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3513-2“MAKERS OF AMERICA”
LIFE
OF
Francis Higginson
FIRST MINISTER IN THE MASSACHUSETTS
BAY COLONY, AND AUTHOR OF “NEW
ENGLAND'S PLANTATION" (1630)
BY
THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON
NEW YORK
DODD, MEAD, AND COMPANY
PublishersCopyright, 1891,
By Dodd, Mead, and Co.
All rights reserved.
SHfofoersttg m:
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge.CONTENTS.
CHAPTER	J'AGE
I.	An English Parsonage in the Six-
teenth Century........................... i
II.	An English University Three Cen-
turies Ago............................... 8
III.	The Evolution of a Puritan Divine 15
IV.	Migration to the New World ...	30
V.	“Generali. Considerations" for the
Planting of New England ...	38
VI.	A Sea-Voyage in the Seventeenth
Century............................47
VII. A Letter sent Home....................71
VIII. The First American Ordination .	.	76
IX uNew England’s Plantation” .	.	89
X. The Revolt of the Conformists .	.	109
XI. A Salem Parsonage....................124
XII. Francis Higginson’s Household .	.	134
Index .....................................153LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
i.
AN ENGLISH PARSONAGE IN THE SIX-
TEENTH CENTURY.
When a modem American makes a pilgrimage, as I have done, to
the English village church at whose altars his ancestors once ministered,
he brings away a feeling of renewed wonder at the depth of conviction
which led the Puritan clergy to forsake their early homes. The exqui-
sitely peaceful features of the English rural landscape, — the old Nor-
man church, half ruined, and in this particular case restored by aid of
the American descendants of that high-minded emigrant; the old burial-
ground that surrounds it, a haunt of such peace as to make death seem
doubly restful; the ancestral oaks; the rooks that soar above them ;
the flocks of sheep drifting noiselessly among the ancient gravestones, —
all speak of such tranquillity as the eager American must cross the
Atlantic to obtain. . . . What love of their convictions, what devotion
to their own faith, must have been needed to drive the educated Puri-
tan clergymen from such delicious retreats to encounter the ocean, the
forest, and the Indians ! — T. W. Higginson : A Larger History of
the United States.
Cotton Mather, writing in his “ Magnalia ” the
memoirs of more than thirty of the founders of New
England, places at their head the name of Francis
Higginson. After a prolonged prelude of quaint
learning as to the scriptural Noah and the classical
Janus, he proceeds to twine their laurels together, and
i2
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
to lay them on the modest brow of the subject of his
discourse, whom he places “ first in a catalogue of
heroes.” “ Without pursuing these curiosities any fur-
ther,” he says, “ I will now lay before my reader the
story of that worthy man; who, when’t is considered
that he crossed the sea with a renowned colony, and
that having seen an old world in Europe, where a
flood of iniquity and calamity carried all before it,
he also saw a new world in America ; where he ap-
pears the first in a catalogue of heroes, and where
he and his people were admitted into the covenant
of God ; whereupon a hedge of piety and sanctity con-
tinued about that people as long as he lived ; may
therefore be called the Noah or Janus of New Eng-
land. This was Mr. Francis Higgins on F 1
Thus far Cotton Mather; and in the same strain of
comparison a later American historian has written:
“ Among the Argonauts of the first decade of New
England, there was perhaps no braver or more exqui-
site spirit than Francis Higginson.” 2
Francis Higginson came of what may fairly be
called, in the very best sense, a gentle lineage; for
his paternal grandmother, Joane Higginson, dying a
widow in the sixteenth century, bequeathed ^7 a
year to the poor of Berkeswell, co. Warwick, Eng-
land. This fact is known by its being mentioned in
the will of Joane Higginson’s son, Thomas Higginson
of Berkeswell, yeoman, which will was dated Nov. 29,
1	Magnalia Christi Americana, ed. 1820, i. 322.
2	Tyler, History of American Literature, i. 166.AN ENGLISH PARSONAGE.
3
1573, and proved Feb. 10, 1574. Joane Higgin-
son’s death must therefore have occurred as early as
1573, and probably much earlier; and the sum be-
queathed by her would now, allowing for the dif-
ference in the value of money, be worth ^70
($350) annually. She is probably the earliest per-
son of the name to whom the present English and
American families of Higginson can trace back their
origin; but they may well be contented. A pious
widow, thrifty enough to have this sum to bequeath,
and generous enough, after providing for her own
children, to leave it to the poor, is surely a satisfac-
factory fountain-head for any family; nor has the spirit
she manifested ever been wholly wanting among
her descendants during more than three hundred
years.
Thomas Higginson of Berkeswell, the son of Joane,
left legacies to his sons Robert, Thomas, and George;
to his daughters Joyce, Dorothy, Ursula, and Elizabeth.
He also left legacies to his brothers Nicholas and Mr.
John Higginson. The prefix Mr. or Magister was at
that period almost wholly confined to persons in holy
orders, and this makes it practically certain that this
brother was a clergyman. The only English clergy-
man bearing these names at that period, as appears
from the records of the two universities Oxford and
Cambridge, was the Rev. John Higginson, who was
of Jesus College, Cambridge, B.A. 1564-5 and M.A.
1568. He was instituted to the Perpetual Vicar-
age of Claybrooke, Jan. 23, 15 71-2, as appears by4
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
the Institution Books at the Public Record Office in
London.1
It appears, from Nichols’s History of Leicestershire,
that the Rev. John Higginson was the vicar of the
parish of Claybrooke, beginning in 1571, and that
he was living and doing duty in 1623. As his suc-
cessor was not in office before 1624, he may have
continued until that year. There is a tradition in the
Marlow (England) branch of the family, that this
venerable clergyman, from whom they also are de-
scended, lived and did his duty as a clergyman till the
age of one hundred and four, and was then drowned
by the sudden rising of a brook as he was returning
from church. The above dates would indicate that
John Higginson was certainly vicar for fifty-two years,
and possibly for a yet longer period.
Very old records preserved in the American branch
of the family give the following quaint and suggestive
list of the children of the Rev. John Higginson, of
Claybrooke, Leicester: —
“ 1. yohn, a gentleman that kept high company.
“2. Francis (the first Minister of Salem, N. E.).
“3. Nathaniel, he was owner of a castle in Ireland,
but lost in the Rebellion.
“ 4. Nicholas, he was father of Henry the Goldsmith
of Liverpool.
“5. William.
“ And four (4) daughters, married to Andrews, Coleman,
Gilbert, and Perkins.”
1	Col. J. L. Chester, MS.
2	Vol. iv. pp. 112, 114.AN ENGLISH PARSONAGE.
5
It is farther known that this eldest son, the “ gentle-
man that kept high company,” was a freeholder in
the parish of Leire, adjoining that of Claybrooke,1
and that in the tower of the church at Claybrooke —
this tower being supposed to have been erected in
1614 — that date is twice inscribed on the walls, with
the name of Nicholas Higginson appended.2 Two
brothers of Francis Higginson are thus identified ; but
the diligent researches of Colonel Chester have failed
to find any record of the will of their father, from
which additional information might doubtless have
been obtained. He probably left none; at any rate,
none was ever proved at London, Lincoln, or Lich-
field, the only three registries where one should have
been proved. The early registers of Claybrooke have
been lost, so that there is no record of the baptisms
of his children; nor did the transcripts in the dio-
cesan registry at Lincoln begin till 1598, nor are
those preserved. None of the wills of his children
are in London, and the only clew afforded by any
will is in the case of the youngest daughter, Elizabeth.
She married John Perkins, of Anstey, co. Warwick,
Gentleman; and his will, dated April 1, 1618, was
proved by her in June following. He left ^10 to his
brother-in-law John Higginson — the “ gentleman
who kept high company”—and his wife; and five
marks to each of his children.
1	Nichols’s Leicestershire, iv. 242.
2	Ibid., p. 107.6
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
We have thus some direct traces of three of Francis
Higginson’s brothers and sisters, but the rest remain
names only. It would be interesting to know more of
him who owned an Irish castle, and of him who began
by scratching his name on Claybrooke Church and
was afterward the progenitor of Henry the Goldsmith;
but it is not likely that we ever shall know it. Francis
Higginson was probably born in 1587-8, and was,
like his father, of Jesus College, Cambridge, taking
his B.A. degree in 1609-10, and that of M.A. in
1613. Nothing further appears in regard to him on
the records of Jesus College, — records which at that
period were very scanty. A letter from the Rev. Dr.
Cowie, Master of Jesus College, to Colonel Chester
says: “ The Registers of this College, in which the
names of the several students and particulars of their
parentage and birthplaces are generally recorded, do
not go further back than 1619. Before that date
their surnames are merely recorded, not often their
Christian names, much less that of their parents and
birthplaces. I regret, therefore, that I cannot help
you further in the matter of Francis Higginson.”
This corresponds with what was told me verbally
at Cambridge (England) in 1872, and it is probable
that no further information is to be obtained. Ameri-
can authorities have variously assigned Francis Hig-
ginson to St. John’s College, to Emanuel College, and
to Jesus College; but it was left to that unwearied
antiquary, Colonel Chester, to determine finally the
fact that he took both his degrees at the same col-AN ENGLISH PARSONAGE.
7
lege, and that college his father’s. What his precise
life at the University may have been we do not know
directly; but enough is known of the time and place
for us to conjecture, with some degree of certainty,
what it must have been.8
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
II.
AN ENGLISH UNIVERSITY THREE CEN-
TURIES AGO.
Towards the middle of the sixteenth century the old learning began
to be left, in the University, and a better succeeded in the room thereof.
Hitherto Cambridge had given suck with but one breast, teaching Arts
only without languages. . . . But now the students began to make
sallies into the learned languages, which the industry of the next age
did completely conquer. — Fuller : History of Cambridge, p. 164.
Knowing nothing by direct evidence of Francis
Higginson’s college life, we yet know in a general
way what it must have been. The college selected
was that in which his father had studied, Jesus College,
and was then, as now, one of the intermediate col-
leges in Cambridge University, — neither largest nor
smallest, neither oldest nor youngest. It ranks tenth
in date of origin, and in 1888 seventh in number of
pupils. It was already famous in Francis Higginson’s
day as the College of Cranmer; and the fame was
later prolonged through the names of eighteen other
English bishops; of Eliot, the Indian Apostle; of
Flamsteed the astronomer, Hartley the metaphysi-
cian, Ockley the Orientalist, Jortin the theologian; of
Laurence Sterne and his friend John Hall Stevenson,
the Eugenius of Sterne.1 Visitors to Cambridge will
1 Ackermann’s History of the University of Cambridge,
ii. 20.AN ENGLISH UNIVERSITY.
9
remember the somewhat isolated and stately air of
Jesus College; its sombre brick walls and ancient
gateway; its heavy tower, surmounting a chapel of
the twelfth century; and the meadows, extending to
the river, and still making the situation beautiful.
It makes Francis Higginson’s university career
seem a great way off, to consider that he was at Cam-
bridge twenty years before Milton, — twenty years be-
fore that great period described by Mullinger (1632),
when Milton, Fuller, Henry More, Cudworth, Crashaw,
and Jeremy Taylor might probably have been met on
the same day in the streets of Cambridge.1 But he
was there at a period when the great influence of
Erasmus had already given a new impulse to univer-
sity studies. After Erasmus became professor of
Greek, as he himself claimed, not that study alone,
but all others were amplified. “ There was an acces-
sion of good learning, the knowledge of Mathematics
came in; a new and indeed a renewed Aristotle came
in ; so many authors came in, whose very names were
anciently unknown. To wit, it (the University) hath
flourished so much that it may contend with the prime
schools of this age; and hath such men therein, to
whom if such be compared that were in the age before,
they will seem rather shadows of divines than divines.” 2
Roger Ascham wrote somewhat later of Cambridge
(in 1540) : “ You would not know it to be the same
place. . . . Aristotle and Plato are read by * boys ’
1	Mullinger, Cambridge in the Seventeenth Century, p. 26.
2	Erasmus, Epistolae, ii. 10, quoted by Mullinger, p. 15.IO
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIG GINS ON
in the original, and have been now for five years.
Sophocles and Euripides are now more familiar here
than Plautus was in your time. Herodotus, Thucy-
dides, and Xenophon are more often on the lips and
hands of all than Livy was then. What was then said
of Cicero you may now hear said of Demosthenes.
More copies of Isocrates are now in the ‘ boys’ ’ hands
than of Terence then. Meanwhile we do not scorn the
Latins, but most ardently embrace the best authors
who flourished in that golden age.” 1 In the reign of
Elizabeth there were also created four lectures, deal-
ing respectively with Rhetoric, Logic, Philosophy, and
Mathematics;2 and though the text-books and the
methods of their teaching were drawn from the classi-
cal authors, yet that was the inevitable means of in-
struction in that age, and the mere list of authors
above given shows that the students were trained on
the masterpieces of literature.8 There was a four-
years undergraduate course, and a three-years graduate
course; and the average age of entrance was from
fourteen to sixteen years, although Francis Higginson
appears to have entered at seventeen or eighteen.
Morning chapel was at five, dinner in hall at noon,
evening chapel and supper in the hall at seven. Stu-
dents were in residence for the whole year; they were
habitually confined within the walls of their college, ex-
cept when they left them to attend general exercises;
if allowed by special permission to go into the town,
1	Ascham, Epist. 74, quoted by Mullinger, p. 17.
2	Mullinger, p. 18.	3 Ibid., p. 28.AN ENGLISH UNIVERSITY.
II
a tutor or Master of Arts must be their escort. They
could not keep dogs or fierce birds; they could
only play at cards or dice at Christmas time; they
were liable to corporal punishment; and Dr. Johnson,
following Aubrey, says that Milton was one of the last
who suffered this, although Mr. Masson disputes the
charge.1 We are, on the whole, less familiar with the
internal condition of Cambridge than of Oxford, at the
beginning of the seventeenth century; but it is known
that the principle of conferring degrees on examina-
tion, a principle not recognized at Oxford until 1638,
had been the practice at Cambridge a century before.
This undoubtedly contributed to that higher intel-
lectual standing of Cambridge at the time of the
Puritan emigration which the recognized historian of
the English universities, Huber, concedes.3 On the
other hand, Sir Simonds d’Ewes declares, writing of
Cambridge in 1620, seven years after Francis Higgin-
son left it, that “ swearing, drinking, rioting, and hatred
of all piety and virtue under false and adulterate names
did abound there and generally in all the university.” 8
He was a fellow-commoner at St. John’s, and may
have generalized too hastily from his own college.
In a paper submitted to Archbishop Laud in 1636, of
which Dr. Sterne, Master of Jesus College, was one of
the signers, the complaints made were of ultra-Puritan
practices in devotion side by side with too much of
1	Mullinger, pp. 27, 28; Masson’s Milton, i. 136.
2	Huber’s English Universities, vol. ii. part i. pp. 41, 59> 252.
3	Quoted by Mullinger, p. 30.12	LIFE OF FRANCIS NIG GINS ON.
“ supper-money ” and of “ fair and feminine cuffs at
the wrist.” 1 This was after Francis Higginson’s time ;
but it is certain that plays were freely acted by the
students, even in his day. Fuller, for instance, de-
scribes a “ merry but abusive comedy” composed
by the students in 1597 and called “ Club Law.” It
was intended to satirize the mayor, aldermen, and
townspeople generally; and as these constituted the
main audience, much scandal followed. Again, in
1602, a play called “ The Return from Parnassus, or
the Scourge of Simony ” was enacted at St. John’s
College ; and another play called “ Ignoramus ” is
said to have so delighted King James that he revisited
Cambridge to see it again. Mede describes the
“Fraus Honesta,” written by Philip Stubbe, a fellow
of Trinity, as being produced in 1616 on the visit of
Lord Holland and the French ambassador. There
were two thousand present in the great hall of Trinity;
and the undergraduates smoked, hissed, threw pellets,
and set the proctors at defiance.2 Such scenes as
this Francis Higginson may have witnessed; perhaps
with such aversion as they afterward inspired in
Milton, who describes in his “ Apology for Smectym-
nuus ” the “ young divines and those of next aptitude
for divinity ... so oft upon the stage, writhing and
unboning their clergy limbs to all the antic and
dishonest gestures.” He perhaps here refers to John
Powers, who had taken the part of “ Dullman ” in the
1	Peacock’s Statutes of the University of Cambridge, p. 62.
2	Mullinger, pp. 39, 40.AN ENGLISH UNIVERSITY.
13
play of “ Ignoramus,” and being afterward Bishop of
Peterborough was recognized by King James as one
of the actors in his favourite play.1 Milton goes on in
wrath : “ There, while they acted and overacted, among
other young scholars, I was a spectator : they thought
themselves gallant men, and I thought them fools;
they made sport, and I laughed.” Whether Francis
Higginson laughed or sighed, we know not; but in
remembering the university training of the fathers of
New England, we can by no means leave these revels
out of sight. But it seems altogether in keeping with
the gentle and thoughtful nature of Francis Higginson
if we assume that he, like Milton, spent those early
years “ far from all vice ” (procul omni flagitio) .2
For more serious studies we can only conjecture,
from the general testimony, that the more purely
classical training introduced by Erasmus was now
waning, and that there was a transfer of interest
toward patristic literature. In Sir Simonds d’Ewes’
time (1620) the students read something of Aristotle
and Demosthenes, with authors now so little esteemed
as Florus and Aulus Gellius; and he himself read, for
“ recreation,” Spenser’s “ Faerie Queene.” 8 Lucretius
had been reprinted in England in 1564, and Pindar
in 1619; but these did not compare in importance to
the costly edition of Chrysostom, published in eight
volumes by Sir Henry Saville in 1612 ; and this
probably indicates in some degree the relative value
1	Rennet’s Chronicle, p. 244, quoted by Mullinger, p. 43.
2	Masson, i. 235.	3 Ibid., 229.14
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
then attached to the classical and the patristic litera-
ture. It is to be remembered that John Harvard,
coming to America in 1637, brought with him, in
his library, Horace and Homer, Plato and Juvenal.
It is impossible to judge from Francis Higginson’s
writings what authors he had read; but it is worth
noticing that their pure and limpid simplicity escapes
wholly that overlading with foreign forms and phrases
which weighed down the English style, a few years
later, even of men so renowned as Milton, Jeremy
Taylor, and Sir Thomas Browne. There is in all
which Francis Higginson wrote an utter simplicity,
a limpid clearness, and an entire freedom from involved
sentences or pedantic allusions. Moses Coit Tyler,
the historian of early American literature, says of him
truly : “ Unlabored as is the composition of both his
books, we find in them a delicate felicity of expres-
sion and a quiet, imaginative picturesqueness.” 1
Possibly this was trained, as Sir Simonds d’Ewes says
of himself, by the habit of writing “ frequent Latin
letters and more frequent English,” and by the an-
swers received to those letters. D’Ewes says that he
himself was especially profited by the letters of his
father, “ whose English style was very sententious and
lofty.” 2 Perhaps the English style of the Rev. John
Higginson’s letters was simple and lucid, like that
of his son.
1	Tyler’s History of American Literature, i. 167.
2	Masson, i. 229.EVOLUTION OF A PURITAN DIVINE. 15
III.
THE EVOLUTION OF A PURITAN DIVINE.
We will therefore begin the history of his life where we find that
he began to live. — Mather’s Magnalta (of Francis Higginson), i.
323-
We know, at any rate, that Francis Higginson took
his degree of M.A. in 1613, and that two years later
he was settled over the Claybrooke parish, apparently
as curate to his father, who had then, in 1615, been
in office forty-four years. Cotton Mather, who at this
point takes up his record, writing in 1702, defines this
settlement at Claybrooke as the point where Francis
Higginson “ began to live.” He says apologetically,—
“ If, in the history of the church for more than
four thousand years, contained in the scriptures, there
is not recorded either the birthday of any one saint
whatever or the birthday of him that is the Lord of
all saints; I hope it will be accounted no defect in
our history of this worthy man [Francis Higginson] if
neither the day nor the place of his birth can be re-
covered. We will therefore begin the history of his
life where we find that he began to live”
He then enters on the narrative, making, it will be
seen, a mistake as to the college where the subject of
his memoir was educated.LIFE OF FRANCIS IIIGGINSON.
16
“ Mr. Francis Higginson, after he had been educated
at Emanuel-CoWedge, that seminary of Puritans in
Cambridge, until he was Master of Arts : and after
that, the true Emanuel\ our Lord Jesus Christ, had by
the work of regeneration upon his heart, instructed
him in the better and nobler arts, of living unto God ;
he was, by the special providence of heaven, made a
servant of our Emanuel’ in the ministry of the gospel,
at one of the five parish-churches in Leicester. The
main scope of his ministry was now to promote, first,
a thorough conversion, and then a godly conversation
among his people : and besides his being as the famous
preacher in the wilderness was, a voice, and preach-
ing lectures of Christianity by his whole Christian and
most courteous and obliging behaviour, he had also a
most charming voice, which rendered him unto his
hearers, in all his exercises, another Ezekiel: for, Lo,
he was unto them, as a very lovely song of one that
hath a pleasant voice, and can play well upon an in-
strument : and from all parts in the neighbourhood they
flocked unto him. Such was the divine presence
with, and blessing on the ministry of this good man,
in this place, that the influence thereof on the whole
town was quickly become a matter of observation :
many were turned from darkness to light, and from
Satan to God; and many were built up in their most
holy faith ; and there was a notable revival of religion
among them. And such were his endeavours to con-
form unto the example of our Lord Jesus Christ, our
grand Exemplar, in the whole course of his ministry,EVOLUTION- OF A PURITAN DIVINE.
17
that we might easily have written a book of those
conformities.
“ For some years he continued in his conformity to
the rites then required and practised in the Church of
England; but upon his acquaintance with Mr. Arthur
Hildersham and Mr. Thomas Hooker, he set himself
to study the controversies about the evangelical church-
discipline then agitated in the church of God : and
then the more he studied the scripture, which is the
sole and full rule of church-administrations, the more
he became dissatisfied with the ceremonies, which had
crept into the worship of the Lord Jesus Christ, not
only without the allowance of scripture, but also with-
out the countenance of the earliest antiquity. From
this time he became a conscientious non-conformist;
and therefore he was deprived of his opportunity to
exercise his ministry, in his parish-church : neverthe-
less, his ministry was generally so desirable unto the
people, that they procured for him the liberty to
preach a constant lecture, on one part of the Lord’s
day; and on the other part, as an assistant unto a
very aged parson, that wanted it. He was now main-
tained by the voluntary contribution of the inhabitants;
and though the rest of the ministers there continued
conformists, yet they all freely invited him unto the
use of their pulpits, as long as they could avoid any
trouble to themselves by their so doing: by which
means he preached successively in three of the parish-
churches, after that he had been by non-conformity
made incapable. He preached also at Belgrave, a
218
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
mile out of the town; but under God, the chief
author of these more easie circumstances unto such a
non-conformist, was the generous goodness and can-
dour of Dr. Williams, the Bishop of Lincoln, to whose
diocess Leicester belonged. It continued until the
fray between that bishop and Laud’, the Bishop of
London, who set himself to extirpate and extinguish
all the non-conformists that were Williams1 favourites,
among whom one was Mr. Higgins on.
“ The signal blessing of God, which accompanied the
ministry of Mr. Higginson, in Leicester, was followed
with two very contrary consequences. On the one
side, a great multitude of Christians, then called Puri-
tans, did not only attend the worship of God more
publickly in their assemblies, and more secretly in
their families, but also they frequently had their pri-
vate meetings, for prayer (some times with fasting)
and repeating of sermons, and maintaining of profit-
able conferences, at all which Mr. Higginson himself
was often present: and at these times, if any of their
society were scandalous in their conversation, they
were • personally admonished, and means were used
with them to bring them unto repentance. On the
other side, there was a profane party, filled with wolvish
rage against the flock of the Lord Jesus Christ, and
especially against this good man, who was the pastor of
the flock : whose impartial zeal in reproving the com-
mon sins of the time and place, did more than a little
add unto the exasperations of that party; but also di-
vers of them turned persecutors hereupon, yet manyEVOLUTION OF A PURITAN DIVINE.
*9
remarkable providences laid a restraint upon them,
and the malignants were smitten with a dread upon
their minds, That the judgments of God would pur-
sue those that should go to harm such a follower of
him that is good.
“ Even the Episcopal party of the English nation,
among whose thirty nine articles one is, That the
visible church is a congregation of faithful men, where
the word of Christ is duly preached\ and the sacra-
ments be rightly administred; have concluded it, as
a godly discipline in the primitive Church, that noto-
rious sinners were put to open penance. And in the
rubric before the communion, have ordered ministers
to advertise all notorious evil livers, and such as have
wronged their neighbours by word or deed, or such
as have malice and hatred reigning between them,
that they should not p?‘esume to come to the Lord's
table, till they have openly declared themselves to have
truly repented. Under the encouragement hereof,
Mr. Higginson, before he became a non-conformist,
professed this principle, That ignorant and scandalous
persons are not to be admitted unto the Lord's Supper:
and as far as he could, he practised what he pro-
fessed. Wherefore he did catechise and examine per-
sons about their fitness for the communion; and if
any persons were notoriously scandalous, he not only
told them of their sins in private, but also in publick
declared, that they were not to be admitted unto the
Lord's Supper, until the congregation had some testi-
monies of their serious repentance.20
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
“ It was a good courage of old Cyprian, to declare :
If any think to join themselves unto the church, not
by their humiliation and satisfaction, when they have
scandalized the brethren, but by their great words and
threats, let them know, that the church of God will »
oppose them, and the tents of Christ will not be con-
quered by them. And no less was the good metal in
our Higginson. Accordingly after a sermon on those
words of our Saviour, Give not that which is holy unto
dogs, unto this purpose applied, going to administer
the Lords Supper unto the communicants, now come
into the chancel, he espied one that was known unto
them all, to be a common drunkard and swearer,
and a very vicious person; he told that man before
them all, That he was not willing to give the Lords
Supper unto him, until he had professed his repentance,
unto the satisfaction of the congregation: and there-
fore he desired the man to withdraw: the sinner
withdrew, but went out full of such passion and
poison against Mr. Higginson, and horror in his own
conscience, that he fell sick upon it; and while he
lay sick he was visited, as well by good people that
endeavoured his conversion, as by bad people that had
been his old companions, and now threatned what they
would do against Mr. Higginson. The wretch contin-
ued in an exorbitant frame for a few days, and at last
roared out, That he was damned, and that he was a
dog, and that he was going to the dogs forever. So he
cried, and so he died : and this was known to all people.
