it) Hit i a] Gornell University Library Dthaca, New Bork CHARLES WILLIAM WASON COLLECTION CHINA AND THE CHINESE THE GIFT OF CHARLES WILLIAM WASON CLASS OF 1876 1918 PRINTED IN/U. S. a. (bay CAT.| NO, 239233 3 1924 077 076 861 EPSCESSOSSSSSSOSSOOSSSSOS AND THE) SURROUNDING DISTRICTS: Compiled from Chinese and citer Records, - -BY — GEORGE: HUG GHES, “Con muni sioner na Im a Maritime On olan Amo; Yi 2 0-09 OO . HONGKONG: EE By Dr ‘Souza & Co. ee Teas, * — ‘al + eos, I cadeneort fsbimememanenst BoSGeooRORESY Bo Mahe [Bacghlert 256 bby 1868S. — COL Marr AND THE SURROUNDING DISTRICTS. Compiled from Chinese and other Records, BY GEORGE HUGHES, Commissioner of Imperial Maritime Customs, at Amoy. HONGKONG: PRINTED EY De Souza & Co. 1 ‘1879. & Wasnt DS149b Ag. He WI19G Part 1 Historical. Amoy and its vicinity. Troubles with Japanese, with Dutch. Ch‘eng chih lung, Chéng ch‘éng kung (Koxinga). Loss of Formosa by Dutch; their endeavour to obtain a possession on mainland. Capture of Amoy by British. Small knife rebels capture Amoy. History of this society. Scale of duties and charges published by rebel chief. Recap- ture of Amoy by Imperialists. Capture of Chang-chou-fu by a remnant of Chang mao or T‘ai p‘ing rebels. Connection of foreigners with them. Burgevine. Recapture of Chang-chou-fu by Imperialists. The early Chinese records of Amoy, and its vicinity, are so obscured by statements obviously untruthful, as, at best, to be but very unsatisfactory data, from which to extract a précis ofits history. The information available, presents a dreary picture of craft, aggression, and bloodshed, on the one hand, and of haughty intoler- ance, exactions, and misrule, ending in rebellion, and savagery, on the other. Chinese historians claim that Japan was the dependent state named Wo, #§; and that in the period of Han-chéng, * ja¥, of the Tang dynasty, A.D. 670, its name was changed to Jeh pén, 9 AX, or the day spring, from its proximity to the rising sun, in the Eastern Ocean. That up to the date of the Sung 950-1280, there had been intercourse, under every dynasty, between China and Japan, and that the latter country had paid tribute uninterruptedly ; but that after this period, it was discon- tinued; whereupon the warrior founder of the Yuen, Kublai Khan, dispatched several envoys to demand this proof of allegiance. The proud and warlike Japanese, resenting with disdain the Mongols’ attempts to induce them to pay homage, and smarting under slights and Earty intercourse with Japan. Japanese descents on Coast of China, (2) injuries, slew a tribute seeking envoy, and his entire suite. To exact vengeance for this massacre, and to subjugate Japan, Kublai Khan, sent a large fleet bearing a hundred thousand men, under the command of Fan Wan-h'u. It reached Wu-lung-shan, where it was wrecked in a storm, and most of the illfated troops, who escaped the fury of the sea, perished by the swords of the Japanese. Few, if any, ever returned to China. After this disaster intercourse between the two countries, was suspended until the close of the Yuen dynasty, 1366. During the Ming dynasty, in retaliation for this attempt at invasion and conquest, the Japanese made frequent raids, carrying fire and sword along the coast of China from Che-kiang to Kwang-tung. In 1368 an envoy bearing an Imperial letter, was sent to ascertain the cause of these incursions ; but he was contemptuously entreated, by the Japanese, though, curiously enough, it is stated, that, about this time tribute was frequently tendered, but as it was unaccompanied by the proper forms of vassalage, it was always rejected. In the 20th year of Hung-w‘u, 1386, means were taken to put the coasts of Ché-kiang, Fuhkien, and Kwang-tung, in a state of defence, the former province was directed to furnish one hundred war junks, and the two latter, double that number. At this period an able but crafty minister of the Throne, named H‘u-wei-yuug, was pro- jecting a rebellion, and sought the aid of the Japanese, who sent one Jii-yao,a Budhist priest, at the head of four hundred men, disguised as tribute bearers, to his assistance ; the supposed tribute consisted of a large masa of wax, in which were concealed arms and gunpowder, but in the meantime H‘u-wei-yung, had been overthrown, and beheaded, and the contemplated treachery becoming known, the pseudo tribute bearers were seized and punished, and intercourse with Japan, was again discon- tinued. Subsequently, when the chronicles of the founder of the Ming were drawn up, Japan was added to the list of unconquered states, fifteen in all. (3) In the reign of Yungl6é, 1401, the Japanese sent tribute accompanied by the proper address, together with twenty of the chiefs of Tui-ma, and Tai-chi, who had been piratically harrying the coast of China. From this time, tribute was always accompanied by such pirates, as had been captured. The address to the Ta- hwang-té, which covered the tribute, was couched in these ‘terms: “If on the