovereign, CHARLEs V.,
a race, who, swearing that they would rather become
Turks than Papists,—Liver Curce dan Waus,—victims
than vassals,—threw themselves upon the mercy of the
deep, and became as free in body as they had showed
themselves free in soul ; and then waxed so great that
while one foot was planted in the Artic Zone the other
rested in the Antarctic Circle. The commerce of the
world was theirs ; their left hand gathered in the riches
of the East, while their right hand, as instant to the
implements of peace as to the weapons of land and
naval warfare, siezed wealth and glory at every point
to which sagacity and fearless enterprise could plan
and carry out adventure. Holland is the only state of
which it is recorded that wealth increased, prosperity
abounded, science flourished, religion blossomed and
bore fruit, and freedom reigned in the midst of a ter-
rific struggle, with a nation of “boundless extent, of
gigantic power,” and stupendous wealth, whose ban-
dogs howled and bayed at the gates of the Republic. |

Hollanders, and descendants of Hollanders! Reflect
upon the past of Holland. Her glory is our common
heritage and possession. Weshall do well if emulating
we approach the dizzy eminence of our forefathers’
grandeur.

 
Il

“You require virtues, Sire,”—exclaimed the Minister
Yan dev Goes, Grand Chamberlain of the Order of the
Untoy, instituted by Louis Buonaparts, then King of
Holland, at the installation of the Knights, in the great
hall of the palace at the Magne, on the 16th February,
1808,—in his address to that monarch, who was seated
on his throne, surrounded by the great officers, attended
by pages,—‘‘they are-what the King of Holland has a
right to require from a nation that.has set the example
of them to others: they were the appanage of ow fa-
thers. si . fe

“To require virtues from us, is to suppose we possess
them! * * Hollanders! let us resume that noble pride
which is not the effect of. presumption, but springs
from the feelings of our own worth. Let us recollect
those days when the simple Province of Holland, govern-
ed only by tts Counts, and much smaller than «a ts in
our days, had already attained such a pitch of splendor
and power that. the friendship and alliance of its princes
were sought by the neighboring kings. From that time
the wealth and prosperity of this little country excited
universal jealousy.

‘Let us go back to periods still more remote. The
name of Holland scarcely began to be known, when it
already triumphed over the unkindness of nature. Sup-
ported by indefatigable courage and constancy, we had
learned to curb the waters and subdue the ocean by
immense works: and if subsequently our faults, our
dissensions, the culpable revolts of some turbulent lords,
involved us in misfortunes, and reduced us, after along
state of inactivity, to be considered no longer as any-
thing more than the domain of a foreign potentate ;
with what glory did we rise superior to that disgrace!
and how great the prosperity that has followed those
times of distress !
12

‘Let us call to mind the times when our fleets and
armies triumphed everywhere over the haughty house
of Austria, when we contested the empire of the ocean
with the English, and strove successfully against the
united force of the most formidable states! What! shall
not those noble recollections inspire us with confidence ?

Dutchmen! Was the nation ever wanting to itself,
as the King has often asked you, when it had great men
at its head? Has it not been the ornament and aston-
ishment of Europe for its industry, its application to
literature, to the arts, to the sciences, and, lastly, to
commerce, which flourishes only through their means,
and cherishes them in turn ?

“T need not speak to you of our ftlaurice, or of our
Srederic Henry, who may still be quoted; even in the
age of the most accomplished warrior that ever exist-
ed, (?) the great Napoleon, and under the reign of the
brother and pupil of that August monarch. I will not
mention our Coeharn, the emulator and rival of VauBan,
or our De Ruvter, Van Tromp and Steenskerk, (Heems-
kerck?) hitherto unequalled on the ocean. Can their
memory ever be obliterated ?

“Was not Holland the cradle of Erasmus, the country
of Grorius, Bynkershock, Vossius, Burman, Shulten,
Hupgens, Musschenbrocck and Boerhaave, the retreat of
Sca.icer, the asylum of Descarrgs, the refuge of Bayxs,
and the school of Prrer the Great? Can a king, who
patronizes the arts, endeavor in vain to revive among
us these great names, to which such illustrious remem-
brances are attached ?

“No chevaliers, in a country like ours, that exists only
through industry, science, and art ; the path of honor ts
not confined to the hero who defends it, it is equally open
to the man of learning, who imparts to it instruction ;
to the skilful mechanic, who labors for tts preservation ;
13
to the prudent aid honest merchant, who adds to tts.
wealth ; tv the man of letters, who does it honor ; and
to the citizen, who distinguishes himself by his virtues
and good conduct ; All may equally deserve well of
their country, all share the affection of a wise king, who
is a friend to mankind and a father to his people.”

These are eloquent words; but are they not eminent-
ly truthful? This is a lofty panegyric, but would not
the mere recital of the facts recorded in her chronicles
prove astill more splendid encomium.

Reader, if you ever read before, you know that no
country has ever been greater upon the sea than
Hjollant or the United Provinces—no people have won
richer prizes, acquired more wonderful influence, or
plucked greener laurels upon the most unstable of
elements.

“Earth confess’d her power, she sat like a queen on the waters.”

The: foregoing pages and references prove that the
Dutch soldiers of the present era are not inferior to
those of former days---brave, patient of fatigue, perse-
vering, prompt, and sagacious. Belgium learned. it to
her cost in 1831, when the Hollandish forces required
but ten days to annihilate her armies.

The following pages will present the story of a Hol-
lander, the first on record, as. illustrious for the position
he acquired as for his distinguished conduct as a war-
rior, but particularly remarkable as an admiral and as a
monarch.
CARAUSIUS.

THE DUTCH AUGUSTUS AND EMPEROR OF BRITAIN AND
THE SEAS :

The Great, First, Hollandislh Admiral.

“Tis much he dares;
And, to the dauntless temper of his mind,
He hath a wisdom that doth guide his valor
To act in safety.”

Towards the close of the third century Dioc.ettan,
as famous in his sovereignty as he was abject in his
extraction and obscure in his birth, had restored the
Roman Empire to a comparative degree of order and
tranquility. Like Jupiter among the fabulous gods,
he reigned supreme, striking down all opposition with
a mortal agent, launched through space with as uner-
ring aim and blind obedience as those thunderbolts
with which the poets tell us the king of Olympus smote
the Giants who assailed his throne. That agent of re-
pression, destruction, and punishment, was Maxinran,
the Emperor’s adopted son, friend, general and col-
league.

Doubtless, ja order to embody a flattering conceit,
based upon the fabulous connection, DiocLestan assumed
the title of Jovius, while his coadjutor, ostensibly his
equal, but substantially the obedient executioner of his
will, was contented with the more modest appellation
of Herculius, by whose mythological assistance the
“Father of the Gods” overpowered and swept away his
fearful adversaries. His first real labor, however, al-
15

though directed against an apparently humble object,
proved that with the name he had not acquired the
powers of the demi-god.

In the distribution of the imperial power, DiocLetran
retained the East while the West was assigned to Max-
IMIAN, whose first mission was to suppress the insurrec-
tion of the Gallic peasants, roused to despair by the
fourfold tyranny of their immediate masters, the sol-
diers, the tax-gatherers, and the barbarian invaders.
Like his prototype, the Imperial Hercutss, dead to the
sentiments of pity, and alive to the interests of the
higher orders of the state, stifled the germs of liberty
in “Gaul with as little remorse and as effectually as his
namesake had choked the Nemean lion. The prose-
cution of this labor brought him to the coasts of the
Atlantic and Northern Oceans, and: introduced him to
the hero of this sketch, destined to wrest from him
the fairest appanage of his government, the title of
Aueustus, and the acknowledgment of rights due to
the power of intellect, developed by the smiles of
Fortune.

MARCUS AURELIUS VALERIUS CARAUSIUS
was stated by the writers of his own era to have been
of the meanest origin, (“‘vtlissime natus,”) the nursling
of Batavia, (Batavie alwmnus,) and a citizen, or rather
native, of the Menapian nation (Menapie civis). Con-
tinental writers never pretend to question the national-
ity of this individual, who left so glorious a name
behind him. By one French biographer he is claimed
asa native of Belgic-Gaul, by another, of Flanders ;
Hemet says, of “the parts about Cleves and Juliers,”
and Captain, Hon. Georce Brerxury, R. N., would have
us to believe that he was a noble Roman, born among
the Menapii. This latter, in his Naval History of Eng-
land, shows that he gave the subject his close attention,
16

and is so clear that it is due to him to present his views
almost at length :

“Who this Carausius was, thus honorably brought at
once upon the Stage of public Action, [A. D. 287, | has
not been well determined. Many have erred extreme-
ly about his Birth and Country. ‘4 7 o

‘What we find of him in the old Historians is not only
very little, but evidently it is told with Partiality
against him. He is represented as a mean and infa-
mous Person; but with great Injustice: what he had
he obtained indeed by Force, but so did those who
hatefully condemned him.

“Aurelius Victor calls him a Native of Menapia, and

. a mean Person, who had raised himself by slow Degrees
to Consideration. It is plain the Romans thought
greatly of him by the Trust they reposed in him; nor
is there any Thing to support what this Author says,
which has been the Occasion of many Errors. * * *

“The British Antiquarians are in a Manner the only
People who have given themselves any Trouble about
this Sovereign; and they in general have guessed
unhappily about him. me " *

“From the Word Menapia, used as the Place of his
Birth, he has been by these Persons represented as a
Native of Jreland. But though the Word Menapia be
used in a Sense that would justify that Opinion, if there
were nothing repugnant in History, it cannot stand
good here.

‘Treland was not at that Time a Place with which
either the Britons or the Romans had any Communica-
tion; and it is utterly improbable they should have a
Leader from an Island in which they were utter strangers.

“Menapia is a name of a Part of Flanders [Holland]
as well as of [reland—([that District in which the Mena-
pw had planted a colony, called after the name of the
LG
Fatherland, |—and from this latter [Holland], it was as
natural they should have an Officer, as it was utterly
against Reason to imagine they should from the other.

“Some have fancied him a Native of Scotland, but
neither is there any real Foundation for that Conjec-
ture. .

“As the country of Carausdus appears to have been
mistaken by many, so does his Descent: he is generally
understood to have been a low Person, brought by Ac-
cident into Power; but his Name, M. (Marcus) Aur.
(Aurelius) Vol. (Valerius) Carausius, frequent on his
Coins, speaks him to have been a Roman, and of a noble
family. Hutropius is of this Opinion.” * * = *

Thus it appears, that whatever may be the peculiar
bias of each, historians, almost without exception, ac-
knowledge that he came from that portion of the coun-
try which we know as the United Provinces, or the
Netherlands, which, always the most free, never sub-
mitted to the Ronian, and was the first to throw off the
Spanish yoke, to which it had become momentarily sub-
ject by a long series and concurrence of circumstances.

English writers and tuft-hunters would claim him as
a countryman, and “as a prince of the blood royal of
Britain.” What great invention, what notable exploit,
what enviable possession, what exalted individual, have
not Englishmen claimed or coveted, and endeavored to
prove a waif, or the property of England.

* * *%

* *%

Sound the trumpet, Englishmen! Shout for your
great Sovereigns. Sing, Tennyson, sing:
“That sober freedom, out of which there springs
Our loyal passion for our temperate kings’;”
But, have your greatest and best kings been English-
men, born and nurtured, any more than your greatest

painter, West, who was Pennsylvania born and Phila-
2
18

delphia bred? Your only true sailor-king, CARAUSIUS,
—the first to divine the source and_course of England’s
future,—was a Menapian, a Hollander ; Canute, one of
a line of sailor-kings, was a Dane, a Scandinavian, a
Saxon, the same in blood and instincts as a Hollander ;
Aurrep, the son of Eraenwoir and the grandson of
Ecpert, the Saxon conqueror of the greater part of the
English island, and Haroup, good, brave, sagacious
Harotp, were Saxons, morally and physically ; Wuit-
uiam L, the Norman (Northman) Conqueror, was a
thorough-bred Scandinavian, quasi, full-blooded Saxon,
and his wife was Sa.ron, the daughter and sister of the
Baxpwins, Counts of Flanders; and your greatest king,
Wituiam II], the Liberator, was in everything a Hol-
lander. Shall we'swell the list ? |

Now, let us consider, for a moment, who the Saxons
really were. Kwyox, the great ethnologist, says: “Of
the origin of the Saxon race, we know just as much as
we do of the origin of man; that is, nothing,” [except
what we find in the Bible, |. ‘History, such as it. is,
shows us that in the remote times, « race of men, dif.
Sering from all others, physically and mentally, dwelt
im Scandinania—say tn Norway, Denmark, Sweden,
Holstein,—ou the shores of the Baltic, in fact, by the
mouths of the Rhine, and on its northern and eastern
banks. * * * The Romans never had any real
power beyond the Rhine. At no period did they con-
quer the Saxon or true German, that is, Scandinavian,
race.”

 

* * * *

“The Scandinavian or Saxon (1 avoid the words Ger-
man and Zeuton, as lable to equivoque,) was early
in Greece, say 3500 hundred years ago. This race still
exists in Switzerland, forming its Protestant. portion;
whilst in Greece, it contributed mainly, no doubt, to the
19

formation of the noblest of all imen—the statesmen,
poets, sculptors, mathematicians, metaphysicians, his-
torians of ancient Greece. But from that land, nearly
all traces of it have disappeared; so also from Italy.
It is gradually becoming extinct in Frahce and Spain,
returning and confined once more to those countries
in which it was originally found—namely, fjolland,
West Prussia, Holstein, the northern states of the an-
cient Rhenish Confederation, Saxony Proper, Norway,
Sweden, and Denmark,” and their colonies.”

He investigated the question with minute attention
to its every bearing, and proves his positions as he as-
sumes them. Again, to proceed with the research :
Whither did the faint-hearted aboriginal people of
England send ambassadors to beseech assistance to
save their throats from the skenes of the Picts and the
Scots? Let Rapin answer the question :—“It is cer-
tain when the Britons sent to desire their assistance,
the Saxons were in possession of Westphalia, Saxony,
East and West Frizeland, §olland and Zeeland.”

Hume, undoubted Englishman, styled the original
Britons a Celtic race, “abject”—could he have used a
more contemptible word ?—and adds, that ‘they re-
garded the boon of liberty as fatal to them.” He ad-
mits that the Saxons had possession of all the sea-coast
from the mouth of the Rhine to Jutland. This brings
their southern boundaries almost to the southern limits
of what we know as fjalland.

Livaarp admits that the Saxon race, to the south and
west, had no other boundary ‘than the ocean.”

Crark and McFar.ayse corroborate Knox to the let-
ter, and PanGrave conjectures that the conquerors of
Britain must have come principally from Fréesland.”
Gratron says that before the Mrenaprans the ‘Roman
20
legions retreated for the first time,” and that their pro-
gress was arrested hy that Saxon tribe.

But this discussion may grow wearisome. Let us
add that it is to the Saxon element alone that the Eng-
lish owe their liberty, their manufactures, their com-
merce, and everything which renders England rich,
great and glorious. Persevering industry and indomi-
table enterprise characterize the Saxon, the man of
peace, until the violation of his rights makes him the
best man of war wpon the face of the earth. And, be-
yond contradiction, the Head and Front of the Saxon
Family is the type §alland.

* * * *

There can be no question as to the birth-place of
CARAUSIUS. He was a Menapian, whose tribe occu-
pied the country between the Rhine and the Meuse
and the Schelde, their confines fluctuating somewhat,
at times, according to the less or greater pressure of
the environing Roman power. This district comprises
the province of Zeeland, the greater part of Zoud-fpol-
land, a part of Utrecht, and a goodly portion of Noord-
Brabant; a district which has given birth to more great
Admirals and enterprising mariners than any other
territory of equal dimensions in the world. It would
be almost sufficient to say that brill was the birth-
place of romp and Witte Wittesen, Dordrecht or Dort
of the de Witts, and Fishing of de Ruvter, to claim for
it the highest honors. But when we add, it was
Opdam’s Fatherland, that Henn came from Delft-Haven,
Dan Gend from Utrecht, on the Old Rhine, (the Pope
Adrian VI. [Floris;oon] was born here,) Van Gortenaer
and Van Brakel from Rotterdam, (which last city was
the birth-place of Gerrit Gerrit; [Erasmus], as Delft of
de Eroot [Grorivs], and Testes, )—what need we say
more {o exalt the country of CARAUSIUS? And
21

yet more can be said. It proved the home and citadel
of the “Silent One,” Winiiam THE TacrturN, Prince of
Orange, the “Father of his Country”; it was the first
land to assert the cause of freedom and maintain it
against all odds, fighting against the masters of four-
teen sister provinces, backed by the forces of the Span-
ish monarchy and the subsidies and influence of the
whole Roman Catholic world. It is also the Durcu
WasuineTon’s last resting place. ‘He sleeps his last
sleep” in the New Church of Delph.
* * * *

His stately tomb, with its marble statue and brass
effigies, is equal to the majority of the boasted Italian
monuments, and—‘‘to be Esteem’d for its Outside, and
more Estimable for what it contains within.” Therein,
‘illustrious by their lineage, lives and deeds, sleep the
Bodies of Four Princes, and three Princesses, viz :
William of Nassau, and his Princess; his Son and his
Princess; Prince fflaurice, Prince frederick and his
Daughter, Noble Dust, and Renown’d enough; but
all tog little to keep it from the Common Receptacle,
the Grave.” .

The Latin Epitaph, rendered as follows into English,
reads thus :

TO GOD, THE OMNIPOTENT AND PERFECT,
and
In Eternal Remembrance

of
William of Nassau,

SOVEREIGN PRINCE OF ORANGE,
THe FaTHer oF HIS COUNTRY,
—Who—
Esteemed his own Fortunes and his Family's of far
less consequence than those of Holland ;
22

Twice Levied and twice Marshalled in the Field very
strong armies, in a great degree with his own
Private Means;

Expelled the Spanish Tyrant with the Approval of the
States ;

Revived and Re-established the Service of the True
Religion and the Ancient Laws of the Fatherland ;
Finally Bequeathed to his Son
PRINCE MAURICE,

Heir of his Father’s Virtues,

The Duty of Establishing on a Sure Basis
That Liberty which was not yet sufficiently Vindicated ;
Truly the Son of a pious Hero, Prudent and
Unconquerable,

Whom PHILIP IL, King of Spain, himself that well
known Dread of Europe, feared,

Yet neither overcame nor terrified him ;
but Removed him
By the hand of a hired Assassin and by an Execrable
Crime:

THE UNITED PROVINCES OF HOLLAND
Have Erected this Monument as an Everlasting Me-
morial.

Under the Arch, at the head of the Tomb, there is a
second and a better Statue, of Brass, of the Prince, in
a sitting posture, and “Fame sounding him in his
armor, with this motto <”

Thou being her Defender, Liberty is secure,
“With another Emblem of going on steady in a storm,

with this inscribed :”

Tranquil amid the furious billows.
* * * *

According to be BLAINVILLE’S manuscript all the
Princes of Orange who have governed the Dutch Re-
public, except Wilham ITT. King of England, are buried
in this place. Headds, “what is most remarkable, at
23

Delft is the tomb of the famous Prince of Orange,”
“which is the most curious one in the whole United
Provinces,” noted as they are for sepulchral monuments.
The following is his description of it:

“The Brass Statue of the Prince is placed under a
sort of Dome at the Entry of the Sepulchre: The whole
of it is clad in Armor, except the Head: It holds the
Battoon of extreme Command in one Hand: And the
Helmet is laid upon one of the Steps, which are all of
Touch-Stone. Behind this Statue there is another of
white Marble, in a long Gown, and laid out at full
Length, to represent the Habit in which he was assasin-
ated. Some have fancied that the Brass Statue is done
for Prince Maurice, his Son, and that it was not placed
there till after his Death: But the Epitaph only men-
tions the Father: As beautiful as these two Statues, and
all the others, with which this magnificent Tomb is
adorned, must be confessed to be, yet the Figure repre-
senting Fame is incontrovertibly far superior to all the
rest, which is also of Brass. She holds a Trumpet in
her Mouth to sound aloud the glorious Achievements
of the interred Hero. Let me just add, that this Statue
«supports itself wholly upon the Toes of the left Foot.
At the four Corners of this Monument there are four
other Statues of Brass, all as big as the Life, represent-
ing some of this Prince’s Virtues, i. e. his Prudence,
Justice, Piety, and above all his Love of his Country.
On the Top of each of the four Corners there is a Pyra-
mid: The Arms of the Princes of Orange are on every
Part of it; but in the Middle there is an Inscription in
Golden Letters” which has just been translated.

* * * *

Fifteen centuries ago, CARAUSIUS, whose original
condition, after anprejudiced examination, would seem
to have been that of a simple Dutch sailor, threw off
24

the Roman yoke, made himself master of England, as-
sumed the imperial purple, declared himself Augustus,
defied his would-be executioner, maintained himself for
seven years against the forces of the Empire, and fell in
the zenith of his power, and about the fiftieth year of
his age, by the hand of treason, and the dagger of a
bosom friend and confidential minister.
He could say :

“My boast is not that I deduce my birth

From loins enthron’d and rulers of the earth ;

But higher far, my proud pretensions rise—”
for, despite his origin and defective education, he ren-
dered himself illustrious at once as a naval and military
commander, as an adroit negotiator, as a peaceful sove-
reign, and as a patron of the arts—as a Royal Sailor
and a Loyal Ruler. He not only fostered domestic,
but invited the most s!lful foreign, talent to embellish
his reign, and displayed in a series of coins not only
his taste and his riches, but also his wisdom and fore-
sight. His ability and prescience shine forth in the in-
teresting variety o! his coins, still preserved in gold and
silver, whose types, struck in his conquered capital of
London, are worthy to compare with the finest speci-
mens issued by the Imperial Mint at the period of
Rome's greatest refinement. One cxample, from a
very fine collection, has on one face the bust of the
Emperor, draped in the peculiar military cloak (pala.
damentinu), worn by a Roman general commanding an
army, and the inscription (abbreviated), “Ivrerator
Carausivs Pros Fetrx Auevstus’—and on the other
the Royal sailor clasping “hands with a Female who
holds a trident; below are the letters R. S. R., the
meaning of which is uncertain, but the signification of
the figures is more clear—the female is undoubtedly
the Genius of Britain, amicably receiving the new Em-
peror, who flatters her (for the first time, probably, )
25

as ‘Queen of the Sea,’ by placing a trident in her hand,”
the emblem of that dominion. CARAUSIUS was the
first to perceive the importance of the position of the
British Islands, situated in a temperate climate, remote
from the heart of the Roman strength and intrigue, op-
posite the centre of Europe and the maritime highways,
by which the northern pirates were beginning to sweep
southwards along the coast, to the plunder of more
genial and productive climes—and yet separated and
fortified by the most effectual barrier, a wide and
stormy sea. To express this isolation and security,
this Emperor’s coins have sometimes a ship in mid-
ocean on the reverse. Another under the figure of
Jupiter, bears the letters M. L. supposed to imply
“Moneta Lonpivensis,” (Money struck in London.)

To sum up his character is a delightful task for an
historiau, for to embody the language of many writers
in various languages Caravsius to a lively, vivid imag-
ination and firm temperament, united the genius of a
profound diplomatist and politician, and the courage of
a hero.  I1is soul was noble, and his whole life glorious,
which rendered his fate the more lamentable, inasmuch
as his traitorous murderer and successor was ‘not Mas-
ter of onc of Carausius’ Good Qualities to countenance
his Presumption.”

Generosity, liberality, beneficence, prudence, are
attributes again and again assigned to him by historians,
who style him one of the most considerable persons of
his time, who gained the hearts of all who approached
him, who possessed the affections of his people, and was
their protector against the Roman tyrants—in a word,
to sum up the inatter, he was an exalted type of that
race whose superior has never trod upon this mundane
stage.

Such is a brief summary of the life of this remarkable
26

man, unknown to all but a few students of history. The
details of his career are still more interesting and sur-
prising.

Let us proceed to their examination :

In the distractions and convulsions of the Roman
Empire, Brrray, like all the other provinces, became
the temporary seat of power or appanage of various
pretenders and usurpers who aimed at the sceptre of
the whole empire, and afterwards more than once pos-
sessed themselves of it; Cuaupius Atprinus had set an
example in A. D. 193.

Among these there is one whom all authors unite in
declaring worthy of commemoration and praise—since,
although without any title but his abilities and his
sword, Caraustus proved a good sovereign to the people
of England and the adjacent coasts.

He was sufficiently in advance of his time to compre-
hend the naval resources and general advantages of the
province he swayed, so replete with commodious havens,
and abundant in cereal and arboreous productions and
metallic treasures, and to estimate the strength of the
inaccessible harbors and estuaries of his native country,
the mother of the most enterprising race of mariners.
The Menapit, or Hollanders, were sadlors-born. The
sea was their glebe, their field of exercise, and their
highway.

% % * *

While other people plough’d the ground,
Bold Holland’s glebe the rolling main,

From pole to pole, the earth around,
Each furrow yielded countless gain :

At home her hive was one vast store,
Glean’d from each clime and ev’ry shore..

While their merchant-marine was unsurpassed in
enterprise, their military-marine knew no superior in
cool indomitable intrepidity. An English naval officer
27
and. historian remarks in speaking of the maritime con-
tests of the XVII century, that “the English Courage
could not be conquer’d: and the Dutch Obstinacy
would not ;” that their recuperative energies were ‘the
Asenehment of Europe,” and that their ‘“Hydra-Heads
grew numerous from their Wounds;” and Pepys writes,
on the 31st of December, 1664, “after all our (English)
presumption, we are now afraid as much of them (the
Dutch) as we lately contemned them.” Oh! how plea-
sant it is to examine thy chronicles, thou indomitable
sea-born Holland. a
x x * x | % *
They had likewise began to colonize. One body of
‘their people was saftled in Belgium, another had pos-
sessions certainly on the western and most likely on the
eastern side of the Rhiue, a third had established itself
‘in what is now the province of Leénster, in Jreland, and
a fourth at AIineria, now St. Davids, in South Wales.
Doubtless vestiges of these daring ame might still
be discovered at or in the vicinity of the spots where they
located, just as we find the surest tokens of the Holland-
ish race in the name it gave to a province of Sweden,
known even as yet as Halland or fyolland, anc in the
impress of their industry, their thrift and their intelh-
gence upon the island of mach, the garden of Copen-
hagen, where they were settled, and remain an element
of the population entirely distinct in every respect from
their Danish neighbors.

What is more, that part of England itself, which was
the last to submit to Wituiam the Conqueror, and cost.
him more blood, treasure and anxiety than any other
portion of the kingdom, was that section of Lincolushire,
around the Wash, upon Boston Deeps-—| Dieps is a veg
ular Dutch word for deep water or channels |—and
Lynn Deeps, one mass of dykes and. dr: ains, almost
28

canals, was called §jalland, that is, marsh-land or hollow-
land, such as is gained from the sea, whose name is
derived, as some aver, from the Cimbric dialect, and
was settled by a Cimbric, or Scandinavian, or Hollandish
colony. We are likewise expressly told that south-
eastern Scotland and eastern England, about the mouths
of the Humber, were Saxon “long prior to the historic
period, when the German ocean was scarcely (as yet)
a sea.”

And now, before dismissing this subject entirely, one
word about the derivation of the word Holland, which
some pretend to derive from two German words, fjalt(;)
and £Landj—Country of Woods, because originally, ac-
cording to tradition, it was covered with forests. This
is a far-fetched derivation. It is derived from two
words, §ol and £Land,—jol, Saxon, (fall, German,)
meaning Hollow or Hole, ‘das ist ein leer und holes
Land,” (that is, a bottomless land,) (Dicerrus, 1697).
Exactly the words of Saurin and Preyrar. We trans-
late: “Holland, created in the midst of marshes, has no
solid foundation, except the wisdom of her founders
and the untiring industry of her people,” “a thin skim
of earth floating upon the ocean !”

%

*

It is scarcely possible that Caraustus was the real
name of our Menxapian (Hollandish) hero, any more
than Caracracus was the actual patronymic of Caradoc
or Cradoc—signifying the ‘“Warrior”—(who, having
lost his kingdom by the victory of Osrorius Scaruba,
won it again by his undaunted demeanor and spirit in
his interview with the Emperor Cravoics,)—or Ar-
winius that of §ermamm, the German or Saxon hero,
the conqueror of Varus, and victor of the fifth “De-
cisive Battle of the World.”

After examining the matter with earnest attention,
29

we must-arrive at the conclusion that it is at least very
reasonable to believe that his name was Warel, (Hol-
landish,) (Cuaries, English—@arl, German,) which
means, A (VALIANT) MAN. To Carotus, the Latin for
Harel, the Romans added an epithet appropriate to
his deeds and temper, ausus,—[ whence ousapo, Por-
tuguese ; osapo, Spanish; both of which, particularly
the former, are said—in some cases—to resemble the
Latin more closely than even the Italian |—the “Bold,”
“he that dareth, or is not afraid,” the ‘Fearless One?
—together, Carotus—ausus, abbreviated, corrupted,
and euphonized into Caraustus.

At first an adventurous sailor, then a skillful pilot,
and afterwards a bold commander by sea, and by land,
he distinguished himself by several brilliant exploits in
the war which Maximian carried on against the Ger-
mans and Gallic rebels, or, rather, martyrs to liberty,
styled in history Bagaude ! He early “acquired a singu-
lar Reputation for his Courage and Bravery in several
military Expeditions, but especially at Sea.” The em-
ployment of Carausrus as an Admiral commenced by ser-
vice against the Saxon-(—variously styled “‘Cimbrd and.
other maritime People of Germany, or Saxon and Lower
German—) or Scandinavian pirates, whom GrBBon
elects to call ranks, erroneously, it would seem proba-
ble, since the Franks proper were never much addicted
to the sea—who in squadrons of light brigantines, re.
sembling those of the Venetz, so formidable in the time
of Casar, or the fast-sailing “pict” of the’ Britons,
incessantly infested and ravaged the Belgic, Armorican
and British coasts, by which terms are designated the
maritimal districts of Hanover (?) the Netherlands, and
those provinces of France formerly known as Artois,
Picardy, Normandy, Brittany, Poitou, Guyenne, and
Gascony.
30

The “pictie,” very long boats, like a modern pinnace,
were smeared with wax, to facilitate their passage
through the water, and carried about twenty oarsmen.
As they were intended for secret service, whether to
gain intelligence or ‘to dart suddenly upon an enemy,
it was desirable that they should remain unseen as long
as possible; for which reason their sails and rigging
were dyed a light-blue color, to resemble the sea, and
their crews wore clothing of the same hue.”

The adventurers who manned them, obeyed a single
chief, their leader, by land as well as by sea, who was
always the bravest of the brave, who never slept be-
neath a raftered roof, nor ever banqueted before a
sheltered hearth,—a startling picture of their wild and
predatory habits. ‘To these qualities a celebrated sea-
chieftain, called Olaf, ‘added extraordinary eloquence,
and great personal strength and agility. He wassecond
to none as a swimmer, could walk upon the oars of his
vessel while they were in motion, could throw three
darts into the air at the same time and catch two of
them alternately ; and could, moreover, hurl a lance
with each hand; but he was impetuous, cruel, and re-
vengeful, and ‘prompt to dare and do’!”

 

When the composition of their crews is considered,
im connection with their speed, the subsequent conduct
of Carausius appears the more admirable, who, to
such free and hardy mariners and swift sailing craft,
opposed the lumbering galleys and hireling crews of
the Imperial navy. This would likewise account for
their being able at times to elude his pursuit and baffle
his subordinates, smee the Romans had never neglected
their navy to such a degree as they had at this period,
when they had most need of it. The science of marine
architecture was at a low ebb, but not lower than their
capabilities for managing, commanding and fighting
31

their ships. The Northmen, Saxons and Franks, were
not only aware’ of this neglect and insufficiency, but
prompt to take advantage of it. They covered the
sea with piratical craft, which, although singly so
small and imperfect, were mighty and dreadful in their
number and comparative ubiquity, and their command-
ers made their descents and robberies tenfold more ter-
rible by their barbarous severity. Finding the Romans
unable to oppose them at sea they were soon no longer
content with wasting the coasts of the conquered prov-
inces, but, emboldened by impunity, attacked the Ro-
man establishments as well. To chastise or restrain
such insolence and rapacity, the Emperor Maximian
found that it was necessary to create a navy and look
out for an individual capable at once of superintending
its organization and then directing its operations. It
has often been remarked with wonder how the man for
the occasion always presents himself to assume the posi-
tion for which Providence intends him. Not in the
ranks of Rome, or of her tributaries or allies, but from
a nation which had never bowed to her supremacy—
barbarians of barbarians, to the supercilious refinement
of Italian arrogance—he selected his Ecxrorn and_ his
Perry, and to that Hollander whom his orators and
panegyrists styled “by birth most vile,” confided the
construction and equipment of an armament which, for
upwards of ten years, decided the fate of the surround-
ing countries and the mastery of those seas.

Gibbon, and other writers of less celebrity, have at-
tributed the creation of a fleet to the prudent concep-
tion and vigorous execution of Maximian, whereas
naval historians assure us that Carausius, of whose pre-
vious employments, except as a remarkably skilful
pilot, we have scarcely any accounts, deserves all the
credit of overcoming the manifold difficulties which
32

opposed and interfered with the execution of his orders.
He had everything to make, and yet, great as was the
necessity to exertion, the means were defective in an
even greater degree. Nor was this the only obstacle
to suecess. He had to work and watch, to use the tool
with one hand and brandish the weapon with the other,
for the pirates, although in possession of no vessels of
strength, were still so formidable by their numbers that,
considering the utter ruin into which a total neglect
and inefficiency had plunged the Imperial marine, they
could have fought and overcome what. still remained
with half their number.

Dignified with the lofty title of ‘Prefect or Count
of the Saxon shore,” and “Admiral [ Thalassfarchus |
of the Belgick and Armorick Seas,” Caravstus “found
himself, when commissioned to command the whole,
master ina Manner of nothing,” and under the neces-
sity of building a navy, which he was sent to lead
against the enemy. But difficulties and dangers which
appal common minds only serve as healthy stimulants
to genius. The new Prefect and Thalassiarch assem-
bled and employed the ablest constructors and ship-
wrights in the ports of Gaul, and, as we may well sup-
pose, in Hollandia and Flanders. His head-quarters
were at Boulogne, which the Emperor had designated
as the principal station of the fleet. The Romans had
always considered this port, or this immediate locality,
the most eligible centre for naval operations in the
Channel, but more particularly expeditions against the
British islands. C.sar, B.C. 55, [See note Ttius
Portus,] Caniauna, A. D. 40, Putri IL, 1588, and
Napoteox, 1804, all selected it as the point whence
they intended to operate, since, although the harbor is
very inferior, the roadstead affords an excellent anchor-
age for anumber of large vessels.
33

In the year A. D. 285 he found himself able to put
to sea, and sailed with a few large but badly constructed
vessels in quest of the pirates. Ill-built but well man-
ned—for the attractive influence of Carausius seems to
have beenalways remarkable, and made him a centre of
talent and enterprise—his imperfect armaments no
sooner put to sea under the name of the Roman navy,
and displaying its ensigns, than they became terrible to
the marauders.

Upon every occasion the new Admiral displayed the
greatest ability, and a sagacity more than a match for
the daring sea-rovers, experienced as they were in the
stratagems of naval warfare.

He executed his charge with equal courage and strat- .
egy ; more, however, according to the allegations of the
Roman historians, with regard to his own interests than
those of his master. Whether the charge of measures
dishonorable to his character should be entertained by
impartial students of history is susceptible of great
doubt, and should require far better testimony than the
records of men who were the mere creatures of the
Emperors against whom he fought with such distin-
guished results.) The character which they assigned to
the Hollander should not prejudice him in the opinion
of those of his race or kindred blood. His subsequent
career is the best proof we could desire of their false-
hood and of hzs surpassing diligence and trustworthiness.
What great man has ever been able to avert the malign
influence of a corrupt court, always jealous of superior
ability, and the consequences of unjust suspicions, awa-
kened by exertions to promote the interests of his subor-
dinates. and the rights of tributaries, his countrymen,
while discharging his duty to the dominant power?
What hero but has been the target for the shafts of

calumny, and had his memory handed down to posterity
3
34

beclouded with the opprobrium of those whose siister
plans he frustrated and of the oppressors he resisted ?

The impetuous Marshal Vittars has bequeathed usa
remark applicable to the cases of most great and fortu-
nate generals. About to take command of the army of
Flanders, or the North, at his audience of leave, he
reminded the King, Louis XIV, that while he was de-
parting to combat the foes of his sovereign and country,
he left that sovereign in the midst of his own personal
detractors and enemies.

Born of a free race, and at the head of free men, Ca-
RAusius, even while compelled to serve against them,
must have seen with mingled detestation and pity the
slaughter of the miserable Bagaude, or the insurrection-
ary peasantry of Gaul, victims of a cognate blood, and
felt his soul stirred within him to put a period toa
tyranny whose repressive measures knew no restraints
of either mercy or justice.

Whether it is true that instead of chastising the pi-
rates to the extent of his commissign, he too frequently
admitted them to composition, is a matter which at this
time it is utterly impossible to decide. Even if true,
such a course may have been dictated by the wisest
policy, for nothing is more difficult than the defence of
of an extensive coast against a numerous body of such
active freebooters as have been described. It is well
known that CHARLEMAGNE, in spite of his reputation
and his power, was unable, in his latter years, to pro-
tect the shores of his dominion against the descents of
the Vi-Kings and assaults of the Norman adventurers,
and, an eye-witness of these ravages, he was seen to
shed bitter tears at the prospect of the miserics he fore-
saw they would bring upon France. And well might
he shed bitter tears, for it was his own bigotry which:
set in motion the Normans, and incited them to ravage
35

his possessions, to gratify not only their lusts but their
revenge (Hume Lii., a.p.827). Anditremained almost for
the present generation to suppress the piratical incur-
sions of the Barbary corsairs, who for centuries were
a terror to the most powerful monarchies, and inflicted
all the horrors of fire, sword, and slavery, upon the
shores of the Mediterranean, and at times extended
their terrible visits along the coasts of Lusitania and
the bay of Biscay, even to the distant homes of Ireland
and England.

Carausius succeeded, and his very success was the
oceasion of accusations against his loyalty. Finding
his policy the subject of misrepresentation and his
fidelity of suspicion, the Menapian leader changed his
tactics. He connived, it is reported, at the passage of
the pirates, which he may have been utterly'unable in
many cases to prevent, but diligently intercepted their
return,—of which he was sure to learn from the wails
of those whom they had plundered. Falling upon
them when burthened with spoil, satiated with carnage,
and often unfitted to resist by the labors and hardships
they had undergone in attaining their objects, he
inflicted a just and terrible punishment with his sword,
and took possession of their ill-gotten wealth, as the
just reward of his own and his followers exertions, dan-
gers and exposures. Without doubt a large share was
appropriated to hisown use. The treasure thus acquir-
ed by -valor and vigilance was neither more nor less
than what would be deemed fair prize-money at the
present day, admitted by English admirals, representa-
tives in Parliament, to constitute the strongest stimu-
lant of the seaman’s exertions and the most reliable in-
centive to rapid enlistment. And of this a large pro.
portion is always accorded in strict justice to the officer
in command. The riches thus accumulated, excited
36

anew the suspicions of the Emperor Maxmuan. Un-
der a semi-barbarous despotism the wealth of the subject
has seldom failed to suggest the basis of an accusation,
whose real foundation was the rapacity of the tyrant.
Maxmuayn imagined that he had proofs, or his flatterers
insinuated the idea, that Carausrus intended to make
himself independent ; and the discovery of the mea-
sures agitated for his destruction awakened Caraustus
to the necessity of providing for his own safety, and
perhaps originated the very cihousht of that rebellion
which would never have entered hig mind but for the
jealousy and mistrust of his master. We are even told
that the sentence had gone forth, and that a ruffian had
been delegated to assassinate him if he could not be ar-

rested atid publicly executed, and that the murderous
blow was delayed by nothing but the difficulty of its
accomplishment. Was he to bow his neck to the same
axe with which, under similar circumstances, but twelve
centuries later, the Spanish tyrant rewarded the fidelity
of his countrymen, Egmont and ffoorn, the latter, like
Caravustus, an Admiral of Holland blood? Was he to
bare his bosom to the dagger already commissioned to
assassinate him, and betray his countrymen by submit:

ting to a fate which slaughtered the Wasuineron of
Holland? The doctrine of non- -resistance was too hard
for the divines of England in a more enlightened age.

Such a submission was incomprehensible to the mind
of a hardy sailor, a barbarian according to the lan-
guage of Rome. To the injustice of the Emperor the
astute Hollander opposed the vigorous independence
and prompt action of his race. He resolved to aspire
to the sovereignty of Britain, the Belgic and Armori-

can coasts, and the dominion af the seas.

Berkey, however, exonerates him from any Rehan.
orable motive or action, in ascending step by step that
37
lofty flight which led to sovereignty. In his opinion,
Caraustus, in his dealings with his opponents, was too
wise to have been contented and “have taken a part for
the whole, when (the latter was) in his Power,” had he
not been well aware that, at first, policy must bring
about what his defective force could not accomplish.

Thus, in the beginning, he accepted the heavy tri-
bute which the pirates offered for a partial immunity,
listening to their acknowledgments, affecting to treat
their excuses as valid, dissembling with consummate
tact, until his preparations, urged with assiduous
attention, should place him in a position to act in ac-
cordance with his pre-determined plans. .

While thus bridling his impetuosity and guiding his
will with politic prudence in regard to those too strong
as yet for coercion, the Prefect of the Saxon coast fell
like a thunderbolt upon all whom he could attack on
equal terms, or under circumstances in which’ capacity
and courage would compensate for physical inferiority.
The marauders who belonged to this latter category
were seized, and their booty confiscated, wherever he
could find them, and the terror of the examples which
he made kept greater criminals strictly to their com-
pact, until his increasing power enabled him to smite
like the sword of Fate one after another of those who,
originally, united or singly, had been able to defy or
resist him with prospects of success.

Suspected of ambition, his only escape from degra-
dation and death lay in the throwing himself into the
rising tide, and floating on the turbulent flood to for-
tune’s haven. Was itacrime that he had learned to
swim, when so many examples must have taught him
he might at any moment be compelled to take the
. plunge and struggle for his very existence? He must
have known the vicissitudes of his career. He could
38
not, if he would, have closed his eyes to the fickle ten-
ure of Imperial favor. No doubt the power which his
own attributes had conferred upon him was far too
pleasant to be thrown away while he could make it
good. A Zee(Sca)lander as well as a Hollander—tfor
the latter name was common to both, and the Daderland
of his race embraced both these provinces—he could
have assumed that apposite device a thousand years
before Zealand selected it for its arms—a lion swimming
amid the boisterous waves and roaring forth triumph-

antly—
“LUCTOR ET EMERGO:”

(L combat and come forth victorious.)
For, had not Carausius cast his lot upon the deep and
swum to shore a monarch?

We arc told that he foresaw the storm, and witha
sailor’s instinct he made all snug to meet it, weather
the reefs whose breakers broke so ominously upon his
ear, and steer into a harbor protected against future
tempests as well as apt for fitting out for sca again.

‘All must depend upon the Fidelity and Affection
of his Sailors. Two Things he knew commanded that,
Success and Liberality. Of his Success there could be
no Doubt, for he was indefatigable, [and] when he
had laid by a Sufficiency, enough still remain’d for all
the Purposes of an abundant Generosity. This he dis-
tributed freely; and by that Beneficence, and by his
prudent Conduct, he kept the Hearts of his Sailors,
while he preserved the most strict Discipline.”

Nothing of this is assumed, for, according to the tes-
timony of the “Biographia Nautica,” London, 1776 :
“The Steps which led to the Execution of his Project
were the more easy and rapid, as the Policy of his
Coduct, aud the engaging Gentleness of his Manners.
hud made him at once the Favorite of the Soldiers, and
39

of the Sailors!” Je displayed the standard of emanci-
pation, appealed to the affections of his mariners, won,
as we have seen, by his temper and liberality, and con-
firmed in their allegiance by his conspicuous valor and
capacity—for, considering the times,—

‘“‘A braver soldier never couched a lance,

A gentler heart did never sway in court,”—
—enlisted the sympathy of his barbarian opponents,
now become brothers in their enmity to Rome, imme-
diately fortified Boulogne, sailed thence to England
with his numerous fleet, combined with that of the
corsairs who had hoisted his ensigns, was received with
open arms by the Roman army in Britain, its auxilia-
ries, and the whole population enthusiastically awaiting
his arrival to embrace his party, assumed the Imperial
purple, and title of Aveustus, declared himself Empe-
ror, defied his former tyrant, | and maintained his dig-
nities against all the powers which his rivals could exert
against him.

Tristan corroborates fully this statement, assuring us
that he was warmly desired by the Britons, so much so
that upon a medal of the time the doubter can read to
his confusion— |
, ‘CHXPECTATE VENI.”
(Come, oh, thou expected one.)

_ What makes this impression the more remarkable is,
that it is the only one throughout the long succession of
Roman Emperors which bears such a legend. Bur-
cxetT confirms this in these words, ‘the resolved to set
up for the Dominion, not. only of the Province of Brit-
ain, but of the World itself, and try his Chance for the

Empire. This he did with such a full Consent of his
Army, which was very considerable, that never was the
Imperial Purple assumed with greater Applause of the
Soldiery.”.
40

The gauntlet thrown down, Maximian found himself
unable to take it up. By the secession of his fleet he
was deprived of the means of pursuit and revenge.
Established in Britain, Caraustus discovered that he
was equal to a contest with the empire. His crews and
his troops were swelled by the enlistment of the bravest
youth of his new dominion, “the Merchants and Fac-
tors of Gallia,” and the embodyment of every sea-faring
tribe or nation—stigmatised by the Romans as barbar-
ous—whom certain pay and hope of booty could allure
into his service. The possession of Boulogne and the
ports of Holland afforded him the amplest opportuni-
ties of augmenting and sheltering his marine. His barba-
rian allies, reduced to discipline, were raised in the scale
of civilization,and rewarded by the dangerous knowledge
of the naval and military arts henceforth available for
their own protection against the rapacity of the absorb-
ing empire. The fertile districts of England afforded
a sufficiency. of provisions, and his distant expeditions
provided him with the means of paying those who had
enlisted in his cause.

That task, to which the Roman emperors had proved
unequal, was accomplished at once, and almost without
difficulty, by the master hand of the self-made emperor.
The North Britons—Caledonians, Picts or Scots—ulcer-
ating thorns in the flanks of England while a province
of Rome, were driven back into their native wilds, con-
fined to their own bleak domain, and ultimately, as will
be shown hereafter, were converted into a powerful
support,

Speaking of the Picts, Hemer, quoting Galfred (or
Gerorrro1) of Monmouth, mentions a very curious fact
in regard to them, and writes that Caraustus who “had
made himself strong both within the Land and with-
41.

out, made the Picts his confederates, to whom, lately
come out of Scythia, he gave Albany to dwell in.”

This would go to prove that the Hollander Emperor
carried his arms farther towards the northern extremity
of the British island than any of his predecessors ex-
cept Severus, whose expedition—a mere military prom-
enade—cost him the lives of fifty thousand of his sol-
diers, the very flower of the Roman armies, and accom-
plished absolutely nothing; for wpon the very. rear of
his returning columns closed in the intractable tribes he
supposed he had subdued, who were in open insurrec-
tion against his authority before the massive stones of
his famous wall had time to bed themselves in their ce-
ment.

On the other hand Carausius achieved a double con-
quest, for in the field he conquered with his sword, and
in the council subjugated with his persuasive eloquence
and justice. A little farther on a second Caledonian
campaign is adverted to because the language of the
historians of this era is so undecided as to dates that
we are led to infer that it was subsequently necessary.
But whether such is the fact or not, the resumption of
hostilities may have been rendered necessary, not by an
outbreak of the clans who had already submitted, but
by irruptions of the outer barbarians invited southward
from the extreme north, and even neighboring islands,
by the reports of the affluence which began to reign in
districts which their forefathers and brethren had. for-
merly plundered with impunity.

Be this as it may, Hemur then observes ‘that before
his time the Picts are not known to have been any
where mentioned, and then first by Eumenius [of Autun]
a rhetorician” of this, the third century.

Like our Indians, these Picts or painted men—analo-
gous to our Aborigines from the very custom of daub-
A2

ing themselves with various colors as well as from their
predatory habits and modes of warfare—proved as hos-
tile to the frontier settlements of the Romans as the
American tribes were to our infant colonies; and then,
when, in addition, we recollect the slogan of the High-
landers, (that terrible war cry which has only so lately
lost its terror to the lowland Scotch, ) was the signal for
an onslaught which left nothing but ashes and corpses
in its wake, the parallel becomes the more remarkable,
and suggests at once the war-whoop which curdled the
blood of those who first ventured into the wilderness
of this state.

Whoever reads the lines of Ciaupiay, in his poem
descriptive of the war with the Visigoths (de Bello
Getico sive Pollentiaco), presenting a picture of the tri-
umphant legionary,

 

“Surveying with attentive eyes below

The pictures drawn on his expiring foe,”
can at once imagine that he beholds one of the Old
Netherlanders belonging to the Menapian cohort of
Carausius, withdrawing his falchion from a prostrate
Pict while absorbed in curious contemplation of his
foeman’s body, strangely fantastic with devices laid on
with barbarous taste in colored earth; or a Netw Neth-
erlander, in this very state, leaning upon his still smok-
ing caliver, and, lost to the contest raging in the woods
around, studying with disgust and mingled curiosity,
the wild imaginings with which a Minsi or Sankhican
warrior had variegated his athletic form, disgusting in
its natural copper hue and doubly repulsive in its arti-
ficial tints, but still so attractive in its physical develop-
ments as to rival the Belvidere Apollo, whose artistic
perfection suggested, at first sight, to West the grace and
symmetry of a Mohawk warrior’s manly beauty.

If Carausius did settle the Picts in Albany, we know
43

at once how far into the Scottish land his sway extend-
ed, since Albania or Albyn, the country of the Albani—
that district from which, usually, the second son of the
King of England derives the title of Duke of Albany,
—(first. conferred on the unhappy Darnley, husband of
Mary, Queen of Scots)—is now known as Breadalbane,
and comprises the western part of the county of Perth—
the romantic region lying on either side the Grampian
range, beyond the wall of Anroninus—so that Carav-
situs must have been the sovereign of nearly two thirds
of ancient Caledonia.

His northern frontier assured, agriculture, prostrate
and neglected, rose to its feet, renewed its labor and re-
paid its benefactor with teeming crops. The arts of
peace, astonished to find a protector, sprung from a race
branded by the Romans as untutored savages, began to
flourish and adorn his court amid the turbulent activity
of war. The martial Franks, won by a flattering imi-
tation of their dress and manners, responded to the
offers of a brave and politic monarch, and assured him
the friendship of a formidable people. England, under
the wise administration of the Dutch sailor, proudly
raised her head and assumed the position of a powerful
state, whose loss to the empire was bewailed not only
by the court but throughout that wide domain which
had scarcely deemed her worth preserving before she
was dismembered. . The Roman orator, Eumenius, could
find no language too strong to bewail the loss of its
fields, its pastures, its mines, its woods, its temperate
climate, its convenient harbors, and, most perceptible
deficiency, its agreeable revenues, while compelled to
confess that. such a country well deserved to become the
seat of an independent sovereignty.

Nor was this all—the Hollandish Emperor while in-
suring home property was not forgetful of the advan-
44

tages which his position presented. Like William I,
this Dutch hero of the third century came over bring-
ing peace and fortune in his train; like William he
made himself respected and feared beyond the sea; the
dread of those who had formerly esteemed themselves
too strong to feel the effects of his resentment.

To his people Carausius represented in harangues of
force and earnestness, that his own cause and the inter-
est of the Britons, Menapti, Batavi, and other Saxons,
were one, and that to “preserve their Liberties thus far
regained, they must be able to keep off their Enemies:
that this could only be done by fitting out a powerful
Force at Sea; and that so long as they maintained such
a Power, ‘they must be jrdependent”

Thus incited they set to work, and ‘‘weresoon Masters
of a fleet Rome could never face” while Caraustus lived,
and while his murderous successor was true to the pol-
icy his benefactor had so successfully inaugurated.

“Thus was a Navy fitted out, the most expeditiously,
and the most advantageously that we read in History ;
and the Service became a Nursery for growing Num-
bers.”

Caravusius knew that to meet him at all on equal
terms Maximian must exhaust his maritime resources
in building another fleet, and when possessed of it
would be reduced to the extremity of employing none
but raw men both at the oar and sail. Under such cir-
cumstances his failure was assured. If new recruits can
never face old soldiers upon land, how much less could
landsmen hope to encounter experimented seamen on
the deep.

‘Rome, which had viewed Caraustus long with jeal-
ous Eyes, now looked on him with Fear. Britain was
become the School of Naval Knowledge, and while that
grew to an eminent Height under this Commander here,
45

‘twas in a Manner lost among the Romans. They fear-
ed to face the Power of Britain, now disjoined from
them, and the Navy of our Country gave a Pieze of
what it has since arrived at, conquering all at Sea.”

But the astute Menapian did not intend that his op-
ponent should even proceed with his projected prepar-
ation without such hindrances as should make the pe
cess both costly and laborious.

-“Carausius, who himself commanded, was continu-
ally out; not content with defensive Strength, he acted
on the offensive, plundering all along the Coasts of
Gaul. This British Navy acted on British Principles;
sparing no Roman Settlements where it could destroy.”
Like a skilful matador, Caraustus waited the attack of
the maddened ‘“‘toro,” whose every movement taught
him to beware.

Bursting with fury, impotent but hopeful, the savage
Maximian bent all his energies to recreating that cre-
ation his confidence in the Menapian Count or Preefect,
succeeded by impolitic distrust and consequent injustice,
had lost to Rome, and left its emperor powerless for
revenge. The'fruit of his own prudence, opulence and
vigor, had only served for his humiliation. Master of
half the earth, his rule was limited by the receding or
advancing tide. He might gather shells as trophies
like Caligula, but the wave bursting upon the beach
was just as much his vassal as was CARAUSIUS.

Still, what his imperial will had once evoked that
will could summon forth again. Last, west and south,
wherever Roman eagles spread abroad their wings above
a naval depot safe from the onslaught of Carausius,
the shipwright’s hammer, axe and saw, sounded the
note of preparation. Whole forests. felled, grew fast
to massive ships, whole fields of flax to hempen wings
and sinews, and straining thousands gave to the sea
46

another fleet, to test the rebel’s rights to that he had
acquired. By day and night, new legions marshalled
to the coast, mounted the lofty triremes, while sweating
slaves below by thousands tugged at the ponderous
oars. By day and night new fleets—brought down the
rivers from far inland admiralties—converging, swelled
to an Armada, whose display inspired the orator of
Treves—Ciaupius Mamertinus. His panegyrics pre-
saged certain triumph. But the vast expenditure of
time and labor brought forth no styptic to astringe the »
wound Caraustvs had inflicted. The Trevirian’s grace-
ful adulations were silenced by events.

Once launched upon the tempestuous element, and
the relation of the contest between the Hollander’s and
Maximian’s fleets is but anticipating what the “Armada”
underwent when the Saxon Netherlands and Saxon
England stooped on her like a swift brood of falcons on
a flock of cranes. New to the sea, the imperial arma-
ments and crews were baffled, battered, grappled, slain,
or taken by the veteran sailors of the Menapian admi-
ral-king. Henceforth the flowing periods of the Ro-
man orator allude no more to that magnificence he had
hailed as launched and rigged to consummate his mas-
ter’s glory.

By his revolt, Caravstus had acquired more than the
greatest victory could bestow ; this second triumph
made his throne secure. Carausius seemed in the po-
sition to utter England’s taunt to Napoleon after Tra-

falgar :
‘‘Build me a second fleet that I may win it again.”
: *

* * « K
“Thigh yet flutters my flag, , - :
Ocean is frothy with blood; meet me, thou haughty one, there.”

The contest for the time was decided. Rome began
to tremble at the astonishing progress of her former
vassal, and, unable to coerce him, the politic Diocletian
AT

and the ferocious Maximian were compelled to concili-
ate the enterprising spirit of Carausius. They resigned
to him the sovereignty of Britain, and admitted their
former subordinate to a participation of the imperial
honors and power.

A number of his silver coins and medals, still pre-
served, but with very rare exceptions nowhere except
in England,—some representing on one side the head
of the Menapian monarch, with the inscription, IMP.
CARAUSIUS P. F. AUG., and on the reverse the
portraitures of two Emperors joming hands, in allusion
to his agreement with Maximian ; others displaying
the heads of two Emperors, and having on the reverse
two hands joined together, with these words, CON-
CORDIA AUGG.—[Concord of the two Augusti,
Carausius and Maximian] —or PROVIDENTIA
AUGGG.—{ Provision of the three Augusti]|—or PAX
AUGGG.—[The Peace of the three Augusti]—or
LATITIA AUGGG.—[The Joy of the three Augusti|
—exist as excellent evidence to show that there
were three Emperors at this time. To render these
inscriptions clear to every class of readers, it is well
to remark that ‘“Augustus,’[—¢rowing, increasing, |
before it was used as a proper name, was a title of the
sovereigns of the Roman state ; as it is said that
“Wilhelm” [—Gilt or Golden Helmet—a Safe Protec-
tion] was of some of the German Potentates.

But the most important of all, is the medal on which
we find the heads of the three Emperors, (Carausius,
Diocletian, and Maximian,) side by side, with the le-
gend or motto:

CaRAVSIVS ET FRATRES SVI.
Carausius and his (Imperial) Brothers.

Perhaps, however, the specimen with SB. C., signify-
ing ‘“Senatus Consulto,” [by authority of a decree of
the Senate,] as wellas ‘Pax Augusti,” [Peace of Au-
48
gustus,| will be most satisfactory, and induce those
difficult of belief to credit that this peace or confra-
ternity had at all events the sanction of the Roman
Senate.

These memorials of his reign have been (engraved?)
explained with perspicuity and learning by Gasparo
Luigi Oderico, numismatologist and antiquarian (1725
-1803) ina communication published in the “Journal
of the Litterati of Pisa,” and N. Genebrier, likewise a
distinguished numismatologist and antiquarian, gave
to the world a “History of Caraustvs, Emperor of
Great Britain, authenticated by his Medals,” Paris,
4to, 1740 ; much less complete, however, than the his-
tory or biography of our hero by Dr. William Stuke-
ley, published at London, in 4to, 1757. This last, an
antiquarian, a physician, and ultimately a clergyman
(1687-1756), having constructed a fanciful fabric with
regard to CARAUSIUS, the creation of his prejudices,
we have neither examined, nor sought to examine, an
hypothetic history, based on an individual’s preposses-
sions, which is acknowledged as deformed by many
errors.

“Mr. Akerman enumerates of the coins of CARAU-
SIUS, five varieties in gold, fifty in silver, and upward
of two hundred and fifty in small brass. Mr. Hardy
has added many more.”

The celebrated Doctor Mead became possessed of an-
other unique and curious medal, which is now in the
Museum of the King of France, a present from its ori-
ginal possessor. On its reverse is a female head, with
the inscription, ORIUNA AUG.[usta], which is un-
questionably the head of an Empress of the name of
Oriuna, wife of CARAUSIUS. Berkley also furnishes
the fac-similes of three very enteresting medals of
this sovereign. But further than they elucidate his
49

career, we will not devote our attention to them in
this work, but leave their explanation to those who
devote their labors more par ticularly to such subjects.

Whatever may have been the terms of the treaty
entered into by the Triumvirate, it is certain that
Caraustus expected nothing from a compact, how-
ever solemn, which he ieee was but an act of neces-
sity on the part of two of the contracting partics. Ie
felt satisfied that he would be assailed as soon as they
found themselves in a position to renew hostilities with
better chances of success, and he prepared for it by
offensive-defensive measures, fortifying himself on land
and anchoring his throne in the hearts of his subjects,
and, although he had employed already innumerable
hands to build his navy, he continued to increase and
str engthen it with unremitting diligence.

Whosoever he was—to fnmslate a French compila-
tion of the highest authority—he maintained himself
with glory in Great Britain, governed it with wisdom,
and defended it as well against the barbarians as
against the Romans. And—highest encomium—he
reigned at home in tranquillity, sustaining his elevation
with indisputable merit, and displaying in his adminis-
tration extraordinary equity and justice. What more
can be said, than that he “governed with an upright
and unstained reputation, and with exceeding peace-
ableness,” notwithstanding all the disadvantages under
which he labored. Well might he select as his em-
blem a ship in mid-ocean, and thus exposed—as the
ships of that day were from their very construction—
to hourly dangers.

With regard to this nautical effigy, some have pre-
tended to account for it on the supposititious plea that
Caravsius sought thr oughout his life to be esteem-

eda Roman, and adopted the ship merely because it
4
50

was the favorite emblem of the Roman State, forget-
ting that, although such was the common type of
the Imperial polity, it was likewise the symbolic repre-
sentation of the goddess Isis, worshiped among the
northern Germans, or rather the goddess of Naviga-
tion—a popular object of veneration among the Baltic
or Scandinavian nations. The A/emotrs de [Academie
des Belles Lettres assure us “that the human form was
never assigned to the German deities, and that they
worshiped the tutelar saint of the sea-faring life under
the symbol of a ship.” Another and an admirable
proof of our hero’s nationality, especially as the learned
Jacob Eyndius informs us, in his ‘Chronicles of Zee-
lant,” (Chronici Zelandie,) that the people of that
Province were converted to Christianity from the wor-
ship of Mercury (the god of commerce) and Isis (the
goddess of navigation), whose effigy, according to Ta-
citus, was a fast-sailing (clipper) ship (a ‘“/éberna”’).

At this juncture we hope it will not appear inappro-
priate to speculate as to the ensign under which Carav-
sius marshalled his armadas. Although there is no
doubt but that the Romans had flags, still their military
ensigns can scarcely be denominated colors or stand-
ards, since, as a general thing, they were imayves.and
similar objects of religious worship. The cavalry, it is
true, had a guidon (vexil/um),and an independent com-
mand entitled a general of rank to a purple standard,
to which the term (veri/lum) is applied by Lipsins,
whose use resembled that of the sacred banner of Ma-
homet, in that it was only produced upon the eve of an
engagement.

It does not appear, however, that their flects or ships
displayed a national ensign, any more than their armics
or smaller bodies of troops. The exhibition of a red
flag, both on shore and at sea, was the sienal to pre-
51

pare for battle—but it was a sign, not a standard. A
ribbon or pennant was often set upon the ornamental
aplustre, which, bowing inwards, rose up loftily and
gracefully from the stern-post or behind it on a flag-
staff; sometimes likewise at the bows from the crest of
the “swan’s head,” (cheniscus,) which curved upwards
from the stem and was often surmounted by an eagle or
a similar effigy. This ‘‘swan’s head” was often replaced
by a dragon’s, among the Scandinavians and North-
men.

Vlag—pronounced flag—is a Dutch word, and was
most likely derived from the original Saxon word
“Flocge,’ a ship, or “Floga,” something that flies.
Hengist and HYorsa, who, according to the best author-
ities, came from Holland, fought under a flag emblazon-
ed with a white horse rampant. At Leyden, the ruins
of a round tower upon the only eminence within a cir-
cuit of twenty miles, is attributed to the former, whence
he may have flung to the winds his gonfalon, destined
to such celebrity. That the Anglo-Saxons esteemed
the horse as the noblest of animals, we have good
proof, in that the name of Senges (Hengist) and ffors
(Horsa) are the Anglo-Saxon words for a stallion and
a horse in general; kings or great chiefs would never
have borne the names of an inglorious brute. Again:
the Batavi and the Caninefates—if the very first re-
cords we have of them are reliable—were horsemen-
born; the best cavalry in the whole imperial service,
and naturally such admirable riders. that Julius Cesar
dismounted his veteran furme, to mount his new Bata-
vian auxiliaries. As a further evidence of the high es-
timation in which the ancient Hollanders or'Saxons held
the horse, we find that Sjorse, a word almost identical
in orthography with fjors, means sagacious, prudent,
52
and even valiant. Moreover, how often was the term,
“steeds or horses of the sea,” applied to their ships by
the Scandinavo-Saxons.