“ There were many such marvellous judgments ofEVOLUTION OF A PURITAN DIVINE.
21
God, which came like fire from heaven, to restrain
and revenge the wrongs which were offered unto this
faithful witness of our Lord Jesus Christ. Particularly,
there was a pious gentlewoman, the wife of a very
profane gentleman, dwelling in another parish, who
would frequently go to attend upon Mr. Higgins on's
ministry, both in the publick and private exercises of
our holy religion; whereat her husband, after many
other expressions of his deep displeasure, vowed, that
he would be revenged on Higginson ; and accordingly
he resolved upon a journey to London, there to exhibit
a complaint against this good man, at the High-Com-
mission Court: but when he had got all things ready for
his journey, just as he was mounting his horse, he was,
by an immediate hand of heaven, smitten with an in-
tolerable torment of body, and horror of conscience,
and was led into his house, and laid upon his bed;
where, within a few hours, death did his office upon him.
“ And unto the remarkable appearances of heaven
on the behalf of this faithful man, may be enumer-
ated that which befel a famous Doctor of Divinity,
prebend of a cathedral, and chaplain to his Majesty,
who then lived in Leicester: this gentleman preached
but very seldom; and when he did at all, it was after
that fashion, which has sometimes been called gentle-
man-preaching; after a flaunting manner, and with
such a vain ostentation of learning,, and affectation of
language, as ill-became the oracles of God; the peo-
ple generally flocking more to the more edifying
ministry of Mr. Higginson, than to these harangues.22
LIFE OF FRANCIS LUG GINS ON
Our Doctor so extreamly resented it, that both pub-
lickly and privately, on all opportunities, he expressed
his indignation against Mr. Higginson, and vowed,
That he would certainly drive him out of the town.
Now it so fell out, that the Sheriff appointed this
Doctor to preach at the General Assizes there, and
gave him a quarter of a year’s time to provide a
sermon for that occasion: but in all this time, he
could not provide a sermon unto his own satisfaction;
insomuch, that a fortnight before the time was ex-
pired, he expressed unto some of his friends a de-
spair of being well provided: wherefore his friends
perswaded him to try; telling him, that if it came to
the worst, Mr. Higginson might be procured to preach
in his room ; he was always ready. The Doctor was
wonderfully averse unto this last proposal, and there-
fore studied with all his might, for an agreeable
sermon ; but he had such a blast from heaven upon
his poor studies, that the very night before the Assizes
began, he sent his wife to the devout lady Cave, who
prevailed with Mr. Higginson to supply his place the
day ensuing; which he did, with a most suitable, profi-
table, and acceptable sermon; and unto the great
satisfaction of the auditory. When the lady Cave
had let it be known, how this thing, which was much
wondered at, came about, the common discourse of
the town upon it so confounded the Doctor, that he
left the town, vowing, That he would never come into
it again. Thus Mr. Higginson was left in the town 1
but, I pray, who was driven out ?EVOLUTION OF A PURITAN DIVINE. 23
“ We lately styled Mr. Higginson a faithful man :
and innumerable were the instances, wherein he so
approved himself, particularly there was a time when
many courtiers, lords, and gentlemen coming in a fro-
lick to Leicester, which was counted a puritanical
town, resolved, that they would put a trick upon it.
Wherefore, they invited the Mayor and Aldermen,
whereof divers were esteemed puritans, unto a colla-
tion ; and overcome them to drink a number of healths,
with the accustomed ceremonies of drinking upon
their knees, till they all became shamefully and ex-
treamly drunk. This business becoming the common
discourse of the town Mr. Higginson, from a text
chosen to the purpose, in the audience of the Mayor
and Aldermen themselves, demonstrated the sinful-
ness of health-drinking, and of drunkenness, and the
aggravation of that sinfulness, when it is found in
magistrates, whose duty ’t is to punish it in other
men: therewithal admonishing them to repent seri-
ously of the scandal which they had given. This
faithfulness of Mr. Higginson was variously resented;
some of the people disliked it very much, and some
of the Aldermen were so disturbed and enraged at it
that they breathed out threatnings till they were out of
breath: but the better sort of people generally ap-
proved it, as a conformity to that rule, them that sin
before all, rebuke before all, that others may fear;
and several of the Aldermen confessed their sin with
a very penitent and pertinent ingenuity. The issue
was that Mr. Higginson was brought into no trouble;24
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
and the God of Heaven so disposed the hearts of the
Mayor and Aldermen, that after this, upon the death
of old Mr. Sacheverel\ they chose Mr. Higginson to
be their town-preacher, unto which place there was
annexed a large maintainance, to be paid out of the
town treasury. In answer hereunto, Mr. Higginson
thanked them for their good will; but he told them,
that he could not accept of it, because there were
some degrees of conformity therein required, which he
could not now comply withal; nevertheless there be-
ing divers competitors for the place, about whom the
votes of the Aldermen were much divided, he pre-
vailed with them to give their votes for a learned and
godly conformist, one Mr. Angel; who thereby came
to be settled in it. There were also made unto him,
several offers of some of the greatest and richest liv-
ings in the country thereabouts; but the conscien-
tious disposition to non-conformity now growing upon
him, hindred his acceptance of them.
“ While Mr. Higginson continued in Leicester, he
was not only a good man full of faith, but also a good
man full of work. He preached constantly in the
parish churches; and he was called, while a conformist\
frequently to preach visitation sermons, assize sermons
and funeral sermons; and as well then, as afterwards,
he was often engaged in fasts, both in publick and
private, both at home and abroad; and many repaired
unto him with cases of conscience, and for help about
their interiour state. Besides all this, he was very
serviceable to the education of scholars, either goingEVOLUTION OF A PURITAN DIVINE.
25
to, or coming from the university; and such as after-
wards proved eminently serviceable to the church of
God; whereof some were Dr. Seaman, Dr. Brian,
Mr. Richardson, and Mr. Howe, all of them Leicester-
shire men, who would often say, how much they owed
unto Mr. Higginson. And he was very useful in for-
warding and promoting of contributions, for the relief
of the protesta7it exiles, which came over from the
ruined Bohemia, and the distressed Palatinate, in
those times; and many other pious designs. But
when (as he that writes the life of holy Mr. Bains
expresses it) the hour and power of darkness was co?ne
from Lambeth, or when the Bishop of London pre-
vailed, and the Bishop of Lincoln retired, the blades
of the Laudian faction about Leicester appeared, in-
formed and articled against Mr. Higginson,, so that
he lived in continual expectation to be dragged away
by the pursevants, unto the High Commission Court\
where a sentence of perpetual imprisonment was the
best thing that could be looked for.
“ Now behold the interposing and seasonable provi-
dence of heaven ! A considerable number of wealthy
and worthy merchants, obtaining a charter from K.
Charles /. whereby they were incorporated by the
name of The Governor and Company of the Mas-
sachuset-Bay in New England; and intending to
send over ships with passengers for the beginning of
a plantation there, in the beginning of the year 1629.
And resolving to send none upon their account, but
godly and honest men, professing that religion, which2 6
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
they declared was the end of this plantation; they
were informed of the circumstances whereto Mr.
Higginson was now reduced; and accordingly they
dispatched a couple of messengers unto him, to in-
vite him unto a voyage into New England, with kind
promises to support him in the voyage. These two
messengers were ingenious men; and understanding
thatpursevants were expected every hour, to fetch Mr.
Higginson up to London, they designed for a while
to act the parts of pursevants: coming therefore to
his door, they knocked roundly and loudly, like fel-
lows equipped with some authority; and said, where
is Mr. Higginson ? we must speak with Mr. Higgin-
son / insomuch that his affrighted wife ran up to him,
telling him that the pursevants were come, and pray-
ing him to step aside out of their way, but Mr. Hig-
ginson said, No, I will go down and speak with the7n ;
and the will of the Lord be done / When the mes-
sengers were come into the hall, they held out their
papers unto him, and with a certain roughness and
boldness of address told him, Sir, we comefrom London,
and our business is to fetch you up to London, as you
may see by these papers / which they then put into his
hands; whereat the people in the room were confirmed
in their opinion, that these blades were pursevants;
and Mrs. Higginson herself said, 1 thought so: and fell
a weeping. But when Mr. Higginson had lookt upon
the papers, he soon perceived, that they were letters
from the governor and company inviting him to New
England; with a copy of the charter, and propositionsEVOLUTION OF A PURITAN DIVINE. 27
for managing their design of establishing and prop-
agating reformed Christianity in the new plantation:
whereupon he bad them welcome ! and there ensued
a pleasant conversation betwixt him and his now un-
disguised friends. In answer to this invitation, Mr.
Higginson having first consulted heaven with humble
and fervent supplications, for the divine direction
about so great a turn of his life, he advised then with
several ministers; especially with his dear friend Mr.
Hildersham, who told him, That were he himself a
younger man, and under his case and call, he should
think he had a plain invitation of heaven unto the
voyage; and so he came unto a resolution to comply
therewithal.
“ When Mr. Higginson's resolution came to be
known, it made so much noise among the Puritans,
that many of them receiving satisfaction unto the
many enquiries which they made on this occasion,
resolved that they would accompany him. And now
it was not long before his farewel sermon was to be
preached ! before he knew anything about an offer
of a voyage to New-England. In his meditations
about the state of England, he had strange and strong
apprehensions that God would shortly punish England
with the calamities of a war, and he therefore com-
posed a sermon upon those words of our Saviour,
Luke xxi. 20, 21, When you see Jerusalem compassed
with armies, then flee to the mountains. Now, after
he was determined for New-England, he did, in a
vast assembly, preach this for his farewel sermon,28
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
and therein having mentioned unto them, what he
took to be the provoking sins of England in general,
and of Leicester in particular, he plainly told them,
that he was perswaded God would chastise England
with a war, in the sufferings whereof Leicester would
have a more than ordinary share. How this predic-
tion was afterwards accomplished, is known to man-
kind ; and it was especially known to Leicester,
which being strongly fortified and garrisoned, and
having the wealth of all the country about brought
into it, was besieged, and at length carried by storm;
and the town was horribly plundered, and eleven
hundred people were slain in the streets.
“ But Mr. Higginson having ended this his pro-
phetical sermon, he gave thanks to the magistrates,
and the other Christians of the place, for all the
liberty, countenance, and encouragement which they
had given unto his ministry: and he told them of his
intended removal to New-England, the principal end
of which plantation, he then declared, was the prop-
agation of religion; and of the hopes which he had,
that New England might be designed by heaven, as
a refuge and shelter for the non-conformists against
the storms that were coming upon the nation, and a
region where they might practise the church-informa-
tion, which they had been bearing witness unto.
And so he concluded with a most affectionate prayer
for the King, the church, the state, and peculiarly for
Leicester, the seat of his former labours. And after
this he took his journey, with his family, for London;EVOLUTION OF A PURITAN DIVINE. 29
the streets as he passed along being filled with people
of all sorts, who bid him farewel, with loud prayers
and cries for his welfare.
“ When he came to London, he found three ships
ready to sail for New-England, with two more, that
were in a month’s time to follow after them : filled
with godly and honest passengers, among whom there
were two other non-conformist ministers. They set sail
from the Isle of Wight, about the first of May, 1629,
and when they came to the Land’s End, Mr. Higgin-
son calling up his children and other passengers unto
the stem of the ship, to take their last sight of Eng-
land. He said, We will not say as the separatists
were wont to say at their leaving of England, Farewel
Babylon / farewel Rome ! but we will say, farewel
dear England! farewel the Church of God in Eng-
land, and all the Christian friends there ! We do not
go to New-England as separatists from the Church of
England; though we cannot but separate from the
corruptions in it: but we go to practise the positive
part of church reformation, and propagate the gospel
in America. And so he concluded with a fervent
prayer for the King, and church, and state, in Eng-
land; and for the presence and blessing of God with
themselves, in their present undertaking for New-
England. At length by the good hand of God upon
them, they arrived, after a comfortable passage, unto
Salem harbour on the twenty-fourth of June ensuing.” 1
1 Mather’s Magnalia (ed. 1820), ii. 322-328.30
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
IV.
MIGRATION TO THE NEW WORLD.
What golden gaine made Higginson remove
From fertile soyle to wildernesse of rocks?
’T was Christ’s rich pearle stir’d up the toil to love
For him to feede in wildernesse his flocks.
First Teacher he, here, Sheepe and Lambs together;
First crown’d shall be he, in the Heavens, of all
Christ’s Pastors here, but yet Christ’s folk had rather
Him here retain ; blest he whom Christ hath call’d.
Johnson: Wonder- Working Providence, etc. (1654).
Of this voyage we have fortunately the journal as
kept by Francis Higginson: but we must first con-
sider the circumstances under which he was sent to
the New World. In the folio volume of early records
of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, still preserved at
the Boston State House, and carefully edited, in 1853,
by the late Dr. N. B. Shurtleff, we find in the first
undated list, headed,—
44 To prouide to send for Newe England,”
the following simple entries : —
44 Ministers;
44 Pattent under seale;
44 A seale;MIGRATION TO THE NEW WORLD. 31
“ Wheate, rye, barley, oates, a hhed [hogshead] of
ech in the eare; benes, pease ;
“ Stones of all sorts of fruites, as peaches, plums,
filberts, cherries.”
And so on, with a long list of things needful, wind-
ing up with “ tame turkeys ” and “ copp. kettells,
of ye F[ren]ch making, wthout barrs of iron about
them.” But the “ ministers ” head the list and rank
first.
Yet the demand for ministers, though first in im-
portance among all demands, was not therefore the
need most easy to supply. At the meetings of the
Company which followed they contracted for ord-
nance, “ demie culverings,” “ sackers,” and “ iron
drakes;” they ordered for one voyage, “45 tun
beere,” and “6 tuns of water ; ” they “ agreed with
Jno. Hewson to make 8 pere of welt neates leather
sheues;” they accepted James Edmonds, “a saylor,
ffisher, and a couper; ” Thomas Graves, “ a man ex-
perienced in iron workes,” and Richard Clayton,
carpenter; but it was not until March 23, 1628, that
they again approached the question of “ ministers.”
Then we find this brief record : —
[23] March, 1^28. b
Eresent, The Govnor	Mr. Humffry
Deputy
S- Rich : Saltonstall
Davinport
Capt. Venn
Mr. W5? Vassall
Mr. Whetcomb
Mr. Nowell32
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
“At this meeting information was given by Mr.
Nowell, by letters ffrom Mr. Izake Johnson* that one
Mr. Higgeson, of Lester, an able minister, pffers to
goe to or plantation; who, being approved for a rev-
erend, grave minister, fitt for or present occations, it
was thought by thes present to entreat Mr. Jno. Hum-
fry to ride presently to Lester, and, if Mr. Higgeson
may conveniently be had to goe this present vioage,
that he should deale wth him; fhrst, if his remove
from thence may be wthout scandall to that people,
and approved by the consent of some of the best
affected among them, wth the approbation of Mr.
Heldersham of Asheby, dallisouch ;1 2 * * * secondly, that
in regard of the shortenes of the time, the Company
conseave it would be best, if hee so thought good, to
leave his wiffe & ffamily till towards Bartholemew, for
ther better accomadacon ; yet if this should be held
inconvenient [it] may be refferred to himselfe to take
[his wife and tw]o children wth him; thirdly, that
for his entertaynment ye Company . . . [hiatus in
manuscript].” 8
1	Isaac Johnson was the largest contributor to the Company’s
stock; and his wife, “ the Lady Arbella,” was daughter of the
Earl of Lincoln. His seat was near Leicester, and he doubt-
less knew Higginson personally. See Bacon’s Genesis of the
New England Churches, p. 459, note.
2	I. e., Ashby-de-la-Zouch.
8 Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts
Bay, I. 37, 38. Reprinted (with spelling modernized) in Young’s
Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 65..MIGRATION TO THE NEW WORLD.
33
It is to be presumed that the ride of Mr. Humfry
and the counsel of Mr. Hildersham proved equally
satisfactory to all concerned. The Rev. Mr. Hilder-
sham, here mentioned, was one of the Puritan
leaders in England, and was known as Malleus Haeri-
ticorum for his “ singular learning and piety.” “ It is
affirmed,” says Hubbard, “ that Mr. Hildersham ad-
vised Mr. Higginson and other ministers looking this
way to agree upon their form of church government
before they came away from England.” 1 A leaf of
the records is here missing; but Prince, who evidently
had it, says that at this meeting they chose Mr. En-
dicott as Governor of the Plantation, and Messrs.
Higginson, Skelton, and Bright (ministers), with
Messrs. John and Samuel Brown, Thomas Graves,
and Samuel Sharp as members of his council.2 The
first general letter of instructions from the Company
to these officials confirms this statement.8 This
makes plain, what might not at first be manifest to
the modern reader, how large a share of civic as well
as religious authority was given to “the ministers.”
The Company’s letter (April 17, 1629) ordered that
the whole body of the local government should con-
sist of thirteen members, and suggested that two of
these should be appointed by the few “ old plan-
ters,” as they were called, who had gone out previ-
ously to the organized emigration, — that is, provided
they would accept the government of the Company;
1	Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 66.
2	Ibid., p. 66.	8 Ibid., p. 144.
334
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
otherwise the eight men originally designated should
appoint the remaining five, making up, in all, “ The
Council of the Mattachusetts Bay.” 1
With Francis Higginson personally the agreement
of the Company was as follows, as preserved by
Hutchinson: —
The Agreement with Mr. Higginson. A true note of the
allowance that the New England Company gave by
common consent and order of their court and counsell
granted unto Mr. Francis Higginson, minister, for his
maintenance in New England, April 8, 1629.
1.	Imprimis, that 30/. in money shall be forthwith
paid him by the Companyes treasurer towards the
chardges of fitting himself with apparell and other
necessaryes for his voyage.
2.	Item, that 10/. more shall be payed over by
the said treasurer towards the providing of books for
present use.
3.	Item, that he shall have 30/. yearely paid him
for three yeares to beginne from the tyme of his first
arrivall in New England; and so to be accounted
and paid him at the end of every yeare.
4.	Item, that during the said tyme the Company
shall provide for him and his family necessaryes of
diett, housing and firewood; and shall be att charges
of transporting him into New England: And at the
1 Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 145. It is to be
noticed that the name of the colony, like those of its officials,
is spelled with the latitude prevailing in those days.MIGRATION TO THE NEW WORLD.
end of the said 3 yeares, if he shall not like to con-
tinue there any longer, to be at the charge of trans-
porting him backe for England.
5.	Item, that in convenient tyme an house shall
be built, and certayne lands allotted thereunto;
which during his stay in the country and continu-
ance in the ministry shall bee for his use; and after
his death or removall the same to be for succeeding
ministers.
6.	Item, at the expiration of the said 3 yeares
an 100 acres of land shall be assigned to him and his
heires forever.
7.	Item, that in case hee shall depart this life in
that country, the said Company shall take care for his
widdow during her widdowhood and aboade in that
country and plantation; and the like for his children
whilst they remaine upon the said plantation.
8.	Item, that the milke of 2 kyne shall bee appointed
towards the chardges of diete for him and his familye
as aforesaid, and halfe the increase of calves during
the said 3 years: But the said 2 kyne, and the other
halfe of the increase to returne to the Company at
the end of the said 3 years.
9.	Item, that he shall have liberty of carrying over
bedding, linnen, brasse, iron, pewter, of his owne for
his necessary use during the said tyme.
10.	Item, that if he continue 7 years upon the said
plantation, that then 100 acres of land more shall be
allotted him for him and his for ever.1
1 Hutchinson’s Collections (Prince Society’s reprint), i. 26.36
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
In connection with this, a document was signed by
Messrs. Higginson and Skelton, based partly on a
previous contract made by the Company with Rev.
Francis Bright, who came out with the others, but did
not remain long in the colony.1
Messrs. Higginson1 s and Skelton's Contract.
The 8 of April, 1629. Mr. ffrancis Higgeson and
Mr. Samuell Skelton intended ministers of this plan-
tacon, and it being thought meete to consider of their
entertainment, who expressing their willingness, to-
gether also with Mr. ffrancis Bright, being now present
to doe their endeavour in their places of the minis-
terie, as well in preaching, catechisinge, as also in
teaching or causing to be taught the Company’s ser-
vants and their children, wherby to their vttermost to
further the maine end of this plantation, being by the
assistance of Almighty God the convertion of the
salvages; the propositions and agreements concluded
on with Mr. ffrancis Bright the second of ffebruary
last, were reciprocallie accepted of by Mr. ffrancis
Higgeson and Mr. Samuell Skelton, who are in every
respect to have the like conditions as Mr. Bright hath,
only whereas Mr. Higgeson hath eight children, it is
intended that ^10 more yearly shalbe allowed him
towarde their chardges; And is agreed that the in-
crease to be improved of all their grounds during the
1 He soon left Salem for Charlestown, and in about a year
returned to England. Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts,
p. 316.MIGRATION TO THE NEW WORLD.
37
first 3 years, shalbe at the Companies disposeinge,
who are to find their dyet during that tyme; and
;£io more to Mr. Higgeson, towards his present
fitting him and his for the voyage.
Ffrancis Higgeson.
Samuel Skelton.
Furthermore, though it was not mentioned in the
agreement, but forgotten, Mr. Higgeson was promised
a man seruant to take care and look to his things,
and to catch him fish and foule and provide other
things needfull and also two maid seruants to look
to his family.1
1 Felt’s Annals of Salem (2d ed.), i. 511; Young’s Chron-
icles of Massachusetts, p. 211. Hutchinson does not include
this document.33
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
V.
“GENERALL CONSIDERATIONS” FOR THE
PLANTING OF NEW ENGLAND.
The land growes weary of her inhabitants, so that man, which is
the most precious of all creatures, is here more vile and base than the
earth they tread upon. — Generali Considerations (Consideration
Third).
There is in existence a document, long attributed,
on the high authority of Hutchinson, to Francis
Higginson, although later researches have suggested
for it another origin. Hutchinson gives a series of
documents with this general heading : —
“ Mr. Francis Higginson’s Agreement with the
Massachusetts Company, the Engagement of several
of the principal Undertakers to transport themselves
and Families, Mr. Higginson’s Journal of his Voyage,
his Considerations in favor of the design of colonizing,
and his answer to the objections made against it.”
This is certainly very explicit authority, and from
a careful and accurate source, dating as far back as
1769. On the other hand, Mr. Savage and Mr.
Young were positive (in 1846) that the manuscript
which they possessed — the same used by Hutchin-
son — was in the handwriting of John Winthrop; andGENERALL CONSIDERATIONS
39
Mr. R. C. Winthrop has cited (1869), from later in-
vestigation, additional reasons for thinking that part
or the whole of the document probably came from
his ancestor’s pen. But neither Savage, Young, nor
Winthrop meets fully the explicit assertion of Hutch-
inson, who was a careful writer, and stood almost a
century nearer to the events described. We know
from the testimony of John Higginson, in his Election
Sermon of 1662, that his father, Francis Higginson,
before leaving England, gave “ some account of his
grounds in a great assembly of many thousands at
Leicester, Old England; he mentioned this one, the
mercy of the Patent permitting People here to choose
their own magistrates, and to admit unto freedom
such as they should think meet, and that religion was
the principal end of this plantation.” 1 2 He being
thus in the habit of explaining publicly the “grounds”
of emigration, nothing is more likely than that he
should have also reduced those grounds to writing, for
the benefit of those not present; or that a statement
so made should be copied and passed from hand to
hand. Be this as it may, the “ Considerations ” are
here given pro tanto?
1	John Higginson’s Election Sermon (1662).
2	Mather (i. 65) gives the document, but without assigning
any authorship. Hutchinson (p. 27) gives it, explicitly attrib-
uting it to Francis Higginson. Felt strongly sustains him
(“Annals of Salem,” 2d ed. i. 69, and “ Ecclesiastical History
of New England,” i. 104, note). For the opposite view, see
Savage's Winthrop (i. 360), and his Genealogical Dictionary,
art. “Higginson;” also Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts40
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINS ON
Generali considerations for the plantation in New
England, with an answer to several objections.
First. It will be a service to the church of great
consequence, to carry the gospell into those parts of
the world, and to raise a bulwarke against the kingdom
of Antichrist which the Jesuits labour to rear up in all
places of the world.
Secondly. All other churches of Europe are brought
to desolation, and it may be justly feared that the like
judgment is coming upon us; and who knows but that
God hath provided this place to be a refuge for
many whom he meanes to save out of the general
destruction.
Thirdly. The land growes weary of her inhabitants,
so that man, which is the most precious of all crea-
tures, is here more vile and base than the earth they
tread upon; so as children, neighbours, and friends,
especially of the poore, are counted the greatest bur-
dens which, if things were right, would be the highest
earthly blessings.