Islands of your majesty’s servant, there be persons without regular calling, who engage in piracy, it is in truth without the knowledge of your servant, and he prays your indulgence (or that their fault be not laid to his charge.”) Attacks on the Coast, were, however still rife, until 1418, when General Lui-chiang, inflicted a very severe defeat on the marau- ders at Wang-hai-w6, after which there was a temporary cessation of these raids. At this time, the payment of tribute appears to have been again discontinued. From the fourth to the eight years of Ching tung, (1459-63) the Japanese, at the instigation of two rene- gades, named Huan-yeu, and Lung-yeu, made several descents upon the departments of Tai-chou, and the district of T'ai-ming. There is little doubt that many of these raids were in retaliation for injustice the Japanese had received at the hands of the Chinese, for while the Government jealously sought to exclude them from their coast, the people of Ché Kiang, and Fuhkien, welcomed them for the trade they bought, but at the same time evaded, where practicable, paying them their just dues. When the Eunuchs, who held the posts of Superintendents of Trade, at Ningpo, and at the ports in this province, whose duties were to collect the Revenue, and fix the price of cargoes, were dismissed, and their offices abolished, the control they had exercised, passed into the hands of merchants, until communication with foreigners was strictly prohibited; it then passed into those of persons, who though of birth and station, repudiated their debts (4) to the Japanese, toa more disgraceful extent than the others had done. In 1547, intercourse was strictly prohibited by a Hesiine-fu, or Governor, named Chii Hwang, who merci- lessly beheaded those who broke the prohibition. His action entailed upon him the hate of the people of Ché Kiang, and Fuh-kien, and he was impeached by a Fuh- kien man, named Chao Liang, a censor, for putting to death some ninety people as pirates, who had been made prisoners, and forced to aid their captors. He was strip- ped of office, and he destroyed himself; and the prohibi- tion fell into desuetude. In 1552 the Japanese, aided by a rebellious Chinaman, one Wang Chih 7E[Mf, and his followers, with a fléet of some hundreds of junks, made a descent on the coast. The alarm was given simultaneously east and west of the Ché river, and North and South of the Yang-tse-kiang, for several thousand li. They stormed the fort of Chang Kwo, invaded Tai- tsang-chou, stormed the city of Shanghae, sacked Kiang- yin, and attacked Cha-pu. They plundered the station at Kin-shan, and invaded the districts of Tsung-ming, Chang-shu and Kia-ting. In the following year they marched from Tai-tsang, upon Suchow, which city they pillaged; attacked Sung-kiang, and repassing the river, rapidly, made a stand at the North of it, at Tung-chau, and Tai-chau; Kia-shen was razed to the ground, Tsung- ming stormed, and Suchow again ravaged; Tsung-teh, Wukiang, and Kia-hing, were captured. ‘Lhey then took up a position at Cheh-lin, (the wood of Cheh) whence they moved through the country at their pleasure, as if it were uninhabited. In 1554, they seized some vessels, and made an onslaught on Cha-pu, and Haining, destroying Tsung-teh, and ravaging Tang-tseh, Sin-shé, Hung-tang, and Shwang-lin. Uniting themselves with some newly arrived Japanese, they made a sudden descent on Kia- hing ; but at the river Wang-king, they met with a severe defeat from the troops of Chang-king, president of the (5) Board of war, who had taken the field, and who beheaded, or said he had done so, some 2,000 of them; the remain- der fell back upon Cheh-lin. Again was devastation carried into the region around Suchow, and the land from thence to Kiang-yin, and Wu-sih, was stained with blood. They were on an average only three Japanese in every ten, the remaining seven being Chinese. ‘They crossed and landed from the Ta-Hu, or great lake, with- out opposition. It is bootless to follow them; although at times suf- fering defeat, they appear to have ravaged and destroyed, almost where they listed. In 1556, they directed their course Southward, and made their dreaded appearance at Wu-yii in this prefecture. Desolation was soon car- ried through the districts of Tung an, Hwui an, and Nan an; Fuh-ning-chou was assaulted, and after storming and carrying Fuh an, and Ning:teh, they, mm 1557, beseiged and blockaded Foochow, for a month. The towns of Fuh-ch’ing, and Yung-fuh, fell before them and were destroyed, the wave of conquest rolled down to Hing-wei, whence a sudden irruption into the Chang- chou prefecture was made, and dire alarm was felt at Chao-chao-fu, and even at the distant city of Canton. * The accounts, which should be the fullest, of these sanguinary invasions here, are, in the Hsia mén-chih, and Chuan-chou-chih, or Chinese histories of Amoy, and Chin-chew, lamentably bald and meagre. Little else than date, place, and event