Subsequently the white horse, previously borne
on the shields of the ‘‘Old Saxons,” in Germany,
appeared in the standard of the Anglo-Saxon
kingdom of Kent; and to this day the white horse
shines in that of the kingdom of Hanover. The writer
has seen it at sea, streaming out amid the tempest and
showing a prancing white charger on a red field.
Kent was one of the eminently Saxon districts of Saxon
England ; that portion the most immediately connected
for centuries with the continent, particularly Holland
and Flanders, and Armorica.

Taking all these facts together, we have good right
to believe that Carausius fought and conquered under
the same noble ensign which fluttered above the armies
of his Saxon successors. Grant, however, that this is
mere hypothesis, the only other emblem which is ever
found in connection with his name is a ship, which
still appears in the standard of Trinity House. Study
and reflexion decide for the White Horse of the Anglo-
Saxon-Batavo-Menapian race.

Some of the most reliable historians rank Can acsius
among the legitimate (were there any?) emperors;
others regard him as a tyrant; the flatterers of Maxim-
ian, from whom we derive most of the facts with regard
to his time, call him the “Pirate”; but every writer who
has investigated the matter exalts his memory as that of
a noble man, an eminent leader, a beneficent prince, and
a wise and provident sovereign. He was just as surely
a legitimate emperor as nine tenths of those who wore
the imperial purple, and if virtues give a shadow of ti-
tle, none had a better right to the dignity.

“Convinced that the Means of acquiring Independen-
53

cy, and Power, would result from the Augmentation of
his Navy,” he ‘twas unremittingly attentive to all the
Points which were the most likely to promote it. His
subjects, to whom he had endeared himself by the Mild-
ness with which he governed, beheld with Pleasure a
System of Operations so evidently calculated to render
the Kingdom equally respectable and secure. They
seemed to feel a Presage of their future Consequence,
whilst their Sovereign gave Orders for the fortifying of
their Coasts,” and England, destined in a future age to
acquire the dominion of the sea, figured fifteen centu-
ries ago under the Hollandish monarch of its choice as
a great naval power, a worthy opponent of that vast
state which in its youth had extinguished the maritime
strength of Carthage, legitimate heir to the trident of
Phoenicia. Nor was his foreign policy unworthy of his
home rule, or unequal to the occasion. A kindred vig-
or and sagacity characterised both.

His ships of war, manned in part with his own coun-
trymen, in part with native Britons, and in part with
the Scandinavian and Saxon pirates whom he had won
or overcome—in fine with all whose acquaintance with
the sea service rendered enlistment advantageous—rode
triumphant in the Channel, commanded the mouths of
the Rhine and the Seine, levied tribute upon the South-
western coasts of Gaul, which were not subject to his
sceptre, and of Hispania, and penetrating into the Med-
iterranean made his name terrible upon those waters
which had come to be looked upon as a Roman lake.

When the Picts and the Scots offered to renew their
incursions and began to vex his subjects—for it would
appear from the language of some historians that his
first campaign, although victorious, was not enduringly
decisive—the Menapian warrior put his armies in mo-
tion, defeated them in numerous engagements, recover-
54.

ed all that the Romans had ever pretended to hold, and
erected, it is said, upon the banks of the Carron, as a
trophy and memorial of his conquest, ‘‘a round house
of polished stone,” that eclebrated monument of antiqui-
ty by some styled ‘utithin’s Oven,” by others consid-
ered a temple of the god Trermixus, the divinity who
was supposed to preside over boundaries and limits and
to punish all invasions and unlawful usurpations of land.
The corner of a small enclosure between Sfenhonse and
the famous modern Carron-‘ron-works, is designated as
the site of this remarkable construction, some time since
entirely demolished.

He likewise erected in connection therewith a tri-
umphal arch in commemoration of his victory—which
Buchanan thinks was the temple above alluded to, and
not Arthur’s Oven, as was supposed by others—and
also repaired and fortified the wall of Antoninus, which
he strengthened with seven forts or castles. More than
one chronicle reads, the wall of Severus, which stretch-
ed across the British Island from the Frith of Solway
to the mouth of the Tyne. How this wall of Severus,
which ran parallel to the more ancient rampart of Ha-
drian, 68 miles in length, could have been confound-
ed with the line of Agricola, subsequently re-established
by Lolhus Urbicus, the able general of Antoninus Pius,
is very extraordinary, since the latter lay upwards of
one hundred miles farther to the north, and connected
the Frith or river of Forth above Bd/nburgh, and the
river of Clyde near Glasgow, by means of a rampart,
ditch and military road 38 miles lone. Severus,
however, may have rebuilt. the breaches in the outer
barrier, for Lowenberg calls the “Valhon Antonin’?
the “Wallof Severus.” This would be a sufficient ex-
planation. Moreover, Speed's Chron7ele tells us that
he “re-edified the wall between the Clida [Clyde |
55

and Carunus” [Carron], locating the work so clearly
that if he knew what he was writing about, there can
be no mistake which line of defence he intended; the
more particularly as he gives his authority, Ninius (or
Nonnius)—the disciple of Elciodugus—an ancient chro-
nicler—who flourished in the [Xth century, and wrote
a history of the Britons—who informs us that the Car-
ron was of his [Caraustus’] name so called.

“This stream [the Carron| is small, and scarcely de-
serves the notice of a traveler; yet there is no river
in Scotland, and few in the whole island of Britain,
whose banks have been the scene of so many memora-
ble transactions. When the Roman empire was in all
its glory, and had its eastern frontiers upon the Euphra-
tes, the banks of the Carron were its boundaries upon
the northwest; for the wall of Antoninus, which was
raised to mark the limits of that mighty empire, stood
in the neighborhood of this river, and ran parallel to it
for several miles.”

Near the middle of its course, two beautiful mounds,
about fifty feet in height, called the Hills of Dunipace,
now planted with firs and rising either side a Parish
Church, give a very romantic appearance to a charm-
ing valley. It is almost universally conceded that these
mounds were thrown up as monuments of a peace con-
cluded on their site between the Romans and the Cale-
donians, and their name partaking of the language of
both races, commemorates the fact as well. Din (duin)
signifies a “hill” or “heap” in Gaelic, and Paxr---“peace,”
in Latin; the compound word, the “Hill of Peace.”
Three treaties of peace were made between the Romans
and the inhabitants of ancient Scotland, the first by Se-
verus, about A. D. 210; the second, soon afterwards,
by his unworthy son, Caracalla ; and a third, by Carav-
56

situs, about A. D. 290; but of which of these the twin
hills are memorials, has never been determined.

To the opinion of some antiquarians, that one or both
of these elevations are natural, it is sufficient to point
to their structure, and reply that the Gaelic word Don,
(duin,) signifies a leap as well asa hill, and a similar
course of reasoning would connect their formation with
Caratsius, since Dim is likewise Saron and Frison,
and Duyn or Duin is Hollandish, and Dunen, the Frison
verb, means “‘to elevate one’s self.” So, knowing that
other memorials in their immediate vicinity have al-
ways been attributed to Cariaustus—that the name of
the stream flowing at their base is said to be derived
from the corruption of his name—that he concluded
hereabouts a peace which was the only one of the three
entered into with the ancient Caledonians, which was
respected,—we have every reason to believe that nei-
ther to the honor of the Emperor they detested, nor
in remembrance of his son whom they despised, but in
celebration of asovercign whom they respected, loved,
and supported, the hills of Dunipace rose as imperish-
able memorials.

Again: Carausius was a Aenapran, the language of
whose fathers, and of whose early years, was Saxon,
while his service with the Romans made him equally
familiar with the Lat/n. Is it not very consistent to
suppose that he would desire to transmit to future ages
his dual nationality, by conferring upon the scene of
his twin-achievements and glorious consummations—
the subjugation of those whom Rome had found in~
domitable, and the conversion into friends of those
whom previous emperors had pronounced faithless and
intractable savages—a title compounded of the dialects
of his youth and marine-nurture and of his maturity
and power—the latter founded wpon the influence de-

 
57
rived from the adventurous training instinctive to his
race? At all events, we Netherlanders, by birth or de-
scent, must feel our hearts throb a responsive yea, verily!
—-we would have felt and done so.

The connection of Carausius with the river which,
by the corruption of his appellation, was subsequently,
and not before, known as the Carron—perhaps in its
present orthography retaining his actual patronymic,
Latinized into Caravstus—has linked the name of the
first Hollander-Admiral we read of, with the naval-
artillery of the present century. And in the Carronade,
a short but very heavy ship-gun—[defined by Hoyt in
1810, as a “short kind of ordnance, which carries a ball
from twelve to sixty-eight pounds, * * and has (some-
times) a chamber for the powder, hke a mortar” |—
which was known to the armies and navies of the XV.,
XVI. and XVIIth centuries, as a Ganze, (100 or 48
pounders) and fjalbe (50 or 24 pounders), Nartaune or
Carthaune—| (French, Cartanne, Couleuvrine-entiere and
demi-culverin, also demi-cannon), weighing 4,100
pounds, as a 16-pounder ; 7,000 pounds, as a 20-pounder ;
7,168 pounds, as a 48-pounder; 14,000 pounds, in the
XVIth century, as a 36-40-pounder, with a charge
of 32 pounds of powder; and in 1538, 13,000 pounds
when carrying a stone shot from 100 to 150 pounds],

“Gorcht! int Donner der Rartaunen,
Tonen schmetternde Posaunen.”—fleissner.

Hark? amid the thunder of the cannon,
Hear the shrill trumpets bray [or sound the charge].

—in the Carronade, we have a remarkable memorial of
that consummate Sea-Generalissimus, the hero of this
biography.

To those unacquainted with the science of gunnery,
it may be as well to state that the Carronade has been,
in a great measure, and will soon be altogether, super-
seded by the Parxhan, or, to give our countryman due
53
honor, the Bomford-gun or Columbéad, in turn improv-
ed in a wonderful degree by another accomplished
fellow-citizen, Commander J. A. Dinueren (U.S. Navy),
whose heavy and: peculiar shell-cannon or Dahlyrencadles
are the admiration of foreign sea and land artillerists.

And now, to supply a link apparently wanting in the
chain: In 176061, a chartered company established
extensive foundries, known as the Carvon-lron-W orks,
on the north bank of this stream, two miles northeast of
Falkirk, around which a village gradually sprung up
“and grew into a place of considerable size. These
works, which gave employment to from 2,500 to 3,000
workmen, used—twenty-five years ago—weekly, 800
tons of coal, 400 tons of iron ore, and 100 tons of lime-
stone, and now rival the largest of Germany and Russia.
Every description of iron-ware is made here, from the
most trifling article of commerce to the largest species
of artillery. Ordnance and projectiles of all kinds
have long since been cast at this enormous foundry in
the highest perfection ; and, during the progress of the
English naval operations upon our coast, during the
Revolutionary war, it turned out a new pattern cannon,
which took its name (Carronade) “from Carron, where
it was first cast, or the principle applied to a new con-
struction.” And, had the original name of the exalted
individual from whom it derived its appellation been
orthographically preserved, this gun might have handed
down to posterity the name of the emperor as a Ca-
raustan or Caraus(ius)ade.

In Carronshore, a village two miles below the Carron
works, we have likewise a near approach to Caraas/us.

That this view of the subject—lcavine on one side
the assurances of Ninitus—is_ well founded, consider for
« moment the changes which all Saxon names under-
went one, two and three centuries since, in accommo-
59
dating them to a Latin orthography. Pufendorf ex-
emplifies this on every page ; and, thus, in the same
manner that de Groot became Grorius, and. other
names gained more than two syllables, by the transmu-
tation Caraustus may have been gradually abbreviated
into Caraun, or Carunus, and then into Carron.

Some of the conceits of writers with regard to the
etymology of old names would be veheulaus, were it
not painful to contemplate the effect they have upon a
reader by exciting his prejudices with regard to indi-
viduals and races. Thus the somewhat celebrated
Adrian Junius (1512-1575), in his work upon Batavia,
indulges in the following far-fetched idea with regard
to the name of Caravsius.

Thus, says he, (in Latin,) Caravsius, exalted by Di-
ocletian, on account of his experience in military affairs,
from the meanest condition and humblest rank to the
supreme command at sea, as Eutropius relates, seems to
have received this surname from his addiction to emp-
tying the wine-cup; which name—assumed by other
writers to have been his real patronymic—is derived
from €ar auss—(which should read perhaps either Gare,
| A. Sax. ] ‘care,’ [job or business, | augs, ‘out or finished’ ;
or Waraf, [Ger] ‘flagon,’ auss, ‘out or emptied’)—an ex-
pression used by those who delighted in draining their
goblets to the very bottom.

Farthermore, as several of the noblest achievements
of our United States sailors—particularly the victories
of Lakes Hrie and Champlain, won upon the waters of
the Wnikkerbakker or New Netherland state—were due
ina great measure to the employment of Carronades—
which composed the principal part of the armament of
our ships; and, by compelling our vessels to engage
at short-range, led to the overwhelming results. due to
the tremendous weight of projectiles vomited forth by
60

them upon the enemy—our infant navy and our Hol-
lander-element are indissolubly connected with a Hol-
lander (Menapian) admiral-emperor of England, who
flourished fifteen hundred years before the Declara-
tion of Independence severed the American Colonies
from Great Britain ; even as he, by his rebellion, deliv-
ered England and a part of Holland from the oppres-
sion of Rome.

Vivat Carausius! the Hills of Dunipace are covered
with legionaries, and the surrounding heights, wreathed
in mists, are thronged with fantastic shapes, which, now
half lost and now unveiled by the gray vapors, seem
like throngs of spirits, not living men, uniting in ap-
plause, and shouting forth the name of him whose
genius led the first, whose amenity and justice won the
last’s affections. And the Carron bears onward to
the sea, the sea throughout the world, that name
so greatly worthy. So, drifting down the stream of
time, tradition brings to us an appellation dear to Eng-
land, glorious to Menapia—Holland now.  Vivar
Caraustius !

Upon a placid lake two armaments are battling for a
victory on which depends the fate of two brave armies.
Enveloped in dense vapors, grey like the mists of Cal-
edonia, but reeking of the sulphureous mouths which
belched them forth, the iron monsters’ how], and war,
and vomit forth destruction. Can you Aistingaish
aught amid the hellish uproar? Hark to their tones of
thunder, echoing the peals which shook the Carron-
shore. Vivat Caraustus !

After this episode,—by no means devoid of interest,
—we will resume the regular consideration of the
story.

Having inflicted this well-merited chastisement, and
signalized his courage and leading, by the defeat of
61

ancient Britain’s most inveterate enemics, Carausius
concluded a peace with the Caledonians (or Picts and
Scots), on terms both equitable and politic, so that in-
suring their respect and future amity and confidence
by his wisdom, while he awed them by his power, he
felt satisfied that he could calculate upon their co-oper-
ation against the Roman Emperors, in case that these
last should decide upon aggressive measures or attempt
an invasion, from which he knew that they were only
restrained by the impossibility of executing those de-
signs which their resentment; hatred and jealousy
inspired.

While thus engaged in fortifying his rule in his own
island of Britain, and acquiring for himself a support
which preceding governments had never dreamed of
rendering available, his far-secing intellect traversed
the ocean to make friends, whose co-operation, although
far-distant, would nevertheless bring to his assistance
forces which could menace Italy—the heart (as yet the
MEDULLA, the pith or marrow, of the Commonwealth, )
of his opponent’s dominion—on its most unguarded
side, and place the Empire between two fires—one,
whose devouring flames, ignited amid the fearful
Cimmerian gloom, would roll onward from the east,
while he kindled a conflagration in the farthest west.
In furtherance of this design, his embassadors negotia-
ted a treaty with the Franks and other nations who had
established themselves, or had been planted near, or
along, the Thracian Bosphorus, and had rendered them-
selves famous by their prowess and power upon the
seas. By one clause of this treaty it was stipulated
that when he invoked their simultaneous action or the
first favorable opportunity of combined measures pre-
sented itself, they should issue from the Euxine and the
Propontis, aad sweeping through the Grecian Archi-
62

pelago, assail the Roman fleets in the Mediterranean,
sever the communications between Italy and its grana-
‘ries in Egypt and along the African coast, pass through
the Straits of Gibraltar, effect a junction with his navy
in the British seas, and menace the whole extent of the
imperial domain, wherever it lay open to a naval assault.
Wonderful conception! unsurpassed in concentrative-
ness and prescience by any which the brain of a subse-
quent sea-chief or diplomatist ever imagined: won-
derful coalition! unequalled by any which are recorded:
of the mightiest maritime powers which have existed
in succession since that day. The union of England
and France for the coercion of Russia, 1s not to be
named in comparison. Imagine the comprehensiveness
of a mind which in those days of sluggish navigation
could overleap a chasm of four thousand miles and
marshal the east and the west for a subversion of the
centre, and that centre Rome! Steam and _ electro-
magnetism have almost annihilated space and time, but,
remember, when Carausics flourished, ships of war
were for the most part open boats impelled by oars
and sails—sails the most rude and prinitive, unmanage-
able even if of silk and purple. The stars were then
a pilot’s only guide over pacific seas, leaving him none
wmid the fog and the tempest. And yet Carausivs,
without the compass, committing his vast preparation to
the guidance of his Lopgsmen, dreamed of launching
upon the ocean and vow/lny to the sack of Rome.

It has been said that the possessors of genius and
power are gradually rendered oblivious of time and
distance by the expansion of their own powers of con-
ception and concentration. Thus, Napoleon led France,
Spain, and Italy, to the conquest of Russia; and Na-
ture, indignant at man’s presumptive violation of her
laws, overthrew him.
63

Caraustus sought to bring the Black Sea by a circuit
of Europe into the Northern Ocean. The plan was
bewilderingly magnifleent, but he lived a thousand
years too soon.

Such genius agitated the Roman world. From his
island throne the Menapian Emperor seemed about to
stretch forth his hand to grasp indeed the Neptunian
trident. His former masters felt that henceforward it
was no longer a question whose solution could be de-
ferred with safety to themselves. Their own authority
was at stake. Such a campaign as the Zeelander had
planned, made it a war to the knife between the Av-
ausrr of the land and the Aveusrus of the ocean.

The plebeian Hollander, the Menapian pilot, the
Roman admiral, the Hollander-British emperor, was at
the zenith of his power.

He has been compared herein with regard to his
origin, his crossing over into England, and _ his gaining
the crown of that kingdom, to OUR very great William
II. In disposition they were somewhat similar ; their
temper, their system, their policy alike. Both made
themsclves beloved, yet respected. Their territories were
about equal. Both had Holland and England; Scotland
was subject to the former, and although, at first,
opposed to the accession of the latter, became his ally.
William made himself master of Ireland; instead of
this doubtful acquisition, Carausius was the sovercign
of Armorica, aCeltic term, by which the Romans knew
the whole coast of Gaul, whereas subsequent geogra-
phers restrict it to Brittany and the Gallic coasts of the
Channel. Of the country between the Elbe and the
Loire, the eastern half was shared equally between the
Frisii, the Batavi, and the Menapii, while the western,
from the Zwin to the Loire, including the territory of
G4
the Morini, was known as Armorica, or Aremorica—
(Tractus cLremoricus).

Both sovereigns fortified their positions by foreign
alliances, vast and apparently incongruous. William,
daily, hourly, threatened with assassination, waxed
stronger and more influential until he died in the
midst of friends whose love exceeded the “love of wo-
man,” and a people whose liberty and religion he had
preserved. Caraustus, unsubdued, fell by the hand of
his bosom companion, to whom he had entrusted the
management of his affairs of state, while he devoted
himself to the development of his military and mari.
time strength, his vast plans, and the fosterment of his
foreign connections. And why? The moral is plain.
Welliam lived to promote the interests of his faith, of
his peoples, of Holland, his native, and of England, his
adopted, country. His MAGNET was PRINCIPLE. Carat-
sius wrought for himself. Principle finds allies in the
camp of an enemy, and a sure ally above. Self stands
alone. And so Self eventually must perish, even as
many of those now living saw the first Napoleon die a
prisoner, Louis Philippe an exile, and await—without
desiring—the downfall of the present French monarch.

Hark! the Swedish poet supplies the Saxon Empe-
ror with aburst of exultant confidence:

“Waters are round my home, as Pluto by Styx was protected;
Never did living soul come from the Stygian sea.”

Ominous and air-borne the answer drifts back from

the Continent, laboring to bring forth a champion,
“Hercules came again.”

And he came in the person, not of Hercules [| Maxi-
mianus Herculius} himself, but of his associate, the
Cesar, Constantius CHLORUS.

As we remarked hereinbefore, a peace brought about
by mere necessity, against the will or interests of a
65

contracting party, seldom endures for a longer period
than while the necessity which led to it exists. As
Caravusius anticipated, this compulsory armistice—
scarcely susceptible of the title of peace—was not pro-
ductive of any real amity, and was succeeded by a
nominal suspension, rather than an actual cessation, of
hostilities. The emperor of Britain and Holland em-
ployed the interval in consolidating his authority, ex-
tending his alliances, and indulging in projects of
aggression, which, however prudent under existing
circumstances, proved fallacious in consequence of
changes which it was impossible for him to foresee.
As it turned out, his time, talents and treasure would
have been far better invested in measures for the pro-
tection of his transmarine dominions from the old
Rhine to the Seine.

On the other hand, Maximian thought of nothing
but the rupture of a convention which, to his arrogance
and elevation, appeared not only dishonorable but in-
supportable—planning and preparing to act as though
it had never existed, yet still delaying any overt act
until the condition of the empire made it safe for him
to unmask.

Finding the sea an impassable barrier, Maximian,
like .a ferocious lion---which had been baffled by the
courage and activity of a gallant bull or stallion, now
feeding ina luxuriant meadow just beyond a rapid tor-
rent---lay down to plan his antagonist’s destruction, re- |
garding him with blinking, bloodshot eyes, glancing
from between his paws and tangled mane ; or, rather,
like a blood-thirsty tiger, who, stalking backwards and
forwards along a sea-washed strand, lashes his brindled
sides in lickerish ferocity at the sight of prey which he
is prevented from attempting to tear down, lacerate and
slaughter, by the rolling tide between.
66

The opportunity so earnestly desired soon after oc-
curred, and the less daring astuteness of Diocletian—.
which had more than once before remedied the blun-
dering fury of Maximian—conceived a cure—tempora-
ry, it is true—for his own and the empire’s embarrass-
ments.

The result was, the imperial government underwent
a sudden and unexpected change, and, contrary to the
usual course of events, developed new resources and
acquired more power by a subdivision of the supreme
authority. The imperial eagle, which, for nearly three
centuries—(with the exception of three episodes of less
than fifteen years together,) like the natural king of
birds—displayed a single head and wore a single crown,
had, as we have seen in the beginning of this story,
monster-like, developed two—one to plan and hold the
sceptre with a gracious air, the other to execute and
tear with its iron beak. Each of these now, again,
produced another head, a prodigy most strange, and
still more strange in that all four were equal or nearly
equal in authority.

On the Ist of March, A. D. 292, at Nicomedia (Is-
meed) in Bithynia, Asia Minor, this monstrous trans-
formation took effect; doubtless no sudden resolution
of the politic Diocletian, but one in embryo, long ma-
turing in his brain, prolific of intrigues. Finding the
empire threatened on all sides, and indefensible through-
out its vast circumference by one, or even two, how-
ever great, supremes, of mortal energy, he—the direct-
or, (Maximian but his instrument)—determined to call.
to the assistance of himself and colleague, the Auaustr
of the land, two Casars, whose superior qualities and
military genius could stem the torrents of external
danger with a dam of intellect and steel on either hand.

The troubles in Egypt, and the African and Parthian
67

wars along the whole southern, southeastern and east-
ern limits of the Roman power, and the menacing atti-
tude of Caraustus and his allies towards the northeast,
north and northwest, compelled Diocletian, however
loth, to invoke the talents of two—co-equals in reality
but nominally subordinate—authorities, to sustain him-
self, and, to the omnipresent danger, oppose the buck-
lers of those destined eventually to succeed him in his
throne and honors.

The circle of the empire seemed begirt with fire. In
many quarters the flames were climbing up and leaping
over the lofty bulwarks which centuries of war and
craft and custom had interposed; elsewhere the hori-
zon glowed with the reflection of the embers which
required but the breath of opportunity to kindle into
wide activity.

To provide against so many perils and such omni-
present menace, Diocletian conferred the dignity of
Csar upon the savage herdsman-bred (Armentarius)
Gatertius, and upon Constantius, noble by birth and
nobler still in soul, the Pale [complexioned ( Chiorus) ]
—who were compelled, upon tlieir elevation, ‘‘for the
better securing of a perfect harmony” between them-
selves and the reigning emperors, to put away their
former wives, and in consistence with a customary poli-
cy, contract new marriages ; thus strengthening by do-
mestic ties the bonds, in themselves, political and heart-
less. To Constantius,—husband of the famous Saint
Hexena, the mother of the still more famous Consran-
TINE the Great—was assigned the adopted daughter of
Maximian, child of his Empress by a former marriage ;
while to Galerius, Diocletian gave Vatrria, his own
child.

This story, however, has nothing to do with any of
the arrangements pertaining to the partition of the
68

empire, except those which fall within the limits of its
action. To Constantius, the most able, was assigned
the post of danger. Of the four shares of the impe-
rial dominion he received the west and worst,—had he
shown himself in reality less great than his previous
career had augured, or had fortune proved more true
to merit than to his half-legitimacy ? He received all
the countries on this side the Alps---Gaul, Spain, with
Mauritania and Tingetana—now western Algiers, Fez,
and Morocco—always considered appendages, if not
integral parts of the Hispanic province; also Britain
and Hollandia when reconquered

The same despatch which brought to Boulogne the -
news of the appointment of Constantius announced
that he was on the march against that place, which Ca-
rausius had made his naval-arsenal and citadel upon
the continent. He had constituted it the central bul-
wark of his continental maritime domains, and lavish-
ed his labors and revenue not only upon its dockyards
and port, but also upon its exterior works of defence,
especially towards the sea. Carte informs us that
the tidings of the Casar’s march scarcely preceded
his advance, and that he appeared with an army
before the place upon the very heels of the messenger
who spurred ahead to warn Carausius. Such decision,
energy and speed, prove that the Casar’s reputation
was not the offspring of servile flattery and accident,
but the result

“Of deeds well done and honors boldly won.”

We shall see throughout this story that great as was
Caraustus, he had at length an adversary worthy of
himself. Like Napoleon, in this respect, he found at
last his Wellington.

That such celerity of movement, however, is not im-
possible, nor even improbable, we have the best proof
69

in the expedition of the Swedish Field-Marshal Leonard
@orstenson, who, in his march across central Europe
from Moravia to Holstein, in November—December,
1643, advanced so rapidly that the inhabitants of the
towns and villages along his route did not even dream
of his approach when already his cavalry were in their
midst. It is reported that the Swedes, under the most
discouraging circumstances of season, climate and
weather, accomplished on that occasion from four hun-
dred and fifty to five hundred miles in fifteen days.
Nevertheless, this speed produced no immediate re-
sult, inasmuch as the Roman commander found Carav-
sius fully prepared. Boulogne was immediately invested
by land, and Constantius, unequal to contesting the
dominion of the sea, conceived the gigantic project of
constructing a dyke across the entrance of the harbor,
which should at the same time shut out all reinforce-
ments from Britain and Hollandia, and prevent the
escape of Carausius, who had hastened to throw him-
self into Boulogne as soon as the siege’ was threatened.
This hazardous project of the Czsar, although suggest-
ed upon more than one occasion, has had but three
successful rivals in ancient and modern times.

The first, B. C. 332, the Mole of Alexander, by means
of which he joined the island which constituted the
site of that world’s wonder, Tyre—the Phcenician New
York—to the continent, and, after a siege of seven
months, made himself master of the city on the 20th of
August of that year.

The second,that marvelous Dam (estacada or estacados)
and bridge ( puente de baxeles), across the Schelde, with
the dependent canal and fortifications, conceived and
executed by Alexander Farnese, prince-duke of Parma,
in 1584, in order to insure the capture of Antwerp,
an achievement which has done more to exalt his char-
70

acter than any other of the military exploits which ren-
der his career so remarkable.

The third, A. D. 1627, the Dyke of Richelieu, who
compelled the Protestants of Rochelle to capitulate, by
means of a stupendous’ bulwark or breakwater, which
effectually prevented the arrival of any succors from
abroad, while he pressed the siege with unremitting
energy at the head of an army of twenty-three thou-
sand veterans.

The undertaking of the Grecian hero is not compara-
ble with either of the subsequent achievements of the
Roman Casar, of the Spanish Viceroy, or of the French
Cardinal, ; for Alexander had to contend with neither
the furious tides and the boisterous waves of an ocean,
nor the impetuous current of a mighty river, since all
his operations were carried on in a tideless, and, during
the summer months, quiet, land-locked sea. Nor can
the billows of the Eastern Mediterranean [the Levant,
or more definitely speaking the Syrian Sea] be consid-
ered as anything like such antagonists as the mountain
waves of the ocean in one of its most boisterous re-
cesses, the Bay of Biscay, renowned for its tempests and
surges; or as those of one of its most turbulent arms,
the English Channel.

Six months of exertions, unsurpassed in their severity,
were required to complete the Cardinal’s dyke, which
was constructed with piles, enormous stones, and sunk-
en vessels loaded with ballast, planted, cemented, bound
and wedged together into such solidity as to be able to
resist the utmost efforts of man and nature, at a point
where the Atlantic rolls in with unusual violence after
a sweep of four thousand miles. This Herculean labor
was nearly eight furlongs in length, across a deep chan-
nel 4,760 feet wide, elevated above the reach of the
highest tides and sloped inwards like a glacis, from a
71

base or width at the bottom of about eighty feet, to the
top, which afforded a level passage twenty-six feet to
thirty feet in breadth.

What is more, the embankment of Alexander was a
military causeway, simply connecting the island of Tyre
with the main land, rather than a dyke or mole, since
when reduced to extremities a large portion of the in-
habitants dispatched by sea, without impediment, their
wives and families to Carthage.

The mole of Constantius, however, was a complete
antecedent of that of Richelieu. Its execution required
the utmost efforts of the engineering art, since, like the
Closure of Rochelle, it had to be thrown across a harbor,
bay, or estuary, in defiance of one of the most bois-
terous seas, and exposed, like the conception of the
priest-general and cardinal-engineer, to the wild-
est assaults of the Atlantic, driven in by a westerly or
southwesterly gale. The same materials entered into
its construction ; ‘‘a prodigious Number of large Trees,”
converted into piles, constituted the vertebrae of a fab-
ric whose ribs were enormous masses of granite, filled
in between with lesser stones and ballast, clamped, ce-
mented, and bound together with all the perfection of
Roman military-architecture.

What the harbor of Boulogne ( Gessoriacum, Portus
Morinorum Britannicus, the Bononia Oceanensis of Con-
stans,) was at the close of the third century, we have
but little means of ascertaining. At this day it is a
tide harbor on the estuary ofa small stream, the Liane.
The changes which this part of the coast have under-
gone are so immense, that it is impossible to judge
—from present appearances—of the amount or location
of the besiegers’ labors. The dyke must have been an
important work, or it never would have had such terms
applied to it as are indulged in by Roman writers, ac-
72

customed to works of magnitude and magnificence. We
know that the Port Ouessant, or Witsand, about four
miles to the northward, just beyond Cap de Gris Nez
—the supposed Jtéus Portus of the Romans—(whence
Julius Cesar is said by some to have embarked for the
conquest of Britain—(although others will have Bou-
logne was the actual spot)—and where passengers from
England were accustomed to land for centuries)—has
long since been blocked up with sand. Similar depos-
ites must have sadly diminished the dimensions of the
‘harbor of Boulogne, (immediately off whose entrance
there is still a great depth of water, ) since the discovery
of aring to which the cables of vessels were fastened fur-
nishes good reasons to believe that the sea flowed up as far
as the feudal ramparts of the Old or Upper Town. Ifthis
were so, Gessoriacum must have been situated at the
bottom of a bay. It is well known with what earnest-
ness Philip II.,—although assured of the ports of Havre
and those of Brittany—coveted, from the first, the pos-
session of the harbor and roadstead (rade) of Boulogne
as a sure refuge, in case of necessity, for a division of
his ‘Armada,’ fitting out for the subjugation of England
and the United Provinces of Holland.

Although this sea-port ( Gessoriacwm) was of so much
importance in the days of Julius Cesar and his succes-
sors, writers upon the subject of ancient and medieval
geography are by no means decided with regard to its
claims to distinction, and even to its original and pre-
sent position.

Gessoriacum, or Bononia, known to the ANGLO-Sax-
ons as Bune—shortened by the same process of syn-
cope which abbreviated Carausius into Carron—is
located upon the “Table of Conrad Peutinger,” (1465-
1547,) exactly where we now find the Boulogne-Sur-
Mer, so much frequented by the English. This map,
73

whose author is unknown, affords a military representa-
tion of the greater part of the Western Empire in the
time of Theodosius the Great. Not satisfied, however,
with thisand general tradition, there are many who
confound Boulogne in the Boulognais with another
Boulogne, in the County of Guignes, much nearer to
Calais! The anonymous French translator of Pliny’s
Natural History, and author of the copious and labored
ethnological notes appended thereto, rejects the opin-
ions of all those in favor of Boulogne-sur-Mer, Bon-
ogne, Calais, Bruges (Brugge), Soac, &. &c., and as-
serts that Gessoriacum was Brique, or Brix, near
St. Josse, or Joos, in the environs of Montreuil. This
httle sea-coast town was distinguished from the num-
berless other places of the same name, as Brix-en-Josse.
But all Ads speculations—however correct those of
others may be—are scattered to the winds by a fact
of which he appears ta have been ignorant, namely,
that Josse—which he derives from Gess, the first syl-
lable of Gessoriacum—is the name of a Romish Saint,
son of Juthael, King of Brittany, who abandoned his
father’s court to enter the priesthood, founded several
monasteries, was canonized after his death, and has
his feast-day on the 13th December.

At all events, the work undertaken by Constantius
was at the mouth of the ancient bay, now reduced to
an estuary, for we learn that it occupied a very exposed
situation, and its establishment was rendered still more
hazardous by the tide which, at this point, rises from
eighteen to twenty-seven feet.

Of the army of Constantius, few or no reliable details
are at hand. Sufficient, however, is handed down to
convince us that it was extremely numerous and well-
appointed. Strong as it was, however, the Casar was
goon convinced that success was impossible as long as
74

CARAUSIUS remained the master of the sea, and was en-
abled at his pleasure to reinforce or change his garrison
—as was done at Ostend, 1601-1604, and at Stralsund,
162829. In fact, it was nothing but his own convic-
tion of the necessity of a dyke which drove him to
such an extreme recourse, for he soon perceived that
the Menapian monarch found the defence of his lines a
very light service, notwithstanding the assailants’ most
strenuous endeavors.

Meanwhile, Maximian was exerting his utmost powers
to create a third armada, and was fitting out a fleet of
one thousand sail in the naval arsenals on the Rhine, up
the river, beyond the territories of Caraustus, and too
remote to be injured or broken up by the expeditions
which he directed, from time to time, against the Ro-
man naval establishments and maritime settlements.
This, however, was a work of time, three years and up-
wards, and during their preparation events were oc-
curring in other quarters which now require investiga-
tion, to afford a commensurate idea of the projects of
Carausius, which were only just beginning to develop
themselves when the imperial power received a new
and more powerful impulse by the promotion of Con-
stantius Chlorus.

Twelve to fifteen years (4.p. 277-’80) before the period
of this action, the Emperor Probus had adopted the
policy of protecting the eastern and northeastern fron-
tiers of the empire, by transplanting thither colonies of
those northwestern races the most remarkable for man-
liness and military adaptabilities. Among these were a
body of Franks, whom he established upon the south-
ern shores of the Black Sea, to defend the frontier
against the irruptions of the Alan tribes, occupying in
a great measure that country which awakens so much
of our interest and sympathies under the name of Cir-
75

cassia, (once Georgia also,) or the Caucasus. Dissat-
isfied with their location, or moved to the most despe-
rate measures by nostalgia, they determined rather to
trust themselves to the mercies of an unknown sea than
waste their prowess in defence of a territory in whose
cultivation they had no interest, and for whose security
they had neither sympathy nor anxiety. In one of the
ports of the Euxine, west of the Phasis (Turkish, Fusch,)
or Rione [the country of the Golden Fleece |—most
likely that very Sinope, so noted as the scene of a
Russian fleet’s unjustifiable attack upon, and destruction
of, a Turkish squadron, expiated by the tenfold greater
loss of the Muscovites at Sebastopol—these Franks
made themselves master of a Roman fleet, and led by
Fate or Ate, sailed forth to explore a way by sea to
the countries bordering on the German Ocean. Impel-
led by favoring winds and the energies of their rowers,
they swept through the canal of Constantinople, the
sea of Marmora, and the Dardanelles, into the Grecian
Archipelago, plundering, ravaging and slaughtering
along the unsuspecting shores of Greece and Asia Mi-
nor ; thence they launched upon the broad expanse of
the Mediterranean, indulging their appetite for booty
and revenge by depredations not only upon the shores
of Europe but of Africa.

Next, Syracuse—which had put a period to the am-
bitious progress of Athens, and had witnessed, B. C. 413,
the destruction of its fleet in her harbor, and the defeat
of its army on her shores, (in the “Second Decisive
Battle of the World,”) and, subsequently, the overthrow
of more than one Carthagenian naval expedition—pro-
ved an easy prey to an enemy who fell upon her like
the stroke of the death-angel: truly a mortal stroke
—for the conquerors massacred almost the entire popu-
lation.
76
Bidding adieu to Sicily, onwards sped the Frank ar-
mada ;

—breath’d a short curse of blood”

upon the Mauritanian and Hispanian coasts; without a
pause, without a tremor, passed those ‘“ultime Thules”
which guard the Herculean Straits, trusted themselves
to the rough Atlantic, not ruder than themselves, and
plying oar and crowding sail, held on towards the north
until the glistening dunes of Holland welcomed them to
a land of kindred speech or cognate race.

Such were the daring men whom the Menapian di-
plomatist and hero had won to his alliance.

Once more, from that dark sea along which Probus
settled them, in hopes that they would prove an anti-
dote to the poison of the aboriginal tribes, they issued
forth into the summer Mediterranean. In pursuance of
their league with the Hollandish Emperor, while Con-
stantius was preparing to attack him in Armorica, they
had “equipped another Fleet as numerous as the for-
mer, and came down again to the Streights of Gades,
with intent to proceed round and join his Fleet in the
British Ocean. Never was a greater Terrour spread
throughout the Roman Empire; for there was no safety
in any Place where these Pirates could have Access with
their Ships: So that Trade and Merchandise lay dead;
for if, in Summer, the Season for Navigation, they ad-
ventured to Sea, they could go nowhere without falling
into the Hands of the Barbarians, and if in Winter,
they became a Sacrifice to the Winds and Storms, tho’
of the two the latter were the gentler Enemies: nor is
it to be doubted that ifa Junction of the two Fleets
had happen’d, pursuant to the Project between Carau-
stus and the Franks, it would have given a terrible
Shock to the Roman Power.”

Thus—while the Franks made the islands and shores
17

of the Mediterranean one universal earthly Valhalla,
and revelled in the horror they inspired within sight of
the imperial city,—Constantius was completing that
stupendous mole which was soon to intercept all hopes
of relief, and end the career of Caraustus by his cap-
ture in the beleagured city, or compel him to take re-
fuge in his island sovereignty and upon the deck of his
admiral’s galley (navis preetoria). At the same time
the Casar was urging on Maximian to complete his
naval armaments, without which, however victorious
on the land, each hour brought new and greater perils
to the empire from the sea.

Still, continuing his defence with all his native ob-
stinacy, the Hollander-Augustus saw the arms of the
enormous dyke advancing from either point at the
mouth of the harbor, drawing nearer and nearer to that
final gripe, which, once achieved, would hug him to
death in the embrace of steel, oak and granite. Defi-
ant of the waves which burst upon it with such vehe-
mence, its horns advanced,

“And inch by inch, and foot by foot,
The dykes rose up and firm took root.”

In vain, at the head of chosen troops, he made the
most desperate efforts to interrupt the work and force
the Romans to break up the siege, striving by furious
but unsuccessful sallies to effect his purpose. At length
so close together had the ends of the mole drawn near,
that scarcely space remained for the passage of a single
vessel. No time was to be lost. The surrender of
Boulogne would make his case no worse than when he
first determined to defy the empire, but to be taken
prisoner himself ended the whole.

Just at this moment, one of those sudden and terrific
storms which sweep at intervals along the shores of the
Channel, as if the wing of the destroying angel beat
78

upon the very surface of its deeps, burst upon the Ar-
morican coast. To the sea-born Hollander, the fury of
the tempest had been his nursing-mother; the breath
of the gale had only sped him on to fame. and power,
and the foam-crested waves, phosphorescent in their
ire, had been the coursers he had ridden in his race for
the Augustan prize. Drenched by the surges which
broke upon the new construction of Constantius, and
made its massive structure reel like a Cyclopean wall,
when underneath an earthquake stirs the soil, the Ro-
man guards took refuge on the solid earth, and trusted
to the storm to do their duty,—to bar all succor from
without and pen up those within.
“The Spirits of the mighty Sea
To-night are ’wakened from their dreams,
And upwards to the tempest flee,
Baring their foreheads where the gleams
Of lightning run, and thunders cry,
Rushing and raining through the sky !
* ok * *
Behold ! like millions massed in battle,
The trembling billows headlong go,
Lashing the barren deeps, which rattle
In mighty transport till they grow
All fruitful in their rocky home,
And burst from frenzy into foam.”

That night, when the howling of the jubilant winds
responded to the roaring of the tormented waters, Ca-
RAUSIUS, amid the pitchy darkness, committed his for-
tunes to the waves. Followed by only a few but gal-
lant friends, he broke through the Roman camp, threw
himself into a small but seaworthy vessel, passed as it
were through the jaws of destruction, gained the open
sea by the unfinished interval in the mole, and soon
found himself on board of one of his “Frigates”—of
which a number had been continually hovering about,
in hopes of affording him assistance—and passed over
into England.
79

Regretted flight: that night the storm, more faithful
than his hopes, broke through the Roman mole, swept
off the work of months, and left the port of Boulogne
once more completely open. Too late to act upon
it, this news was brought to England, and thus his
fault—if fault it can be called—gave to Constantius
that success denied his labors and his arms. Deserted
by its Emperor, Boulogne surrendered, and with the
fortress a large proportion of the Menapians’ naval
strength fell into the Ceesar’s hands.

With bitter anguish, the Hollander-Augustus found
it impossible to put to sea at once. Whether the storm
which favored his escape and fought his battle on the
coast of Gaul, shattered his naval preparations in the
English ports, or forced his armaments to seek for re-
fuge in such distant harbors that they required a longer
period than the crisis admitted to repair, refit, revictual,
and rejoin him, we are not told. In war, an hour is
often more important than anarmy. Trifles in appear-
ance, moments misapplied, decide the fate of empires.
For a brief space, his energies were paralyzed,—Ca-
ravsivs lost the hour, and that hour’s loss involved the
ruin of hisallies. Whether his genius could have com-
pensated for the accident, was never tested—Fate for-
bade the trial, and her scales inclined towards the Ce-
sar. We, Christians, must believe the destinies of man
were thenceforth trusted to the happier hand of Con-
stantine the Great's great father.

The next propitious wind brought to Boulogne Max-
imian’s mighty fleet, one thousand strong. To it Con-
stantius added that which he had captured, as well as
several minor squadrons, built or maintained elsewhere,
and assembled, with the greatest expedition, all that
the Romans had preserved. Bowlogne—its defenses re-
established—received a trusty garrison. Then, dis-
80

posing several squadrons, under his ablest officers, along
the coasts of Gaul and Spain, as far to the south as
Cadiz—in order, if possible, to prevent CaRrausius
from re-uniting the fleets he had at sea, or at all
events impede their combination until his present
plans had been accomplished—Constantius sailed against
the Franks, who had already passed the Straits of
Gibraltar.

In the course of a few days, the hostile armaments
drew near each other. First, by slight skirmishes, the
Roman leader tried his enemy’s strength, and made
himself acquainted with their tactics, and then attack-
ed them with his combined fleet.

In the terrible engagement which ensued, Constan-
tius gave the Franks so absolute and entire a defeat
that in the battle and the fierce pursuit, such was the
carnage and the vast destruction, that not a Frank es-
caped. Soruns the tale, which we interpret, that of the
Ceesar’s opponents only a few shattered vessels survived
to bear abroad and home the news of one of the com-
pletest naval victories the sea has ever witnessed.

A naval battle in the third century, and throughout
all ages before the introduction of artillery and fire-
arms, was a far different affair from what it is at pre-
sent. There were more bloodshed and destruction, less
noise and manceuvering, no smoke and no mercy. Lv-
ery thing was visible from the first marshalling of the
navies until the waves swallowed up the wrecks, and
the victors sailed from the scene of their triumph. The
vessels, too, presented a perfect contrast to those of our
day. There were, comparatively, none of the masts,
spars and rigging which add such grace and majesty
to modern vessels, particularly when draped with sails.
Picture to yourself, reader, a North River barge drifting
down the river with two immense square sails set on
81

two of its masts, designed for other purposes, and you
have a faint idea of what a trireme looked like when
under sail. The barge, however, seems more ship-
shape than the trireme, for it is destitute of the latter’s
towers, beaks, ap/ustre, ornaments, and junk-like stern.
Speaking of junks, a symmetrical Chinese naval-vessel
would not be an inapt comparison to many of the Ro-
man war-ships, waich were often from two hundred
and fifty to five hundred and even a thousand tons bur-
then. Although unwieldy and awkward, they could,
nevertheless, work to windward better than we gener-
ally imagine, and before. the wind they were often
very clippers. From one hundred to one hundred and
fifty and even two hundred miles, was by no means an
unusual run, with a fair wind, for an ordinary sailer ;
fast sailers making as many as two hundred and fifty ;
but this last was extraordinary, ‘and presupposed a
strong leading wind. In storms, however, and on a
lee shore, an ancient ship was a helpless craft.

The manceuvering in action was simplicity itself.
When the two opposing forces had approached. so near
each other that an action was inevitable, both of
them assumed one or another of two or three custom-
ary orders of battle, generally a concave line or half-
moon, with the largest ships in the centre and the light-
er vessels on the wings, while others formed a reserve.
This was the very formation—a crescent seven miles
from point to point—which the “Invincible Armada”
presented when it appeared inthe Channel. At Lepanto,
the Christians formed what answered to a convex, the
Turks the reverse, what appeared a concave, line of bat-
tle. This latter great engagement was the last fought
according to the rules of ancient tactics.

Sometimes the assailants were drawn up in the form
of a wedge, and those fesalves upon defensive mea-
82
sures assumed the shape of a circle. Then the sails
were furled, the rigging adjusted, the decks cleared,
and everything made snug for action. No engagement
was thought of in any but calm weather. Generally
the last thing before the fighting commenced, the Tha-
lassiarch or Admiral (Coptarcum Navatium PR&FECTUS
seu Legatus,—CariTaNets rT Custos MARIS :—or Dux
PR&FECTUSQUE CLASSIS), xiiled through the fleet in a
lively vessel (navis. actuariu, vectoria sew Liburna), or
was rowed through in his barge or galley—(Liburna,
lembus seu phaselus ?) in order to address the crews
of the different divisions, or even individual ships, with
speeches or remarks appropriate to each. When the
commander-in-chief had returned on board his flag-
ship (Navis preetoria), the signal for action was given
by displaying a red flag, whereupon the trumpets
throughout the fleet sounded responsive to those on
board the admiral, and the crews shoufed with all their
might. Then the huge row-boats—from fifty to even
a thousand tons measurement—were propelled against
other by the force of oars--manned in a quinquireme by
four hundred rowers—for the purpose of sinking or dis-
abling each other by the shock, or—by sweeping off the
oars—of rendering each other unmanageable. The
great art was to succeed in striking an adversary with
the bows ( prora), or rather beak (rostrum), sheathed
in brass and pointed with iron, and strengthened for
such aggression, in his weakest part, amid-ships. Mean-
while the soldiers, often regularly-enlisted marines,
plied each other with stones and missile weapons of all
kinds. Sometimes the vessels grappled at once, and
then, as soon as they were chained or lashed together,
it became a hand to hand fight upon so many separate
little stages; at others, they employed fire-ships, or
threw combustibles, often so successfully that the great-
83

er part of the worsted fleet was burned. Victory once
assured, the wrecks were abandoned, and, amid shouts,
songs of victory, and triumphant music, the victors
sought the nearest ports to refit, and celebrate their
success.

This catastrophe of his allies compelled Caravstus
to restrain his efforts at sea, until he could augment his
naval strength sufticiently to cope with that of the tri-
umphant Cesar, without a chance of disaster ; for, while
the Romans could -afford to jeopardize their fleet, the
Menapian monarch felt that after the armaments of the
Franks were destroyed, his safety and dominion de-
pended upon the preserving his own and sustaining his
maritime resources. That he speedily succeeded in ac-
complishing a labor so enormous as making good what
the sea had swallowed up, is expressly stated by several
historians. There is every, and the best, reason to
believe that they have not erred, because, according to
the most reliable authorities, three to four years elapsed
before the Roman emperors dreamed of attempting the
invasion of the British island, and in the campaign
which ensued, Carausius transported troops into Hol-
landia, to defend his native land, Menapia, and conti-
nental territory upon the Schelde, Maas, and Rhine.
With regard to all these facts, there seems but little
doubt ; but as to dates, there is a vast discrepancy.
Some place the invasion of Hollandia, which follows in
the story, prior to the Czsar’s naval victory over the
Franks, near Cadiz, a port most famous in Great Brit-
ain’s naval history—as well as the equally illustrious
maritime chronicles of #ollan)X—far more than one
glorious sea-fight, the last, the greatest, Trafalgar.

From his victory off Cadiz, Constantius sailed back
to Boulogne, whence he issued orders for the building
of more ships, and thence set out to attack the people
R4
of Hollandia, whence Caraustus had derived his great-,
est naval reinforcements of personnel as well as materiel.

While Constantius was at sea, Maximian guarded the
Roman naval arsenals and possessions upon the old (or
original) Rhine—of which, however, there was but one
immediately upon the coast of the Netherlands, that
in the Batavian island, near Leyden. Thence to Bon-
logne, the Menapian flag acknowledged no rival en-
sign. The Augustus now gave place to the Cesar, who
assumed the supreme direction of the war, and marched
against the Menapz, the Salian-Franks, the Cauez, the
Frisians, aid the other inhabitants of the neighboring
countries along the Schelde, and the diverging outlets
(delta) of the Rhine, who had always been prompt to
assist Caravsrus to the best of their abilities.

How far, however, the Roman leader actually pene-

-trated into what is properly the territory of Holland,
we can learn nothing to a certainty, but we can readily
discover, not only that he did not conquer the Menap7t,
the countrymen and subjects of Carausius, but that our
hero, in this Batavian Campaign, won the highest
reward and honor which the Romans accorded—the
civic crown (corona civica) bestowed upon that happy
individual who had saved the life of a fellow citizen, as
well as the crown (graminea corona obsidionalis)
given to the general who had delivered a blockaded
army. We shall soon see that the Menapian monarch
not only saved his nation and their allies from the
sword, but won laurels on his native soil, which more
than compensated for the loss of Boulogne.

We have now arrived at a momentous epoch in the
history of folland. As a general thing, the Netherlander
glories in tracing back his national lineage to the Batavi.
Schiller—likewise many another writer less famous,
but equally reliable, if not more so,than he—connects the
85

greatness of the people of the United Provinces with the
glory of the Batavians, and draws a parallel between
the revolt of Crviuis and the revolution whose tiller felt
the instant grasp of the stern but generous William the
Tacrrury. For three centuries and a half the Batavi
occupied an eminent position and were the cynosure
of the military world. Czesar found them a nation of
warriors, and the whole empire acknowledged their
manly merit. At the date of this historical sketch,
they had fallen in a measure from their high estate and
were a doomed race. Their opposition to Carausius
and adherence to his opponent, led to their immediate
punishment at his hands—a punishment which amount-
ed to national annihilation. The REAL STEM o7 STOCK
—(Stam, Dutch; Stemn, Anglo-Saxon,)—of the fjol-
lander race, was the flenapian tribe. This is a startling
assertion to the majority of readers, but time and in-
vestigation have evolved stranger truths, and to make
this one apparent to all nothing is necessary but the
sifting of historical facts, and the simple presentation
of aclear and unbroken chain of evidence.

This investigation—of the original location, peculiar
characteristics, and serial history of the Mrnapm—has
only been deferred until now, by a dread of wearying
areader who did not belong to, or spring from, the
Hollandish race, by a long dissertation upon the early
settlement of the United Provinces.

Thus, the remarks, in this connection, have not: fol-
lowed in regular order, but are interspersed among the
other matter, on the principle that many who would
not undertake to ford a wide and deep stream, would
not hesitate to wade through one or more little brooks
divided from each other by a pleasant stroll through an
agreeable intervale. The sixteen pages immediately fol-
lowing this signet are devoted to the Menarran at home,
86

and his neighbors, and present facts which are not to
to be found compiled and collaborated in any one other
author.

Although the Roman empire nominally embraced
the whole of Europe west of the Weser and south of
the Danube, there was one portion over which they
never exercised an actual recognized jurisdiction, and
into which they never penetrated ; that extraordinary
Free Saxon archipelago at the mouths of the Maas and
the Schelde.

Lone, in one of his contributions to Smith’s Greek
and Roman Geography, remarks, that modern discov-
eries show how little we know of the Roman history
of the Netherlands. It is almost impossible, amid the
conflicting statements and deductions with regard to
the exact localities of the tribes of the Low Countries,
to arrive at any conclusion sufficiently satisfactory to
resist the donbts which crowd in upon farther investi-
gation. Our principal attention will be devoted to the
immediate subject of this history, for were not our re-
marks restricted as much as possible thereto, they would
exceed not only the limits of the intended work but
exhaust the patience of the most indulgent readers.

With this explanation, let us proceed with the exam-
ination of what seem the most authentic relations.

From Boulogne (Portus Gessoriacum, afterwards
Bononia,) to Tongres [ (Atuatuca) the capital of the
Tungri,| there are still traces of one of those military
roads which constituted, in a greater degree than any
other one element, the basis of the Roman power.
Take as a base this via, extending one hundred
and eighty to two hundred English miles—through Cas-
sel (Castellum Morinorum), Tournay (Turnacum), and
Bavai (Bagacum—the great centre of the eight
diverging Belgo-Gallic causeways)—to the latter ter-
87

minus, Tongres, or an air-line laid out in a direc-
tion a little north of east, and thence north-north-
east, to the mouth of the Ems (Amzsia), in a straight
line, is about one hundred and ninety miles. These
two lines with the North Sea enclose a triangle which
embraces the greater part of the kingdoms of Belgium
and the Netherlands, or §olland. Within the whole of
the latter, andthe maritime districts of the former, the
actual power and almost the entire administrative influ-
ence of the Romans were confined to the immediate
banks of the Rhine, or the narrow limits of those lines
which, nightly constructed about their camps, have de-
noted to’ subsequent ages the locations, however transi-
tory, of their armies.

Few countries have undergone greater physical
changes, by the action of the waters, than the Nether-
lands; and from the mouth of the Maas to the mouth
of the Hms, there is scarcely any resemblance between
its ancient and present topographical aspects. What
was then the firmest land is now the deepest sea;
where the Jssala or Flevus afforded a natural fluvial
outlet to the canal of Drusus (nabalia), now roll the
furious waves of the Vitestroom, and where the Canzn-
efates bred and exercised a famous race of horses, and
disciplined their youth into a magnificent cavalry,
fleets have contested the empire of the ocean, and fish-
ermen for upwards of fourteen centuries have exercised
a perilous calling.

Roman historians constantly speak of their harbors
( portt), naval-depots (cothones, &c.), and arsenals (na-
valia), upon the Rhine and other Gallic and German
streams, and we have seen Maximian twice building and
fitting out enormous fleets upon the former river. This
must not mislead us, and induce us to suppose that
these establishments were immediately adjacent to the
88

ocean. Far from it; the Romans might easily be mas-
ters of the course of a large river, without possessing
a foot of land on either bank. What injury could a body
of the bravest men, armed with bows and arrows, darts
and slings, inflict upon the crew of a steamboat upon
the Connecticut, Kennebec, or North River above
Hudson, or effect to prevent her passage. The war-
ships of the ancients held on their course without re-
gard to the wind. They were steamboats in one sense,
for a mass of human beings supplied a complicated
machinery, whose united power was applied directly
to the propellers or to the oars, which represented the
side wheels.

Thus Tiberius, who succeeded to Drusus, sailed tri-
umphantly, up the Hibe, with a fleet transporting a
numerous army, but hazarded no attack upon the col-
lected warriors who lined the northern bank, and con-
templated his passage with indignant wonder.

Again, the Lower Rhine, as we recognize it upon
the map, was not the Rhine of the time of Caratstus.
After its junction with the Waal, it supplied the latter
with a majority of its waters, but found its way on into
the German Ocean by a direct and rapid current—
flowing beneath the ramparts of Leyden ( Lugdunwm
Batavorum)—which, gradually, in the course of centu-
ries, grew more and more inconsiderable, until in time
it was lost in the Lech, or was absorbed in «a waste of
sand. In A. D. 840, a violent tempest heaped up such
an impenetrable dam of sand as closed that mouth of
the river, and, setting back the water, converted the
whole district into a hot-bed of contagion. In 1809,
the Dutch government confided the remedy of this evil
to an engineer named Conrad, who relieved the diff-
culty by a canal and gigantic sluice-gates, through
which the “Old” Rhine, once freighted with navies.
89

now makes its humble exit into the sea at Katwyk,—
(Cattorum Vicus, i. e. Village of the Catt? or Chattd,
the presumed ancestors of the Batavi)—eight miles
west of Leyden.

Besides this, its direct, central outlet, which alone
retained the name of Rhine, and its southern [ Helium
or Ostium Mose], through: the Waal and the Maas,
the great river of Germany possessed a third—the
Crooked [hromme,Ger.; Crumb, Ang. Sax. | Rhine, which
—although this title is inappropriately applied to the
whole of the first—branching off from that, the (Old)
Rhine proper, at Zrajectum (Utrecht), assumed the name
of the Vedrus (Vecht), and fell into the Flevo Lake at
its southern extremity.

_An hypothesis exists with regard to the Vecht, that
it issued forth from the lake again and entered the
North Sea by an ancient mouth at Hondsbossche, a little
to the north of Alkmaar, previous to the formation of
the Zuyder Zee.

A fourth, now fifth, branch, was, in fact, a mag-
nificent military or naval canal [navalia], constructed
B. C., about [9 ?] 20, by Drusus, the father of German-
icus, which diverted a portion of the Rhine waters into
the Issala, now Yssel. Beyond the point of junction,
this stream, resembling the Danish Hyder, opened into
the Flevo lake, whose bottom is now the bed of part of
the Zuyder Zee, and subsequently contracting again
into a narrow channel, re-assumed the title of #/evus or
Issala, and emptied in the ocean about the point where
we now find the Vé/e or western strait of the Wadden,
or Wadt, sometimes styled the Am«alunde passage.
This Flevum Ostium was defended by a castle, called
Flevum Castellum, erected by Drusus, who, by the
canal, lake and river. just above mentioned, issued
forth into the North Sea, and thence again, entering
90

the mouths of the Hms and the Weser, found an ,easy
passage into the interior of Germany. This distinguish-
ed Roman issaid to have attained that cradle of storms,
the Skaw, the fearful northern extremity of Jutland,
even yet the terror of mariners; and his son, German-
icus, many years after, attempted the same expedition
with a thousand sail, but encountered a _ terrific storm,
which sent a large number of his vessels to the bottom,
and ended the attempt in gloom and disaster. The
extent of this voyage, however, is very apocryphal.

Speaking of the Skaw or Scagen, von Buch assures
us that running down the coast—in the first years of
the current century—for seventy-three miles, it—the
northern extremity of the Danish peninsula—looked as
if hedged in with an alley or range of palisades, com-
posed of thousands of masts and skeletons of vessels;
while, in the distance, he saw interminable rows of
stranded craft. About this time three English ships of
the line were wrecked off this point, and upwards of
two thousand men, composing nearly the whole of their
crews, perished.

In Doesburg, at the confluence of the Old and Néw
Yssel, we find another memento of Drusus, the great
canal digger, since that town is said to have derived
its name from Are Drustana, another fortress built by
his orders, to protect his new and important water
communication, which entered the Yssel [Jssale] at
Isselsort or Arnheim.

Upon the second or southern branch of the Rhine—
now the Waal—the Romans, properly, had no settle-
ment below Mimuegen | Noviomagus|, about ninety
miles from the sea. Batavian as much as Roman, how-
ever, this city ranked as the capital of the Batavian
native race. Midway between this point and the
ocean, near the Gorcwm., on the north bank, opposite
91

the junction of the Maas and the Waal, the Batavi had
a small settlement called Grinnes.

From the north mouth of the Maas southwards to the
Zwin, within the district occupied by the present Pro-
vince of Zeeland, almost the whole of Noord Brabant,
certainly all to the west of the Dommel, and the Zuid
[South] §ollaud archipelago, the Romans never enter-
ed as conquerors, and rarely under any circumstances,
except as envoys or prisoners. This was the home
proper, the Darerland, of the senapii, a powerful, com-
mercial and independent Saxon nation.

Upon the second or central branch, the Romans had
a grand naval depot at Leyden [ Lugdunum Batavorum|] ;
their only one upon the North Sea, with the exception
of Boulogne. It is very doubtful, however, if they
possessed any other permanent establishments between
the Maas and the Old Rhine, in the country of the
Batavi,except at Utrecht [Trajectum Rheni] and at Voor-
burg [Forum Hadriani], now, or near, the Hague
[or Harlem ?].

A few other towns or settlements are noted, but they
may have been military posts of the organized Batavian
contingents, although cited by Anthon as cities of the
Batavi and Caninefates.

Besides those places mentioned elsewhere, we find
Roemburg [Pretorum Agrippine ], on the Old Rhine ;
Delft [Table or Delphi]; Gouda [Vada]; Utrecht
[Trajectum—Vetus] ; Arnheim [Arenatium or Arena-
cum]; Wyck bie Duurstede |[Batavodurum]; and
Battenburg [Batavorum Oppidum ].

Mons. Dewez, author of an elaborate work, the ‘‘His-
toire Generale de la Belgique depuis la Conquete de
Cesar,’ enumerates only seventeen towns—which could
pass for “‘villes”——as existing in the Netherlands prior
to the Vth Century.
92

In Zeeland Domburg is the only one mentioned; in
Gollaud, Leyden (Lugdunwm Batavorum) and Vlaardin-
gen (Flentum); in Utrecht, Wijck bie Duurstede
(Dorestatwn or Batavodurum) ; in Gueldres, Nimwe-
gen (Noviomagus), of the IVth Century, Wessel
(Castellum Menapiorum) of the Id Century ; Malburg
(Castra Herculis), Burginiactum or Quadriburgium,
of the IVth Century, and Batenburg (Batavorwm Op-
pidum); in Luxemburg, Nassogne (Nassoniacum) of
the IVth Century; in Liege, Tongres [_Atuatuca| of the
Ist Century ; Hui [ Huywm] of the Id Century ; in
Brabant, Maestricht [ 7rajectam—Mosce] ; in Flanders,
Cassel | Castellim Marionorum], Tournai [Turnacum] ;
in Hainault, Bavai [Bagacum] of the L-IId Ceutury ;
and in Artois, Arras [Neweracum] of the Ist Century.

In like manner that the eastern territory.of the Ba-
tavi was rendered memorable by the Fossa Drusi, the
western—which, according to some, was inhabited by
the Marsaci—was intersected by the canal of Corbulo
—a channel—twenty-three miles Jong—which that
distinguished general of Claudius compelled his legions
to excavate parallel with the seashore, between the
Maas [Helium] and the Old Rhine, toserve as a vast
drain, rather than a water-communication. It ran
from Leyden, past Delft to Maasland-Sluys, near
Viaardingen [Flenium] on the Maas, below Rotter-
dam.