Fourthly. Wee are growen to that excess and intem-
perance in all excess of riot as no meane estate almost
will suffice to keep saile with his equals, and he that
fayles in it must live in sorrow and contempt. Hence
it comes to passe that all arts and trades are carried in
that deceitful manner and unrighteous course as it is
(p. 278), and Winthrop’s Winthrop (i. 317). The latter’s text
differs considerably from that of Hutchinson, which is here
followed. Compare Hutchinson Papers (Prince Society), i. 29.GENERALL CONSIDERATIONS:
41
almost impossible for a good upright man to maintayne
his chardge and live comfortably in any of them.
Fifthly. The schools of learning and religion are so
corrupted, as (besides the unsupportable chardge of
this education) most children (even the best, wittiest,
and of fayerest hopes) are perverted, corrupted and
utterly over powered by the multitude of evill examples
and licentious governors of those seminaries.
Sixthly. The whole earth is the Lord’s garden and
hee hath given it to the sons of Adam to be tilled and
improved by them, why then should we stand starving
here for places of habitation (many men spending as
much labour and cost to recover or keepe sometymes
an acre or two of lands, as would procure him many
hundreds of acres, as good or better in another place)
and in the meane tyme suffer whole countryes as prof-
itable for the use of man, to lye waste without any
improvement ?
Seventhly. What can bee a better worke and more
noble and worthy a Christian, than to helpe to raise
and support a particular church while it is in its infancy,
and to join our forces with such a company of faithfull
people, as by a tymely assistance may grow stronger
and prosper, and for want of it may be put to great
hazzard if not wholly ruined ?
Eighthly. If any such as are known to bee godly and
live in wealth and prosperity here, shall forsake all this
to joyn themselves with this church, and runne in haz-
ard with them of hard and meane condition, it will be
an example of great use both for the removing of42
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
scandall and sinister and worldly respects, to give more
lyfe to the faith of God’s people in their prayers for
the plantation and also to encourage others to joyne
the more willingly in it.
Objections..
Object. I. It will be a great wrong to our owne
church and country to take away the best people; and
we still lay it more open to the judgments feared.
Ans. i st, The number will be nothing in respect of
those that are left. 2dly, Many that live to no use
here, more than for their own private familyes may bee
employed to a more common good in another place.
3dly, Such as are of good use here may yett be so
employed as the church shall receive no losse. And
since Christ’s coming the church is to be conceived as
universall without distinction of countryes, so as he
that doth good in any one place serves the church in
all places, in regard of the unitye. 4thly, It is the re-
vealed will of God that the gospell should be preached
to all nations, and though we know not whether the
Indians will receive it or not, yet it is a good worke
to observe God’s will in offering it to them; for God
shall have glory by it though they refuse it.
Obj. 2. We have feared a judgment a long tyme, but
yet we are safe; therefore it were better to stay till it
come, and either we may flie then, or if we be overtaken
in it wee may well be content to suffer with such a
church as ours is.
Ans. It is likely that this consideration made the“ GENERALL CONSIDERATIONS!
43
churches beyond the seas as the Palatinate and Rochel,
&c. to sit still at home, and not look out for shelter
while they might have found it, but the wofull spectacle
of their mine may teach us more wisdome to avoid
the plague while it is foreseene, and not to tarry as
they did till it overtooke them. If they were now at
their former liberty wee may be sure they would take
other courses for their safety. And though most of
them had miscarried in their escape, yet it had not
been halfe so miserable to themselves, or scandalous
to religion, as this desperate backsliding and abjuring
the truth, which many of the antient professors among
them, and the whole posterity that remayne are plunged
into.
Obj. 3. Wee have here a fruitfull land with peace
and plenty of all things.
Ans. Wee are like to have as good conditions there
in tyme; but yet we must leave all this abundance, if
it bee not taken from us. When we are in our graves,
it will be all one whether we have lived in plenty or in
penury, whether we have dyed in a bed of downe or
lockes of straw. Onely this the ^advantage of the
meane condition, that it is a more freedom to dye.
And the lesse comfort any have in the things of this
world, the more liberty they have to lay up treasure
in heaven.
Obj. 4. We may perish by the way or when wee
come there, having hunger or the sword, &c. and how
uncomfortable will it be to see our wives and children
and friends come to such miserie by our occasion ?44
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
Ans. Such objections savour too much of the flesh.
Who can secure himself or his from the like calami-
ties here? If this course be warrantable, we may
trust God’s providence for these things. Either he
will keep those evils from us, or will dispose them for
our good and enable us to bear them.
Obj. 5. But what warrant have we to take that land,
which is and hath been of long tyme possessed of
others the sons of Adam?
Ans. That which is common to all is proper to
none. This savage people ruleth over many lands
without title or property; for they inclose no ground,
neither have they cattell to maintayne it, but remove
their dwellings as they have occasion, or as they can
prevail against their neighbours. And why may not
Christians have liberty to go and dwell amongst them
in their waste lands and woods (leaving them such
places as they have manured for their corne) as law-
fully as Abraham did among the Sodomites? For
God hath given to the sons of men a two-fould right
to the earth; there is a naturall right and a civil right.
The first right was naturall when men held the earth
in common, every man sowing and seeding where he
pleased : Then, as men and cattell increased, they ap-
propriated some parcells of ground by enclosing and
peculiar manurance, and this in tyme got them a civil
right. Such was the right which Ephron the Hittite
had to the field of Machpelah, wherein Abraham could
not bury a dead corpse without leave, though for the
out parts of the countrey which lay common, he dwelt“GENERALL CONSIDERATIONS:
45
upon them and tooke the fruit of them at his pleasure.
This appears also in Jacob and his sons, who fedd
their flocks as bouldly in the Canaanites land, for he
is said to be Lord of the country; and at Dotham and
all other places men accounted nothing their owne,
but that which they had appropriated by their own
industry, as appears plainly by Abimelech’s servants,
who in their own countrey did often contend with
Isaac’s servants about wells which they had digged;
but never about the lands which they occupied. So
likewise betweene Jacob and Laban; he would not
take a kidd of Laban’s without speciall contract; but
he makes no bargaine with him for the land where he
fedd. And it is probable that if the countrey had not
been as free for Jacob as for Laban, that covetuous
wretch would have made his advantage of him, and
have upbraided Jacob with it as he did with the rest.
2dly, There is more than enough for them and us.
3dly, God hath consumed the natives with a miracu-
lous plague, whereby the greater part of the country
is left voide of inhabitants. 4thly, We shall come in
with good leave of the natives.
Obj. 6. We should send our young ones and such
as can best be spared, and not of the best of our min-
isters and magistrates.
Ans. It is a great worke, and requires more skilfull
artificers to lay the foundation of a new building, than
to uphold and repayre one that is already built. If
great things be attempted by weake instruments, the
effects will be answerable.46
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
Obj. 7. We see that those plantations that have
been formerly made succeeded ill.
Ans. The fruit of any public designe is not to be
discerned by the imediate success : it may appear in
tyme, that they were all to good use. 2dly, There
were great fundamental errours in others, which are
like to be avoided in this: for 1st there mayne end
and purpose was camall and not religious. 2d, They
aymed chiefly at profitt and not at the propagation of
religion. 3d, They used too unfitt instruments, a
multitude of rude and ungovemed persons, the very
scums of the land. 4th, They did not stablish a
right fourme of government.1
1 Hutchinson's Collections, pp. 27-31 (Prince Society’s
reprint, i. 29-34).A SEA-VOYAGE.
47
VI.
A SEA-VOYAGE IN THE SEVENTEENTH
CENTURY.
Those that love their owne chimney corner and dare not go farre
beyond their own townes end shall never have the honour to see
these wonderfull workes of Almighty God.—Francis Higginson :
Journal.
Let us now proceed to the journal itself. A manu-
script containing it — this not being the original, but
a very early copy — is in possession of the Massachu-
setts Historical Society. It formerly belonged to Gov.
Thomas Hutchinson, and was used by him when en-
tire, although it is now incomplete. He reprinted it
in his “ Collection of Original Papers rejative to the
History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. Boston,
New England: Printed by Thomas and John Fleet,
1769” (p. 32) ; and it has been again reprinted,
with the spelling modernized, in Young’s “ Chronicles
of Massachusetts ” (p.213). It claims to have been
“written from New England, July 24, 1629,” and was
probably sent home on the return of the “ Talbot ”
and “ Lion’s Whelp,” which are mentioned, in the
proceedings of the Corporation (Nov. 19, 1629), as
having then arrived.1 It has never, so far as I am
aware, been reprinted in England.
1 Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 90.48
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
A true relation of the last voyage to New England, declar-
ing all circumstances with the manner of the passage
we had by sea, and what manner of country and inhabi-
tants we found when we came to land ; and what is the
present state and condition of the English people that
are there already.
Faithfully recorded according to the very truth, for the
satisfaction of very many of my loving friends, who have
earnestly requested to be truly notifyed in these things.
Written from New England, July 24, 1629.
Any curious critickethat lookes forexactnes of phrases,
or expert seaman that regards propriety of sea-termes, may
be disappointed.
A true relation of the last voyage to New England,
made the last summer, begun the 25th of April, being
Saturday, Anno Domini, 1629.
“The Company of New England, consisting of
many worthy gentlemen in the citty of London, Dor-
cester, and other places, ayming at the glory of God,
the propagation of the gospell of Christ, the conver-
sion of the Indians, and the enlargement of the King’s
Majesty’s dominions in America, and being authorised
by his royal letters patents for that end, at their very
great costs and charges, furnished 5 ships to go to
New England, for the further settling of the English
plantation that they had already begun there.
“ The names of the 5 shipps were as followeth.
“ The first is called the Talbot, a good and strong
ship of 300 tunnes, and 19 pieces of ordinance, and
served with 30 mariners. This ship carried about anA SEA-VOYAGE,
49
ioo planters, 6 goates, 5 great pieces of ordinance,
with meale, oatemeale, pease, and all manner of mu-
nition and provision for the plantation for a twelve
monthe.
“ The second the George, another strong ship also,
about 300 tunnes, 20 pieces of ordinance, served with
about 30 mariners; her chiefe carriage were cattell,
12 mares, 30 kyne, and some goates: Also there gad
in her 52 planters and other provision.
“ The third is called the Lyon’s Whelpe, a neat and
nimble ship of 120 tunnes, 8 pieces of ordinance,
carrying in her many mariners and about 40 planters,
specially from Dorcester and other places thereabouts,
with provision, and 4 goats.
“The 4th is called the Four Sisters, as I heare, of
about 300 tunns, which sayme ship carried many
cattell, with passengers and provision.
“The 5th is called the Mayflower, carrying passen-
gers and provision.
“Now amongst these 5 ships, the George having
the special and urgent cause of hastening her passage,
set sayle before the rest about the middle of April.
And the Four Sisters and the Mayflower, being not
thoroughly furnished, intended, as we heard, to set
forth about 3 week after us: But we that were in the
Talbot and the Lyon’s Whelpe, being ready for our
voyage, by the good hand of God’s providence, hoysted
our sayle from Graves-end on Saturday the 25 th of
April, about 7 o’clock in the morning. Having but a
faynt wynd we could not go farre that day, but at
4LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
5°
night we arrived against Leigh, which is 12 miles from
Graves-end, and there we rested that night, and kept
Sabbath the next day.
“On Monday (the 27th) we sat forward and came
to the flatts, a passage somewhat difficult by reason of
the narrownes of the channel and shallownes of the
water; and going over this we were in some daunger :
for the ship being heavy laden and drawing deepe
water was sensibly felt of us all to strike 3 or 4 tymes
on the ground : but the wind blowing somewhat strong
we were carried swiftly on, and at last by God’s bless-
ing came safe to ancre at Gorin roade.
“Tuesday (28th) we went a little further, and ancred
over against Margret downe, staying for a wind for
the Downes.
“Wednesday (29th) we came safely through with
much turning and tacking thorow the gullies into the
Downes, and stayed that night.
“ Thursday (30th), Fryday and Saturday (May 1st
& 2d) the wind blew hard from south west and caused
our ship to daunce, and divers of our passengers and
my wiffe specially were sea sicke. Here the King’s
ship called the Assurance, pressed 2 of our mariners.
Here we saw many porpuses playing in the sea, which
they say is a signe of fowle weather.
“ (May 3). Sabbath day, a windye day and could :
We kept Sabbath staying still at the Downes.
“ Monday (4th) God sent us a fayre gale of winde,
North N. East, whereby we came merrily from the
Downes, and passing Dover we saw 6 or 7 saile ofA SEA-VOYAGE.
51
Dunkirkers1 wafting after us; but it seemed they saw
our company was too strong for them, for then we
had with us 3 or 4 ships that went for the Streights.
So they returned backe from pursuing us any longer.
But sayling with a good wind we went speedily, and
at night came neere the Isle of Wight, but being
darke, we durst not put into the channell, but put
backe for sea-roome 4 houres, and then other 4 houres
sayled backe agayne the same way.
“ Tuesday (5th) early in the morning we entered
the channell, the wind being weake and calme, and
passed by Portsmouth very slowly; but in the after-
noone the wind quickened, and we were forced to
ancre a little on this side Cowcastle, but the wind
growing more favourable, we weighed and came to
ancre againe, right against Cowcastle, thinking to stay
that night, the wind being very calme. Here I and
my wiffe and my daughter Mary, and 2 maids, and
some others with us, obtained of the master of the
ship to go ashoare to refresh us, and to wash our
linnens, and so we lay at Cowes that night. But the
wind turning when we were absent, they hoysted sayle
and left us there, and ancred 8 miles further, over
against Yarmouth, about 8 of the clocke at night.
“ Wednesday (6th) betyme in the morning the
shalope was sent from the ship to fetch us to Yarmouth;
but the water proved rough and our women desired to
1 Dunkirk was at this time a part of the Spanish Nether-
lands, and there was war between England and Spain.—
Young.52
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIG GINS ON.
be sett on shoare 3 miles short of Yarmouth, and so
went on foote by land and lodged in Yarmouth that
night.
“ On Thursday and Fryday (7th & 8th) there master
Becher, allowed by the Company, gave me 40s. to
make our provision of what things we would for the
voyage.
“ Saturday (9th) we went to board againe ; and this
day we had 2 other men pressed to serve the King’s
ship; but we got one agayne by intreaty.
“ The Sabbath next day (10th) we kept the ship,
where I preached in the morning; and in the after-
noone was intreated to preach at Yarmouth, where
Mr. Meare and Captain Borley entertained us very
kyndly, and earnestly desired to be satisfied of our
safe arrivall in New England, and of the state of the
country.
“ Monday morning (nth) blew a fayre wind from
E. S. E. and the Lion’s Whelpe having taken in all
her provision for passengers, about 3 of the clocke in
the aftemoone we hoysed sayle for the Needles, and
by God’s guidance safely passed that narrow passage
a little after 4 a clocke in the afternoone. And being
entred into the sea, from the top of the mast, we dis-
cerned 4 sayle of ships lying southward from us. But
night coming on we tooke in our long boate and
shalope. And the next day (12th) we had a fayre
gale of easterly wind that brought us towards night as
farre as the Lizzard.
“ Wednesday (13th) the wind still houlding easterly,A SEA-VOYAGE,
53
we came as farre as the land’s end, in the utmost part
of Cornwall, and so left our deare native soyle of
England behind us; and sayling about io leagues
further we passed the lies of Scillie and launched the
same day a great way into the maine ocean. And
now my wiffe and other passengers began to feele the
tossing waves of the westerne sea, and so were very
sea sicke.
“ And this is to be noted, that all this while our
passage hath beene upon the coast of England, so ought
truly to be accounted the first day of our parting with
Quid England.
“ Thursday (14th) the same easterly wind blew all
day and night, and the next day (15th) so that some
of the seamen thought we were come by this tyme
200 leagues from England, but toward night the wind
was calme.
“Saturday (16th) we were becalmed all day. This
day met us a little ship that came from Christopher
islands.
“Sabbath (17th) being the first Lord’s day we
held at sea was very calme, especially in the morning,
but we were disturbed in our morning service by the
appearance of a Biscayners ship, a man of warre, that
made towards us, and manned out his boate to view
us: But finding us too strong for him he durst not
venture to assault us, but made off.
“ This day my two children Samuel and Mary
began to be sicke of the small-pocks and purples
together, which was brought into the ship by one Mr.54
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
Browne who was sicke of the same at Graves-end,
whom it pleased God to make the first occasion of
bringing that contagious sicknes among us, wherewith
many were after afflicted.
“ Monday (18th) calme still, the wind being N. W.
blowing a little towards evening, but contrary to our
course.
“ Tuesday (19th) wind S. W. as little helpfull as
the former and blowing very weake. This day the
master of the ship, myselfe and another went aboard
the Lion’s Whelpe, where Mr. Gibs made us welcome
with bountifull entertainment. And this day towards
night my daughter grew sicker, and many blew spots
were seene upon her breast, which affrighted us. At
the first we thought they had beene the plague tokens;
but we found afterwards that it was only an high
measure of the infection of the pocks, which were
strucke agayne into the child, and so it was God’s
will the child dyed about 5 of the clocke at night,
being the first in our ship that was buried in the
bowells of the great Atlantic sea; which, as it was a
griefe to us her parents and a terrour to all the rest,
as being the beginning of a contagious disease and
mortality, so in the same judgment it pleased God to
remember mercy in the child, in forcing it from a
world of misery wherein otherwise she had lived all
her daies. For being about 4 years ould, a yeare
since, we know not by what meanes, sweyed in the
backe, so that it was broken and grew crooked, and
the joynts of her hipps were loosed and her kneesA SEA-VOYAGE.
55
went crooked, pittiful to see. Since which she hath
had a most lamentable payne in her belly, and would
oft tymes cry out in the day and in her sleep also, my
belly ! which declared her extraordinary distemper.
So that in respect of her we had cause to take her
death as a blessing from the Lord to shorten her
miserie.
“ Wednesday (20th) a wet morning, the wind was
W. S. W. and in the afternoone N. W. by W. both
being contrary to our course, which was to saile W.
by S. Thus it pleased God to lay his hand upon us
by sicknes and death and contrary winds; and stirred
up some of us to make the motion of humbling our-
selves under the hand of God by keeping a solemn
day of fasting and prayer unto God, to beseech him
to remove the continuance and further increase of
these evills from us, which was willingly condescended
unto as a duty very fitting and needful for our present
state and condition.
“ Thursday (21st) there being two ministers in the
ship, Mr. Smith and myselfe, we endeavoured, together
with others, to consecrate the day as a solemn fasting
and humiliation to Almighty God as a furtherance of
our present worke. And it pleased God the ship was
becalmed all day, so that we were freed from any
encumbrance : And as sonne as we had done pray-
ers, see and behold the goodnes of God, about 7 a
clock at night the wind turned to N. E. and we had
a fayre gale that night, as a manifest evidence of the
Lord’s hearing our prayers. I heard some of the56
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
mariners say, they thought this was the first sea-fast
that ever was kept, and that they never heard of the
like perfourmed at sea before.
“ Fryday (22d) the wind fayre, and east northerly,
and for our purpose for New England. It did blow
strongly and carried us on amayne with tossing waves,
which did affright them that were not wonted to such
sights.
“ Saturday (23d) the same wind blowing but more
gently. Now we were comforted with the hope of
my sonne Samuel’s recovery of the small pockes.
“ (24th) The 2d Lord’s day, an orderly wind and
prosperous.
“ On Monday (25th) a fayre furme gale, the wind
s. s. w.
“Tuesday (26th) about 10 of the clocke in the
morning, whilst we were at prayers a strong and sud-
den blast came from the north, that hoysed up the
waves and tossed us more than ever before, and held
us all the day till toward night, and then abated by
little and little till it was calme. This day Mr. Goffe’s
great dog fell overboard and could not be recovered.
“Wednesday (27th) the wind still N. and calme in
the morning, but about noone there arose a So. wind,
which encreased more and more, so that it proved to
us that are landmen a sore and terrible storme; for
the wind blew mightily, the rayne fell vehemently,
the sea roared and the waves tossed us horribly; be-
sides it was fearefull darke and the mariners mait was
afraid; and noyse on the other side with their runningA SEA-VOYAGE.
57
here and there, lowd crying one to another to pull at
this and that rope. The waves powred themselves
over the ship that the 2 boats were filled with water,
that they were fayne to strike holes in the midst of
them to let the water out. Yea by the violence of the
waves the long boates roape which held it was broken,
and it had like to have been washed overboard, had
not the mariners with much payne and daunger re-
covered the same. But this lasted not many houres;
after which it became a calmish day. All which while
I lay close and warme in my cabine, but farre from
having lift to sleepe with Jonah; my thoughts were
otherwise employed as the tyme and place required.
Then I saw the truth of the scripture Psal. 107, from
the 23d to the 32d. And my feare at this tyme was
the lesse, when I remembred what a loving friend of
myne, a minister accustomed to sea stormes, said to
me that I might not be dismayed at such stormes, for
they were ordinary at sea, and it seldome falls out that
a ship perisheth at them if it have sea-roome. Which
I the rather wryte that others as well as myselfe by the
knowledge hereof may be encouraged and prepared
against these ordinary sea-stormes.
“Thursday (28th) So.wind; calme at night.
“On Fry day (29th) a boistrous wind blowing crosse,
but was allayed towards night with a showre of rayne.
“ Saturday (30th) So. wind, but fayre and quiett.
“Sabbath day (31st) being the 3d Lord’s day, fayre
and calme ; we saw abundance of grampus fishes, 2 or
3 yards long, and a body as bigg as an oxe.58
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
“Monday (June i) the wind westerly and calme:
But besides our being stayed by contrary winds we
begun to find the temperature of the ayre to alter and
to become more soletry and subject to unwholsome
foggs. For coming now to the height of the Westerne
Hands, some of our men fell sicke of the scurvie and
others of the small pockes, which more and more in-
creased : Yet thankes be to God none dyed of it but
my owne child mentioned. And therefore, according
to our great need, we appointed another fast for the
next day.
“Tuesday (2d) we solemnly celebrate another fast.
The Lord that day heard us before we prayed and gave
us an answer before we called; for early in the morning
the wind turned full east, being as fitt a wind as could
blow. And sitting at my study on the ship’s poope I
saw many bonny fishes and porpuses pursuing one
another, and leaping some of them a yard above the
water. Also as we were at prayers under the hatch,
some that were above saw a whale puffing up water
not farre from the ship. Now my wiffe was pretty
well recovered of her sea-sicknesse.
“Wednesday (3d) a fayre day and fine gale of full
East wind. This day myselfe and others saw a large
round fish sayling by the ship’s side about a yard in
length and roundeth every way. The mariners call it
a sunne fish; it spreadeth out the finnes like beames
on every side 4 or 5.
“Thursday and Fryday (4th & 5th) the wind full E.
we were carried with admiration on our journey. ByA SEA-VOYAGE.
59
this we were more than half way to New England.
This day a fish very straunge to me, they call it a car-
vell; which came by the ship side, wafting along the
top of the water. It appeared at the first like a bub-
ble above the water as bigg as a man’s fist, but the
fishe itselfe is about the bignes of a man’s thum, so
that the fish itselfe and the bubble resemble a ship
with sayles, which therefore is called a carvell.
“ Saturday (6th) wind direct East still.
“ (7th) The 4th Sabbath we kept at sea. The wind
easterly till noone, and then it came full S. E. a strong
gale that night and the next day (8th) till night.
Tuesday (9th) the same wind held till 9 a clock in
the morning; and then a great showre which lasted
till about 7 at night, and then it was a very calme.
There we sounded with a dipsea lyne above 100 fad-
ome and found no bottom. This day we saw a fish
called a turkle, a great and large shell fish, swimming
above the water neere the ship.
“ Wednesday (10th) wind northerly, a fine gale but
calmish in the afternoone.
“ Thursday (nth) the wind at N. an easye gale and
fayre morning. We saw a mountayne of ice shining
as white as snow like to a great rocke or clift on shoare,
it stood still and therefore we thought it to be on
ground and to reach the bottom of the sea. For
though there came a mighty streame from the north
yet it moved not, which made us sound, and we found
a banke of 40 fathom deepe whereupon we judged it
to rest: and the height above was as much. We saw6o
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
also 6 or 7 pieces of ice, floating on the sea, which
was broken off from the former mountayne. We also
saw great store of water fowle swimming by the shipp
within musket shott, of a pyde colour and about
the bigness of a wild duck, about 40 in a company.
The mariners call them hag birds. Towards night
came a fogge, that the Lion’s Whelp was lost till morn-
ing. And now we saw many bony fish porpuses and
grampuses every day more and more.
“Fryday (12th) Foggie and calmish, the wind
northerly in the morning, but about noon it came S. E.
a dainty loome gale which carried us 6 leagues a
watch.
“ Saturday (13th) the same wind till night, and we
saw great store of porpuses and grampuses.
“The 5th sabbath, (14th) the same wind, towards
noon it began to be foggie, and then it rained till
night, we went 4 or 5 leagues a watch.
“ Monday (15th) a fayre day but foggie, the same
wind blowing but with fresh gales carried us 7 leagues
a watch. In the afternoon it blew harder, so the sea
was rough, and we lost the sight of the Lion’s Whelpe :
it being foggie we drummed for them, and they shot
of a great piece of ordinance, but we heared not one
another.
“Tuesday (16th) wind S. by E. foggie till about 10
a clocke. While we were at prayers it cleared up about
an houre, and then we saw the Lion’s Whelpe, distant
about 2 leagues southward, we presently tact about
to meet her, and she did the same to meet us, butA SEA-VOYAGE.
6l
before we could get together a thick fogge came, that
we were long in finding each other. This day we
sounded divers tymes, and found ourselves on another
banke, at first 40 fathom, after 36, after 33, after 24.