being recorded. According to these books, the first attack by Japan- ese, was in 1369, on Chin-chew; the result, as in most of the accounts of subsequent attacks, is not clearly stated, but it may be gathered, without difficulty, from the con- text, From this date, they do not appear to have again visited this region, until 1552, when they swept down * From the Hai-Kwé-Té-Chib Hg lala a sort of Chinese Atlas, containing brief accounts of foreign countries. (6) upon Sien-yii-hsien and An-chi-hsien. In 1556-7, they committed the depredations already recorded; and in 1559, they again captured and plundered the cities, and towns, of Chin-chew, Tung-an-hsien, Wei-an-hsien, and Nan-an-hsien. In the following year, Chin-chew was again assaulted, and Wei-an-hsien fell, with the loss of the district magistrate, and many soldiers and inhabitants. In 1561, another onslaught was made upon Chin-chew, which city, from its situation, and apparent helplessness, seems to have been constantly selected for attack. Thence they fell upon Tung-an, where, this time, they seem to have met with a stout resistance, as it is stated they besieged it four months. It was taken, however, in 1562, as was Nan-an, and both cities were given to the sword, and completely pillaged. After an occupation of forty days, they were set fire to, and abandoned. About this time, the Japanese moved to, and occupied, Nanioa, FAA, probably for the convenience of making unexpected irrup- tions on the mainland. ~ It is stated that they built them- selves houses, and remained for a year there; but most likely they occupied the Islands for a much longer period. In 1563, they appear to have captured the wealthy and important city of Chang-chou-fu ; again plundered Tung- an-hsien, and to have burnt a great number of houses at Chin-kiang-hsien. In 1564, they killed many mandarins, soldiers, and other people at Chin-chew, which place they again assaulted in 1567, slaughtering and looting for three days. After having harried the coast for 200 years, they were expelled from this region, by General Chi-chi-kuang, Jude 3%. This general seems to have been a man of ability and. valour, he repulsed, with heavy loss to the Japanese, an attack on Chin-chew in 1569; and, again, in 1572, slaying the entire assaulting party of 200 men. After this date, the Japanese do not appear in the annals of the district ; but in the reign of Wan-li, (1571 to 1619) they possessed themselves of part of Formosa, which they held until near the end of this reign, when they were driven out by the Dutch. (7) The Japanese seem to have excelled their foes even in craft; rude, yet cunning, artifices, were resorted to to bewilder and mislead them. They carried in their armed ships, articles, which, should no opportunity occur for a savage descend upon some unprotected part of the coast, enabled them to seek the shelter of a port, as the peaceful bearers of tribute. Skirmishers bobbed upand down, atempt- ing shot, to draw their foes fire, and when their arrows and ammunition, were exhausted, the enemy dashed upon them; baits of seemingly abandoned spoils, and wine, and women, were left to draw them into ambush. The beleaguered town, saw the scaling ladders prepared under its walls, and the next morning found the besiegers had effected an unmolested retreat, and were committing depredations miles away. Chinese prisoners were dressed in Japanese attire, and forced to fight in the van, their tongues were so tied that they could not articulate the sounds of their own language, thus, in the event of escape, or wound, their death, by the hands of their own countrymen, was tolerably certain. The traditions of these fierce and sanguinary descents by the Japanese, and native pirates and cutthroats, who joined them, yet live in the minds of the people here; and the Amoy matron, coerces her fractious urchin with the black bogey of Woo-jin-lai-liao, or ‘‘ the Japanese have come,” up to the present hour. About 1622, another fruitful source of trouble sprang up, caused by the Dutch having taken possession of the Panghu, ¥)4 islands, (Pescadores) and commencing to build forts thereon. This step pleased no one; it threa- tened the commerce between Manila and China, and in this interfered with the Spanish: and it was a menace to the Portuguese trade, between Macao and Japan: and to the Chinese it was ‘‘an incessant and intolerable grie- vance.” The Emperor peremptorily required the with- drawal of the Dutch from the island. ‘They, on their part, required “ nothing more than liberty of commerce Japanese craft. Troubles with the Dutch. (8) with China, and the prohibition of it between the Chinese, and the Spaniards, in Manila.” The negociations hereon entered into, fell through, and the Dutch dispatched eight ships to scour the sea and to seize, or destroy, whatever they could along the Chinese coast, in order to compel the Chinese to trade; “many cruelties were thus com- mitted, and several villages