Our wonderful scholar, Professor Anthon, reads dif-
ferently with regard to this work, in his System of
Ancient and Medieval Geography. He makes it about
fifty miles in length, commencing at Wijck bie Duur-
stede, and ending in the Maas, about eight miles above
Rotterdam. “The Lech, or middle branch of the
Rhine, was originally also a canal (Fossa Corbulonis,)—
made by the oman general Corbulo ; and it cxisted
93

as such to A. D. 829, when the bed was greatly enlar-
ged by an inundation ; and thus it became the princi-
pal river, while the true Rhine was reduced to insig-
nificance.”

Beyond the farthest:eastern limits of the Batavi and
HMlenaypii, forty miles above Nimwegen, the Romans es-
tablished a very strong military post, where Julius Ce-
sar is said to have first built afort, called Vetera Castra,
(Castra Ulpia, now the town of Drich ?), near Santen,
or Xanten—in the Duchy of Cleves—still very near—
for the ancient bed is distinctly traceable—but then
upon the Rhine. The capture of this station—intend-
ed to overawe the neighboring people—by Civilis was
one of the most glorious achievements of that illustri-
ous Hollander-admiral as well as general of the first
century.

About 25 miles farther up the river, the Romans
had another station, whose original name, Asciburgium
—derived from two German words, “Ask’—lAnglo-
Saxon ‘“‘Cisc,” a light craft, impelled by oars and sails
—sometimes rendered ‘‘a pirate” ]—a vessel—a ship ;
and “Bure,” a town—is still retained in Asburg, 1. e.
Ship-town [Schiffburg]. Tradition—supported in a mea-
sure by actual proof—attributes the founding of this
town to the Greeks under Ulysses. Although the name
of the leader is no doubt fabulous, Hollandish writers
—as will be shown soon hereafter—maintain that their
islands were visited, if not colonized, by Greek navi-
gators. Some 25 miles on, the Romans had anoth-
er station, at Nova Castra, or Novesium, now Nuys or
Neuss, then upon, now distant a mile and a half from,
the Rhine. Its location was, doubtless, to protect the
bridge which Drusus threw across that river.

Forty-five miles farther ascent of the stream brings
us to our present journey’s end, or point of destination,
94

Colonia Agrippina, a prominent military colony, now
the famous city of Cologne [Woln]. In the Middle Ages,
it was often called the ‘Rome of the North.” From
about 1150 to about 1500, it was the most flourishing
city of Northern Europe, and one of the principal em-
poriums of the Hanseatic commercial League. In the
XIIth Century, all foreign vessels were compelled to
unload here, and reship their cargoes in those belong-
ing to thiscity. Without going into the details, which
are to be found in numerous agreeable works, it is suf-
ficient to say that there is very little doubt but that
this was the point where Maximian constructed and
fitted out a greater part of the fleets which operated
under, or against, Caravsics. Its distance from the
sea is not so much greater than that of Albany, Cal-
cutta, or New Orleans ; and there are men yet living
who say that they remember when [1790] the city of
Hudson owned a greater amount of tonnage than New
York. Within a very few years it, as well as Pough-
keepste, possessed a number of successful whalers. In
the XIth Century, a fleet sailed from the quais of Co-
logne to England, and in 1247, three hundred ships
were equipped alongside of them for the crusades.
Eoinnarp (IXth Century) styles it Ripuairie Metrop-
olts.

The decline of Cologne’s wonderful commercial pros-
perity was chiefly owing to the closing of the naviga-
tion of the Rhine, in the XVIth Century, by the Dutch
or Hollanders—descendants of the Menapii, country-
men and subjects of Canaustus—and its returning pros-
perity dates from the removal of the obstruction in
1837. Cologne now once more trades directly with
countries beyond the seas, and again sea-going vessels
are built in her long deserted shipyards.

This subject has been considered thus at length, in
95

order to explain how it was that Carausius could have
exercised dominion over the countries lying about the
southern mouths of the Rhine and Schelde, and com-
manded the mouths of those rivers, and yet Maximian
derive his greatest maritime strength from naval ar-
senals upon the former. Before the introduction
of artillery it was next to impossible to defend, from
the shore, the mouths of large navigable streams, and
for this very reason Constantius was compelled to exe-
cute a stupendous work, to close the entrance to the
harbors or mouth of the estuary or bay of Boulogne,
which could have been done as effectually at the pre-
sent time, by the establishment of one or two heavy
water batteries @ flewr d'eau, as he accomplished it by
his mole.

The next pertinent consideration is, who and what
were the continental subjects and immediate antagonists
of CaRAusIus.

In order to give a perfect understanding of the loca-
tion of the different nations or tribes lying along and
upon or near the North Sea, and mentioned in this con-
nection, the greatest pains have been taken to examine
every available authority of reputation. Readers, how-
ever, must remember that the Romans are the only his-
torians, in the original, who can be consulted with re-
gard to this period ; and every reflecting man is well
aware that an impartial history has yet to be written.
Even whena writer belongs to neither of the nations
whose wars he is investigating, his readers must be
dull who cannot readily discern to which party he in-
clines, and which side has the benefit of his partialities
and his prejudices. How much more unlikely is it to
expect that any Roman has done justice to the only
people who proved invincible to them, the hitherto
universal conquerors, and were equally blind to their
96

terrors and their blandishments; who defeated them
upon more than one occasion, and were so intractable
and indomitable that the imperial generals were appa-
rently always willing to purchase a peace by oblivion of
the past, provided the so styled rebels would only lay
down their arms, retire within their own, to the Romans,
miserable territory, and leave the imperial frontiers in
repose.

Thus Pliny—in the maina sensible man—considered
the introduction of Roman luxury was a sufficient com-
pensation for the galling pressure of a foreign yoke, and
stigmatizes the Cuaucr as a wretched people, because
they were contented with their primitive condition, and
would not submit to the loss of their liberty.

The honest Lucan breathes a far different spirit, and
recorded his testimony that rreepom found a refuge and
sanctuary beyond that Rhine whose floods, encircling the
natural citadels of the Menapt, rolled between the home
penetralia of the true Hollanders’ progenitors and their
would-be tyrants.

“Far from the guilt of civil war, and never to return,
Liberty sought for refuge ‘yond the Tigris and the Rhine.
Thenceforth deni'd to us (Ronans), though sought at risk of life.

LIBERTY! that German (Sapon) and Scythian (Scandinabian)
blessing /”

To which the noble Michelet responds:
“fjalland was the bulwark, the universal refuge and
salvation, (humanly speaking,) of the human race.”

With regard to the Belgi, it may be remarked with
propriety here, that they can scarcely be ranked among
the ancestors of the commercial Hollanders; although
they were the forefathers of the manliest people of Bel-
gium. Neither were they Celts or Gauls. There is
not the slightest doubt that the inhabitants of the Neth-
erlands, including the conterminous parts of Belgium,
are an exceedingly mixed race, but that mixture does
97

not consist of Gauls, but of Cymri (Kumri—Greek,) or
Cimbri, Cymbri, (Scandinavians,) and Germans.

First, commencing at the south, upon the Armoric
coast—a title derived from the Celtic Ar, ‘‘on” or
‘near,” and Mor, the ‘‘sea,”—below Boulogne, we find
ourselves in the country of the Morini, which extended
thence immediately along the Channel to the Zwin, or
present southern boundary of Zeeland. Their name
came likewise from the Celtic Mor, signifying the ‘sea,”
and denoted a people dwelling along the sea-coast.
Virgil calls them “‘extremi hominum,” because they
were the farthest people who acknowledged the Ro-
man sway. Whoever was master of the sea-coast was
master of them. Their territory answers to what we
recognize as the Department of the Pas de Calais, in
France, and West Flanders in Belgium. |

These Morini, who lay along the coast of Flanders or
Belgium, were akin to the ftlenapii, but totally distinct
—(at the time treated of, and in the Vth Century)—
from the Celtic or Gallic Belgi, whose northern line
Spruner, a most reliable authority, keeps, to a certain-
ty, to the south of Zeeland and ffolland, and in a great
measure to the south of the Belgic provinces of East
Flanders, Antwerp, and Brabant.

In the rear of these, the Morini, lay the Saran
Franks, who established themselves about the middle
of the third century, near Antwerp, Breda, and Bois le
duc. This German tribe, after passing the Rhine and
the Maas, found themselves opposed by all the different
nations who had been subjected from time to time by
the Romans. On the other hand, the Menaprans re-
ceived them as confederates, united their arms with
theirs, and enabled them to meet the shock of the im-
perial armies and their auxiliaries. The usurper, tyrant,

or emperor, for he is mentioned under all these titles,
7
98

Posthumus the Elder, who was a brave and able gen-
eral, whatever may have been his personal faults or
criminal policy, drove back the majority of the Franks,
who had crossed the Rhine, into their native hills and
forests, but was unable to drive out those who had be-
come in a degree incorporated with the Menapu.

That the confederation of the Franxs comprised the
Cuauct, is the best evidence of their generous spirit
and valor, for into these latter’s fastnesses the Romans
never penetrated, but on the contrary were contented
if they could restrain their irruptions.

Just along, but south of the small streams which
empty into the Zwin, some commentators locate the
Grup, near Tournay or Bruges, and south of them
and west of the Lys, the Levacr; but both doubt-
fully.

These are merely mentioned here, to show that the
writer is aware that they are sometimes located there-
abouts.

Second, the MENAPII. Jurrus Casar, whose Com-
mentaries contain the first reliable mention of them,
presents so few facts concerning their actual condition,
that, making our own deductions from his involuntary
admissions, we must believe he never penetrated be-
yond the frontiers of their territory. In many respects
they were a powerful people, possessing flocks and
herds, but more devoted to commerce than agricul-
ture.

They inhabited a small portion—the northern—of
East Flanders, Antwerp, Limbourg—being that part
of Belgium north of the Durme, Rupel, Demers, and a
line drawn from Hasselt to Ruremonde, or the junction
of the Maas and the Roer—and, in Holland, the prov-
inces of Zeeland, South Holland, south of the Maas
99

proper—Helium or Ostium (?) Moscee—North Brabant,
and that part of Utrecht between the Waal and the
Maas or [?] between the Lech and the Maas.

‘At Kessel, just above the union of the Maas and
Roer, they had a town or fortified post, called Castel-
lum Menapiorum, but they appeared to have lived, ac-
cording to the customs of the Germans, not in villages
or fenced towns, but in the woods and low grounds,
surrounded by noble water-courses, and also in their
ships.

The more a student and philosopher contemplates
the character of this people, the more he will be satis-
fied that they are the direct progenitors of those fjal-
landers who covered the sea with their fleets. The
same instinctive seamanship, the same half-agricultural,
half-nautical, tendencies, the same probity, simplicity,
energy, adventure and patriotism, mark every era of
the true Dutchman’s historic life.

The ancestors of the fjollanders and Zeelanders—this
fact cannot be too often repeated—of the commercial
element of the population of the United Provinces, of
that vital principle of the Netherland race, whose ac-
tivity, industry, sagacity and enterprise, produced such
miraculous results in after-times—were not, as is gen-
erally supposed, in a great measure, the Batav?, and, in
a very slight degree, the Belgc, but the tribe or nation
—lying between the other two—to whom the parents
and family of Caraustus belonged—the Thalassigonot
—(Sea-born)—Thalassobiotoc (Inhabitants on the Sea),
Thalassomothot (Fighters with the Sea), T’halassome-
dontes (Lords of the Sea), Thalassoporot (Traversecrs
of the Sea), MENATIIOI.

Of all the earth’s various children, these Hol-
landers and Zeelanders were Nature’s navigators,
100

NATURAL MARINERS; not so the boasting English. Born
as it were upon the sea,—for the sea penetrated their
land throughout with its saline streams, and, permea-
ting the soil, might be said to have borne it up in its
briny arms,—the Mevazwo were the offspring of that
element which seems the only fitting emblem of free-
dom.

The Batavians were as eminently a war-enjoying, as
the ftlenapians were a peace-loving, people. The gods
of the former were those common to all the states of an-
tiquity. The images of their deities present themselves
to our imagination invested with the military emblems
and surrounded with a sanguinary halo, whereas those
of the flenapii, like St. THEoporg, the original tutelar
saint of Venice, should be represented grasping the im-
plements of peace and industry in their right hands,
and the instruments of aggression in their left.

Saint Taropors, the patron Saint of Venice before
the adoption of the more notable Saint Mark, sur-
mounts one of the two magnificent granite columns in
its famous Piazzetta, holding his shield (defensive) in
his sgt hand, and his lance (aggressive) in his left.
Whereupon the French writer, AmELor pe La Hovs-
SAYE, remarks, with a sneer, that the blunder of the
statuary is a clear proof of the Republic’s unfamiliarity
with the use of arms, and symbolizes that its authorities
never made war of their own accord, nor with any
other object than the obtainment of an advantageous
peace. This intended satire undesignedly conveys
the highest praise, which is augmented by his subse-
quent assurance that the Venetians afterwards, and from
like pacific motives, substituted the evangelist Mark
for the soldier Turoporr. Such was ever the policy
of the Heads of the Dutch Republic. They took up
arms only to compel a sure pacification,even asthey burnt
101

the English ships and naval preparations in the hear-
ing, and almost in the sight of, London, to insure the
speedy conclusion of the peace of Breta; and when
they swept out their Romish superstitions, they retain-
ed an attachment and reverence only for St. NicHo.as,
(Santa Hlaas) to whom none but the gentlest attri-
butes have been assigned.

Strange as the fact is, of all the nations which have
ever existed, but one has estimated the military art and
its professors at their true value, and placed them fifth
(4th) in the scale of usefulness and honor. The Chinese,
whom we look upon as barbarians, are justified in view-
ing us—claiming to be Christians—as real barbarians ;
for we invariably accord the highest honors and the
richest rewards in the gift of our governments, not to
learning and usefulness but to successful soldiership.
This incapacity for correct judgment has operated in a
great measure to blind our eyes to the source from
whence, primarily, the true §ollanders, and, secondarily,
(through them,) the world, derived its true greatness.
Humanity, were it to understand, and, knowing, to
concede the truth, would attribute its progress, human-
ly speaking, to the Saxon—that race, who, however
slow may be their advance, never retrograde in what is
useful. Sailors by nature, or necessity if you will, they
apply to their acquisitions, mental and physical, one of
their nautical rules, and keep every inch that they gain,
hauling in upon the cable of profit and improvement.
They never neglect to take a turn and belay. To man’s
false estimate of worth we owe our ignorance of that
ancestral—Saron—root, of which we ought to be so
proud. Dazzled and enchanted by the magnificence of
the word-painting which—speaking to the imagination
—transcends the powers of the pencil, and yields only,
in too susceptible minds, to the harmonies of music—
102

we have been carried away by the attributes and ex-
ploits of the Batavi and Belge, and shut our eyes to
the less resplendent but more valuable achievements of
the ftlenapii. While the Batavi—fighting in a cause
the most opposed to the interests of their own race, were
conquering for despotism at Pharsalia—were overcom-
ing the most warlike peoples by their gallant demeanor,
even more than by their arms; were bearing to the
extremities of the Roman Empire ensigns before which
the Roman eagle had been forced to fall back; were
swimming, on horseback and in their armor, the mighti-
est rivers, in the ardent pursuit of glory; and were
guarding Rome's imperial habitation,—the ftlenapii
were working out the problem to which the Saxon
mind has devoted itself since the formation of society,---
the acquisition of comfort and wealth, the development
of industry, commerce and agriculture. War was often
and equally a business with the Saxon, it is true, but a
far different war from that which allured the Gaul and
his collaterals. When necessity compelled, or violated
rights demanded, the recourse to arms, (fHagt) he in-
dulged in the bloody game of his brother nations—the
chase of men—but this was always a secondary or un-
natural excitement. His war was with nature, his an-
tagonists were the elements. He crossed rivers and
even seas no less courageously, not however to rush
into the battle-field, but to acquire riches. He labored
at the trench or on the rampart no less laboriously, but
not to fence in the strongholds of despotism—-no! his
defences—marvellous in conception and execution—
were planned and built to keep out invaders worse than
men—the life-destroying waves and the devastating
inundation.

That low, humid, unsubstantial corner of Europe,
without natural boundaries, whose [sorereyn| limits
103

have advanced or receded in obedience to diplomacy
and the sword, or the action of the ocean; whose soil
—at once fertilized and menaced by the sea—seems
rather to float like a scum upon the waters than to con-
stitute another and more solid element, and its remotest
dependencies its dyke-environed archipelago—that hol.
low country, that bottomless land, that amphibious ter-
ritory—of which Piiny admitted the uncertainty wheth-
er it could be cited as a fief of the land or the sea—
gave birth or afforded a sanctuary to a people who,
since the earliest ages, have slowly but swrely advanced
step by step in civilization, and never since their first
effort have made a retrograde movement in their won-
derful career of individual and national greatness.

First taught to walk upon a soil which, according to
Eoumentvs, did not afford a spot. of ground that did not
yield beneath the step of man, no mortals ever trode
this earth with such a firm and adventurous foot as the
Hollander and Zeelander. Strange as it would seem,
while endued with almost the powers and instincts of
the amphibii which once frequented their coast—and
whose pursuit afterwards constituted some of the chief
bases of their riches and renown, they united to them
other and the most opposite qualities. To talents for
navigation and commerce, they added the most enlight-
ened conceptions of the dignified and beneficial influ-
ences of agriculture; and while with one hand they
swept into their garners the harvests of the rolling
main,-with the other they collected the no less valued
and more necessary harvests of the land. Unlike their
restless and excitable neighbors, the Walloons (Belge)
who, prone to war, have been the mercenaries and myr-
midons of Spain, of Austria, and of the Papal powers,
for centuries, the §ollander and Zeelander, with greater
(true) courage, coolness, strength and endurance, have
104

never shown an instinct, or manifested any acquired
taste, for the bloody and ambitious game of war. Yet
with all his aversion to arms as a profession, Freedom
has ever found in the é¢rwe §ollander her best, her readi-
est, and her most unfaltering, champion. And the
world owes its acquaintance with the smiling line-
aments of fully-developed liberty and happiness, to
the rough but honest nursing of those men who never
learned to yield, and never yielded.

Many books have been written with regard to the
fjollander and Zeelander, yet none have laid before the
world succinctly, have eliminated or elucidated, those
truths which constitute the elements and characteristics
of their real greatness.

Back, back, in that vast solitude and desolation,
where now the richest fields and the noblest marts, the
stateliest wonders of the architect and the most start-
ling efforts of the engineer, excite the admiration of
the stranger—beyond a date when antiquity had raised
its rudest monuments, and history could scarcely fuid a
vestige of corroborated evidence whereon to base her
narrative—all, however little, that has been discovered,
tends to prove that the Hollanders’ ancestry were free-
men, and would be so, and what is more than this, that
they were industrious, agricultural, and commercial.

Planted upon the sand hills (Duinen), or perched upon
lofty stakes, nestling in little cabins, raised above the
reach of the highest tides, amid the flood they seemed
like mariners afloat: after the ebb, like navigators
stranded. Yet Casar found this barbarous (?)—and, to
the Romans, poor and wretched, but fearless—tribe
invincible ; and when the greatest conqueror which
Rome ever produced swept like a flood over the war-
like clans which interposed between the Roman power
and the low shores of the North Sea, they discovered

 
105

upon that—to them—dismal coast, a people, who, ig-
norant of war as a profession or a science, nevertheless
taught him a lesson which, acted on by us (Americans),
gave us our freedom—the people’s war (guerra en
piquena [petite-guerre| guerrilia)—(Leve prelium) the
war of partisans.

Between what we know as the Maas and the Schelde,
a race fixed their habitation, who first inaugurated that
system of resistance whose application on a greater and
more bloody scale,within the century, swallowed up vast
armies of the finest troops of Europe, and rendered
Spain’s guerrilla war the grave of NapoLeon’s finest war-
personnel. Powerful in their mighty courage, although
weak in numbers—far less numerous than those nations
whom the Roman power, ‘dreadful and terrible, and
strong exceedingly,” having ‘iron teeth,” had ‘de-
voured and broken in pieces, and stamped the residue
with its feet”—the ftlenapit disdained the tactics of the
invader, and first learned the professional soldier to re-
spect the might which slumbers in the peasant’s arm,
and, by that warfare of the people which wearies out
an army by its sleepless and intactable activity, arrested
the progress of the great Junius, and forced him to
respect a soil which centuries after scarcely seemed to
be a solid ground.

When the Batavi and Belgcee were the admired allies
of the Romans, when to their selected youth,

“ The world’s queen in her palmiest hour
Confided the imperial home,

And,—'mid the northern tempests lower,—
To Baron ward, the gods of Rome,”

when nations at the farthest limits of the Empire trem-
bled before Holland’s subsidiary sword, the ftlenapii,
true Saxon race, unlike the so called batavi and Belge
—of mixed origin and instincts, varied as their parent-
age—showed no desire to mingle with the foreigner,
106

but rarely figured in the ranks of the Roman armaments,
and revolted from the wiles which sought to ensnare,
and repulsed the efforts which strove to enslave them.
What fear of mortal enmity could invade the hearts of
a people steeled against such an emotion by the suffer-
ing and danger inseparable from a truceless contest
with an implacable natural antagonist. Though demi-
gods assailed them on the land—and Pagan Rome
could apotheosize as well as Papal Rome canonize—
had not the Hollanders been victorious over gods—the
highest gods of the heathen world? Neptune himself
had yielded to their stubborn resolution, and the foul
war-god’s spurious offspring found in that Hollow-land
marshes to drown and graves to swallow up their brass-
clad legions, but not one spot on which to dedicate a
trophy or offer a libation to their hitherto invincible
‘abomination of desolation.”

In the salt-meadows, dank rich pastures, and sea-
begirt woodland glades of the Maasan archipelago and
Scheldic bottom, (Botm, Anglo-Saxon; Bodem, Dutch, )
‘‘danger’s twin-brother” found and left them free.
And thus early, within the encompassing arms of the
Maas, Schelde, and Zwin, the free ftlenapii were already
driving the piles, whose undecaying fibres were to
bear up the vast and glorious fabric of the Dutch Re-
public. Aye! before the sun of Rome began to pale,
the orb of falland was already irradiating the European
horizon with the light of a day destined to such a
brilliant noon and mellow sunset.

To present a detailed history of the {tleuapit and of
their habitat, which will bear the test of the theory of
every ethnological writer, or even reconcile throughout
the opinions of several of the principal authorities who
have devoted their attention to Hollandish history, is
utterly impracticable. At the outset we have three of
107

the most opposite opinions with regard to the original
inhabitants of the Maas-Scheldic Archipelago. Cuv-
verIus (German Geographer, 1580-1623) says they
were Toxandri; Juyius (Hollandish Savant, 1512-
1575), Mattiaci and EHywprus (Zeelandic Historio-
grapher, 1575-1614), Greek colonists, conducted thith-
er by a maritime leader known as one of the HEercutezs.
Whether these were preceded or succeeded by the
Cimbri and Teutones from the north, members of that
confederation defeated by Marius, or rather Catulus—
(proof, the marked javelins—B. C. 101)—upon the
plains of Lombardy (Campi Raudii), near Verona, on
_ the Adige, is another hotly-contested fact.

Consequently, to erect any memorial capable of re-
sisting the shocks of prejudice, or the disintegration
of critical investigation, we must adopt the views of
some one writer, and work in or emplace those state-
ments of other chroniclers which appear the most
worthy of support and the most strongly supported by
concurrent or conterminous narratives. Upon the base
or plinth furnished by the Chronici Zelandie of Jacob
van den Ennvden, let us set up as the shaft or stem, the
Histoire Generale de la Belgique depuis la Conquete de
Cesar, by Monsieur Dewez, who cites from one hun.
dred and thirty-eight to-one hundred and fifty authori-
ties, in, and furnishes an alphabetical list of them, prefix-
ed to his first volume, which volume (Vol. I) embraces a
period of some eight centuries, from 100 B. C. to 672
A. C., the very one which this portion of our work
adventures to elucidate. Many of the original author-
ities have been consulted, and every work which had
a bearing upon the subject, however near or remote,
and could be obtained, has been purchased and studied.

Nevertheless it must be borne in mind that prior to
the campaigns of Caesar every statement partakes more
108

or less of the fabulous or problematical, so that these
deductions of to-day are fully as valid as those which
have been heretofore presented, for all deductions must
rest upon the same bases. From the time of Cesar to,
the reign of Vespasian, we have some little to which
the name of history may be applied. After Vespasian
an immense chasm occurs. From Titus to Constantius
the accounts are few and disconnected, or, were not the
term confined to medicine,. we might say more defin-
itely, sporadic. These relations constitute the first
epoch of Dewez. The second epoch is ushered in by
the commencement of authentic narratives. From this
era (about A. D. 700)—where our labors terminate—
we have reliable facts, woven into more than one agree-
able history in Dutch, French, and English.

Long—an extensive and learned contributor to
Smith’s reliable ‘Dictionary of Greek and Roman Ge-
ography ”’—in his notes or sketches, appended to
Hughes’ ‘Classical Atlas,” remarks in regard to the
“Basin of the Mosa,” that ‘‘as we descend the river we
come to no place of note in ancient times.”

This bears out the assertion of Dewez, that, previous
to the Vth Century, the Netherlands were almost desti-
tute of what we would style ‘‘towns,” and proves that
even if the Romans did penetrate into the country they
never established themselves there, for—to a certainty
—wherever their power extended, we find indisputable
vestiges of their fortresses and municipia.

Again, Latham, in the map attached to his noted
“Germania of Tacitus, with Ethnological Dissertations
and Notes,” while coloring Germania Inferior (Bel-
gium) pink, as appertaining to the Gauls—which isa
very great error, for the Netherlanders were pre-emi-
nently Scandinavians or Sarons—covers the territory
of the fflenapit with flashes of blue, indicating a mixed
109

and uncertain population; and every writer upon the
subject seems to labor under the same dubiousness.
They never advance, like men walking in the light, but
grope along.

This is an unexceptionable argument, that the em-
pire never embraced in reality the country of Carav-
sTUS; since, wherever its legions made good possession,
sword in hand, their historians and philosophers, stylus
and graphium in hand, to chronicle their exploits and
explore the secrets of the land.

Reference has already been made to Spruner’s invalu-
able ‘“Historisch-Geographischer Hand-Atlas,” which
shows the ethnological changes which Europe has un-
dergone. Whatever errors the author of Caraustus
may have fallen into, he is borne out by every other
map, chart, or plan, in representing the country of the
filenapti as exempt from the presence of Roman garri-
sons, and unpolluted by the location of their perma-
nent establishments, if we except the Haven of the
Britannic fleet (Portus classis Britannice)—in the
island of Goree, where we find the ruins of Witlam—
and the (7th) causeway (v1a) diverging from Bavay,
which connected that road-centre with Utrecht (Tra-
jectum), running through Enghien, Assche and Ghent.
It does not follow, however, because their possession
was once secured, that it was uninterruptedly assured.
Romer’s Walle and Roompot are also enumerated
among others, but it would be difficult to prove their
existence, inasmuch as the sea now rolls over their
imaginary sites, and the latter name is now applied to
a sand-bank off the northwest extremity of North
Beveland. Doubts invest the clearest traditions with
regard to all these places, and what an angry sea has
enveloped, it is scarcely probable that even the acutest
antiquarian research can unveil. The numerous maps
110

which embellish Dan Loon’s [1683-1760] History of
Ancient Holland (Aloude §ollandsche Histori) agree with
him in this particular, except that, led astray by Cluve-
rius, he assigns the islands of Zeeland to the Toxandri
[Taxandri] in the time of Civilis. With this exception,
and extending the Morin1 under the name of Vla-
mingen [Flemings] to the southern shore of the estuary
of the Schelde, he located the ftlearapiti—under the title
[found no where else] of ftlevernenaars (people ruled
by their Mayors—[Baillies or Drossarts|—?) where we
find them on all other maps.

This extension of the Morini is a great error, for
Strabo, and every other reliable geographer or histo-
rian of antiquity, brings the Menapii down to the North
Sea; and a close examination of their language indi-
cates that they were in possession of the Gallic bank
of the Schelde as well asof the Rhine, the whole con-
stituting one vast and generally-confounded embouch-
ure. But every absolute designation of boundaries is
open to question, while the country between the Schelde
and the Elbe was in a state of fermentation and ebulli-
tion, and nothing can be declared certain until after
the Norman invasion had settled, and the scum of fable
had been skimmed off by the light of medieval inves-
tigation. |

But cross the Maas and Rhine into the Batavian
island, and the close alliance of the Romans, and the
omnipresent effects of their science and comparative
civilization, appear in every quarter. The dykes of
Drusus and Pomprius Pavninus guarded it like ram-
parts on either side from the waters as high as the junc-
tion of the Maas, Wahal and Rhine; the canals of
Drusus and CorsuLo drained it; the light-house
(Dunrboed) of Caligula invited the mariner to the (then)
sheltering mouth of the Old Rhine and the protecting
LI:

bulwarks of the Pretorium <Agrippine, while several
fortified posts of more or less strength and importance
—linked together by Roman causeways——connected its
inhabitants by a bond of discipline if not subjugation
to the imperial centre. That nerve of discipline, how-
ever, while it left them nationally and individually free,
was, nevertheless the fruitful cause of all Batavia’s suf-
fering—for that nerve pulsated, quivered, agonized, re-
sponsive to the aggravated and. increasing diseases of
the imperial power. . And so rapidly did the Batavi
deteriorate under its effects that after the days of Civilis
(A. D. 70) within a space of twenty years thereafter,
they were looked upon as less brave than the Cauci,
Frisu, and Frisiibones, separated from them only by
the old Rhine, and another century and a half had
scarcely elapsed before their northern invaders branded
them as a “prey,” not deeming them worthy the epithet
of a ‘‘nation.”

The ftlenapii had arable farms, buildings, and small
towns, or rather open villages, but no cities or walled
towns, on both sides of the Lower Rhine and of the
Schelde, along the German Ocean or North Sea and in
the Maasan—Scheldic—Rhenish—islands.

The celebrated Str Witi1am Tempus, in his “Ob-
servations upon the United Provinces of the Nether-
lands,” expresses his opinion that the ancient Srisons—
a title which he applies to the inhabitants not only of
the Provinces of Groningen, Friezland and Overyssel,
but of Westphalia and all those countries between the
Weser, the Yssel and the Rhine (which includes South
Holland and even Zeeland—anciently known, says
Eyndius, by the name of Frista,)—were, under the
name of Saxons, ‘the fierce conquerors of our British
island.”

These Saxons (Seaxa, Seacsa) derived their name,
112

according to all authorities, from the peculiar weapon
which they wore—a sword or dagger like a scythe, not
unlike a small scimetar, called by them Seaxes, whose
first signification is a knife, and secondary a sword
or dagger (Bosworth), which, to this day, is a
favorite weapon with the mariners of Holland, but par-
ticularly the people of Friesland and the northern dis-
tricts of the Netherlands, under the name of Snicka-
snee, [Snick-an-snec, Dutch ; SnipIseN, a cutting iron
or knife, Anglo-Saxon ?]—a peculiar, long [often two
feet| knife—with which they did terrible execution
upon the insurgent Belgians in 1831. Now the Fri-
sians and the Menapii, or the Saxons, were one and the
same race, having nothing in common with the Ger-
mans proper, as Luther affirms—than whom no more
capable judge.

“England,” [conquered by the Dutch Saxons, | he ex-
claims, ‘is but a piece of Germany—the Danish and
English languages are Saxon, that is, real German—
[by which he means Gothic]|—while the language of
Upper Germany is not the true German tongue.”

Turner, in his History of the Anglo-Saxons, enumer-
ating the races which were embraced by the title
Saxon—whose synonyms he gives as Scythian, German,
or Gothic—includes the Dutch.

“The Bishop of Munster, whose Territories lye in this
Tract of Land, [about 1668] gave” him—Temple says
——‘the first certain evidences of those [the districts
just before referred to] being the seats of our [English]
ancient Saxons.” * * * “The Friezons’ old Lan-
guage having still so great affinity with our old Eng-
lish as to appear easily to have been the same; most
of their words still retaining the same signification and
sound.” * * * “This is the most remarkable in a
little Town called Malcuera, upon the Zudder Sea in
113

Friezland, which is still built after the fashion of the
old [Saxo-Menapian] German Villages, described by
Tacitus ; without any use or observation of Lines or
Angles; but asif every Man had built in a common
Field, just where he had a mind, so asa stranger, when
he goes in, must have a Guide to find the way out
again.”

That too much importance is not herein assigned to
the Menapian element, Temple bears out in these em-
phatic words: ‘“ §olland, Zealand, Friesland and Gro-
ingen, are seated upon the sea, and make the strength -
and greatness of this State [United Provinces|: the
other three |Utrecht, Guelderland, and Over-Yssel |,
with the conquered towns in Brabant, Flanders, and
Cleves, {the Batavian or Belgic element | make only the
Outworks or Frontiers, serving chiefly for Safety and
Defense of these.”

Reflect upon the foregoing; consider the absence of
towns, the peculiar structure of the villages, and the
position assigned to them, and we have an accurate
delineation of the Fatherland of that tribe from which
issued CARAUSIUS.

What is more, the title of Meyeryenaars, applied to
his nation, identifies them not only with the pure Saxon
normal race, but also stamps them as one and the same
people as the Frisons, who are the purest existing spe-
cimens of that stock. Whoever will turn to Temple's
account of the system of administration in Friezland
and Groningen, in the latter part of the XVIIth cen-
tury, and compare his language with that of Turner
upon the government and laws of the more ancient Sax-
ons, will be astonished at the entire resemblance. That
Zealand no longer [1668] possessed a like system, was
owing to the awful changes resulting from its war of

independence, in which all its families of note, as well
8
114

as its nobility, had been extinguished. Compelled to
throw itself into the arms of William of Orange, the
Silent One, the house of Orange-Nassau became pos-
sessed of it almost in sovereignty. The onslaughts of
the sea had not effected a more startling change in its
territory than the onslaughts of the Spanish armies had
upon its government. The first swept away the phys-
ical land-marks, the second the administrative; and
necessity, not choice, led the Zeelanders to confide
their destinies in a great measure to a single hand.

The earliest Saxon societies were governed by the
aged, and age and authority were expressed by the
same words. The ancient Saxons had no king, but
many chiefs set over their people. In time of war, a
leader was designated by lot, whose supremacy ceased
with the occasion for his election. Then all the chief-
tains became repossessed of equal power. This was as
much a republic or confederation as our own. With-
out doubt the enjoyment of such a system is expressed
by the title Meyeryenaars ; and we find that immedi-
ately afterwards the same territory was designated as
the Dry-Staat der Arborichen [Free State of the Forest
People|, which embraced, according to Dan Loon, only
the continental, according to Eynprus likewise the in-
sular, possessions of the Menapii. The system of rep-
resentation by Bazllies existed in the country between
the Zuyder Zee and the Dollart, in the prosperous days
of the United Provinces. There Temple tells us that
every Baillage comprehending a certain extent of coun-
try and number of villages, was governed by a Bailly,
[in Frison, “Greetman,” | who administered the affairs
with the assistance of a certain number of persons, call-
ed his Assessors. When the States were convoked,
every Bailly called together all the individuals in his
district who possessed a certain quantity of land, the
115

majority of whose voices elected the two Deputies
which each Baillage sent to the assembly of the States.
Herein we discover an elective representation untainted
by the evils of universal suffrage—an elective franchise
founded ona just and equitable property representation,
the perfection of government.

* * * *

A favorite hypothesis with many writers is, that the
Maas-Scheldic islands were originally portions—verte-
bral joints—of an isthmus which connected the British
islands—then a peninsula—with the (Netherlands) con-
tinent. Another party take a diametrically opposite
position, and while the first argue that the isthmus was
broken up into islands by the assaults of the sea, the
second assure us that these insular groups were gradu-
ally formed by deposits of that element and alluvial
matter brought down by rivers, still emptying at this
point, bound together as it were by the previous ar-
restation of enormous trees, which constituted the
bones whose flesh was the mud and silt which gradu-
ally accumulated about them. Eyndius devotes his
first eight chapters df difficult and barbarous, or medi-
eval, Latin to the consideration of the subject, and we
will follow him—as our base or plinth—until the period
when Dewezcommences. The latter believes that the
Maas-Scheldic archipelago was settled by those who,
under the pressure of the Roman invasion, sought
therein a refuge for their barbarian—free—institutions :
—free institutions, which, notwithstanding the coercion
of despotisms—moral or spiritual and physical—in and
around them, continue to exist even to this present
moment—either successively, under

(a) A savage Saxon-pagan, unwritten, but no less
potential constitutional royalty—(if such be susceptible
of existence without a written charter of rights) ;
116

(b) A half-Woden, half-Christian representative-con-
federation—[the Saxon (Frank) League ; Meyeryenaars ;
Yew Staat der Arborichen; Mayory of Bois-le-due—Cio-
vis ;—-IVth to VIlth Century ;

(c) An ever irritant, unsubmissive, individual-right-
asserting and maintaining, though nominal mingling of
theological or imperial feudalism,—under their Counts
—| Dirk, Ist Count of Holland]—(A. D. 868-873) ;
Foresters of Flanders (A. D. 621), Baldwin the Buck
or Stag, first Count of Flanders (A. D. 862); Bishops
with fluctuating jurisdictions—( Compare Haniam's

“Shite of Burape during the Middle Ages,” ‘“Armorican
Republic or Confederation [between the Seine and
the Loire, in the Vth Century] of independent cities
under their respective Bishops, 1, 3, 1, 1,)—Marquises
and Dukes ;

(}) A jealous, but on the surface (to the eye) obedi-
ent appanage while ruled through the affections and
interests—nettle-like, however, ‘thongh susceptible of
skillful adininistrative manipulation—but revolutionary
under rough handling—(as, for instance, under the
House of Burgundy—1436-1579—Cuaries V. and
Pamir H.);

(e) Republican, independent, potential and magnifi-
cent, under its Stadtholders, States-General, and Pen-
sionaries—(1579-1813—15) ; and, finally,

(f) As at the first, returned to its normal condition,
after having been smoothed, burnished and civilized by
the attrition of time, the progress of human improve-
ment, and the effects of religious influences into a
modern, constitutional, hereditary monarchy—(1815—
1859).

According to Eyndius, the expansion of Greek civil-
ization—whose leaven, says Knox, was the infusion of
Scandinavian male-intellectuality—lke the circle on
117

the water, gradually increasing its circumference by the
centrifugal impulse of commerce, planted colonies
upon the Zeelandic shores, which were peopled, if then
inhabited at all, by a savage, aboriginal, off-shoot of
the original Asiatic exodus, impelled by that far re-
mote, unexplained emigration, hypothetical as to de-
tails, but certain as to the main fact, which ethnologists
have deluged with imaginary theories, without making
anything more apparent than that such a physical
movement did take place.

Who, what, whence, the original inhabitants of Zee-
land, if inhabited long anterior to our era, nobody
knows to a certainty, and nobody will learn upon this
earth. The Romans were only aware that the Maas-
Scheldic archipelago had a people brave, fierce, uncon-
querable, intelligent, acquisitive, enterprising, making
themselves fel, but withal so very indefinitely known
that their history isa myth. Still, sufficient has been
discovered to prove that there, in that ‘seaky’ (boggy—
wet) district, there existed the germ of what after-
wards grasped the world with its adventurous, nature-
overcoming, fear-ignoring, “spatula-shaped,” fingers—
the germ of that nation which

 

“Laid his hand upon ‘the Ocean’s mane,’

And played familiar with his hoary locks’—.
—something like one of those vast Saurian reptiles, mud-
embedded, dreadful to contemplate in its remains, of
which we know so little, except that they lived, and
moved in obedience to the same laws which now regu-
late their pigmy representatives or descendants. This
comparative anatomy teaches us, and no more. And thus,
from the same modified features in the Netherlander of
modern times, we alrive at an estimate of the nias-
culine vastness of the primitive Menapian-Zeelander,
individually hnge in his free instincts, imbibed from
118

his very habitat and its environings, which saturated
him as it were with the liberty of that which knows no
earthly master,—the sea.

“Man marks the earth with ruin—his control

Stops with the shore;—upon the watery plain

The wrecks are all thy deed, nor doth remain
A shadow of man’s ravage,—

“Ocean, thou dreadful and tumultuous home
Of dangers, at eternal war with man!
Death’s capital, where most he domineers,
With all his chosen terrors frowning round.”

Man derives comparatively less dilatation from that
which he feeds upon, mind and body, than from that
which he breathes and that which he has intercourse
with. This the degeneration of our material being ex-
emplifies every day. Position and association with
natural grandeur and imminent danger aggrandize
character even more than they develop physique.

Ideal, hypothetical, a reader may silently but sneer-
ingly exclaim- Admit it, but the same remark applies
to every theory on this subject. Should, however, this
present one, the offspring of years of study, be less
worthy of respect and consideration than those of oth-
ers? That it has a solid foundation, however lofty and
airy the superstructure, is just as undeniable as the
glory of the Fatherland. A few remarks with regard
to derivations, set the present combination of materials
so stoutly erect that nothing can overthrow it.

Axfmianus Marcellinus (Roman Historian, Vth Cen-
tury), quoting those who wrote before his day, tells
us that we have their assurance that the Dortans, fol-
lowers of Hercules, were the colonists of the Zeelandic
coasts. Monumental inscriptions existent when he
wrote, confirmed the fact: lkewise Tacitus, if read
understandingly.

The Prrtars or Hercutes, memorials of remotest
119

commercial enterprise, were set up in the island of
Walcheren ; and the temple or citadel of the Marcusan
Hercules welcomed the merchant to the farthest shore
of the Schelde. In 1514, a stone dedicated to that
demi-god served as a font in the church of West Cap-
pel, consecrated it is supposed by St. Willibrod, the
apostle of the Frisons, (658-738). This Marcusan di-
vinity took his title from the words, fflarc, (limes)
boundary, [whence Marcu (a frontier) and Marguts,
(the nobleman to whom its defence was confided,) |
and fjuns, (Dutch,) a building or dwelling. John
Becanus (or Dan Gorp), [Geropius,] Flemish savant,
(XVIth Century,) affirms that on the farthest or most
western point of the island of Zeeland, the Romans
hada frontier citadel, called by the inhabitants stlarc-
huys, and consecrated to the tutelage of Hercules,
thence called Marcusanus. This may have been the
Portus, Crassis Brirannicz ; but why not fhepst, at
the extreme western point of Belgium, near or within
the southern boundary of Zeeland. Besides the tradi-
tion which brought Ulysses to Asciburgium, in
Vlissingen (Flushing) we recognize the very name
of the far-adventuring Greek king, combined with
innen—together ; Dlisses~ingen—‘“the port or entering
in of Ulysses.”

Timagenes, the historian (Vth Century B. C.)—of
whom we have distinct mention in the Lexicon of
Suidas—whether the author of the ‘“Periplus of the
whole Sea,” and the ‘‘History of the Gauls,” is the one
and the same individual or not, is unimportant, since it
is probable all the works attributed to four distinct
writers were in reality by the same person—and other
Greek authors may be cited in corroboration, as may be
read in the earliest Latin histories of Holland and Zee-
land. Witness Strabo!
120

From Manyvs, (Stlan, Ang. Sax.,) the son of Her-
cules, deified by superstition, and to the northern na-
tions doubtless known as Cuisco, or Centon, sprang
that race—| the Scandinavian or Norse (not the Upper
German) |—the Allemanni—[ (hence ALLEMsGsE, Fr.)
—among whom Latham includes as the fourth main
division, the Dutch of Holland and the Slemings of
Flanders (comprising the ftlenapii and the northern
portion of the Morir) |—All-men, Ang. Saxon., ( Con-
Sederation of all who were men)—sometimes styled in ~
certain districts FRaxks—/reemen ; or ALDR-MAN,
(Ang. Sax.) the Parents of Men. These Allemanni
were doubtless the Iya-zvoxes, (Jnge-Wonnens,) whom
Pliny locates upon the shores of the ocean and Tacitus
points out. as with his very finger, in the islands of
Zeeland. Could this title of “udd-men” imply that tolera-
tion for which the Dutch were afterwards so renowned ?

Of the so called Germans, the JInyrerones [Saxons ?]
constituted the first of the three great groups into
which the ancients divided the inhabitants of Germa-
ny. They were ‘Dwellers upon the Sea,” and compri-
sed the Cimbri, Teutones, and Chanci, all of whom we
know at one time or another inhabited the country
of the Menapui.

The second guoup were the Ist.evones, on the Upper
Rhine and in the east and south of Germany; and the
third group, the Hermrones, (the descendants of Her-
man, a namesake and progenitor of “the Deliverer of
Germany” ?) who inhabited the interior——fjert-mid-
woners, i. e. very midland inhabitants, says Junius.

With regard to Cuisco—(whence the word Deutsch,
German)—his worship was antecedent to that of Wo-
den. In fact, the normal signification of his name is
divinity, even as that of Manxus relates to hwnanily.
It requires no stretch of the imagination to transmute
121

Hercules, grasping his club and clothed in the spoils of
the Nemean Lion, as we find him represented, into
@uiscto, brandishing his sceptre and draped in the skin
of a wild beast, strong, upright, and defiant.

* * * *

After a long and careful comparison of all the accessi-
ble treatises upon the subject, it is scarcely possible to’
believe otherwise than that the Jnyavones and the Cim-
bri were one and the same people. However rude their
habitations may have been—(their burrowing, as some
would insinuate, would have been impracticable in
marsh-lands)—their military equipments were far in ad-
vance of the age in which they flourished. They had
helmets moulded to represent the gaping jaws of wild
beasts, or similar terrible images, surmounted by lofty
floating crests, displayed for the same reason that Louis
XIV wore a full wig and high heeled shoes to enhance
the majesty of his stature. ‘They used white shining
shields and iron mail, and either the battle axe or long
and heavy swords.” Beit remembered that in the time
of §arol)—England’s last and truest Saxon king—the
national weapon was the tremendous battle axe, which
if not derived from the Hollandish Saxons under Hen-
gist and Horsa, was certainly inherited from the Danish
Saxons of Canute. Like Siward—the son of the Bear,
and famous earl of Northumberland—they considered
that to die of a disease, ‘supine like a cow,” was un-
worthy aman, whereasa soldier’s death was an object.of
exultant contemplation—a glorious and happy termina-
tion of mortality.

The term “.Autokthonas,” (Greek) applied to the
people inhabiting the shores and islands of the Nether-
lands, a branch of these Ingcevones, would lead us to
suppose that they looked upon suicide as a virtue when
sickness, accident or calamity rendered life a burthen.
122

The etymology of Ingcevones applied by Tacitus to
that people whom Strabo calls Parokeanitas, ‘ton or be-
belonging to the sea coast” has never been thoroughly
digested. Ing, pl. Inges, is a termination used by the
ancient Saxons in the formation of patronymic nouns;
and then signifies descendants, or sons, or inhabitants,
or people, or race, of, &. A Danish professor thinks
that it may have been an obsolete mode of writing
Invohner (Hinvohner) indefinitely an inhabitant, defi-
nitely the original inhabitants. In the same way that
Shering finds Olt-Saxen (Old Saxony) in Holtzatia and
Oxp (or the originally inhabited) Lanp in Oland, the
first a duchy, the second an island of Denmark, the
author of the ‘Delights cf Holland” insinuates that
Holland had its name from that Oland, a dependent
portion of Denmark (Cimbric Chersonese) whence its
original settlers, the Cimpri and Trvrones, emigrated.
This would make §oalland to mean Olt (Old) land, and sub-
stantiate the claim of the Crwsri to the title of INeavonzs
—-the (original) inhabitants—the Inpiaines. All this,
however, is speculative. The most erudite when they
arrive at this point throw down their pens in despair.

Claudius Ptolemeus, the Alexandrian, who lived
A. D. 125-175, is the first writer to whom we are in-
debted for a mention of the Saxons by that, their pro-
per, name. One hundred years elapsed before they
were again mentioned in works which have survived.
Eutropius, who lived in the 1Vth Century, is the sec-
ond writer extant who noticed them. He was almost
a contemporary of Carausius- Therefore, where all is
hpothesis, the opinion of every devoted student is en-
titled to the highest consideration.

Of Pytheas, the Greek navigator, a contemporary of
Aristotle—384a382 B. C.—we know so much that is
reliable, that we must believe in the truth of the Greek
123

colonization of Zeeland, and the sea-coast of the Mena-:
pili. Mis observations of the determination of latitude
were calculated with a precision which modern astrono-
mers have found exact; his description of the stars in:
the north has likewise been approved, and his deduc-
tions with regard to the cause of the tides, which he’
attributed to the agency of the moon, has stood the test.
of all subsequent philosophy. Throughout his voyages.
from Marseilles, around Spain, and through the British.
Channel and North Sea, into the Baltic, he was a close
observer of everything worthy of note; and through
him we have our first information with regard to the
northern seas, and to him and his adventurous compeers
is attributed that infusion of Greek intelligence, which, '
permeating the susceptible Saxon mind,the most capable
of feeling each generous impnise, made the Dutch and
Flemings, the English and the Wnikkerbakker and Anglo-
Saxon Americans, the first people in the world with re-
gard to everything conducive to human progress. We
say Dutch and Flemings not unadvisedly. We repeat:
it again and again, for emphasis, because the ftlenapiit
were not only Dutch but also Dutch Flemings. The
repetition, however irksome, is necessary, to drive
home the idea into the reader’s memory and clinch it
there. Those Menapit who inhabited the profound.
marshes—(alta palus : Bertius, Flemish cosmographer
and historiographer to Louis XIII. of France, author
of the Commentariorum rerum Germanicarum, Am-
sterdam,1635)—or ‘‘seaky” land, scarcely susceptible of
the name of solid ground (pene non terra ; d’Anville,
cited by Gibbon, as his most reliable geographical au-
thority)—and almost inaccessible to men—(its narrow
passes, or foot-paths, being so constructed that they
were with difficulty traversable; Bertius)—were Flem-
ings: those who inhabited the islands and marshes
124
north of the Schelde, were ZeELaAnpERS and Dutcu.

“De Strabonis ergo et Cesaris verbis, tanquam
augurali lituo, mihi iNsuL.® ZELANDICa circumscripte
sunt ex antiquo, Rheni, (aliis placet Mose et Scaldis)
confluente, alveis, ostiis, et Oceano: conterminis a Sep-
tentrione Batavis, ab oriente Menaptis, et Nerviis, a me-
ridie Morinis. [38" Has Insulas sub imperio MeEna-
PioruUM futsse, iisdem autoribus colligi posse, dixi:
nec enim quis, Morinorum Pagos—‘‘unde vox Pays
Gallis manavit”——ultra Scaldim sese unquam extendisse,
facile probaverit.”—Eynpivs.

TRANSLATION,

“Therefore, from the language of Strabo and of Cesar,
located as it were by the augural staff (used originally
to quarter the heavens) the Zeelandic islands were
bounded, according to my judgment, from the most
ancient times, by the junction of the two branches,
the channels and the mouths of the Rhine (in the opin-
ion of others, of the Maas and the NSchelde,) and by
the Ocean; the Batavi being conterminous from the
North, the Mewar and Nervii from the East, the Mo-
rini from the South, (that is, on the main land south
of the Schelde). [@8"7hat these islands were under
the jurisdiction of (belonging to) the Mmnapn, can
be shown from the same authors, for neither could
it be easily proved that the cantons or districts (Pa-
gi) of the Morini—(whence, from Pays, the word
Pays is derived by the Gauls or French)——ever ex-
tended themselves beyond (that is, to the north of) the
Schelde.” 2}

These two districts, with their inland territory—(oc-
cupied in the days of Clovis by the Free State of the
Forest-people—Vrn-Staat der Arborischen)——modern N.
Brabant—-the ancestral land of the author—-was ever
truly freedom’s ground, for, ‘whether ax Flemings, the
125

last to submit to the House of Austria, or Dutch or
Hollanders, the first to throw off a yoke become foreign,
the physical aspect of the people is identical.” There
we find Rotterdam—whence, two hundred and twenty
odd years ago, the De Pensters sailed to this country—
the second metropolis of the Netherlands; Flushing,
which nothing but the jealousy of Amsterdam prevents
from extinguishing Antwerp ; Antwerp, whose men-
tion evokes visions of almost inconceivable wealth and
magnificence; Ghent (Gand or Gant), that glove of his
in which Charles V. boasted he could hide Paris; and
Bruges, with its fifty bridges, which a few centuries
since yas a worthy rival of the preceding and a peer of
Venice, Genoa, and the other first emporiums of the
world.

While brave as the bravest, the Menapm erected a
monument far more glorious than any which a mere
military power has ever set up. Commerce and com-
fort, freedom and science, constitute the foundation, the
base, the shaft, and the capital, of their vast memorial.

The gauntlet is down; take it up who dares.

* * * * *

As the Dutch Commonwealth was born out of the
Sea, so out of the same Element it drew its first strength
and consideration, as well as afterwards its Riches and
Greatness.” Even so, every name which we find appli-
ed to the Dutch in ancient times was derived from that
element, and implied a marine birth or association.

Thus the name of the Mori, according to some
etymologists, signifies the ‘Maritime (people) ”; ac-
cording to others, the “People living where the tide
rises and falls’; according to others again, the ‘“Child-
ren of the Sea,” or, as it is rendered in the text [page
97], the ‘People dwelling along the coast of the Sea,”
or, “having the sea for their boundary or limit.”
126

The names of the Marsaru, or Marsaci—properly
written Maresati—mean, ‘Conceived or sprung from
the Sea.” They were also called {tlak-Schuym, ‘Children
(Stlaga) of the Sea-foam.” ftleerschaum, that peculiar clay
of which the famous German pipes are made, has the
same signification. Raxpsarr derives “Morini” from
flloer-Hinunen, Poules de marais ou de Veau,—i. e. fen
ducks, or marsh fowl.

The name of the Baravi comes from the old German
word Betow, ‘Fat Earth”—such as is fertilized by the
overflowing of the waters—or, it was given to them by
the first Greek colonists, and derived from a compound
of Batos—signifying ‘‘a nation or country accegsible by
sea,” (Baton ? Trajectum or Vadum, a ford of a river ?)
—some say, however, from Bathus, the same as the
old German fjal, (oll, or Holgh, Anglo-Saxon,) [ac-
cording to Halliwell,| in this connection denoting a
deep rich soil, floating like foam upon the sea. What
is more, Bat, in Anglo-Saxon, means a boat or ship,
and the Baravran’s name may be derived from that
root, or from their partiality for the rites of Isis, whose
effigy was a ship. The banner of Heligoland [Holy
Island, at the mouth of the Elbe], one of the first seats
of the ancient Saxons, was a ship in full sail; and this
image was more or less sacred to all the tribes along
the North Sea and the Baltic.

Peter p’OupraueErst, in his Chronicles and Annals
of Flanders, says that the ancient name of that country
was Manapia, which—[Flanders, that part of the Me-
napian territory which lay south of the Schelde]—was
so called because of the frequent overflowings of the
sea ; or, rather, from its being subject to the recurrent
force of gales and waves—[/landriam, a flatu et flucti-
bus ita nuncupatam|—D’Assiany, however reads,
“Some will have this Name [Flanders] to be given to
it, because of the frequent overflowings of the Sea,
127

expressed by this word Val-fLanen, which signifies a
Country overrun with the Floods of the Sea.” It was
uso afterwards styled the Marit‘ma or Astuaria, on
account of its being affected by the flowing and ebbing
of the sea. While speaking in this connection, we
would add that d’Oudegherst mentions that the Mevaztox
took their name from MENATIO= , [a perfect Greek
word,] a prince of Theerenburch,* or from Menas—
Menatos, which, according to Hugacius, meant a double
vestment worn by reason of the cold—a species of
woolen raiment, for the manufacture of which Horace
sung they were famous. Some medieval writers de-
duce their name from Menades, priests of Bacchus, to
whose worship they were peculiarly partial. Our read-
ers must have noticed the silly conceit of Junius with
regard to Carausius, the Menapian hero, whom he
states had his name from being given to deep drink-
ing. The Batavia lllustrata informs us that the Me-
napii were famous for their bibulous propensities, and
Grimestone attributes the same excessive use of a liquor
derived from barley or oats, like beer or ale, to the
Batavi. ,

Finally, if in the Kennemer-land and Kenen-borcht—
as various writers state—we have memorials of the
Caninefates, turn to Bosworth’s Anglo-Saxon Diction-
ary, and we will find an original signification of Ken-
nen-mere-land, very much like that connected with the
Marsati, ‘“‘a sea-born-land”—[ Cennan-mere-land]—or,
following the words to their source, ‘‘a land churned
from the ocean.”

Even Friezland may have a similar root and be de-
rived from Sreosan, in allusion to its waters and marsh-

 

*S' Heerenberg ? a town of the Oounty of—(about 24 miles south of)}—
Zutphen.

tKenen-borghte? or Kenebruck, a village of Holland, about four miles
south of Delft. Borenrz, a borough; Bruox, Brugge, (Ang. Saxon)
a bridge. :
128

es being frozen for so long a period of the year, or from
Freray (past participle, Sreten) “a land devoured [or
eaten (utv] by the sea.” In the multitude of curious
works examined the majority of these derivations are
not presented as conceits of the authors, but reliable
definitions. Comparing facts and fancies their truth is
more than probable.

 

Now kindly reader—tor whoever reads the author's
works is cither kindly disposed to the subject, his race
or to him—you may ask of what use is all this delving
into the remote past to us, the men of the present.
As regards its application—its moral—much, very
much; as regards the mere facts nothing. That which
made the Stlenapii or ancient Hollanders and Zeeland-
ers, Brabanters and Flemings what they were, after-
wards raised the Dutch nation to the highest station in
the world’s history, and would make the Netherlanders
of to day—had they the time and opportunity to exer-
cise their wonderful properties—that which the medi-
wval Flemings, and the people of the United Provin-
ces have been.

All that they lack is the opportunity to develop their
wonderful inherent qualities. As men,they are what the
Saxon-Menapians were nineteen centuries ago, the man-
hest of men. This work set out to prove that the peo-
ple of the Maas-Scheldic hollow or bottom land were
by actual birth the children of stlan—{tlen, par excel-
lence, and century after century they have proved
more and more their hereditary and individual right to
the title. The Fathers of ftrwe republican principles,
they constructed the first real republic. They were
pre-eminent as national administrators, political econo-
mists of the highest order, patriots and citizens of un-
surpassed integrity, and naval architects, admirals and
129

seaman, far beyond their contemporaries in every branch
of maritime affairs,

“Others may use the ocean as their road,

Only the "Sayons' make it their abode;

Whose ready sails, with every wind can fly,

And cov’nant make with the inconstant sky :”

Their “oaks secure as if they there took root,

They tread on billows with a steady foot!”

In public or private stations they were never false to
their work—the work of Providence—until it was ac-
complished, and for nearly one thousand years they
loom morally Titanic among the nations. With a rapid
revision of the first age or epoch of their national life
our episode terminates in order, to complete the biog-
raphy of our hero, a type of the Hollandish-Saxon
breed; that finished, we will submit the result to your
judgment and verdict, kindly reader.

* * * *

* * * * *

Their natural gifts developed by culture and ex-
perience, the Greeks—the first colonists of Zeeland—
could not but leave behind them solid tokens of their
presence wherever they planted themselves. Their
proudest memento in the Menapian Islands is the in-
auguration of that system of dykes which, from the first,
excited the wonder of the barbarous, and at last the
admiration of the scientific world. The island of
Walcheren was rendered famous by the erection of those
“Pillars of Hercules,” which were memorials of their
remotest commercial settlement, and upon the extreme
point of that island they dedicated a temple to the
Marcusan Hercules, which designated the limits of the
known or frequented world.

To the refined and enlightened Hellenes succeeded a
race as superior to them in physical properties as they

were inferior to them in intellectual endowments.
9,
130

Both were dyke-builders, and the new comers exerted
their rude Scandinavian energy in repelling the sea
with the same resolution which they had displayed in
expelling the Greeks. Just as the Spaniards beheld
rampart rising within rampart as their batteries leveled
the original defences of the Dutch towns in the XVIth
century, just so the waves encountered new levees as
fast as the outer dykes melted into the yeast of their
breakers. At length a combination of sidereal influ-
ences—tide, moon, wind, season and hour, confedera-
ting for the effort—piled up such an avalanche of wa-
ters upon the Netherland coast as to burst through and
crush down the dykes, and the North Sea rolled over
those lowlands which the labor of centuries and races
had rescued from their ravages.

Such a union nearly engulfed Venice in 1341, and
has more than once threatened to, and will perhaps,
submerge St. Petersburg—such coalitions of the ele-
ments dug out the Zuyder Zee and the Dollart, covered
the heights of Wéeren in 1570, and at different epochs
swallowed up, at one time fifteen hundred and sixty hab-
itations, at another eighty thousand wretched beings,
and at another one hundred thousand inhabitants, leav-
ing behind them when they retired ruin or woe, pesti-
lence and famine. ;

The survivors of the Cimbr7Z and Teutones, who had
been drowned out of their rude homes, determined to
rival the devastation of their elementary foe and com-
pensate themselves for their compulsory emigration by
a human inundation of Gaul and Italy. Instead how-
ever of enriching themselves thereby they enriched the
soil they hoped to possess. Two hundred thousand of
the former fertilized the banks of the Are—long known
as the Camp? Putridi—{[still to be recognized in the
designation of the village upon their site, Pourrierdes |
131

while a hundred and forty thousand of the latter fat-
tened the valley of the Adige.

In like manner that after the bloody battle of Landen
[1693] millions of poppies bursting forth, unsown,
owed their luxuriant scarlet to the blood of seven
thousand Anglo-Saxons [English and Dutch] and four-
teen thousand Gallic slain, for a long period the vine-
yards and olive groves of Aix were fenced by the bones
and rendered famous and prolific by the corpses of the
Cimbri, while the mulberries of Verona grew doubly
umbrageous and nutritious, to the silkworm, from the
slaughter of the Teutones. :

As soonas the retiring sea had relinquished its usurped
dominion, a kindred but more noble race occupied the
brine-soaked Lowlands. In the Batavian island the
Caninefates and Marsatit, or Marsact, built their
palisadoed villages, [§jaga, Anglo-Saxon,] the first
along the coast, the Rotte, the Vecht, the Lech, the
Yssel, and in the marshes of the Rhine (proper ?), the
Sturii, [Staverendenaars,| whom Littlejohn calls the
“People of Stavoren,” constructed their straggling
villages west of the Vlie stream, [Flevus,] in that por-
tion of West Friesland which now is a dangerous and
open sea; and in the Maas-Scheldic archipelago, the
noble Cauci commenced the restoration of those settle-
ments whose very piles the sea had torn up and de-
voured.

The Caninefates [by Littlejohn styled the people of
Gorokum and of the Kennenmerland, between Harlem
and Alkmaar], who, according to Strabo’s description,
encroached upon the confines of the Manapm, were a
brave and enterprising race, of common origin and
language [Germanic,] with the Batavi, [like them de-
scendants of the Catti, previously from Hesse]. Inferior
in numbers, they soon became incorporated with the
132

Batavi, and were afterwards lost, as it were, in the
more numerous nation.

They must have faced the Menapii from across the
Maas, which river Strabo doubtless intended, when he
mentioned the latter as inhabiting both shores at its
mouth. Cellarius, (XVIth century,) from his language,
leaves the reader in great doubt as to what his own
opinion was in regard to the boundaries of these na-
nations; and Cluverius indulges in a theory of his
own. Spruner, in his Ancient Atlas, assigns Walcher-
en, North and South Beveland, and the smaller islands
contiguous, to the fflenaptt; Schouwen, Duiveland,
and Tholen, to the Taxandri ; and Goeree, Overflakke,
Voorne, Byjerland, Ysselmonde, and the Biesbosch
group to the Marsaci. ‘Tacitus states. that in the time-
of Civilis, the Caninefates made predatory excursions
into the Menapian territory, but it does not appear
that they dared to undertake more than a border
foray.

Van Loon places the Marsatii to the north of the
Rhine [proper], at the southern extremity of what is
now the Harlem Sea. Other ancient geographers lo-
cate them as an independent nation upon the coast and
along the canal of Corbulo, between the Helium
[mouth of the Maas] and the Flevum [mouth of the old
Rhine]. Others again extend them back into the
country, and assign to them what is now the province
of Utrecht.