We thought it to have been the bank over against
Cape Sable, but we were deceived, for we knew not
certainly where we were because of the fogge. After
3 or 4 hours company we lost the Lion’s Whelpe
agayne, and beate the drum and shot of a great piece
of ordinance, and yet heard not of them. But per-
ceiving the bank to grow still shallower we found it
27 and 24 fathoms. Therefore, being a fogg, and
fearing we were too neare land we tackt about for
sea-roome for 2 or 3 watches, and steered southeast.
“ Wednesday (17th) very foggie still, and wind S.
by W. and sounding found no bottome that we could
reach.
“ Thursday (18th) wind full W. and contrary to us.
This day a notorious wicked fellow that was given to
swering and boasting of his former wickednes, bragged
that he had got a wench with child before he came
this voyage, and mocked at our daies of fast, railing
and jesting against puritans, this fellow fell sicke of the
pockes and dyed. We sounded and found 38 fathom,
and stayed, for a little while, to take some cod fish,
and feasted ourselves merrily.
“Fryday (19th) wind West still, a very fayre clear
day. About 4 a clock in the aftemoone some went
up to the top of the mast, and affirmed to our great
comfort they saw land to the northeastward.62
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
“ Saturday (20th) wind S. W. a fayre gale. We
sounded and found 40, 30, 22, and a little after no
ground.
“Sabbath (21st) being the 6th Lord’s day; wind
northerly but fayre and calm.
“Monday (22d) wind easterly, a fayre gale. This
day we saw a great deal of froth not farre from us :
we feared it might be some breach of water against
some rockes, therefore the master of our ship hoisted
out the shallop and went with some of the men to see
what it was; but found it onely to be a froath carried
by the streame.
“Tuesday (23d) the wind N. E. a fayre gale.
“Wednesday (24th) wind N. E. a fayre day and
cleare; about 9 a clocke in the morning we espied a
shipp about 4 leagues behind us; which proved to be
the Lion’s Whelpe, which had been a weeke seperated
from us, we stoped for her company. This day a
child of good man Clarke, which had a consumption
before it came to shipp, died. This day we had all a
cleare and comfortable sight of America, and of the
Cape Sable that was over against us 7 or 8 leagues
northward. Here we saw yellow gilliflowers on the
sea.
“Thursday (25th) wind still N. E. a full and fresh
gale. In the afternoon we had a cleare sight of many
islands and hills by the sea shoare. Now we saw
abundance of mackrill, a great store of great whales
puffing up water as they goe, some of them came
neere our shipp: this creature did astonish us thatA SEA-VOYAGE.
63
saw them not before; their back appeared like a little
island. At 5 a clocke at night the wind turned S. E.
a fayre gale. This day we caught mackrill.
“ Fryday (26th) a foggie morning, but after cleare
and wind calme. We saw many scools of mackrill,
infinite multitudes on every side our ship. The sea
was abundantly stored with rockweed and yellow
flowers like gilly-flowers. By noon we were within 3
leagues of Capan, and as we sayled along the coasts
we saw every hill and dale and every island full of
gay woods and high trees. The nearer we came to
the shoare the more flowers in abundance, sometymes
scattered abroad, sometymes joyned in sheets 9 or 10
yards long, which we supposed to be brought from
the low meadowes by the tyde. Now what with fine
woods and greene trees by land, and these yellow
flowers paynting the sea, made us all desirous to see
our new paradise of New England, whence we saw
such forerunning signals of fertilitie afarre off. Com-
ing neare the harbour towards night we takt about
for sea-roome.
“ Saturday (27th) a foggie morning; but after 8
o’clocke in the morning very cleare, the wind being
somewhat contrary at So. and by West, we tackt to
and againe with getting little; but with much adoe,
about 4 o’clocke in the afternoone, having with much
payne compassed the harbour, and being ready to
enter the same, see how things may suddenly change !
there came a fearfull gust of wind and rayne and
thunder and lightning, whereby we were borne with64
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
no little terrour and trouble to our mariners, having
very much adoe to loose downe the sayles when the
fury of the storme held up. But God be praised it
lasted but a while and soone abated agayne. And
hereby the Lord shewed us what he could have done
with us, if it had pleased him. But blessed be God,
he soone removed this storme and it was a fayre and
sweet evening.
“We had a westerly wind which brought us between
5 and 6 o’clock to a fyne and sweet harbour,1 7 miles
from the head point of Capan. This harbour 20 ships
may easily ryde therein, where there was an island
whither four of our men with a boate went, and brought
backe agayne ripe strawberries and gooseberries, and
sweet single roses.2 Thus God was merciful to us in
giving us a tast and smell of the sweet fruit as an
earnest of his bountiful goodnes to welcome us at
our first arrivall. This harbour was two leagues and
something more from the harbour at Naimkecke,
where our ships were to rest, and the plantation is
already begun. But because the passage is difficult
and night drew on, we put into Capan harbour,
“ (28th) The Sabbath, being the first we kept in
America, and the 7th Lord’s day after we parted with
England.
“Monday (29th) we came from Capan, to go to
1	Gloucester harbor.
2	This was Ten-Pound Island, where wild roses and straw-
berries still grow. Young assumes that the roses were sweet-
brier ; but the common wild roses of Cape Ann are fragrant.A SEA-VOYAGE.
65
Naimkecke, the wind northerly. I should have tould
you before that the planters spying our English
colours the Govemour sent a shalop with 2 men on
Saturday to pilot us. These rested the Sabbath with
us at Capan; and this day, by God’s blessing and
their directions, we passed the curious and difficult
entrance into the large spacious harbour of Naim-
kecke. And as we passed along it was wonderful to
behould so many islands replenished with thicke wood
and high trees, and many fayre greene pastures. And
being come into the harbour we saw the George to our
great comfort then being come on Tuesday which was 7
daies before us. We rested that night with glad and
thankful hearts that God had put an end to our long and
tedious journey through the greatest sea in the world.
“The next morning (30th) the governour came
aboard to our ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and
invited me and my wiffe to come on shoare, and take
our lodging in his house, which we did accordingly.
“ Thus you have a faithful report collected from day
to day of all the particulars that were worth noting in
our passage.
“ Now in our passage divers things are remarke-
able: —
“First, through God’s blessing our passage was
short and speedy, for whereas we had 1000 leagues,
that is 3000 miles English, to saile from Ould t9 New
566
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
England, we performed the same in 6 weeks and 3
dayes.
“ Secondly, our passage was comfortable and easie
for the most part, having ordinarily fayre and moderate
wind, and being freed for the most part from stormie
and rough seas, saving one night only, which we
that were not used thought to be more terrible than
indeed it was, and this was Wednesday at night May
27 th.
“ Thirdly, our passage was also healthfull to our pas-
sengers, being freed from the great contagion of the
scurvie and other maledictions, which in other pas-
sages to other places had taken away the lives of
many. And yet we were in all reason in wonderful
danger all the way, our ship being greatly crowded
with passengers; but through God’s great goodness
we had none that died of the pockes but that wicked
fellow that scorned at fasting and prayer. There were
indeed 2 little children, one of my owne and another
beside ; but I do not impute it meerely to the passage ;
for they were both very sickly children, and not likely
to have lived long, if they had not gone to sea. And
take this for a rule, if children be healthfull when they
come to sea, the younger they are the better they will
endure the sea, and are not troubled with sea-sicknes
as older people are, as we had experience in many
children that went this voyage. My wiffe indeed, in
tossing weather, was something ill by vomiting, but in
calme weather she recovered agayne, and is now much
better for the sea sicknes. And for my owne part,A SEA-VOYAGE.
67
whereas I have for divers yeares past been very sickly
and ready to cast up whatsoever I have eaten, and
was very sicke at London and Gravesend, yet from
the tyme I came on shipboard to this day, I have
been straungely healthfull. And now I can digest our
ship diett very well, which I could not when I was at
land. And indeed in this regard 1 have great cause
to give God praise, that he hath made my coming to
be a method to cure me of a wonderful weake stomacke
and continual payne of melancholly wynd from the
splene : Also divers children were sicke of the small
pockes, but are safely recovered agayne, and 2 or 3
passengers towards the latter end of the voyage fell
sicke of the scurvie, but coming to land recovered in
a short tyme.
“ Fourthly, our passage was both pleasureable and
profitable. For we received instruction and delight
in behoulding the wonders of the Lord in the
deepe waters, and sometimes seeing the sea round
us appearing with a terrible countenance, and as it
were full of high hills and deepe vallyes; and some-
times it appeared as a most plain and even meadow.
And ever and anon we saw divers kynds of fishes
sporting in the great waters, great grampuses and
huge whales going by companies and puffing up
water-streames. Those that love their owne chim-
ney comer, and dare not go farre beyond their owne
townes end shall neever have the honour to see these
wonderfull workes of Almighty God.
“ Fifthly, we had a pious and christian-like passage ;68
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
for I suppose passengers shall seldom find a company
of more religious, honest, and kynd seamen than we
had. We constantly served God morning and even-
ing by reading and expounding a chapter, singing,
and prayer. And the Sabbath was solemnly kept by
adding to the former, preaching twise and catechis-
ing. And in our great need we kept 2 solemne fasts,
and found a gracious effect. Let all that love and use
fasting and praying take notise that it is as prevail eable
by sea as by land, wheresoever it is faithfully per-
formed. Besides the ship master and his company
used every night to sett their 8 and 12 a clocke
watches with singing a psalme and prayer that was
not read out of a booke. This I wryte not for boast-
ing and flattery; but for the benefit of those that
have a mynd to come to New England hereafter,
that if they looke for and desyre to have as prosper-
ous a voyage as we had, they may use the same
meanes to attayne the same. So letting passe our pas-
sage by sea, we will now bring our discourse to land
on the shoare of New England, and I shall by God’s
assistance endeavour to speake nothing but the naked
truth, and both acquaint you with the commodities
and discommodities of the country.”
Much discussion has arisen as to the number of
persons who actually arrived with Higginson. It will
be remembered that up to this time, and long after,
the Plymouth Colony was wholly distinct from the
Massachusetts Colony, and was habitually spoken ofA SEA-VOYAGE.
69
as “ beyond Massachusetts ” — or Mattachusets or
Masathulets, according as the difficult word chanced
to be pronounced or spelled. John White’s “ Brief
Relation ” or “ Planter’s Plea,” for instance (London,
1630), uses this expression. A few stragglers, after-
ward habitually mentioned as “ The Old Planters,”
had settled round what were afterward Boston and
Salem. But the first emigration under the authority
of the Massachusetts Company was that under Endi-
cott, who sailed in June, 1828. John White says:
“ Master Endecott was sent over governor, assisted
with a few men, and arriving in safety there in Sep-
tember, 1628, and uniting his own men with those
who were formerly planted in the country into one
body, they made up in all not much above fifty or
sixty persons. His prosperous journey and safe ar-
rival of himself and all his company, and good report
which he sent back of the country, gave such en-
couragement to the work, that more adventurers join-
ing with the first undertakers, and all engaging
themselves more deeply for the prosecution of the
design, they sent over the next year about three hun-
dred persons more.”1 This would seem plain enough.
Deputy-Governor Dudley also wrote to the Countess
of Lincoln, daughter of Lord Say and Sele, in 1631,
speaking of the same emigration: “ We sent divers
ships over with about three hundred people, and
some cows, goats, and horses, many of which arrived
safely.” 2 Higginson’s own claim is that they brought
1 White, in Young’s Chronicles, p. 13.	2 Young, p. 310.7o
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIG GINS ON.
two hundred passengers and planters. But whether
by “ planters ” he intended to include women and
children, or even those who came as servants to other
planters, has been seriously questioned. It is the
opinion of Barry, Felt, Herbert Adams, and other
authorities, that the number of servants sent to Salem
was one hundred and eighty, and that Higginson’s
estimate did not include these.1 The matter was
very fully discussed in the Boston “ Daily Advertiser ”
(Dec. 9, 1850, and Jan. 1, 1851) ; and the corre-
spondence was reprinted in a pamphlet entitled “ A
Brief Passage at Arms in relation to a small point of
History,” and privately printed by Mr. S. F. Haven,
then Librarian of the American Antiquarian Society,
who was one of the disputants, and who inclined
strongly to the larger number as above. This seems
to be the later tendency of opinion; but it is a matter
that need not here be further considered.
1 Barry's History of Massachusetts, i. 165; Adams, in Es-
sex Inst. Hist. Coll. xix. 162.A LETTER SENT HOME.
71
VII.
A LETTER SENT HOME.
A Letter then from New England, and for a considerable time
after, was Venerated as a Sacred Script,or as the Writing of some Holy
Prophet. — Scottow : Narrative of the Planting of the Massachu-
setts Colony.
Scottow, in his “ Narrative/1 tells us, in regard to
this period, that “ a Letter then from New England,
and for a considerable time after, was Venerated as a
Sacred Script, or as the writing of some Holy Prophet;
’t was carried many Miles, where divers came to hear
it.” 1 One of these cherished letters was probably the
following from Francis Higginson, sent back, in Felt’s
opinion, about July 24, 1629,2 3 and giving his impres-
sions of his new life after little more than a month on
shore. Young assigns it to September, and thinks
that this is the letter mentioned by Winthrop, in a
letter to his son John (Oct. 9, 1629),8 thus hardly
allowing time enough for the long voyage. It is
thus printed in Hutchinson’s Collections: —
1	“ Narrative,” etc., Mass. Hist. Coll, xxxiv. 293.
2	Felt’s Annals of Salem (2d ed.), i. 116.
3	Winthrop’s History, i. 361; Young’s Chronicles of Massa-
chusetts, p. 264.72
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
Some brief collections out of a letter that Mr. Higginson
sent to his friends at Leicester.
“ There are certainly expected here the next
spring the coming of 60 familyes out Dorcetter-
shire, who have by letters signified so much to the
Governour to desyre him to appoint them places of
habitations; they bringing their ministers with them.
Also many families are expected out of Lincolnshire
and a minister with them, and a great company
of godly Christians out of London. Such of you as
come from Leister, I would counsell you to come
quickly, and that for two reasons, ist, if you linger
too long, the passages of Jordan through the malice
of Sathan may be stopped; that you can not come
if you would.1 2dly, Those that come first speed
best here, and have the priviledge of choosing choise
places of habitations. Little children of 5 years ould
may by setting corne one month be able to get their
owne maintenance abundantly. Oh what a good worke
might you that are rich do for your poore brethren, to
helpe them with your purses onely to convey them
hither with their children and families, where they
may live as well both for soule and body as any where
in the world. Besides they will recompense the cost
by helping to build houses and plant your ground for a
tyme ; which shall be difficult worke at the first, except
1 This prediction was soon fulfilled, and great obstacles were
put in the way of emigration. See Chalmers's Annals, i. 161 ;
Savage’s Winthrop, i. 109; Young’s Chronicles of Massachu-
setts, p. 260, note.A LETTER SENT HOME.
73
you have the helpe of many hands. Mr. Johnson
out of Lincolnshire and many others have helped our
godly Christians hither, to be employed in their worke
for a while, and then to live of themselves. We have
here about 40 goats that give milke, and as many
milch kyne; we have 6 or 7 mares and an horse, and
do every day expect the coming of half a score mares
more, and 30 kyne by two shipps that are to follow
us.1 They that come let them bring mares, kyne and
sheepe as many as they can : Ireland is the best place
to provide sheepe, and lyes in the way. Bring none
that are in lambe, nor mares in foale; for they are in
more danger to perish at sea. Of all trades carpen-
ters are more needful, therefore bring as many as you
can. It were a wise course for those that are of abili-
ty es to joyne together and buy a shipp for the voy-
age and other merchandize. For the governor2 * would
that any man may employ his stocke in what merchan-
dises he pleases, excepting onely beaver skins, which
the company of merchants reserve to themselves and
the managing of the publique stocke. If any be of the
mynde to buy a shipp, my cousin Nowells8 counsell
would be good. Also one Mr. [Beecher] a very godly
man and the master of the ship we went in, and like-
wise one Mr. Graves,4 * the master’s maite, dwelling in
1	The “ Four Sisters ” and the “ Mayflower.”
2	Endicott.
8 Increase Nowell, afterward Secretary of the colony.
Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 262, note.
4 This Graves came annually to the colony for seven years,
and was (probably) made a Rear Admiral by Cromwell, for74
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
Wapping, may herein staund you in steed. The pay-
ment of the transportation of things is wondrous deare,
as 5/. a man, and 10/. a horse, and commonly 3/.
for every tunne of goodes : So that a little more then
will pay for the passage will purchase the possession
of a ship for all together.
“No man hath or can have a house built for him
here unlesse he comes himselfe, or else sends seruants
before to do it for him. It was an errour that I now
perceive both in myselfe, and others did conceive by
not rightly understanding the merchaunts meaning.
For we thought that all that put in their money into
the common stocke should have a house built for
them, besides such a portion of land; but it was not
so. They shall indeed have so much land allotted to
them when they come to take possession of it and
make use of it, but if they will have houses they must
build them. Indeed we that are ministers, and all
the rest that were entertained and sent over and main-
tained by the rest of the company, as their servants,
for such a tyme in such employments, all such are to
have houses built them of the companies charge and
no others nor otherwise. They that put money into
the stocke, as they do a good worke to helpe forwards
so worthy a plantation, so all the gayne they are like
to have, is according to the increase of the stocke at
3 yeares end, by the trade of beaver, besides the lands
which they shall enjoy when they will.
“ All that come must have victualls with them for
capturing a Dutch privateer. See Young’s Chronicles of Mas-
sachusetts, p. 262, note.A LETTER SENT HOME.
75
a twelve month, I meane they must have meale, oat-
meale and such like sustenaunce of food, till they can
gett increase of come by their owne labour. For,
otherwise, so many may come without provision at
the first, as that our small beginnings may not be suf-
ficient to maintayne them.
“ Before you come be carefull to be strongly instructed
what things are fittest to bring with you for your more
comfortable passage at sea, as also for your husband-
rey occasions when you come to the land. For when
you are once parted with England you shall meete
neither with taverns nor alehouse, nor butchers, nor
grosers, nor apothecaries shops to helpe what things
you need, in the midst of the great ocean, nor when
you are come to land, here are yet neither markets
nor fayres to buy what you want. Therefore be sure
to furnish yourselves with things fitting to be had be-
fore you come ; as meale for bread, malt for drinke,
woollen and linnen cloath, and leather for shoes, and
all manner of carpenters tooles, and a good deale of
iron and Steele to make nailes, and lockes for houses
and furniture for ploughs and carts, and glasse for
windowes, and many other things which were better
for you to think of them there than to want them here.
“ Whilst I was writing this letter my wiffe brought
me word that the fishers had caught 1600 basse at one
draught, which if they were in England were worth
many a pound.” 1
1 Reprinted from Hutchinson’s Collections, p. 47 (Prince
reprint, i. 52). It has also been printed (with spelling mod-
ernized) in Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 260.;6
LIFE OF FRANCIS HICGINSON.
VIII.
THE FIRST AMERICAN ORDINATION.
Consulted with them about settling a reformed congregation.—
Morton : New England's Memorial.
There are few things more curious in religious his-
tory than the promptness with which the Massachu-
setts Bay Puritans, once upon the soil of a new con-
tinent, threw off the whole English system of church
organization. “ Not a fragment of hierarchical order
found a place in the fabric of the New England
churches; ” 1 and Francis Higginson, who claimed
that he and his friends did not “ go to New England
as separatists from the Church of England,” at once
became practically a separatist himself, without a trace
of intermediate hesitation. Dr. Palfrey thinks that
the mere experience of a six weeks’ voyage may have
wholly changed the mental attitude of those who en-
dured its ordeal, and says truly that “ as one party
after another of earnest men came to confer together
on New England soil, it is striking to observe to
what an extent they had grown to be of one mind
respecting the duty of rejecting the whole constitu-
tion of the English establishment.” 2 Unquestionably
1 Palfrey, i. 298.
2 Ibid.THE FIRST AMERICAN ORDINATION 77
the visits of men from the Plymouth Colony, who were
already separatists, had an influence on the action of
the men at Massachusetts Bay; and Governor Endi-
cott, before the arrival of Higginson, writing to Gov-
ernor Bradford, of Plymouth, to thank him for the
ministrations of one of these visitors, had said, “ I re-
joice much that I am by him satisfied touching your
judgments of the outward form of God’s worship.” 1
It is also to be noticed that a so-called separatist
minister, Ralph Smith, was the companion of Higgin-
son on his six weeks’ voyage, his desire to come hav-
ing been granted, as the Company said, “ before we
understood of his difference in judgment in some
things from our ministers; ”2 and it may be that his
judgment had its influence on his companions dur-
ing the long discussions of those weary days.
A very important factor in the case was undoubt-
edly the influence of Dr. Samuel Fuller, of the
Plymouth Colony, who was summoned to Salem
by Endicott before Higginson’s arrival.8 He was
brought there to attend upon the sick, but Dr. Fuller
was also Deacon Fuller; his visit strengthened the
friendship between Endicott and Bradford, and un-
questionably encouraged the fearless Salem governor
to accept the position of independent Congregation-
alism. Probably the same result would have followed
without his visit; and the wisdom of John Robin-
1	Palfrey, i. 296.
2	Bacon’s Genesis of the New England Churches, p. 463.
8 Osgood’s Sketch of Salem, p. 5.7 8	LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
son’s prediction to the Plymouth men would have
been vindicated: “There will be no difference be-
tween the conformable ministers and you, when they
came to the practice of the ordinances out of the
kingdom.”1 Yet so great was the facility with
which these new converts accepted the new views,
that we must conclude that they had simply ripened
to a position where they would fall off from the parent
church at a single touch from any one.
The nearest approach to a contemporary account
of this first American ordination is to be found in the
work called " Morton’s New England’s Memorial,” —
first published in 1669, — inasmuch as all the earlier
part was professedly founded on the manuscripts of
Governor Bradford of the Plymouth Colony, who gave
the “right hand of fellowship” at the ordination. Its
authenticity is further established, for this purpose,
from the fact that the book had a preface signed by
John Higginson and Thomas Thacher, the former
having been almost old enough, at the time of the
ordination, to be admitted to the church, and having
doubtless been intimately familiar with all that took
place. Morton’s account begins as follows: —
“ Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton, in pursuance of
the ends of their coming over into this wilderness,
acquainted the Governour, Mr. Endicot, and the rest
of the godly people whom they found inhabitants of
the place, and the chief of the passengers that came
1 Winslow in Young’s Plymouth, p. 398.THE FIRST AMERICAN ORDINATION. 79
over with them, with their professed intentions, and
consulted with them about settling a reformed con-
gregation; from whom they found a general and
hearty concurrence, so that, after some conference
together about this matter, they pitched upon the 6th
of August for their entering into a solemn covenant
with God, and one another, and also for the ordain-
ing of their ministers; of which they gave notice to
the church of Plimouth, that being the only church
that was in the country before them. The people
made choice of Mr. Skelton for their pastor, and Mr.
Higginson for their teacher. And accordingly it was
desired of Mr. Higginson to draw up a confession of
faith and covenant in scripture language ; which being
done, was agreed upon.” 1
As this covenant was an important event in the
religious history of Puritanism, it must by no means
be omitted, especially as it was the written document
of this eventful day, and not the spoken services, which
went on record. Cotton Mather says : “ Mr. Higgin-
son drew up a confession of faith with a scriptural
representation of the covenant of grace applied unto
the present purpose, whereof thirty copies were taken
for the thirty persons which were to begin the working
of gathering the church.” 2 He gives the document
itself, as follows : —
1	Morton's New England’s Memorial, ed. 1826, p. 145*
2	Magnalia, i. 328,329.So
LIFE OF FRANCIS H1GGINS0N.
“ We Covenant with our Lord, and one with another;
and we do bind ourselves in the presence of God, to
walk together in all his ways, according as he is pleased
to reveal himself unto us in his blessed word of truth;
and do explicitly, in the name and fear of God, pro-
fess and protest to walk as followeth, through the
power and grace of our Lord Jesus Christ.
“ We avouch the Lord to be our God, and our selves
to be his people, in the truth and simplicity of our
spirits.
“ We give our selves to the Lord Jesus Christ, and
the word of his grace for the teaching, ruling and
sanctifying of us in matters of worship and conversa-
tion, resolving to cleave unto him alone for life and
glory, and to reject all contrary ways, canons, and
constitutions of men in his worship.
“ We promise to walk with our brethren, with all
watchfulness and tenderness, avoiding jealousies and
suspicions, back-bitings, censurings, provokings, secret
risings of spirit against them; but in all offences to
follow the rule of our Lord Jesus, and to bear and for-
bear, give and forgive, as he hath taught us.
“ In public or private, we will willingly do nothing
to the offense of the church; but will be willing to
take advice for our selves and ours, as occasion shall
be presented.
“ We will not in the congregation be forward either
to show our own gifts and parts in speaking or scru-
pling, or there discover the weakness or failings of our
brethren; but attend an orderly call thereunto, know-THE FIRST AMERICAN ORDINATION Si
ing how much the Lord may be dishonoured, and his
gospel, and the profession of it, slighted by our dis-
tempers and weaknesses in public.
“ We bind our selves to study the advancement of
the gospel in all truth and peace; both in regard of
those that are within or without; no way slighting our
sister churches, but using their counsel, as need shall
be ; not laying a stumbling-block before any, no, not
the Indians whose good we desire to promote; and
so to converse, as we may avoid the very appearance
of evil.
“ We do hereby promise to carry our selves in all
lawful obedience to those that are over us, in Church
or Commonwealth, knowing how well-pleasing it will
be to the Lord, that they should have encouragement
in their places, by our not grieving their spirits through
our irregularities.