on the coast ravaged, to the disgrace of the Christian name.” * Negociations were resumed, and the Dutch Admiral, Keizerroon, sent an envoy to Amoy, who was received with great pageantry, and some politeness, but being required to knock his head against the ground ‘so that the bystanders might hear the cracking of his skull,” he declined this fine old custom, and the discussion was again broken off, whereupon Chinchew was blockaded to prevent junks going to Manila, and as argumentum ad hominem; and the Admiral repaired to Foochow, where he was told that so long as the Dutch retained possession of the Pescadors, no trade would be permitted ; but permission for them to fortify themselves upon the island of Formosa, (not known to the Chinese till A. D. 1430, and at that time not taken possession of by the government,) was offered as the price of the evacuation of Panghu. This offer was accepted, and in 1624, the Dutch conclude a peace, obtaining full commercial privi- leges, as then existed, and, at the same time, an entrepot for their Chinese, and Japanese, trade. From 1624, to 1644, China was convulsed with civil war, and foreign invasion. In the latter year, Peking has fallen, and a Tartar was on the throne, and in the following, twelve of the fifteen provinces had acknowledged his sway. The province of Fohkien, however held out; and it was not until some years afterwards that it was subdued. This district bore fully its share of the miseries entailed by this long epoch of bloodshed, when according to * Chinese Repository, Vol. vi. p. 584, (9) Chinese records, “‘the blood of the people flowed in sounding torrents,’ and of 25,000 families, which fled to Formosa, it contributed more than its full quota. These bitter years produced a host of daring, and des- perate men, patriotic, perhaps, in their hatred of the Tartar usurper, who had brought desolation to their doors, and who asa mark of submission, compelled the conquered Chinese, on pain of death, to shave off the long and thick tresses they had worn from time im- memorial as a cherished ornament, and adopt the Tartar fashion of a long plaited queue, or tail, as well as the ‘Fartar costume; but piratical also, from the necessity of paying, and feeding, the forces they gathered round them, or from having put themselves outside the law, by some act against the officials, who were sometimes their colleagues, and sometimes their accusers and judges. Amongst these men one of the most celebrated is Ching Chih Lung, 42+ 9, who was born of obscure parents, at a village on the seashore at the entrance of the Anhai creek, in the district of Nan-an.* There are many accounts of his life, and much of the following is abridged from Nienhoff, in the second volume of the Chinese Repository. He is described as having been early distinguished by a resolute and fearless disposition, good looks, and agreeable manners. According to Du Halde, when quite young he found his way to Macao, and became a christian under the name of Nicholas Gaspard. Subsequently he was employed by the Dutch at Formosa, where, probably for good reasons, he had changed his named to Kwan. Thence he is stated to have gone to the Dutch factory of Firando, at Japan, where he married a daughter of a Japanese merchant ; amongst the issue of that marriage, was Chéng-cheng-kung BRGY IY, who received the title of Kwé-hsing-ah [I ¥E{F, called in the Amoy dialect 'Te-kok-seng, which gave rise to the names Kosenga, Coshinga, and Koxinga, by which * The village of Sheh Chien, #4}, at the foot of the East Peek. (10) latter name, he became celebrated as a pirate, trader, general of no mean ability, and self created sovereign. Chéng Chih Lung (the father) was entrusted by the Japanese with a command of vessels trading to ports on the Coast of China, with instructions, probably, should occasion serve, to employ them ina less peaceful man- ner. It is questionable whether he ever returned with this fleet. At all events with a facility not uncommon amongst distinguished naval commanders of other nations, of the same age, he changed his role of merchant captain to that of privateer, or rover, as circumstances arose, advantageous to himself. He com- bined forces with another worthy of the same stamp, named Yen Chin, who possessed one of the adjacent islands, whence, for years, they plundered passing vessels. On the death of Yen, Chéng Chih Lung, was unanimously elected Pirate-in-chief, and in that capacity became the terror of these seas. The fame of his successes attracted to him a number of vessels manned by patriotic Chinese, and by the evil disposed, so that, with the prizes he took, he gradually acquired a fleet so formidable, as to bid defiance to the Imperial junks, and to give him the command of the sea coast of Cheh-kiang, Fohkien, and Kwang Tung. The policy of the authori- ties was then as now, and finding that they could not defeat nor entrap, this crafty and powerful chief, they recommended their Imperial master, Tsung Ching, the en Koxinga’s surname was BR, pronounced in the locality Ti? or Teng. His name was originally Lin Ri, afterwards changed to Chéng-kung we, by the last Emperor of the Ming dynasty. The honor in which he was held by this Emperor, led to his receiving the title Kwoh-hsing, ey Wt he having been declared by the Monarch, to be worthy of bearing the Imperial surname. Hence he became known as Ch‘éng-kwoh-hsing, By Ba) ee, locally pronounced Ti"-kok- seng, which name was by foreigners converted into Koxinga. By the name of Ti?