As to the Batavi, Van Loon and Butler assign to
them the triangle lying between the old Rhine (pass-
ing by Leyden), the Waal and the Maas, much below
Batavodurum (Battenburg). D’ Anvitte extends their ter-
ritory farther up the Maas. Spruner restricts them be-
tween the Lech and the Waal, in a district not more
than half the area accorded by Butler; but, strictly
133
speaking,that which was sometimes considered the Bata-
vian domain embraced the territory of the subordinate
Caninefates, the Gugerni or Guberni, and Ubii—subse-
quently incorporated or confederated with the Menapii,
and extremely hostile to their former neighbors—and
the Marsati.

There is another very remarkable fact which has nev-
er been presented in any work examined in this con-
nection, and that is with regard to the Helleviones of
Pury, whom Tacitus calls Hetiusi, and Ammianus
Helli. This name belongs to a German race which was
seated by some on the Baltte near Dantzic, or rather a.
Scandinavian, the inhabitants of Halland or fjolland,
a province of Sweden, which, as has been mentioned
before, was re-colonized since the Christian era by the
people of Hottanp proper. Was not this name HELL
applied to the Greeks at home? Undoubtedly! An-
cient Hellas or Greece,—Dodona, spoken of by Hesiod
as Hellopta—was inhabited by a people called Sellz,
whom Pindar styles Hell.

Now the mouth of the Maas was known to the Ro-
mans by the term Heliwm, which name Eynprus de-
clares was applied by the first Greek arrivals to that
vast river-outlet, on account of its capacity, and derived
either, first, from Helios, the Sun—because it exceeded
all other estuaries known to them as much as that orb
exceeds the rest of the heavenly bodies; or, second,
from Helion or Heliaia, the most celebrated and fre-
quented tribunal of Athens—so called from the throng-
ing together there of the people—even as the Rhine
(by the Lech and Wahal) the Maas and the Schelde,
with their numerous tributaries and arms, converging,
flowed together at that point; or, third, because Zee-
land and Maritime Flanders—both an intermingling
of sea, rivers, islands and marshes,—the very location
134

assigned by Srrazso and Czsar to the ftlenapiti—partook
more of the character of the last, morasses—(Helos,
Helea,—e pronounced x, plural,—in Greek) than either
watery domain or firm ground ; or fourth, because the
first Greeks were from commercial Helos, whose coast
presents a series of lagoons and marshes, separated from
the sea only by narrow sand banks, the very physical
portraiture of the coast of Zeeland and Holland, but
more particularly than all of the Menapian district.

The writer, to carry out this etymology in accord-
ance with an idea of his own, and finding that the
Frisiabones should be more properly written Frisii-
Avones, which, according to the learned French an-
notator (Paris, 1771) on Puiny, signifies the Elder Fri-
sians (Frisons), or Fathers of the Frisii (Frisiens-Ayeux,
French), would suggest that a similar compound name
was applied to those Dorians who settled in Zeeland
and on the shores of the Baltic, whither the Greeks ex-
tended their adventurous voyages; Pyrntas, of Mar-
seilles, having (about B. C. 330) visited the Baltic and
furnished some information with regard to Germany.
Thus we could make Helli-Avones, which would re-
quire no vital alteration, but only a corruption of sound,
to become Helliviones. Or, a still more reasonable de-
rivation might be found in Helliatongs [aiones, plural],
—Greeks of the marshy [seaky] Helian seacoast or
river [ Eurotas| shore—a signification which would ex-
actly apply to the Stlenapii.

Furthermore, if Avon [Avus—ancestor| may be un-
derstood to mean ‘‘Fathers,” and in this form avus, AVI,
is ultimately derived from the Greek Pappos, pAPPOI—
[sometimes written APPOI, ABBOI, or even Avot, | which
has the same signification of “fathers,” or ‘“‘grandfathers”
—ifwe say the Saxons are descended—as we are assur-
ed—from Mannus or flan [plural, ftlen|, is it a far-
135

fetched derivation [bear in mind the translator’s re-
marks in regard to Frisii-Avones, sometimes written
Frisiabones| to deduce Munapu (Greek, Mevawou,) from
Men and appot—that is, the ‘Fathers of Men.” This
would go to prove that the Menapii were the immedi-
ate descendants of the first Greek colonists, an original
Hollandish or Saxon race, and, with the Frisons, the
most ancient inhabitants of the Neder-Saxon land, or
Saxo-Scandinavian Netherlands.

Then, as to the Cauct, any people might be proud
to deduce their origin from such a stem. The race
recognized by historiographers under that name, and
divided into Cauct Majores and Cauct Minores, dwelt
between the Hms and the Hlbe, occupying a triangle
which would embrace all the maritime——in fact, half of
the whole—territory of Hanover, Bremen, and Olden-
burg.

Tacitus celebrates them as the noblest of the German
nations. Their grandeur rested upon the surest foun-
dation,—the love of justice. This rendered them,
though remote and frugal, important and influential.
Contented and happy, free from covetousness, rapacity
and ambition, they desired no extension of territory,
provoked no wars, and never sought to enrich them-
selves by rapine and aggression.

The Zeelandic Cauct were not offshoots or offsprings
of the preceding. Their appearance in the Netherlands
was coeval with the establishment of their kindred in
Germany. While the greater number halted east of
the Ems, a smaller body continuing on secured a settle-
ment upon the Rhine. Itis vain to define their par-
ticular locality upon the main land: some say in the
province of Utrecht, others near the angle of the Bata-
vian island, near Nimegen. Wherever they planted
themselves first is immaterial. As soon as natural ob-
136

structions permitted, they succeeded to the possession
of the islands of Zeeland, and in process of time were
incorporated with the Menapii,—

“4b una Menapiorum fortuna discas omnium,’—

whose first abodes were upon the Rhine, which we
designate as the extremity of Belgic Gaul. The site
of their tribe constituted the frontier of the province
throughout its breadth: afterwards, in the process of
time, they became the allies and contermini of the
Morini, and dwelt along the coast of the Gallic Ocean,
not only in the time of Julius Cesar, but almost as late
as A. D. 1000, as Petrus Diveeus (Van Dieve of Lou-
vain)—profoundly versed in the knowledge of the an-
tiquities of his country (1536-1590)—proves.
* * * * *

To afford an adequate idea of the true German or
Saxon, we have only to contemplate the national life
of the Cauci.

In order to conquer the Saxon, the ancient and the
Medizval Romans were compelled to depopulate. Not-
withstanding all the advantages of their discipline,
nothing but complete extermination enabled them to
hold a foot of Saxon land. The Saxon fought while
men enough remained to offer battle. When the Ro-
mans displayed the red flag as an invitation to a fight
on Saxon ground, and that bloody signal was unan-
swered, students and readers may be absolutely cer-
tain that the campaign had used up a generation of
warriors, and that the sword had devoured the whole
male population capable of bearing arms. Gradually
improving in military intelligence, the true German—
the Saxo-Scandinavian—generation after generation,
became more and more “the Spartans of modern Eu-
rope.” The Rhine, which, from the conflicting Jan-
guage of ancient geographers, often denotes the estua-
137

ries of the Maas and the Schelde, along which lay the
Menarn and the Cuavcr in alliance, was the boundary
which separated the Romans and their tributaries and
subjected allies from the free nations of the north.

Now, Bezelius—(German antiquarian, X VIth centu-
ry)—denies that any part of Germany beyond the
Rhine was conquered by the Romans, although more
than one of their emperors and generals arrogated to
themselves the name of Germanicus. Their incursions
were the devastating inroads of barbarians, more sav-
age than those whom they styled barbarians—in realli-
ty, noble men, and more entitled to that. glorious epi-
thet than they themselves were. Their conquests were
like the Britannic and maritime triumphs of Caligula,
and the German victories of Tiberius, as false and as
cruel as the men who claimed them. The same is
true of many other of the vaunted conquests in Ger-
many, which terminated in utter disgrace and dire
disaster. Many of the Roman leaders never obtained
a sight of those territories they claimed to have subju-
gated. It is to this fact we must attribute our ignor-
ance of the habits of the fflenapii, and our intimate ac-
quaintance with those of the Batavi. Upon the latter,
as priceless allies, the Romans could well afford to be-
stow encomiums and lavish attentions, since their pre-
sence carried with it the assurance of victory upon
every field; whereas obloquy was the portion of all
those who had the manliness to evade their springes and
repulse their efforts, whereby they sought to entrap
and debase them into unreflecting tools and weapons.

“Caesar did not carry the war into the country of the
Batavi.” Under Augustus, the Netherlands became
the nominal subjects, the petted allies, of Rome.

A. D. 28, the frisii and Srisiabones, who possessed,
the first—(if they were not one and the same tribe or
138

nation) what is now known as North Holland; the
second, Friezland and Groningen—conterminous with
the Chauct, to the south of the Zuyder Zee (Flevo La-
cus), and to the east along the Elbe—or, at all events,
upon the Lauwer-Zee—revolted even against the alli-
ance of the Romans. What must we think of the
vaunted conquests of Drusus Germanicus and Tiberius,
when we know that twelve years afterwards the Srisii,
far within the supposed limits of their conquests, had
not only defeated the Roman general Lucius Apronius,
propreeter of Lower Germany, but were and remained
independent.

One of the most humiliating defeats which the Ro-
mans ever underwent at the heads of the ancient Hol-
landers, was experienced in the Baduhena Silva, in
the heart of that territory, known at present as the
Seven Wolden, constituting the southern half of Friez-
land, on the northern side of the exposed Zuyder Zee,
at that time the land-locked Flevo Lake.

A. D. 47, Gannasens, a nobleman of the Caninefates,
or native of the Batavian marshes, became the leader
of the Cauci, and originated that system of warfare
which afterwards rendered the Saxons so redoubtable.
He not only organized fleets of light ships, with which
he plundered the Roman tributaries south and west of
the Yser and Aa, but also their provinces in France.
Repulsed, zt ¢s said, by Corbulo, he subsequently lost
his life—(‘‘Ipse per fraudem trucidatus est”)—by foul
play at theirhands. His death—or rather the perfidy by
which it was accomplished—aroused the whole confed-
eration of the Cauci, and considering the facts, even as
related by Tacitus and other Roman historians, it is
evident that his opponent and victor, (?) Corbulo, was
reprimanded for his treachery and conduct of a war
nominally in defence of the imperial frontier, by the
139

Emperor Claudius ; and the Cauci were propitiated by
the retreat of the Roman forces.

Rome trembled at the indignation of these North Sea
and Baltic (Sea) people ; the imperial troops, glad to
retire within the Rhine, left the Saxons to the enjoy-
ment of their independence, and amused themselves by
ditching and damming, for the benefit of the Batavi.

Gannascus was to Civilis what Civilis was to Garansins.
It required two hundred years and upwards to develop
the greatness of the last of the three.

A. D. 69, the Emperor Vitellius invited his German
auxiliaries to Rome, where their garments of skins,
fearless independence of carriage, and rude but effect-
ive weapons, produced a shock like a draft of pure cold
air in a crowded, heated and stifling room.

A. D. 70, Civilis uprose; that one-eyed general and
admiral, whom Tacitus compares to Hannibal and Ser-
torlus—praise ample enough to satisfy any ambition—
both of them remarkable, like him, for the loss of a
left eye.

Sixteen centuries afterwards, another one-eyed, one-
armed Menapian hero, Egbert Bartholomew van Corte-
naar—

Though quench’d his eye, and shot away his powerful right hand,

The handless hero of the Maas still stay’d [propp’d] the Fatherland;

His sightless orb, beside the helm, still steer’d the fleet to fame—

Beneath this stone, that such a light, should ever know eclipse!

That such renown be swallow’d up by tomb’s remorseless lips!

Lies mighty €ortenaar, who burst the Swedish belt of flame,

And made the Sound, and foeman’s fleet, to tremble at his name,
—maintained his country’s glory against the Swedes
and English, as Civilis had against the Romans. The
latter defeated three Roman generals, beat the imperial
fleets and armies, made himself master of that fortress
( Vetera Castra), which they had constructed and gar-
140

risoned with two legions, (18,600 to 20,000 men,) to
overawe the Saxon nations, and compelled them to con-
sent to a treaty of peace, by which the Netherlanders
were acknowledged as valued allies, not subjects, of
Rome.

About A. D. 211, the Chauci (or Saxons) sent am-
bassadors to Rome with offers of peace, on condition
of receiving a large price for not making war. The
Emperor Caracalla—who had assumed the name of
Germanicus from his imaginary German victories—
conceded the tribute demanded, organized a German
(Saxon?) body-guard, and assumed the German (Sax-
on?) costume.

About A. D. 240, the old inhabitants of the Lower
Rhine (Maas and Schelde?) and Weser, under the
name of Franks—(the Salzan Franks had already be-
come incorporated with the Menapii)—formed a new
confederation, whose maritime assaults upon the Ro-
man colonies and commerce compelled the imperial
authorities to organize a powerful fleet, simply to pro-
tect themselves and their tributaries, which was com-
mitted to a new official, styled the Count of the Saxon
Shore*—(Comzs Lirroris Saxonicr)—the assumption
of whose duties introduced us to Carausins. Hvery
coast of Romanized England, Gaul and Spain, trem-
bled, anticipating the arrival of the hated and terrible
Saxons with every favoring breeze and gale from the
north. Fearful indeed, for they came like the spirits
of the tempest, to whose furious impulse they commit-
ted their expeditions, from the threefold motive that
the harder it blew the swifter it bore them to their
prey, the wilder it raged the less they were expected,

 

*Ooast of Britain, from Branodunum (Brancaster), in Norfolk, to the
Portus Adurni (Pevensey, in Sussex?)—Patarave’s Anglo-Saxons.
141

and the higher the elemental strife the greater their
excitement and the more glorious their success.

A. D. 277, the Saxons, Franks, and other cognate
tribes, burst again into Roman Gaul. This epoch is
famous for that unexampled, fearless return-navigation

of the Franks from the Euxine, which has been already
described.

Ten years after that terrible Saxon retributive visi-
tation upon the Augean, Syrian, Afric—in fact, the
whole Mediterranean and Atlantic coasts, which aven-
ged the expeditions of Drusus, Germanicus, Tiberius,
Hadrian, Posthumus, Probus, and Maximian, into the
Saxo-Scandinavian seas,—the year A. D. 287 ushered
in the glories of Garansins.

This cursory survey presents a striking contrast be-
tween the ‘facts and fancies” of Roman historians and
imperial panegyrists, in regard to the achievements of
their heroes. A blast from the Saxon regions, tremu-
lous with the clash of Scandinavian war-wrath, paled
the cheeks of the seven-hilled city’s warders. Thither-
ward the horizon was all alight, and they felt that the
coming day would “bring evil from the north, and a
great destruction” of their blood- and fraud-cemented
fabric of empire. The physical world was stricken
with a palsy, and beheld with watery eyes the impend-
ing breaking-in upon it of a new male life, whose in-
roads its shaking limbs could not hope to deter or
repel.

The day-spring of spiritual regeneration first kissed
the mountain tops of Jewry, but crimson-hued the orb
of physical rejuvenescence rose from the frigid bosom
of the Saxo-Scandinavian “marshes, oak glades, and
waters.

The true Saxon was the medium which tempered
142

the ultra-‘Scandinavian war-heat, and preserved all that
was worthy of preservation in the lapsing artificial
civilization of Rome.

“To the Roman conquest, Britain owes perhaps its
first civilization; certainly its first conversion to Chris-
tianity.

“To the Saxon [from Zealand and Holland] conquest
we are indebted for that system of government, which
is to this day the basis of English liberty. Many good
effects of Saxon piety also are still great blessings to
us.”

“To the Norman [ultra-Scandinavian, deteriorated by
by Celtic mixture] conquest, we owe not, perhaps, so
much respect. Yet we may be certain that Providence
intended some real good by that great event.”—[Wi:-
cock’s Roman Conversations.

Caravsius interests us from the fact that he was of
Saxon lineage, but our interest must swell into admira-
tion of those solid parts, resplendent merits, and at-
tractive grandeur, which could win and array in his
cause the most glorious of the free Saxon races, and
cause these to put away all remembrance of his Roman
name, education, elevation, and affiliations.

This completes the chronological chain connecting
the discovery and first settlement of Zeeland with the
second great epoch in its history, the union of the Sax-
ons and Franks (true Germans also), and the com-
mencement of their naval ascendancy, which, under
our hero, opened to them ‘every coast which had not
received Carausius as its lord.” He was the Saxon’s
First great naval genius and preceptor. His course of
instruction or education lasted at most seven years—its
effects have endured upwards of twice seven centuries,
and grows in value and beneficence with time.
143

Perry, the regenerator of Japan, Perry, the victor
of Lake Erie, Nelson, Zontman, De Ruyter, Colling-
wood, the romps, Blake, @pdam, Russel, Van Alle~
monde, and a hundred other hero Admirals—Dutch,
English and American, Eckford, our greatest naval
architect, Steers, and every kindred genius—in fact,
every sea-chief, navigator, discoverer, commerce-pro-
moter, marine constructor, and inventor of eminence,
~—have derived their inspiration from that fount
which the Saxo-Menapian admiral-general-emperor,
Carausius, unsealed and threw open to his race.

Stop! cries the invidious critic again. The country
of the ftlenapii lay within the province of Belgic Gaul,
and its population were esteemed Celts. The Romans
[who knew nothing about it] and the French [who
know not much more] say so.

But what is the testimony of the German and im-
partial writers—that continental Saxony extended to
the Rhine. An old Belgic rhymic chronicle makes
Weder~Sassen (Lower Saxony) to have been confined
by the Schelde and the Maas.

I have heard that old books say

All lands which ‘neath (below) Nyemagen lay
Once were styled Nether (Lower) Saxony ;

To guard it flow’d Briarean sea,

Of th’ intermingled Maes and Rhine,

The mighty Schelde its western line.

And Spruner, Turner, Van Loon, Cluverius, and a
host of other writers—geographers, ethnologists, and
historians—who ignore or lay no stress upon the value
of the Menapian element, as well as the learned Grat-
tan who does, all extend the Saxon land to the Sluys
and the Schelde. Grant this—and it cannot be dispro-
ved by any available valid testimony—and the matter

is settled at once and forever.
* * *
144

Finally, Alting and Weestelain came to the conclusion
that the Menapii were a confederation of tribes of Ger-
man origin, rather than a single distinct people, and
that their name was a corruption of ffleen-aft ( Gemeen-
schap, Dutch,) signifying a community or confedera-
tion.

Bucherius in his Belgiwm Romanum, 1655, states that
after the subdivision of Belgica by Augustus into. Bel-
gium, Germania Prima and Secunda, the last comprised
the countries of the Menarpu, Ambivarii, Eburones and
Atuatici, and that the Menapians were distributed into
two districts separated by the Schelde. Those who oc-
cupied the eastern portion, to the right of that river, and
were bounded on the north and east by the Maas, on
the south by the Demer and Rupel (see page 98) and
on the west by the Schelde, assumed at this epoch the
name of the Taxandri. A tribe of that name was
unknown in the time of Cwsar and Tacitus, or at all
events was not mentioned by them; Pliny is the first
who speaks of it. This would account for the con-
fusion of geographers with regard to the first inhabi-
tants of Zeeland. The map attached to an anonymous
History of the United Provinces (in Dutch) must refer
to this doubt, since while it places the Taxandri in the
Maas-Scheldic archipelago it adds, ‘according to the
opinion of some writers,” (Taxandrie volgens sommin-
gen nu Zeeland.) If the Menarm constituted a com-
munity belonging to the greater confederation of Ale-
manni, we may trace back to the earliest times that
principle of toleration which ever after constituted a
noble, if not the most noble and remarkable, feature of
Dutch policy. We know that their territory was al-
ways a harbor for the distressed. Even as in the third
century it proved a refuge for the Salian Franks, be-
tween whom and Roman imperial and subsidiary ven-
145

geance the Menapii interposed the egis of sympathetic
valor, even so in the XVI and XVII centuries the
shield of Hollandish toleration covered the Huguenots
and the Jews from the dagger and rack of French roy-
alty, and the torments and funeral fires of Roman Cath-
olic persecution and papal christianity (?!) From the
days of Cesar through all the troublous and perilous
periods of their history a generous sympathy for the
suffering of others characterized the efforts of the Hol-
landers—the good Samaritans of Europe, and the profli-
gate Charles I. of England was compelled to acknow
ledge that he believed that ‘‘Providence would preserve
Amsterdam, (from the grand Sultan of France) if it
were only for the great charity its people have for their
poor.”

When our great and glorious William—Holland’s
Joshua, he who rolled back the Royal Sun of France,
England’s Liberator, and Ireland’s Conqueror and Re-
generator—‘‘was preparing his expedition against James
the Second, he was all at once at a stand-still, in conse-
quence of a decided lack of the needful wherewith to
equip his navy, and ensure success to his projected war
against James. An Israelite of Amsterdam requested
an audience. When he was admitted into the presence
of the Prince, he said: ‘My Lord, you are in want of
money to accomplish a great national project. I have
brought you, from our people, two millions. If you
succeed, refund them to me; if you fail, we are quits.’”
(Mareouiouta’s Pilgrimage, de. IL., 229).

Thus nobly toleration bore a goodly fruit—and ever
will except to that self styled Christian creed that
only tolerates when it has no longer the power to per-
secute. To the ears of the Huguenot and the Holland-
er every whisper from the past bears upon its pinions

reminiscences which should awaken the vigilance of
10
146

their descendants with as startling tones as the point
of war to the soldier.
* * * * %

Hark! the very air shudders at the recital of thy tol-
eration, papal Rome! Huguenot, canst thou ever forget
those Languedocian seas of blood; those Albigensian
annihilations; those Cevennes men-hunts; those Dra-
gonades ; those bonfires, which emulated Nero's human
candles in cruelty, if not in actual details ?

Come, brother Huguenot, let us rehearse, in haste, a
few of Rome’s most tender mercies to our fathers. A
circumstantial list would fill a folio volume; we will
content ourselves with one or two examples in each
chapter of black horror.

Seven hundred years ago the Languedocian fields
were drowned in Huguenot blood. ‘Neither sex, age,
nor condition, were spared; the [luxuriant] country
became a wilderness, and the [ancient, stately,] towns
heaps of smoking ruins.” Sixty thousand Protestants
were swallowed up in the flames, which devoured Be-
ziers, besides those spared for a worse fate. Then,
from that sea of blood, rolling beneath a scum of
corpses, cinders, ashes and pollution, upheaved the
fabric of the Inquisition. Just as amid the placid sea
voleanic action has belched forth a hideous isle of sco-
ria, just so from hell beneath burst forth that institu-
tion. Blood-watered, fertilized with corpses, it grew
to hideous hugeness, prurient with torture, avarice and
death. Thus, with the approbation of Pope Innocent
TII.,—innocent but in name,—the devil planted his
throne amid the wrecks of French Protestant progres-
sion.

With the martyrdoms,—1524,—of that pure Chris-
tian Jaceres Pavaynes, and Louis de Brerauin—a

 
147

French Luther, strangled at his apostolic birth—we
open a new chapter of martyrdom cf three hundred
years. Hight years after, —1532,—Caturcs burned ; in
1535, Lutherans, with their tongues cut out, were dip-
ped to death in fire, and the last scene delayed that
Royal Francis might not lose the pleasant show. ‘‘Car-
dinals, archbishops, and bishops, coped and mitred,
figured in their places,” and shared the spectacle with
the priests and papal laity. ‘This was the punishment
of the estrapade, an invention which had the zest of
novelty. ‘The ferocious Emperor of (pagan) Rome,
who wished that his victims might feel themselves die,
had not invented that cruelty.” Romanism not the
fosterer of genius! Nonsense! Her disciples invent-
ed the estrapade for (Sacramentarians) Protestants.

Henry I1.,—1549,—more simple in his tastes—took
pleasure in a simple burning, and somewhat tender-
hearted, “for many nights imagined his couch was
haunfed by the image of the victim.”

‘In 1551, appeared the famous Edict of Chataubriant,
which empowered both the secular and the ecclesiasti-
cal judges, separately, to take cognizance of the crime
of heresy, so thatby a complete reversal of all justice,
the accused, absolved before one tribunal, might be con-
demned before another.”

In 1550, of three or four hundred Huguenots as-
sembled in the Rue St. Jacques, at Paris, to read the
Bible and celebrate the Lord’s Supper, not one escaped
without death or wounds; and, in 1559, Ann DuBoura
passed from his iron cage, to suffer on the gibbet, “for
the glory of his Lord Jesus Christ.”

In 1560, ‘‘delations, confiscations, pillages, sentences
of death, and atrocious executions,” affrighted the prin-
cipal towns of France, and their dependent provinces ;
first scenes of a tragedy which endured without an in-

/
148

terlude for 40 years. To the throne-aspiring GuIsEsS we
owe the massacre of Vassy. Theresixty human beings
were murdered around their altar, and over three times
that number wounded, because they cried, “I believe
in Jesus Christ.” That was a fearful crime; they
should have cried, they believed in the Virgin and the
Pope!

In 1562, Bishop Pierre Bertrandi—a papal bishop,
mind you—one Sunday, at Cahors, had five hundred
Huguenots butchered while at church. That same
year, Roman Catholic bands, with a “brigand, or else
a monk or curate; sometimes even a bishop,” as their
captain, butchered the Calvinists, ‘to make provis-
ions cheap.”

In 1569, we reach the slaughter of Jarnac and
Montesquiow’s ‘‘execrable parricide” of Conpz.

Again, in 1569, that of Moncontour.

“Oh! weep for Moncontour, oh’ weep for the hour e
When the children of darkness and evil had power;
And the horseman of Valois triumphantly trod

Onthe bosoms that bled for their rights and their God.”

In 1572, Saturday—Sunday, 23d—24th August, the
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW occurred.
All the Protestant outrages committed throughout the
world, and throughout all time, cannot equal the hor-
rors, the crimes, of that eve, day, week, and their con-
sequences. DzTuov says 30,000, Surry 70,000, the
Roman Catholic Bishop PErerrxe 100,000 Protestants
were immolated.

Huguenots, can you ever forget that “ greatest
and best news,” as the event was characterized by the
sovereign whom “the Jesuits and zealous [Roman]
Catholics” represent ‘tas equalling Solomon in wisdom
and excelling him in virtue,” that “elorious and mat-
velous victory,” for which Pope Gregory XT. “offered
149

up solemn thanksgivings; himself—the holy father walk-
ed [/] in a general procession of rejoicing, accompanied
by his Cardinals and the whole of his clergy; caused the
guns of St. Angelo to fire joyful salvos; ‘declared a
jubilee” ; had a picture painted ; ‘‘and struck a medal in
honor of the great event; while the Cardinal de Lor-
raine caused an inscription to be written on the gates”
of the French Church of Saint Louis, ‘in letters of gold,
in which he said that ‘the Lord had granted the pray-
ers, which he had offered to Him for twelve years.”

“Haud oblivicendum”

“the Seine’s empurpled flood,
And good Coligni’s hoary head all dabbled with his blood”—

that wise and Christian head so full of goodly, godly,
counsel, which pointed out to §jollant’s WASHING-
TON that his country’s safety lay in her wooden
walls, those ‘conquering ships,” which, “guarded in
the farthest island [Voorn] of Europe the asylum of
human thought.”

 

Pass over a century whose memorials, whose mil-
liary columns are the funeral fires, the gibbets and the
racks of Protestaift martyrs, and a new era opens upon

“us of glory, pomp and refinement. Surely, the Papacy
must have been favorably influenced by the progress
of human development and the expansion of the arts
and sciences. Let us see!

Clio, Muse of History, genius of truth, spread out thy
half-open scroll! What do you read there, Hucusnor?
Does your blood curdle, does your soul revolt, does
your cheek kindle with generous indignation ? Stifle
the thirst for vengeance which makes each pulse bound
with a shock of agony. Read and reflect! In 1681,
the dragonnades commenced. Need we descant upon

‘the horrors embraced by that one word? In 1683, a

solemn Roman Catholic fast was followed by ‘a butch-
150

ery (of Protestants) without a combat”; the Vivarats and
Dauphiny reduced to despair, and the pastor, Isaac
Hornet, seventy-two years old,-—threescore years and
ten !—broken alive on the wheel by an executioner—
‘“yho made himself drunk for the task” —who inflicted
more than thirty blows upon his body before he killed
him, and, worse, vented dastardly insults—blows upon
the heart. In 1685, new dragonnades and atrocious
excesses in Berne, and other provinces; the man-hunt
of the Cevennes, ¢n which the papist hunters were en-
couraged by Pope Clement XI’s general, and absolute
remission of sins to those who exterminated “a cursed
brood”---our Protestant brethren—‘issuing from the ex-
ecrable race of the <Albigenses”—Protestants also;
smiling districts devastated, everywhere desolation of
the heart; breakings on the wheel, and burnings in the
market-places; taunts and tortures in the ceps, and
judgment halls: devastations, violations, spoliations,
conflagrations, priests, crucifix in hand, stirring up the
funeral piles; and abductions of Protestant children by
thousands—(the kidnapping of a single Jew boy now-
a-days has roused the indignation of the world). The
papal priests of France, wen they had power, kidnap-
ped hundreds at a haul, and gloated over the tears and
terrors of the broken-hearted parents, who grovelled
at the gates of their monasteries and convents. Psha !
Prick them away with the points of your sabres and
bayonets, slash and slice them with your rapiers, batter
and bruise them with the butt-ends of your muskets,
brave Roman Catholic dragoons and fusiliers! Tram-
ple them beneath your horses’ hoofs! There are gray-
headed men and women among them, mothers and fa-
thers ; they are Christians, too, but still the more vile
criminals, for they do not bow to images or worship a
woman-god, or acknowledge the Pope of Rome.
151

They are beyond the pale of salvation, for did not
Boniface VIII. (elected pope 1294) “roar and thunder”
‘we declare, define and pronounce, that ¢t ds necessary
for every one that is to be saved to be subject to the pope
of Rome,” and Romanism affirms that it is infallible and
unchangeable. The Cross then was not undergone for
such, for them and us, Huguenot and Hollander! How!
Yes!—Were, are, they and we not damned annually on
the day before Good Friday—the day on which our
Saviour died for all—body and soul, waking, sleeping,
&e., in the Church of St. Peter at Rome!

Hold! close the book. No! there is more yet to
come. What monstrous legal fiction do you read?
Examine well the decree of 1715 extorted by the Jesuit
Letellier, from the dying Louis XIV; ‘a code wholly
based upon a 1B,” of which “‘the annals of the world
do not offer another example.” Protestants forbidden
to fly and precluded from escaping, were thereby de-
clared to have embraced the Catholic, Apostolic and
Roman religion, because they had not quitted a king.
dom (which they were prohibited and prevented from
leaving), and declared punishable asvelapsed and ob-
stinate heretics if found worshipping according to con-
science. Merciful toleration of Romanism! Contrast
it with the toleration of Holland.

Turn another leaf—1745-’6—more burnings—more
breakings on the wheel—more consignments to the
horrors of the galleys; thirty unarmed Protestants shot
dead; two or three hundred unarmed Huguenots
wounded at Vernoux. Brave papal soldiers! you shot
six at a village yesterday, supplicating mercy for their
pastor. Tender priestly shepherds, your sheep-dogs are
well broken to their duty!

Over again—1762, pastor Rocuerre hung with every
possible outrage, and the three brothers Gruyter be-
152
headed; eighteen days afterwards CaLas, sixty-eight
years old, broken upon the wheel. Romanists you
went too far there. Two of your monks declared ‘thus
died the martyrs of old,” and three years after his in-
nocence was promulgated over his senseless corpse.
Romanism actually relented so far as to declare the
putrified body innocent. It was the first case, howev-

er, of such clemency we read of, even to the ashes of
the dead.

One leaf more,—1815 more murders—‘‘death to the
Protestants! scourge them back to the desert!” Throw
the religious history of France aside. We are done
with it; it reeks of blood and half burnt flesh, shed
and crisped and consumed in obedience to the popes
and thezr master.

fjollander, take down from the shelves any one of the
chronicles which preserve the eventful story of your
race. The first acquaintance of the Free Frisons with
a Roman Catholic king—Clotaire IT. (584-628 )—and a
papal priesthood was rather discouraging. He almost
exterminated the Saxons of East Frisia, Hanover and
Westphalia, and caused to be beheaded all the inhab-
itants of those countries who exceeded in height the
length of hissword. The beatified or canonized Charle-
magne—whom Butler includes among the Saints, and
whose feast day the papists celebrate on the 28th Jan-
uary—was but little more merciful. Upon one occa-
sion he beheaded four thousand five hundred Saxons
on the same spot because they preferred to be free,rath-
er than his men, and disliked a religion whose royal
apostle came among them breathing fire and slaughter,
with the Holy Rood and a torch in one hand, while he
brandished a sword, whose pommel was his seal, with
the other. Thank Heaven the Saxo-Hollander had
neither devil enough in him to become a whole souled
153

persecutor, nor cur and sheep cnough in him to submit
with patience to contumely and the knife. And so
there was comparative peace and prosperity in his land,
for Rome was distant, his seas stormy, and his marshes
profound. Nature which denied a bulwark to the
Huguenot, threw dykes and ditches around the Hol-
lander to preserve the seed of both. But six centuries
after it is sad to contemplate the change and contrast
the mercy of a comparatively free intelligent heretical
people with the royal tenderness of the ‘most Roman
Catholic” [so first styled by that monster Alexander VI.
(Borgia) | sovereign. Study his laws, not dead but liv-
ing, executed laws. A. D. 1529: Obstinate heretics, if
men, to die by the sword, if women, to be buried alive ;
relapsed heretics to be burned. These mercies howev-
er were diversified, for sometimes Protestants were
drowned in tubs in secret.

A. D. 1540, increased severity, and Protestants de-
nied the privilege of disposing of their property; A.
D. 1567 ushers in the advent of Alva, and the establish-
ment of the “Council of Troubles”, or of ‘‘Blood.”

In 1572, flve hundred murdered in the guildhall of
Naarden, the inmates of the hospitals for the aged,
numbering eighty to a hundred years, all massacred
but two, the town desolated, the inhabitants tortured
to death, drowned to death :—‘“the cruelties practised
on the women were yet more enormous.’ At Zutphen
five hundred Protestants drowned in the Yssel. Well
done, duke. Well might pope Pius V send you an au-
tograph letter of commendation and the blessed sword
and hat, the highest papal rewards of the most worthy
service.

The most (Roman) Catholic king had likewise reason
to be satisfied. You were a jewel worthy your royal
and pontifical masters’ crowns. Philip outshone Caligu-
154

la. The old Roman wished all his people had one neck,
that he might have the pleasure of severing it; the Ro-
man Catholic condemned a whole nation to death by
one comprehensive death-warrant, which only failed in
execution because the power was wanting to inflict all
the misery contemplated.

Louis XIV. and Philip If.,—"par nobile fratrum,’-—
both Jesuits taught, confessed and led, you stand pre-
eminent in wickedness—the one founded a Jaw on a lie,
the other condemned (1568) a people with one stroke
of the pen. No Protestant has attained that altitude
of crime. That no doubt might exist of the warrant,
it was re-enacted by a so styled amnesty [1569-1570]
which, excepting all but « few individuals, had
the effect of an edict of confirmation. Can the intent
be doubted, when Alva boasted that his victims, by the
hands of authorized executioners, amounted to eigh-
teen thousand six hundred in the space of six years,
while those who suffered by the casualties of battle,
siege, starvation, and massacre, ‘‘defied computation.”

In 1572, the siege and capture of Harlem, (hapless
city!) followed by such an execution as amounted to
a general massacre—two thousand put to death in
cold blood during eight days after the surrender.

In 1576, during the “Spanish fury” at Antwerp,
2,500 burghers were sent to their account by shot and
steel; the number of these whom the flames and sword
devoured after the first butchery, “is incalculable.”

In 1583, the ‘French fury,” in the same city, renew-
ed the same scene, to the tune of Kill! Kill! Vive the
Mass !

In 1584, the murder of §olland’s WASHINGTON,
often conceived, twice attempted, finally successful, plan-
ned and rewarded by the Most (Roman) Catholic King,
155

approved by a Most (Roman) Catholic Viceroy, and
executed by a Roman Catholic Jesuit-drilled assassin.

In 1593, the dict of Fuentez, forbidding quarter,
and violating every usage of civilized warfare ; in
1597, the burial alive of Annette van dev Hove, a poor
servant woman, under the supervision of a Jesuit priest !
who stood listening as her shrieks and groans welled
up through the earth, stamped down over her head.—
Oh, blessed toleration of the Roman pontiff and his
Jesuit janizaries !

fjollanvder, take up another volume. The dragonnades
are Romanizing France, and your forefathers tasted of
the papal mercies. Can you forget the days of Zwam-
merdam and Bodegrave, episodes of that glorious cam-
paign of Luxemburg, which moved the Pope (Clement
X.)’s “bowels of pontifical charity,’—triumphs which
involved atrocities ranging from the extreme of slicing
off violated women’s breasts and spicing the green
wounds with pepper, salt and gunpowder, to simple
murder in more or less exaggerated forms.

With all thy faults, oh fatherland, no country has
ever shown itself so tolerant as thou hast. Left to
itself, there, there alone, Roman Catholicism waxed
gentle, and in thy bosom only lingers the warmth of
that purifying Jansenist fire, which Fenelon and Pascal
tended until trampled out by the foot of the ‘Most
Christian” king, he who enacted the law which was
based on a lie.

And, even yet, Dutch popery, affected by the influ-
ences above, around it,the atmosphere of common sense,
benevolence, and toleration, cannot altogether choke
down the monstrous impiety of the Immaculate Con-
ception.—[Nezare’s History of the so called Jansenist
Church of Holland. |
156

Owen Fetiriam, an English moralist, high-church-
man, devoted royalist and acute observer, who wrote
about the middle of the seventeenth century—in his
“Three Weeks’ Observation of the Low Countries, es-
pecially Holland, among his “Lausoria or Occasional
Pieces,” appendices to the 12th Edition, which appear-
ed in 1709, of his curious and instructive ‘Resolves,
Divine, moral and political,” includes the Toleration of
the people of the Seven Provinces among their vices.

His remarks are so quaint and otherwise remarkable,
that although somewhat scurrilous, they seem worthy of
quotation as most apposite :

“Tis an University of all Religions, which grow here
confusedly (like Stocks in a Nursery) without either
order or pruning: If you be unsettled in your Reli-
gion, you may here try all, and take at last what
you like best. If you fancy none, you have a pattern
to follow of two that would be a Church by themselves.

ree’ Tis the Fair of all the Sects, where all the Ped-
lars of Religion have leave to vent their Toys, their
Ribbands, and Phanatick Rattles. And should it be
true, it were a cruel brand whigh Romanists fix upon
them; for (say they) as the Chameleon changes into all
Colours but white, so they admit of all Religions but
the true: For the Papist only may not exercise his in
Publick ; yet his restraint they plead is not in hatred
but justice, because the Spanfard abridges the Protes-
fant; and they had rather shew a little Spleen, than
not ery quit with their Enemy. His act is their War-
rant, which they retaliate justly.”

ta” “Now albeit the Pap/sts do them wrong herein,
yet can it not excuse their boundless Toleration, which
shews they place their Republick in a higher esteem
than Heaven itself; and had rather cross upon God
157
than it. For whosoever disturbs the Civil Government
is liable to punishment ; but the Decrees of Heaven and
Sanctions of the Deity, any one may break uncheck’d,
by professing what false Religion he please. So Con-
sulary Rome of old brought all the stragling Gods of
other Nations to the City, where blinded Superstition
paid an Adoration to them.”

te" “You would think, being with them, you were
in old Jsrae/, for you find not a Beggar among them.
Nor are they mindful of their Own alone; but Stran-
gers also partake of their Care and Bounty. If they
will depart, they have Money for their Convoy. If
they stay, they have Work 2 ovided. If unable, they
find an Hospital. "= "

* * * And lest Necessity bereave Men of Means
to set them on work, there are publick Banks, that
peunen use) lend upon Pawns to all the Poor mao
want.” . - =

Beneath the awgis of the Hollandish (Saxo-Menapian-
Frison) commonwealth, Jew and Gentile, all persuasions,
found toleration, peace, prosperity, and plenty. Be-
neath the cross-keys of the sovereign pontiff, in 1859,
no Protestant community can build a church or wor-
ship God in public; and dungeons, torments, secret
ovens, in place of public bonfires, punish the daring
man or woman who presumes to worship God in spirit
and in truth; and—think—a httle boy—a child—is
kidnapped for conversion (!) in the city of the pope !
Huevenor and fjollander, contrast, reflect, and never,
never, NEVER allow your children to forget.—

 

The Saxo-Menapian taught the world a lesson of tol-
erance and sympathy sixteen centuries ago, his de-
scendants cherished the sacred inheritance of charity
and freedom ; their children, in a new, far distant
158
land, bask in their memories, and glory in them, as
the African, in the blaze of his torrid sun.

Having thus indulged in an episode or comparison
between the toleration of Papal France and Spain and
so called heretical Holland—between Romanist mercy
and Protestant forbearance,—let us finish the examina-
tion in regard to the Habitat of the ancient Menapn,
and then conclude the historical sketch of the Saxon
Forefathers of the maritime Netherlanders.

“Pleutaiot de Mevamnor, ton ekbalon eph hekatera tou
potamou, katotkountes hele kat dromous,” writes Strabo,
(first century B. (.,) according to Malte-Brun, the first
geographer of antiquity. ‘‘Untmi sunt MENATHOI
OsTIORUM EX UTRAQUE RIPA FLUMINIS (RHENI)  Ac-
COLENTES (OF HABITANTES) PALUDES ET SALTUS (SYLVAS
HUMILES).

“The most remote people are the ftlenapit, at the
mouths [plural] of the Ahkine, inhabiting the marshes
and uncultivated woodlands, used for pasture [parks
or oak-openings] [ap Mare] upon the ocean”!

In conclusion—‘‘SupeLeMENTUM SUPPLEMENTI CHRON-
1cortm —‘“‘Zelandia quoque alia est, inguit, tn Ger-
mania inferiore, Provincia ad Septentrionem et Occi-
dentem versa, que potius tisula Rhen? dict potest.”

ffixzas Siuvivs Piccorominaus [Pius IL., 1405-1464]
—in his Commentaries on the Achievements of the
Elector-Palatine, Frederic IT. [1458]—* U7#/m7, inquit,
Germanorum ad Septentrionem et Ocridentem rerst,
Zelandini sunt ; Insulares populi, Rhent Osttis objectt
[directly opposite to the mouths of the Rhine], cnter
quos preecipur Mittelburgenses habentrr.”

PRoBstuM Est!

“Just across the North Sea” —is the noble confession
of a delightful contributor to the Atlantic Magazine of
159

October, 1858—‘‘over the low sand-dykes of Holland,
scarce higher than a ship’s bulwarks, looked a race
whom the spleeny wits of other nations declared to be
born web-footed. Yet, their sails were found in every
sea, and, like resolute merchants, as they were, they
left to others the glory, while they did the world’s
carrying. Their impress upon the sea-language was
neither faint nor slight. They were true marines, and
from Manhattan Island to utmost Japan, the brown,
bright sides, full bows, and bulwarks, tumbling home,
of the Dutchman, were familiar as the sea-gulls. Un-
derneath their clumsy-looking upper-works, the lines
were true and sharp; and but the other day, when the
world’s clippers were stooping their lithe race-horse-
like forms to the seas in the great ocean sweepstakes,
the fleetest of all was—a Durcumay.”

‘Without diminishing the glory of Cabot in mari-
time exploration, to the navigators of Holland is due
the credit of first carefully surveying our whole Atlan
tic coast, and minutely mapping that part of it from

ny

Cape Cod to Henlopen.” !

“The nautical enterprise and the abundant maritime
resources of the Dutch, whose navy (according to Sir
Walter Raleigh,) nwmbered ten ships to one for that of
England, gave them pre-eminent advantages over all
other nations in examining the indented coast of the
whole Atlantic seaboard of America, and selecting the
most eligible points for such colonies as they chose to
plant.” !

“At a later day, one Dutch commercial establishment
alone, without the aid of the Provincial or Federal gov-
ernment of the United Provinces, ‘could equip a fleet
of fifty sail of the line, without building a single ves-
sel. Dutch words still supply half the technical terms
used on ship-board.” /
160

“The United Provinces,” cries FerurHam, are ‘To-
gether, a Man of War, riding at Anchor in the Downs
of Germany.”

“They are, in a manner, all .lyuatiles, and therefore
the Spaniard calls them Water-Dogs. To this, though
you need not condescend, yet withal you may think
they can catch youa Duck as soon. Seaguls do not
swim more readily, nor J/oo7-hens (Menapian-Morini)
from their Nest, run sooner tothe Water. Everything
is so made to swim among them, as it is a question if
Elizeus his Ax were now floating there, it would he
taken for a Miracle.”

“Their Natives are the whip of Spain, or the Arm
wherewith they pull away his Jndzes. Nature hath
not made them so active for the Land as some others;
but at Sea they are Water-devils, to attempt things
incredible.”

‘Almost all among them are Seamen born, and like
Frogs can live both on Land and Water. Not a Coun-
try Vriester but can handle an Oar, steer a Boat, raise
a Mast, and bear you out in the roughest straits you
come in. She avouches the Ship much_ better for
Sleep than a Bed.”

“In 1607, they assailed the Avrmado of Spacn, in
the Bay of Gibraltar, under the covert of the Castle
and Towns Ordnance, and with the loss of 150, slew
above 2,000, and ruined the whole Fleet. Certainly
a bolder Attempt hath ever scarce been done. The
Indian Mastiff never was more fierce against the angry
Lion. Nor can the Cock, in his crowing valour, become
more prodigal of his Blood than they.”

1 “Their Language, though it differ from the
higher Germany, yet hath it the same ground, and is
as old as Babel, And albeit harsh, yet so lofty and
full a Tongue, as made Goropius Becanus maintain it
- 161

for the speech of Adam in his Paradise. And_ surely,
if there were not other reasons against it, the signifi-
cancy of the Antient Zeutontch might carry it from
the primest Dialect. Stev¢n, of Bruges, reckons up
2170 Monosyllables, which, being compounded, how
richly do they grace a Tongtie? <A tongue that for
the general profession is extended further than any
that I know. Through both the Germandes, Denmark,
Norway, ‘Sweden, and sometimes France, England,
Spain. And still among us all our old words are
Dutch, with yet so little change, that certainly it is in
a manner the same that it was 2000 Years ago, without
the too much mingled borrowings of their neighbour-

Nations.”
* * * % x%

\

But higher, higher far than any praise the fondest
Hollander or Wnikkerbakler has lavished on the Father-
land, soar the aspirations of Mons. pp Gravn, who was
born at Ursel, about twelve miles W. N. W. of Ghent,
in the department of the Schelde, was educated at the
university of Louvain, occupied a prominent position
in the administration of his country, and died on the
30th day of July, 1805. Among other works highly
praised for their research, he was the author of an In-
troduction to the History of the Ancient World, which,
embodied therein, serves as a preface or exordium to
a Treatise, in three volumes, 12 mo., whose extraordi-
nary contents are shadowed forth on the title page,
which discovers that however high we rate the Hol-
landish and Zeelandish (Muyapian) influence, others
have assigned to it as much wider a range and _loftier
an elevation as the flight of an arrow is transcended by
the parabole of a cannon-ball or even the volitation of

a meteor.
11
162

That it may speak for itself we quote and translate
Tne Repusiic oF THE Erystan Fienps, or the ANcreNtT
Wortp, a work in which is chiefly demonstrated ; that
the Elysian fields and Tartarus or Hades (Enfer) of
the ancients, are the names of an ancient republic of
just and religious men, situated at the northern extrem-
ity of Gaul, and especially in the islands of the Low-
er Rhine (Maas-Scheldic Archipelago) ;

That this Hades was the principal sanctuary of the
initiation to the Afysteries, and that Ulysses was initi-
ated there. [Bear in mind the previous remarks, page
119, in regard to Vliss¢ngen, (Flushing,) the ‘enter-
ing in of Ulysses” or U (V anciently) Lissxs] ;

That the (allegoric) goddess Ciree is the symbol of ©
the Elysian worship (£glise) ;

That this Elysium was the cradle of the arts, sciences
and mythology ;

That the Hystans, thus styled—| or named according
to other accounts Atlantes, (Atlantides,) inhabitants of
the celebrated island or seven sacred islands in the At-
lantic ocean, over against the Pillars of Hercules (in
the island of Waleheren?) whence the world derived its
philosophy and religion—(Rupgpuck, in his Atlantica
(Ailand eller fManheim) locates the Atluntis in Sweden)—
Hyperboreans—(BariLuey, in his Lettres sur 0 Atlantide
de Plato, places Atlantis and the cradle of the human
race, in the farthest regions of the North, and seeks to
connect the Atlantides with the last named, far famed
Hyperboreans)——-Cimmerians——(Cimbri)—(Consult Aw.
THON’s Lemprvere), |—civilized the nations of antiquity,
including the Egyptians and Greeks ;

That the fabulous gods are no more than emblems of
the social institutions of the Elysian commonwealth ;

That the celestial vault is the chart or picture (tab-
163

-leau) of the institutions and of the philosophy of the
Atlantean legislators ;

That the celestial eagle is the emblem of the found-
ers of the Gallic nation ;

That the poets Homer and Hestop were natives of
Belgica, {Zeeland and Flanders, (Flamengant or Flam-
bigant) (MEN apa) |.

The posthumous work of M: CHartes JOSEPH DE
Grave, Senior Counsellor of the Council of Flanders,
Member of the Council of the Ancients, &c.

Veterum volvens monumenta Deorum,
O Patria! O divum Genus!

“Issued at Ghent from the Publishing house of F. pg
Gozsin-Veruzaue, No. 229 Hauteporte street, 1806.”
There !

x

 

xe * * * *
* ay tae. * * %
Cesar’s Campaigns against the Menapii.

A little more than a half century before the Advent
of our blessed Redeenfer, Juttus C.msar had almost
completed the conquest of all that territory which is
now embraced in the empire of France. The Nervii—
that magnificent race of warriors, whose terribly-impo-
sing aspect had wrung tears, akin to terror, from his
veteran soldiers and officers—whose baptism of fire had
been by immersion rather than by the mere sprinkling
of blood—had, been smitten and crushed beneath the
Juggernautic wheels of Roman discipline. The firm
land was his; and even the ocean had, in a measure,
been subjected to the might of valor, rendered almost
supernatural by science and method.

The Atlantic Veneti,* worthy namesakes of the sub-
sequent Adriatic Venetians—like them such wondrous

 

* Department of Morbihan, Southwest costal — Vide Oxsar’s Wars
in aa vie: 16.
164

mariners—who had ranged as masters the stormy Bay.
of Biscay (Série Aequitanteus), ruled upon the western
coasts of Gaul, and almost monopolized the commerce
of Britain—had been overcome upon that fickle ele-
ment which inthe end betrayed them ; since subsiding
into a calm, at the moment supreme, it permitted Ca-
sar’s fair-weather seamen (in lighter gallies, rendered
swifter by superior numbers of provincial rowers) to
out-maneeuvre their lofty war-ships, built not so much
for speed as to battle with the tempest and the billows.
It was a type of the victory of steam over sails, and
foreshadowed the result of any future contest between
steamers and sailing vessels. In this fatal maritime
campaign, the Romans first became acquainted with
the name and power of the ftlenapii, who had des-
patched a squadron, of strength unknown, to the assist-
ance of the Venetian coalition.

His appetite for conquest stimulated rather than
slaked by over two years of such slaughter as the most
ambitious war-chief revels in but once in the lapse of
centuries— ;

“Twas in a summer’s evening,” from “his tent;

That day he overcame the Nervii,”—
Casar [ (B. C. 56,) after his crowning victory over
the confederate peoples of Belgic or Germanic Gaul,
comprising, among others, the ftlenapit and Morini, at
Prele (Presle, three miles south by east, and above
Chatelet, on the Sambre, 18 miles west-south-west of Na-
mur,) | looked down upon that leafy sea of the Carbon-
arian and Arduennan forests, whose adjacent verdant,
undulations were lost in the distant azure undula-
tions of the sea. As far as the eye could reach, mo-
rasses and uncultivated tracts of woodland—the higher *
grounds clothed with towering oaks, the lower with a
tangled, thorny wilderness of short and dense but less
165

lofty trees—stretched out before him, whose labyrinth-
ine passages, by land and water, wound through the
dark luxuriance of vegetation.

Behind that wavy screen which extended from the
Kystian Mountains, near Aix-la-Chapelle, to the Chan-
nel, below Boulogne, lay fertile fields and pleasant
homesteads, pastures stocked with flocks and herds,
and flowing with milk and honey,—the home of a free,
commercial and agricultural race. Within the encom-
passing bulwarks of their marshy deserts and forest
wildernesses they developed the resources of their
scanty lands by the application of transmarine fertili-
zing agents, and to the subsistence afforded by a pre-
carious agriculture added the resources of a limited but
noted cloth-manufacture and primitive commerce. Of
all the Celtic and Germanic tribes and peoples of Gaul
and Germania Inferior, the ftlenapit and ftlenapian-
flovini alone remained unconquered. They had dared
to league themselves against his armies, they had sent
their vessels to the assistance of the Veneti, and they
still disdained to implore the clemency of Cmsar, and
defied him by sheltering those under the ban of his
displeasure, who had sought an asylum in their marsh-
land, forest citadels.

At length the Romans, after seven ‘centuries of ex-
panding conquest, looked in the face, for the first time,
the true Saxon—pausing, as it were, on a congenial
soil, after so many centuries of migration from his
starting point upon the plains of Shinar. The Roman
advanced northward, fearful and gorgeous in the per-
fection of his military preparation, upon whose glitter-
ing harness played the light of a glory as yet without
eclipse: the Saxon moved westward and southward,
splendid in the martial manhood of fearless freedom,
around which shone the halo of natural intellectuality.
166

It was the first meeting on Freedom’s ground of the
Man of the South and the Man of the North; the Man-
or Hero-worshipper and the (One-Supreme- or All-
Father-) God-worshipper.

Even as the king of birds rends the air with his
screams to appall his prey before he stoops upon it,
so the imperial eagle made the forests resound with his
menaces, hoping his new antagonist would quail, as all
others hitherto had blenched at his war-cries. Not so!
the scream was answered by that sullen roar of defiance
with which the Lion of Holland has ever welcomed to
his fangs all who have ventured upon his beat in the
attitude of a foeman or oppressor.

Finding that neither the imposing display of his
strength could shake their determination, nor his men-
aces dismay their leaders, nor the fate of more numer-
ous and powerful nations strike terror to the souls of
these people, C#sAr, supposing the enterprise was tri-
fling in comparison to those he had brought to a suc-
cessful issue, resolved to employ the remaining season
adapted to military operations, in the conquest or ex-
termination of the ftlenapit and ftlorini. His pride
rendered him indignant that two nations so inferior to
the Nervit in population and resources, should pre-
sume to oppose a vigorous resistance to his arms. Ac-
cordingly, in the early autumn he entered the southern-
most territory of the ftlovint, which corresponds to the
Hennegau (Hainault?) or that part of Artois which
lies about Hesdin,

The flenapit and ftlorini, however, had profited by
what. they had seen occurring beyond their frontier.
They had learned that it was hopeless to attempt to
cope with the tactics and discipline of the Romans.
Saxon or true German in the temper of their minds in
as great adegree as in their bodies, they deliberated
167

before they resolved, and determined not to adventure
their untrained valor against the disciplined might of
the invaders, but to wear them out by surprises, sudden
attacks and ambuscades, obstructing and disconcerting
their marches by a combination of skillful stratagems
and enterprising partisan warfare.

C.msar, perceiving that he could neither enveigle nor
drive his opponents from their impenetrable fastnesses,
conceived the astonishing project of cutting down the
immense forests which covered the greater part of the
country; that is to say, from the frontier of Artozs to
the confines of Flanders, throughout a district embra-
cing at least twenty-five hundred square miles. After
such a conception we cannot believe that this region
was covered by forests such as we behold around us;
doubtless a great part was mere jungle, interspersed
with holts or groves of trees; but still, it was an un-
dertaking which has no parallel, except in those Russo-
Caucasian campaigns, in which, by the order of the
Emperor Nicholas—as we are informed by travelers——
enormous forests were leveled with the axe, to deprive
the Circassians of their cover and retreats.

The difficulties of this Herculean enterprise gradual-
ly yielded to the disciplined labor of the legions, and
already the frontier villages and settlements had fallen
a prey to military license and the flames, when Casar
beheld, to his extreme astonishment and even shame,
denser, vaster forests rising beyond the districts upon
which he had exhausted the horrors of pillage, slaugh-
ter, and destruction. New and mightier sylvan lines of
defence received within their natural stockades the re-
tiring defenders, and he was obliged to halt amid the
smoking embers, which, not in vain, had appealed to
Fortune against her favorite. He had calculated that
before the favorable weather terminated he could have
168

overcome these petty nations, whose weakness he de-
spised. Those bitter, sleety tempests, urging in upon
the land the desolating surges, from which, combined,
the country before him is said to have derived its
name of Vol-lanen or Flanders, disconcerted even the
legions accustomed to confront with equal hardihood
the torrid sun and wintry cold. Floods of icy rains,
mingled with snow, poured down upon the Romans,
deprived of shelter by their very barbarous mode of
warfare; and, destitute of tents, provisions, and the
means of transport, they were obliged to give ground
to irresistible enemies—a tempestuous season and an
insupportable climate. Thus baffled and humiliated,
Csr led back his legions into winter-quarters.

 

One advantage, however, resulted from his opera-
tions. The country laid waste was opened to anew
invasion, and the Morrint, of Celtic rather than of Saxon
or German lineage, losing heart at the spectacle of
their desolated country, made their submission during
the winter. Reduced to slavery, our story has nothing
farther to do with them ; but following the fortunes
of the Flemish or Menapiin-Morint, continues the re-
cital of their indomitable efforts for resistance. The
next year (B. C. 55), immediately before sailing for the
conquest of Britain, Cassar detached two of his lieu-
tenants, Sinus and Corra, to effect their subjugation.
Favored by the season, they invaded the frontier can-
tons (Pag?) of the Flemish allies and forced them back,
it would appear, beyond the outer lines of their
marshes and forests.

Immediately upon his return from England, Cassar
despatched his favorite Lieutenant, Lapienvs, against
them, at the head of three of his veteran legions—
constituting a force which must have comprised, be-
sides a vast number of tributary auxiliaries, from twen-
169

ty-seven to thirty thousand of the finest troops in the

world. Sasinus and Corra seconded his operations, and .
thus two petty confederate nations, which, at the be-

ginning of the war, could muster only thirty-four thou-

sand combatants (of whom, originally, twenty-five

thousand were Morint, who, meanwhile, for the greater

part had given in their submission,) found themselves

assailed from the south and east by triple numbers of

veteran troops. '

This was the fourth year of Casar’s Gallic War (B.
U. 54), and proved most unfortunate for the confeder-
ates. The summer had been dry, and the drought had
in a great measure deprived the /lemish Morint of the
protection of their marshes, so that they were compel-
led to fall back before Laxsrenvs still farther to the
northwards, within that “seaky” land which could not
be affected by the season.* Sasiyus and Cora like-
wise enjoyed a partial success. Their efforts had been
directed against the §Hlenapit proper, more towards the
interior, whose territories were laid waste with fire and
sword. Nevertheless, although their crops had been
destroyed and their habitations plundered, the people
themselves were undaunted and unsubdued, and, ta-
king refuge within their impenetrable forests, deter-
mined to exhaust every available resource, and exert
their utmost efforts to repulse the odious yoke of their
cruelenemy. And thus, at the expense of their fron-
tier cantons, their country’s natural outworks, they

 

*As may be readily supposed, a very far greater portion of ancient Flan-
ders was then under water than is now submerged. For instance Brrtius
informs us that the name of the Morty1 was derived by some from alake
so large that it was called by the inhabitants Afoer (Mcere)—whence Mere
a large pond or lake—a Saxon or Flemish rather than a Celtic word, sig-
nifying the “Sea”—which stretched from Furnes to Winoxberga [Bergues,
formerly, Berg St. Venox] once surrounded by the saline waters of the
Mere ond insalubrious marshes now entirely drained.
170

preserved the integrity of their. home penetralia ; and
the winter (B. C. 54-53) found them suffering the same
extremities which glorified WASHINGTON’S winter
quarters (1777--'8) at Valley-Forge.

Next year (B. C. 53), Cazsar, in person, undertook
to accomplish their subjugation. The preceding win-
ter, the Nervii, Atuatici and filenapii, together with all
the other tribes of German extraction, had formed a
league against him. A winter campaign shattered and
impoverished the Nevvit, and dissolved the league, but
did not subdue or triumph over the constancy of the
filenapti. They alone, of all the nations between the
Rhine and Seine, had never sought to propitiate him,
and, notwithstanding the most strenuous endeavors of
his ablest lieutenants, were still defiant and in arms.
So little did they fear him that they not only sent no
embassadors to solicit a truce or negotiate a peace, but
openly acknowledged themselves the allies of his en-
emy Amprorix, king of the Eburones.

In fact, the sagacious AMBIORIX was well aware that
in case of utter defeat, he must depend for ultimate
safety on the friendship of the {enapii, who would af-
ford him a retreat in their inaccessible marshes and
islands, and of the TRreviri, farther to the east, who
could facilitate his escape into Germany.

Having assigned to Lanrenvs the duty of chastising
the latter, Cazsar marched against the former with five
legions and the whole of his cavalry. Consider the
inequality of the pending struggle. (C.rsir estimated
the enemy’s force at nine thousand fighting men; Cuv-
verius, who furnishes the highest estimate of their
strength, sets it down at seventeen thousand. The
great Juuivs deemed it necessary to match from forty-
five to sixty thousand perfect soldiers, whose bodies
were clad in mail of proof, while their souls were pan-
Lvl
oplied by centuries of victory, against this undisci-
plined nation, naked in the sense of armor and inno-
cent of war as a science.

The ftlenapii, convinced at the first by their common
sense, and confirmed in their resolution by experience,
that they could not meet the perfectly armed and in-
structed legionaries in the open field, resorted to that
successful people’s war, whose sequel was still more
glorious than the headlong, ‘ferocious but unfortunate
patriotism” of the Nervi. Having divided his forces,
overwhélming in numbers and preparation, into three
divisions, in order to assail them simultaneously at ev-
ery accessible point, Casar assigned the first to his
Lieutenant, C. Fasrve, the second to his Questor, M.
Crassus, and reserved the third for himself. Then,
having sent the baggage of his whole army to Last-
ENUS—acting with his division against the Treviri—
unincumbered and relieved of the -greatest impedi-
ments to expeditious operations, he moved, as he ex-
pected, irresistibly against the ftlenapii. At his ap-
proach, these—either trusting to the inaccessibility of
their country, or unable, in consequence of the rapidity
of his advance, to assemble their forces, or distracted
by the triple assault and sudden invasion on three
points at once—retired deeper into their forests and
morasses, carrying all their movable property with
them—perhaps, even into the Maas-Scheldic Archipel-
ago, then much more comprehensive than at present,
and extending to Jeldi (Jaldeghem?) and the Portus
Apatiac’,* (12 miles yyw. of Bruges?) both near (?)
Ostende. What Cesar accomplished after such over-

 

*D’ Anvit_e located the Portus .Mpatiaci (us) at Scarphont, a port be-
tween Ostend and Sluys, which was swallowed up by the sea in 1834;
Blankenburg, however, occupies near about the same site.
172
whelming preparations, neither his nor uny other his-
tory informs us. He tells us that having speedily com-
pleted his military bridges, he entered the country of
the stlenapit in three columns, burned their houses and
villages, and swept off such numbers of men and cattle
that they were at length compelled to sue for peace,
which, thereupon, he granted, on condition that they
delivered hostages and bound themselves not to per-
mit Ambiorix; or any of his emissaries to enter, or take
refuge, in their country. Having thus accommodated
matters to his satisfaction he withdrew, threatening to
treat them as enemies—which must mean, to extermin-
ate them, for he had committed every other possible
act of hostility—if they violated these conditions. In
the meanwhile Commius, the Abrebatian king at this
time, one of Cesar’s traitor tools against his own race,
afterwards his enterprising opponent, was left with a
strong body of cavalry to observe their movements
and keep them in awe.