“We resolve to approve our selves to the Lord in
our particular callings; shunning idleness as the bane
of any state ; nor will we deal hardly or oppressingly
with any, wherein we are the Lord’s stewards.
“ Promising also unto our best ability to teach our
children and servants the knowledge of God, and of
His Will, that they may serve Him also; and all this
not by any strength of our own, but by the Lord
Christ: whose blood we desire may sprinkle this our
Covenant made in His name.”1
i Magnalia, i. 66. It was also reprinted in the notes to
Morton’s Memorial (ed. 1826), p. 389; in Upham’s Dedica-
tion Sermon, Nov. 12,1826, Appendix I., and in the “ Radical ”
68 2
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINS ON
This covenant, whose whole tone is more compre-
hensive and liberal than any other similar document
of the Puritan period within my knowledge, was
superseded by one more “ explicit,” as was claimed,
but less liberal, in 1636. A full account of this later
covenant, showing what parts of the original document
are included in it, has been prepared by a later min-
ister of the First Church, the Rev. Charles Wentworth
Upham.1 But in a previous discourse on a similar
occasion the same gentleman, himself an Unitarian,
had expressed the opinion that the original covenant
was comprehensive enough to cover everything which
claimed the Christian name. He says of it: “ Were
not the principles of the Reformation exhibited and
established in the covenant which was drawn up and
adopted on this same 6th of August? A covenant
to which all good Christians of every denomination,
to the end of time, will be able to subscribe their
names, — written in a style of touching simplicity
which has seldom been equalled, and containing sen-
timents which are felt to be eloquent by every amiable
and pious heart, and should form the bond to unite
the whole church on earth, as they will unite the
church of the Redeemed in Heaven. This covenant
might well be adopted by all Congregational and
Protestant churches, and it will forever constitute the
Magazine, Boston, iiL 484. Compare Mass. Hist. Coll., 1st
series, vi, 283.
1 Address at the Re-dedication of the First Church in Salem,
Mass., Dec, 8, 1867.THE FIRST AMERICAN ORDINATION. 83
glory, perpetuate the fame, and render precious the
memory of Francis Higginson.”1
Another Salem clergyman, writing earlier than Mr.
Upham, and like him an Unitarian in opinion, had
praised this early covenant with a praise that was
rather more finely discriminated. Rev. Dr. Bentley,
in his “ Description of Salem,” first published in 1800,
said of this statement: “ It may be esteemed, if not
for its theology, for its simplicity. If it speak not the
language of a sect, it breathes the spirit of Christian
union. It never could be intended so much to display
opinions, as by writter obligation to fasten men to-
gether. It is the inartificial range of thought forget-
ting the eyes of posterity, and without polemic or
scholastic refinement. It was more an act of piety
than of study. And it was recollected afterwards more
from devotion and patriotism than religious prejudice.
It did all the good which was intended, and from its
peculiar character it could not live for the purposes
of superstition.” 2 Happy indeed was the man who
could deserve such an encomium as this; who could
in that age of religious hostilities frame a religious
agreement which could “ fasten men together,” and
yet “ could not live for the purposes of superstition.”
As Dr. Bentley afterward points out, it was found neces-
1	Principles of the Reformation. A sermon preached at the
dedication of the house of public worship of the First Congre-
gational Society in Salem, Nov. 16, 1826, by Charles W.
Upham, Associate Pastor, pp. 20, 21.
2	Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 243.84
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIG GINS ON.
sary to revise and remodel it, at a later period, in order
to obtain the necessary weapons for the Quaker per-
secution ; and thus “ the abuse of this instrument con-
signed it to the sole care of the historian, who has
preserved it for us as a precious relic of antiquity.”
Thus much for the confession of faith and the
covenant. It is still a question how far these were
distinct from each other; and the matter has formed
the subject of a pamphlet by the Rev. Joseph B.
Felt, with the title “Did the First Church of Salem
originally have a Confession of Faith, distinct from
their Covenant?”1 For the later ceremonies of the
ordination — which probably took place, Upham
thinks, in the open air,2 3 * * * * — we must still rely mainly on
Morton, who gives but few particulars. He proceeds
as follows: —
“ And because they foresaw that this wilderness
might be looked upon as a place of liberty, and there-
fore might in time be troubled with erroneous spirits,
therefore they did put in one article into the confes-
sion of faith, on purpose, about the duty and power
of the magistrate in matters of religion.8 Thirty
copies of the aforesaid confession of faith and cove-
1	Boston, 1856 (pp. 28).
2	Upham’s Address at the Re-dedication, etc., p. 38.
3	This is one of many things in Puritan and Colonial his-
tory which contradict the theory of absolute subjection of civil
to ecclesiastical power in early New England, as advocated by
Brooks Adams in his lively work, “ The Emancipation of
Massachusetts.”THE FIRST A MERIC A AT ORDINATION. 85
nant being written out for the use of thirty persons
who were to begin the work. When the 6th of August
came, it was kept as a day of fasting and prayer, in
which, after the sermons and prayers of the two min-
isters, in the end of the day, the aforesaid confession
of faith and covenant being solemnly read, the fore-
named persons did solemnly profess their consent
thereunto; and then proceeded to the ordaining of
Mr. Skelton pastor and Mr. Higginson teacher of the
church there. Mr. Bradford the Governour of Pli-
mouth, and some others with him, coming by sea,
were hindered by cross winds, that they could not be
there at the beginning of the day, but they came into
the assembly afterward, and gave them the right hand
of fellowship, wishing all prosperity, and a blessed
succession of such good beginnings. After which, at
several times, many others joined to the church in
the same way.” 1
Had the impetuous and fearless Endicott, the day
after this remarkable ordination, found it his duty to
report upon it to some high English official, he might
well have anticipated, for the purpose, the celebrated
despatch sent by Charles Francis Adams to Earl
Russell, in respect to the Confederate iron-clads,
“ It would be superfluous for me to point out to your
Lordship that this is war.” If the Church of Eng-
land stood for sacerdotalism — and no one can assert
that at that period it did not — then Francis Higgin-
1 New England’s Memorial (ed. 1826), pp. 145, 146.86
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
son and his colleague separated themselves from it
almost as absolutely and finally as if they had become
followers of George Fox. They took indeed a more
advanced attitude than their successors could maintain;
and “ after the sacerdotal idea — that ordination is a
sacrament, and, like baptism, must not be repeated —
had begun to be entertained in New England, this
double ordination became a stumbling-block to the
churches.” “ The fact is,” adds Leonard Bacon,
from whom I am quoting, “ that Higginson, Skelton,
and all the first fathers of the New England churches,
repudiated the sacerdotal idea entirely. They ac-
knowledged no ordination at large. They admitted
no such distinction as is now made between ordina-
tion and installation. If a man had been ordained
by bishops in England, that was to them no rea-
son why he should not be ordained again and again,
with imposition of hands, so often as he was to be
inducted into office in any church. They were
right, unless sacerdotalism is the right theory of
Christianity.” 1
A curious event which occurred during this ordi-
nation, and afterward secured to the colony one of
its best military leaders, is described by several of
the early writers. Scottow says of this unexpected
convert that “he was no Debauchee, but of a Jocund
Temper, and one of the Merry Mounts Society, who
chose rather to Dance about a May-pole, first erected
1 Bacon’s Genesis of the New England Churches, p. 476,
note.THE FIRST AMERICAN ORDINATION. 87
to the honour of Strumpet Flora, than to hear a good
Sermon,” but that he “afterwards was the Chieftain
and Flower of New-England's Militia, and an Emi-
nent Instrument both in Church and Common-
wealth.” 1 And Cotton Mather describes the occasion
more fully: —
“ By the same token, that at this first church gather-
ing, there fell out a remarkable matter which is now
to be related. At a time when the church was to be
gathered at Salem, there was about thirty miles to the
southward of that place, a plantation of rude, lewd,
mad, English people, who did propose to them selves
a gainful trade with the Indians, but quickly came to
nothing. A young gentleman belonging to that plan-
tation being at Salem, on the day when the church
was gathered, was at what he saw and heard, so deeply
affected, that he stood up, expressing with much affec-
tion, his desire to be admitted into their number,
which when they demurred about, he desired that
they would at least admit him to make his profession
before them. When they allowed this, he expressed
himself so agreeably, and with so much ingenuity and
simplicity, that they were extreamly pleased with it;
and the ministers told him, that they highly approved
of his profession, but inasmuch as he was a stranger to
them, they could not receive him into their commun-
ion, until they had a further acquaintance with his
conversation. However, such was the hold which
1 Scottow in Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxiv. 289.88
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
the grace of God now took of him, that he became
an eminent Christian, and a worthy and useful person,
and not only afterwards joined unto the church of
Boston, but also made a great figure in the common-
wealth of New-England, as the major-general of all
the forces in the colony; it was Major-general
Gibbons."1
1 Magnalia, i. 329.NEW ENGLAND'S PLANTATION” 89
IX.
“NEW ENGLAND’S PLANTATION.”
Here reade the truth . . . without any frothy bombasting words, or
any quaint, new-devised additions. — Michael Sparks, Publisher.
The little book called “ New England’s Plantation ”
was a continuation of the “ Journal of the Voyage,”
was sent later to England, and had, unlike the other,
an immediate introduction to the public by way of
print. It was probably sent home on the return of
the “ Four Sisters ” and the “ Mayflower,”1 which
reached England before Nov. 20, 1629.2 An introduc-
tion addressed “To the reader,” and signed “ M. S.,”
— proceeding doubtless from Michael Sparks the
publisher, — says that it was “ not intended for the
presse,” but was sent to some friends in England.
Here reade the truth,” he says, “ without any frothy
bombasting words, or any quaint, new-devised addi-
tions.” The name of the author does not appear
in the first edition, but was added later. It went
through three editions, with but trifling modifications,
in a single year. It has been several times reprinted, —
1	This was the historic “ Mayflower,” which thus took part
in founding both the Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay
colonies.
2	Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, pp. 107, 242.9o
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
in Force’s “ Tracts,” vol. i. no. 12, in the “ Collections
of the Massachusetts Historical Society,” vol. i., and
again in Young’s “ Chronicles of Massachusetts; ”
in the last case with the spelling modernized.1 The
Harvard College Library possesses two copies of the
first London edition; the Boston Public Library has
the second and third editions, and the Massachusetts
Historical Society the third. The following is the
title of the third edition, which is here followed : —
NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION.
Or, a short and true Description of the Commodities
and Discommodities of that countrey. Written by Mr.
Higgeson, a Reuerend Diuine, now there resident.
Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by Mr. Graues
an Enginere out of New-England. The third edi-
tion^ enlarged, London, 1630.
“ Letting passe our voyage by sea, we will now begin
our discourse on the shore of New-England. And
because the life and wel-fare of every creature heere be-
low, and the commcdiousnesse of the countrey whereat
such creatures live, doth by the most wise ordering of
God’s providence, depend next unto himselfe, upon
the temperature and disposition of the foure elements,
earth, water, aire, and fire (for as of the mixture of
all these, all sublunary things are composed; so by
the more or lesse enjoyment of the wholesome temper
1 Some extracts from it have also been reprinted, with mod-
ernized spelling, in “The Young Folks’Book of American
Explorers ” (Boston).“ NE W ENGLAND'S PLANTA TION,J
91
and convenient use of these, consisteth the onely well-
being both of man and beast in a more or lesse com-
fortable measure in all countreys under the heavens)
therefore I will indeavour to shew you what New-
England is by the consideration of each of these
apart, and truly indeavour by God’s helpe to report
nothing but the naked truth, and that both to tell you
of the discommodities as well as of the commodi-
ties, though as the idle proverbe is, travellers may lye
by authorities and so may take too much sinfull libertie
that way. Yet I may say of my selfe as once Nehe-
miah did in another case : Shall such a man as I lye ?
No verily: it becometh not a preacher of truth to
be a writer of falshod in any degree: And therefore
I have beene care full to report nothing of New-
England but what I have partly seene with mine
own eyes, and partly heard and enquired from the
mouths of verie honest and religious persons, who,
by living in the countrey a good space of time,
have had experience and knowledge of the state
thereof, and whose testimonies I doe beleeve as my
selfe.”
He begins by describing (1) the earth of New
England: —
“ First therefore of the earth of New-England and
all the appertenances thereof: It is a land of divers
and sundry sorts all about Masathulets Bay, and at
Charles river is as fat blacke earth as can be seene
any where : and in other places you have a clay soyle,92
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
in other gravell, in other sandy, as it is all about our
plantation at Salem, for so our towne is now named,
PsaL 76. 2.
“ The forme of the earth here in the superfices of
it is neither too flat in the plainnesse, nor too high in
hils, but partakes of both in a mediocritie, and fit for
pasture, or for plow or meddow ground, as men please
to employ it: though all the countrey bee as it were a
thicke wood for the generall, yet in divers places there
is much ground cleared by the Indians, and especially
about the plantation : And I am told that about three
miles from us a man may stand on a little hilly place
and see divers thousands of acres of ground as good
as need to be, and not a tree in the same. It is
thought here is good clay to make bricke and tyles
and earthen-pot as need to be. At this instant we
are setting a brick-kill on worke to make brickes and
tiles for the building of our houses. For stone, here is
plentie of slates at the Isle of Slate in Masathulets bay,
and lime-stone, free-stone, and smooth-stone, and iron-
stone, and marble-stone also in such store, that we
have great rocks of it, and a harbour hard by. Our
plantation is from thence called Marble-harbour.
“ Of minerals there hath yet beene but little triall
made, yet we are not without great hope of being
furnished in that soyle.
“ The fertilitie of the soyle is to be admired at, as
appeareth in the aboundance of grasse that groweth
everie where, both verie thicke, verie long, and verie
high in divers places : But it groweth verie wildly withNEW ENGLAND'S PLANTATION
93
a great stalke and a broad and ranker blade, because
it never had been eaten with cattle, nor mowed with
a sythe, and seldome trampled on by foot. It is scarce
to bee beleeved how our kine and goates, horses and
hogges, doe thrive and prosper here and like well of
this countrey.
“In our plantation we have already a quart of milke
for a penny: but the aboundant increase of corne
proves this countrey to bee a wonderment. Thirtie,
fortie, fiftie, sixtie are ordinarie here : Yea Joseph’s
encrease in ^Egypt is out-stript here with us. Our
planters hope to have more then a hundred fould this
yere : And all this while I am within compasse; what
will you say of two hundred fould and upwards? It
is almost incredible what great gaine some of our
English planters have had by our Indian come. Cred-
ible persons have assured me, and the partie himselfe
avouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of
13 gallons of corne hee hath had encrease of it 52
hogsheads, every hogshead holding seven bushels of
London measure, and every bushell was by him sold
and trusted to the Indians for so much beaver as was
worth 18 shillings; and so of this 13 gallons of corne,
which was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made about
327 pounds of it in the yeere following, as by reckon-
ing will appeare : where you may see how God blessed
husbandry in this land. There is not such greate and
plentifull eares of corne I suppose any where else to
bee found but in this countrey: Because also of
varietie of colours, as red, blew, and yellow, &c. and94
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
of one corne there springeth four or five hundred. I
have sent you many eares of divers colours that you
might see the truth of it.
“ Little children here by setting of corne may eame
much more then their owne maintenance.
“ They have tryed our English come at New Plim-
mouth plantation, so that all our several graines will
grow here verie well, and have a fitting soyle for their
nature.
“ Our Governor hath store of greene pease growing
in his garden, as good as ever I eat in England.
“ This country aboundeth naturally with store of
roots of great varietie and good to eat. Our turnips,
parsnips, and carrots are here both bigger and sweeter
then is ordinary to be found in England. Here are
store of pumpions, cowcombers, and other things of
that nature which I know not. Also divers excellent
pot-herbs grow abundantly among the grasse, as straw-
berrie leaves in all places of the countrey, and plenty
of strawberries in their time, and pennyroyall, win-
tersaverie, sorrell, brookelime, liverwort, carvell, and
watercresses, also leekes and onions are ordinarie,
and divers physicall herbs. Here are also aboundance
of other sweet herbs delightful to the smell, whose
names we know not, &c. and plentie of single damaske
roses verie sweete; and two kinds of herbes that bare
two kinds of flowers very sweet, which they say, are as
good to make cordage or cloath as any hempe or flaxe
we have.
“ Excellent vines are here up and downe in the“NEW ENGLAND'S PLANTATION.” 95
woods. Our Govemour hath already planted a vine-
yard with great hope of encrease.
“ Also, mulberries, plums, raspberries, corrance,
chesnuts, filberds, walnuts, smalnuts, hurtleberries,
and hawes of whitethome neere as good as our cherries
in England, they grow in plentie here.
“ For wood there is no better in the world I thinke,
here being foure sorts of oke differing both in the
leafe, timber, and colour, all excellent good. There
is also good ash, elme, willow, birch, beech, saxafras,
juniper, cipres, cedar, spruce, pines, and firre that will
yeeld abundance of turpentine, pitch, tarre, masts,
and other materials for building both of ships and
houses. Also here are store of sumacke trees, they
are good for dying and tanning of leather, likewise
such trees yeeld a precious gem called wine benjamin,
that they say is excellent for perfumes. Also here be
divers roots and berries wherewith the Indians dye ex-
cellent holding colours that no raine nor washing can
alter. Also, wee have materials to make sope-ashes
and salt-peter in aboundance.
“ For beasts there are some beares, and they say
some lyons also; for they have been seen at Cape
Anne. Also here are several sorts of deere, some
whereof bring three or foure young ones at once,
which is not ordinarie in England. Also wolves, foxes,
beavers, otters, martins, great wild cats, and a great
beast called a molke as bigge as an oxe. I have seen
the skins of all these beasts since I came to this plan-
tation excepting lyons. Also here are great store of96
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
squerrels, some greater, and some smaller and lesser:
there are some of the lesser sort, they tell me, that by
a certaine skill will fly from tree to tree, though they
stand farre distant.”
The impression prevailed for a long time, in different
parts of America, that lions were to be found on this
continent; thus, John Josselyn, in his “Account of
Two Voyages to America ” (1675), speaks by report
of “ a young lion (not long before) killed at Piscata-
way by an Indian.”1 But I take a certain satisfaction
in the care shown by Francis Higginson to discrimi-
nate what rested on general rumour only from what he
knew by the evidence of his senses: “ I have seen
the skins of all these beasts since I came to this plan-
tation excepting lyons.”
He next considers (2) the waters of New England :
Of the waters of New-England, with the things belonging
to the same.
“ New-England hath water enough, both salt and
fresh, the greatest sea in the world, the Atlanticke
sea, runs all along the coast thereof. There are abun-
dance of Hands along the shore, some full of wood
and masts to feed swine; and others cleere of wood,
and fruitful to bear corne. Also wee have store of ex-
cellent harbours for ships, as at Cape Anne, and at
Masathulets Bay, and at Salem, and at many other
1 Stedman and Hutchinson’s Library of American Litera-
ture, i. 428.“NEW ENGLAND’S PLANTATION.”
97
places : and they are the better because for strangers
there is a verie difficult and dangerous passage into
them, but unto such as are well acquainted with them,
they are easie and safe enough. The aboundance of
sea-fish are almost beyond beleeving, and sure I
should scarce have beleeved it, except I had seene
it with mine owne eyes. I saw great store of whales,
and crampusse, and such aboundance of mackerils
that it would astonish one to behold, likewise cod-
fish in aboundance on the coast, and in their season
are plentifully taken. There is a fish called a basse,
a most sweet and wholesome fish as ever I did eate, it
is altogether as good as our fresh sammon, and the
season of their comming was begun when wee came first
to New-England in June, and so continued about three
months space. Of this fish our fishers take many hun-
dreds together, which I have seen lying on the shore
to my admiration; yea their nets ordinarily take more
than they are able to hale to land, and for want of
boats and men they are constrained to let a many
goe after they have taken them, and yet sometimes
they fill two boates at a time with them. And besides
basse wee take plentie of scate and thornbacks, and
abundance of lobsters and the least boy in the plan-
tation may both catch and eat what he will of them.
For my owne part I was soone cloyed with them, they
were so great, and fat, and lussious. I have seene some
myselfe that have weighed 16 pound, but others have
had divers times so great lobsters as have weighed 25
pound, as they assure mee. Also heere is abundance
798
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSOiV.
of herring, turbut, sturgion, cuskes, hadocks, mullets,
eeles, crabbes, muskles, and oysters. Besides there
is probability that the countrey is of an excellent tem-
per for the making of salt: For since our comming
our fishermen have brought home very good salt
which they found candied by the standing of the sea
water and the heat of the sunne, upon a rocke by the
sea shore : and in divers salt marishes that some have
gone through, they have found some salt in some
places crushing under their feete and cleaving to
their shooes.
“ And as for fresh water, the countrey is full of
dainty springs, and some great rivers, and some lesser
brookes; and at Masathulets Bay they digged wels and
found water at three foot deepe in most places : And
neere Salem they have as fine cleare water as we can de-
sire, and we may digge wels and find water where we list.
“ Thus wee see both land and sea abound with store
of blessings for the comfortable sustenance of man’s
life in New-England.”
It shows again the careful observation of this writer
that Gould, in his Report on the Invertebrata of Mas-
sachusetts, gives the maximum size of lobsters on the
Massachusetts shore as twenty-eight pounds. The
striped bass, which he commemorates, has given its
name to the Bass Rocks, not many miles north of the
point where Higginson was writing, although the supply
of the fish has now greatly diminished.
He next describes (3) the New England air: —NEW ENGLAND'S PLANTATIONS
99
Of the aire of New-England with the temper and crea-
tures in it.
“ The temper of the aire of New-England is one
speciall thing that commends this place. Experience
doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthfull
place to be found in the world that agreeth better
with our English bodyes. Many that have beene
weeke and sickly in old England, by comming hither
have beene thoroughly healed and growne healthfull
strong. For here is an extraordinarie cleere and dry
aire that is of a most healing nature to all such as are
of a cold, melancholy, flegmatick, rheumatick temper
of body. None can more truly speake hereof by
their owne experience then my selfe. My friends that
knew me can well tell how verie sickly I have bin
and continually in physick, being much troubled with
a tormenting paine through an extraordinarie weak-
nesse of my stomacke, and aboundance of melancho-
licke humors; but since I came hither on this voyage,
I thanke God, I have had perfect health, and freed
from paine and vomiting, having a stomacke to digest
the hardest and coursest fare, who before could not
eat finest meat; and whereas my stomache could
onely digest and did require such drinke as was both
strong and stale, now I can and doe often times drink
New-England water verie well; and I that have not
gone without a cap for many yeeres together, neither
durst leave off the same, have now cast away my cap,
and doe weare none at all in the day time: AndIOO
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIG GINS ON.
whereas beforetime I cloathed my selfe with double
cloaths and thicke waistcoates to keepe me warme,
even in the summer time, I doe now goe as thin clad
as any, onely wearing a light stuffe cassocke upon my
shirt, and stuffe breeches of one thicknesse without
linings. Besides I have one of my children that was
formerly most lamentably handled with sore breaking
out of both his hands and feet of the king’s-evill,
but since he came hither hee is very well ever he was,
and there is hope of perfect recoverie shortly even by
the very wholesomnesse of the aire, altering, digest-
ing and drying up the cold and crude humours of the
body: And therefore I thinke it is a wise course for al
cold complections to come to take physick in New-
England: for a sup of New-England’s aire is better
then a whole draught of Old England’s ale.
“ In the summer time, in the midst of July and
August, it is a good deale hotter then in Old Eng-
land : And in winter, January and February are much
colder, as they say: But the spring and autumne are
of a middle temper.
“ Fowles of the aire are plentifull here, and of all
sorts as we have in England, as farre as I can learn,
and a great many of strange fowles which we know
not. Whilst I was writing these things, cne of our
men brought home an eagle which hee had killed in
the wood : They say they are good meate. Also here
are many kinds of excellent hawkes, both sea hawkes
and land hawkes : And my self walking in the woods
with another in company, sprung a patridge so biggeNEW ENGLAND'S PLANTATION:
IOI
that through the heavinesse of his body could fly but
a little way : They that have killed them, say they are
as bigge as our hens. Here are likewise aboundance
of turkies often killed in the woods, farre greater then
our English turkies, and exceeding fat, sweet, and
fleshy, for here they have aboundance of feeding all
the yeere long, as strawberries, in summer al places
are full of them, and all manner of berries and fruits.
In the winter time I have seene flockes of pidgeons,
and have eaten of them: They doe fly from tree to
tree as other birds doe, which our pidgeons will not
doe in England : They are of all colours as ours are,
but their wings and tayles are far longer, and there-
fore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible
hawkes in this country. In winter time this country
doth abound with wild geese, wild ducks, and other
sea fowle, that a great part of winter the planters have
eaten nothing but roast-meate of divers fowles which
they have killed.”
Wild turkeys and flocks of wild pigeons are no
longer to be seen in Massachusetts, but they were once
common. Francis Higginson’s exultation in his own
improved health was however premature.