-kok-seng, he is still remembered with fondness and pride, by the inhabitants, not only of his native place, but of all Tung-an, and Nan-an. (11) last of the Ming dynasty, to purchase his allegiance by bestowing on him high rank and office. The irresistable bait, of course, took, and Chéng replied that he was ready to sabmit if assured of rank, security to himself and followers, the enjoyment of their wealth, and such employment in the Imperial service, as would enable them to show their devotion and valour. The Court readily acceded to these demands, and about 1636, con- ferred on him the office of Admiral. For the next ten years, he took a most distinguished share in the naval operations of the Chinese during the Tartar conquest. He devised a source of wealth and power, by assuming a monopoly, to some extent, of the lucrative trade with the Dutch at Formosa, the Spaniards at Manila, the Portu- guese at Macao, and with the Japanese, by compelling all trading vessels to supply themselves with his permit ‘to trade, at a heavy cost. His retirement from the piratical command, caused great consternation, and dis- satisfaction, amongst his quondam associates, who had not followed him in giving in their allegiance, and who well knew the virtuous zeal with which an official just created from out of a band of desperadoes, would root out and punish evil doers. Their convictions were quite correct. His first commission was to destroy the pirate who had succeeded him, an old comrade, who was following his profession in the neighbourhood of Chin- chew. He cheerfully and faithfully executed this com- mission. Shortly, after, he was despatched against another chief, named Liao Yang; after a desperate battle, which lasted all day, Liao Yang fired his magazine and blew his vessel up, in an unsuccessful attempt to destroy his enemy; many of the remaining ships were taken, and Chéng returned triumphant, and fora time there was peace upon the seas, or as the Chinese express it “‘ the seas were free from foam.” Chéng was now at the zenith of his fame; he had attained a power little short of im- perial; his wealth was enormous, and he possessed a large and powerful fleet, entirely devoted to his will, and (12) implicitly believing in his invincibility. His favor and his aid, were intrigued for, by all the rival and contend- ing factions of the day, and it is said that the Prince of Fuh, on ascending the imperial throne at Nanking, bestowed a princess of the blood, in marriage, on his son. On the invasion of Fohkien by the Manchus, and their advance on Chinckew, Chéng, at the advice of his friends, and relying on the promises made him, tendered his submission. He was treated by the Tartar General, with profound respect. Subsequently on his landing, without his usual guard, to do henor to the approaching departure of that officer, for Peking, he was pressingly invited to accompany him to the Court, to receive the almost regal rewards, promised, as due to his merit. Objections were unavailing, and his attendance was compelled. From this moment he recedes into shadow, and gradually disappears. He is no more heard of as a power; and, by and by, vague rumours from the capital, reach his son, that he is in captivity, and then that he has died, but how no one can tell. He has passed away. Koxinga, now took command of his father’s fleet, and fol- lowers, and proceeded to exact from the Manchus, a bloody retribution for the treachery shewn his sire. He ravaged, burnt, and destroyed, on sea and land, for years, mercilessly slaying and despoiling the Manchus, and such of his own countrymen, as had submitted to them. All attempts to restrain him were ineffectual, and of the wars of the conquest, his are said to have been the most terrible. In 1650, the scattered remnants of the Chinese armies, had been gathered together in the city of Canton, to make a last stand against the Tartars. On the approach of the enemy, the assistance of Kox- inga was sought by the Governor: it was willingly accorded, and his well practised fleet, inflicted heavy loss on the Tartars unaccustomed to naval warfare. The siege of the city was protracted for eight months, and thrice it was on the eve of being abandoned; and it was only when the city had fallen, through the treachery of (13) those in charge of the north gate, that Koxinga withdrew his fleet; maintaining his supremacy upon the sea, long after