Such is the plain, unvarnished tale of the chief actor
and of the sole record of this war. Drwzz, led astray by
fancy, indulges in details for which he ean produce no
authority. He would have us to believe that the Ro-
mans facilitated their invasion and subsequent move-
ments by bridges thrown across the Schelde, and _ that
the ftlenapians, not having had time to concentrate
their troops, could neither frustrate their enterprises
nor arrest their progress; that the three Roman col-
umns marked cach step of their advanee with confla-
gration and devastation; and that the flames which de-
voured in succession each settlement and village they
had occupied, served as monstrous bale-fires, to an-
nounce their farther advance; that the miserable in-
habitants who fled before them and were unable to
escape the lively pursuit of their light troops and cav-
173

alry, were offered the desperate alternatives of death
or slavery; and that the remnant who escaped the de-
stroying steel and the devouring flame had but one
resource—an unconditional submission to the Roman
yoke. Unfortunately, this graphic and touching de-
scription has no records to corroborate it. That smiling,
cultivated tracts, were transformed into horrent wastes
Cesar himself informs us. Beyond these inevitable
consequences of Roman invasion, all isvague. A close
examination of facts will convince the unprejudiced
that although the extremities of JJenapza suffered
dreadfully, the heart of the country escaped, and did
not succumb.

First: Cesar tells us that the Maas-Scheldic Archi-
pelago was for the most part inhabited by fierce and
barbarous nations, reported to feed only on fish and
the eggs of flirds. Pliny and Servius, (XVth century,
a famous commentator upon Virgil,) tautologized his
errors, or assumptions, or worse. Would it not be ri-
diculous to suppose that such a people were capable of
building war-ships worthy to be esteemed a valuable
auxiliary force by a maritime nation like the Veneti,
or merchant ships capable of navigating tempestuous
seas! Language so indefinite of itself is the best evi-
dence that Czesar never penetrated into Modern Zeeland
and West or Maritime Flanders.

Second: The statements of Cesar and Pliny, that
the Flemish ‘coast was neither inhabited nor habita-
ble,” was entirely fallacious, if not intentionally untrue,
to conceal defeat and ignorance. Modern investiga-
tions, particularly the discovery of great numbers of
ancient earthen vessels, dug up all along the shore
from Dunkirk to Bruges, determine that the sea has
not gained here, and that the coast line is the same, or
nearly the same, that. it was eighteen centuries ago.
174

Third: No writer of antiquity affords us the slight-
reason to suppose that Cvsar’s, or any other ancient
Roman army possessed a pontoon train, or knew how—
militarily speaking—to throw a bridge of boats across
a large and boisterous river. Cvsar’s bridge across
the Rhine was what engineers style a trestle bridge,
requiring time and mechanical appliances for its con-
struction across a wide, deep and rapid stream. He
assures us that upon his last invasion of Menapia he
left all his baggage behind, which must imply his mili-
tary wagons. Even had he attempted, at the outset,
to carry these with him, he would soon have been
compelled to abandon them, for, to a certainty, no
roads existed in Flanders. Its lowlands were almost
inaccessible, and traversed only by a few scarcely passa-
ble foot-paths (v7 structis quibusdam semitis permea-
btlis.—Berrtius)—to such a degree indeed that up-
wards of a century afterwards North-western Flan-
ders was known as Avta Belgarum, that is the “impas-
sable places” of the Belge or districts only intersected
by “‘by-paths.”

Again—what a large space in his Commentaries
Cesar devotes to his bridge across the Rhine!
Had he in like manner passed the Menapian rivers—he
does not mention the name of a single stream which
his armies overcame in their progress of devastating
fury—would he have been silent as to such achieye-
ments as the bridging or passing’ of either branch or
arm of the Schelde or Maas; labors whose danger and
difficulty would be no mean triumphs for modern en-
gineering. That he passed the dull stream of the Aa—
which flows by St. Omer and at Gravelines steals into
the North Sea, and constituted the Southern boundary
of the fflenapii at the time of his invasion—or the
shallow, contracted head-waters and tributaries of the
175

Maas and Schelde, is very likely, and needsno counter-
argument; but when once his admirers claim a much
farther advance, their history resolves itself at once
into an historical romance. We find a town or settle-
ment of the {flenapti, bearing their name, a little to the
west of north, and in the latitude of Namur, whose de-
struction may be the triumph on which superficial his-
torians predicate the success of his invasion. If that
be the point he refers to, it must have. been their
farthest southern frontier settlement.

Fourth: Eynxprus—whose studies are marvelously
exact and extensive—assures us that neither Laprenvs,
with three legions, first or last, nor Casar, with up-
upwards of five, accomplished unything of importance
against the Mrnapm, nor did either of them make their
away into any of the districts washed by the confluent
estuaries of the Schelde and Maas. Tacrrus affords us
a testimony too glorious for omission here or at any
time—an admission applied by FrxirHam to the people
of the Low Countries, as well as the other true Ger-
mans—that they were rather triumphed over than con-
quered by the Romans.

“Triumphati magis quam victi sunt.”

“B. C. 56,” to translate Frepertc, Baron de Rrerren-
BurRG, in his Reswme de 0 Histoire des Pays Bas, ‘the
Morini and Jenapii were the only members of the
league who had not asked for peace. They were only
defeated (domptes) the third year. But it does not
appear, even from that, that the Romans penetrated
into Maritime Flanders.”

Fifth: The record cannot be construed so as to
read that Laprenus (who, in a subsequent campaign
against the Hbwrones, was sent with three legions to-
wards the seacoast and the provinces that border on the
Menapians,) penetrated into the country, which all re-
176

liable histories assign to that race to which CARAU-
SIUS, the hero of this story, belonged.

Finally, Lone closes his article on the Menapm with
an observation that “it is very probable Cesar never
advanced into the interior of Flanders.”

Of the five Payé (Gauwen) of German origin, who
occupied Belgic or German Gaul at his era, that illus-
trious commander and commentator, Cesar, records
the fate of four with unmistakable and sad distinctness.
The first in order, the EBuronzs, were extirpated (high-
ly probable) ; the Tunari, new-comers, afterwards oc-
cupied the charnel-house of their nation: the second,
the Trevinrt, were effectually subdued (likewise plausi-
ble), and some modern writers maintain that they
eventually lost all their original territory : the third,
the Nervu, perished in the one great battle at Prele,
(doubtful, as we shall see): the fourth, the Aruatict,
were annihilated by the sword or extinguished by de-
portation into slavery (demonstrable): while the fifth,
alone, the Mevazwo., continued to exist and flourish.
They are never mentioned in language which can be
tortured into anassertion that they were either brought
under the Roman yoke or effectually conquered—while
the vagueness of Cesar’s Commentaries affords us not
the slightest data to prove that the great Jutivs, in any
one of his attempts at invasion, in the course of ‘three
years or campaigns, penetrated or set foot, either in
person or by deputy, in that district, which constituted
their habitat proper. (See pages 91, 98,-’9, 109-10,
supra. )

But even had Cesar declared that he had utterly
destroyed them, it would have by no means followed
that such was indisputably the fact, for his sword was
far more reliable than his pen in determining the fate
of a nation. Consider how he contradicts himself with
abe

regard to the Nervi. First, he states that of the Ner-
vii, but five hundred capable of bearing arms remained
alive, after the battle on the banks of the Sambre
(B. C. 57,); nevertheless, three years afterwards,
(B. C. 54,) we find them, by his own admission, once
more inarms and in alliance with the Eburones; the
next year, (B. C. 53,) according to his authority, they
rose again, and the year after, (B. C. 52,) they sent
five thousand men to the relief of Alesia. Moreover,
in the days of Pliny, the free Nervians (Nervit Liber?)
were exempt from taxes, and retained their own inter-
nal government in their ancient seats, the diocese of
Cambrai, rather larger than the subsequent province
of that name. And, stranger to relate, Lone deems it
probable the Romans had not fully reduced their coun-
try in the days of Pliny, a century after Cesar assures
us of their subjugation, nay complete destruction.

Whatever feats of heroism, whatever patriotic sacri-
fices, characterized the Menaprans’ resistance to the
Romans, has never been recorded, and never can be
revealed. Their struggle may have rivalled that ter-
rific combat, of eighty years, between their descendants
and the tyrannous Spaniards, the most glorious effort
of liberty-loving people which history presents for our
wonder and imitation. The contest of the Greeks
and Persians live in our school books. Marathon,
Thermopyle, Salamis, and Platea, are household
words; the Guerrilla warfare of Sertorius has found
historians in every tongue; the fate of Carthage ap-
peals to our sympathies in every variety of touching
verse and sober prose; but of the first Menapian
struggle for freedom we have nothing. Alas! even
as the Mutcl) of the New Netherlands had their story
told by an antagonistic, grasping, astute race, even so

the Dutch of ancient days found their historians only
12
178

in the ranks of those who coveted their territory, their per-
sons, and their honor, and failed to win either by fraud
or force. Be it our duty to rescue it from oblivion, by
proving and recording their success, ifno more. We
have the history of Persia, Greece, Rome, Carthage,
centuries before we hear of the MenapriAN name ; but
of these, the ancient Zeelanders and South Hollanders,
we know nothing farther than through their humanizing
influences, and the glorious fact of their maintaining
themselves free, where we first recognize their descend-
ants as an honored and wealthy people. The graphic,
profound and agreeable Moriey, who ignores the value
and almost the presence of the Menapian element, nev-
ertheless admits that the Zeeland and South Holland
Archipelago was unknown to the Romans, and what
was unknown could not have been conquered.

Dewez (whose investigations have exhausted the an-
cient and medieval authorities, but who is, unfortu-
nately, prone to very erroneous deductions when he
trusts to his own judgment, and deserts the beaten
way) would lead us to suppose that he had reason to
believe that when the miserable remnant of the Ebu-
rones were flying for their lives to the impervious
thickets of the (Flemish) marshes, and to the Maas-
Scheldic islands,-that they found their way into the
Zeeland Archipelago, of which they thus became the
first inhabitants. Were it at all probable that this ter-
ritory had been previously unoccupied by man—which
we know to be untrue—for the Greeks, and the Cim-
bri, and the Teutones, had settled and improved it more
than one or two centuries before—it is utterly impos-
sible that the fMenapii could have neglected such an
asylum, had Cesar in reality expelled them from their
Belgic domains. Recalling the fact that the flenapii
more than once sheltered those driven forth from their
179

homes by the assaults of the world’s conquerors or
persecutors, as well as of savage nations, it is by no
means unlikely that they received with open arms a
cognate race, who had experienced the same miseries
they had suffered, although in a less degree. This
would assimilate the origin of the Zeelandic common-
wealth to that of Venice, settled just five centuries af-
terwards by those who fled from the sword of Attila
and his Huns; nor would the resemblance terminate
with its first phase. In the same degree that the pul-
sation (Marea) of ‘the Adriatic feebly imitates the tides
of the [German] Ocean,” the influence; wealth and do-
minion of its hundred islands may compare with the
authority, opulence and world-wide acquisitions of the
Maas-Scheldic Archipelago, as much more enduring,
magnificent and potential as the tide-wave of the At-
lantic exceeds in extent and volume the feeble throb of
that arm of the Midland Sea.

Several other tribes are reported to have been re-
ceived as immigrants, or to have been adopted as mem-
bers into the Menapian Confederation. Thus the Gv-
GERNI are said to have been settled by Tiberius [B. C.
8], and the Us and Sicampri by Agrippa [B. C. 38],
in the Rhenish provinces of the Menapii. Previously
to this [B. C. 56], the Usrreres and Trncureri, cele-
brated for their excellent cavalry, had forcibly possess-
ed themselves of a portion of the same territory. But
all these, as well as several minor tribes, were driven
westward not by inclination but by the persecution of
more savage and numerous races in their rear. Their
movements were dictated by the pressure of the inex-
orable Suzvi, and they were doubtless admitted, how-
ever unwillingly, into the Menapian coalition, in the
same way that Sardinia receives daily accessions of
population through the insupportable tyranny of
180

neighboring governments; accessions acquiesced in
by that politic yielding to circumstances, which char-
acterizes the sagacious internal system of Great Britain,
and converts an element of discord into a principle of
order, and even of strength.
* % ® * co *

According to Cesar, the first acquaintance of the
Menapii with the Ustreres and TENCHTERI was any-
thing but amicable or agreeable. The latter, having
been expelled from their homes by the Svev1, after
three years wanderings westward through the savage,
primeval wildernesses of Germany, emerged at length
upon the eastern bank of the Rhine, where the stlena~
ptt had cleared up the land, brought it under cultiva-
tion, constructed villages, and established their primi-
tive homesteads. Startled, as they might well have
been, by this unexpected inundation of a prodigious
multitude, driven upon them at the point of the sword,
and surging on under the irresistible impulse of suffer-
ing and starvation, the {M{enapti abandoned their ini-
provements, took refuge in their boats and_ vessels,
retreated across the river, and lined the western bank
with troops to oppose the passage of the desperate
enemy. The new-comers, having soon exhausted the
plundered provender, which stimulated rather than
satisfied their wants, tried every expedient to make
good their way into the inviting district beyond the
river,—doubly inviting after their privations. Desti-
tute of shipping—for the ftlenapit had removed all
theirs to the left shore—they could accomplish noth-
ing against the vigilant ward and valor of the detach-
ments disposed for the defence of their Belgic homes.
Suddenly, acting in accordance with a strategy almost
too refined to believe of a barbarous race, the enemy
disappeared, and the ftlenapit returned to re-oceupy

 
18]

the domains, of which they had been so unceremoni-
ously dispossessed. The Ustrperes and Texcurert,
however, had only counterfeited a retreat, and after
three days’ journeying, whose precipitation completely
deceived the scouts sent out after them to ascertain
their movements, their cavalry, for which the Trncu-
TERI were particularly conspicuous, retraced their steps,
recovered, by a forced march, in one night, the whole
space which, having decamped, they had consumed
three days in traversing, and overpowered the ftlenapii,
neither dreaming of such a re-appearance nor prepared
to resist it. Having slaughtered the: inhabitants and
become masters of the shipping, which had brought
the settlers back across the river, the invaders passed
the Rhine before the Menapii on the Belgic territory
had time to concentrate, or even, perhaps, receive in-
telligence of their inroad. Once in possession of the
Menapian (frontier ?) settlements, the foreigners sup-
ported themselves during the ensuing winter (B. C.
56-55) on the provisions they found therein and had
thus summarily appropriated to themselves. How the
sanguinary war—which must have resulted were this
true—terminated, Cesar does not deign to relate, but
here concludes his narative. With only these facts
before us, as the story seems apocryphal, and since it
has nothing to do with the unity or thread of our story,
a farther investigation is unnecessary.

* * * *% % *

But the reader should bear in mind that he must
judge for himself, and that modern investigations are
daily disproving the unreliableness of the assurances of
Roman historians, who never paused at a falsehood to
gloss over the crimes, defeats and failures of their lead-
ers and countrymen. Moreover, accidental or inten-
tional excavations are every year revealing facts which
182

overthrow theories that seemed to have been built upon
the surest foundations. For instance, at Tournat, Ro-
man medals of the reigns of Augustus, [1st Century, |
Claudius Gothicus, Tetricus, [8d Century, ] and even
of later date ; silver coins, displaying on one side a
mailed head, and on the other an armed horseman ; and
in 1653 the tomb of Childeric 1, who died A. D. 482,
containing a vast quantity of gold and silver medals and
other curiosities, among others, that monarch’s golden
ring, subscribed with his name; likewise more than
three hundred little golden bees, which, as Emperor of
the revived French (Frais) empire, Napoleon adopted
as his armorial emblems, and emblazoned upon his
imperial robes and banners—these and similar discover-
ies, at various places and different times, in Belgium,
show how little we know of the Roman history of this
country. Rest assured, that Cesar boasted of triumphs
which an impartial pen would have recorded as. fail-
ures; and that although his successors claimed Flan-
ders and Zeeland as tributaries, and as possessions,
they were no more so than Parthia or Numidia, which
absorbed the legions as fast as they were sprinkled
upon their sands, or Germany, which swallowed them
up as rapidly as they were poured into the gorges of
its mountains and the terrific gloom of its forests.

Che Menapii under Augustus and the other Cesars.

However great the victories which Junius Casar
won upon the Belgic soil, they by no means overcame
the resolution of its inhabitants, and for the next quarter
of acentury the country was convulsed with continual
war. The Roman generals, Antony, Labienus, Decimus
Brutus, Agrippa, Nonnius Gallus, Carinus, all in sue-
cession claim to have conquered those whom Cesar as-
sured us he had annihilated, and the latter received
the honors of a triumph. The Germanic Belew must
183

have been hydra-headed, or the Roman historian egre-
giously deceived us.

B. C. 30, the country was re-districted by Augus-
tus, and the MENATIIOI, divided, were assigned
one half, the Eastern, to Germania Secunda [See page
144], and one half, the Western, to Belgica. The for-
mer were henceforth known as Ta[o]xandri, and their
country as Ta[o|xandria ; which accounts for our losing
sight of them under their original appellation, and ex-
plains why the Zeelanders were confounded with a race
who sprang up in the first century. Nevertheless, we
do not lose sight of them altogether, fcr inthe Notitia,*
or Account of the Empire, a body of soldiers named
Menapi obtained mention without any farther reference
to their country, or the place where they were levied.
This, however, is the only instance of their taking service
in the cause of despotism ; and is of little consequence,
for it is certain that the bravest of the Germanic Belge
furnished corps of chosen troops as auxiliaries to the im-
perial legions. And the salt makers of the Mrnarn,
(SatinatorEes Menapiorum,) who were famous for the ,
manufacture of that essential, are referred to in an in-
scription of the reign of Vespasian, which was dis-
covered at Rimini. The latter, the Western Menapii,
retained their name, which, as late as the reign of
Charlemagne, .clave to the district [ Menapiscus Vicus,+
or Canton,| wherein they remained independent [that
is, in reality, since they may have been nominally de-
pendent upon the sovereignties surrounding them, |
until merged in his vast incongruous empire. The
name, however, survived for centuries, in fact, almost
throughout the middle ages. Under Charles the Bald

 

*NovirilA UTRIUSQUE IMPERU, A. D, 395-407—(Gibbon); A.D. 438—
( Pancirolus).
tLeges Carott Maani ab Anszaiso Monacho collecte. -
184

the Abbey of St. Amand, ten miles South by East
of Tournat, “was comprised in the territory of the
Menapii, now [A. D. 847,] called Mempiseum.”
And about A. D. 700, the Abbot of -Anss, a league
west from Liege, in his Life of St. Ursmar, stated that
nations adjoiing the Flemings | /landrenses | and the
Penapii [Meyarrenses|, recalled from the worship of
different idols, were brought into the Church of Christ
(?) by this Romish Apostle of the country between the
Dyle, the Rhine, the Somme, and the Ocean. This be-
atified (!) Saint was mitred-abbot [exercising episcopal
functions| of Laubes [Lobes or Lobbes| about two
miles northwest of Thun, and died, being almost
sixty-nine years old, on the 18th April, A, D. 713, and
was buried on the 19th, which last the Romaniats cel-
ebrate as his feast-day, venerating his relics at Binche,
four leagues east-south-east from Mons. In A. D. 882,
acording to the Chronicles of Sigebert, of Gemblours,
an accomplished writer of the XIth century, great
numbers of the #enapii perished in consequence of
_the infernal ravages and butcheries made by the cog-
nate Normans throughout the districts upon the Tene
_ Maas and Schelde, A. D. 810, 835, 845, &e. but particu-
larly in 882, when Rollo the Dane, subsequently first
duke—William the Conqueror was seventh—of Nor-
mandy, exhausted the horrors of fire, sword, and. rapine
upon Menapia. So terrible was the visitation that a
modern Belgic author thinks that about A. D. 800 the
HMenapii were blotted out. They suffered dreadfully
at the hands of the Normans, with whom they, after-
wards, were combined. Heriold, a Danish vi-king,
reigned in Walkeren, A. D. 841. Three Norman chicls,
Roland, Eggard, who fell, A. D. 835, defending the
island against a new invasion of his countrymen, and
Roruc, were the three first counts of Zecland, which
185

formed at one time or another a portion of Neustria,
afterwards Normandy within more restricted bounda-
ries, or of Austrasia. The Menapiscus Pagus is also
distinctly mentioned in the division, A. D. 840, of his
empire by Louts le Debonnacie, which the Italians trans-
late Péous, but the French render Meek, using a gentle
term to cover his pusillanimity. In fact, about this
time, A. D. 870, Frivzland, Brabant and Menapia seem
sometimes .to have been used as synonymous terms, to.
designate the district south of the Maas and between
that river and the Schelde, which constituted Lower
| Veder| Saxony, whose inhabitants, Menapii or Arbor-
iche, spoke, A. D. 917, a language very similar to the
English, certainly as much so, if pronounced correctly,
as the modern Frison : witness the Lord’s Prayer, as
quoted by the Abbot of Stadt—[a village in the island
of Overflakkee? or Staden, about twelve miles north-
north-east of Ypres ?|:

“ Reader wre, thu the cart on heofenun. — Séthdn
uama ghehalgod. To cume thin rice [riche, kingdom,
Anglo-Saxon and old English]. Ge wurthe thin willa
on earthan sia, swa on heofenum, ke.

Also another form, from the ‘Belgic Antiquities” of
Richard Versteganum—| Richard VersteganJ—born at
London, in the middle of the XVIth century:

“Atha unsar thu de himina, wethnat namo thetn.
Vinas thudinassus theins.  Werrthas wilya theins, sive
in himina, gahana atthrat” ke.

Consider again the form of Adjuration, or the Cate-
chism repeated by the Saxo-Christian converts of Friez-
land—(Frise Citerveure)—or Menapian Flanders and
Zeeland in the VIIth century.

Forsachistu diabole ? Do you renounce or forsake
186
the devil? Ze forsacho diabole. 1 renounce or for-
sake the devil.

End allum diabol-gelde? And all the devil’s soci-
ety or kin? End ee forsacho allum diabol-gelde.

End alluim diabole wercum? Also all the devil’s
works? En ec forsacho allum diaboles wercum end
wordum, Thunaer ende Woden, end Saxo note, end
allum them unholdum, the hira genotas sint. I re-
nounce or forsake the devil’s works and teachings,
{words], Thor [the God of Thunder] and Woden, and
the Saxon customs or service, and all their unholy
things (false gods,) and all things which are pleasing
to them.

Gelobts tu in Got Almechtiyan fader? Do you
believe in—or love the faith of—God the Almighty
Father? Ke gelobo in Got Almechtigan fader.

Gelobis tu in Christ Godes-Suno? Do you be-
lieve in Christ, God’s Son? He gelobo in Christ, Godes-
Suno. :

Gelobis tu in Halogan-Gast? Do you believe in
the Holy Ghost? e gelobo in Haloyan-Gast. I believe
in the Holy Ghost.

* Pn * * *

Thus upwards of five centuries and a half subsequent
to Carausius, the Menarit maintained themselves in
their ancient seats. That the Romans were in _ their
Flemish territory for some time, at different epochs, is
highly probable, since tokens of their presence are con-
stantly discovered. But that they were masters of it
cannot be shown with any certainty whatever. As to
their having made their way as conquerors, or except
as peaceful traders, into insular Menap ia, is as unsuscept-
ible of any valid proof as that they were the discover-
ers or colonists of America.

Farthermore, Bucuertus inflicts a sad blow upon the
187

arrogant conceit of the Batavi, since he assures us
that under Augustus the Caninefates, the Batavians,
and the Frisons, became a dependence of the Germa.
nia Secunda—that is, of the subjected Lastern Stlenapit.
Meanwhile the Western, Menapia proper, subdivided
into Flandria, constituting the northern and western
half, along the coast, and Menapiscus, the southern and
eastern portion, west of the Schelde, were distinguished
by those titles until the latter was lost in the former,
and more popular appellation. The Maas-Scheldic Ar-
chipelago, under the title of Testerbant, seems to have
been less known to the Romans of every class and de-
gree of education throughout the duration of their em-
pire than any most distant and inaccessible portion of
the globe is at the present time to individuals of or-
dinary education.

The most recent mention of the Menapian name, in
connection with modern affairs, is in a Latin epigram,
penned in honor of Charles the Bold—Duke and would
be king of Burgundy—1467-1476—the warlike com-
petitor of the diplomatic Louis XI. of France, and the
amorous Edward IV. of England.

“Hannibal in castris, Romanus in agmine Ocesar,
In pugnis Macedo, Carolus unus erat.

Sic triplici gestans invictum pectore pectus,
Vertit Hiuronum menia capta solo.

Mox quoque Menarios, Leucorumgue aspera colla.
Invicto victor subdidit imperio.”

* * %
(Translation :)—

In strategy a Hannisat, in tactics the Roman (Juiius) O2sar,

In battle the Macedonian (ALExaNpER) ; CHARLES comprised the three in
himself ;

Thus bearing an invincible soul in his thrice great (or triple) breast.

He leveled with the ground the captured walls of the people of Liege—
(EBURON]) ;

Afterwards, also, the fAenapii, and the rugged mountains of the Lor-
rainers (LEUO1),

Victorious, he brought beneath his irresistible sway—
* ‘ * at
188

Lirrieton translates ftlenapii, people of Brabant or
of Cleves. If this should be the signification given to
it by the Dutch author quoted, it corroborates the opin-
ion (already cited) of many classical geographers, that
the Menapii, of True-German origin, came from beyond
the Rhine, and for a time exercised jurisdiction, not
only to that river but also beyond it. A comparison
of authorities assigns to them, at one time, the
Cis-Rhenan half of the Duchy of Cleves, the northern
part of the Duchy of Juliers (or Julich), and of the
intervening Duchy of Guelders, and most likely the
northern part of the archepiscopal-electorate of Co-
lugne. This conceded, and every difficulty disappears.

Abraham Ortelius, [Oertel, of Antwerp, | in his “ Ge-
oyraphical Thesaurus,” [published in 1596, |] as quoted
in the “Chronicles of Guelders,”’ by Henry Aquillius,
of Arnheim, edited and augmented by the celebrated
Peter Schryver, [Scriverius, of Harlem,| sums up the
matter, thus:

“The {tlenapti, a people of Gaul, according to Ceesar,
Dion [Cassius], Strabo, Tacitus and Ptolemy, were a
people of Gaul, [of German origin—Casar,| conter-
minous with the Morir ; [Ratmoyp] Marlianus
[| XVIth century] and Leodius consider them the in-
habitants of Juliers [-Jiliacenses ], Guelders [ Gelrences ],
and Cleves [ Clivenses]. I (Ortelius). add Brabanters
[| Brabanti | and Flemings [Flandr/].”

The year before his accession (1466), Charles routed
the army, and captured the city, of Liege.  Dinant,
on the Maas, was afterwards stormed, pillaged, and
visited with an execution which equalled several of
the worst atrocities of Atva. Eight thousand of its
citizins were drowned in the Maas by order of the
young Duke, its fortifications were razed to the ground,
and fire completing the demolition which violence was
189

unable to accomplish, wealthy Dinant presented the
appearance of a place which had lain in ruins for
an hundred years. In 1468, the revolted Liegois were
again defeated in the open field, their city captured by
assault, completely dismantled, and deprived of its
artillery, arms, and warlike stores. This covers the
reference to the Esuronus. In 1474, Charles laid siege
to Nuys (or Neuss), in the archbishopric of Cologne.
Although well fortified for the times, and prepared to
resist, the place was by no means very strong, accord-
ing to modern ideas of strength, yet was defended
with such steady valor by the garrison and citizens that
it exhausted the efforts of sixty thousand men and
the revenues of a sovereignty, which comprised the
opulent Netherlands.

Finding it impossible to subdue the place by force,
the siege was converted into a blockade. After all
these exertions and sacrifices, although he maintained
his position and prevented the Emperor Frederic IV
at the head of nearly all the princes of the Empire and
of sixty thousand men, from affording it any succor,
Nuys did not surrender, but was placed in escrow, in
the hands. of the pope, to await the decision of the
dispute which gave rise to its investment. Meanwhile
the Duchy of Guelders and the County of Zutphen were
absorbed by the ambitious Charles, who nominally
purchased, but actually ravished, it from its legitimate
possessors. The glorious defence of Nuys, which the
panegyrist assumed to have been captured by the Bur-
gundian Duke, and his annexation of Guelders, must
constitute the basis of the allusion to the #Menapii, un-
less we attribute it to his usurpations,—the grossest
acts of tyranny,—in Holland and Zeeland. In either
case, the #Afenapii must have borne an honorable name
in the XVth century, or else the eulogist of so arro-
190

gant and powerful a prince would never have selected
them to commemorate the triumphs of his master.

At length the student, after struggling through
doubts and difficulties—as repugnant to the progress
of elucidation as the Menapian marshes were discour-
aging to the step of an invader, or even traveler—
plants his foot upon firmer ground, and the description
which greets him is as agreeable as the vision which
burst upon the foreign trader, when, after wading
through their net-work of ditches and streams, scramb-
ling through their morasses and picking his way by du-
bious paths through their encompassing jungles and
forests, he emerged into the clearings and was welcom-
ed by the improvements of the Mevamnor.

After the emigration of the Crvgri and TEUTONES, we
have seen the Caucr succeeding to the ruins of their
northernmost homes, covered with the viscid deposits
of the waves, as if the serpent of the ocean, which the
ancient Scandinavian mythology conceived as encir-
cling the earth, had left the same tokens of its baleful
visit that reveal the passage of a living water-reptile,
which defiles with its slime the prey it is about to
devour, or satiety forces it to disgorge. It was at
this period, (B. C. 114-101,) that the #fenapii are
supposed to have crossed the Rhine, and possessed
themselves of the countries designated herein-before,
from time to time, coalescing with the (Rhenish)
Cuavuci on their new northern frontier, and the Esv-
roneEs, the Trevir1, the Nervi, the Aruaricr, and the
Morini on their southern. These facts are recalled, or
an ordinary memory could not retain them with satis-
factory distinctness.

Avaustus, having either by his own exertions or
those of his generals, restored comparative tranquility
191
to his Belgic provinces, devoted himself to re-district-
ing the country and establishing the necessary admin-
istrative changes. His representative, and its Intend-
ant, was his freedman, the rapacious Lictrnivs.

We can now begin to estimate with some clearness
the political aspect of the Wenapii. To sum up their
condition in and after the reign of Augustus, three
parts of their nation as to territory, but less than half
as to population, which last included the Tuner1, were
subjected. Drwexz says they were considered as a con:
quered people, and adds they were dealt with—(the
pen flinches from a repetition of the words, believed to
be totally at variance with facts)—so to speak, as slaves.
This error is cited to show that nothing is kept back.
Still, we should bear in mind that the work of Drwez
is the History of Belgic Gaul and Belgium (Belgique),
not of Holland, and that he confines his attention more
particularly to the districts south of the Rhine, Maas
and Schelde. Consequently his remark as to “slaves”
may refer to the subdivision of the Eastern, and a very
small number of those inhabiting the south-eastern
cantons of the Western, Menapii and Menapian-Morini.
It cannot allude to the Ta(o)xandri or Zeelandic and
Hollandish- (Dutch-) Flemish Menapii.

The following corroborative evidence is unanswer-
able :

First. The absence of anything like Roman settle-
ments or posts, much more towns, in ancient Zeeland
and Dutch Flanders.

Second. The total ignorance of the Romans with re-
gard to the geography, ethnology, or archeology, of
the same districts. Julius Caesar, when distributing his
legions, stationed them around but not im Menapia ;
Augustus encircled but did not occupy it with his
troops ; and his successors posted them in a similar
192

manner. Drusus built fifty castles along the left bank
of the Rhine, but not one to the south or west of the
Maas, or on either side of the Schelde. Even Eyndius,
laboring to demonstrate the ancient importance of his
native land, can bring no ¢/reef proof of Roman occu-
pancy—while Grattan, a foreigner and an Englishman,
scouts the idea of Roman conquest, occupation or ac-
quaintance with the #teuapii. Before them ‘the Roman
legions retreated for the first time, and were content to
occupy the higher parts, which now form the Walloon
provinces” —the Austrian and French Netherlands, but
more particularly Brabant, south of the Rupel and De-
mer, Flanders, south of the Durme and Canal of (from
Ghent to) Bruges, or rather south and east of the Lys,
—Artois, and Hainault.

Third. A large part of Maritime Flanders, then and
centuries afterwards—it is more than probable, a belt
ofmarshy islands, and Zeeland occupied the same posi-
tion with regard to the ancient world that Japan did
to our fathers.* Comparatively civilized for that era,
these Netherlanders remained free, shut against, and
almost unknown to the polytheistic Romans, even as
that North Pacific Empire was closed to the Romanist
Spaniards and Portuguese, and through their bigotry,
follies and crimes, to all but the modern Menapii, the

*Gorrer, in his remarks upon the Geography of the Ancients, (publish-
ed in 1705,) thinks that tae inundation, (about B.C. 120,) which drove
the Cruprr and Tevrones out of South Holland, Zeeland and Flanders,
created the Maas-Scheldic Archipelago, which had thitherto been very
firm (aan vast) soil, constituting a district of the mainland, like the
country between the Helder (Hell’s Door) and the Amelando passage, at
the mouth of the Zuyder Zee,—or an island only severed from the conti-
nent by a narrow channel,

Dr. Jures Taser makes the Polders, between the Schelde, below Ant-
werp, and the Zwin, synonymous with Dutch Flanders, and the Campine
with North Belgic Brabant, and places the Waesland het.ween the Polders
and the Schelde, in the angle or elbow of that river.
193

Dutch. The Saxon, Franco-Saxon and Scandinavian
nations never, except accidentally and momentarily,
permitted the Romans to grasp the trident of their
seas. Carausius owed his Countship, Crown, and ce-
lebrity, to his appointment to the command of the navy
organized to act against them and protect the adjacent
Romanized coast.

Let an unprejudiced reader weigh these argumeuts,
and scrutinize them severely. Archeological discov-
erles have demonstrated their truth. The Memoirs of
Mons. STEYLEN, among those of the Academy of Brus-
sels, and the antiquarian treatises of Mon. Drsast reca-
pitulate numerous discoveries of Roman remains—
medals, vases, urns, and other interesting relics; but
although these and Latin inscriptions in honor of the
Menapian deities have rewarded the explorations of
archeologists, and although ruins, apparently of Roman
construction, and even the remains of ancient towns
are discernible, particularly at extremely low tides, be-
low the surface of the sea, they are all located like the
stations of the legions arownd and not within Zeeland
and Dutch (Flamengant) Flanders. North of the
Maas they are numerous.

“In the time of Henry the 2d,—(about A. D. 1170)
says Heylyn, 1625— Flanders was so overflowne, that
many thousands of people, whose dwellings the Sea had
devoured, came into England—(whither colonies of
their country had preceded them by the invitation of
Matilda, mother of Henry 1., and also of that monarch
himself )—to beg new seates; and were by that King
first placed in Yorkeshire, and then removed to Pem-
brookeshire—( Lingard says this took place under Henry
L, previous to A. D. 1135, and that their courage and
fidelity defeated every attempt of the Welsh princes to

root them out of their new homes). Since that, it hath
18
194

in Zealand swallowed eight of the Islands, and in them
300 towns and villages; many of whose Churches and
strong buildings are, at a dead low water, to be seen;
and as Ovid hath it, of Helice and Buris, cities of
Achaia,

Invenies sub aquis ; et adhuc ostendere naute

Inclinata solent cum menibus oppida versis.
Translation :

“The water hides them, and the shipmen show

The ruin’d walls and steeples as they row.”

For Yorkshire it would seem more plausible to read
Lincolnshire, whose southeast subdivision was styled
Holland, embracing a tract of land recovered from the
sea by a Dutch colony settled therein (see pages 27—
28) prior to the VIth century. Boston, its chief town,
already in the reign of Edward III. one of the prin-
cipal commercial ports of England—whose lofty church
tower, two hundred and ninety feet in height, resembles
that of Antiwverp cathedral, and is visible forty miles
to sea—was originally called St. Boto[u ]lph’s town after
a prelate who preached the gospel in the VIIth century
in Belgic Gaul, Ta(o)xandria among the south-eastern
Menapiti or Ta(o)xandria. This Saxon district, the last
to submit to William the Conqueror, was as late as 1140 a
refuge for the last free English Saxons. Thus the same
spirit which animated the Saxon Menapii to defend their
marshes against the fearful Julius and his mighty name-
sakes, and maintained the freedom of their native sea-
land, inspired their issue in the fensof England to re-
sist the potent Norman Conqueror and avert his cruel
thrall from their new homes. Again when prelacy and
Stuart tyranny sought to impose their yoke upon an-
other generation the same stern influence bade them
gird up their loins and cross the ocean, far, far away to a
new world, bearing forth the precious seed destined to
bring forth priceless harvests. To the Hollandish ele-
195

ment we must trace an exploit whose glories are appro-
priated by the Puritans of our New England Boston.
Yes! that fire which roused the citizens of Boston to
throw overboard the obnoxious tea and take the British
Lion by the throat, was kindled eighteen centuries pre-
vious in the bosoms of that Saxo-Hollandish tribe, the
Menapii, who for the first time repelled the Roman le-
gions, and, in a darker hour, crying, Oh God! preserve
us lest we perish! ‘Domine salva nos perimus,” threat-
ened themselves to break down their sea-compelling
dykes and give their country to the waves rather than
yield their consciences to Romish superstition, their
rights to Romish tyranny. Yes! it was Hollandish
resolution which threw overboard the tea in Boston
harbor.
* % * *

Distinguished Roman generals occupied the
Batavian island, from time to time, as the country of
“an ally and a friend.” It served as the head-quarters
or base of operations for many of their mightiest ef-
forts against Britain and Germany. But meanwhile
the Romans themselves admitted the Batavians were
always free. Now notice particularly how the rest of
the discoveries lie beyond the confines of Zeeland. In
Waesland; lying in the elbow of the Schelde, between
Antwerp and Ghent, at Waesmunster on the Duirme,
and at Belcele, and at Velsique, twelve miles from
Ghent, and Oudenburg, the same distance southwest
from Bruges, the foundations or ruins of edifices simi-
lar to those of the Romans, have been found. All the
rest are farther south, in districts whither no one will
deny that the Romans extended their jurisdiction. But
even all this, and more, would by no means be conclu-
sive as to Roman domination.

The MMenapiit may have profited by the archi-
196

tectural skill of their enemies, and tradition at-
tributes almost every notable, and many a medi-
eval, ruin to the Romans. Thus the Ghenters claim
that a ‘marvelously old” ruined castle upon the Lys,
styled Ganda, and another upon the Schelde, called
Blandiniwm, (or at all events the former,) were built
(B. 6.47) by G(C)aius, Lieutenant (Legatus) of Julius
Ceesar.

Ferrer, in his historical notice of Ghent, treats as
ridiculous the idea of that city’s having existed in the
time of Cesar, and adds, there was no such individual
as G(C)aius. It is probable [Drwez] that Charlemagne
[A. D. 809-811 | established a naval depot at Ghent,
[Sas van Ghent ?] then much nearer the ocean, as a
measure of defence against the Normans, who made
their appearance then for the first time. He [Frrrter]
seems to doubt if the Vandals founded Wanda [ Gent,
Anglo-Saxon,] A. D. 411. Bruges [from Brug, or
Brung), a bridge] was only known toward the end of
the third century.

To combat error is always a thankless task, and
therefore pronouncing anctent Zeeland and Dutch (Mar-
itime) Flanders [Flamengant] to have been always
FREE, we challenge disproof.

Meanwhile the Batavi Ubii, and Nervii, were treated
as a free people, at least in appearance, incorporated
with, and regarded as allies of, the Roman empire, and
enjoyed all the rights of serving and suffering in for-
eign lands, and quarrels, appertaining to and resulting
from that delusive distinction.

Among other enterprises, Augustus constructed
cight (?) military roads, [see pages 86 and 109, ] to fa-
cilitate any repressive measures which events might
demand, and extend his authority. With only three
of these, however—the sixth, seventh, and eighth [see
197

page 109 |—we have todo. The sixth, from the great
road centre, Bavay, ran through Tournay, Werwick,
(Viroviacum,) and Cassel to Mardyck, on the coast,
about five miles west from Dunkirk, nearly parallel
with the southern boundary of the province of Belgica
or country of the Western filenapit. The seventh is
said to have gone directly to Ghent, if Ghent existed
at that time, even as a hamlet, which is more than
doubtful, inasmuch as it is first mentioned as a town
in the seventh century, and no such labored causeway
would have terminated in an unimportant village.—
Nevertheless, the arrogant men of Ghent claim that
Cesar was its founder, who recorded that the ftlenapii
had no towns. Moreover, it is not to be’ found in an-
cient atlases or classical geographies, under any of the
Latin names applied to it, Gorduini, Odvia, Clarinea,
Gande or Gandavum, or Blandinaor Blandinium. The
first name, Gorduini, is located, on D’Anville’s map, on
the sea-coast, between Ostende and Dunkirk ; anda
similar name, Grudz7, is to be found therein, adjacent
to the sea. The text of that author, however, recog-
nizes it in modern G'roede or Groude, a small place in
the island of Cadsand, between the mouths of the
Zwin or Sluys, and the Hondt or West Schelde,
whose possession gives to the Dutch the command of
of that river. This brings it within a few miles of
that Heyst (referred to, page 119), and may have been
at some time during the existence of the empire in the
temporary occupation of the Romans. Anthon’s Lem-
prvere reads the Grudiz were supposed to have been near
Tournay or Bruges. Therefore, amid such indecision,
the Roman’s possession of Ghent is dismissed as most
improbable; for D’Anville, although generally very
correct, is sometimes mistaken. Under the Carlovin-
gian race, the town appears, and Wanda, its first name,
198

attributed to the Vandals, or Wends, who settled
there, we derive the word Gand—Ghent. The cighth,
connecting Bavay with Utrecht, followed the west
shore of the Dender and Schelde, between the West-
ern [free and tributary (?) |] MHlenapii. At certain
intervals along these causeways—according to Sueto-
nius, Virgil and Strabo—the Emperor established
posts and stationed messengers and light chariots,
similar to the war chariots of the Gauls (Belgica
Esseda), for the prompt and certain transmission of
dispatches and news from these provinces. Neverthe-
less the Germanic Belge bore the restraints of the
imperial authority with extreme impatience, were
never quiet, and yielded only temporarily to over-
whelming force. One sentence records their subjuga-
tion, the next one their revolt; one district or tribe
was in arms, while its neighbors were sullenly quiet in
the presence of one or more legions. They were just
as much a conquered people as the Circassians are at
this day, or the Arabs of the Desert. Along the Rhine
and beyond Menapia, the Romans were establishing
themselves more securely year by year, and those
ftlenapii between the Maas and the Rhine, and-so
around to the coast, encircling East and West Flan-
ders, together with the Usipetes, Tenchteri, Cherusci,
and Sicambri, were swallowed up politically, and
eventually even nominally, in the last arrivals, the
Suevi, who had gradually forced their way into east-
ern North-Brabant, Limburg, Hainault, and even
French Flanders—districts almost depopulated by the
Roman sword, and desolated by Roman ferocity—
and Towrnay became the capital of the combined
Menapii and Suevi. That the name of the latter
gradually prevailed, implies no discredit to the for-
mer, for even as the Catholic-Romish bigotry and
199

cruelty of the Austrian Cesar, in the XVIIth century,
rendered modern evangelical Germany almost a desert
anda waste, even so the pagan Romish Cesars left
southern and eastern Belgic Gaul comparatively des-
titute of inhabitants, animal life, improvements, and
hope.

The virtues which characterized the true German or
Saxon races, and the vices which dishonored them, were
common to their descendants. Chaste, just, intrepid,
hospitable, they were at the same time addicted to
gambling, fond of intoxicating liquors and prone to
quarrels. Those who mingled much with the Gauls
and the Romans, fell away from their original austeri-
ty of morals and their ancient simplicity of worship ;
becoming Roman-Catholicised, to use the most pertinent
word—they added strange gods to their one original
supreme object of adoration, the single, almighty, All-
father. But however degenerate they never ceased to
be animated by a violent love or blind instinct of lib-
erty which influenced all their actions and their policy.

The fflenapit who were the last of the Saxon-lineage
to settle in the Netherlands, were likewise the last to
abandon, that is even relatively, their home-culture and
vitiate their male virtues. Although repugnant to for-
eign impressions, they made a rapid progress in the
arts and sciences peculiar to a commercial and an agri-
cultural people. Already, before the arrival, perhaps
long before the invasion of the Romans, they carried
on a lucrative commerce with England, exporting thith-
er salt, in whose manufacture they were proficients, and
amporting thence marl, in their own language Marga,
a manure particularly adapted to their peculiar soil.
Even in Italy their salted meat was an article of high
repute and luxurious enjoyment, and was consumed
with equal avidity by the richer classes, while their
200

hams and sausages constituted delectable dishes for the
entertainments of the epicurean Romans. So that in
like manner that the moderns dilate upon the tender
hams of Westphalia and Virginia, and the spicy sausa-
ges of Naples and Bologna; and that Charles V, ‘in
this manner of eating as in many other habits,” ‘a true
Fleming,” appreciated the “savory preparations of Es-
tramaduran pork” and sausages, “of the kind which
the queen Juana, now in glory, used to pride herself in
making, in the Flemish fashion,” the ancient trencher-
men hailed with delight the same articles prepared by
the skillful Menapian housewives. The caustic Martial
chanted their eulogies, and Varro and Strabo echoed
the praise.

While the inner man was thus fortified by their ap-
petising edibles, the outer man was equally protected
by the rich fleeces abundantly produced and artistical-
ly fabricated by the same people. Of this we have the
testimony of the luxurious Horace, and Strabo informs
us that the Roman merchants who frequented the north:
ern districts of Belgium, ‘‘which is the country of the
Menapii,” wore—doubtless to counteract the intemper-
ature of its climate, to which they were unaccustomed
—woolen garments, most agreeable in their warmth
aud texture, woven of a species of silk (?) (sagem ; a
heavy stuff suitable for a military or horseman’s cloak
or overcoat,) or more particularly (lena; a double
milled web or frieze) manufactured from the heavy
staple of the country for which it was renowned not
only then, but throughout the middle ages. And
thence Flemish and Dutch merchants and weavers, in-
vited abroad by the incentives of trade or driven forth
by persecution, carried their secret and their industry
into England to enrich the manufacturers and benefit
the consumers of that nation. From carliest times the
201

celebrity and use of its notable cloths were not confined
to the Saxo-Belgic territory, but when made up, in the
Mcnapian mode, into vestments, doubled or lined with
a similar tissue as a guarantee against the cold, styled
Menas Menatos, they were adopted by all whom busi-
ness, pleasure or the necessities of service attracted or
carried to those portions of Belgium, Holland and
Germany, which were open to, frequented, or possessed,
by the Romans.

But strangest of all, ‘‘“Mattiaque Zeelanders” or Hol-
landers, of the first century, supplied the effeminate
Romans with an ointment or cosmetic extracted from
lye (Spwmam Batavam) and used in connection with
certain little pills (Pilas Mattiacas), which they dissolv-
ed in vinegar, for the purpose of dyeing their hair of a
peculiar red, auburn perhaps, or flaxen color, which
Martial alludes to in his epigrams.

“Ht mutat Latias spuma Batava comas.”
“The Dutchman’s oyntments dye the Italian locks.”

“Caustica Teutonicos accendit spwma capillos.”
“With Caustiqne drugs the Datchmen scald their haires.”

But not to commerce and manufactures alone were
the Menapii devoted. Agriculture, the noblest pursuit
of man, found them its most intelligent and industrious
votaries. The southern Menapians and Morini extend-
ed their attention to the arboriculture, and became
skillful arborators. , Their favorite tree was the sterile
Asiatic plane—(derived from Sicily through Rome—
akin to the buttonwood or sycamore—whose cultiva-
tion in our country, experience condemns—). These
fruitless plantations cost them dear after they submitted
to the Romans, since their ornamental and umbrageous
groves and avenues were subjected to atax so onerous
that even Pliny the naturalist, albeit alive to the beau-
ties of nature, and art, admits that their shade was en-
joyed at an exorbitant price or taillage.
202

* * * *

Nehallenia Dea,

Gye Cutelar Goddess (2) of the ancient Zeelanders,

the Slenapit.

The application of marl (ftlarga, Flemish; crera,
Latin) as a manure, argues an acquaintance with the
secrets of farming, as a science, which at once elevates
the Menarr in the scale of civilization, refutes the as-
sertions of Ceesar and Pliny, that they were a barbarous
and uncultivated race, depending, as it were, upon
chance for a bare subsistence ; and will satisfy any re-
flecting person that the Romans of the first century after
Christ had never been among them. One of the great-
est triumphs of agriculture is the application of appro-
priate fertilizing agents, and is even yet not fully under-
stood by those who have devoted their minds to the
subject. Nevertheless, here we see a race, branded as
savage and intractable by a bagiled tyrant, who compre-
hended the defects of their soil and had discovered a
remedy, whoraised and stored grain, made a fermented
liquor like beer, and with all this could defend themselves
like men and assist their foreign friends, working in the
presence of the Romans like the Jews under Nehemiah,
with the implements of peace in the one hand and the
weapons of war in the other. ‘very one with one of
his hands wrought in the work, and with the other
held a weapon.”

Nature herself, indignant at the falsehood and vitu-
peration of the Romans, has lent her assistance to the
refutation of their calumnies by revealing facts un-
imagined until within two centuries. On the 5th of
January, 1647, a violent gale from the east drove back
the sea and laid bare the westernmost extremity of the
island of Walkeren, between West Cappel and Domburg,
where the waters of the Hast and West Schelde flow
203

together and mingle their eddies with the ocean. Upon
the sands, thus strangely exposed, the neighboring in-
habitants discovered ruins of ancient buildings, altars,
medals, urns, and other curiosities ; likewise a number,
of statues, among them several representing a GODDESS,
unknown until that date, whose very appellation was
disclosed by the inscriptions dispersed among the ruins
of the temple (Sacellum) and walled precincts, once
consecrated to her worship. These records set at rest
two mooted questions at the same time, the remotest
occupation of the island and the commercial enterprise
of its earliest population; likewise the debasing influ-
ences of the polytheistical Mediterranean races, by
whom statues and idols were first introduced among the
Saxons,—who, of themselves, worshipped, spiritually,
the invisible God as a Spirit.

The goddess NEHALLENIA, represented under the
figure of a female draped in flowing garments—some-
times alone, at other times grouped with other figures,
now of Hercules, then of Neptune, again of a dolphin,
or of a watch-dog—in the majority of instances bears
a basket of fruits, and has one foot resting upon the
prow of a sea-going vessel.

How gratifying this discovery, which has so exerci-
sed the wits of archeologists and classic scholars. A
schoolboy will remember how the common sense of
Columbus, putting to the blush the learning of the
envious Spanish philosophers, made the egg stand ;
Eyndius told us that the ancient Greeks claimed to
have settled Walkeren, and there, near the site of their
colony, in a spot long afterwards submerged, set up
the Pillars of Hercules, and built a temple to that
demigod, which marked the limits of their Grecian
enterprise. Commerce, cradled among the Pheeni-
cians, derived its first nomenclature from that marine,
204

Mid-sea, Syrian race, who piloted the argosies of Solo-
mon to Ophir, and steered their own forth into the
stormy Atlantic, whither we neither can nor ever
will know. B. C. 1856—(3715 years ago !)—a colony
of these Pheenicians brought into Greece a knowledge
of this science, and, in their ships, which never sail-
ed without them, their tutelar divinities, whose fos-
tering care they fondly hoped ensured propitious
gales and rich and safe returns. Greece, which St.
PAUL found stocked with numerous gods, and, ‘too
superstitious,” thirsting for more, aye the “Unknown,”
the true God, doubtless again bore forth in their own
ships that goddess, which, to their preceptors in the
naval art, had seemed most gracious and protective.
What better proof need we that Dorian seamen first
shed upon the Zecland isles the light of progress ?
Antiquarians claim the goddess NEHALLENIA as of Phee-
nician origin, and explain her presence at West Cap-
pel by supposing that those great navigators, the
Phoenicians, peopled or conquered Walkeren. Why
uot the Greeks? In either case it would not be aston-
ishing to find that the auspicious goddess of the Schelde
derived her name from the Hebrew Nanat, which
means “to plot,” or “to gently lead”; thus interweav-
ing with their grosser superstitions a faint idea of the
most glorious attribute of that great Being, who ever
gently led and leads his people.

On the other hand, those who deny or scoff at Gre-
cian immigration, deduce the etymology from the
Teutonic, upon the principle that all the local gods
derived their appellations from the language of the
people who adored them. Thus the Germans gave the
name of Nena tothe water-nymphs styled Aa, in their
speech. Five rivers of that name are found within
205

the Netherlands, and many more within the districts
affected by the Teutonic tongue or blood. = *

What a charming combination of ideas this effigy
embodies! In connection with the rostrum, or bow of
the ship, on which she plants her foot in token of do-
minion, it suggests the genial influences of commerce,
typified by the graceful form and vesture of a gentle
woman, bearing home a grateful tribute of those bless-
ed gifts which combine all that is charming to the
senses. Meanwhile, the watch-dog, symbol of courage
and fidelity, recalls the race who could appreciate the
gifts, and, man-like, guard their treasures.

Savage and ferocious nations, forsooth, triumvir !—
indomitable in truth you found them, but a people who
could conceive a deity so beneficent in her attributes,
occupied a higher rank in the eyes of the All-Father than
one, however powerful, who worshipped the foul war-
god as the progenitor of their nation, whose Januan
gates had not been shut until that era which ushered
in the Prince of Peace, for upwards of seven hundred

years.

“Not to be blest with warrior strength,
To wield the sword 4nd wear the glaive, .

Or rise to conqueror’s fame at length,
Proclaims the good or makes the brave.”

2 x 2

“Give me the man whose hands have tossed
The corn-seed to the mellow soil,

Whose feet the forest depths have crossed,
Whose brow is nobly crowned with toil.”

The inscriptions upon the pedestals of several of the
statues of the Dra (Goddess) serve as records of the
commerce, between Zeeland and Britain, in marl
(Mergel, Scandinavian and German ; FHaerl, Plerg or
Flevil), Anglo-Saxon, ) the guano of the Menapian era.
206

One of these, quoted by D’anvitue, reads as follows:

Op MERCES RITE CONSERVATAS
’M: Sgcunp: Sitvanus
Necorror (for NEoctator)
CRETARIUS BRITANNICIANUS
V (Vortum) S (sotvir) L (nuBens) M (mertro)

Translation :

Marcus Secunpus SILVANus,
Trader in Britannic Chalk (Marl),
Grateful paid his vow for benefit conferred,
On account of cargoes faithfully preserved ( from the
perils of the sea).

Another, almost uninjured by time and violence,
which was found upon the farm of Heer Jolan §oning,
near Middleburg, in Walkeren, is cited by Gorrrr. Its
origin, like that of the former, was doubtless a success-
ful voyage or an escape from shipwreck.

DEA NEHALENNLE
SERVATUS
THERoNIs Fixr1us
V (Vorum) S (sorvir) L (Lupeys) M (arerrro).

’ Translation :
Tur Son or THERO,
Preserved (or protected) by the
GODDESS NEHALENNIA.
Gladly acquitted his vow for favor shown.

Before dismissing the subject, an examination of dif:
ferent views in regard to this divinity may be permit-
ted.

According to one hypothesis, the Goddess Nehalen-
nia presided equally and at the same time over the
flow or tides of the sea and the action of the earth,
and her name was derived from the Greek Nea Selene,
(New Moon,) changed into Nea Helene. A relief,
207

sculptured upon a monumental stone, likewise found
in Walkeren, whose explanation is obliterated, repre-
senting three Goddesses seated upon chairs alongside
each other is supposed to signify the three-fold no-
mcenelwnine and nature or influences of Diana, (Iana,
Luna,) or the Moon, which last were assigned to the
Menapian goddess. The Druids and Franks, particu-
larly the Salian Franks, confederates of the Menapii,
and settled in the Batavian islands, attributed these
properties to the Dea Nematennra, and worshipped
her in accordance with that belief.

This would at once connect her with the northern
Isis, the goddess of commerce, “‘inventress of naviga-
tion and tutelar saint of the seafaring life’ among the
Saxon and Scandinavian races, and the southern, Egyp-
tian Isis, conceived in the land of the Sphynx and the
Pyramid, thence introduced into Greece and transport-
ed abroad into the Hellenic or Dorian Colonies, there-
by perhaps engendering that fusion of attributes of
Arctic and Torrid worship which has perplexed the
most erudite and baffled the most inquisitive investiga-
tion.

On the other hand, however, this goddess is claimed
as none other than Sriga or Srea, the wife of Odin and
the mother of the gods, otherwise Ors, the Ruza of the
Greeks, whose worship was common to all the true Ger-
mans. At all events the name of Nebel, Neel or Neeltve,
very common among the women of Zeeland, is trace-
able to this goddess, at one time the object of their
adoration.

A few pages previous a comparison was instituted
between the ancient Zeelandic and the Japanese islands.
Extraordinary as it may appear the original coloniza-
tion of the Maas-Scheldic Archipelago and of the Ja-
panese group has been attributed to the Norwegians,
208
Normans or Northmen, in the same way that they are
supposed to have been the earliest discoverers of
America, and are known to have been the first settlers of
Iceland.
* * * *

In another lucrative branch of commerce the senapii
resembled the Chinese, since they maintained in their
watery land vast numbers of geese, as numerous as
those flocks of ducks which engage the attention of the
subjects of the celestial empire. Thus every portion of
their territory was assigned to an appropriate use; the
oak openings, forests and pastures to sheep and to swine
(particularly agreeable to the Saxon palate) ; the clear-
ings to bread stuffs and other vegetable products; the
marshes and ponds to geese; the deeps to commerce,
and their waste places to manufactures. For the first
we have the testimony of Cesar, Varro, Horace and
Strabo; for the second, Cesar, Varro, Horace, Pliny
and Tacitus; for the third Varro and Pliny; for the
fourth the critical investigations of the wise, eru-
dite and judicious Desroches and accomplished de
Marne; of the fifth, Strabo, Horace, Varro, Martial and
Hugacius, besides ancient monuments, which, although
they refer particularly to the last, corroborate the truth
of all the rest.

With regard to the geese, whose tender, juicy flesh,
loaded with luscious fat, made them as renowned as the
modern pates of Strasburg, we learn that they were
driven annually, and at the proper season, across Gaul,
and over the Alps into Italy and to Rome. We talkas
if it was a great feat in this era of railroads, of bring-
ing cattle on the hoof from western Texas and the far
prairies for the supply of New York, an undertaking
not to be named in comparison with the difficulty of
driving serried multitudes of acquatic birds a distance
209

of near a thousand miles. The skill and ingenuity of
those in charge excited the interest of Pliny, who speaks
with admiration of their measures to facilitate such a
wearisome transit.

To the van was assigned the feeblest birds, as well
as those which had become fatigued and foot-sore,
in order that the more vigorous behind might assist
their progress, by pushing them on in obedience to
their natural instinct, which induces them to march in
amass, almost lock-step. This singular commerce
ministered not only to the aliment, but to the luxury
and sensuality of the Romans, who considered their
white plumage as a very ornamental article of dress,
at the same time that their livers, dressed with milk
and sweet wine, furnished most delicate tidbits.

But a reader, wearied of details, may again
inquire, why are all these gleanings from the past
presented in this work? To rescue the glories of a
wronged people from the neglect and oblivion to
which prejudice, partiality, and misjudgment have con-
signed them.

Those pursuits which interested and enriched the
Menapian Zeelanders and Hollanders of the first cen-
tury, have ever since been the sources of the Saxo-
Flemish Netherlands’ wealth, power, influence and
renown. This historical fact is worthy of considera-
tion, and is irrefragable. The manufacture of cloth
—leaving aside their other multifarious manifestations
of the highest mechanical and artistic skill—was that
in which the Netherlands subsequently excelled—so
much so as to give rise to the most honorable Order
of the Golden Fleece, established at Bruges in 1430:
-—In agriculture no people attained a greater proficien-
cy—in distant ages they made their country “the

14
210

garden of Europe ;” and even in rugged Mazne their
descendants “entered (1688) upon the business of agri-
culture with such spirit and success as to gain for the
settlement the name of “the garden of the east’ :—
Substitute pickled fish for salted meat, and they sup-
plied Europe for centuries; they were the world’s
carriers, and their country the world’s entrepot:

d

While other people plough’d the ground, |
Bold Holland's glebe the rolling main,

From pole to pole, the earth around,
Each furrow yielded countless gain:

\t home her hive was one vast store,
Glean‘d from each clime and every shore.

The dreadful Glacial Ocean paid
Its tribute to her fearless toil:

Amid the ice the bases laid,
Rose an emporium of oil;

Arctic Batuvia, proudly styl’d,—
‘Round it Spitzbergen's glaciers pil’d.

Neath the Equator, that same time,—
When Europe throe’d, convuls’d with war,—
From Java’s gorgeous, teemful clime,
Commerce stupendous trophies bore,
and, in that crowning gem of earth,
To Tropic Amsterdam gave birth.

Coeval with’t—can truth ignore?
First, in the west, the Dutch proclaim’d
Free faith, free speech,—Manhattan’s shore
The neighb'ring land's intol'rance sham’d—
Good will tow'rds men—strange seed—yet thence
Grew th’ Empire State’s pre-eminence.

The Indian Archipelagoes

And Araby her gardens were,—
Where aromatic odors rose

The pungent fruit matur’d for her,
Till Asia’s riches’ overflow

Made Holland Europe's entrepot.

And Scandinavia’s giant trees,
Cloud-piercing in her forests grew,

To build Dutch merchants’ argosies,
Which o'er remotest waters flew:
211

And towns upborne on Norway pine
Rose from their fens still soak’d with brine.

Prussia’s and Poland's fecund plains
For Holland grew their golden corn;
For her were Ireland’s, Lusia’s, Spain’s,

Silesia'’s choicest fleeces shorn ;
Saxonia’s, Poland’s em'rald wolds
Nourish’d for her their bleating folds.

The sunny slopes, whose vineyards line
The laughing banks of the Garonne,
Which lend such glory to the Rhine,
And famous render the Dordogne,
Their choicest flavor'd vintage bare
To crown Dutch burghers’ princely fare.

Two cent‘ries since, what glory crown'd
The “Fatherland”! what comfort reigi’d!
Freedom her blessings shed around,
Abundance and content unfeign’d ;
A store-house for the world was she,
Whose swelling canvas fill’d the sea.
—TIn the naval sciences they always held, and still oc-
cupy, @ pre-eminent position:—if we have a Maury,
they havea Jansen. The great majority of sea-terms
or of marine-language is derived from the Dutch:
even within a year a Dutch ship has carried off the
palm as a clipper. In the fine arts, the Dutch or Flem-
ish school ranks almost equal, or next, to the Italian.
In the abstruse sciences, particularly international law,
they surpassed all others, and in toleration and patriot-
ism, who can compare with them? for, while we boast
one WASHINGTON, can they not designate fiuv
Williams—the “Strenr One,” and he (the [IId) who
saved and regenerated England ?

Read and reflect upon the following extracts, from
“4 Review of the Characters of the Principal Na-
tions in Europe,” published at London, 1770:

“The Dutch seem to have superlatively fulfilled the
Proverb of Horace, ‘Nil Mortalibus Arduum,’ Nothing
212

is difficult to Mortals, when they are obstinately deter-
mined to combat all Obstacles.”

“Lewis the Fourteenth thought greatly of his forcing
Nature at Versadlles ; what then must we think of the
Victories of the Dutch over the perpetual Op/position
they meet from z# in so many prodigious Enterprises
at Home? An Opposition the more powerful, as it
will never end; and requires an equal Perseverance of
Efforts, not to subdue it, which is impracticable, but in
order to prevent it from subduing.”

‘‘As Good, however, is sometimes educed out of the
greatest Evils, from this unceasing Contention is pro-
duced that unyielding Disposition in the Natives, which
has proved the most solid Basis of their Grandeur, and
enables them, at the same Time, to claim a Species of
Glory, no other Nation ever yet had a Right to;
which is, that while other Countries maintain and sup-
port their Inhabitants, they, on the contrary, give ina
Manner, Existence to the Land they dwell in.”