He next proceeds to complete his narrative, with
some ingenuity, by adding the fourth element, that of
fire : —
“ Thus you have heard of the earth, water and aire
of New-England, now it may bee you expect some-
thing to bee said of the fire proportionable to the rest102
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
of the elements. Indeede I thinke New-England may
boast of this element more then of all the rest: For
though it bee here somewhat cold in the winter, yet
here we have plenty of fire to warme us, and that a
great deal cheaper then they sel billets and faggots in
London: Nay, all Europe is not able to afford to make
so great fires as New-England. A poore servant here
that is to possesse but 50 acres of land, may afford to
give more wood for timber and fire as good as the
world yeelds, then many noble men in England can
afford to do. Here is good living for those that love
good fires. And although New-England have no
tallow to make candles of, yet by the aboundance of
the fish thereof, it can afford oil for lampes. Yea our
pine-trees that are the most plentifull of all wood,
doth allow us plenty of candles which are very usefull
in a house : And they are such candles as the Indians
commonly use, having no other, and they are nothing
else but the wood of the pine tree cloven in two little
slices, something thin, which are so full of the moys-
ture of turpentine and pitch, that they burne as cleere
as a torch. I have sent you some of them that you
may see the experience of them.’,
Having thus sung the praises of the New World, he
proceeds, in a spirit of candour, to admit some of its
drawbacks : —
“Thus of New-England’s commodities: now I will
tell you of some discommodities that are here to be
found.“ NEIV ENGLAND 'S PLANTA TIONP 103
“ First, in the summer season for these three months,
June, July, and August, we are troubled much with
little flyes called musketoes, being the same they are
troubled with in Lincolneshire and the Fens; and they
are nothing but gnats, which except they bee smoked
out of their houses are troublesome in the night
season.
“ Secondly, in the winter season for two months
space, the earth is commonly covered with snow, which
is accompanied with sharp biting frosts, something
more sharpe then is in Old England, and therefore
are forced to make great fires.
“ Thirdly, the countrey being very full of woods, and
wildernesses, doth also much abound with snakes and
serpents of strange colours, and huge greatnesse: yea
there are some serpents called rattle-snakes that have
rattles in their tailes, that will not fly from a man as
others will, but will flye upon him, and sting him so
mortally, that hee will dye within a quarter of an houre
after, except the partie stinged have about him some
of the root of an herbe called snake-weed1 to bite on,
and then hee shall receive no harme : but yet seldom
falles it out that any hurt is done by these. About
three years since, an Indian was stung to death by
one of them, but wee heard of none since that
time.
“ Fourthly and lastly, here wants as it were good
company of honest Christians to bring with them horses,
1 Probably either Sanicula Canadensis or Marilandica (Gray),
the two species of sanicle, or black snakeroot.104
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIG GINS ON.
kine, and sheepe, to make use of this fruitfull land:
great pitty it is to see so much good ground for corne
and for grasse as any is under the heavens, to ly
altogether unoccupied, when so many honest men and
their families in Old England through the populous-
nesse thereof, do make very hard shift to live one by
the other.”
He next proceeds to speak of the aboriginal inhab-
itants, giving an account which, so far as it goes, is
trustworthy. There is a touch of humour in his sug-
gestion that the “love-lock” then worn in England
may have been a fashion imported from America.
“ Now, thus you know what New-England is, as also
with the commodities and discommodities thereof;
Now I will shew you a little of the inhabitants thereof,
and their government.
“ For their governors they have kings, which they
call Saggamores, some greater, and some lesser, ac-
cording to the number of their subjects.
“ The greatest Saggamores about us can not make
above three hundred men,1 and other lesse Saggamores
have not above fifteen subjects, and others neere
about us but two.
“ Their subjects above twelve years since2 were
swept away by a great and grievous plague that was
amongst them, so that there are verie few left to
inhabite the country.
1 That is, fighting men.
2 1617.“ NE W-ENGLAND 'S PLANTA TION.”	105
“ The Indians are not able to make use of the one
fourth part of the land, neither have they any settled
places, as townes to dwell in, nor any ground as they
challenge for their own possession, but change their
habitation from place to place.
“ For their statures, they are a tall and strong limmed
people, their colours are tawney, they goe naked, save
onely they are in part covered with beasts skins on one
of their shoulders, and weare something before their
privities; their haire is generally blacke, and cut
before, like our gentelewomen, and one locke longer
than the rest, much like to our gentelmen, which
fashion I thinke came from hence into England.
“ For their weapons, they have bowes and arrowes,
some of them headed with bone, and some with brasse :
I have sent you some of them for an example.
“ The men for the most part live idely, they do
nothing but hunt and fish : Their wives set their come
and doe all their other worke. They have little house-
hold stuffe, as a kettle, and some other vessels like
trayes, spoones, dishes, and baskets.
“Their houses are verie little and homely, being
made with small poles pricked into the ground, and
so bended and fastned at the tops, and on the sides
they are matted with boughs and covered on the roof
with sedge and old mats, and for their beds that they
take their rest on, they have a mat.
“ They doe generally professe to like well of our
coming and planting here; partly because there is
abundance of ground that they cannot possesse norio6
LIFE OF FRANCIS BIG GINS ON.
make use of, and partly because our being here will
bee a meanes both of relief to them when they want,
and also a defence from their enemies, wherewith
(I say) before this plantation began, they were often
indangered.
“ For their religion they do worship two Gods, a
good God and an evil God : The good God they call
Tantum, and their evil God whom they fear will doe
them hurt, they call Squantum.
“For their dealing with us, we neither fear them
nor trust them, for fourtie of our musketeeres will
drive five hundred of them out of the field. We use
them kindly; they will come into our houses some-
times by half a dozen or half a score at a time when
we are at victuals, but will ask or take nothing but
what we give them.
“ We purpose to learn their language as soon as
we can, which will be a means to do them good.”
Francis Higginson did not live to carry out this
last wish, but it was amply fulfilled, some years later,
by the Rev. John Eliot, known as the “apostle” to
the Indians, who landed in Boston Nov. 3, 1631, and
soon set about those studies in the difficult Indian
vernacular which culminated in the publication (1663)
of his complete revision of the Scriptures. “ The His-
tory of the Christian Church does not contain,” wrote
Edward Everett, “an example of resolute, untiring,
successful labour ” superior to this. It must always
be remembered that as Roger Clap says of his com-“NEIV-ENGLAND'S PLANTATION.” 107
panions, “ One end of our coming hither was to preach
the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ to the Indians; ” 1
and it may be forgiven to Francis Higginson if he
did not foresee, on arrival, how difficult it would be
to preach the gospel to these wild belligerents, or
even to learn their language. It is something if he
approached them, at least, in a kind and humane
spirit.
He then proceeds to report on the actual condition
of the colony : —
Of the present condition of the Plantation, and
what it is.
“ When we came first to Nehum-kek, we found
about half a score houses, and a faire house newly
built for the Governor, we found also aboundance of
corne planted by them, very good and well liking.
And we brought with us about two hundred passen-
gers and planters more, which by common consent of
the old planters were all combined together into one
body politicke, under the same Governour.
“ There are in all of us both old and new planters
about three hundred, whereof two hundred of them
are settled at Nehum-kek, now called Salem: And
the rest have planted themselves at Masathulets Bay,
beginning to build a towne there which wee do call
Cherton, or Charles Town.
“ We that are settled at Salem make what haste we
1 Young’s Chronicles, p. 364.io8
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
can to build houses, so that within a short time we
shall have a faire towne.
“ We have great ordnance, wherewith we doubt not
but we shall fortifie ourselves in a short time to keepe
out a potent adversary. But that which is our
greatest comfort, and meanes of defence above all
other, is, that we have here the true religion and
holy ordinances of Almighty God taught amongst us :
Thankes be to God, wee have here plenty of preach-
ing, and diligent catechizing, with strict and carefull
exercise, and good and commendable orders to bring
our people into a Christian conversation with whom
we have to doe withall. And thus wee doubt not but
God will be with us, and if God be with us, who can
be against us
[Here ends Master Higgeson's relation of New-Eng land.]THE REVOLT OF THE CONFORMISTS.
109
X.
THE REVOLT OF THE CONFORMISTS.
“ For,” said he, “there will be no difference between the conform-
able ministers and you, when they come to the practice of the ordi-
nances out of the kingdom.” — John Robinson to Winslow.
The day of the ordination passed peacefully away,
for all its novel forms; but trouble was impending.
The innovations soon encountered the opposition of
two very stout and unflinching churchmen who, though
members of the Council of the colony, had made
themselves previously the objects of dislike, as not
having “adventured in the common stock’’ and as
having shown in other ways an antagonistic spirit.1
However this may have been, we can hardly blame
them if they thought — what was simply the fact —
that heresy was making a rapid though gentle progress.
They doubtless felt, and with some reason, that what-
ever Francis Higginson may have said or thought on
the voyage, his “ sup of New England air” had
quickly transformed him into something not easily
to be distinguished from those “ separatists ” whom
he had once disowned. Indeed they frankly declared
1 Bentley in Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 242.no
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
that the newly ordained ministers were already sep-
aratists, and on the way to become Anabaptists, — a
name then significant of all terror to those familiar
with the history of John of Munster and his Leyden
atrocities. The nearest to a contemporary record
of their action is to be found, as before, in the manu-
scripts of Governor Bradford, of Plymouth, as em-
bodied in Morton’s Memorial, already cited. His
narration proceeds as follows : —
“ But some of the passengers that came over at the
same time, observing that the ministers did not, at
all, use the book of common prayer, and that they
did administer baptism and the Lord’s supper without
the ceremonies, and that they professed also to use
discipline in the congregation against scandalous per-
sons, by a personal application of the word of God,
as the case might require, and that some that were
scandalous were denied admission into the church,
they began to raise some trouble; of these Mr. Sam-
uel Brown and his brother were the chief, the one
being a lawyer, the other a merchant, both of them
amongst the number of the first patentees, men of
estates, and men of parts and port in the place.
These two brothers gathered a company together, in
a place, distinct from the public assembly, and there
sundry times, the book of common prayer was read
unto such as resorted thither. The governour, Mr.
Endicot, taking notice of the disturbance that began
to grow amongst the people by this means, he con-THE EE VOLT OF THE CONFORMISTS. hi
vented the two brothers before him. They accused
the ministers as departing from the orders of the
church of England, that they were separatists, and
would be anabaptists, &c. but for themselves, they
would hold to the orders of the church of England.
The ministers answered for themselves, they were
neither separatists nor anabaptists, they did not sepa-
rate from the church of England, nor from the ordi-
nances of God there, but only from the corruptions
and disorders there; and that they came away from
the common prayer and ceremonies, and had suffered
much for their non-conformity in their native land,
and therefore being in a place where they might have
their liberty, they neither could nor would use them,
because they judged the imposition of these things to
be sinful corruptions in the worship of God. The
governour and council, and the generality of the
people, did well approve of the ministers answer;
and therefore finding those two brothers to be of high
spirits, and their speeches and practices tending to
mutiny and faction, the governour told them, that
New England was no place for such as they; and
therefore he sent them both back for England, at the
return of the ships the same year; and though they
breathed out threatenings both against the governour
and ministers there, yet the Lord so disposed of all,
that there was no further inconvenience followed
upon it.” 1
1 Morton's N. E. Memorial (ed. 1826), pp. 147, 148.112
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
To see how the Lord disposed of it we must con-
sider the important crisis of colonial affairs at which
this difference of opinion occurred. The General
Court which controlled the affairs of the Massachusetts
Bay Colony had just decided (August 29, 1630), after
prolonged and careful debate, upon a measure which
has been said to “ stand alone in the history of Eng-
lish colonization,” — the bodily transfer to New Eng-
land of “ the whole patent and government of the
plantation.” Whatever may have been the legality or
illegality of this much discussed measure, it is plain
that the fate of the New World turned upon it, and
it is possible that without the powerful weight
thus thrown into the scale, the three struggling settle-
ments at Jamestown, Plymouth, and Salem might all
have given up the ghost, as the Popham Colony and
various smaller enterprises had already done. This is
not the place to go into an extended discussion of that
measure, vital as were its results to Francis Higginson
and his posterity. Few measures have been more
discussed, or with a greater variety of epithets.
Brooks Adams1 calls it a “ singularly bold and law-
less proceeding; ” and R. C. Winthrop2 calls it “ a
radical and almost revolutionary change.” But it
must be noted that the very agreement which ef-
fected the change provided that the government and
patent should first be “ legally transferred; ” and
Palfrey8 expressly says : “ Legal advice was obtained
1	The Emancipation of Massachusetts, p. 22.
2	Life of John Winthrop, i. 342.
3	History of New England, i. 302.THE REVOLT OF THE CONFORMISTS,. 113
as to the authority to make the transfer.” The whole
question of legality has always been regarded as very
important, inasmuch as the whole matter of the right
of Quakers and other dissentients to enter the colony
hinged largely on this point.
That this importance of the legal aspect was fully
recognized at the time, is signally shown in the fact
that when, after long discussion, the vote was finally
put to the “ General Court ” of the Company, it was
put in this form (the italics being my own) : “ As
many of you as desire to have the patent and the
government of the Plantation to be transferred to New
England, so as it may be done legally, hold up your
hands; so many as will not, hold up your hands.”
The following is the text of the momentous “ Agree-
ment at Cambridge ” : —
“ The true coppie of the agreement at Cambridge,
August 26, 1629.
“ Upon due consideration of the state of the planta-
tion now in hand for New England, wherein wee
(whose names are hereunto subscribed) have engaged
ourselves: and having weighed the greatnes of the
worke in regard of the consequence, God’s glory and
the churches good : As also in regard of the diffi-
culty es and discouragements which in all probabilityes
must be forecast upon the execution of this business :
Considering withall that this whole adventure growes
upon the joynt confidence we have in each others
fidelity and resolution herein, so as no man of us
8114 LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
would have adventured it without assurance of the
rest. Now for the better encouragement of ourselves
and others that shall joyne with us in this action, and
to the end that every man may without scruple dis-
pose of his estate and afayres as may best fitt his
preparation for this voyage, it is fully and faithfully
agreed amongst us, and every of us doth hereby
freely and sincerely promise and bind himself in the
word of a Christian and in the presence of God who is
the searcher of all hearts, that we will really so endeav-
our the execution of this worke, as by Gods assistance
we will be ready in our persons, and with such of our
severall familyes as are to go with us, and such pro-
vision as we are able conveniently to furnish ourselves
withall, to embarke for the said plantation by the first
of March next, at such port or ports of this land as
shall be agreed upon by the Companie, to the end to
passe the seas (under God’s protection) to inhabite
and continue in New England. Provided always, that
before the last of September next the whole govern-
ment together with the patent for the said plantation
be first by an order of court legally transferred and
established to remain with us and others which shall
inhabite upon the said plantation. And provided also
that if any shall be hindered by such just and inevi-
table lett or other cause to be allowed by 3 parts of
foure of these whole names are hereunto subscribed,
then such persons for such tymes and during such
letts to be discharged of this bond. And we do
further promise every one for himselfe, that shall fayleTHE REVOLT OF THE CONFORMISTS.	115
to be ready through his own default by the day
appointed, to pay for every day’s default the sum of
3/. to the use of the rest of the Companie who shall
be ready by the same day and time.
“This was done by order of court the 29th of Au-
gust, 1629.
Richard Saltonstall Isaac Johnson
Tho: Dudley	John Humfrey
William Vassall	Tho: Sharp
Niko : West	Increase Nowell
John Winthrop
Will Pinchon
Kellam Browne
William Colbron.”
After a step so daring, it is not strange if a little
reaction set in, and if the protests of “ the Brownes ”
attracted more attention than would at another time
have happened. The record of a meeting of the
Court of Assistants in London, held Sept. 19, 1629,
is as follows : —
“ At this Court tres [letters] were read from Capt.
Endicott and others from New E;1 and wheras a
difference hath falne out betwixt the Goun* there &
Mr. John & Samuell Browne, it was agreed by the
Court that, for the determinacon of those differences,
Mr. John & Samuell Browne might choose any 3 or 4
of the Company on their behalfe, to heare the said
1 These letters are lost.116	LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
differences, the Company choosing as many: Wher-
upon the said Mr. John and Samuell Browne made
choice of Mr Sam: Vassell and Mr Wm Vassell, Mr
Symon Whetcombe, & Mr Will'11 Pinchion; and for
the Companie there were chosen Mr John Whyte,
Mr John Davenport, Mr Isaac Johnson & Mr John
Wynthropp; who, wth the Gournor or Deputie, are to
determine and end the business the first Tewsday in
the next tearme ; and if any of the aforenamed ptyes
[parties] bee absent, others to bee chosen by ether
ptyes in their steade.” 1
So the matter was referred and postponed, and the
next paragraph proceeds to the matter of unlading
the “ Lyon’s Whelpe ” and the “Talbott,” the re-
turned ships of Francis Higginson’s expedition.
At the next meeting of the General Court (Sept.
29, 1629), this further action was taken: —
“ The next thinge taken into consideracon was the
tres [letters] from Mr Jo : & Samuell Browne to divers
of their private freinds heere in England, whether the
same should bee deliuered or detained, & whether
they should bee opened & read, or not; and for that
it was to bee doubted by pbable [probable] circum-
stances, that they had defamed the country of New
England & the Gouffnor & gounm* there, it was
thought fitt that some of the said tres [letters] should
bee opened & publiquely read, wch was done accord-
1 Massachusetts Records, i. 51.THE REVOLT OF THE CONFORMISTS.	117
ingly; and the rest to remaine at Mr Deputyes house,
& the ptyes [parties] to whom they are directed to
haue notice, and Mr Gounor, Mr Deputie, Mr Trer &
Mr Wright, or any two of them, are intreated to bee
at the opning & reading thereof, to the end the
Company may haue notice, if ought bee incerted
therein vCh may bee piudiciall [prejudicial] to their
gounm*, or plantacon in New England.
“ And it is also thought fitt that none of the tres
[letters] from Mr. Sam: Browne shalbe deliured, but
kept to bee made vse of against him as occasion shalbe
offred.” 1
At the close of the same meeting it is recorded : —
“ Upon the desire of Mr John & Samuell Browne,
it is thought fitt & ordered that they should haue a
coppy of the accusacon sent from New England
ag* them, to the end that they may bee the better
ppared [prepared] to make answer thervnto.”2
At a meeting held Oct. 16, 1629, it is recorded: —
“ Lastly, tres [letters] were read and signed to
Mr Endecott, Mr Skelton & Mr Higgison, as appears
by the entryes of them in the book of coppyes of tres
[letters].” 8
There is no further reference to the subject in the
records of the Company, although there are one or
two references to an alleged undervaluation of goods
— material, not spiritual goods — belonging to the
1	Records of Massachusetts, i. 52, 53.
2	Ibid., 54.	3 Ibid., 57.ii 8
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIG GINS ON
Messrs. Browne, and brought by them from New
England to England. The London records close
March 29, on the transfer of the government to the
colony, and the complainants thenceforth disappear
from the scene. But the subsequent seizure and
transfer to England of a more conspicuous personage,
Thomas Morton of Merry Mount, necessarily revived
the same question of colonial authority, and all the
later proceedings against Quakers and Baptists in-
volved much the same point; namely, how far the
Massachusetts Bay Colony was now in the position of
a self-governing body, with the right to select its own
members, and how far it was limited by English law.
It is a subject on which volumes have been written,
and which is aside from the subject of the present
work. All that is here necessary is to give the letters
sent by the Company to “ the ministers,” adding also
that to Governor Endicott, as explanatory of the first.
“ Reverend freinds.
“ There are lately arrived heere (being sent from the
Gounor Mr Endecott, as Men fractious and (evill)
conditioned) John and Samuell Browne being breth-
re(n,) who since their arrivall haue raised rumors (as
we hear) of divers scandalous & intempate speeches
passed from one or both of you in yor publique Ser-
mons or prayer(s) in N : England, as also of some
inovacons attempted by you, wee haue reason to hope
that their reports are but slanders pty for that yor
Godly and quiett conditions are well knowne to some
of vs, as also for that these Men yor accusers seemeTHE EE VOLT OF THE CONFORMISTS. n9
to bee imbittered against you & Capt Endecott for
iniuryes wch they conceive they haue received from
some of you there, yett for that wee all knowe .that
the best advysed may overshoote themselues wee haue
thought good to informe you of what wee heare that
if you bee ihocent you may cleere yorselues, or if other-
wise you may heereby bee intreated to looke back
vpon yor miscarriage wth repentance, or at least to take
notice that wee vtterly disallowe any such passages,
and must and will take Order for the redress thereof
as shall become vs, but hoping as we said, of yor vn-
blamableness herein wee desire only that this may
testyfie to you & others that wee are tender of the
least aspsion wch ether directly or obliquely may bee
cast vpon the State heere to whom wee owe soe much
duty and from whom wee haue received soe much
fauor in this plantacon where you now resyde, soe wth
or loue & due respect to yor Callings wee rest
yor loving freinds
Matt: Cradock Gor
London 16 Octo : 1629. Tho . Goff dep
R: Saltonstall	Geo: Harwood Tver.
Isa: Johnson.	John Winthrop
Tho : Adams
Sym : Whetcombe
WlLLM VASSALL
WM PlNCHION
John Revell
Francis Webb.
MR Skelton & MR Higgison.”120
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
“Sr
“ As wee haue written at this tyme to Mr Skelton &
Mr Higgison touching the rumors of Jo : & Sam:
Browne spread by them vpon their arrivall heere,
concerning some vnadvysed and scandalous speeches
vttered by them in their publique sermons or prayers,
Soe haue wee thought meete to advertise you of what
they haue reported against you and them, concerninge
some rash inovacons begun and practized in the
Civill & ecclesiasticall GotDnm*: Wee doe well con-
sider that the Brownes are likely to make the worst of
any thing they haue observed in N : England by rea-
son of you sending them back against their wills for
their offencive behauior expressed in a genlall ire
from the Company there, yett for that wee likewise
doe consider, that you are in a Goulnm*: newly
founded & want that assistance w0*1 the waight of such
a business doth require, wee may haue leave to thinke
that it is possible some vndigested Councells haue too
sodainely bin put in execucon wch may haue ill con-
struction wth the State heere, and make vs obnoxious
to any adversary, Lett it therfore seeme good vnto
you to bee very sparing in introduceing any lawes or
Comands, wch may render yorselfe or vs distastfull to
the State heere to wch (as wee ought) wee must &
will haue an obsequious eye; and as wee make it or
mayne care to haue the Plantacon so Ordered as
may be most for the honor of God, and or gratious
Sofj)aigne who hath bestowed many large priuledges
and Roy all fauors vpon this Companie, soe we desireTHE REVOLT OF THE CONFORMISTS.	121
that all such as shall by word or deede do anythinge
to detract from Gods Glory or his Mats: honor may
bee duly Corrected for their amendm*: & the terror
of others, and to that end if you knowe anythinge
wch hath bin spoken or done, ether by the Ministers
(whom the Brownes doe seeme tacetly to blame for
some things vttered in their Sermons or prayers) or
any others, wee require you if any such thinge bee,
that you forme due pees against the offendors and send
it to vs by the first that wee may as or duty bindes vs,
vse meanes to haue them duly punished; Soe not
doubting but wee haue said enough wee shall repose
orselues vpon yo Wisdome ; And doe rest
yo loving freinds
dated and signed as the
form ire to Mr Skelton
& Mr Higgison.
To the Gounor Cap1:
Endecott.1 ”
It is well said by Mr. Justice Endicott of the Mas-
sachusetts Supreme Court that these letters are “ cau-
tious and politic,” and that the art of his distinguished
ancestor was never formally disapproved. He adds :
“ The Colony was like a ship at sea or an army on
the march, and disaffection and mutiny in the crew
1 Both these letters have been reprinted in the First Book
of Suffolk Deeds (Boston), pp. xxii, xxiii. They are also re-
printed by Rev. Alexander Young in his “ Chronicles of Mas-
sachusetts,” p 15, but with the spelling modernized.122
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
or in the ranks must be summarily dealt with. The
wide continent was open to colonization, but the
narrow strip of land called Massachusetts had been
given to this people as their own, with power to de-
termine who should enjoy and be admitted to its
privileges, and upon what terms and conditions.”
“ Nevertheless, wee desire (if it may bee) that er-
rors may be reformed wth lenitie or mylde correccon;
and if any pve [prove] incorrigable & will not bee re-
claimed by gentle correccon, ship such psons home
by the Lyons Whelpe, rather then keepe them there
to infect or to be an occasion of scandall vnto others;
wee being fully pswaded that if one or two bee soe re-
shipped back and certificate sent home of their mis-
demeanor it wilbe a terror to the rest and a meanes
to reduce them to good conformitie.” 1
Here the matter seems to have remained for the
present; but four years later the recusants returned
from England, and seem to have dwelt in peace
thereafter with the established powers. Their pre-
diction was not fulfilled. The ministers became separa-
tists, but did not become anabaptists; and the growth
and increasing power of the colony made the friction
of opposing opinions in some respects less intense,
while at other points it went on increasing. Review-
ing the whole controversy, it is impossible not to feel
that it had an historic importance as the first of a
1 Records of Massachusetts, i. 393 (April 17, 1629).THE REVOLT OF THE CONFORMISTS. 123
long series of rather aggressive self-assertions on the
part of the Puritan colony. “ The policy they pur-
sued,” says Felt, “ in reference to civil and ecclesias-
tical affairs was not peculiar to them. It was com-
mon to their successors in the colonial administration,
was frequently complained of by the sovereigns of
England, and ultimately became the cause of our
independence.” 1
1 Felt’s Annals of Salem (1st ed.), p. 39. For the contro-
versy between Governor Endicott and the two Brownes, a con-
troversy in which Francis Higginson and his colleague seem
to have furnished rather the occasion than the participants, see
Morton’s Memorial, p. 147 ; Chalmers’ Political Annals, p. 146;
Grahame’s History of the United States, i. 218; Bancroft
(ed. 1876), i. 272; Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts,
pp. 89, 91, 94, 123, 168, 287; Palfrey’s New England, i. 298;
Adams’s Emancipation of Massachusetts, p. 87 ; Felt’s Annals
of Salem (2d ed.), i. 130.124
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
XI.
A SALEM PARSONAGE.
A work of church reformation in America. — Mather : Magnolia.