“Rrom Causes of this Nature, and that exhaustless
Fund of indefatigable Industry, the happy Conse-
quences of which are diffused over all the Face of the
Land, Statesmen and Princes who have studied, and
been desirous to promote the Welfare of their Subjects,
and the Improvement of their Dominions, have sought
the means of these salutary Purposes chiefly in this
Country. Thus, after the Cessation of the Civil Wars
which had so terribly afflicted France, and the peace-
able Possession of the Crown was secured to Henry
the Fourth, when he and the Duke of Sully employed
themselves in the patronising of Trade and Manufac-
tures, the Dutel) were the Parrerns he honored with
his Imitation; by adopting their Maxims and Regula-
tions in the Establishment of various Branches of Bu-
siness; and nobly rewarding such of them as person-
213

ally settled in his Realm, and were instrumental in for-
warding those laudable Designs. The Steps of this
Monarch, the best and greatest France ever had, were
not less successfully pursued by the ablest Minister that
Kingdom was at any time blest with, the immortal
Colbert, the real Founder of its subsequent Greatness.
Of latter Days, that Prodigy of Diligence and Activity,
the celebrated Peter of Muscovy, made folland the
principal Object of his Attention, in the modelling, and
Prosecution of those truly Royal Schemes and Resolu-
tions he had framed for the Benefit of his vast Empire.”
x % ry %

“It was the Opinion of U’hemistocles, that the highest
Proof of human Capacity, consisted in aggrandizing a
snall State; and conformably to this Sentiment, that
great Man’s Reputation, in his own Age, arose much
less from his Victory at Salamis over the Persians, and
the deliverance of all Greece from those Invaders, than
from the Re-establishment of Athens, and the Measures
by which he laid the Foundation of the Importance and
Superiority, his Countrymen obtained over all the other
Grecian Cities.”

gax‘According to this Observation, what a Number
of able Statesmen must have contributed to the For-
tune of the Dutch; whose Beginnings, as their own
Motto truly intimates, were so small, whose Increase of
Strength and Consideration was so rapid, and the Du-
ration of both which has been so permanent?”

«*& % * *
yay-‘There is no Country where a Facility of set-
tling is so universally unclogged with Impediments
from national, civil, or religious Causes. The whole
World is, in a Manner, made welcome; and a Participa-
tion of all Priviledges secured to every one by the gen-
erous Hospitality of the Government, which admits,
214

with a noble Confidence Individuals of all Countries
into its Trust and Service.”
* * % *

“That Vigilance and patriotic Zeal which frequently,
in other Nations, by deviating from Moderation, de-
feats its own Purpose, is, in Holland, accompanied with
a Calmness that weighs impartially the Propriety or
Unfitness of all Measures; and consequently excludes
none from whence the State may derive any Benefit,
however disgusting they may appear to the Inconsid-
erate or the Prejudiced.”

“1ae~Hence, in the midst of that Resentment, it was
natural they should feel on Account of the severe
Treatment they had received from the Romanists, they
still granted them, with no less Policy than Humanity,
the most ample Liberty of exercising the Functions of
their Religion; while on the other hand, by not whol-
ly divesting them of all national Employments, and
yet debarring them of any Degree of Power that might
rouse their Ambition, and incite them to exert their
restless Antipathy for all other Persuasions, they have
found Means to render them good Subjects in a Pro-
TESTANT State ; thus they have Admission into their
Fleets and Armies, and may rise in cither to a certain
Rank. These, in their Turn, to do them Justice, have
shewn themsclves worthy of all these Favours by a
faithful Discharge of their several Duties; and if is no
Exaggeration to assert, that the Romanists in the Uni-
ted Provinces are the most respectable of any of their
Communion under a Protestant Government.”

“To this happy Spirit of universal Tolcration is ow-
ing the humane Reception and Usage of the -/ews ;
whose Wealth and Multitude in Holland, exceed those
of their Brethren in any other Christian State; and
215

who, to their truer Honour, afford a greater Number
of worthy Characters here than any where.”

“The same may be said of the many inferior Sects
and Denominations of Christians, that abound in this
Part of Murope. aud who live here in the Enjoyment of
a Tranquility, which, by setting their Minds at ease,
banishes that Ferocity of Temper, which is the natural
Consequence of Persecution, and leaves them full Power
to follow, with Chearfulness and Serenity, the Bent of
their Disposition, and to display those Virtues and
Good Qualities that are found in People of all Persua-
sions.”

“The Truth is, the Dutch have carried the Selfishness
of Parriotism to very immoderate Lengths; and, like
the Romans, seem to have been fully persuaded that
‘Omnes omnium Caritates wa Patria complexa est’: 1. e.
the Love anp Parrratity FOR ONE’s COUNTRY OUGHT TO
SUPERSEDE ALL OTHER CONSIDERATIONS.”

% % * *

And now, indulgent readers, before the pen relin-
quishes its grateful task of culling in the conservatories
of national renown and splendor, flowers perennial in
their sweets and beauties, to interweave with sparkling
gems, dug from the mine of history, for this #Yeuapian
Anthslogn, (Beage, Ang.-Sax.,) wherewith to deck the
proud memorial of my father’s fathers’ country and its
citizens, let us dwell fora moment on a few more pre-
cious testimonials presented in quaint pages, which sel-
dom meet the eyes of even reading men.

Two hundred and thirty-four years ago one PETER
Heytyy, an English theologian and historian, full of
prejudices in favor of his national Church and the reign-
ing Stuart family, published at Oxford,(1625) “A Letéle
Description of the Great World.” Holland was not so
216

much in favor then, that even truth in regard to her
was grateful to the royal pedant who sat upon the Eng-
lish shrone. Therefore, that which was sure to meet
his royal eye, would only tell those facts which could
not be denied, and if concealed the world would trum-
pet forth and rescue from aspersion.

Speaking of Bexera and of fjalland, these are Hry-
tyy’s words with regard to Dutch Inventions and Me-
chanical Pursuits.

“They did invent Clocks, Printing, and the Com-
passe. They restored Musick, and found out divers
musicall instruments. To them also belong the inven-
tion of Chariots; the laying of colors with oyle; the
working of pictures in glasse ; and the making of
Worsted, Sayes, (Serges,) Tapestrie, &c.”

“The Commodities with which they most abound,
are Linens, Scarlet, Worsted, Saies, (Serge,) Silks,
Velvets, and the like stuffes; Armour, Cables, Ropes,
Butter, Cheese.”

‘As to Agriculture, in the Province of Holland, the
greatest commodity is Butter and Cheese: of which,
besides that which they use themselves; they make
£100,000 ($500,000, equivalent at this day to at least
$1,500,000) yearely, of that which they sell to their
neighbours.”

“This Country (Gelderland)—the ancients were the
Menaptj and the Sicambri—is fit for feeding Beasts:
which grow so great and fat; that, Anno 1570, there
was a Gelderland Bull killed at Antwerpe, which
weighed 3,200 pounds.”

“As to Commerce, Antiwerpe, (ancient Menapia) was
before the civill warres a Towne of infinite trading ;
the things bought and sold here, _ t0 more
in one month; then that of Venice in 2 yeares.”
217
“Amsterdam, avery faire haven Towne, out of which
I have seene, saith Gatnsford, at’ one tide, 1000 ships
of all sorts use to goe out and in: so truly saith one,

“Quod Tagus, atque Heemus vehunt, et Pactolus ; cn unin
Vere hune congestum dixeris esse-locum.”

What Tacus, Hamus, and Pacrorus, beare:

You would coniecture to be heap’d up here.
The present inhabitants are generally given to Sea-
faring lives: So that it is thought that in Holland, Ze-
land and Friezland, are 2500 good ships fit for burden,
and warre.”

As to Industry in fjolland, “The women are all
laborious in making stuffes; nay, you can scarce finde
a boy 4 years of age, which cannot earne his own meat.”

‘As to riches, the Revenew, (of fjolland, Zeananp
| Menapia], and West Frimzuanp,) before the Spantard
made warre upon them, was three Millions of Crownes:
($3,110,000 ; equivalent to at least $15,000,000, at
this day): and indeed, this town (Amsterdam) was the
correlative of the Zndies ; the loss of which, hath cost
the King of Spaine above 100 Millions of Gold, (200,
000,000 dollars, if Ducats, or 3(a5)00,000,000 dollars,
if Pistoles,) and 400,000 men.

Asto the Artof War, “Since the peace, concluded,
Anno 1609: Since which time, they have kept garri-
sons well disciplined, and as well payed. So that these
Countries have (in these late dayes) bin the Campus
Martius, or Schoole of defence for all Christendome ; to
which the youth of all Nations repaire, to see the man-
ner of fortifications, and learne the Art of warre. The
people hereof have for 40 years held the staffe against
a most puissant Monarch, and have with so great ad-
vantage capitulated, that it is observed, where all other
Nations grow poore with warre, these only grow rich.”
218

“They keep about 30,000 Souldiers in continual
Garrison ; whose pay, together with their Officers and
Captaines wages, amounteth to £500,000 yearely, or
thereabout—($2,500,000 ; equivalent now to $12,-
500,000).

“Such were the people whom Charles (V ) the Em-
perour at his death, commanded his sonne Philip to use
that people well: telling him that they had been the
chief supporters of his estate and glory; and withall
that if he used them otherwise then gently, they would
be the ruine and destruction of him, and his fortunes;
wherein the event shewed that he was but too true a
Prophet. After the establishment of Phdlip in the
government, they to gainc his favor, gave him 40
millions of Florens ($20,000,000 to $65,000,000) :
but hee, unseasonably transported with a superstitious
zeale, forgot both that, and his father’s Legacie ; in-
tangling himself and them in a tedious and bloudy
warre : from which he was compelled to desist with
losse of men, mony, and credit.”

Their stubborn freedom, both of thought and action,
could not be atoned for by a faithfulness which knew

no limits in its fearless generousness of purse and
person.

“But when a Truce was made betweene Spaine and
France ; then beganne King Philip to cast his thoughts
on the subjection of this people to his wil and pleasure.
For they were so fortified and insconsed, as it were,
with priviledges, which their former Princes had grant-
ed, and the latter were sworne to observe; that hee
found himselfe to want much of that free and uncon-
trolable power, which his violent spirit seemed every
where to desire. Some of these immunities were,
that the Prince could place no stranger amongst them,
either in officesof warre or justice. 2ly, the Prince
219

could give nothing to the Clergy: nor 3ly, leavie no
Subsidies without the States of the Country. But
the maine prerogative was, that if the Prince by vio-
olence or wrong, did infringe any of the said Char-
ters and Franchises ; the people alter their declaratio
thereof made, may goe to election of a uew Prince.”
“This not a little grieved the Spaniards, that such baxe
and unworthy people (for so they esteemed them)
should in such liberty possess so brave and rich a coun-
try; their King bearing no title of maiestie, or absolute
command over them. Besides the reformation of Re-
ligion, which then began to growe to some strength,
moved the King to reduce them by Spanish Rhetoricke
(that is by the Sword and the Cannon) to the Romish
church.” ;

Finally, for ribbons to tie into the knot of this bright
and fragrant coronal, let us add the testimonies (trans-
lated and compiled) of Gerard of Nimivegen, (Gelden-
haner died 1542.)

If you consider the commodiousness of its many
ports, the value and abundance of its imports and ex-
ports, and the number of its sea-going vessels, Zeeland
(Afenapia) is far ahead of §olland (Bataria). The Zce-
landic wheat is purer and whiter than the Hollandish.
From the ashes of their bituminous soil the Zeelanaers
prepare the whitest and most pungent salt. They im-
port immense quantities of grain* from England and
salt from Portugal, which they afterwards purify, and
then supply the Belge and Upper Germans with both
these indispensable commodities. The naval term
Armapa, applied, throughout the world, to a fleet, is
derived (not from ARMA—arins, Spanish, but) from
Acmuba (+ ae a strong senor town of Zeeland,

 

 

*Ifinorus—a word oe lo te. fou iu aie Litin, soeine a
groin measure—used, hy a figure of speech, for grain itself.
220

once famous for the depth and convenience of its har-
bor, the number of its ships, and its extensive trade in
salt.

In corroboration, Zosrius states that when the Em-
peror Junian brought grain from Britain to distribute
as nourishment and seed among the races of Germany,
whose territories had been laid waste by the confeder-
ate Saxons and Franks, including the Slenapii, he built
his 800 ships of war or capacious transports, noé in
the Batavian islands, as some would claim, but in the
alrduennan forest, upon the head-waters of the Maas or
Schelde, in the extreme southern frontier districts of
the Mlenapii. This proves two of our positions at once ;
the commercial character of the ancient Slemings, and
their freedom from the curse of Roman garrisons and
functionaries ; for, had the Romans been masters of
the lower courses of these rivers, itis not at all likely
that they would have constructed their vessels in ship-
yards, whence, to conduct them safely to the ocean,
was a measure fraught with much difficulty and greater
danger.

Adrian Baarland, an erudite Dutch historian, who
died at Louvain, mn 1542, after quoting Geldenhauer,
adds that the gardens of Zeeland produce every vege-
table fit for food, ikewise a multitude of garden-fruits,
luxuriant in their maturity, while its orchards rejoice
their owners with surpassing returns; also, that its
fields yield an abundance of the great clye-staple, mad-
der, and wheat, which cannot be exceeded in weight,
size, or brightness, by that in any other part of the
world. In conclusion, he sums up the long list of its
blessings and the fecundity of its soil, with Marria’s
reply to Horace:

“Woratius dirit :

‘Nullus in orbe locus Batis praclucet ancenis,”
221

Translation :
In every beauty which delights the cye,
No place on carth with Bara fad can vie.

‘“Ttem Poeta Martialis:
“Ut nulle lnudem Fuacce vers(hus Batas,
Laudabo digne non tamen satis Baas.”

Translation :
Fraccus! while I can Bare praise in thousand lines af verse,
FT never could in worthy strains Zerannpia’s charms rehearse.

Let those who question the truth of any portion of
these historical collections, examine classical and medi-
eval authors, and compare them with those of modern
times, so ably, so laboriously, so honorably, so glorious-
ly collated by indefatigable and impartial historians,
foreign as well as native.

The Netherlands have ever been the stumbling block
to Romanism and Despotism, the two great curses of
the world. Had they not been or had they not exist-
ed as they ever did, England would not be great and
glorious England,but an appanage of some vast Romish
empire, and this our country, the United States, would
have been strangled in the pestiferous coils of hollow
Gallo-Romanish civilization.

Scarcely a century since and from the silent cliffs and
living deeps of New Foundland, yea, from the
frigid waters which break upon the flinty coast of Lab-
rador to the warm turbid outflow of the Mississippi,
the fleur de lys waved from a chain of posts whose
morning drum at once awoke the arctic seal and roused
the chattering tropic monkey.

‘T was struck”—to quote the letter of a reflecting
friend—“when I visited that region of country, by the
evidence which I saw of former French power upon
this continent. As I descended the St. Lawrence by
222

night the lights from French cottages were glimmering
al along its banks; the houses became thicker and
thicker as we proceeded, and then I reflected that once
a line of French settlements had extended from the
mouth of the St. Lawrence to the mouth of the Missis-
sippi. All along the immensely extended frontier
marked out by these two streams there exist points,such
as Detroit, Mackinac, St. Mary, St. Ignace, Green Bay,
Chicago, Naskaskia, Prairie du chien, St. Louis, Baton
Rouge, New Orleans, etc., which still indicate the giant-
like grasp which France once held upon the territory
of North America, and especially upon the English Col-
onies. She seemed on the very point of strangling not
only these colonies here, but also the other English col-
onies in Hindostan ;—but, the ‘Great Monarch” pre-
ferred ‘‘ylory” at home to empire abroad, and, while
waging « brutal war against Holland, swrendered the
vest of the world to England.”

It is impossible to estimate the stubborn resolution
of the Jollander until you stand amid the monuments
which he has planted in the very deeps, trophies whose
marvels do as far transcend the pyramids as monuments
of industry and faith, as of utility anc science. Seek
out that narrow tongue of shifting sand, that dreary
waste shared between men and sea gulls, which bars the
union of an infuriate ocean and a scarcely less furious
sea, Whose watery link is pregnant with such terrors
that nothing better can express its perils than its own
name, Hell’s door (the Helder, els Denr.) There forth
into the frantic tide shoots out that tremendous dyke
—tivo leagues in length, forty feet broad on the top,
nearly five hundred at the base,—an artificial and gi-
gantic coast, built of Norwegian granite, leveled and
squared into such vast cyclopean wall as will confound
imagination, And yet, that which is seen is less by far

 
223

than that which lies unseen beneath the sea—mountains
of rock submerged by human skill supporting flinty
mountains, bonded and squared and smoothed into a
bulwark which neither can be breached nor overcome
by nature’s self. -There, stern and vray like polished
mail of steel, that granite cuirass breasts the mad race
of the Germanic Ocean and ribs that mighty fortress,
which can shelter ten thousand soldiers in its bomb-
proof casemates, styled by Napoleon his Northern Gib-
valtar

Like that dyke against the most furious sea ‘Holland
has withstood the onslaughts of two of the most pow-
erful sovereigns of the present type of Roman civiliza-
tion,—Philip II. and Louis the Great, and thus served
to protect and extend Teutonze influence and civiliza-
tion throughout the globe.”

Lous! the Joshua-medal did not lie at last. It was
Holland bid thy sun stand still, recede and set where it
arose.

The Holland-dyke stayed Romanism’s flood.

* « * x

Che Menapii wnder the Successors of Augustus, down to
the Reign of Diocletian.

With regard to the expeditions and achievements of
Germanicus, this work contains nothing, inasmuch as
all that transpired occurred beyond the boundaries of
the ftenapii, and is treated of at length in various
other popular and standard histories. Dewez, however,
claims that this war—by the Roman writers styled ‘the
Germanic,” should more properly be known as ‘the
Belgie,” since it was in Belgium that the imperial armies
were organized and disciplined. It served as their
arsenal, their base of operations, and their magazine.
Thence they derived their subsistence, their clothing,
224
their equipments, their arms, and their military engines:
thence in summer they marched forth to battle, and
thither in winter they returned, to repose from their
fatigues.

Under Tiperius, the Romans sustained (A. D. 27,)
[sce page 138, | that terrible defeat at the hands of the
Srisons, in the Baduhenna forest, between Leewarden
and Nreech, which rendered those true Saxons so illus-
trious, even among the warlike Germans.

A. D.47, the Chauctan War broke out, in which
Gannaseus, the Caninefatian, a native of Holland proper,
developed his genius as a commander, both by land
and by sea. His squadrons of light frigates ravaged
the coasts of Gal, whose riches attracted his expedi-
tions, while the degeneration of their Romanized in-
habitants facilitated their operations. A fleet of heavy
ealleys, issuing, under Corsuto, from the Roman navy-
yards upon the Rhine, succeeded in defeating the com-
bined privateer flotillas of Gannasens, constructed more
with the view to celerity than to abide the shock of
battle. After this discomfiture the Hollandish admiral-
chief took refuge among the noble €hanci whither he
was pursued by Roman emissaries and treacherously
murdered. Roused by the violation of their soil even
as one man the Cuaucr rose in arms—“no partial rising
—rose all Northumbria!” and only were appeased by
the immediate recall and implied disgrace of Corbulo,
the Roman general, who had excited their righteous
indignation.

.

Under GaBa, Fonrerus Carrro, who commanded the
Roman armaments in the German Ocean, governor of
Germania Secunda aspired to the purple. His assassi-
nation left the country between the Maas and the
Schelde for a long time even without a nominal Roman
at its head.
99

ol ed

A. D. 70, the war of Ctvinis broke out. To Mor-
LEY we refer our readers for its history. The same
year his troops attempted predatory forays into the
easternmost (?) territory of the Stlenapii, which, speedi-
ly repulsed, left them to the enjoyment of that armed
neutrality which profits by a war it has the sagacity to
avoid. The Roman general Laszo, defeated by the
Hollandish chief, took refuge in the marsh-land (Avia
Belgarum) forests of the ftlenapit who sheltered him
with that same tolerant pity which they had ever shown
to all who sought an asylum in their country. Doubt-
less they were actuated by the remembrance of the
unjustified aggressions made by the command of their
one-eyed neighbor across the Rhine.

or

A. D. 193, the emperor Perrinax was slain during a
mutiny by Facstus, a native of Tongres in farthest
south-eastern Ta(o)xandria, a Menapian (Liegeo/s ? )
soldier in the Preetorian horse-guards, which were re-
cruited in a great measure in the duchy of Gueldres
(Menapia Orientalis) and neighboring districts, perhaps
the very one mentioned in the imperial -Votit/a as the
Menapian corps. These cavalry were distinguished by
their valor and by the boldness with which they swam
their horses across the broadest and most rapid rivers,
exploits generally attributed to the Batavian mounted-
cohorts alone.

A. D. 262-276, during the reigns of the meritorious
VALERIAN and the immortal Prosus, the Franx-confed-
erates first burst the barrier of the Rhine, the initiatory
conflicts of that dread, ceaseless, series of campaigns
which only closed with the annihilation of the Roman
influence in Germany, the Netherlands and France, a
tragedy whose action embraced not only Western Eu-

rope but all the lands which frame as it were the Eux-
15
226

ine and Mediterranean seas, and border the Eastern
Atlantic and German Oceans.

Through storm-clouds piled in murky masses upon
the mountains of crime, whose horrent peaks rise far
beyond the aspiring step of human research, crimson
with the reflection of the ensanguined earth, deformed
by fire, sword and rapine, the sun of the Western Em-
pire plows, like a shattered war-ship, (Drctremvs) driven
headlong on to wreck by the resistless winds awakened
by the shock of the long and furious battle* through
which it had borne the standard of command.

The shades of night are thickening fast about its
course, and a twilight, sad and starless, pregnant with
phantoms gendered by despair, broods on the wasted
earth. What a glorious aurora will succeed, a dawn
rosy with hope, radiant with light and health, a morn-
ing flooding the earth and sea with rays of gladsome
promise, those rays the Saxon ships, destined to pierce
the world’s remotest limits, freighted with knowledge,
hope and peace that passeth knowledge.

The Saxons are on the Seas. Their clipper scarn#
launched from the fearless north and swarming with
male life are bounding to the rescue of a world en-
slaved and plunged in torment. Even as the electric
fires vault from the pole towards the zenith, even so
their hiels swept southward by the Arctic gale, like
dreadful Saul and evil Dusty, are flying to assail the Ro-
man fabric and recompense six hundred years of woe
with concentrated wrath. Borne on the furious cour-

 

*History records many such phenomena inthe aetual world. Tlow often
since the general use of artillery, partienlarly at, sea, have mighty battles
been succeeded by violent storms! Philosophers have even snggested the
kindling of Inge fires, or a heavy fire of artilicry, to evoke rain during a
drought, or clear the atmosphere during an epidemic.
227

sers of the deep* they burst into the Roman seas even
as the horseman of the East burst on the Roman lands,
only alike however in their impetuous progress. The
Saxon comes to renovate, the Hun to devastate. Behind
the first the earth bears all the fruits which bless our
race ; behind the last the very grass, root-killed, thence
forward grows no more. The Saxon is the type of man
intelligent, the Hcy of man the animal, and ever since
the day Carausius laid the base stone of a Saxon gov-
ernment each generation has built up the pile, which
stands the home, the palace and the fortress of wealth,
prosperity and comfort.

To curb the young fire of the new Saxon life, a Saxon
hand alone must grasp the reins. Roman admiralship,
effete, looks on aghast, unfit to cope with the true sove-
reigns of the seas. Rome has no sea-chief equal to
the hour, but from the Menapian sea-land evokes a
Hollando-Saxon seaman to con the course and take
the helm of her imperial navy.

The great Anglo-Saxon, Alfred, ignorant of all the
modern appliances for measuring time, devised a plan,
primitive but ingenious, to obviate his need. Large
waxen candles; sheltered from the effects of drafts of
air by screens, were set in their lofty sconces, in wide
and sonorous brazen basins. Around these tapers, cal-
culated to burn a certain period, and graduated with
nice Care, were tied, from space to space, thin cords or
combustible threads, sustaining heavy iron balls. When
each taper had wasted down to a thread, it burned
through the ligature and instantly set free the ball,
which, falling from a height into the brazen basin, preo-
claimed the hour, or served as an alarm clock to sum-

 

*Seamen will understand the allusion when they recall that the epithet
“Spanish horses” is applied to the mountain waves of the Northern At-
lantic.
228
mon forth the household to their duties, announce the
change of euard by night, or waken Alfred to his stu-
dies.

With a clang as sharp, as sudden, and as startling as
that time-stroke,—heard even amid the din of war and
erash of falling empire,—destiny struck her alarm-
gone, and, mect for the occasion, stood forth the Mena-
pian sailor-hero. Zeeland and Dutch Flanders, des-
tined in after years to amaze the world with her great
children’s seamanship, now gave her first storial hero
to save dear Saxon England. And uditewerp, which,
before the Spanish curse was on her, saw, day by day,
five hundred vessels sail into her harbor, while a like
munber weighed and left her port,—wherein five times
that number most times lay at anchor—is linked to the
ancient times hy that brave sailor-boy who first saw
light within her riparian district.*

Like a magician, CAracsius took his station at Bov-
/ogne, (Portus (spatiaci ?) amid the chaotic elements of
what once constituted Rome’s grand imperial navy,
which, in two months, slid from the ways to a victorious
entry into a commensurate life of upwards of five hun-
dred years. Scarce launched, its triumph off Sicilian
Myloe ranks Dutnivs among the greatest admirals of all
times, and even as the infant Hercules strangled in his
cradle, two mighty serpents sent by Juno to destroy
him, so the new-born navy crushed, in her waters, at one
blow, the maritime power of Carthage and the marine
supremacy of the Phoenician and Hellenic races.

IIe spoke! disorder became order, weakness strength,
woods ships, and savage nations active seamen. He
gave his ver/lMum to the winds and the sea, churned by
his sinewy oarsmen, bore forth his armaments to glory.

 

 

“Mienener, Lislotre de franee, (1. 98.) says Cararsits was born
near Antwerp ; therefore a Zeelander,
229

He trod the deck, and the obedient winds wafted his
armadas wherever danger threatened, to conquer
and restore. He grasped the tiller and steered across
the main, to found a throne and win an immortal
name. Distrusted and betrayed, he taught a tyrant by
rude lessons, the danger of attempting to trample on
afreeman. The Bacaup#, ground to the dust by the
imperial heel, beheldan avenger rise from their mavr-
tyr’s blood and homestead’s ashes.

Out of the sea a little cloud like a man’s hand rose
up,—the Saxon tempest,—to overspread the north, and,
thence, burst forth the levin (hlifian) bolts which shat-
tered and threw down the bulwarks of the past. From
that hour the sea and sea-land was enfranchised.

Rise of Earausius.

Now, to reforge the chain and reunite the history of
Carausius from which we turned aside to describe his
native land, his peoples’ origin, their proud career of
freedom and improvement, we compile the concise but
truthful records of Pauerave’s History of the Anglo
Saxons, Kempir’s Saxons in England and Milton’s His-
tory of England—adding some curious facts.

“The political ancestry of the ancient monarchs of
Anglo-Saxon Barra, must therefore be sought amongst
the sovereigns, who are expunged from the regular
series of the Casars, and put at the bottom of the page
by the chronologists of the empire. Britain was said
to be singularly fertile in ‘Tyrants ;’ or, in other words,
the opulent province made strong efforts to detach it-
self from Rome, and to acquire independence. But
the history of these times is extremely imperfect. The
jejune and feeble writers of the Augustan history
afford our chief materials; and though we know that
230
the first of these British Tyrants was slain by his com-
petitor Prosus, we are not able to tell his name.”

Carausius, ‘a Menapian by birth,’ whose nation ‘was
found in the islands of the Rhine,” or Maas and Schelde
whom Robert of Gloucester XII. or XIII. century calls
Garaus and Warant; Jonn Zonarus, a Greek historian of
the early part of the XIIth century, Kraoon and Cras-
sus; Tristan, (1644) Carun; Kervyn bE LETTENHOVE,
“a ‘Karl Saxon, as his name denotes, though misrepre-
sented”; and other mediceval authors Carus, ‘‘obtain-
ed a more durable ascendency.”

“@arausius, perhaps himself a pirate, had been accus-
tomed to the sea from his earliest youth; and he was
raised, by his valor and talent, to the command of the
navy destined to repress the incursions of the (Holland-
ish) Franks and Saxons, and other barbarians, who
ravaged the shores of Britain and of Gaul. In this
station, dark suspicions arose respecting his collusion
with the enemy ; and it being anticipated that he would
throw off his allegiance to DrocteTian and Maximiay,
the Emperors who then ruled, orders were sent from
Rome to put Caravstus to death. But he evaded the
fatal messenger; and the wealth which he had earned
by his exploits, as well as the reputation which he gain-
ed in his victories, persuaded the British legions and
auxiliaries to hail him as Avcustvs, and to bestow upon
him the imperial diadem.”

“The policy of the Emperor Marcts Anroninus, at the
successful close of the Marcomannic or German war (A.
D. 166-180) had transplanted to Britain multitudes of
Germans, to serve at once as instruments of Roman
power and as hostages for their countrymen on the fron-
tier of the empire. The remnants of this once power-
ful confederation cannot but have left long and lasting
231

traces of their settlement among us (Nnglishmen) ; nor
can it be considered at all improbable that Carausicy,
when in the year 287, he raised the standard of revolt
in Britain, calculated upon the assistance of the Ger-
mans in this country, as well as that of their allics and
brethren on the continent. For “Carausius was a
Menapian,” and therefore in some degree a compatriot.
since “in the third century the inhabitants of the Mena-
ptan territory were certainly Truronic.” “Carausius,
and after him Allectus, maintained a (true) German (or
Saxon) force here” in England.

Maximian, who made some fruitless attempts to rid
himself of this rival, was repelled with disgrace. The
Emperor of Britam—whose dominions included Bou-
logne, and the adjoining coast of Gaul—(and all the
Franks which had by his permission seated themselves
in Belgia, were at his devotion)—used every exertion
to maintain his sovereignty; he built vessels of war
(after the Roman fashion) and raised great forces, invi-
ting to his service the barbarians against whom he had
fought, and to whose native courage and maritime skill
was now added the regular discipline of the Roman
soldier. x *

“* ci cid

‘Having obtained this object of his ambition, he,
for seven years (A. D. 285-7 to 292-4), conducted
himself with courage and ability. He defended the
frontiers of his dominions against the Caledonians of
the North”; and ‘Tystx1o, (a Welsh bard or rhyming
historian, of the VI-VIIth centuries, ) says he (Caron—
Carausius,) made the Picts, who lately came out of
Scythia, his confederates, and settled them in Scotland”
(in ancient Albany, now Breadalbane).

“If the authenticity of the Poems of Oss ‘au, as they
now appear, could be relied upon, allusions to this
232

wall”—(the Vadlim Antonini, originally laid out and
constructed by Louirus Ursicus, aud repaired, strength-
ened and embellished by Carausits,) ‘and the opera-
tions of Caraustus (CAros) on the banks of the Carron,
are therein recognized.* (See pages 53-’7.)

“The scene is near the “mossy rock of Crona,” a
small stream which runs into the Carron ; and, while
Caros (Carausius) is employed in repairing ancient
barriers, or erecting new works for obstructing the in-
cursions of the Caledonians, he seems to have been
attacked by a party of the latter, under the command
of Oscar, the son of Ossran”:

“What does Caros, King of ships ?—said the son of
the now mournful Ossian—spreads he the wings (the
Roman eagle) of his pride, bard of the times of old?”

‘He spreads them, Oscar,—replied the bard---but rt ts
behind his gathered heap, (Agricola’s [or Antonine’s]
Wall, repaired,) he looks over his stones with fear.
He beholds thee terrible as the ghost of night, that ralls
the wares to his ships +

This imagery is magnificent, especially the allusion
to the tempest-wrought sea assailing the-laboring fleet
amid the darkness, at a period when maritime science
was called upon to exert all its powers to overcome
any, even the slightest, exigencies. Again, it con-
trasts the headlong, reckless courage of the kilted Gael
—who despised the patient labor which restrained and
the calm order which discomfited his fiery impulse—
with the firm but regulated valor of the experienced
Hollando-Saxon, who supplied the want of numbers
and enthusiasin of patriotic fury, by the employment

*War or Caxos, and Critical Dissertation concerning the Aira o
OSSIAN.

tPoums of Oss1AN, page 95, and Preface, p. VIII. Quarto, 1762.
233

of that method and discipline which rendered his posi-
tion inexpugnable and his triumph sure.

* Bd

x

* *

Ruling in Britain ‘Marcus Avretics Vaterius Ca-
rausivs,’ for he had borrowed these impressive names,
was ranked as the ‘brother’ of Diocnetray and Maxt-
wIAN. The fleets of Carausius sailed triumphant; and
from the Colwmus of Hercules to the mouths of the
Rhine, his standard ruled the seas. (“Canausivs with
his navy did at sea what he listed, robbing on every
coast’).

GipBoy, who assures us that “every circumstance of
his life and actions has been investigated with saga-
cious accuracy,” adds that he “diffused beyond the
columns of Hercules the terror of his name.” And
there is reason to suppose that his ensigns, emblazoned
with the white steed of the Saxons or the clipper-frigate
(Istaxan Lipurna) of the ftenapti, fluttered defiance
at the mouths of the Zvber, on their way to arouse new
enemies for Rone, along the shores of the distant Hx-
tne. Nor can we doubt that his dispatch ships braved
the fogs and shallows of the chartless Badi?c, to sum-
mon thence races cognate to his own, and win them
from their avaricious search and traffic in pellucid am-
ber, (Glese or Glere, Anglo-Saxon,) to that exciting
life which amply requited the toil and peril of the hunt
with spoils, yellow, like the bounty of the Suevian
waves, but far more precious,—gold.

“When Consrantius CHLorus was associated to the
purple, he prepared to dispossess Carausius of his do-
minions; and bya bold (prompt) and fortunate (adven-
titious) enterprise, the British fleet stationed at Bou-
logne was compelled to surrender.”

He was just in time, for Gal, still smarting from
234

Maxim1an's scourging, inclined a willing ear to the
persuasive eloquence of Britain's self-made sovereign,
and, like an inflammable mass, required but his word
to burst into one blaze. The unexpected and inpetu-
ous march of Rome’s Pale (CuLorus) Champion inter-
posed between the match and the pyre of the imperial
sway in Gallia. Boulogne invested, the growling Gaul
crouched down beneath the uplifted fasces; Boulogne
fallen, he dragged the chain and clog another hundred
years, to gaunt on bones, while Romans ate the meat.

Not so the Sarons and the Netherlandish franks.
Their naval apprenticeship of seven years to Caransins
taught them the art of navigation and the military sci-
ence of the sea, which—they trausmitting as a sacred
lore from sire to son—have, from an acquisition of the
mind, become transmuted to an instinct. This was
the first of those auspicious incidents which exalted the
power and influence of that people whom Tacrrus was
not acquainted with, even by name, and Protumy makes
mention of by name alone.

 

 

To this new life of daring enterprise there was no
lack of inclination. All that they wanted was instruc-
tion and encouragement. In place of their skifts of
skins and fragile barks, Garansing gave them ships and
leaders of experience, who, by the reflection of his
glorious character, had become in a measure imbued
with his daring skill. Thenceforth, “as Providence
had destined them to be the stock of a nation, whose
colonies, commerce, arts, knowledge, and fame, were
to become far superior to those of Rome, and _ to per-
vade every part of the world, it cherished them by a
succession of those propitious circumstances which
gradually formed and led them to that great enter-
prise for which they were principally destined,” the
235

settlement of the Netherlands, ‘the conquest of Roman-
ized Britain,” and the establishment of our Confedera-
tion, and mighty empires in world’s unknown, until
within four centuries.

Che Campaign of Carausins in the Netherlands :
Annihilation of the Batavi.

The capture of Bonlogiue was followed by the loss of
his Armorican dominions, (Gallic coasts of the Chan-
nel,) and Carausivs perccived that if he would preserve
his island throne he must defend his native country
(the Maritime Netherlands), which had furnished him
with such faithful adherents, such intelligent scamen,
such stalwart soldicrs, and such immense material. — Pa-
triotism and gratitude united to stimulate his activity,
and while Maximran and Constantius were yet rejol-
cing over the capture of Boulogue aud the victory of
Cadiz, Garausins had collected his fleets of war-ships
and transports, had crossed the sea, and stood prepared
to protect his native Netherlands against the invasion
of the Romans and the treason to principle, which had
converted the free (7) Batavians into instruments of
despotism, for chronicles concede the rapacious tyranny
of the Romans in the Netherlands, whenever they en-
joyed an opportunity of gratifying their avaricious
lust.

A half century previous to this action, history first
notices the appearance of the Sranks,—not a nation,
but a combination of petty nations, embracing the ma-
jority of those who had long since occupied the Nether-
lands, as well as others beyond the Rhine, but all of
Saxon or German origin.

The true Germans, it is undeniable, had hitherto sus-
tained a series of deleats, but these defeats had been as
glorious to the losers as victories, since morally they
236

frémuphed, while physically they were overthrown, in-
asmuch as their obstinate and death-despising valor
deterred the Romans from attempting any distant ex-
peditious into their territory, and precluded any per-
manent conquests beyond the Ah/ne. The campaigns
of the Romans in Germany were forays on an immense
scale, from which they oftener returned with disgrace
and broken bones than with trophies and booty. These
invasions, however, were eventually productive of more
benctit than injury, and were the cause of the ultimate
Saxo-Germanic triumph, for they taught the Germans,
though little versed in policy, the lesson which sop
inculcates by the fable of the bundle of arrows, the very
symbel adopted to express the strength of the United
Wrovinees and the necessity of their union. Hard ex-
perience convinced the northern races that it was the Ro-
uit unity of action, directed by one mind, that tri-
umphed over their disunion and dispersion, in different
tribes, under divers kings ; for, prior to Cropion, the
Long Haired, (.\. D. 428,) no Saxon or German league
had an acknowledged supreme head, and nothing cer-
tainly like a capital, or seat of government. Roman
cscipline had been overcome more than once by Saxon
and German intrepidity, but Roman cohesion had of-
tener shattered Saxon incoherence. Awakened to the
truth by successive failures, two combinations came
into existence, which may be almost distinguished as
German and Sarou—since the Allemanni partook more
of the former, and the Sranks of the latter, element.
The Franks were eminently a Netherlandic combination,
and their chief seat was im the marshy districts, over-
flowed and intersected by the channels of the Rhine.
A chronological cxamination of the origin and pro-
egress will constitute the concluding portion of this
work, and to that the reader is referred for details.
237

About the year A. D. 250, the Salian Sranks made
their appearance in what is recognized as the moder
kingdom of Holland. A. large proportion of their
strength was supplied by the noble Chauci, from he-
tween the Hms and the #/be, who thus came to reunite
themselves, after an interval of three centuries and a
half, with that portion of their nation which, proceed-
ing farther westward, had established itself along the
fhine and at the mouths of the d/aus (see page 135).
Another portion of the Sranks won for themselves set-
tlements in the Batar/an triangle of islands, while a
third accepted locations near Bots le Duc, Breda, and
Antiverp. All the nations who had been subjugated by
the Romans, or had been acknowledged as their allies,
seemed to have formed a coalition to oppose the new
arrivals. On the other hand, the ftlenapti not only ex-
tended a welcoming hand, but assisted them against
the imperial armies which sought to expel them from
the Netherlands, and repulse them into the Saxon
marshes and German mountains, whence they had issued.
The prolongation of the struggle was the means of in-
troducing Garausins into that sphere of action which
led to his ultimate celebrity and power. Promoted to
the command of the Roman fleets in the Channel and
German Ocean, Carausins had made common cause
with his fellow citizens, the Stlenapians, whose naval su-
periority, after he had become the Emperor of Britain,
fenced in his throne with such impregnable, floating,
wooden-walls, as enabled him to carry out his plans
without anxiety, or the fear of a competitor. After-
wards, invested with the sovereignty of the British
island, his authority was no less acknowledged by the
Franks of the Netherlands than by his own immediate
British subjects. Gennebon, king of the Salian Franks
in Batavia, was not only his firm ally but his attached
238

friend, and all the Franks which had, by the permission
of Garausius, seated themselves in Belgia, that is, south
of the Riine, were at his devotion.

There is scarcely any doubt but that the co-operation
of the naval contingents—built, equipped, and launch-
ed in the Zeeland, Zuid [South] §olland and Duteh-
Flemish islands and rivers, (or rather, estuaries and
arms of the sea,) and manned by the MENATIIOI
and their confederates, the Sarian Franks,—whose
male manners and peculiar habiliments @aransins de-
lighted in, and pleased himself by, emulating and adopt-
ing them,—exerted a most powerful agency in eleva-
ting the Hollandish Admiral to his throne, and contri-
buted ina great measure to maintaining him there until
his insular subjects had lent a willing shoulder to the
wheel of progress, and built up for their new and be-
loved Saxon sovereign a numerous, splendid and effec-
tive navy.

In return, now that the Salian Franks, his subjects
and associates, were attacked by Maximian and Con-
stantius, Carausius,—notwithstanding the diminution
of his power through the defeat of his naval allies off
Cadiz, the conquest of Armorira, and the capture of
Boulogne, and a large portion of his fleet in that port
by Constantius, as well as the destruction of another
by the elements,—alive to the generous impulse of
gratitude and dead to the selfish whispers of peril, lost
not a moment, but hastened to recompense the fidelity
they had shown, and the assistance they had afforded
him, by the force of his arms and the prestige of his
reputation. He found them exposed to a double dan-
ger, for while the converging Roman columns—ad-
vancing from Belgie Gaul and the Upper Rhine—were
driving them into the ocean and the mighty sea-re-
sembling rivers of Holland or pressing them back into

 
239

the wilds of Germany, the Batavians, “the friends and
allies of Rome,” oblivious of the bright example of
Gamnaseus, the splendid career of Crys “the Found-
er of Liberty,” and the traditions of their forefathers,
were assailing the stlenapians and their confederates in
the rear.

Short and bloody was the contest. Civil and _reli-
gious wars are always more sharp and unrelenting than
any other conflicts. Roused to fury at what appeared
to them a threefold treason to the instincts of the Sa-
therland, the ties of brotherhood and the obligations of
hospitality, the #lenapians, with all the fierceness of a
fearless, semi-barbarous people, assisted by the disci-
pline of his veterans and directed by the ability of
such a leader as their eminent countryman, flooded the
island of Batavia, and swept over it with a tide-wave
of war, more irresistibly fatal to life than even that
tide-wave of the North Sea which had leveled the
dykes and razed the scarce completed tenements of the
Cimbri and entones, forced, by the inburst, to aban-
don a country which it seemed hopeless to believe
would again be relinquished by the ocean.

That which the Romans could never accomplish,
Carausius effected almost at a blow. He made him-
self master of the renowned Batarfan, hitherto
free, land, put to the sword nearly the whole popula-
tion, and planted in the villages and settlements, which
were rising into towns and flourishing communities,
strangers, though of a cognate race, who had been
more faithful to his and the Saxon cause than the ori-
ginal owners—degenerated into the myrmidons (Ge~
folge) of the imperial tyrants—and almost blotted out,

forever— :
“While streams of carnage, in the noontide blaze,
Smoke up to heaven”—

the very name of the famous Batavi.
24.0
As far as regarded their nationality, all was over.
Their ancient possessions passed into the hands of
new men,—iree from the contaminating influence of
Rome ; and the retribution determined by the indig-
nant Mevarran Aueusrus was consummated.

Ofa nation once so celebrated, nothing remained
(A. D. 463)—according to Kurrovx—but a mere body
of soldiers, which gariisoned a city named Batavia,
in Rhetia, and, perhaps, another corps stationed at
Passau, by some styled Patant or Batavia (Batava
Casta), at the confluence of the /nn and the Danube.
The bulk of the people had been either absorbed in the
Roman service, or exterminated, and the survivors
—driven from their paternal soil—were so scattered
abroad that they had become confounded with the
Sarons, Franks, and Frisons ; even the remembrance
of their name was thenceforward lost in the country
they had rendered famous by their exploits.

For a century longer, ALa or auxiliary corps of Ba-
tavians appear in the list of the imperial armies ; but
after the time of Honorius (A, D. 395-425), even their
name, once so honorable and terrible, disappeared for-
ever from history.

4% “ se #

T'o a person born and bred in this country and age,
such a state of affairs as existed in the Netherlands,
and in fact in the greater part of the Roman empire,
at this period, can scarcely be realized by the wildest
stretch of his imagination; that is, so as to bring it
home to his feelmgs and his understanding. Except
among the Mevazuo, and even then only in their less
accessible cantons, an individual who left his home to
make a short journey for business or pleasure, might,
and most probably would, never again be able to re-
cognize any but those natural features which were un-
241
susceptible of change. Upon his return he might even
find such an utter devastation of his country that it
would be impossible to locate the homestead where he
was born and nurtured, and in the place of faces and
costumes, endeared by usage and boyish associations,
and of language agreeable or intelligible, he might en-
counter faces the most unlike those of his race, habili-
ments and arms as strange as the lineaments, and a
speech of which he was not capable of comprehending
asingle word or recalling a single accent. And then,
again, at particular epochs, the Low Countries were
subjected to such terrible physical visitations that all
the horrors of the deluge were re-enacted in several of
their maritime districts. These last constitute a peril
which becomes more eminent year by year upon the
Rhine-side, and augments in even a greater degree
than the dangers diminish upon the immediate shores
of the ocean and its estuaries. But that is as foreign
to the subject as the former consideration is pertinent
and appalling.
* * * * *

The defeat and extermination of the Hollanders
(Bartavt) by the Zeelanders and Dutch Flemings (ftle-
napii) and their allies, and the fearful punishment in-
flicted by Carausins, in retaliation, as it were, for their
unjustifiable invasion and depredation of the Menapian
territory, by the orders of Crviuis, because the Saron
races would not take up arms and become subjects of
his contemplated Gallic sovereignty, constitute one of
those events in history which, however sad in the con-
sideration, admit of no doubt as to their truth.

That gallant race upon whom Scurier lavishes the
encomiums of his eloquent pen ; whom Tacitus records
as superior in military courage to all the warlike tribes

upon the Rhine; which paid its tribute in soldiers, and
16
242

was reserved, like the arrow and sword, only for battle ;
which contributed the best cavalry in the imperial ser-
vice; which decided the fortune of Pharsalia’s crown-
ing day ; which—like the Swiss—who formed in so
many cases during the past century, and in some cases
still constitute the body-guards of sovereigns—furnish-
ed the imperial life-guard; which terrified the intract-
able warriors of the Danube by their fierce but orderly
valor, swimming in full armor and on horseback, rank
after rank, across that impetuous river and other no
less furious streams; which had made themselves the
terror of the fiery Caledonians at the north-western
extremity of the known world, in as great a degree as
they had struck with awe the barbarians upon its north-
eastern limit; after four hundred years of unsurpassed
renown was swept from the earth, by the agency of
the sword, with almost as sudden a catastrophe as over-
whelmed the army of Sennacherib or the nations of
Canaan. The Gallo-Germanic element in Holland was
extinguished, trampled in and ground out by the
Scandinavo-Saxon or true German, and the Batavian
name expunged from the list of nations.

From the day when Wattenwald, the Batavian, con-
cluded a treaty of peace and alliance with Jutius Cesar,
down to the last hours of the Western Empire, his com-
patriots proved themselves the bravest and _firmest al-
hes of the Romans. Throughout that period of inces-
sant combat, their cavalry was acknowledged by every
writer, Roman, Greek, or barbarian, to have constitu-
ted the finest disciplined body of horse in the military
world—and, under the first Napoleon, Emperor of
Franec, the soldierly qualities of their countrymen, in
every arm, were conceded by his Marshals and Gen-
erals.

From the reign of Avaustus to that of Honortus,
243
the Batavi occupied the foremost rank and were select-
ed as the forlorn hope (Znfants Perdus) of Roman war.
In every clime they devoted themselves for the ag-
grandizement of Rome, and performed that desperate
duty in her service which the Spahis, or rather Delhis,
discharged, with like headlong zeal, in the van of the
Ottoman armies—
“Bold, as if gifted with ten thousand lives,”—

the Batavians swept away all human obstacles, however
fierce and fearless, which encumbered the Roman path
of conquest—
“And, at each step, his bloody falchion makes
Terrible vistas, through which victory breaks.”

Their bravery assured to Jutius Camsar and his succes-
sors victories, on which the fate of a dynasty, nay, the
future of the whole world, depended. In Britain,
more than one triumph was due to their fiery charges,
they crushed out the- last resistance of the defeated
but unsubmissive Bene, and terminated the Gallic
war, which left the great Junius free to contest the
sovereignty of the world. Afterwards, in his service,
they swam the frigid Segre, shattered the force which
lined the adverse shore, and gave him Spain. In
Greece, they covered themselves with laurels at Duraz-
zo, in Albania, and at Gomfi, in Thessaly. Upon
Pharsalia’s field, although fighting there on foot, they
routed the cavalry of Pompey, and Casar received
his imperial crown of laurel from the points of their
dripping swords. Their adhesion made and unmade
Emperors. Virexiius, Dipius Jurranus, SEPriMius
Severus, and other Masters of the World, acquired the
diadem from their gauntleted hands. A. D. 19, Carto-
vaLpa breasted, at their head, the swiftly-flowing
Weser, and, like the Spartan at Thermopylae, kept the
Cheruscan multitudes at bay until the Romans crossed
244

to his support, too late, however, to accomplish more
than the rescue of the corpses of the heroic king and
his intrepid officers. A. D. 71, they dashed into the
boisterous Maas, to assail the rear of Lasxo’s troops
upon the farther bank. A.D. 79, they accompanied
Agricora into Brita‘n, and signalized their valor on
the Grampian Hills in a battle which determined the
fate of Scotland. A.D. 120, Soranus, a Batavian, ren-
dered himself famous by his marvelous address with
the bow. Having launched an arrow high into the air, he
could draw a second from his quiver, adjust it to his
string, and with it splinter the first in its descending
flight. By the orders of the Emperor Aprian, who
witnessed the feat, his skill was perpetuated by an epi-
taph. A. D. 197, the Emperor Seprimius SEVERUS, as
a token of his esteem for his Batavian body-guard,
accorded to each private the privilege of carrying a
vine-stock or cane (viris), the badge of a centurdon,
or commandant of-rank. A. D. 212, Awnrontnus, his
son, testified his affection for his Batavian cohorts
by wearing his hair in accordance with their custom.
But one more instance will suffice, for a mere recital of
their feats of arms would fill more pages than have been
devoted to the whole consideration of themselves and
and their Chattian neighbors. A. D. 357, the bravery
of his Batavian troops achieved, near Strasburg, that
triumph over the six German confederated kings which
established the fame of the warlike Junray.

But all their renown was ofno avail against the cool,
indignant courage of the ftlenapii, directed by the ex-
perience of Carausins.

The Batavi had lived by the sword, and, even as
the Gospel threatens, they who sold their blood and
bravery, and earned their bread amid the hot steam
and in the slaughter-pit of battle, died by the sword.
245
Well may we exclaim, “True as Holy Writ! ‘They
that take the sword shall perish with the sword.’ ”

The Slenapit lived by the plough and the sickle, the
net and the sail, the crook and the shuttle, and they
prospered and continue to prosper in their original
homes, a wise and wealthy state of a glorious, con-
federated nation. Wonderful are the judgments of
the Sovereign of all things!

In vain Constantius, and, after his death—July 25th,
A. D. 306—his renowned son, Constantine the Great,
strove to regain possession of the Batavian territory—
the nursery of warriors—which Caransins—imitating
the action of preceding and subsequent Emperors—
had settled with his faithful adherents. Even after the
death of our hero, their utmost exertions were insuffi-
cient to conquer that almost inaccessible territory
which he conquered ata blow ; and the Romans were
forced to leave the country of their allies and friends,
as they termed them, who had perished in their cause,
in the possession of the new inhabitants, upon whom
the Menapian sailor-monarch had bestowed the “good

meadow” and its temperate and inviting woodlands.
* * * * *

~ It isalmost certain that the Roman historians of their
day knew just about as much of what Maximian. and
Constantius effected against the Saxo-franks and ftle~
napians, as the journalists of St. Petersburg do about
the current operations in the Caucasus. Defeats, if
reported, were glossed over; aud successes, however
insignificant, exaggerated. Thus their narratives be-
came one tissue of misrepresentation, which modern
historians have copied in the most servile manner,
without analytical comparison or reflection. What is
more, the chroniclers of the Empire—in general ful-
some panegyrists—often drew upon their imagination
246

for the facts of their histories, which hand down to us
nothing more than a record of their own hopes, flatter-
ing predictions, and servile auguries, rather than of the
events which actually occurred.

In their Rise and Progress, the Saxo-Menapian Franks
left imperishable monuments of their gradual physical
expansion and moral influence. Their autobiography,
graven with their swords upon the tablet of Europe,
possesses an authenticity which all the penmen in the
world cannot write down or contradict. C#sar found
the Mevazto. where we find them still, after a lapse of
sixty generations. Gorpran, the Younger, was startled
by the tidings of a new Saxon impulse, and the move-
ment, like the first shocks of an eruption, grew more
and more violent, until it overwhelmed every vestige
of Roman power between the Rhine and the Rhone and
the Atlantic, burying some so deep, like Herculaneum,
in a bloody concrete, that only fragments have been
quarried out; while others, like Pompei, were covered
so lightly with ashes that they have been disentombed
with facility and in almost entirety. The franks, who
conquered Gaul (France), were as much Cis-Rhenan
Netherlanders as Trans-Rhenan Saxons or true Germans;
and the wars between them and the Romans can only
be compared to that ceaseless contest of the present
century between the colossal empire of Russa and the
scattered tribes of Cércassia, substituting a mountain
for a marsh-land and a very barbarous for a demi-civil-
izedrace, The Casarsand the Czars penetrated into
the country with-enormous armies, slaughtered all they
could overtake, burned whatever was combustible, pil- ,
laged whatever was worth bearing away, published
lying, boasting bulletins, disgraced enlightenment by
refinements of cruelty, which out-deviled the obtuse
efforts of the natural man, and abandoned their self-
247

styled conquests, leaving behind them the wrecks of
war-material, whose original value was greater than the
sum of their opponents’ possessions, and corpses and
prisoners more numerous than the whole number of
their adversaries.

Nor does the simile end here. Grant that the Rus-
stans succeeded in establishing fortified posts, particu-
larly along the coast, as the Romans had fortified their
positions upon navigable rivers: the influence of the
Muscovites was restricted within the range of their
artillery, even as that of the Latins was measured by
the cast of their military engines. Both were forced
th a great measure to depend upon their fleets for the
supply of men, provisions and ammunition, except
when from time to time an army, overwhelming in
numbers, burst across the frontier to reinforce the gar-
risons, ravage the valleys in one case, the clearings in
another, and recoil with a rapidity which alone pre-
served the mass from the Teherkessian bullets and
Netherlandisl) missiles, which sleeted down upon them
like hail or rain from the beetling crags and forest-clad
mountains or towering trees and impervious under-
wood. And then again, how often have the moun-
taineers carried the strongest fortified positions in the
same way that Crviuis captured Vetera Castra, a po-
sition on which the ancient imperials had exhausted
their military engineering, and 7m which they kept a
garrison varying in force from six to twenty thousand
regulars.

The United States’ operations against the Seminoles
in Florida would have been a more pertinent exem-
plar of the contest between the Romans and the ftle~
napit, had the Indians been more numerous and enjoy-
ed a higher state of civilization,—since the everglades
afford no bad representation of the Menapian morasses,—
248

with the exception, however, that the Seminoles, lived
in a balmy atmosphere and exposed to no danger but
that of the American troops, while the ftlenapit had to
defend themselves against the invasions not only of the
legions but of the ocean, and shelter themselves not
only from the missiles of the enemy but the shocks of
the tempest and the vicissitudes of a rigorous climate.

The idea of a parallel between the Caucasian moun-
taineers and the Sara-Scandinavian mariners, does not
originate in this work, but is derived from a hint con-
tained in the “Revelations of Russia,” a work whose
celebrity has not induced the author to avow himself,
and the same invincible passion for liberty and enter-
prise which characterized the Berserker bounding over
the mountain waves in his Dragon-kiel, distinguishes
the Tcherkesse galloping over his mountain ranges on
his Caucasian steed.

The Roman campaigns in the ancient Netherlands
were like the French invasions of /taly after the dis-
solution of the Frank empire of CHaRLEMAGNE—often
brilliant, sometimes triumphant, but invariably suc-
ceeded by the relinquishing of all they had acquired
by efforts which exhausted for the time the military
resources of their crown, so that /fa/y is no more
French at this moment than she was after CHARLES
VIII. repassed the Alps, Francts I. was carried out a
prisoner, or NAPOLEON cast a wistful glance upon her
glorious shores from his Elban prison. Their moral
and immoral influences remain, and doubtless are at
work ; but that is all.

Nothing is more difficult than to reconcile the con-
flicting accounts of this era; for historians, in addi-
tion to their misrepresentations, seem to delight in con-
tradicting each other’s statements and deductions.

Tuomas Carre, in relating the story of Carausius,
249

proceeds to state that Constantius, after his capture of
Boulogne, “Not having a fleet strong enough to invade
this (the British) island, he gave orders for building
more ships; and marched against the Franks, the
Cauct, and the Frisians ; who inhabited Hollande, and
the neighboring countries on the Rhine and Schelde,
and were always ready to assist Caraustus. These he
defeated and subdued; and then, taking away their
arms, transplanted them into other countries too remote
toallow them to give any obstruction to his enterprise
upon Britain.”

Nothing can be more at variance with the truth than
this wholesale deportation of the Franks, and is just as
false as the hopes of Trserius,. who, (B. C. 8,) having
by the basest treachery, entrapped and made prisoners
of nearly the whole of the fighting men of the Sicam-
bri, transplanted many thousands into Guelderland and
Overyssel, thinking thus to break up and extinguish a
tribe which he could not subdue. Contrary to his ex-
pectations, this breach of faith resulted in their salva-
tion, for the new settlements consolidated themselves
into the Dssel (/ssala, Savian) Sranks, the nucleus of
the subsequent great Frank-confederation.

Haprianus Junius relates that at this time the
Franks, taking advantage of a bitter winter, when the
rivers were bridged over by the frost, passed the Rhine
on every side into Batavia, wherein—their retreat be-
ing cut off by the breaking up of the ice in consequence
of a sudden thaw, followed by a violent gale and floods
of rain—they were attacked by Consrantius, and either
cut to pieces, driven out, or deported.

The answer to all this is the simple, incontrovertible
fact that the Franks carried on wars—aggressive as
well as defensive—against the impcrial subjects and
allies, and maintained themselves in the same and the
250
contiguous districts, against the Emperors and_ their
Lieutenants, until the empire itself was dissolved—a
disorganization effected in sa great a degree by their
agency as that of any other.

But those to whom results will not serve as a better
refutation than a printed contradiction, listen to our
Professor Axtuox, whose erudition will command impli-
cit confidence. He confirms the narrative of Grattan,
and this history of Garausius.

“In the latter part of the third century”—to quote his
“System of .Lneient and Mediwval Geography’—“dur-
ing the civil war which desolated the empire, the Sa-
uiANn Franks invaded the country of the Batavi, and
established themselves in it. They armed pirate ves-
sels, which were encountered and defeated at sea by
Carausius. Constantius and ConsrantINE waged war
against the ranks of the Batavian island, but could
not drive them outof tt. The Franks lost it, however,
in the reign of Jurrax, by an irruption of the Srisii,
who came from the northern country, near the Zudder
Zee, and drove the Salian Franks beyound the Meuse.
After this, the Jnsula Batavorun formed part of the
country called Frista, which, in time of the Meroviy-
GIANS, extended southward as far as the Scheldt.” Nor
is Goeree less explicit in his (Dutch) language. “The
Netherlandish Franks, after espousing the cause of Ca-
taustus, made themselves masters of Batavia.” What-
ever temporary checks they sustained from the over-
whelming forces of the Romans, amounted to nothing,
except to salve the wounds through which the empire
was gradually bleeding to death, in the same way that
the English victories, during our Revolution, however
they may have retarded its result, only rendered it the
more illustrious. The Saro-{Menapian Frank confeder-
ation may have had reverses as disheartening as Mont-
251

GOMERY’s repulse at Quebec and Lixcoty’s at Savannah ;
surprises, as bloody as_ those at Pavli’s Tavern, Briar
Oreek, Monk's Corner, &c., and defeats as terrible as
those at Waxhaw, Camden, Guilford, &e. But what
were they in comparison to the successes at 7renton,
Princeton, Saratoga, Stony Point, Kings Mountain,
and Yorktown. The gloom of the first are forgotten
in the glories of the last. The, defeats sustained by
the Americans plunged the colonies in temporary
dejection, but their victories overwhelmed the English
with irremediable despair. Were this a history of the
western empire’s mortal malady, it might be necessary
to go into the details of how it developed itself in the
extremities, until gangrene, gradually invading limb
after limb, finally siezed with a death-gripe upon the
trunk. But we have to do with one member alone,
and having shown how it was lopped off, it matters
little whether Rome tried to fit it on again and recover
its use. As well might aman indulge in the insane
hope of re-assuming an amputated leg as the empire of
re-annexing the Netherlands after the reign of Caran-
sius. The doctor and the patient might fight for the
limb, but though the doctor could use it to advantage
in developing a magnificent preparation for preserva-
tion and future benefit, the patient could only shed
tears of regret over its irreparable loss.

It was at this epoch that the inhabitants of the Maas-
Scheldic-Archipelago first appear to have been known
as ARBORICHES and ZE(g£)LANDERS. The former appel-
lation has a very doubtful etymology. Some suppose
that it should be written Harborige or Herbortichge,
a corruption of Herboren, signifying “regenerated,”
inasmuch as they had been converted from their idols
to Christianity—(by [St.] Vicrricius, patron of marin-
ers, A. D. 385-3947)-—but it is much more likely that
252
just as the one designation of Ze(e)lander refers to
their maritime position, the other relates to their
dwelling in the forests, which, from the earliest times,
covered the Menapian territory, and served, even as
late as 1184, as the hunting grounds of the Dukes of
Brabant, at which time Goprrey, reigning duke, to put
astop to the incursions of the warlike people of Guel-
dres, commanded the, woods thereabouts to be cut
down, and laid the foundation of a fortified city (Bois-
le-Duc, T fyevtogenbosclh—the Duke’s Wood), which was
finished in 1196, by his son, the Duke Henry. This
district was long afterwards known as the ‘Free State
of the Arboriches,” or ‘Forest People,” and continued

for many centuries under the jurisdiction of a bailley
or mayor, from which last officer and form of govern-

ment its inhabitants derived their name of Mezjer-
yenaars, nationally synonymous with ftlenapii, as re-
corded in ancient maps of Brabant. This free state,
shaped like a flask or gourd, extended in width from
the Maas to the Schelde, included Lillo and Breda, and
gradually narrowing, stretched southwards on either
side the Senne, nearly to Nivellse, embracing the forest
of Sotignies and the battle ground of Waterloo.

A large portion of the ArBoricur were transferred
by CHartemaGne into the Saxon seats upon the Elbe,
along the frontier of Hast Friezland, where they lost
ina measure their home-designation, which some wri-
ters of the day corrupted into O(.1 )botrit’, doubtless
signifying “Borderers,” (from ‘Abotare,” Medieval
Latin,) others into Abrotidé or Abrotides, (from Abro-
den, Ang. Sax.,) meaning people “carried away” from
their country, (compulsory colonists?). First and last,
however, they were érue Saxons, and thus, as on many
other shores and occasions, remingled the pure Saxon
life-tide. This is one reason why the Friezlunders and
253

Zeelanders are often confounded. Afterwards, how-
ever, A. D., 446, Sriejland (Frista) extended from the
Hibe and Lawenburg, on the east, to the Zwvin and
Schelde, on the west, including all DurcH and nearly
all Kast Franpers ( Waasland) and ZEELanp.

One error in regard to the Zeelanders, or rather to
their secondary Saxon origin, results from a miscompre-
hension of the military operations of Caransins upon
the Rhine, of which a majority of the existing records
are couched in a Latin which violates every rule of
classical construction. . It would appear from the ‘‘Pan-
egyrics” that about the year CCC, (300,) the Saxon
pirates, attracted thither by the fecundity of their
soil and the peculiar advantages of the Zeelandic
islands, in regard to the commodiousness of their nu-
merous ports and impenetrable fastnesses, devoid of
roads, and inaccessible even to foot-soldiers, drove out
the inhabitants, and established themselves in the Maas-
Scheldic Archipelago by the force of their arms, with
the assistance of their fleets. The writer ‘‘PANEGYRISTES”
points them out as next to Batavia. This must refer
to the occupation, not of the Zeelandie but of the Bata-
vian islands by Carausius ; for what could have led
him,’a ftlenapian, from the islands of the Maas-Schelde,
to drive out his own nation by means of his subsidiary
Saxons, whose brethren were settled among the ftle-
napit, themselves a Saxon race and the head of a Saxo-
Frank confederation, in which they represented the
Netherlandic, and contributed the maritime, element.
In fact, parallel passages of Appian (IId century),
Eamarpus (IXth century), and the Appor or Srapt
(or Stapen), a Zeelander or maritime Fleming (Xth
century), and others, confirm this view of the subject.

One fact, however, in connection with the above,
deserves even more particular consideration. A con-
254

temporary Roman history—a tissue of servile flatteries
instead of a record of actual operations—concedes the
inaccessibility of the Zeelandic Archipelago as late as
the year CCC. in the words, ‘‘pedestribus copiis insulas
invias”—islands which cannot be come at, by, or are
impassable to, foot-soldiers—that is, legionaries. What
do we need more to prove that the Zeelanders were un-
‘conquered? Junius Casar (B. C. 53,) could not pen-
etrate into the fastnesses of the Senapii; A. D. 70,
Avia Belgarum, impassable or pathless districts of the
Belgze, was the designation of maritime Flanders, ‘“‘cer-
tainly” the country of the ftlenapii; for the next two
centuries the Roman power waned rather than increas-
ed in the Saxo-Germanic Netherlands; and A. D. 285—
300, ‘“‘énvdus,” trackless or inaccessible, is the only term
still found adequate to the description of the Dutch-
Flanders and Maas-Scheldic Archipelago. This would
seem to be sufficient to convince any unprejudiced
mind that the Roman yoke had never been imposed
upon the ftlenapii through the instrumentality of an
army, and that wherever we read of the employment
of infantry of the line, much more of cavalry, the field
of action is beyond their jungly marsh-land. On the
other hand, while admitting that the Romans were
masters of the courses of the Maasan and Scheldic
estuaries, so far as regarded the mere passage of their
fleets, nothing can be adduced to imply a continuous
or conterminous jurisdiction. Casar found the ftle-
napit and their allies far superior, practically, to the
Romans in naval affairs ; Gannaseus, although defeat-
ed ina regular battle, ship to ship, was, nevertheless,
the terror of the English Channel and its master for
the time; Crviis defeated the imperial armaments in
those Netherlandic waters which were more particular-
ly under their influence ; in the third century, the Sax-
255

ons and Saxo-Franks were virtually sovereigns of the
English seas ; and in the time of Diocletian the ‘Pan-
egyristes” of Maximian declares that the maritime
Netherlanders were most expert in naval affairs, and
visited, with their piratical expeditions, every shore of
the ocean—that is, the coasts of the North Sea and the
Channel—as wellas those of Gaul, Spain, Italy, Africa,
even as far as the Sea of Azof and mouth of the Don,
“usque ad Meeotidas palucdes,”’ the utmost limit of the
combined Gallo-English enterprises. Such an uninter-
rupted naval ascendancy would preclude any idea of
the conquest, or rather the subjugation, of Zeeland by
the Roman navy, long since too inefficient for the pro-
tection of their own coasts. Throughout the fourth
century, the empire could not interpose a barrier of
stone and steel between the Saxo-Menapian Franks
and their prey, the Gallic provinces ; and in the next,
Alaric the Goth, Genseric the Vandal, Odoacer the
Hun, and Theodoric the Ostrogoth, had impoverished,
plundered, captured, and reigned in, Rome itself ; and
the Western Empire, founded by bold Romulus, the
fratricide, sobbed itself out under the feeble Romulus
Augustulus.

But this is not all. The same ‘“Panegyristes” of the
Emperors is our best witness against the imperial claims
to victories and conquests north of the Zin, Schelde,
and Maas.

“Attritam palestribus preeliis, Bataviam referam ?
ait, Saxo consumtus bellis navalibus offeretur.”

“Shall I vefer,” says he, ‘‘to Baravra GROUND TO
pieces by battles in its marshes? The Saxon, wearied
with (or of ) naval wars (literally) shall be brought
upon (or into) ?t by violence,’—elegantly, ‘shall con-
quer it.”
256

Close of the Reign of Carausins.

A thrice-crowned, triple-victor, Carausius sailed
forth from the Rhenan labyrinth of waters, to resume
his island throne. The laurel, the obsidional, and the
eramineal coronals, encircled his brows, and shone
above the rostrate circlet which his first naval triumphs
had conferred ; to which again, another Trafalgar was
yet toadd a filth. Proudly, the white horse standard
of the Saxon race streamed out towards that capital
which he had built up with his maritime and ad-
ministrative prescience, beautified with his taste and
strengthened with his martial sagacity, and that white
charger seemed to neigh, exultant, responsive to the
hilarious voices of the winds, which filled the swelling
skins and canvas, and made it seem to leap and curvet
on the silken folds as the decireme reared and plunged
and rode in grace and power upon the rolling, watery
prairie,—aye, seemed to bound and curvet to the ca-
dence of the springy oars,—dipped, bent to, raised
and feathered by one gigantic, simultaneous effort,—
which dripped as though bedewed with jewels in the
flaunting sunlight.

Victor and avenger, happy and hopeful, the Admiral-
General trod the polished deck, his “‘boyhood’s home,”
his manhood’s throne-room, meet base for such a royal
seat as he had built of oak and iron, with the aid of
genius, therefrom to sovereignize the deep and neutral-
ize the might of Rome. What visions must have filled
that soul whose grandeur permeates to us through the
‘vast space of thrice. five hundred years, with such a
subtle light of genius and success, piercing the inter-
mediate gloom of ignorance and prejudice—a living
light, distinct amid the blaze of nearer orbs! With
undiminished lustre it shines on, a twinkling star to
vulgar minds, to the philosopher a sun—to uninstruct-
257

ed vision a scintillating point of light immeasurably
distant, and yet, the central influence of a system vast
as ours,—one of the greatest wonders of creation,
which men, with very few exceptions, note with a casu-
al and incurious glance,—an orb none the less mighty
and potential in its sphere because unheeded and un-
recognized.

Behind that gallant fleet, holding its homeward
course, a long and phosphorescent wake gleamed like
a milky way on the cerulean deep, even as the spark-
ling train of last year’s comet (1858) flowed through
the azure sky, and like a burning stream of molten gold
glowed in the western heavens.

Music and melody, the mingled harmonies of martial
notes and warriors’ peans, rose from, and bore, the ar-
mada company. ‘Thousands of manly voices united in
a Saxon or Germanic Barrit,—that bold and stimula-
ting war-voice, which—(“‘at first deep-sounding, then
stronger and fuller, and growing to a roar at the mo-
ment of meeting a foe”)—had so often appalled the
legions on Germanic ground,—-rehearsed the victories
of the Saxo-Menapian hero on his natal soil. Enor-
mous tubes of brass, and horns of the mighty urus,
mingled with the clash of weaponsand of massive shields,
sounded a stimulating, wild accompaniment to the
words, while huge and sonorous drums “‘of hides ex-
panded over hampers,” beat time and rolled their mut-
tering thunder over the heaving deep.

Thus great and glorious to his Ortuna, empress-
queen and consort; a loving, trusting, independent
people; a devoted soldiery; and a smiling country,
which owed its teeming blessings to the hand which
held the tiller of the state and navy, and grasped the

falchion-sceptre of his military but beneficent imperi-
17
258
alty, Carausius held his course—still greater and more
vlorious in the promise of a mightier future.

Recurring to the remark (see page $3) that there is
little doubt with regard to all these facts, but a vast dis-
crepancy as to their dates and the order of their ac-
complishment, we discover its truth exemplified in
Dewez,.

According to his account—which after a critical ex-
amination will be found to corroborate the foregoing
narrative, although at first apparently contradictory
while Constantius was occupied in the reduction of
Bonlogne,, Maximian, A. D. 291, was carrying on a vig-
orous war in Belgic Gaul against the Franks, and
eventually concluded with their chief or king Gennobon
(Genobaudes, Gerabon, Ezatech or Atech, for he is men-
tioned in different works under all these names)—a
ireaty of peace, by which he conceded to these people
the uncultivated lands of the Nervi, in Hadnault and
_lrtofs, and of the Trevir7, in Linwemburg and Cleves.

After Constantius Chlorus had taken Borlogue, A. D.
294, he reconquered—which must mean invaded, to
reconcile well known conditions— Batavia and Zeeland,
together with those parts of Gueldres and Brabant bor-
dering upon the preceding, which the /ransis had made
themselves masters of during the time Maximian com-
manded in this quarter, and transplanted great numbers
of their inhabitants into the desert or wasted districts
around Amzens upon the Somme, in Picardy, and Beau-
cas—directly south of the former place—at the con-
fluence of the Avelon with the Theratn, in the Isle of
France, and in the territories of Troyes, on the Seine,
and at Langres, in Champagne, near the source of the
Mirne, on the confines of Pranche Compte. This
must have been after the Batavian campaign had term-
inated with the annihilation of the Batan7, and the de-

 

 
259

feat of Maximian, and after Carausius had returned to
England.

The same winter, or early in the ensuing year, A. D.
295, Constantius gave orders for the construction of
numerous war-vessels in the principal river-towns or
ship-yards of Belgic- Gaul, which, after being completed
as far as regarded their hulls, and launched, made their
way, as circumstances permitted, to the port of Boulogne,
where they were rigged, fitted out, and organized into
a fleet worthy to be commanded by a Casar.

As all historians admit that Carausius was not only
still very powerful at sea, but capable of conceiving
and dealing sudden and terrible naval blows, and like-
wise possessed of warlike allies and mighty influence
in the Netherlands, it is not likely that the Belgic Gau!/
referred to is the Menapian and Frank territory north
of the da, but those districts south of that river lying
along and between the Somme and the Seine, whose
streams emptied directly into the channel in the vicini-
ty of the principal station of the Roman fleet in the
English seas.

The same difficulty which is presented by the vague
term of Belgic Gaul, has arisen with regard to the po-
sition of Meld, where Casar built sixty of the ships
destined to act against the Veneti,—which some, in
accordance with their own peculiar views, discover in
Maldeghem (an inland town ?), twelve miles east of
Bruges, while others, who have no interested purpose
to subserve, locate it at Meaux, above Paris, on the
Seine. Those who—in favor of exalting Julius Ceesar—
translate every uncertain passage to establish his con-
quest of the Netherlands, and particularly the ftlenapii,
labor under the necessity of proving what is unsuscept-
ible of demonstration, since nothing is so uncertain,

so supremely: hypothetical, as his victories, his succes-
*
260
sors’ conquests, and the actual amount of powcr exer-
cised from his day to the final hour of the Enipire, by
the Roman military and civil authorities in the mari-
time districts and amone the Saxo-Germanic races of
flolland and Belgium.

All his preparations having been completed, Con-
stantius sailed, with fair wind, from Boulogne for the
invasion of Br/ta‘n, but was encountered on the passage
by the naval armaments of the Brirish Avcusrus, who
avenged, in the Channe/ or straits of Dover, the defeat
of the Saxo-Menapian-Frank marine off Cardiz, by a
vietory over its victor. This was the second grand
naval triumph of Carausins in the same waters over
the mighty preparations got together at such labor and
expense for his destruction.

The military discipline of the Roman soldiers, which
had been restored to almost its pristine perfection un-
der the supervision of the brave and able Constantius,
was of no avail against the naval experience of the
veteran seamen formed in the school of Carausins ; and
proves that men however brave, but new to the sea,
cannot compete upon that clement with those accus-
tomed to encounter and overcome its fickle and terri-
ble moods. Napo.eon, on his way to Hgypt, had hopes
that in case he was overtaken by NeEtson, his veteran
troops would decide the inevitable conflict by their
sustained fire of musketry and charges, or boarding.
This plan, however, had been found inoperative by a
braver, if not an abler, commander. He was doubt-
less ignorant of the tactics of the Dutch Battle of the
Baltic, wherein Charles X. of Sweden, impressed with
the same idea, reinforced his crews with his tried in-
fantry, commanded by officers formed in the Thirty
Years’ War, only to make the triumph of ©pdam and
the 4yollanders the more brilliant and remarkable.
261

After this defeat, the Cesar experienced a succession
of minor reverses, which compelled him to conclude
another shameful peace, similar to that Diocletian and
Maximian, the Augusti of the land, had been eager to
ratify with Carausius, the Augustus of the ocean, which
left Constantius no other consolation but that of pre-
paring another armament to replace the third, which
Carausius had consecutively made himself master of,
captured, or annihilated,—with which, however, even
when ready, he dared not put to sea until he had heard
of the death of his gallant opponent, the Menapian
Emperor. It would appear that nearly three years
elapsed before he was again in a condition to make an
attempt upon England, during which time he was en-
gaged in a continual war with the Franks and Nether-
landers, to deprive Garausins and his successor of the
assistance of those powerful allies, and in securing to
the Romans the possession of the coast of Gant.

After his Batavian campaign and victory over Con-
stantius, a vail falls, as it were, upon the closing scenes
of the life of Garsusins. The best evidence that, as
long as his life was spared, he was omnipotent at sea,
is, that the Romans made no farther attempts at an in-
vasion of his realm. He was doubtless employed in
strengthening his fortifications, augmenting his army
and navy, and developing the internal resourses of his
kingdom, while squadrons of swift galleys harassed the
Roman coasts and penetrated—ascending the navigable
rivers like the Norman sea-kings of a subsequent cen-
tury—into the interior of Gaul and Spain, and even,
perhaps, of the provinces bordering upon the Mediter-
ranean. Asall the accounts we have of him are derived
from the flatterers of his opponents, it is not likely
they would have recorded any more of his achieve-
ments than were necessary to exalt the glory of the
262

tmperial commanders, by commemorating the great-
ness of their enemy’s skill and the dangers and diffi-
culties his conquerors had overcome.

The sphere of Dutel) naval emprise at the meridian
of its magnificence and glory, and Great Brirarn’s do-
minion of the seas after the fall of NAPOLEON, were not
more astonishing, for their eras, than the maritime in-
fluence of @arausins at the time in which he flour-
ished ; when his ships coasted the icy barriers, which
—supposed to be perpetual at his era—barred the
deep Gulf of Bothnia, and replenished their water-
casks from the glaciers of Norway, the fountains of
Zetland, and the saltless tides of the shallow Azof sea.

While England bristled with a hedge of spears, and
every port was all alive with war-ships, within their
double line of oak and iron, the country wore the smile
of comfort, and plenty sat enthroned, with ruddy
cheeks, upon her verdant hills.

Notso, poor France: soldiers and ships were there ;
war's stern magnificence and ordered preparation. Her
shores, too, gleamed with arms, her ship-yards rung
with the rude music of mechanic labor, but in her bo-
som all was war and desolation. And yet, that which
awakened all her people’s energies and made their
straining sinews crack, were preparations destined to
plunge the teeming fields of England into like misery
and oppression, and thrust Britannia back to that con-
dition from which Caransins raised her,—a state such
as when, from the sea, the Saxon carried war into her
vitals by her navigable streams, and, from the Scot-
tish mountains, clans of desperate freebooters found
access to her riches through the border valleys; mean-
while, within the land, the Roman publican exhausted
his invention to wring the last farthing from her peas-
antry, resorting to such infinitesimal details as to stop
263
short of no taxation, except a taillage on each ripened
head of the yet standing wheat.

England and France held the same attitude towards
each other then, as when, in 1588, Lord Howard, Drake
and Cavendish, guarded the English seas against the
the “Invincible Armada,” while Justin of Nassau, with
Zeeland’s fleet, and the Lord of Warmond, with the
Hollandish squadron, cooped up the Duxe of Parma
in the Belgic ports, and nailed him to the shore; or,
as when, (in 1804,) the one-eyed, one-armed Admiral
watched the Italian Emperor of France, burning’ to lay
his bloody hand—whose grasp had left a sanguinary
stain on all the ermine robes of EKurope—on the invio-
lable Anglo-Saxon island, and concentrated at Boulogne
his men and war-material; covering the beach with
boats, the shore with horses, guns and soldiers.

Near, and perhaps upon the very spot, where the
insatiate Corsican took his stand to direct his vast and
practised multitude, and, thence, bent wistful glances
upon the white cliffs opposite—whence came the Anglo-
Saxon heroes, destined to chain his rage and tame his
pride—near it, without a doubt, the Phrygian Cesar
planted his white and crimson standards, and pitched
his pretorian tent; no less intent and watchful, grap-
pling with longing eyes the English shore, whither, upon
ambitious wings, his hopes and expectations flew.

Here and there, at sea, a few dark objects crawled to
and fro upon the calm or heaving deep, like black,
aquatic centipedes, whose hundred  swiftly-moving,
ashen limbs, surrounded them with foam, which made
them seem as spangles on the purple water. Those
were the frigates of Carausius, his watch-towers on the
deep, whence his navarcut marked, by day and night,
each movement of the Romans. All at once, a little
speck could be discerned beneath the northern sky,
264

to which the look-out vessels all converged and gather-
ed like a flock of sea-fowls around a floating carcass,
then scattered like those sea-fowl when, instead of prey,
they recognize an object of instinctive dread, plyed
wing and webbed foot, and disappeared in the horizon’s
haze. On came the stranger, growing more and more
distinct, until it showed a swift liburna, holding
straight course for Boulogne’s lofty lighthouse, the Bat-
ta story says Caligula erected. Forth from their moor-
ings bounded two Roman triremes, to escort a friend,
capture a foe, or learn the news, whose import lent
such expedition to the approaching galley.

Summoned forth by the unusual stir, the Casar took
his stand upon the brow of the same hill, where, pacing
to and fro, NapoLzon dreamed the conquest of Great
Britain, and planned his master-stroke, the Austerlitz
campaign. Surrounded by a throng of officers, re-
splendent in their gleaming arms and rich attire, the
Casar stood conspicuous, watching the meeting of his
galleys with the stranger ship. They met, conferred,
and then a shout arose, succeeded by an exultant trum-
pet flourish; another shout—not that male shout, that
Saxon HURRAH! which signals the Anglo-Saxon onset,
but the nervous yell of every other breed—and then
the galleys rowed rapidly to the shore. A group of
strangers disembarked and hastened up the hill which
Julius Cesar and Caligula had occupied with camps. A
bow-shot from the imperial staff, they halted to await a
tribune, who advanced to meet them with a squad of
spearmen. A rapid interchange of question and reply,
and, swifter than he went, the Roman officer returned.

“Mighty Cesar! A nuncius from Britain, with news
of highest import!”

‘Lead him hither.”

Forward stepped the bearer of dispatches; no huge
265
limbed, close shorn, blue-eyed, Saxon Bade, but a lithe,
dark-haired, Romanized Briton. Unarmed and supple
he drew nigh the Caesar, and lowly made obeisance.
“What news? Speak! Be prompt and soldierly!”
“Propitious are the gods, oh Cesar! England’s ty-
rant is not! @aros is dead! At Hboracum (York)
he died, by the dagger of Atructus! Atzecrus
reigns, Imperator in Britain.”

The features of Constantius had good cause to glow
at the welcome tidings; the presage and assurance of his
triumph. Caraustus dead, Britain was Rome’s again.
Who could replace that comprehensive brain and Saxon
heart, which never knew a doubt nor homed a dread.
In Carausius not one mere man but a whole army died,
a navy went to wreck, and England’s hope grew pale,
as though the blood which burst from her murdered
sovereign’s bosom had streamed forth from her own.

Dead, and yet living, his renown rampired the shore
aud cruised Nelsonian in the Channel. He who had
found the British navy nothing but a name, and built
it up into a force which knew no equal on its element,
left it so strong and formidable that it alone secured
to his assassin three years of independent sway.

To the last, Carausius was superior to his enemies,
wherever individual capacity could atone for physical
deficiency ; and, although his power was momentarily
eclipsed by his loss of Boulogne, he vindicated his
glory by the defence of his native territory. While
thus in a condition to renew the war on almost equal
terms; while his dock-yards, his armories, and _ his
drill-grounds rivaled each other in activity; while the
Roman emperor, eager to conquer, yet hesitated to at-
tempt the invasion of Great Britain, and the whole of
Gaul was like a hive, resonant with his preparations; a
266
felon blow ended that mighty life upon which the des-
tinies of England and Holland were depending.

Many the world regards as great,—magnificent in
state, and mighty in their sway,—seem, when once bu-
ried, like that creation Catharine of Russia planned and
built of ice, to gratify awhim,—one week so vast and
stately, the next dissolved, evaporated, gone :—living,
the cynosure of every eye; dead, dust, forgotten. Not
so with thee, Carausius !

“Oh, saviour of the stlver coasted isle.”

Even as his living fame was super-eminent, he lives
in spirit in the Anglo-Saxon race. The sceptre Alroy
took from Solomon’s expectant, willing hand, returned
to David’s son before that Alroy died: the trident
which Garausius tore from Rome and Neptune, the
Anglo-Saxon race has never yielded back to them, nor
lost to others. Since he inaugurated the Saxon ‘do-
minion of the seas,” the men of Saxon blood have
shared the legacy and still retain intact their patrimony,
—and from the time the Menapio-Saxon emperor
pointed out the legitimate career of Saxon genius it has
moved on therein majestic and unstayed. Whether
beneath the Dutch or English lion, or our aspiring
eagle, the Saxon follows in the fruitful furrow which
yielded wealth and power, eternal fame, to him whose
piercing glance foresaw its day while yet the heavens
were darkest.

In soul, the first of the Saxon kings of England re-
sembles most the last. Nor does the parallel end with
the immortal part. Both were invited to assume the
throne. The times demanded them; the people’s love,
the army’s admiration, the hour's necessity, presented,
each in order, the dove-surmounted sceptre, sword of
state, and the anointing oil. Both reigned too little
space for England’s good, both died untimely deaths,
267

the last the happier, in that his Saxon soul mounted to
heaven from that red field, stricken for Saxon right
and Saxon freedom. Each doth, and will, in spirit,
to “the crack of doom,” guard England’s coast—each
in his sphere,

“And Victor he must exer be,

For, tho’ the Giant Ages heave the hill,

And break the shore, and evermore

Make and break, and work their will;

Tho’ worlds on worlds in myriads roll

Round us, each with different powers,

And other forms of life than ours,

What know we greater than the soul?

On God and god-like men we build our trust.
Hush, the Dead March sounds in the people's ears:
The dark crowd moves: and there are sobs and tears:
The black earth yawns: the mortal disappears ;
Ashes to ashes, dust to dust;

He is gone who seem’d so great.”
* * * *

‘Let his corpse,” said Wittram tHe Normay, when
the grief-stricken Saxon TuEans and admiring Norman
Barons besought the corpse of fjarold for sepulture,—
‘let his corpse guard the coasts, which his life madly
defended. Let the seas wail his dirge, and girdle his
grave; and his spirit protect the land which hath pass-
ed to the Norman’s sway.”

Even so Constantius might have spoken with regard
to the body of Garausius ; for, if “Harald could have
chosen no burial spot so worthy his English spirit and
his Roman end,” Carausius could have wished no grave
more congenial to his magnanimous career and Saxon
genius. And, were there any truth in the idea that
deified heroes protect the soil of their birth and their
affections, how often has the admiralship of Caransins

shielded ENGLAND,
“HE EYE, THE SOUL
or Evropr.”——

Wherever they sleep,—for where they sleep is yet

 

 

 
268

unknown,—Isrentx Caraustus (British Caros, Mena-
pian Warl the Daving,) and Inrerrx Haroipus (Anglo-
Saxon Harald,) they need no mausoleums of perishable
stone, for their monuments are multiplied throughout
the world, wherever the Dutch, English and American
ensigns are borne, and their glories are sung by the
winds to the responses of the sea, and will be forever
more.

In all the works consulted and referred to, nothing
is mentioned with regard to this regicide, except that
it took place at York, which had been the residence of
several of the preceding Emperors, and boasts an origin
so ancient that it appears to have been a place of note
even at the time when fable and history mingled their
doubts and certainties. It is highly probable that €a-
rausins, having nearly (if not completely ) re-established
his naval supremacy, proceeded to the north, to over-
awe the Caledonians—( Gael-dun, Gaels or Celts of the
Hills)—by his presence, and assure himself of the safety
of his frontier, and was then engaged in his northern
capital upon the Ouse, investigating the internal affairs
of his kingdom. /

“But while he was employed in providing against a
distant danger, he fell a victim to domestic treachery :
and in the eighth year of his reign was murdered at
York by ALLEctus, a minister who had abused his con-
fidence and dreaded his resentment.’

AvreLius Victor remarks that Garausius had made
Axuectus his second self in the administration of every
thing, having committed to him the general command
of his fleet, and of his naval and land forces; and that
the subordinate having abused these solemn trusts was
incited by the apprehension of a deserved punishment
for his crimes to rebel and slay his benefactor to save
his own head.
269

If Livcarpand Trisray are correct in their statements
and such is, doubtless, the case, since some of those
who have closely examined the subject have come to
the conclusion that ALLEcrUs was not a proper name, but
atitle, corrupted from Atnector or ALLEcTIO, a term
applied toa high officer, to whom the emperors were
accustomed to confide the collection of the taxes in the
most Important provinces. Simply, however, ALLECTUS
signifies one ‘‘chosen” to discharge any trust; and, from
what we read, and can deduce therefrom, the title was
peculiarly appropriate to him who took sucha criminal
advantage of his e/ectvon from the mass, by a good,
brave and wise prince, and made so base a use of’ the
the opportunity afforded by his benefactor’s high pro-
motion of him.

If, instead of ALLEcTUS, we should read,—as others
think, Atiecror, the murderer may have acquired
this name as a stigma, which gradually, in the process
of time, usurped the place of his actual patronymic.
This is the more probable, if Haprianus Juntus is cor-
rect that Garausius acquired his name (see page 59)
from his carousing deep and often, in which case the
indignant Britons may have thereby testified their rep-
robation of the Iago, who, for his selfish purposes
allured his sovereign into drinking-bouts, a vice to
which the Zeelanders,—according to Grrarp (@®elden-
hauer) of Nymwegen,—were greatly addicted ; not more
so, however, than the other Saxo-Scandinavian races.

Avrevius Victor (Paut Orosius) and Pavun THE
Deacon view the matter in a more favorable light, and
derive the usurper’s name from Axiecro, (Allectando, )
“alluring,” as expressive of his agreeable manners
which first excited the attention of his benefactor, and
afterwards recommended him to the closest intimacy.

A third class seems to consider his name a posthu-
270

mous designation. Thus, in accordance with this idea,
Gottzius, Occo and Camppenus correct the spelling of
Eutropius and write his name Atectus (Alektos, Greek
—indesinens, Latin,) denoting the unceasing torments
with which Atecro, one of the fabled Furies, torments
those mortals whom their crimes render the objects of
merited vengeance.

Be all this, however, as it may, we know no good of
this Allectus, except that Tristan accords him a mild
and humane countenance, indicating amiability and
honor, rather than cruelty and perfidy. This amounts
to nothing, for—

 

“Meet it is—TI set it down,
That one may smile, and smile, and be a villain.”

Whether it be true that Allectus slew his master to
avert the punishment due to crimes, or to anticipate the
discovery of his misapplication of power for mercenary
(or any other unworthy) purposes, or at the instiga-
tion of ambition, it matters little. Sufficient that we
learn that he, base ingrate, assassinated his benefactor,
general, prince, and friend.

Gipson remarks that as soon as those who usurped
the imperial powers were invested with the bloody
purple, they inspired their adherents with the same
fears and ambition which had occasioned their own re.
volt. How truly such the case in point! We have
seen Carausius great in everything but in legitimacy—
so wise, beneficent and virtuous, his reign might have
atoned for any of the crimes whose commission raised
him to the power of which he showed himself so capa-
ble; yet, still, the example of his origin and rise could
not be lost on treason and ambition. No mention be-
ing made of any children born to Carausius prior or
subsequent to his elevation, it is likely he died child-
less, and that his successor was spared the guilt of
271

wholesale murder, “a la Ture,’ which might have be-
come a necessity in case there were legitimate heirs old
enough to appreciate their position, defend their rights,
and avenge their loss. No more can we discover if Al-
lectus succeeded to the throne without a struggle, or
whether he enjoyed a nominal sovereignty, while the
country was convulsed with civil war. Were it not
that he expiated hissin in some small degree by his vio-
lent and ignoble death, this narrative would terminate
with hissiezure of the diadem, and furnish no farther
record of his reign.

From two to three years he maintained himself upon
the throne ; a period set down by various chronologists
between the years A. D. 293 and 299. Nothing ena-
bled him to retain his crown so long but the admirable
completeness of the organizations which Carausivs had
effected for his own present defence and future aggran-
dizement. According to the best authorities, Allectus
was neither gifted with the requisite capacities to ex-
ercise the power to which he unrighteously succeeded,
nor torepel the danger which threatened him and he
beheld with anxious terror—it is to be devoutly hoped
that this (and even worse) is strictly true of his mental
sufferings—the opposite shores of the continent, from
Calais to the Calvados, already filled with land and
naval forces for Constantius—a better strategist than
Pxitip I[.—determined to divide his armaments, that
he might thereby distract the attention and confuse
the judgment of the usurper, and prevent his concen-
trating his forces at the intended point of invasion. A
contrary course rendered the stupendous preparations
of the Spanish bigot (Philip IT.) not only nugatory but
ruinous to his sovereignty and projects: and Philip,
by insisting upon one grand and simultaneous effort,
against the advice of his best, bravest, and wisest com-
272

manders, insured his own defeat, the freedom of the
Netherlands, the independence of England, and the es-
tablishment of Evangelical religion. Thus ‘the stars
in their courses fought against Sisera.”

“Not master of one of Carusius’s good qualities, to
countenance his presumption” ALLEctus seems to have
acted like one whom Atgcro was indeed persecuting—
whose remorse prevented him from exerting whatever
abilities he may have been endowed with by nature and
of availing himself of the naval superiority of which
he had become possessed. Collecting his fleets at the
Portus Adurnt. (Portsmouth) or in one of the ample
roads protected by the Vect’s Znsula (Isle of Wight)
he suffered them to lie idle while the Romans were mo-
mentarily expected to put to sea. Had he been equal
to the hour and to his victim he might have conquered
the two imperial fleets, one after the other, since the
first, which had its rendezvous at the mouth of the Seine
under the command of AscLeProporus, a naval com-
mander of decided merjt and experience—invested
with the lofty distinction of prefect of the Praetorian
(Imperial or Cesarean) body-guard—was the first to
put to sea, in consequence of the impatience of the Ro-
man mariners drafted no doubt from the maritime races
of Aremorica, which have always furnished the best re-
eruits for the French marine. On a stormy day and
with aside wind AscLeproporus ventured to set sail ; an
act of daring for a Roman admiral deemed worthy the
grandiloquent encomiums of cotemporary orators and
historians. Favored by a fog, so common on the Eng-
lish coast, the invader succeeded in avoiding the Brit-
ish fleet—still awful, even although the hero who ere-
ated it and made it so invincible was no more—and in
disembarking his troops at some point of the western
coast of Devonshire or Cornwall (?), perhaps Somerset,
273

or at the head of the Sabrine Estuwartum (Bristol Chan-

nel) without any obstruction from the superior British
navy, lying inactive in the Southampton waters at the
time of its sailing, instead of keeping up the blockade of
the mouths of the Seéne and the Somme and of the Gallic
channel-ports, which Caraustus had hitherto studiously
maintained. Allectus, upon receiving intelligence of
the sailing of the enemy, stood out to sea, too late to
intercept them. Having missed them in the dense fog
which covered and facilitated their operations, and be-
come satisfied that they had had full time to get to shore,
he returned to port, and hastened to join his army near
London, which the “Biographia Nautica” assures us
felt “too insurmountable Aversion from their Chief to
risque their Lives in his Defence.”

Asclepiodotus had no sooner disembarked his per-
sonal and material, than, by his orders, all his ships
were fired—an example attributed on a similar occasion
to Julius Cesar, and said to have been likewise imita-
ted by Hernando Cortez—in order that his soldiers,
being sensible of the impossibility of escaping in case
they suffered a defeat, might, knowing the alternatives
of utter destruction or victory, add the fury of despe-
ration to the force of their discipline.

Advised at length by his bale-fires, flashing the in-
telligence eastward, peak answering peak, from the
far Cimbrian and Dumnonian hills, Allectus hurried by
forced marches to encounter the invader in the west,
and, deceived no doubt by false intelligence, for no-
thing else could justify his operations, advanced with
such excessive haste that the greater part of his troops
were unable to keep up with his guards, composed of
Frank mercenaries, who, after all, constituted the only
division on which he could rely with any certainty, and

fell upon the pretorian prefect with such rash and
18
274

headlong desperation that he was speedily overcome by
the Roman superiority of force, which overwhelméd,
with comparative case, the unsupported guard-corps
(armee, already half-conquered,—physically by the-
fatigues they had undergone, and morally by the dis-
heartening knowledge of the criminality of their com-
mander, and the want of sympathy manifested towards
him and them by the bulk of the army and nation,

Dewez is of opinion that Allectus was not only too de-
void of spirit at the last to adventure the battle he had
sought, but that as soon as the legions formed their
line of battle he abandoned the field and fled before the
Romanus, who followed up the pursuit with such rapidi-
ty that they overtook and slew not only the murderous
usurper but also great numbers of his most trusty offi-
cers and most reliable troops.

Whether Allectus behaved like a brave but incompe-
tent general, or whether he acted like a coward as well
asa criminal, is nowhere definitely shown. There is
no doubt, however, thatin the encounter with the forces
of Asclepiodotus he perished unpitied and unknown.
Invested with all the pompous insignia of his usurped
imperialty before the battle joined, after it was over
his corpse was found without any marks of royalty.
Tristan is of opinion that the perfidious wretch, hav-
ing abandoned the purple robes of state. and other
badges by which he could have been recognized after
death, threw himself, with the desperation of a resolv-
ed suicide, upon the avenging swords of the Romans.
Whether he laid aside his ornaments and rich attire
from the same honorable motive that impelled the last
Emperor of the East, Constantine Paleologus, to dis-
enise himself like a common soldier when the Turks
stormed Byzantium (Constantinople), and died like
him, unrecognized, in the front of the battle, or whether’

‘
275

he was incited by the base instinct of self-preservation,
and divested himself of his regalia, hoping thereby to
escape in the confusion of the melee, we can only judge
of from his antecedents. The cruel and the treacher-
ous are rarely truly brave, and it could scarcely be ex-
pected that the ingrate, the traitor, and the assassin,
would meet his fate like a brave and loyal soldier or a
cool and intrepid general.

CamPBELL and other writers upon the naval affairs of
England state, that, although Allectus enjoyed an in-
disputable superiority at sea, he employed his power
rather as a pirate than as a prince. Bonyecuoss, in
his “Quatre Conquetes del? Angleterre,” citing EuMENtIUus,
declares that the ocean served rather as an impassable
prison-wall to restrain the usurper than as a rampart to
protect him against his enemies. So that, comparing
all the circumstances, it would seem that Allectus, ce-
prived of his senses by desperation and remorse, ran-
ged to and fro his realm like a madman in a spacious
cell, whose walls were the surf-beaten cliffs and its
beams and bars the encompassing fleets and iron-clad
legionaries, against which last, in a final access of fren-
zy, he dashed himself, and perished.

“Come madness! come unto me, senseless death !

I cannot suffer this! Here, rocky wall,
Scatter these brains”

 

Pursued by those ever-living furies, the stings of
conscience and the pangs of disappointed ambition, it
requires no stretch of the imagination to conceive that
those who beheld his bursts of hopeless passion believed
him to be persecuted by the fabled Atecro—she with
the serpent-locks, and breathing war and vengeance—
and transmuted his name of Arnecrus—the ‘Chosen
One,” into Arxcru(o)s—the “Demoniac,” or the ‘Pos-
sessed of an Evil Spirit.”
276

Meanwhile Constantius made good his landing, with
forces much more numerous than those confided to his
lieutenant, upon the shores of Kent, where he had
scarcely marshaled his army and prepared to move for-
wards, when he learned that Allectus had lost both a
battle and his life, and that the triumph achieved by
Asclepiodotus had deprived him of all opportunity of
winning laurels upon the British soil, whose inhabitants
(fondly attached to Carausius, but as vehemently
opposed to his murderer) were willing to submit to the
clemency of the Christian Cesar, rather than imperil
themselves, their families, and their possessions, by de-
fending a cause whose chief and principal supporters
had perished. Evwextvs, who belonged to the house-
hold of Constantius, and prostituted (for intentional
misrepresentation is nothing less than prostitution) his
pen to do honor to his master, would willingly mislead
posterity with regard to the details of his conquest.
He tells us that the Britons saluted Constantius with
joyous welcomes, and received him as willing subjects,
styling him their deliverer from tyranny; whereas we
know, from less prejudiced records, that they looked
upon no tyranny as so insupportable as that of the Ro-
man functionaries, from whom Carausius had deliv-
ered them, whose unlimited oppression, on the other
side of the Channel, had reduced the peasantry of Gaul
to such a state of destitution and suffering, that death—
whose relief every living thing avoids as the last escape
and worst of evils—however pitiless but sharp and
prompt, was less unbearable than the calculated execu-
tion, by inches, to which their tolerated existence
amounted, and nothing more.

That Constantius,—by Tristan styled the first Chiis-
tia Emperor,—an honor generally conceded to his son
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT,—who had the reputation of
20

possessing qualities unusual for his station and era,
clemency, justice and virtue,—was preferable to a ruler
whose very mode of obtaining the crown was a viola-
tion of every human and divine law, requires no argu-
ment to induce belief Moreover, Allectus had been
untrue to the principles which made Carausius
so great and beloved. Whereas Carausius had
shown no partiality for any particular element of the
population, but exercised his power with impartiality
and justice, trusting as much to his British as his Saxo-
Netherlandic subjects, his native as to his foreign
troops, Allectus, on the other hand, placed all his hope.
and confidence in mereenaries, allured to his standard
by unusual pay.and still greater promises of prize mo-
ney or booty. If the murder to which he owed his
elevation was an effort of self-preservation, resorted to
only to escape a deserved and certain retribution due
to personal crimes and mal-administration of public of-
fices, it is easy to conceive that the horror with which
he was regarded for his regicide, was augmented by
the popular knowledge of his antecedents, which gradu-
ally engendered a hatred to his person and rule, and
compelled him to rely upon an army of foreigners, who
might be bought, instead of an army of natives, who
were alike inaccessible to purchase and to sentiments
of loyalty to his person.

 

What is most surprising, however, is the absolute in-
action (or rather inefficient action, ) of the British fleet,
which every writer admits was far superior to the Ro-
man, and actually an object of dread to the imperial
commanders, as it must indeed have been to postpone
the efforts of Constantius for three years, when all the
other chances of war were undoubtedly in his favor.
The supineness of the fleet may be accounted for in

two ways:
278

First: Whatever may have constituted the personnel
of thearmy of Carausius, the personne! of his fleet was
principally Netherlandic. The crews were essentially
Saxon. Latterly, the materiel, it is true, was chiefly
British ; but, throughout, the personnel was almost, if
not altogether, composed of Menapians, Saxons, Franks,
and Armoricans, whose origins, affiliations, instincts, and
attuchinents, were all centered in Carausins as a Mena-
plan, a scion of the Saxon race, a sailor and a freeman.
Allectus had no such claims to their love and respect.
The Saxon and Anglo-Saxon have always shown their
aversion to a royal favorite, and exhibited a perfect ha-
tred of a base-born minion. Their loyalty, negative
under ordinary circumstances, must have been changed
into positive disaffection by the crime and character of
Allectus.

Second: Any ordinary reader of history must know
how short a space of misgovernment will disorganize
a department, particularly a war-department. The
mere change of a head will often produce the most de-
plorable results in civil administration, and how much
greater in a fleet and an army! A pair of horses re-
cognize a bold and skillful driver almost with the first
touch of the reins, and it cannot be supposed that
men are less observing than brutes. Take two of the
most popular examples, well known to every general
reader. The same French armies, repulsed and kept
out of North-western [taly under the incapable ScHERER,
after BoNAPARTE assumed the command, conquered all
Italy ; and when he (Bonaparte) withdrew, and
went to Lyypt, the French suffered defeat upon defeat,
and yielded the peninsula again to the Austro-Russian
coalition. All this occurred in three years,—from
1796 to 1799. Again, consider the effect of the winter
quarters at Capua upon the victorious army of HANNIBAL.
279

A simple season of luxurious indulgence sufficed to rnin
the Carthaginian veterans. But a still more pertinent
illustration occurred in the change brought about, in
twenty-four hours, by a mere change of commanders,
whose consequences affected the whole campaign of
1808 in Portugal. Compare the vigor of the British
army under Sir Arrive Wetiestey (Wellington)
—alterwards styled the “Iron Duke”—previous to, and
upon the field of, VWinéera, and the torpidity of the
same forces, the day after their victory, under the senile
and irresolute Sir Harry Burrarp.

Apply the moral to the British fleet. Invincible un-
der Garansius, it may have become debauched and de-
naturalized under Allectus. It only shows how ereat
Carausings had made his navy, that it required three
whole years of mal-administration even to render it in-
ert ; for it was not the defection or defeat of the British
fleet which enabled Constantius to conquer, but the
apathy of part, and the annihilation of the rest, of his
adversary’s army. The fleet continued long afterwards
ina flourishing condition, and was, throughout the life
of the distinguished Cesar, the particular object of his
fostering care, and excited no less the attention of his
more fortunate son, the Emperor Constantine.

After this epoch, the Romans, convinced that the
most essential and irresistible branch of their military
service in this quarter was their navy, were assiduous
in building ships and establishing garrisons in the best
seaports, and settling their marine organization upon
the most efficient basis. Among the imperial naval
stations in Britain, the most important were Branv-
dunun (Branchester) in Norfolk, near the Wash; Re-
gulbinm (Reculver ) in the estuary of the Thames; Rit
tupis or Rutupte (Richborough?) near Sandwich;
Dubris (Dover); Lemmanis (Hythe or Lime Hill?) and
280
alnderfda or Auderia (Newenden) in Kent ; Othona
(Hastings) ; Garrfanonum (Yarmouth) in the Isle of
Wight; and Portus Adurni [ (Portchester?), Alkring-
ton or Edrington, not far from Shoreham | in Sussex.
* % % *

While Constantius was moving leisurely upon the
British capital, from the shores of the Channel, and
Asclepiodotus was advancing from the western shires
to rejoin the Caesar, that city was exposed to, all the
dangers of one of those horrible visitations which
have so rarely chastened the English metropolis, even
in amodified form, whereas they have periodically
smitten every other ancient or modern seat of empire,
—except St. Petersburg,—wiping out some so effectu-
ally that their very sites are unknown, leaving others
mere heaps of ruins, and, in all cases, impoverishing:
them while staining the hearth-stones of all classes with
massacre and, worse, pollution.

The wrecks of the armies of Allectus, fugitives from
the sword of Asclepiodotus, or disorganized corps,
which had not been in the late engagement, converging
towards London—just as the discomfited armies of the
first NaPoLeon fell back before the Allies upon Paris,
or the rebellious Sepoys rushed from all quarters into
Delhi—threatened the world’s rising emporium with
the fate which invariably ensues upon the occupation
of a wealthy place by troops who have thrown off the
restraints of discipline or have been suddenly deprived
of their legitimate leaders. General history—without
considering the injustice of affixing a stigma to a gal-
lant race without the fullest proof—has attributed to
the subsidized corps of Franks—(one book, of little
influence however, adds, ‘‘and Saxons” )—the intention
of pillaging the city, seizing upon the vessels in, its
port and river, and escaping thence, across the German
281

Ocean, into the Netherlands, on board a fleet freighted
with bloody booty, ravished from those they had heen
levied to protect ; thus repeating, on a smaller scale,
as to extent and desperate enterprise, the celebrated
return voyage of the Netherlandish-Franks from the
shores of Pontus and Paphlagonia to the mouths of the
Rhine. (See pages 74-77.)

Since uncertainty invests every account of what oc-
enrred at this period, it is just as reasonable to believe
that the disorderly troops poured into London as a camp
of refuge, and to provide for their own safety, as to in-
sinuate that their presence was the prelude to intention-
al atrocities, which alone could justify the fatal conse-
quences brought upon themselves by their dissemina-
tion throughout the city wherein they may have been
forced, by the desertion of their commanders or the
want of regular quarter-masters, to billet themselves iu
the private houses, in default of a sufficient number of
public edifices suitable for conversion into comfortable
barracks.

While thus dispersed—reposing from the fatigues
they had undergone, or preparing for renewed resist-
ance, or abandoned to the licentiousness which brutal-
izes the professional soldier, when the fate of war af:
fords him opportunities of unrestrained indulgence—
the troops of Allectus experienced one of these casual-
ties which rarely terminate in anything short of the
total destruction of a force which—neglecting the first
rules of military policy—commits its safety to the pa-
trol of chance, and permits an enemy to fall upon it
while plunged in unguarded sloth, or, worse, debauch-
ery.

One wing of the fleet of Constantius—having been
separated from the rest of his armament by a continu-
ance of the same fog which bewildered the movements
282

of Allectus and promoted the expedition of Asclepio-
dotus—kept on castwards and uorthwards alone the
coast of Kent, doubled the North Foreland ( Cantéwn
Promontorium), blundered into the mouth of the
Thames, and, borne along by a flood tide, disembarked,
without a challenge, upon the quays of London, to find
them not only undefended by a regular military force,
but even unoccupied by the inhabitants whose patriot-
ism was either benumbed by the tumultuous influx of
the bands of foreigners let loose upon them by the
death of the tyrant; or, their courage chilled by the
rumors of the speedy arrival of new and numerous en-
emies, or their efforts paralyzed (if contemporary his-
tory is to be believed) by the unforeseen ravages of
their own unbridled and disbanded army, exhausting
upon those within, that force and indignant fury which
should have been opposed to the enemy from without.
Whichever was the case, the Romans became immedi-
ately aware of the situation of affairs, and, launching
their columns into the indefensible streets, massacred
without pity the partisans of the usurper, dispersed and
taken by surprise, whom they expected to find in arms
and ready to receive them, and punished the licentious
excesses which the mercenary troops were inflicting up-
on the peaceful population, inthe very act of their com-
mission. Thus the army—which Caraustus had form-
ed and maintained in such a state of vigilance and
vigor, and had become emasculated by the criminal
impolicy of his assassin—was at first disorganized by
the inefficiency of its commanders, then discomfited
by Asclepiodotus, and finally annihilated through its
own negation of the laws of discipline.

While the Romans assure us that the mercenaries,
thus justly destroyed, were Franks and Saxons, the
British chronicles hand down that they were Romans,
283
which, if true, they probably belonged to the legion
quartered in Britain, which was among the first to
welcome and espouse the cause of Garausius. The
name of their commander—whom Rossrr or GLouces-
TER styles “a lordlying of the Romans,” was Gantus,
which is certainly a Latin patronymic, (unless it should
be written Gal or Gall, an Anglo-Saxon word, ) signi-
fying a Gaul or Gallic Celt. Brrxennour reads that
“the main body of the troops” of Allectus—which did
not participate in his fatal battle—“‘consisted of foreign-
ers of all nations, drawn to his service from the hopes
of pay, and who, as soon as they knew of his misfor-
tune, resolved to satisfy their expectations by plunder-
ing those they came to preserve. With this view they
possessed themselves of London; but, as they en-
tered the city, a new mischance befel them. Part of
the Roman army, severed from the grand fleet at sea
by the mist before mentioned, landed at the mouth of
the Thames, and entered the city immediately after
them. Upon this an engagement ensued, wherein the
foreigners were defeated, and cut to pieces; their com-
mander, whose name was Gallus, endeavoring to save
himself by flight, was pushed into and drowned in a
little brook, called from thence, in the British tongue,
Nant-Gall, (the Creek of Gallus,) and by the Sax-
ons,” Wallbrooc (Slaughter Brook). These details
are furnished to vindicate the character of the sol-
diers formed in the school of Garausins, and particular-
ly that of the first Saxons and Netherlanders, who upheld
the cause of independence on the free soil of England.”

Upon this occasion—as before and afterwards upon
other fields—(the most fatal and mournful that of Hasr-
Inas)—a “single battle decided the fate of this great
island.” The first attempt to establish the rule of the
Garon in Excianp was over—the second, terminated
284
with §jarald—and the fertile island, rendered independ-
ent by the courage and abilities of the Saxo-(Zcelandic)-
fMenapian Avcustus, was forced to re-assume the yoke
of the Roman empire.

Momelwstid@rme

“ENGLAND, as ler pride of story,
Boasts her champions of the main ;
*Harant’s’ fame is Britain's glory,
When she boasts her naval train :—
When she boasts her warriors gory,
Cloth’d in valour, nerv'd for fight,
Time, with scanty locks and hoary,
Brings ‘@avausius’ back to sight. ~

What an appropriate subject for an historical drama,
or a tragedy, the life of Carausius offers. Every act
might close upon a picture of magnificent details, and
the curtain would, each time, descend amid _ such stir-
ring symphonies as ScuiLier’s vivid brain imagined for
his ‘Death of Walleustein,” wherein, as it unrolls music
appropriate to the action—sufficiently exciting in it-
self—‘becomes loud and overpowering, and passes into
a complete war-march—the orchestra joins in it-—and
continues (to play) during the: interval between the
acts.”

Nothing but music, such as travelers hear when they
attend a grand military high-mass in Europe, would be
commensurate to the plot—music in which both taste
and power compete to realize perfection in the harmo-
ny of martial instruments—music which mingles the
most seductive notes which human art is capable of ut-
tering through the brazen tubes of war, the mellow
instruments of wood, the pealing trump and thundering
kettle-drum, swelling the volume, force and grandeur
of the organ, into a storm af such stupendous symphony
285
as makes the groined roof heave and rock-like walls
roar with applauding echo.

“Where, through the long-drawn aisle and fretted vault,

The pealing anthem swells the note of praise.”

The piece should open with a view of mingled land
and sea, so lost in mutual lovingness that the inhabitants
might claim the either element as their congenial home.
A boy is paddling, through the labyrinth of aqueous
islands, a rude but buoyant shallop (csracle), while the
reeds are all alive with noisy marine birds, fearless of
human presence. He hoards a swift liburna, a storm
‘comes on, the land is lost in ocean, the air is filled with
spray and mist, the waters seethe, the clouds descend,
the tempest roars, and, in the whirl, the fearless lad
steers forth the bounding bark to join a kindred fleet.
His gallant bearing, his intelligent audacity, win him
the hearts of all who recognize no leader wanting in
such endowments. <A second fleet appears, and mid
the elemental strife, the strife of men commences. The
boy, grown to amighty Diking, guides, directs and con-
quers ; and, as the waves subside, a skillful grouping
exhibits him to the applauding audience, upraised upon
a buckler, and saluted as a glorious sea-chief by a crew
of heroes amid their acclamation and the wreck-strown
sea.

Another act and scene would present him for our
admiration, victor upon the battle-field, wildly diversi-
fied with shattered military engines, piles of corpses,
splintered arms, and with all the graceful splendor
which invested the command of an imperial leader.

In the next scene, once more upon the shore, we
find him in an imperial seaport, surrounded by all the
stern macnificence pertaining to an elevation which
gives him wide command over extensive coasts and
286
oveans indefinitely known, preparing for a maritime
campaign.
A fourth—

“Thus with imagin’d wing our swift scene flies
In motion of no Jess celerity
Than that of thought”—

could open on his coronation, and conclude in the
midst of his triumph for twin victories over the
arrogant Herculius and the barbarian Caledonians.

Again the curtain rises. Peaceful beauty lends its
enchantment to the picture; the arts seem flourishing
within the glorious treasure-house of a benignant rule ;
industry and happiness invite to mirth and opulent dis-
play; multiplied costumes, wild and barbaric, rich and
Roman, throng the stage, and mingle into a variety
enchanting to the eye and strangely picturesque; tem-
ples and citadels, triumphal arches and palaces, rise
amid huts, and supersede the rude attempts of unin-
structed labor ; upon the sparkling bosom of a noble
river, gayly bedecked, ride fleets and argosies; and in
the midst stands the magician who evoked such won-
ders. In the Augustan robes, beneath the imperial
crown, we recognize the full (plecn) and manly fea-
tures, the small (petits) sagacious eyes, the untutored
(agreste) but commanding air (Trisran) of that bold
Zeeland boy, arrived at (sixty years) the maturity
of life.

“Proud was his tone, but calin; his cye

Had that compelling dignity,

His mien that bearing haught and high,

Which common spirits fear.”

* * * *

“And though in peaceful garb array’d,

And weaponless except his blade,

His stately mien as well impli’'d

A high-born heart and martial pride.”
Hark!

“sonorous metal blowing martial sounds :”
287

The trumpet sounds to arms, a nation rises,
and, amid the turbulence of ordered preparation, an
army marches forth, a navy spreads its sails and mans
its oars.

“It was a dread, yet spirit-stirring sight!

The billows toanr’d bencath,” ten “thousand oars,

Fast” on “the land, the” white horse “ranks unite.
Legions on legions brightening all the shores,

Then banners rise, and” Saxon Werezcirvm roars:
Then peals the warlike thunder of the drum,

Thrills the loud fife, the trumpet-fourish pours,

and patriot hopes awake, and donbts are dumb ;

For, bold in freedoin's cause, the bunds of ocean come.”

The prompter’s whistle next evokes the heaths of
Scotland, and the banks of Carron, It requires no
liberality to admit the similarity in sound between
the name of Kraoox—(which, derived from the Greek
Kpaw, signifies, through its Sanscr7l root, the “Coxsv-
MER” or “Destroyer, and intimately resembles the
Anglo-Saxon “Coren,” which expresses the “Chosen
One,”) and of Carron, on whose banks that Kraooy (or
Carausius) rose to the summit of his power and fame.
A deputation enters and presents a case of medals; the
latest, that which celebrates the blessings attendant on
a glorious peace. Its obverse bears the image of our
hero, and the reverse the effigy of peace; beneath, the
legend, Pax Auu.(usti) [the Peace of Augustus]. There-
on appears the graceful figure of the goddess grasping
the staff or sceptre of authority with her left hand, and
offering with her right the olive branch. How applica-
ble to the issue of this money are the words of Bunwer
—in his historical novel—almost actual history—of
Anglo-Saxon §jarolt,—with regard toa like coin, struck,
under very similar circumstances, by the great son of
Godwin :

“Who ever yet saw one of those coins of the asi
Saxon king, the bold simple head on the one side, that
288
single word ‘PEACE’ on the other, and did not feel
awed and touched! What pathos in that word, com-
pared with the fate which it failed to propitiate !”

* ‘Prace,’ said fjarold: ‘to all that doth not render
peace, slavery. Yea, may I live to leave peace to our
children! Now, peace only rests on our preparation
for war”

‘“Garausins,” says Tristan, “had reason to place this
goddess on the reverse of his money as his chief device,
for the peace which he forced Maximian to accord him
was the most glorious trophy he could erect over this
imaginary Hercules, since Maximian, as great a general
as he imagined himself to be, although supported by
all the maritime forces of the great (Roman) empire,
could never gain the slightest advantage over him;
and was constrained, after all his efforts—rendered un-
availing by the valor and experience in naval affairs,
evinced by the new monarch of this (ittle empire of
Britain—to accord him a peace, and leave him in the
full enjoyment of his conquest.” Evurrorius himself is
compelled to admit, in his Greek panegyric, that, out
of respect to Carausius, Maximian was compelled to
make peace with the Menapio-British Augustus after
having waged war, without success, against him, be-
cause this personage, Cavausins, was a very great war-
rior, and of rare experience.

Whereupon, since Carausivs was altogether invin-
cible, after having poured out upon (or agaznst) him,
the Basiteus,—(a title derived from the Byzantine
Court, implying ‘‘THe King,” or ‘‘King of kings,” after-
wards assumed by the Anglo-Saxon monarchs who had
subjugated the Kinglings of the Heptarchy and reigned
over «/7 England)—in vain, all the terrible appliances
(the fury) of war, he (Maximian) was compelled to
pour out 77th him the libations of peace.
289

A shifting panorama and a chorus, such as the ancient
Greeks introduced and Shakespeare imitated in his ma-
jestic tragedy of England’s HARRY Y could only do
sufficient justice to the shifting scenes of that Batavian
course of victory recounted in the preceding pages—a
struggle carried on by flood and field, in the oak open-
ings, meads and fens, embraced within the tortuous
branches of the Rhine, Maas, Wahal, and Schelde ; the
adjoining forests, marshes, settlements and fields
of modern Holland; and the dense woods and _ heaths
of Dutch Brabant, (the Campine, Menapiscus Ager).
The welcome home of Caraustus would fill the stage with
clamoring multitudes, dazzled and drunk with triumph.

“Toward him they bend
With awful reverence prone; and as a god
Extol him.”—

What a lugubrious wail should usher in the final act.
Within his quarters the Saxo-Menapian warrior-monarch
lies, sleeping safe—as he deems himself—from enemies
within the narrow seas, cruised by his swarming fleets,
environed by a grateful people, guarded by a devoted
army, and sentineled by the affection of a. faithful
friend, that friend, one ever at his side in the past pa-
geants, who has appeared either in gorgeous robes of
state or in the sterner garb of war; upon whose bosom
he has leaned in private; into whose ears poured all the
secrets of his heart and government, his hopes—no
fears; unto whose hands confided the truncheon of
command ; his minister of state ; his second in the lead-
ing of his armies and his fleets ; his counselor and in-
timate; who, as Carausius rose to power, ascended,
step by step, with him, until he found himself, beneath
the crown of Britain, superior to all. To use the simple
language of scripture, like unto Caransins, his benefac-

tor, even in his origin—without father, without mother,
19
290

without descent—A.tzucrus stood alone ; supposed to
he of basest extraction, he came to be a second Carau-
sius in every thing pertaining to his peace- and war-
administration, so loved and favored that to his other
offices he added that of preefect or commander of the im-
perial life-guard, which gave him access at all hours to
his confiding master.

That friend and confidant steals like a Thug into the
imperial tent or chamber, and strikes a blow which
pierces England and Hollandia’s heart, then rushing
forth, we hear him proclaim with simulated grief and
tears, compelled for the occasion, his master’s sudden
death and his assumption of the crown; then see the
fickle, hero-adoring soldiery, and still more fickle crowd,
salute him Emperor. To him, scarce seated on the
throne, amessenger arrives from Gaul, who brings the
tidings how, with passing joy, Maximian and Constan-
tius hailed his felon-blow—how, by the murder of Ca-
ravsivs, the quadrate Emperors felt their bosoms re-
lieved of a vast weight, and breathed again secure,
confident, not of their own dominions only, but the
swift conquest of the British realm. Mingled and op-
posite emotions’ excite the different characters who
crowd the spacious scene; Allectus---striving to conceal
remorse and apprchension beneath the mask of stern
and dignified assurance---while,

“Horror and doubt distract
Ilis troubled thouglits,”-—

invokes the pride, the valor and the prejudices of his
people; bids the §ere-byma (war-trumpet )

ep

Ring, ving the loud idiarms ;
Ye drums awake, ye clarions blow,
Ye heralds shout ‘To Arms,’ “—

 

speeds forth his Bodes to summon out the popular ar-
ray; and as the host-leaders throng the imperial seat
291

with feigned or interested loyalty, the scene closes
with

 

“a flourish proud,”

Of “mingled trump, and clarion loud,
And fife, and kettle-drum

And sackbut deep, and psaltery,

And war-pipe with discordant cry,
And cymbal clattering to the sky,
Making wild music bold and high,”"—

which changes into a grand war-march as the stage as-
sumes the aspect of a battle-field. Enter Allectus with
his forces disordered by a hurried march, who scarcely
form upon the boards, when

“fifes, cornets, drums,
That rouse the sleepy of soul to arms and bold
Heroic deeds,”

—announce the approach of Asclepiodotus and Romans

from their fleet.
“Onward they march embattled, to the sound
Of martial harmony.”

“Then, with their well-known shout and the long stern
trumpet blast, ‘which bids the Romans close,’ in rush
the stout ‘‘hastati” (legionaries). The battle joins,
alarums, excursions, the British forces fly before the
Imperial troops, leaving the front bestrewn with dead
and wounded combatants.

Final Tableau. The last scene opens and discovers
in the distance London in flames, and stripped, dishon-
ored, in mid-stage lies the usurper’s corpse, on which
the Ceesar—surrounded by his army, captives and tro-
phies, disposed in skillful groups—plants his victorious
foot, amid the vivats of his legionaries, while a base
populace, thronging in, -shout their applause as they
had shouted in the preceding scene,. “Long live Allec-
tus!” and in the preceding act, ‘All hail, Carausius!
our beloved sovereign.”

Of all the monarchs we read of, Holland's greatest

WILLIAM (III. of England) seems to have been the
292
only one who estimated popular applause at its true
value. That he despised the hollow acclamations of
the people, proves his consummate understanding and
appreciation of the human heart. We talk of many
things as fickle and ephemeral, but of all the most fickle
and ephemeral things, the most deceitful, the most
heartless, and the most changeable, is the attachment of
the crowd, and the applause of the mob.
“O! breath of public praise,

Short-liv’d and vain! oft gain’d without desert,

is often Jost, unmerited: composed

But of extremes: Thou first beginn’st with love

Enthusiastic, madness of affection ; then

(Bounding o’er moderation and o’er reason)

Thou turn’st to hate as causeless and as fierce.”

When William had his attention drawn to the vo-
ciferous shouts of welcome which hailed his presence
in public after the flight of Jamzs IT., he weighed them
in the nice balance of his penetrating mind and cold
but truthful estimate of men. To those who stood
around, how true his bitter remark, ‘‘Was it not so of
old? That crowd which yesterday shouted ‘Hosanna,’
to-day cried ‘Crucify him!”

Upon another occasion, entering the theatre, the au-
dience rose and shook the building with their accla-
mations. Such an uproarous burst. of loyalty and wel-
come would have proved the most grateful incense to
his greatest enemy, that superlative egotist, the king
of France. “The fools!” observed William, with his
usual dryness—as the enthusiasm mounted higher and
higher—do they take me for Louis XIV?”

al’ + .
Sagacious William !

 

“he knew lo please,

Nosy fo please ; while equally he scorx vy

Or ADULATION, to vereire, or gire?—
The affection of the people at large is like a summet’s
cloud, one moment it bestows a vrateful shower, the
203
next sends forth its lightnings and scathes that which
it just refreshed. In republics all power is with the

people, and the ingratitude of a republic has passed

into a proverb.
“T have no taste

Of popular applause : The noisy praise
Of giddy crowds as changeable as winds ;
Still vehement, and still without a cause :
Servants to chance, and blowing in the tide
Of swoln success; but veering with the ebb,
It leaves the channel dry.”

Although the consideration of what might have re-
sulted from a prolonged contest between Garansins
and Constantius is merely speculative and useless, a
summary and comparison of their characters will not
be devoid of interest. Nothing which has been pre-
served with regard to the former can lead us to suppose
that he was otherwise than a pagan; because, first,
Christianity had made no advances at his era in the
Netherlands ; second, all the effigies upon his coins are
derived from the heathen mythology; and third, his
best troops and seamen belonged to those northern
races who still clung to the simple but rude worship of
Thor and Woden, whom the Anglo-Saxons held in the
highest veneration, centuries afterwards, when England
was recognised as a Christian kingdom. Evrrorius
among the ancient, and BerKrny among the modern
writers, who have investigated, with the greatest care,
the biographical data concerning the Menapian chief,
think he was not of low but of noble birth, and add that
he was a Roman although a Menapian born—which
would, however, by no means preclude a Hollando-
Saxon extraction, although it would imply that, like
the greatest among men, St. Paut, his parents, or even
he himself (by his military services in Gaul?) had ac-
quired the advantages of Roman citizenship. This last
294

opinion is probably altogether founded on the names
he assumed upon his coins, Marcus Aurenius V ALERIUS
Carausits, which, as has been shown, and is almost
universally conceded, were appropriated by him after
he became possessed of the sovereignty of Britain,
when he Latinized his patronymic, and added high
and sounding appellations, to rival, even in such trifles,
the arrogant assumptions of Caius Valerius Aurelius
Diocletianus Jovius—the original name of whose father,
a slave, was probably Docles, lengthened into the Gre-
cian harmony of Aw«dss, and finally into the Roman ma-
jesty of Diocletianus—and of Marcus Valerins Aurelius
Maximianus Herculius—the son of a peasant, himself
ignorant of letters, careless of laws, rustic in appear-
ance and manners, a rude soldier, and replete with
vices, which rendered him the ready instrument of ev-
ery act of cruelty which the policy of a timid and artful
tyrant may at once have suggested and disclaimed.