The further history of Francis Higginson is identi-
fied with that of the little colony itself. He seems to
have been the leader in regard to the change of name
by which Naumkeag, or Nahum-kek, became Salem, as
being the home of peace.1 “ In obedience to orders
from the Company in London, a house was built
for Francis Higginson, in which he resided, and after
him, Roger Williams, directly south of and about fifty
feet distant from the eastern part of the site of our
present meeting-house [/. e. that of the First Church
in Salem] ; its front was towards the South River. It
stood on ground covered by the southeastern corner of
the Asiatic Block, precisely where the Merchants’ Read-
ing Room now is. Nearer to the river, and more to-
wards the east, a house was provided for Mr. Skelton.
Both the ministers resided very near to this spot, and
their convenience, we may presume, was consulted in
the arrangements made for the exercise of their pub-
lic functions. An unfinished building of one story
1 Felt’s Salem (ist ed.), p. 27.A SALEM PARSONAGE.
I25
was temporarily used at the beginning, for the pur-
poses of the congregation.” 1 This must not be con-
founded with the small building still preserved in
Salem, in the rear of Plummer Hall, for this was not
built until 1634, after Francis Higginson’s work was
ended.
Of that work, we must remember, the pulpit duty
was but a small part. The Puritan clergy of the
colony were not merely “ pastors” or “ teachers,”
but they were also the magistrates of the colony, and
members of its civil government. Francis Higginson’s
own writings show how familiar he was with all aspects
of the colonial life ; and he had to be the actual guide
of his people, as well as their spiritual adviser, during
that terrible ordeal of privation which went on, even
after the arrival of Winthrop, June, 1630, during a
time when, in the words of Captain Roger Clap,
“ frost-fish, muscles and clams, were a relief unto
many.” 2
It is the Salem tradition, as expressed by Felt, that
Francis Higginson “in his person was slender and
erect, but not tall. In his manners he was courteous
and obliging. His talents were of a high order. He
well cultivated them in the fields of literature and
divinity. A primitive writer on New England3 says
of him, *A man endued with grace, apt to teach,
1	Upham’s Address at the Re-dedication of the First
Church, p. 38.
2	Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 353.
3	Edward Johnson.126
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
mighty in the Scriptures, learned in the Tongues, able
to convince gainsayers.’ As a preacher, Mr. Higgin-
son was uncommonly popular.”1 In England he had,
according to his son John, addressed “ thousands; ”
but of his pulpit services in America, there remains
no record, except that his last sermon, delivered but
a few weeks before his death, was from Matt. xi. 7 :
“ What went ye out into the wilderness to see ? ” 2 This
sermon was preached before Governor Winthrop, and
the large body of settlers who came with him; and
it may be that advancing illness had impaired that
‘‘charming voice” which is said by Neal, the histo-
rian of the Puritans, to have made Francis Higginson
“ one of the most acceptable and popular preachers in
the country,” 8— and this while yet in England. We
know that, out of the pulpit, he showed the same lib-
eral tendency which marked the covenant he framed,
and that he was “ seriously studious of reformation.”
This is shown in the following statement from “New
England’s Memorial,” by Morton, which had the sanc-
tion of the Rev. John Higginson by a preface, and
may therefore be relied upon for all that relates to his
father and predecessor in the Salem Church : —
“ The two ministers there being seriously studious
of reformation, they considered of the state of their
children, together with their parents; concerning
which, letters did pass between Mr. Higginson, and
1	Felt’s Annals of Salem (1st ed.), p. 45.
2	Morton’s Memorial (ed. 1826), p. 150, note.
8 Ibid.A SALEM PARSONAGE,
127
Mr. Brewster, the reverend elder of the church of Pli-
mouth, and they did agree in their judgments, viz.
concerning the church-membership of the children
with their parents, and that baptism was a seal of
their membership; only when they were adult, they
being not scandalous, they were to be examined by
the church officers, and upon their approbation of their
fitness, and upon the children’s public and personally
owning of the covenant, they were to be received unto
the Lord’s supper. Accordingly, Mr. Higginson’s
eldest son, being about fifteen1 years of age, was
owned to have been received a member, together
with his parents, and being privately examined by
the pastor, Mr. Skelton, about his knowledge in the
principles of religion, he did present him before the
church when the Lord’s supper was to be adminis-
tered, and the child, then publicly and personally
owning the covenant of the God of his father, he was
admitted unto the Lord’s supper; it being then pro-
fessedly owned, according to 1 Cor. vii. 14, that the
children of the church are holy unto the Lord as well
as their parents, accordingly the parents owning and
retaining the baptism, which they themselves received
in their infancy, in their native land, as they had any
children born, baptism was administered unto them,
viz. to the children of such as were members of that
particular church.” 2
1	Thirteen; he being just fourteen when his father died.
2	Morton’s New England’s Memorial (ed. 1826), pp. 148,
149.128
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIG GINS ON.
That access of health for which Francis Higginson
had expressed such gratitude in his journal had proved
very deceptive ; and a man of consumptive habit, like
him, was ill-fitted to endure the periods of terrible
privation which weakened the Massachusetts Bay
Colony. Many suffered from scurvy, the natural re-
sult of six weeks’ voyages, followed by privation on
shore ; but the death of Francis Higginson (August 6,
1630) was from a hectic fever, according to Mather, and
from consumption, according to a letter from Deputy-
Governor Dudley. Governor Winthrop wrote to his
wife, Sept. 9, 1630: “The lady Arbella is dead, and
good Mr. Higginson; my servant, old Waters of
Neyland, and many others.” 1 In this letter he re-
joices that most of his own family are living, but writes
again two months later ; “ Twelve of my own family ” 2
are dead, this including servants. It was a sad and
sorrowing period, but for no one more truly so, per-
haps, than foi the widow of Francis Higginson, left
with eight children to be brought up on a soil and
under conditions which had been fatal to her husband.
Cotton Mather thus draws the final picture : —
“ The church of Salem now being settled, they en-
joyed many smiles of Heaven upon them; and yet
1	Life and Letters, ii. 48. This was Lady Arbella or
Arabella Johnson, who was a daughter of Thomas, 3d Earl of
Lincoln, and who, as Cotton Mather wrote, “ took New Eng-
land in her way to heaven.” The Johnson Grammar School
for girls in Boston is named for her.
2	Life and Letters, ii. 54.A SALEM PARSONAGE.
129
there were many things, that lookt like frowns: for,
they wTere exercised with many difficulties, and almost
an hundred of good people died the first winter of their
being here ; among whom was Mr. Houghton, an elder
of the church. Mr. Higginson also fell into an hectic-
fever,1 which much disabled him for the work of his min-
istry ; and the last sermon under the incurable growth
of this malady upon him, was upon the arrival of
many gentlemen, and some hundreds of passengers to
New England, in the beginning of the ensuing sum-
mer. He then preached on those words of our Saviour,
Matth. xi. 7, What went you out into the wilderness
to see ? From whence, he minded the people of the
design, whereupon this plantation was erected, namely
religion : and of the streights, wants, and various trials,
which in a wilderness they must look to meet withal;
and of the need which there was for them to evidence
the uprightness of their hearts, in the end of their
coming hither. After this, he was confined unto his
bed, and visited by the chief persons of the new-col-
ony, who much bemoaned their loss of so useful a
person, but comforted him with the consideration of
his faithfulness to the Lord Jesus, in his former suffer-
ings and services, and the honour which the Lord had
granted him, to begin a work of church reformation
in America. He replied, I have been but an un-
profitable servant; and all my own doi?igs I count
but loss and dung: all my desire is to win Christ\ and
1 Deputy-Governor Dudley says “ consumption.” Young’s
Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 317.
9130
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINS ON
be found in him, not having my own righteousness !
And he several times declared, That though the Lord
called him away, he was perswaded God would raise
up others, to carry on the work that was begun, and
that there would yet be many churches of the Lord
Jesus Christ in this wilderness. He likewise added,
that though he should leave his desolate wife and eight
children, whereof the eldest but about fourteen years
old, in a low condition, yet he left them with his God,
and he doubted not but the faithful God would gra-
ciously provide for them. So, in the midst of many
prayers, he fell asleep; as in the month of August,
1630, and in the forty-third year of his age, and his
funeral was attended with all possible solemnity.
“ Reader, prepare to behold and admire and
adore the faithfulness of our God, in providing for
the children of them, that faithfully have served
him. He moved the hearts of many charitable Chris-
tians, who yet were spending on the stocks, which
they brought out of England with them, to provide
as comfortably for the widow and off-spring of this de-
ceased minister, as if he had left them some thousands
of pounds. And his two sons, who had been brought
up at the grammar-school in Leicester, had a particular
tast of this liberality, in the provision which was thus
made for their having such a learned education, as
might fit them for the service of the church in the
ministry of the gospel.”1
1 Magnalia (ed. 1820), i. 329, 330.A SALEM PARSONAGE.
I3I
Moses Coit Tyler truly says of him that he “ died.
in the prime of his life and on the threshold of a great
career.” 1 Had he lived, like his son and successor,
to be ninety-two instead of forty-three, it is difficult to
measure the influence he might have exerted on the
fortunes of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Even as it
was, his benign influence helped to mould its begin-
ning ; and we may dismiss him with Cotton Mather’s
quaint epitaph:
“ EPITAPHIUM
Jacet sub hoc Tumulo, Mortuus ^
Franciscus Higginsonus :
Jaceret et ipsa Virtus, si mori posset,
Abi Viator
Et sis hujus Ordinis Franciscanus.”
The evidence in regard to the portraits of Francis
Higginson is somewhat contradictory, and the doubts
may perhaps never be wholly solved. The Rev. Dr.
Bentley, the first historian of Salem, writing about 1800,
says explicitly: “ There is a half-length painting of
Francis Higginson in the Council Chamber at Boston,
in the old State House.”2 This gave unquestionably
the unbroken Salem tradition on that point, the de-
scendants of Francis Higginson being then numerous
and prominent there ; and the fact that a copy of this
picture was made for the Salem Athenaeum, and that
another belonged to Dr. Bentley himself, and was
1	Tyler’s History of American Literature, ii. 167.
2	Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vi. p. 275.l32
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
bequeathed by him to the Antiquarian Society at
Worcester, may be regarded as making the traditional
evidence very strong. All three of the pictures for-
merly bore the name of Francis Higginson on labels.
The Boston picture was removed from the old State
House to the new, where it hung at first in the Coun-
cil Chamber; then Gov. J. A. Andrew, who was
himself a descendant of Francis Higginson, had it
removed to his private office, whence it was removed
to the Secretary of State’s office, where it still hangs.
It was carefully compared with the Worcester picture,
which was brought to Boston for that purpose, some
years since; the examination being made by Mr.
George Fuller, the celebrated artist, and Mr. J. East-
man Chase, as experts, in presence of Col. Henry Lee,
Mr. Waldo Higginson (my brother), and myself, all
three being descendants of Francis Higginson. All
agreed that the Boston picture was the original, and
all were perplexed by the existence of a date painted
on the side of the picture, and later than the death of
its supposed subject.
Doubts had been long since expressed as to which
of the Higginson clergymen the picture represented;
and Dr. Alexander Young had positively announced
in 1846, after giving a sketch of Francis Higginson’s
life, “ The portrait at the State House in Boston is
not his, but his son John’s.” 1 This doubt was caused
by the apparent age of the face represented, which
certainly looks old for a man who died at forty-three.
1 Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 317, note.A SALEM PARSONAGE.
l33
Yet it is to be remembered that Francis Higginson had
long been ^n invalid, that many men are more or less
gray at forty-three, and that the effect of the Puritan
dress is to increase the effect of age. Moreover the
date on the picture is equally incompatible with this
supposition.134
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
XII.
FRANCIS HIGGINSON’S HOUSEHOLD.
My Fathers and Brethren, this is never to be forgotten that New
England is originally a plantation of Religion, not a plantation of
Trade. Let Merchants and such as are increasing Cent per Cent re-
member this. Let others that have come over since at several times
remember this, that worldly gain was not the end and designe of the
people of New England, but Religion. And if any man amongst us
make Religion as twelve and the world as thirteen, let such an one
know he hath neither the spirit of a true New England man nor yet
of a sincere Christian.—Election Sermon (May 27, 1663): “ The
Cause of God and his People in New Englandf p. n, by the Rev,
John Higginson►
We learn from Cotton Mather that the widow and
children of Francis Higginson were duly cared for by
the colony. On Jan. 26, 1631, she wrote to Governor
Winthrop a letter of thanks for “ two kine and house
and money in the hands of Mr. Coddington.” 1 She
removed for a time to Charlestown, we know not why,
and afterward to New Haven; and during one of
these absences we know that one hundred and fifty
acres of land — more than the average allotment —
were reserved for her in Salem, by the Company, should
she decide to return thither. In the earliest manuscript
book of records of town lands preserved in Salem, there
1 Felt’s Annals (1st ed.), p. 522.FRANCIS HIG GINS ON *S HOUSEHOLD.
!35
is a list of allotments down to 1636, at the end of which
appears, “ For Mrs. Higenson if she come 150 acres.,>
Felt, in his “ Memoir of Francis Higginson,”2 3 * thinks
that Ann Higginson went to New Haven soon after
1638, when the place was first settled by Theophilus
Eaton and other prominent Puritans ; and he thinks that
Eaton — the first Governor of the New Haven Colony
— may perhaps have been her brother, from the fact
that one of her sons was named after him, and that
another was bound to Govenor Eaton as a “ servant ”
or apprentice, after his father’s death.8 She died at
New Haven early in 1640, and her estate was the
first which came before the court of magistrates for
settlement, after the planting of the colony. Pro-
fessor Kingsley, in his Historical Discourse at New
Haven (1838), preserves for us the record of the
court (Feb. 25, 1640), — modernizing the spelling, —
and states that the court was professedly guided
in its decisions solely by “ the general rules of
righteousness.”
Ann Higginson1 s Estate.
“ Mrs. Higginson, late planter of Quinnipiac, dying
without making her will, and leaving behind her eight
children, an inventory of her estate being taken, the
court disposed of her estate and children as followeth,
1	Essex Inst. Hist. Coll., ix. 21.
2	Reprinted (1852) from the “ New England Historic-Genea-
logical Register.”
3	Leonard Bacon asserts this relationship as unquestionable,
in “ Genesis of the New England Churches,” p. 459.136 LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
with consent and approbation of Mr. John Higginson,
her eldest son.
“The said John Higginson, the charges of his
education considered, is only to have his father’s
books, together with the value of ^5 in bedding for
his portion.
“ Francis Higginson, the second son, and Timothy
the third son, their education also considered, are to
have each of them jQ20 for their portions.
“ Theophilus Higginson, though well educated, yet
in regard of his helpfulness to his mother and her
estate, is to have ^40 for his portion.
“Samuel Higginson is also to have £40 for his
portion, and to be with Mr. Eaton as his servant, for
the full term of two years from the first of March
next ensuing.
“ Theophilus and Samuel are to have the lot, with all
the accommodations belonging thereunto, equally to
be divided between them for ^50 of their portions.
“Ann Higginson, her daughter, is to have ^40
for her portion, and her mother’s old clothes, together
with the remainder of the estate, when the debts and
other portions are paid.
“ Charles Higginson is to have ^40 to his portion,
and to be with Thomas Fugill as his apprentice, unto
the full end and term of nine years, from the first of
March next ensuing the date hereof; and the said
Thomas Fugill is to find him what is convenient for
him as a servant, and to keep him at school one year,
or else to advantage him as much in his education asFRANCIS HIGGINSON 'S HO USE HOLD.	13 7
a year’s learning comes to ; and he is to have the
benefit of the use of his portion till the said term be
expired, and at the end thereof to pay it to the said
Charles Higginson, but if he die before, then the said
Thomas Fugill is to pay the said portion to the rest
of his brothers, that are alive at the end of said nine
years.
“ Neophytus Higginson1 being with Mr. Hough in
the Bay of Massachusetts is to remain with him and
to be brought up with him, till he attain the full age of
twenty one years, and in the mean time Mr. Hough
is to have ^40 of the estate, which he is to pay to
the said Neophytus at the end of the said term, as his
portion.
“ When the farm at Saugus is sold, it is to be equally
divided among the brothers.” 2 3
A record from an old family history in manuscript,
preserved in the family, and used by Dr. Henry
Wheatland of Salem in his “ Materials for a Gene-
alogy of the Higginson Family,” 8 carries the record
on to the end of the lives for whose uncertain future
the New Haven Court provided. It runs thus : —
Children of Francis and Ann Higginson.
“ 1. John, born at Claybrook [Leicester, England],
Aug. 6, 1616.
1	[The only one of these children born at Salem.]
2	Kingsley’s Historical Discourse, p. 103.
3	Essex Inst. Hist. Coll., v. 33.138 life OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
“ 2. Francis, bom 1617; was for a time schoolmaster
at Cambridge [U. S.] ; went to Europe; resided at
London for some time, and visited several of the
Universities for the improvement of his mind; settled
as a minister at Kerby Steven in Westmoreland, Eng-
land ; and there he died, unmarried, in the fifty-fifth
year of his age.
“ 3. Timothy was a mariner and died unmarried.
“4. Theophilus died at the age of 37, leaving one
son, Samuel, born at New Haven, Aug. 26, 1640.
“5. Samuel, Capt. of a Man-of-War in Cromwell’s
time, afterwards Capt. of an East-Indiaman, died at
the age of 44.
“ 6. Ann married Thomas Chatfield of Guilford, New
Haven, Easthampton, L. I.; probably no children.
“ 7. Mary died Tuesday, May 19th, 1629, during
the passage, aged 4 years.
“ 8. Charles, Captain of a ship in the Jamaica trade,
died at the age of 49.
“ 9. Neophytus died at the age of about 20 years.” 1
Of the two eldest and best known of these children,
Cotton Mather gives the following description : —
“ One of these, Francis by name, was for a time a
school-master at our Cambridge, but having attained
as much learning as New England could then afford,
1 Manuscript Book. Compare Wheatland in Essex Inst.
Hist. Coll., v. 33*, Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p.
211; Mather’s Magnalia, i. 330; Kingsley’s Historical Dis-
course, p. 103.FRANCIS HIGGINSON'S HOUSEHOLD.	139
he was desirous to visit some European university;
and being recommended unto Roterdam, some Dutch
merchants, out of respect unto an hopeful scholar of
New England, contributed fourscore pounds in money
to assist his juvenile studies at Leyden. Afterwards
having visited some other universities in those parts,
he returned into England; where he declined a settle-
ment in some other, which he thought more opinion-
ative, and so more contentious and undesirable places,
to which he was invited, and settled at Kerby-Steven
in Westmoreland, hoping to do most good among the
ignorant people there. But it pleased the God of
Heaven to permit the first out-breaking of that pro-
digious and comprehensive heresy Quakerism in that
very place; and a multitude of people being bewitched
thereinto, it was a great affliction unto this worthy
man; but it occasioned his writing the first book that
ever was written against that sink of blasphemies, en-
tituled, The Irreligion of Northern Quakers. This
learned person was the author of a Latin treatise, De
quinq, maxi?nis Luminibus: De Luce Lncreata; De
Luce creata ; De Lumine Naturae, Gratia 6° Gloria ;
and having illuminated the house of God in that part
of it, where our Lord had set him to shine, he went
away to the light of glory, in the fifty-fifth year of
his age.
“ The other named John, has been on some laud-
able accounts another Origen ; for the father of Origen
would kiss the uncovered breast of that excellent
youth, whilst he lay asleep, as being the temple where140
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIG GINS ON.
the spirit of God was resident, and as Origen, after the
untimely death of his father, had his poor mother with
six other children to look after; whereupon he taught
first a grammar-school, and then betook himself unto
the study of divinity; thus this other Higginson after
a pious childhood, having been a school-master at
Hartford) and a minister at Say brook y and afterwards
at Guilford, became at length in the year 1659, a
pastor) and a rich and long blessing, succeeding his
father in his church at Salem. This reverend person
has been always valued for his useful preaching, and
his holy living; and besides his constant labours in
the pulpit) whereby his own flock has been edified;
the whole country has, by the press, enjoyed some of
his composures, and by his hand, the composures of
some others also, passing the press, have been accom-
panied. Having formerly born his testimony to, The
cause of God\ and his people in New England, in a
sermon so entituled, which he preached on the great-
est anniversary solemnity, which occurred in the land,
namely, the anniversary election; when he thought,
that the advance of old age upon him directed him to
live in the hourly expectation of death, he published a
most savoury book, on Our dying Saviour's Legacy of
Peace to his disciples in a troublesome world; with a
Discourse on the Duty of Christians, to be witnesses
unto Christ; unto which is added) some Help to Self-
Examination.
“ Nevertheless, this true Simeon is yet waiting for
the consolation of Israel. This good old man is yetFRANCIS HIGGINSON'S HOUSEHOLD. j4i
alive; (in the year 1696) arrived unto the eightieth
year of his devout age, and about the sixtieth year of
his publick work, and he, that from a child knew the
holy scriptures, does at those years wherein men use
to be twice children, continue preaching them with
such a manly, pertinent, judicious vigour, and with so
little decay of his intellectual abilities, as is indeed a
matter of just admiration. But there was a famous
divine in Germany, who on his death bed when some
of his friends took occasion to commend his past
painful, faithful, and fruitful ministry, cried out unto
them \Auferte Ignem adhuc enim pufeus habeo /] Oh /
bring not the sparks of your praises near me, as long
as I have any chaff left in me l And I am sensible
that I shall receive the like check from this my rever-
end father, if I presume to do him the justice, which
a few months hence will be done him, in all the
churches; nor would I deserve at his hands, the
blow which Constantine gave to him, who Imperatorem
ausus est, in Os Beatum die ere.” 1
Cotton Mather did not in any respect exaggerate
the important part rendered in the colony by the
eldest son of Francis Higginson. From childhood,
John Higginson took a prominent part in affairs, being
at thirteen a member of his father’s church; at
twenty being sent at the head of a commission with
Lieut. Edward Gibbons, and Cutshamekin, Sagamore
of Massachusetts, to wait on Canonicus, chief of the
1 Magnalia (ed. 1820), i. 330, 331.142
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON
Narragansett, concerning the murder of John Oldham,
while on a trading voyage to Block Island;1 and at
twenty-one being appointed scribe of the Cambridge
Assembly, to take down its proceedings in shorthand,
— a report unfortunately lost. He was afterwards
teacher of the grammar school at Hartford; was
chaplain of the Fort at Saybrook, where he took part
in the defence conducted by the celebrated Lion Gar-
diner ; and went afterwards to Guilford, Conn., where
he was assistant to Rev. Henry Whitfield, whose
daughter Sarah he married, the wedding having taken
place in the old stone mansion, still standing, and
now the oldest house within the original limits of the
United States. His mother having lately died, he
was about removing to London in 1659, to settle her
estate, when the vessel which bore himself and family
was driven by stress of weather into Salem harbor,
where he was persuaded to remain, and take charge
of the church founded by his father thirty years before.
He was ordained in August, 1660, and remained in
continuous service until Dec. 9, 1708, winning for
himself the honorable title of “the Nestor of the
New England clergy.”
John Higginson undoubtedly sympathized with the
prevalent hostility to the Friends or Quakers, — a feel-
ing not diminished in his case, doubtless, by the fact
that John Smith of Salem was arrested for making a
disturbance at his ordination by crying out, “ What you
are going about to set up, our God is pulling down.”
1 Felt’s Annals of Salem (1st ed.), p. 99-FRANCIS HIGGINSONyS HOUSEHOLD.
M3
He is even reported in Bishop's “ New England
Judged,” but without specifying time or place, to have
characterized the Inner Light, as then and there man-
ifested, as being “ a stinking vapor from hell.” 1 But
his name is not identified, I believe, with any of the
judicial cruelties aimed at these persecuted people;2 *
though it is very probable that he fully approved the
action of the county court when it sentenced Thomas
Maule, known to the readers of Hawthorne's “ House
of the Seven Gables,” to be whipped ten stripes for
saying that “ Mr. Higginson preached lies, and his
doctrine was the doctrine of devils.” 8
If, however, the younger Higginson shared in this
respect the sins and delusions of his time, — and we
must remember that even the benevolent Samuel
Sewall called Quakerism “ devil-worship,” 4 — he par-
tially atoned for it by his courageous attitude, even in
old age, against the witchcraft delusion and against
1	Halloweirs Quaker Invasion of Massachusetts, pp. 85, 95.
2	It is a curious fact that one John Higgington in England,
who may have been a relative, — so loose was then the general
practice in respect to spelling, — was the second on the list of
Friends who signed a memorial, endorsed by George Fox,
which led to the establishment of the first “ Meeting for Disci-
pline ” at Durham, in 1653. See Bowden’s History of Friends
in America (1850), i. 209.
8 Sewall’s Diary, i. 415. Goodell, in Essex Inst. Hist. Coll.,
iii., gives a full account of Maule, who was afterward indicted
again and acquitted, and published two pamphlets, one of
which was entitled “ Persecutors Mauled with their own
weapons.”