It has been conceded herein that Carausins was re-
presented by divers writers as ignobly born—aye, of
the meanest origin—not, however, to pander to the
prejudices of the age and this country, but simply to
prove that nothing is concealed or advanced in contra-
vention of the general testimony of history.

Virtue seldom, vice ordinarily, dwells in extremes.
The greatest heights of power, the lowest depths of de-
gradation, have produced the most horrible exaggera-
tions of crime. The unbridled physical-despotism of
the Ceesars, and the untrammeled spiritual dominion of
the Popes, have descended into the very abyss of sin
to complete the catalogues of their enormities, even as
the dregs of the people have—when possessed of op-
portunity—climbed boldly to an altitude of turpitude
which dizzies the brain of the historian, whose duty
it is to chronicle their wickedness. Not one miscreant
295
‘thrown by the seething fury of the French revolution
to the surface of the torrent of its brutishness and
criminality, discloses features a thousandth part as re-
volting as very many of the popes, who—claiming to
be infallible vice-gerents of Heaven—received the ado-
ration of papists, or almost all of the Roman emperors.

Well might Micueter exclaim—speaking of the popes
of the XVth Century, but particularly Srxrvs IV—
that Rome, in the time of the popes, as in the time of
the emperors, has often produced perfect madmen.
The idea of infallibility mounted to their brains, so
that many a sensible man became a furious maniac.
(See Errata, &c.) Whereas, what multitudes of exem-
plars of Christian virtue, political acumen, military sci-
ence, world-wide influence, general intelligence, God-
fearfulness, man-sympathy, have dignified that medium
rank whom the higher aristocracy and enormously
rich look down upon with supercilious arrogance, and
the laboring classes too often, and vicious poor always,
look up to with envious hatred. If Caravsius was
nobly born—according to the estimate of birth among
the Saxo-Netherlandic races—his origin adds to, rather
than detracts from, his exceeding greatness, and doubt-
less assisted in developing his talents. Whether innate
or acquired, he exhibited all the virtues, accomplish-
ments and intelligence which dignify aman. Hismale
qualities rendered his soldierly abilities the more illus-
trious. His generalship was not surpassed by his
statesmanship ; and his taste, generosity and sagacity,
were worthy the pre-eminent station he attained. As
- long as he lived, his lion port awed, while his elephan-
tine strength and capacity defied, the serpent wisdom
and the tiger fury of the astute Diocletian and the bru-
tal Maximian,,so that even after death his renown for
296

nearly three years guarded the coasts and seas he had
rendered inviolate.

Beyond the first moves, in which he half won
the game, Providence denied ‘to the Saxon hero
—a type of the free and fearless Hollandish Saxon—the
opportunity of measuring his natural and_factitious
powers with those of another hero—a development of
the astute and matured Latin civilization.

As to the personal appearance of CARAUSIUS,
although it is not known that any of his likenesses in
stone or colors have been preserved, the busts upon all
the medallic issues of his reign are so sharply executed |
and’ have so marked a character, that they may doubt-
less be considered as portraits. This remark applies
particularly to the head upon the unique gold coin re-
ferred to by Humpureys, in his “Cotnage of the British
Empire’—purchased by the late Mr. CracwERoDE for
about seven hundred and fifty dollars, and bequeathed
to the British Museum—which conveys a perfect idea
of the manly Saxon face of the Menapian sovereign,
whose characteristics of courage, firmness, sound sense, .
easy humor, and love of good cheer, are all expressed’
by the features thereon portrayed.

“On his bold visage middle age

Had slightly press’d his signet sage,

Yet had not quenched the open truth

And fiery vehemence of youth ;

Forward and frolic glee was there,

The will to do, the soul to dare,

The sparkling glance, soon blown to fire.”—

The reverse presents the figure—admirably conceiv-
ed—of Jupiter, whose right hand brandishes a Jovian.
thunder-bolt, and left sustains the celestial sceptre,
while, at his right foot, stands an eagle, true to nature
in expression and position, observing with attention the
face of the god. Perhaps the assumption of this effigy
297

was a iaster-stroke of policy, for while in it the Roman
aid Romanized Briton recognized thercin “the king of
gods and men,” the Scandinavo-Saxon and Netherland-
ish Frank mistook the “‘Thunderer and the bird for
Odin and his hawk,” an error common eight centuries
afterwards, we are told, to many a half-converted Anglo-
Dane and unconverted Anglo-Saxon in that same city,
from whose mint, correlative facts assure us, the ele-
gant NumMusS issued, as implied by the letters M. L.
underneath, signifying Moneta Lonpinensis—‘‘Money
struck in London.”

The latter Consrantrus—who, to the nobility of race
superadded the nobility of mind, and although the
camp has been his foster-mother, had imbibed thence
nothing of its vices and much of its manly generous-
ness—was a competitor worthy to enter the lists with
one who had shown himself superior to his origin, equal
to his opportunities, and in advance of his ‘time.

If the testimony of an historian, who lived two cen-
turies since—Joun Trisrax—(born at Paris towards
the end of the XVIth century, and died 1656)—whose.
erudition, considering the difficulties under which he
lived is most seaias nie 8 to be believed, Constantius
possessed so lovely a character that its delineation is
worthy of preservation in our language, since very few
will ever resort to the ponderous volumes whose ortho-
graphy and typography are the most difficult which the
writer has encountered in these researches.

The greatest virtue which Constantius possessed was
his piety, not that false.and criminal devotion (piete)
to idols, which is the most notorious (signal, zsigne)
impiety, but the true, which consists in the sole, legiti-
mate worship of the one God, the Creator of the uni-
verse. This had taught him that humility, sobriety,
chastity, temperance, charity, justice, and that great
298
modesty in everything relating to his imperial equip-
age, even his very clothes, which seemed to shame the
arrogant and superb superfluity of the impious Diocle-
tian, so that we can feel assured that he was the first
CHRISTIAN emperor.
% * * *

The Christianity of Constantius had rendered him so
rich in noble and pre-eminent virtues, that Eumenivs,
pagan as he was—was constrained to style them Divine
(Divina virtoTUM miracuLa). But that which crown-
ed all the others with a superlative lustre, was his fear-
less valor, which rendered him not only redoubtable to
the enemies of the Roman empire, but feared and _ re-
spected by Diocletian and Maximian themselves.

x * tt co

Doubtless when, afterwards, in the greatest peril—
(just before his battle with the Allemanni, under the
walls of Langres)—he had invoked our Saviour, sove-
reign Refuge of those who have recourse to Him, and
gained that signal victory by His assistance, just as at a
later period his son Constantine the Great appealed to
the Saviour when about to encounter the tyrant Max-
entius.

Upon the basis established by Constantius, that
Aut-Farner—whom the Saxon, before he knew the
ancient Roman, worshipped in untutored simplicity,
even as he now worships Him in intelligent simplicity,
having cast off the superstitions of the inodern Roman
—was about to set up the throne of Constantine, who
rescued the world from the embrace of a debased poly-
theism, to consign it to the everlasting arms of Heaven-
born Truth. Had Cavausius lived and conquered, the
auspicious event might have been stayed for long and
wretched years, but knowing, as we do, that Wisdom
ordereth all things right, he lived sufficient space to
299
act his part, and then was laid aside as a good sword
when the wars are over, even as the Swedish Gustavus
rose, ruled, fought and fell, when his great part was
played.

All that an unregenerate man could do Garausius
did for Britain. With him two armies landed; one
stern in steel and sag for her defence, the other mild
in flowing robes of white for her enrichment; the one
to guard and extend his realin, the other to adorn and
civilize it; the one to harvest with the falchion, spear
aud bow, the other with the sickle, spade and trowel ;
the one to erect his trophies with the bloody spoil of
foes, the other to create the monuments of taste and
opulence ; the one to construct quays, fleets and’ cita-
dels, the other to build temples, marts and_ palaces;
the one to dig the trenches and throw up the rampart,
the other to excavate canals and raise the tow-path ;
the one to make him terrible without, the other to ren-
der him all lovable within. In his reign, commerce,
agriculture, manufactures, art and science—attendants
in the train of the Menapio-Saxon hero—strove to out-
shine each other, and vied in bringing gifts to pour into
the lap of that Britannia whom he had taken to his
arms in weeds, with ashes on her head, that she might
don the festal robes of state, adorn her garments, neck
and limbs with jewels, assume the crown of empire,
and flaunt like Rome herself in all the gracious splendor
of wealth restored, refined by taste and miracled by
skill.

O ye doubters, search out the records of the past,
and look abroad upon the English realm, where, even
to this day, the wrecks of his conceptions bear witness
to his genius. Pass by the hearts of oak which he

‘found coracles of skin and quitted ‘castles on the sea”;
turn from his heath-grown Caledonian wall, his crumb-
300

led forts, demolished fanes, and shattered arches, his
sea-ports, throttled by the sand or swallowed by the sea,
fast passing from the sight of men, or lost to every eye
but that renewed by antiquarian instinct ; and seek that
“fenny land,” that English Holland, where you can
trace to-day a monument of utility, which still transmits
to future times the name of him who made it. Take
your stand on that high ground—thrust out into the
“fenny level” like a cape, upon whose extreme spur up-
rose the Chapel of St. Pega,*—a (quasi) Christian light
house, as if to carry out the simile. ‘Here passed
CarspyKe,” (Caros’ or Carowe’s Dyke,) so called from
Carausius,—conceived by that sagacious chief, who was
to the Vespasian dynasty in unsubmissive Britain all that
Sucuet was to Napoleon in infuriate Spain, AGrIcoLa ; in
part accomplished by Severus, the great British-wall
builder, to complete an inland water-communica-
tion between the peaceful south and the rebellious
north ; deepened, reconstructed, lengthened and en-
larged by the Menapian Avaustus, who alone transmu-
ted the unquiet and implacable Caledonian into a peace-
ful neighbor and a useful ally.

This pykE—by a combination of natural and artificial
water-ways—connected York, the Vicarian or Roman
capital of Britain—(founded B. C. 983 ?)—whereat
Severus died, Caracalla murdered his brother Geta, Ca-
rausius was proclaimed and assassinated—[although
some antiquaries hold the murder of our hero was
committed at .1/awna+—(Cavers-field, in Oxfordshire,

 

*Near Peahirk, three and uw half miles southeast of Murket-Deeping,
near the Welland river, in sotithern Lincolnshire.

ti Just upon the meeting of Ahemunstreet-way and the Port-way, from
Wallingford, there are also some Foot-steps of that decayed anciont Station,
by Caden called Alehester, still remaining, which: he guesses so called, as
one would say an edd Toru, But T met with some .Votes ina MS, fmanu-
301
or Alcester, in Warwickshire)—said to have taken its
name, by corruption, from that of Allectus, his as-
sassin |—Constantius died, and Constantine the Great
was born, with the heart of the completely subjugated
Britain, the Flavia Cwsar/ensis, constituting the middle
counties. Some think it took its name from Caros
(Carausius ), others from the Cémbric word Car,
signifying a Fen—still retained in provincial English
to designate a wood or grove, particularly of alders, on
a moist soil, a marsh, and; in the Lincolnshire or Anglo-
Dutch dialect, a gutter or drain. The latter derivation,
however, is unlikely, inasmuch as the Carpyxe follows,
alongside or near, wherever the lay of the land permit-
ted, the meridian-line of the military road from London,
on the Thames, to Weighten, just north of the Humber,
and thence, through Aldby, to York—called the Her-
MEN StReET—fjere~man Stret, Anglo-Saxon?—[ (Sruxe-

 

 

script] that say it was the Seat of Aldectus the Emperor, who having treach-
erously slain his Friend and Master, the Emperor Curausius, basely usurp-
ed Britain for himself, calling this his new Seat after his own name, Alecti-
Castrum, since Alchester or Aldcester: but it seems by the Story that it
fiourish’d not long, for Constantius Chlorus being sent against him by the
emperors Diocletian and Maximian, and by the Benefit of a Mist, landing
privately somewhere on the South-shore, near the Jsle ef Wight (whether
Alectus came to prevent it) gave him Battle, defeated, and put him to
Flight towards this his chief Fortress, but was overtaken and slain by
Asclepiodotus, one of Constantius’s Captains [as this author will have it]
here at Zvsfield near Oxford [which he also would have a Corruption of
Alectus-jield] before he could reach it.

For the Credit of this Relation, it having no Foundation in the Roman.
Story, I shall wholly leave it to the Readers Judgment ; yet shall add thns
much for its Reputation, that the Roman Military Ways lie very agreeable
to it; for on Supposition this Conflict happened about Regnwn, now
Ring-rwood ; or Clansentinn, now Southampton, the Roman Ways lie di-
rectly thence to Venta Belgarum, now Winchester ; and so to Callena,
now Wallengford, according to the Ltinerary of Antoninus ; and thence

‘close by Elsfieli to Alehester, as described in the Amp, and in §.27, and 28.
of this Chapter [10].°—|Ronerr Prows “Natural History of Oxfordshire,” »
(First Edition, dedicuted to Cuanrves IL) Second Elition, Oxford, 705.)
302
Ly’s Itinerarium Curtosum) |—equivalent to Via Miut-
rarts in Latin, in the same way that @arl or Warl, un-
questionably the original name of Carausius, and
Dic, Dice, (Dyke, ) would mean “Karl's” or the ‘“Hero’s
Dyke.”

Under or before the time of Severus, it was led
from the Peterborough river, at the city of that name,
to the Wetham river at Lincoln, a distance of fifty miles,
in a general direction north and south along the edge
of the Fens. It was afterwards conducted—(constitu-
ting the [?] the present Foss-dyke)—into the Trent, at
Torksey(a parish of Lincolnshire) below Newark, whence
the transit was effected by the Zrent, Humber, and Ouse,
to York. Carausius restored the whole work be-
yond the Peterborough, and continued it on southwards
along the borders of the Cambridgeshire fenny level,
into the Cam or ancient Granta river, where he built a
town,* and called it by the name of the stream, at the
head of whose navigation it was founded. This vast
artificial water-course, whose entire length must have
exceeded one hundred and twenty-five miles, was all the
way sixty feet broad, and had alarge flat bank on both
sides for the horses which drew the boats. It entered
Lincolnshire at Hast or Market Deeping, proceeding,
upon an exact level between the high and the low
grounds, through Langtoft and Baston, passing the
Glen at High Bridge, then through Kyme to Washing-
borough, three miles from Lincoln, on the Witham,
where there was a Roman fort to secure the navigation;
likewise other defensive works at eligible, intermediate
points. At Low, on the northern bank, where the Car-
dyke enters the Peterborough river, an intrenched

 

*The “Camboritum” of DANvinin ; “Grantunbriege” or “Crantaceas:
ter” (A. D. 1066) of Sprexen, and “Grentebrige” of Lirpixcorr: now
Cambridge.”
303

camp, and at Horsebridge, on the southern, where it is-
sues thence, a fieldwork protected its outlets. All along
the route, brass, silver, and even gold coins of the
reigns of Carausius and Allectus have been
discovered.

The object of the Cardyke was two-fold; first, as a
canal, to obviate the dangerous navigation of the Cim-
bric, or German, Ocean by the estuaries of the Wasi
and of the Humher ; second, as a drain, by intercepting
al the little streams flowing from the high lands, which
would have otherwise overflowed the Fens, and have
rendered them uninhabitable. ‘Thus the Roman armies
could move without impediment through the marshy

country, while their baggage, engines ronal provisions
would accompany them by water and in sight almost
ul the while.

At Granta—(now one of England's two renowned Uni-
versities)—where there are indisputable vestiges of a Ro-
man city, the foundation of whose walls, twelve feet in
breadth, are quite apparent, including a space of about
fifty acres—Carausius instituted a great (the
Sturbich or Stourbridge) fair, originally held at the
season when the fleet of boats, laden with corn and
commissariat stores, started thence to supply the garri-
sons stationed in the Marima Coesariensis and in Va-
lentia and along the Damntan frontier or Caledonian
Marches. This fair, held about two miles outside the
holt-embosomed cit (7th?) 18th
September, and continuing for two weeks—although
somewhat less important than in former times, is. still
one of the most considerable in the kingdom for agri-
cultural produce, and constitutes ‘to the learned one of
the most gratifying memorials of the wisdom of the first
Hollandish Saxon monarch of England.

                        

x * % *%
304
Through the vail of ages that Saxon Warl the
Daring,

“Lord of the lion heart and eagle eye,”

saw the path of England’s glory and dominion climb
up and up, to that unclouded summit whereon Hol-
lando-Anglo-Saxon prowess displayed the standard of
free faith and freedom in the full heat and splendor of
a day which knows no twilight. In the soil of Eng-
land, Caros, one of the brightest orbs in the refulgent
constellation of the ‘Light of Britayne,” planted ‘the
acorn which germinated, grew and expanded into that
navy, which—boast as others may—still rules the far-
thest oceans. The Saxo-Menapian Hollander was the
first to discern—this cannot be too often impressed
upon the memory—the bent of Saxon genius. His
Admiralship first made the Anglo-Saxons “Sovereigns
of the Seas,” and although the glories of BLake and
Tromp, Netson and Me Runter, blaze more conspicu-
ous, their radiance cannot swallow up the light which
streams through fifteen centuries from. that short’ space
of seven years which bounds the rise, the rule, and royal

life—written
“In records that defy the tooth of time,”

of
Zeeland’s SAILOR-BOY ;

ftlenapia’'s WARL, the hero ;
Brirain’s AUGUSTUS;
Holland's First Conqueriny Admiral ;

Engnann’s FIRS? SRAMAN KING.
CARAUSIUS,

“Such souls
Whose sudden visitations daze the world,
Vanish like lightning, but they leave behind
A voice that in the distance, far away,
Wakens the slinbering ayes.”

One among
305

Gftloque.

“Thus far, with rough, and all unable pen,
Our bending author hath pursued the story ;
In little room confining mighty men,
Mangling by starts the full course of their glory.
Sinall time, but, in that small, most greatly liv’d
This star of England : fortune made his sword ;
By which the world’s best garden he achiev’d.”—

Although the exciting scenes of the preceding history
and the magnificent drama, whose action embraced the
dun heaths of Scotland and the cloud-piercing spurs of
Mount Ararat, the boisterous waves of the Euxine, the
phosphorescent waters of the Mediterranean, and the un-
explored recesses of the Baltic, ended as to the Menapi-
an hero and Saxo-British rule, with as sad a catastrophe
as ever evoked the sympathy of a reader or the regrets
of an historian, they terminated gloriously for his race
—the indomitable Menapri—with the triumphs
of that campaign which extinguished the Romanized
element of the ancient Netherlandish population—a
race destined to effect greater changes through the ex-
ertions of their own influence and that of their Saxon
affiliations, than any other which has beén permitted to
appear upon the stage of the world.

This epoch—remarkable for the rise and sovereignty
of Carausius—was one of the turning points in the
history of the late kingdom of fjolland, now known as
that of the Netherlands. The Batavians having been anni-
hilated almost without resistance, the historian is called
upon to trace the progress of new ethnological combi-
nations, which almost amounted to a totally new and
distinct. population in the Low Countries——first, an im-
perfect amalgamation of the flenapiai and Salian Franks
within the limits assigned by Srraso, and Joun [Isaac

Ponranus (in his Hollandia Chorographia) to the for-
20

 
306

mer or rather an absorption of the Saxon element of
the latter, since that portion of the Frankish confeder-
ates which were essentially warlike and unsettled almost
immediately assumed the same antagonistic position to-
wards the agricultural and commercial inhabitants of
the coast and low-grounds which had endured, with
ever-augmenting acerbity of feeling, since the time of
Drusus—one, in fact, that the original inhabitants of the
high or more elevated grounds——in a word, the Bata-
vians and the other allies of the Romans—had al-
ways occupied towards their war-(as a pursuit)-ab-
horring neighbors. .

The Low Countries now contained only the free peo-
ple of the Saxo-Germanic race—/free, because the Ro-
man ensigns had never been planted as the tokens of
continuous possession or actual triumph within their
territories ; and donbly free, because they were actu-
ated by a large and liberal policy. The Slenapians,
soon alter uniting with the noble Trans-Ems Chan-
tians and indomitable Srisons, associated themselves to-
eether with all the kindred tribes of the coast, from
the Scheldeto the Shager Rack, ina Bonn (Bond, Bunde,
Ang. Sax.) or Association, which eventuated: in the
celebrated Saxon League.

The Netherlands henceforth became the scene of a
contest—varying at different epochs in its activity, but
always increasing in the antipathy—between the mari-

time races and the inland populations and the theatre
on which a new system of physical ideas, inaugurated,

subordinate to Christianity, an era whose effects proved
the leaven which has produced, ina great measure, the
regeneration of the world,

This contest, wherein neither yielded in point of
couraee, was one rather of intellect, energy and endu-
rance, as opposed to those qualities which, however
307

dazzling, are physical rather than mental; for, pre-
suppose equal courage, and then oppose brute strength

to intelligence, and the latter must speedily remain the
conqueror. ,

Here again, as in their scale of rank, the Chinese
show their wisdom, by considering the military manda-
rins as mere representatives of force, and therefore en-
tirely subordinate to the civil officers—machines that
can only move upon an impulse given them, and must
be guided by a superior intelligence.

The Salians—who had been expelled from Gueldres
by the Srisons, and had been established with the con-
sent, and by the assistance, of the fflenapians, in the
country of the Batavi, in consequence of the latter's
infidelity to the obligations of nature and their subservi-
ence to the Romans—were, in turn, backsliders, and
oblivious of the duties which their position and new
affiliations imposed. For over half a century there
was a breathing spell, one of those pauses in a combat
which are the result of fatigue and not of abated ani-
mosity. About the middle of the fourth century, the
opposing weapons clashed against each other anew, and
the world still feels the vibration of that conflict. The
Varni—a tribe of the same lineage as the Sarons of the
Netherlands and of England, coming from the coast of
Denmark—as is generally supposed—decided the con-
test in favor of their blood and of healthful progress.
Disembarking from a numerous fleet, they inundated
the island or triangular district between the Rhine and
the Waal and the Maas, and as effectually destroyed
the Salians as Caransinus, at the head of his Mlenapians
and Salian-Sranks, had annihilated the Batavi. In
vain the Emperor, Julian the Apostate, endeavored to
prevent the extinction of the Salians. His efforts were
as ineffectual to preserve the present opponents, as
308

those of Maximian, Constantius and Constantine had
been to destroy the former associates, of the Slenapii,
who (the Salians) having been, in turn, corrupted by
the luxury, battle-Iures and pernicious influences of
Rome, were diverted from the cultivation of the useful
arts into the pursuit of arms. Even as the Batavi were
extinguished in, so the Salians disappeared. from, the
Low Countries. The Salians, and those among the
Avboviches or Menapians who had degenerated into vo-
taries of Bellona, thrust forth by the Sazron confeder-
ates, became the conquerors of France ; and the kindred
of the Saxons, who expelled them, became the conquer-
ors of England, to renew on English ground, at Hast-
‘ngs, that struggle whose progress we have contem-
plated between different combinations of the Gatio-
Saxon and of the Scanpinavo- German races.

Thenceforward, wave after wave of invasion rolled
over the Romanized portions of the Netherlands, until
every vestige of the original subdivisions, chorograph-
ical and ethnological, were obliterated ; until, A. D.
490, Chovis consolidated the bases of the present
French monarchy, which, hitherto, under THEvupomir,
PHaramonp,—the first sovereigns of the Franks ac-
knowledged hy history,—C onion, or CHtogto, the
Long-haired; Mrrovaus, and Camprrtc,—the first
three kings of the Merovingian race,—and CLovis,—
the fourth, prior to his victory at Tolbiac, A. D. 496,
or of Poietrers, A. D. 507,—was essentially and indis-
putably Netherlandish as to its dominion and dominant
people.

Nor isit by any means an assumption to claim that
down to the subdivision or final dissolution of the ter-
ritorial aeglomeration of CHARLEMAGNE, the preponder-
ating influence of the §ollando-Saran people made itsell’
manifest and felt.
309

Several of the earliest and most. illustrious rulers of
France, in entirety, claim Menapiéa as their birth-place.
All those renowned Mayors of the Palace—who dis-
charged their functions under the last kings of the Me-
rovingian race and were monarchs of France in every
thing but name—were Eastern (Clevian or Julierfau),
or Central (Brabantian), Menapians by birth, lineage,
and residence.

Pepin I, (le Vieux), born at his ancestral castle of
Landen, a village of Hesbaie (Hasbania), on the Geile
—perhaps Landen-Saint-Gertruyden, or else the city
of Landen itself (so famous for the terrible conflict
between WituraM IIT and Marshal Luxempurc, known
to the French as the battle of Steinkirk) on the Bechv
—was hereditary Duke of Austrasta, which extended
from the Maas to the Carbonarian Forest, and com-
prised all ancient Menapia, east of the Schelde. Ingvu-
LAR Menapia was, at this time,—VIIth Century,—a
portion of Hither Friezland (Fresia), south of the Viie-
Strom (Swift Stream). He was Mayor of the Palace under
Clotaire II, Dagobert I, and Sigebert ; died at Landen
21st February, A. D. 640, and was buried at Nivelles.

GriMoaLD, Pepin’s son, and second Duke, succeeded
to his dignities ; to him, Brcazg, his sister, who married
ANSEGISE, great-great-grandson, on the female side, of
Crorarre I. The last was buried at Andenne, between
Namur and Huy, on the Maas, just east of Menapz’, the
farthest settlement of that name (see page 175), where
his wife founded a celebrated abbey. Her son, known
in history as Prpry-te-Gros (the Far) or p’Herisrat—
so called from the name of his natal village and ordin-
ary place of residence, about three miles north of Liege
—became master of all France before his death, which
took place at the castle of Jupille, a league north-

‘east of (Lieye) the Episcopal city.
310

His heir, Caartes Marrer—who saved Christendom

from the yoke of Mohammed—was the son of this Pepin
by. his wife or concubine ALP.IDE (or ALTHAIDE,) a Wo-
man of Menapia, who founded the Convent of Orp-le-
Grand, about twelve miles southeast of Tirlemont, in
the heart of ancient Ta(o)xawprRiAn Menapia (Brabant).
Cuartes himself died at Querci (or Crecy) [swr- Oise],
a village near the frontier of the Spanish Netherlands.
He was de facto sovereign of France.

CARLoMAN and Pepry-Le-Brer (the Sort), his sons,
were at first respectively absolute sovereigns of <Aus-
trasta and Neustria, which embraced the whole of con-
tinental and insular Menapra. Cartoman, having abdi-
cated and retired into a monastery on Monte Cassino,
between Rome and Naples, Pepin became the first king
of France of the Second, or Carlovingian, race.

Thus the second dynasty of the French monarchs
sprang, so to speak, from the soil of ancient Menapta,
since all the princes of this illustrious race were born
or had their residence either in the provinces of Bra-
bant, ({2"° Men spi, ancient “Brabanders,” or ‘those of
Cleves”---Lirtteton) or of Liege, at Landen, Nivelles,
Herstal or Jupille.

Nor have the Celtic French any right to claim even
CHARLEMAGNE, the son of Pepin | (the Short) as one of
themselves. According to FrepEGarRE (Fredegise ?)—
a more ancient and veracious author than Eeimnnarp—-
CHARLES THE GREAT was, at the first, king of Austrasia
and celebrated his Easter and Christmas festivals at
Herstal, Liege, and Atx-la- Chapelle in Eastern and Cen-
tral Menapra, and at Mayence and Worms in Germania,
and held his councils, whereat he prepared his laws
and regulated the affairs of his immense empire, at
Atx-la- Chapelle, Liege, Herstal, Thionville, Nijmegen,
and Valenciennes, all in the Netherlands. What is:
311

more the Moyx or Sr. Gann (1Xth Century) asserts
that he ‘was born at wAdx-la-Chapelle (Aqua Grani) in
ancient Cis-Rhenan Menapia; although some assign the
honor to Ingelheim in the territory of the ancient Vay-
GIONES, on the borders of the Cuarman Marriaci—of
the Baravian lineage, a portion of whose tribe have
been located in the island of Batavia---and others again
to Saltzburg—ancient Juvavia or Jopia among the
Norict. Whether born or not at Adc, he made that
city the capital of his dominions north of the Alps, and
the second in his empire, appointed it as the place of
coronation for the German emperors, and died and was
buried there. Moreover his favorite hunting palace
Valkenhof, was at Najmegen, which divided his affec-
tions with Azz. But more of this hereafter.

* * % ra x

But, although the Batavi had utterly perished, and
those who succeeded them had passed away, the ftlen-
apii still occupied the maritime districts, where Cesar
found them. Towards the interior their bounds were
set, but seaward their dominions-were illimitable ; and
the same spirit which fired the ambition of Gavansius
planted @utch colonies in every zone and in every
quarter of the world,—an ambition which is that

——‘spirit in the world,
That causes all the ebbs and flows of nations,

Keeps mankind sweet by action: without that,
The world would be a filthy settled mud.”

VIVAT CARAUSIUS!

Menapten Boven op!
312

Index,

Achievements of the Baravi—Synopsis of the 242-245

Auauna, Alchester, or Aldcester, 300-1
Alfred the Great—Method of measuring time
adopted by XVI. 227-8

Autectrus, VIT, VIII, 234, 68-77, '68’--69--70--72--'73-
"74--"'75--76--77--79-80--'81--'90, 301--3

Character of 272-277
H Derivation of the name of 269-70--'75
ss Death of 274--276—7
: Detested by the Britons 274-278

. Misjudged military operations of—
against Constantius, 273-275
a On the throne of Britain 290-91
: Origin, career, and offices of — 268--’9-’89-"90
" Remorse of 275
AMSTERDAM 217
Annihilation of the Batavr 235-255
Antwerp—Medieval greatness of 228

Arborithes identical with the ftlenapit XV, 114-16, 85,
251-53, 308
Archeological discoveries in the Neth-

erlands 182-93, 195-96
Arch—Triumphal, erected by Carausius 54
Armapba, derived from the name of the Zee-

landic seaport of Armuda or Arnuyde 219
Armada—The “Invincible” 263
Army—Dutch---Glories of the 4-7

e ‘Gallant actions of the—under

Napoleon 4-7

% “At Fleurs XI
Artuur’s Oven, A temple erected by Ca-

rausius, near the Carron XIITI-IV, 54

Asciburgium, (Asburg) founded by Utysses 93
313
ASCLEPIODOTUS, an experienced general
officer of Constantius VITI, 272-80-'82,

‘ 94, 301

: Allectus defeated by 273-4

- Disembarks in Britain and
burns his fleet 2734

Bapuneyna SitrvA—Defeat of the Romans by

the Frisons in the 138, 224

Bacgaupa#—Revolt or war of the Gallic pea-
santry, styled 15
Barbary Corsairs 35
Barent; 3

Batavi XV, 44, 51. 63, 84~"5, 89, 91, 99, 100-25
111, 2-4, ’26, "31, °32, ’37, °87, '96,235-9-'41-50,
258, 305-7-'8 311

‘“ A dependence of the country of the

Eastern Menapii 187

‘“  _Exterminated 239-242

‘“ Relics of 240
Batavia—Roman works in the island of 110-11

‘ Battle—Naval, between Constantius and the
Netherlandish or Menapian Franks, off Ca-

diz 80-83
Battle of Prete (Presle) between Julius Ce-

sar and the Netherlandish Confederates 164
BELG, AV, 96, 99, 102, 105, 219
Belgic war of Germanicus 223-4
Bees of Childeric I. and Napoleon I. 182

Birth—Advantages of good parentage, or noble 293—’5
Boston, or St. Boro(u)tpx’s town, in the
Skirbeck Hundred; soke or wapentake, of
(English) Holland, in the SE. (third) sub-
division of Lincolnshire, England 194
314
Boulogne XIV, XVI, 32, 40, 69, 71,72, 77, 79, 83,
84, 86, 95, 97, 165, 234--38-"58--60--'64--'65

- Escape of Carausius from XIV, 78
- In the IIId Century XIV, 71-73
Boulogne---Siege of——by Constantius 68-79
, Surrender of—to Constantius 79
Britain—The Roman Emperors or Usurpers of 26
= The effects of the Roman, Saxon and
Norman Conquests of, Compared 142
British Fleet, The—great under Cavausius, in-
efficient under Allectus 277-79
. * Under Constantius and Constan-
tine the Great, 279-80 -
Bruges ' XVI, 196
Czsar (JuLIus)—Campaigns of—against the
MeEnapl 163-182
it i In the Netherlands, 137-’8, 163-182

Cxsar’s) Juius) accounts of his Belgic cam-
paigns, shown to be unreliable from their

own contradictions 172-182 |
CaMBRIDGE (Granta) founded by Carausius 302-3
Campaign—JuLius Casar’s first, against the
Menapii and Morini 166-168
‘Second, do.(Menapian )do. 168-170
‘Third, do. do. 170-173
Campaign of Carausius in the Netherlands 23555
Canal of Carausius—The Cardyke or 300-303
Canals of Drusus and Corbulo 92-3
CANINEFATES, The oi, 8%) 12%, 131-2, 138

Caprro (Fontgrus)——The murder of, leaves
the Netherlands without even a nominal
Roman head 294
Carausius

315
176, 186, 193, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232,
238, 234, 235, 237, 238, 239, 241, 244, 245,
248, 250, 251, 253, 256, 258, 259, 260, 261,
262, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 270, 271, 272,
273, 276, 277, 278, 279, 282, 283, 284, 287,
288
Achievements of, Summary of the 299-304.
Ardently desired by the Britons oo
As an Admiral 29, 33, 35, 40, 44, 45
As Count of Priefect of the Saxon
shore 32, 140, 228-9
As a General 29, 40-1, 44, 231-2
Asa Monarch 24, 25, 41, 49, 523, 231, 299
As a Naval Administrator and Ar-
chitect 31-2, 44, 53
As a Patriot 34
A type of the Saxon race, the first
great naval Saxon genius and

naval preceptor 142-3
And Coxsrantius compared 293-8
And fjavalt, e 266-'68, 287-’8
And William I “ 4A

“  §arold both desirous of a glo-

rious peace 287-8

The temple, vulgarly styled Ar-

thui’s Oven, erected by XIV, 54
Batavian campaign of 83-"4, 289
Career of IV-XJ, 23-4, 29
Character of—Summary of the 25, 293-297
Campaigns of--in Scotland 40-43, 53--61,

231-3
Emperor by acclamation 39
Dead , 265-268

Efforts of---to augment and re-or-
ganize his naval forces 83
316

Cavausius, Fate of 24, 289--90
* Foreign policy of 53, 61--63
» Foolish conceit of Hadrianus Junius
with regard to the name of 59
" Home policy, foresight, and wis-
dom of 38, 52-3, 61, 293
“ ~  Medals&Coinsof XIII, 24,39,47-’8, 287, 96-7
Name of---Derivation of the -28—9
a Names of XIV, 230, 233, 287
" Naval expeditions of 45, 53, 233-4
is Naval power of—at the time
of his assassination 261-2
. Origin of—Various opinions as
to the 15-17, 20, 23, 230-1, 287, 293, 295--7
- Prescience of 24-5
ee Qualities of 24
. Reasons justifying the revolt of 30-39
i Rise of 35, 227, 225
: Assassination of 265--268
- Conduct of—considered 34--39
: Object of suspicion to Maximian 33-6
0 Triumphant over Maximian 46
. Naval preceptor of the Saxons 234
= Personal appearance of 286, 296
’ The Peace of 287-'8
si Religion of 293, 296+'7
Carron River, The 55--59
CarronaDEsS—Extraordinary connection be-
tween Carausius and the ship-guns called 57-60
CARSDYKE or CaRDYKE—The Canal of Caros
(Carausius) 299-303
Cauct or Cuauci—Zeelandic 135-6

cavalry—Menapian, celebrated under Roman
Emperors

Ww
Ww
or
317

Cartes tHE Born, Duke of Burgundy 187-190
Cauct, Cuauct, or Last Friezlanders 135, 138---140
‘‘ 'The—according to Pliny 96
Chaucian war of Gannascus and Corbulo 224
Chronicle—Robert of Gloucester’s. The Historp
of Carausius IV-XI
Cimpri and Truronss in the ancient Nether-
lands XV, 129-30
Ciuprt and Trvronzs---Destroyed by Marius
and Catulus, 130-1
CIvILIs 139, 225
Close of the reign of Carausius 256-284
Cologne 94

Comparison between the physical smallness
and moral greatness of the United
Provinces 3
_ —Partial—between Carausius
and Constantius Chlorus 293-’9
“ between Carausinus and William HI

of England 63-4
“between the toleration of Papists
and Hollanders 157-8
Conceit—English, taken down 17-9
Conclusion 284

CoNnQuEST OF Mznapu—by Julius Cesar, in-
consistent with correlative facts. Proofs

presented of their successful resistance to
Julius Ceesar 172-179, 181-2

Coxsrantivs Cytorts XI, 64, 67, 68, 73, 74, 77, 78, 79,
80, 88, 84, 233, 235, 238, 245, 249,
250, 258, 259, 267, 271, 276, 279,
280, 281, 297, 298, 301, 308
318

Constantius CHLORUS—at Boulogne 68--71, 84--4,
263-65, '90, °93, '98, 301
aH mt Character of 297-8
. Defeated by Carausius
in Straits of Dover, 260

Military operations
of—in the Nether-

lands 83-4, 258-9,--61

i . the first Christian Em-
peror 298
Cortenaar—Egbert Bartholomew van 139
Customs of the Menapii 105--6
Dacndels i

Depication, to Captain John W. Phelps, U. 8. A. II
Derivation of the names of the ancient Nether-
landish tribes 125-128
Development—Agricultural, industrial and
commercial—of the ancient ftlenapii XVI, 199-209

Do. —Of the modern Slenapii,

Zeelanders and follanders 209-221
DIOCLETIAN LX, 14, 15, 47, 59, 67, 294-4, 301
Dinant—Atrocities of CHARLES THE Bonp

after his capture of 188—'9
Diumvirate of Diocletian and Maximian _ 14-5
Deesburg 90
Domburg XIY, 92, 109

Drama or TRAGEDY-—Synopsis of an historical—
founded on the career of Carausius 284-291
The life of Carausius an appropriate
subject for an historical 284-291
Of Carausius—Music appropriate tothe 284-5
* Act I. Youth and Rise of Carausius 285

se
319
Drama “ II. Carausius, a Roman Imperator 285

be

* Carausius, a Roman Thalassiarch  285—'6
ue ee

‘* Carausius, a Monarch and Conqueror 286
‘“ TI]. Carausius, a wise and beneficent

Sovereign 286-7

* “TV, Batavian Campaign of Carausius 289

*  “ V. Murder of Carausius 290
“© Usurpation of Allectus 290

“  “ Defeat and death of Allectus 291
Drusus—The Navalia or Nabalia of 89

Mutcl XII, XI, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 27, 100,
120, 125, 125, 128, 159, 177, 191, 200, 210,
211, 212, 213, 215, 262, 266, 268
Dutclh—Agriculture 216
“Battle of the Baltic XII, 260
“~ Language—Antiquity & copiousness of the 160--1
“By Chancellor Dan der Goes—Summary of

the glory of the 11--13
Dutcl---In Maine (or Acadie), U. 8. A. 210--11--15
‘“ TIndomitableness—Berkley’s witness to 26-7
27

‘“ Energy—Pepy’s witness to
Inventions and mechanical pursuits XVI, 216
Moral greatness of the—exemplified 9, 10, 211-223

“Military administration 217--'8
“Opinion of Cuarzes V, with regard tothe 218
‘+ Perseverance 211--213
* Patriotism 213--215
‘and Flemish Soldiers compared XI
* Riches 217--8
* Settlements in England 193--4
SpPrRit THREW OVERBOARD THE TEA IN
Boston Harsor iy 1773 194-5

Tolerance 913--215
320
Dyke, dam or mole of Alexander theGreat at Tyre 69--71

 

 

‘Of Constantius at Boulogne 69--71
* Of the Duke of Parma at Antwerp 69--70
‘Of Richelieu at Rochelle 70--'1
The famous Helder 222--'3
Kducation—Naval---of the Saxons 234-5
Efigy—Nautical, upon the coins of Carausius — 49--50
Elbe—Tiberius upon the 88
English Saxons—The 112--3
England—Prosperity of---under Carausius 43°
Ensign—The, of Carausius 50
‘ Of Hengist and Horsa 51--2
* Roman, The 50--'1
‘* Old Saxon, The 52, 126
Enterprise—Naval, of the Zeelanders in the [Id
and IV th centuries 254-11
§/ptlogue—State of the Netherlands in the IITd
IVth and Vth Centuries 305-7

Franxs—The, a Saxo-(True)-Germanic-
Netherlandish Confederation 140, 235--’6,
246, 305, 308-11
The became proficients in naval matters

by the influence and example of the
HMlenapii or ancient Zeclanders 61, 74--76, 140

Frank Confederation—The 140-211

ee

Franks—Extraordinary return voyage of the
Menapian or Netherlandish—from

the Euxine into Holland 74--76, 141

In Holland 237,49, 51, 305-11

‘Rise of the Saxo-Menapian- 946
321
Franks, Second naval breaking forth of the
from the Black Nea, as the allies of
Carausins 76-7
Salian or Trans-Rhenan Menapian NV, 97-8, 135
237-8, 249, 305

 

Sahan—expelled from Holland 307-8
The (Saxous or Netherlanders) and Al-
lemanni ((rermans) 335-237
Franks—The first kings of the—k ARLIN Gs
ov Menapran Frewiyos 308-311

Speen yeaa SAM AV, © ¥1, SALIQII, 18, 24,
‘BL, “38, 52, 85, 21, 52, 33, 309

Frisit and FRISfABONES 63 : 84, la 39 7--'8, 249, “50, °53

Frison—The—and Enelish languages originally

almost identical 112, 785-6
Frisons—The Mediawval—ineluded the Zee-

landers and Hollancers NV, 111-13
CANNASCUS . 138-9, 224, 254
Ghent—Ancient and mecdiaval 196--7
(ireeks—Connection of the ancient—with the

Netherlands NY, TEG7 *138+8, “22-3
Heemshercl i
Hermiones—The original ancient middle Germans 120
Hills of Dunipace—on the Carron 55--"6
fjolland—The Kingdom of Il

‘Derivation of the name of 28

fjollant’—English—*‘The SE. subdivision of Lin-
colnshire, being a tract of land recov-
ered from the sea by a Dutch colony
settled here” Also called ‘Bedford

Level” 27--28, 194-5
“Ruined as much by the jealousy of Eng-

Jand as the ainbition of Napoleon 8
“ Roman naval and military establish-

ments in 91--94, 195

21
322
Hovnand: Ji, XI, 4Vs 2) 4 Be Wy 11, Ty dey 16, 17,
19, 20, 22, 27, 28, 32, 36,51, 52, 60, 68, 69, 76, 83
34, 87, 91, 92, 97, 98, 105, 106, 110, 1£2,113,119, 120,122
133,134, 138,142, 149,151,154,156, 159, 166, 178, 189, 194
201,210,211, 215, 214,216,217,219, 222,223, 224,226, 238
249, 266, 289, 291, 300
Houianp,—Hewnry Fox, first Lord of (Lnglish )
(Before him, the noble family of Ric also
bore the title of Marts or [English | Hor-

LAND. ) XII
Hollanders——Anecdote of Charles 11 with re-

gara to the charity of the 145

. The good Samaritans of Europe 145

. Toleration of the 145, °56--7, 213-5

Houanpish and ZEELANDISH Sailors compared XI

Horrible uncertainties of life and property in
the Netherlands under the last Emperors

of the West—considered 240--)1
fjoutman 4
Inefficiency of the British Fleet under Allectus 277--’9
Ingratitude—England’s—to Holland 8--9
Ingeevones—The original ancient Saxons and

Netherlanders 120-22
Intolerance—Papal 146--'55
Insignificance of Holland—the territorial--- 4
The Sultan Amurath’s opinion with re-

gard to 9
{invasion of Britain by Constantius Chlorus 272--84

Invasions of the Frank Confederation—The first 225--’6
Isis—-The Saxon or (true) German worship of X XI, 50
Isteevones—The original ancient Upper Germans — 120

Jansenist (so called) Church of Holland—The 155
Jews—The--in Holland 145; 2ide'5
323

KARDLING Race—Karl Martel 310
. Karn the Great (a KARL
Saxon or MENAPIAN ) 310-211
ss e Pepin  Heristal 309
i e Pepiy of Landen 309
Bs Pepin the Short 310
a eS The— KarRL-SAx
ONS” or Menapians 309-11
Lena—A Menapian fabric 200
Le Maire 4
Language—Dutch—The antiquity, originality,
and grandeur of the 160-'61

“The Language of the Flemings formerly was alto-
gether German, as was the general Speech of all Gallia
Belgica: but the Merchants of foreign Nations have
brought in a mixture of other neighboring Tongues,
~ and a notable Alteration. J, Marius n'Assieny, shall
not discourse of the Antiquity of this Teutonick or
German language, which Goropius Becanus, and sev-
eral other learned Persons affirm to have been the
Speech of the antient Cimbr7, and is esteem’d the
first and the noblest of all Languages by some. | shall
only alledg the observation of D’ At Gur GHILAIN
of Bubeck, a Flemish Gentleman, who being at Con-
stantinople as Resident for Maxrinilinu the 2nd at the
Ottoman Court, took notice in talking with an Inhabit-
ant of Asza, born upon the borders of the Black Sea, of
a perfect resemblance between his Language and the
Flemish Tongue in several words, which this Person of
Asia writ and pronoune’d in the same manner with
the Flemings.”

[ndege—twice captured by Charles the Bold 188--’9
Londov—Menaced with destruction by the dis-

banded troops of Allectus NVII,280--’83
Lorpn’s Prayer and (\rEcHism—in use among

the medieval Frisons, including the Menapii 185’--6

‘
324

Maritime influence of Carausius 262
Maritime glories of Holland 158--'60
Marsatii or Marsaci---The 126, "B1--2

Mattiaci (Chattian )——The, according to Grime- *
stone, cognate with a portion of the ancient
Zeelanders, their emigrants having coalesced
with the Menapt in the northernmost ZEE-

LANbIC, not the Batavian, islands 31]

Mawimian, VIT, IX, NX, 14, 15, 29, 31, 36, 40, 44,45, 46,

47, 52, 65, 66, 67, 74, 77, 79, 84, 87, 94, 95
141, 230, 23], 233, 234, 235, 238, 245, 2565,
258, 259, 261, 288, 290, 295, 298, 308

Defeated by Carausius 46
. In the Netherlands 84
" Military operations of:--in the Low
Countries 258-9
Organizes a third fleet 74
The third fleet of---arrives at Bou-
logne 79, 80
Maximian’s preparations against Carausius 45--'6

Medals and. Coins of Carausius, NTTH,XVII, 24, 39, 47-9,
287, 96-7

Meldi 171, 259--’60
Menapia NIL, 16,60,83,126,63, 7178, 74, 785,87, 791,
98, 216, 717, 219, 309. 310, 311
Mexapia—Ancient Zeeland, first discovered
and colonized by the Greeks 116-119, 129
Ancient Insular, « Holland, the
the sanctuary of freedom, ac-

cording to Luean 96
* Modern, Insular, the sanctuary of
freedom, according to Michelet 96
Modern---The home, citadel « tomb
of William the Tacrrery D1

"  'The—a Confederation 1dd, 305-6
325

Menapnt &Arborithes always identical 113,15, '16, 251-'5

a

and Srisii—The Medieval—of-
ten identical Vv, VE, 111, 309

(Ropert of Flanders, XIVth Count of Zeeland, ac-
quired the name of “The Frisox,” by subduing the
Zeelandic islands, in the latter part of the XIth Cen-

tury. )

Menapii XI, XV, XVI, 9, 15, 16, 19,26,44,63, 64,79, 84,

85, 91, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, °02,
05, 706, 08, 09, "10, "11, 712, "14, 20,
‘93 ‘94 "95 D7 IB, 81, 32, °93,"34,'36, 36,
37, 40, °43, “44, “45, 758, 63, °64, 765,
166, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178,
179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187,
188,189, 190, 191, 192, 194, 195, 197, 198, 199,
200, 201, 202, 207, 208, 216, 220, 223, 225,
233, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 244, 245, 246,
247, 248, 252, 253, 254, 259, 278, 305, 306,
307, 308, 309, 311

Mewnapn and Belgic Svevi—The, often

ee

identical 198
and Ta(0)XANpRI always identical 144, 83
and Zeelanders, compared with

modern Venetians XV, 100, °78--9
Characteristics of the 99-106, °28-9
Habitat or location of XVI, 15, 17, 20, 85,

98-9, 124-"5, “58, "64-5, 88, 254
Human progress owes all that is

useful to the Saxons and LO1, ’94-"5
Modern Heroes belonging to the 20-21
Medieeval—The Language of the 185-6
Naval eminence of the ancient 254-5
Origin of the name of — 126-7, "34-"5, “44
The ancient—Zeelanders and

South Hollanders 85, 7°99, 101,-7
326
Menapi—The—a Confederation, not a sub-

stantive nation (7) XIV, 144, 305-6

 

 

The—associated in the Saxon League —- 3306
i The ambition of the 311
ts The customs of the 99, 199--211
a The colonies of the 27-28
a False glories of the Batayi and
Belge, contrasted with the
true gvreatuess of the 102
First known to the Romans in
their maritime campaign of Ju-
hus Ceesar against the Veneti,
as the allies of the latter 163-"4
First settlement in the Nether-
lands of the 190
‘“ _History of the—Plan of the Au-
thor with regard to the 107-8
_ In Denmark 27
- In England 7--8, 27, 194-'5
- In Germania Superior 27
" In Ireland, in the latter part of
the IId Century, under the
walls of Dublin 27
af In Sweden 27
* In Wales 97
The—inaugurate the system of
a partisan warfare, or the peo-
ples’ war 105
He Latest nention of the name of the 187-90
i Their moral greatness exemplified J-10
The Mediwval 183-86
e The—sailors born 26-7, 99 160

‘ The—Saxons orTrueGermans XVII, XTX, 142

The ancient Zeelanders and South
Hollanders—Conflicting opin-
ions with regard to the origin

of the

106-7
327
Menxapu—tThe race and territory of the—gave
two lines of sovereigns to the
Frank conquerors of the real
(Celtic) French 308-11
e Che~-Under the Sueeessors of Au-
gusins Down ta the Reign of

Diocletian 223-229
ss Che--Under Angusius and the other

Caesars 182--211
“ — Paderland of the 9
‘ The—why confounded with the

Ta(o)xandri 144

Menapian element—Importance of the 113, *94--°5
Fausius, a—slays the Emperor
Pertinax 225
or Maas-Scheldic Archipelago—
Hypothesis with regard to the
origin and settlement of the 115-25, ’33-36
“ or Maas-Scheldic Archipelago—
the Exysiay Fietps of the an-
cient world and the cradle of
the arts, science andmythology 161-’63

oe

Menapiscus Ager 289
Mempiscum, Mempiscus

or Menapiscus Pagus* 184, ’85, 87

mt Vicus, 188

 

*According to the ‘Memoir crowned by the Academy of
Brussels, in 1770,” the Pacus Mempiscus or Menariscus—
the canton, so called, of the Menapians, (Karl-
Saxons, Karlings; Franks, Flemings,) who comprised
the Flemish, and bordered upon the Gallic or Celtic, Mortnt,
towards the south—was much more extensive than the Bail-
liage of Thielt, whose chief town, of that name, lies midway
between Ghent and Ypres. It comprised the Quarters of
328

Menas—Menatos. a Menapian garment 12%, 201
sleyervenaars—The—or Brabantian ( Arbor-

iches) Menapii TLO. 13215, 716

or Menapii in North Brabant 110

Bourbourg [Bourbourg-ville], Bergues Si. VVinow [Bergues],
Cassel and Lille—all in the present Department du Nord,
France, of which the latter, formerly the capital of French
Flanders, is now the seat of government; Tournai—the me-
tropolis of several monarchs, of the Franks, belonging to the
Merovingian race—in the Province of Hainault; Furnes and
Ypres, in West Flanders; and a part of those of Bruges and
Ghent ; and was bounded on the east by the Schelde, which
separated it from ancient Brabant. The Abbey of Tronchi-
ennes (Drongen, two miles west of Ghent, on the Lys)—was
at the northern limit of the Pagus Mempiscus, beyond which
commenced the Pagus Gandensis. Thus in the time of Sr.
Amano—the middle of the VIIth century—the district which
sull retained the MeNapian name embraced the greater
part of the country which has been erroneously assigned by
many writers to the Morini. ‘To this, M. Lesproussarr, of
Brussels, adds the gratifying assurance that Menapra for
nearly eight centuries enjoyed an uninterrupted succession of in-
dependent princes, while the Morini and Altrebates had been
forced to submit to laws imposed by a foreign monarchy, and
even at the time he wrote (about 1789) constituted a precious
appanage of the sovereign who reigned over it, whose au-
thority was derived by hereditary right from the illustrious
Counts of Flanders. In religion, as in politics, the Menarit
were alike independent, and it required hundreds of years
to win them trom their ancient faith after their neighbors had
been converted to Christianity, and it was not until the Ath
Century (Covvez) that they could be said to have been
entirely subjected to the doctrines of Ro:nan Catholicism.
While thus establishing the Menavir—[VLaENDREN—(the
Menapii Senior es comprehended the Cortoriacenses (people
of Courtrai, in West Flanders, famous for the Flemings’ vic-
tory (1302) over the French, called the (first) “Battle of the
329
Military operations in the Netherlands from
the time of Vespasian to the end of the
Western Empire—Very little known of the
Roman 245-248

 

Spurs,” because among the trophies were 8,000 knightly
gilt spurs); Audereniciant (people of Ardres, in the Pas de
Calais, renowned as the nearest town to the ‘Field of the
Cloth of Gold,” 1520 ; perhaps (?) Ardenburg or Rodenburg
in Zeeland, formerly one of the most considerable Flemish
maritime places) ; and Tornacenses, (people of Tournay,) er-
roneously supposed to have been Nervii—Berrrus}—in the
possession of Flanders, the celebrated pms Rocuzs has shown
with equal certainty that they occupied the ZeELANDIC
islands, particularly Walkeren, which they protected by dykes
and cultivated with the greatest success.

In fact, ReyGerssere, and other chroniclers, undertake to
prove that the islands of Zeeland—of which there were seven
principal ones—were in old time united and solid ground,
constituting one province with Flanders, from which they
were separated by the tury of the sea about A. D. 918, and
that a single plank was all-sufficient to span the streamlet
which served as a line of demarcation.

Between the Pagus Menupiscus and the Zeelandic Archi-
pelago lay the Franc or Bruges, ancient Fuanpers (Pagus
Flandrensis) or Menarta (OupEGHERs?), Which is said to have
taken its name from Méevartos, (Menapos,) a prince of Theeren-
burch, [Therouenne 2. Roman Taruenna, (medizeval Theeren-
burch or borcehte?) an ancient county and bishopric,]
one of the ten subordinate counties comprehended by
the grand county of Flanders. ‘To the eastward, this Fraxc
was bounded by another canton of the maritime Me nap ii;
a portion of whom were styled Frisionys, about. A. D. 646,
particularly those in the neighborhood of Breda and Bergen-
op-Zoom (Dewsz). East of these again lay the Menariscus
Acur—(Field of the Menapii)—known at different
epochs as Menapia, Tafo)xandria, the Eree State of the Are
boriches, the Campine, and North or Dutch Brabani—between
330
Mortxi—The NI, XVI, 64, 97,110, '20, 24’ 25, °26, °60,
"Gd, '65,66, “68,69, “75, °88, °90, °91, 201,
Motto—Famous Dutch—of the Order of

the Union 7
the Wahal, the Maas, the Demer and the Dayle, and the
Schelde. Half encircling and including the south-eastern
third of this territory stretched the kingdom of the Franks
under Ciovis (Vax Loon), which comprehended the Cis
Rheuan Menavti (as wellas the Trans Rhenan, in
Guelderland and the conterminous parts of Utrecht and Over-
Yssel). In the south-eastern extremity of the former stood
Nuys (Neuss), whose inhabitants were considered of Mena -
pian lineage as late as the XVth century—(See pages 183-
190). ‘This must have constituted their farthest south-east-
ern settlement (since Bertius bounds them by the Eystzan
range of mountains—fifteen miles west of Azx-la-Chapelle,
the birth-place and favorite residence of CoarLEMAGNE) and
Menapii, in the Carbonarian Forest, their most southern.
Northwards were the Inier-Muas and Niers marshes of the
Menapir, inthe district known in the XVIIth century
as the V oe rE 1(Bailiwick) of Guelders, hard by Venloo and
Kempen. Kessel on the west bank of the Maas, just below the
former is the ancient CastELLuM MEnavorum (Castle of
the Menapi1), the only one of their locations known as a
town in the ume of the first Caesars. The Head-quarters of
the Menapian ata or contingent was at Taberna (Zabern) in
Alsace or the Palatinate—But the Heart of MENnapia
was Maritime Fuanpers, including ZreLanp, if Les-
BROUSSART 18 correct in bis ‘Preliminary Discourse,”
which serves as an introductory chapter to OUDEGHERST’S
“Annals of flanders.”

In the center of the vast (Wlandro-Zeclandic) Menapian
forests were numerous plains and rich pastures, amid which
(here and there) necessity bad constructed modest hamlets,
which protected at the same time industrious men and their
prolific flocks and herds, whose fleeces and flesh, after they
became acquainted with the Romans, soon assured the com-
331
Navy—State of the Roman—in the Ila

Century 30~1
Nehallenia Dea—The tutelar goddess of the
Hlenapii, the ancient Zeelanders 202-208

Netherlands NX], XV, 6. 17, 29, 46, 84, 86, 87, o1, 96,
PEL. lhe 85, 90, 35 Se eT, Oo, 92, 799, 205, 09,
‘D1, Ya. BS, UR, “SL, ‘99, °72°81, 293, 305,310
Ancient—Roman roads inthe 86-7, 196-98
Physical changes by the action
of the sea, in the XXIT--TI,87, 130, 934
Netherlands—Science in the—in the NVth

ue

Century XV
State of the—in the IId, 1Vth
and Vth Centuries 305-308

The ancient—never actually sub-
jugated by the Romans 86-7, 95-’6,
108-9, °37, °86, ’95~6

Towns existing prior to the Vth

Century, in the 91-2
Netherlanders—The immunities of the—

prior to Philip I. 218--’9
Nimwegen or Nijmegen Ni. 90, 92, 135, 148, 219,
310--11

Nays or Newss—Glorious defence of—
against Charles the Bold 189--'90
7 * The aneient Nova Castra. 93

 

fort and competence of the Menapian nation. Such is the
origin, as small as remote, of that commerce which in mod-
ern times raised the Netherlands, but especially Flanders, to
the highest degree of grandeur and opulence. In a measure
from the bosom of the Menapian marshes, (Durca and Wes
Fuanpers (I"leander-Land) and ZEELAND) issued that inez-
haustible fountuin which, augmenting from age to age, rendered
every nation tributary to us prolific cbundance. {LESBROUSSAR‘.)
332
of Knighthood establish-

 

Order—The Dutch

ed by Louis Bonaparte, king of Holland 7
Oriuna, Iumpress consort of Carausius 48, 257

Osstan—Cuaros (Carausius) in the poems of 231-233
l

Papal persecutions 146-55
Papal “Bulla tu Crena Dowlut” 151
Patriotisn-—A. remarkable evidence of North
Hollandish 7-9
Persecutions—The Roman Catholic—in France
and Holland 146-55
Picts—The, painted men—(Scots and Caledo-
nians ) Vi, VU, 19, f0-d3, 3s, Gi, 251, 268
Pirates—The Barbary Corsairs, or 3o
‘“ The Norman 31, 34
* The Saxon and Frank—defeated by Ca-
rausius 33-37
Popular applause 291-293
Popes of the XVth Century, XX--XXIHT, 295
Power, principles and projects, of Carausius
and William JIT, compared 63-64

Power—The Imperial—tranusmuted from a
Triumvirate iuto a Quinquevirate, com-

posed of three Atcusri and two C.rsars 66--68
Probus—The military policy of 74
Pralaque XNIV--XXVI

Puritans—The—derive all their good and

useful qualities fron. their Saxo-Nether-

landish progenitors, and all their evil

from the various other races which have

entered into their formation 194-75
Puritans—The—descended from Saxo-Men-

apian or Netherlandish colonists of Eng-

land V1, 194=5
Relies of the Batavi 240
Rhine—The ancient 88-9
Rise of Carausius 399-2935
Romans and Saxons, first face to face—The 165—'6
Roman expeditions into Germany—The 235-6
naval stations in Britain after its re-
conquest by Constantius 279-80

Romanism as it is, and not what it claims
to be XVI, 146-755

Sayin or Saxum, « Menapian fabric NYT, 200

Santa Klaas (Sr. NicHonas, ) XVH, 101

Saxote AV, 18, 19, 20, 31, 41, 32,53, 101, “2S,
"Tt, 12, "1B, et, 2 2, “22, 40, a, A,
oo, Go, O42, OD, 203, “24, 12r, a0, Po ide
"AG, “46, “32, “53, '95, °56, “TS, “RO, “82, “Re
288, 297, 304, 306, 307, 308.

Saxon conquerors—The, of Eneland—whence — 19, 111
Kings of England—The 17-8
League—The 306

*  Shore—The, (Littus Saxonitcoum ) XVI, 140

Saxons—Ancient XXIJ--TI, 111715, °22,°36-7 °39-40

“ The ancient—in Greece 18—")
Saxons—The derivation ofthe name of the
ancient XY, 111-12
‘Influence of the ancient 141
The, in Zeeland 253
“ The, on the seas 226-7
‘ The preponderating influence of the 101
* The influence of the—in the elevation
of England 20, 142

Saxony——Ancient—extended to the Rhine
and Schelde XXIII, 143
Saxo-Ncandinavian adventurers——The 30
Pirates—-The 29-.33
Vessels—The 30
Scotland—Two-thirds of—suhbjected by Ca-
rausius 40-3, 53--60
Ships—Ancient 80-81
Skaw or Skagen—The, in Jutland 90
State of Britain when Carausias was inau-
eurated 262-63
when Carausius died 262
Sturu—The, the ancient West Fréezlanders 131
‘T'actics—The naval—of the ancient Romans 80-83
Caorstengon’s famous march across Germany 68-9

Treaty between the three Emperors, Carau-
slus, Diocletian, and Maximian.  Reflec-

tions upon the 645
Triumvirate of Carausius, Diocletian and

Maximian 47-49
Trophies of the second Caledonian war 54-59
Tuisca—The German Divinity 120--’21

United Provinces—A serial synopsis of the
government of the 115-6
x ee The stumbling block to
Romanism and despotism 221-223
Ustpetes and Tenchter/—The invasion of the
Rhenish Provinces of the Menapii by the 180-81

Varxi—The 307
Vetera Castru (Santen ) 93, 139, 247
Vidrus or Vecht—The 89

ViLtLArs—Pertinent remark of the Marshal,
Duke de 34
335
Wall of Antoninu:x—The, repaired by Carau-
s1us o4, 50
War—the first naval—ot Carausius with the
Romans A5-"6
War—of self-preservation between the Au-
eusti of the land aud the Augustus of the

ocean ; 63
War—tThe first Caledonian 40-43, 231
‘The second - 53-61, 231-3

William T1. XII, 18, 22, 27, 44, 63, 145, 194, 211

291, 299, 309

~ of England, Prince of Orange. An-
ecdotes of 145, 292
" The sagacity of 392
William the Tacrrers—Epitaph of 21-22
a The tomb of 21-23
Wonders performed at Fleurus by the Dutch
Infantry, July Ist, 1690 XII
York—(Hboracum)—The Vicarian capital of
England 268, 300
Zeeland—The absence of Roman settlements
or ports in ancient 191-93
was never subjugated by the Romans
—Proofs that ancient 253-255
The physical condition of ancient 192-93
(ftlenapia), superior to §olland (Ba-
TAVIA ) 219-221

‘The total ignorance and silence of
the Romans with regard toancient 191-’92