4 Sewall’s Diary, ii. 232.144 LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
African slavery. His position on the former question
was the more remarkable, as his colleague Nicholas
Noyes was one of the chief prosecutors; and John
Higginson was then seventy-six years of age. Yet he
was ready to testify in favor of Goodwife Buckley, ar-
raigned as a witch, and attested her to be “ a serious
godly woman.” This involved him in such reproach
among the fanatics that his own daughter Anna, wife
of Capt. William Dollibar of Gloucester, was arrested
as a witch, and confined for a time in Salem jail; an in-
fallible proof of his courage and independence accord-
ing to the chief historian of the delusion since those
who instigated the excitement “ were sure to punish all
who were suspected to disapprove of the proceedings.”1
“ No character in our annals,” continues Upham,
“ shines with a purer lustre.” John Dunton, the Lon-
don bookseller, visited him in 1686, when seventy,
and says of him : “ All men look to him as to a com-
mon father; and old age, for his sake, is a reverent
thing. He is eminent for all the graces that adorn a
minister. His very presence puts vice out of counte-
nance ; his conversation is a glimpse of heaven.” He
had been, in the words of the Massachusetts Com-
pany’s first letter to Endicott, “ trained up in litera-
ture ” at the grammar school in Leicester, and was
therefore recommended for a medical education; 2
but the inevitable influence of the time led him to
the profession of his father, while he always retained
1	Upham’s Salem Witchcraft, ii. 194, 363.
2	Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 166.FRANCIS HIGGINSON'S HOUSEHOLD. 145
that breadth of intellectual interest which held out so
remarkably, amidst many intellectual vagaries, in the
second generation of Massachusetts Puritans. He
was one of the first men in the colony to urge the
importance of historical investigations, uniting with
the Rev. Thomas Thacher in an address “To the
Reader,” prefaced to Morton’s New England’s Memo-
rial, to which address the name of John Higginson is
first signed. The signers say : “ It is much to be de-
sired there might be extant A Compleat History of the
United Colonies of New England . . that the true
Originals of these plantations may not be lost, that
New England in all times to come, may remember
the day of her smallest things, and that there may be
a furniture of Materials for a true and full history in
after-times.” And they express the hope that “what
is wanting in this Narrative may be supplied by some
others; and so in the issue, from divers Memorials
there may be matter for a just History of New Eng-
land\ in the Lord’s good time.” This preface bears
date March 26, 1669.
John Higginson also wrote the preface to Cotton
Mather’s “ Magnalia Christi Americana,” and says in
it of himself, Jan. 25, 1697 : —
“ As for myself, having been, by the mercy of God,
now above sixty-eight years in New England, and
served the Lord and his people, in my weak meas-
ure, sixty years in the ministry of the gospel, I may
now say in my old age, I have seen all that the Lord146 life OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
hath done for his people in New England, and have
known the beginning and progress of these churches
unto this day, and having read over much of this his-
tory, I cannot but in the love and fear of God, bear
witness to the truth of it.” 1
And at the end of the preface he gives a solitary
proof that he too, at the age of eighty, shared the
current tendency to Latin verse-making, — he himself
calling it “ poetry,” — to this effect: —
“ Epigramma Mather os.
“ O Nimium Dilecte Deo, Venerande Mathere
Gaudens tot Natos Christi numerare Ministros !
Dat Deus ut tales insurgant usque Matheri,
Et Nati Natorum, et qui Nascentur ab illis.
Has inter Stellas fulgens, Cottone Mathere,
Patrum tu sequeris vestigia semper adorans,
Phosphorus ast aliis! ” 2
The quaint and inexhaustible diaries of our New
England Pepys, Samuel Sewall, have repeated refer-
ences to John Higginson, with whom Sewall often in-
terchanged books and papers, and sometimes visits or
dinners, when the one was in Boston or the other in
Salem.3 More important is the fine letter written by
Sewall to John Higginson when the former stood up,
almost unsupported, to protest in his tract called
“The Selling of Joseph,” against the African slave
1 Magnalia,:. io.	2 Ibid., 13.
8 Sewall’s Diary, i. 89, 90, 140, 143, 227, 249, 346, etc. John
Higginson’s grandson (John Higginson 3d), married Sewall’s
daughter. Ibid., ii. 26.FRANCIS HIGGINSON’S HOUSEHOLD.
147
trade and slavery itself. He writes to him (April 13,
1706) : “ Amidst the Frowns and hard Words I have
met with for this undertaking, it is no small refresh-
ment to me, that I have the Learned, Reverend, and
Aged Mr. Higginson for my Abettor. By the inter-
position of this Brest-Work, I hope to carry on and
manage this enterprise with Safety and Success.” 1
John Higginson was at this time ninety years old.
Sewall describes his death two years later, Dec. 8,
1708, and his funeral “a little before sunset” five
days after; and the annalist, ever sure to mingle ac-
curate observation with moralizing, reports that all the
six bearers wore their own hair.2 This had doubtless
some interest in the observer’s mind, from the fact
that at one of Sewall’s last interviews with John Hig-
ginson the venerable divine showed him a treatise on
“ Perriwigs,” which Sewall wished to have printed but
which the author withheld from publication.8
His funeral sermon was preached by the Rev.
Cotton Mather, under the title, “ The Happy Dismis-
sal of a Holy Believer, a Funeral Sermon on the Death
of the Reverend John Higginson, with Memoirs of his
Life, 1709.” Copies of this discourse are to be found
in the Prince Library and the Library of the American
Antiquarian Society at Worcester, Mass.4
1	Sewall’s Letter-Book, i. 326; Moore’s Slavery in Massachu-
setts, p. 89.
2	Sewall’s Diary, ii. 246.
3	Ibid., i. 464.
4	The following list of the Rev. John Higginson’s published
writings is compiled from the “ Prince Library Catalogue ” of148 life OF FRANCIS HIGGINS ON.
It is unnecessary here to trace into its wide ramifi-
cations the posterity of Francis Higginson.
The career of his son John, through whom the
the Boston Public Library (1870). It is possible, however,
that it is incomplete.
1.	The Cause of God and his People in New-England. [An Elec-
tion] Sermon, on the 27 day of May, 1663. Cambridge: Printed
by Samuel Green, 1663. PP* (4) 24* 4°* [Extracts are also included
in Elijah’s Mantle ... by Four Servants of God. Boston, 1722,
edited by Increase Mather. John Higginson’s Sermon occupies the
second volume.]
2.	Our Dying Saviour’s Legacy of Peace. Also a Discourse on the
Two Witnesses. Boston: Printed by Samuel Green for John Usher,
near the Town House, 1686. pp. (14) 205. 8°.
3.	Address to the Reader of [N. Morton’s] New England’s Me-
moriall. Boston, 1669. [Signed also by Thomas Thacher.]
4.	Epistle Dedicatory to [N. Noyes's] New-England's Duty.
Boston, 1669. [Noyes was J. H.’s colleague. The Epistle in-
cludes 10 pp.]
5.	Epistle to the Reader of [J. Hale’s] Modest Enquiry into the
Nature of Witchcraft. Boston, 1702.
6.	Preface to [Cotton Mather’s] Winter Meditations. Boston,
1693. [pp. 16.]
7.	[and William Hubbard]. A Testimony to the Order of the
Gospel, In the Churches of New England. Boston, 1701. pp. 15.
[Reprinted also in Samuel Mather’s The Self-Justiciary corrected.
Boston, 1707, where it occupies pp. 19-27-]
All these books are in the Prince Library (Boston Public
Library); the Harvard College Library has Nos. 1, 3, 4, 5;
the Library of the American Antiquarian Society, at Worcester,
Mass., has Nos. 1, 2, 5, 7 ; the Boston Athenaeum Library has
No. 1; and I myself have Nos. 2 and 6. John Higginson’s
“Advice to his Children,” called his Dying Testimony, was
apparently not published during his lifetime, but was printed
from manuscript in the hands of a descendant (B. F. Browne,
Esq., of Salem, Mass.), in the Essex Institute Historical Col-
lections, ii. 97. Compare Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d ser., vii. 222.FRANCIS HIG GINS ON’S HOUSEHOLD.
149
whole line of the American descent flowed, has been al-
ready sketched. Francis Higginson’s oldest grandson,
also named John, was a prominent merchant and mag-
istrate of Salem, long a member of the Governor’s
Council, and lieutenant-colonel of the regiment. His
brother Nathaniel—also a grandson of Francis —
graduated at Harvard College in 1670, and soon went
to England, becoming ultimately the Governor of the
English colony of Madras, where he bore an honor-
able reputation. An extended correspondence be-
tween him and his brother John (1692-1700) has
been published in the Massachusetts Historical Col-
lections.1 Hopes seem to have been entertained of
his appointment as governor of the Massachusetts
Colony, when he died in England in 1708, the year
of his father’s death. The succeeding representatives
of the name for several generations were men of
public spirit and public office in the Massachusetts
Colony. The last of one line of descent — and that
the elder — was a woman of remarkable qualities,
Miss Mehitable Higginson, who with her widowed
mother kept for many years the leading school
for girls in Salem, and educated successive genera-
tions. There is much testimony to her influence as
a teacher. One of her pupils says of her: “ Being
1 Third series, vii. 196. Wheeler, the historian of Madras,
says of him: “ Higginson seems to have been the first governor
of Madras on record who retired from office without a stain
upon his name.” Compare Sibley’s “ Harvard Graduates,” ii.
316.LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
i5°
asked what she taught, she laughingly replied : € Eth-
ics.’ Yet to a superficial observer it might seem
that she taught nothing. Her manners were courtly,
and her conversation was replete with dignity, kind
feeling, and sound sense.” Hawthorne is said to have
drawn from her his Esther in the “ Province House
Tales,” though Hawthorne’s sister-in-law, Miss E. P.
Peabody, thinks the resemblance very remote. It lay
partly in the fact that both she and her mother were
stanch loyalists, like Esther, never would acknowledge
the validity of the American Republic, and were in
part supported by a pension from the crown in consid-
eration of their loyalty. The mother died at the age
of ninety-four, and the daughter (July 19, 1846) at
eighty-two.1
It is interesting to note that Francis Higginson was
the progenitor of three conspicuous political leaders
in New England at the period immediately succeed-
ing the Revolution, — George Cabot, John Lowell, and
Stephen Higginson. In our own day the list of his
descendants has included one of the three greatest
of the Union generals, William Tecumseh Sherman, as
it also included one of the most conspicuous of the
“ War-Governors,” John Albion Andrew. Among his
posterity are, or have lately been, three United States
1 For a full account of Miss Hetty Higginson, as she was
usually called, see the “Salem Gazette,” July 21, 1846; and
there is a delightful sketch of her by Miss E. P. Peabody in
Barnard’s “American Journal of Education” (July 15, 1880),
v. 588.FRANCIS HIGGINSON'S HOUSEHOLD, l5i
senators, — William Maxwell Evarts, George Frisbie
Hoar, and John Sherman, — with three members of the
lower house, — John Forrester Andrew, Henry Cabot
Lodge, and Sherman Hoar. The list further includes
prominent lawyers, such as Ebenezer Rockwood Hoar
and John Lowell; clergymen, such as Stephen Hig- ■
ginson Tyng, William Henry Channing, and James
Handasyd Perkins ; physicians, such as Samuel Cabot,
Walter Channing the younger, Charles Pickering Put-
nam, and James Jackson Putnam; authors and schol-
ars, such as William Ellery Channing the younger,
Charles Timothy Brooks, James Elliot Cabot, and John
Torrey Morse ; university professors such as Simeon E.
Baldwin and Edward Channing; soldiers of the Civil
War, such as Charles Russell Lowell, James Jackson
Lowell, Stephen George Perkins, Charles James Paine,
Henry Lee Higginson, Francis L. Lee, Edward Clark
Cabot; naval officers, such as Francis John Higgin-
son ; and citizens highly eminent for public service,
such as Henry Lee and Robert Treat Paine. Thus
widely spread and intermingled, after six or seven gen-
erations of descent, may be a single strain of Puritan
ancestry. In this instance the stock has surely shown
some vitality and vigor, and perhaps something of
transmitted public spirit, and of interest in things
higher than those which are merely material. These
descendants have remained loyal, as Americans, to the
verdict of their early progenitor, that “ one sup of New
England air is better than a whole flagon of old Eng-
lish ale ; ” and many of them have shown in their lives152
LIFE OF FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
an adherence to John Higginson’s opinion, “that if
any man amongst us make religion as twelve and the
world as thirteen, let such an one know he hath neither
the spirit of a true New England man nor yet of a
sincere Christian.”INDEX.
Ackermann’s “ Cambridge,”
cited, 8.
Adams, Brooks, cited, 112, 123.
Adams, Charles Francis, 85.
Adams, Herbert B., cited, 70.
Adams, Thomas, 119.
Andrew, Gov. J. A., 150.
Andrew, J. F., 151.
Andrews, Mrs., 4.
Angel, Rev. Mr., 24.
Aristotle, 9, 13.
Ascham, Roger, cited, 9, 10.
Aubrey, John, n.
Aulus Gellius, 13.
Bacon, Rev. Leonard, cited, 32,
77, 86, 135.
Bains, Rev. Mr., 25.
Baldwin, Prof. S. E., 151.
Bancroft, George, cited, 123.
Barry’s “ History of Massachu-
setts,” cited, 70.
Bass Rocks, the, 98.
Beecher or Becher, Captain, 52,
73-
Bentley, Rev. Dr., 83, 131.
Bishop’s “ New England Judged,”
quoted, 143.
Borley, Captain, 52.
Bowden’s “Friends in America,”
quoted, 143.
Bradford, Gov., 77, 85, no.
Brewster, Rev. Mr., 127.
Brian, Rev. Dr., 25.
Bright, Rev. Francis, 33, 36.
Brooks, Rev. C. T., 151.
Browne, B. F., 148.
Browne, John, 33, 115, 116, 117,
118, 120.
Browne, Kellam, 115.
Browne, Mr., 54.
Browne, Samuel, 33, no, 115,116,
117, 118, 120.
Browne, Sir Thomas, 14.
Brownes, the, 120,121.
Buckley, Goodwife, 144.
Cabot, Lt.-Col. E. C., 151.
Cabot, George, 150.
Cabot, J. E., 151.
Cabot, Dr. Samuel, 151.
Cambridge (England) University
three centuries ago, 8.
Canonicus, an Indian, 142.
Cave, Lady, 22.
Chalmers’s “ Annals,” cited, 72,
123.
Channing, Prof. Edward, 151.
Channing, Dr. Walter, 151.
Channing, W. E. (the younger),
I5I-
Channing, Rev. W. H., 151.
Chase, J. Eastman, 132.
Chester, Col. J. L., cited, 4, 5, 6.J54
INDEX.
Chrysostom, St. John, 13.
Cicero, 10.
Clap, Capt. Roger, 106, 125.
Clayton, Richard, 31.
Coddington, Mr., 134.
Colbron, William, 115.
Coleman, Mrs., 4.
Conformists, revolt of the, 109.
Covenant framed by Francis Hig-
ginson made afterward more
strict, 83.
Cowie, Rev. Dr., 6.
Cradock, Matthew, 119.
Cranmer, Rt. Rev. Thomas, 8.
Crashaw, Richard' 9.
Cudworth, Ralph, 9.
Cutshamekin, an Indian, 141.
Cyprian, quoted, 20.
Davenport, John, 31, 116.
Demosthenes, 10,13.
D’Ewes, Sir Simonds, 11, 13,
14.
Dollibar, Anna (Higginson), 144.
Dollibar, Capt. William, 144.
Dudley, Gov. Thomas, 69, 115,
128, 129.
Dunton, John, 144.
Eaton, Theophilus, 135, 136.
Edmonds, James, 31.
Eliot, Rev. John, 8, 106.
Elizabeth, Queen, 10.
Endicott, Gov. John, 33, 69, 73, 77,
78,85, no, 117, 118, 119, 121,
144.
Endicott, Hon. W. C., quoted, 121.
Erasmus, Desiderius, 9, 13.
Essex Institute Hist. Collections,
cited, 135, 138, 143.
Eugenius (Sterne’s), 8.
Euripides, 10.
Evarts, W. M., 149.
Everett, Edward, quoted, 106.
Ezekiel, quoted, 16.
“ Farewell ! dear England,” 29.
Felt, Joseph B., cited, 37, 70, 71,
84, 123, 124, 125, 126, 135.
Flamsteed, John, 8.
Florus, 13.
Force’s “ Tracts,” cited, 90.
Fox, George, 86.
Fugill, Thomas, 136, 137.
Fuller, George, 132.
Fuller, Dr. Samuel, 77.
Fuller, Thomas, 9, 12.
Fuller’s “Cambridge,” cited, 8.
Gardiner, Lion, 142.
Genealogy, the Higginson, 137.
Gibbons, Maj.-Gen. Edward, 88,
141.
Gibs or Gibbs, Mr., 54.
Gilbert, Mrs., 4.
Goffe, Thomas, 56, 119.
Gould, A. A., cited, 98.
Grahame’s “ History of the United
States,” cited, 123.
Graves, Thomas, 31, 33, 73, 90.
Hale, Rev. J., 148.
Hallowell’s “ Quaker Invasion,”
cited, 143.
Hartley, David, 8.
Harvard, John, 14.
Harwood, George, 119.
Haven, S. F., 70.
Herodotus, 10.
Hewson, John, 31.INDEX.
*55
Higginson, Ann (wife of Francis),
26, 134, 135.
Higginson, Ann (daughter of
Francis), 136, 138.
Higginson, Charles, 136, 137, 138.
Higginson, Dorothy, 3.
Higginson, Elizabeth, 3, 5.
Higginson, Rev. Francis, celebra-
ted by Cotton Mather, 2.
his ancestry, 2.
his university life, 8.
his life at Claybrooke, Leicester,
*5-
his sailing for America, 29.
his remarks on shipboard, 29.
Johnson’s verses about him, 30.
his agreement with Massachu-
setts Company, 34.
“ Generali Considerations,” 38.
the discussion as to its author-
ship, 39.
his sea-voyage and journal, 47.
the number of his companions,
68.
his letter home, 71.
his change of opinion, 76.
his ordination, 76.
his confession of faith and cove-
nant, 79.
his “New England’s Plantation,”
89.
his parsonage, 124.
his personal appearance, 125.
his preaching, 126.
his illness and death, 128.
his influence, 131.
his epitaph, 131.
his portrait, 131.
his household, 134.
his posterity, 148.
Higginson, Francis (second son of
Rev. Francis), 136, 138.
Higginson, F. J., 151.
Higginson genealogy, the, 137.
Higginson, George, 3.
Higginson, J oane, her bequest to
the poor, 2, 3.
Higginson, Rev. John, of Clay-
brooke, 3, 4, 14.
Higginson, John (son of Rev. John
Higginson of Claybrooke), 4, 5.
Higginson, Rev. John (of Salem),
eldest son and successor of
Francis.
his description of his father’s
preaching, 39.
his early youth, 78, 127.
provision made for him, 136.
his birthday, 137.
his embassy among Indians, 141.
his career, 142.
his opinions, 142-144.
his anti-slavery position, 147.
his death, 147.
his writings, 148.
Higginson, Joyce, 3.
Higginson, Mary, 51, 53, 138.
Higginson, Mehitable, 149.
Higginson, Nathaniel, 4, 149.
Higginson, Neophytus, 137, 138.
Higginson, Nicholas, 4, 5, 6.
Higginson, Robert, 3.
Higginson, Samuel, 53, 136, 138.
Higginson, Stephen, 149.
Higginson, Theophilus, 136, 138.
Higginson, Thomas, son of Joane,
3-
Higginson, Thomas, Jr., 3.
Higginson, T. W., quoted, 1.
Higginson, Timothy, 136, 138.
Higginson, Ursula, 3.
Higginson, William, 4.
Higginton, John, 143.
Hildersham, Arthur, 17, 32, 33.INDEX.
l5&
Hoar, E. R., 151.
Hoar, G. F., 151.
Hoar, Sherman, 151.
Holland, Lord, 12.
Hooker, Thomas, 17.
Horace, 14.
Hough, Mr., 137.
Houghton, Mr., 129.
Howe, Rev. Mr., 25.
Huber’s “ English Universities,”
cited, 11.
Humfrey, John, 31, 32, 33, 115.
Hutchinson, Gov. Thomas, cited,
35> 38> 39, 4°, 46, 47, 75-
Indians, American, description
of, 104.
Isocrates, 10.
James I., King, 12, 13.
Janus, 1.
Johnson, Lady Arbella, 32, 128.
Johnson, Isaac, 32, 73, 115, 116,
119.
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 11.
Jortin, John, 8.
Josselyn, John, quoted, 96.
Juvenal, 14.
Rennet’s “ Chronicle,” cited,
I3*
Kingsley’s “ Historical Discourse,”
cited, 135, 138.
Laud, William, Archbishop, n,
18, 25.
Lee, Col. F. L., 151.
Lee, Col. Henry, 132, 151.
Lincoln, Countess of, 69.
Lions attributed to America, 96.
Livy, 10.
Lodge, H. C., 149.
Lovelocks, origin suggested for,
104.
Lowell, Gen. C. R., 151.
Lowell, John, 150.
Lowell, Lt. J. J., 151.
Lucretius, 13.
“ Malleus Haereticorum,” 33.
Massachusetts Bay Colony, Rec-
ords of, cited, 32, 116.
Massachusetts Bay Colony, trans-
fer of charter of, 112.
Massachusetts Historical Collec-
tions, cited, 71, 82, 83.
Masson, David, cited, 11, 13,
14.
Mather, Rev. Cotton, cited, 2, 15,
79, 87, 88, 124, 128, 131, 134,
138, 141, 145, i47*
Mather, Rev. Increase, 148.
Mather, Rev. Samuel, 148.
Maule, Thomas, 143.
“ Mayflower,” the, carried colonists
to Salem, 89.
Meare, Mr., 52.
Mede, Joseph, 12.
Milton, John, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14.
Moore’s “ Slavery in Massachu-
setts,” cited, 147.
More, Henry, 9.
Morse, J. T., 149.
Morton, Thomas, of Merry Mount,
118.
Morton’s “ New England’s Me-
morial,” cited, 76, 78, 79, 81,
84, 85, no, 123, 126, 127, 145,
148.INDEX.
157
the | Putnam, Dr. C. P., 151.
Putnam, Dr, J. J., 151.
Mullinger’s “ Cambridge in
Seventeenth Century,” cited, 9,
10, 11, 12, 13.
Munster, John of, no.
Neal’s “ History of the Puritans,”
quoted, 126.
Nehum-kek or Naumkeag, after-
ward Salem, 107, 124.
Nichols’s “ Leicestershire,” cited,
5*
Noah, 1.
Nowell, Increase, 31, 32, 115.
Noyes, Rev. Nicholas, 144, 148.
Ockley, Simon, 8.
Oldham, John, 142.
Ordination, the first American, 76.
Osgood’s “ Sketch of Salem,”
cited, 77.
Paine, Gen. C. J., 151.
Paine, R. T., 151.
Palfrey, Dr. J. G., cited, 76, 77,
112, 123.
Peacock’s “ Statutes of Cam-
bridge,” cited, 12.
Perkins, John, 4, 5.
Perkins, Rev. J. H., 151.
Perkins, Lt. S. G., 151.
Peterborough, Bishop of, 13.
Pinchon, Will., 115, 116, 119.
Pindar, 13.
Plato, 9, 14.
Plautus, 10.
Powers, John, 12.
Prince, Thomas, 33.
Privations of Salem colonists, 125.
Puritan Clergy, their functions,
!25.
“ Radical ” magazine, cited, 81.
“ Religion as twelve and the world
as thirteen,” 134, 150.
Revell, John, 119.
Richardson, Rev. Mr., 25.
Robinson, Rev. John, quoted,
109.
Russell, Earl, 85.
Sacheverel, Dr., 24.
Salem, Mass., first called Nehum-
kek, 107, 124.
Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 31, 115,
119.
' Savage, James, cited, 38, 39, 72.
Saville, Sir Henry, 13.
Say and Sele, Lord, 69.
Scottow’s “ Narrative,” cited, 71,
86, 87.
Seaman, Rev. Dr., 25.
“ Selling of Joseph, The” (a tract),
146.
Sewall, Samuel, 143,146, 147.
Sharp, Thomas, 115.
Sherman, John, 151.
Sherman, Gen. W. T., 150.
Shurtleff, Dr. N. B., 30.
Skelton, Rev. Samuel, 33, 36, 37,
78, 79, 85, 86, 117, 119, 120, 121,
124, 127.
Smith, John, 142.
Smith, Rev. Ralph, 55, 77.
Sophocles, 10.
Sparks, Michael, quoted, 89.
Spenser, Edmund, 13.
Stedman and Hutchinson’s “ Amer-
ican Literature,” cited, 96.INDEX.
*58
Sterne, Dr. (Master of Jesus Col-
lege), n.
Sterne, Laurence, 8.
Stevenson, John Hall, 8.
Stubbe, Philip, 12.
“ Sup of New-England’s aire, a,”
100, 150.
Taylor, Jeremy, 9, 14.
Ten Pound Island, landing on,
64.
Terence, 10.
Thacher, Rev. Thomas, 78, 145,
,48.
Thucydides, 10.
Tyler, Moses Coit, cited, 14, 131.
Tyng, Rev. S. H., 151.
Upham, Rev. C. W., cited, 81,82,
83, 84, 125,144.
Vassall, Samuel, 116.
Vassall, William, 31, 115, 116,
119.
Venn, Captain, 31.
Waters, of Neyland, 128.
Webb, Francis, 119.
West, Niko, 115.
Wheatland, Dr. Henry, 137.
Whetcombe, Simon, 31, 116, 119.
White, John, 69.
Whitfield, Rev. Henry, 142.
Whitfield, Sarah, 142.
Whyte, John, 116.
Williams, Dr., Bishop of Lincoln,
iS, 25.
Williams, Roger, 124.
Winslow, Edward, cited, 78.
Winthrop, Gov. John, 38, 71, 115,
116, 119, 125, 126, 128.
Winthrop, John, Jr., 71.
Winthrop, R. C., cited, 39, 40, 112.
Wright, Mr., 117.
Xenophon, 10.
Young, Alexander, cited, 32, 33,
34) 36) 38? 39? 47, 51? 69? 7h I2)
73) 74, 75? 78, 90,107, 125, 132,
138.
“Young Folks’ Book of American
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