all the provinces of the kingdom, had submitted to the Tartar rule. In 1653, he made a descent on Amoy, with the design of capturing Hai-téng, its then port. The Tartars went to its relief, and in a naval engagement which ensued, were worsted, with a loss, it is stated, of seven or eight thousand men. The town was then carried by assault, and all bearing arms were slain, but injury to the peaceful inhabitants was prohibited. It was at once occupied, heavy guns mounted, and its walls re- paired; and it formed a base whence to attack the open country, left unguarded by the flight of the Imperialists. Chang Chou, and Chinchew, were heavily mulcted, and smaller cities, and towns, sacked, immense booty accruing to the conquerors. Subsequently, whilst pillaging the department of Chinchew, reinforcements of Tartar troops arrived, and compelled Koxinga’s forces to retreat to their ships, with the loss of much of their plunder. In 1655, he again made a descent on Chinchew, and Hsing-hua despoiling these places. The Tartars now applied for additional forces; they were granted, and the coast so strongly garrisoned, that further raids here, were unpro- fitable. Koxinga now conceived the project of making himself master of the province of Kiang-nan, and after seizing certain places at the entrance of the Yang-tze- kiang, proceeded up that river, with a fleet of 800 sail, and attempted the siege of Nanking, the provincial city. Some slight success attended his early efforts, but the Manchus made so fierce and determined a night attack on his forces, that they had to fly to their ships, routed, and with the loss of over 3,000 men, arms, tents, and spoils. In 1659, the Imperial Court, resolved to equip such a fleet as would effectually destroy this desperate man. He sought it, and in the action that ensued, utterly defeated it, capturing or destroying the greater number of the ships, and making 4,000 prisoners, whom, after cutting off their noses and ears, he sat at liberty. (14) These miserable wretches were all put to death on their return to Peking, for permitting themselves to be cap- tured. Finding, notwithstanding his successes, that his hopes of establishing a kingdom on the mainland, were frustrated, owing to a combination of circumstances, he turned his attention to Formosa, asa suitable asylum and dominion. This beautiful island, called by the Chinese Taiwan, or Terraced Bay, includes in length from North to South, over three degrees of latitude, its greatest breadth is about eighty miles, and itis separated from the Chinese coast, by a channel varying from seventy-five, to one hundred and twenty, miles, in width. It is distant from Amoy, only a day anda half, or two days sail. The Dutch, on obtaining possession of the island in 1624, had built a strong fort named Zelandia, and a second, less strong, named Province, at the principal harbour on its southwest face, now known as Tai-wan-foo; and, in course of time, had formed settlements at Tamsui, and Kelung, and in the interior, in the neighbourhood of their prin- cipal fort. By a combination of Dutch, and native authority, and by wise laws, they succeeded in attaching the people of these districts, to them, and the long continued anarchy on the mainland of China, arising from the invasion of the Manchus, had poopled the island with thousands of fugitives, whose industry soon brought it under cultivation, and rich crops of rice and sugar, were waving over heretofore unproductive land. At first the Hellanders encouraged this immigration, and then, becoming alarmed, tried to prevent it. How far the measures taken by the Dutch, in this endeavour tended to their own downfall, by alienating the goodwill of the Chinese, it is difficult now to conjecture, but it is certain that the Chinese entered into correspondence with Koxinga, and, on his attack on the island, assisted him with hearty good will. The Dutch Governor Coyet, marking the warlike preparations of Koxinga at Amoy, increased as far as (15) possible, in 1650, the garrison of his forts, Zelandia, and Province. But for several years, although there was great mutual distrust and dissatisfaction, there was no hostility between the parties. However after Koxinga’s defeat at Nanking, it was evident that, unless he attacked the island, his fleet and followers would be dispersed, for want of the means of subsistence; and the Dutch, aware of the correspondence between the resident Chinese and the chieftain, increased their vigilance, seized some of the most important emigrants as hostages, and arrested and tortured others on suspicion. The wise prevision of Coyet, induced him earnestly to request assistance from Batavia, and twelve ships, and large reinforcements, were despatched thence, with orders that, if the alarm at Formosa proved groundless, the fleet should proceed against Macao. The force at Taiwanfoo, was now aug- mented to 1,500 men, sufficient, the Admiral thought, to oppose any number of Chinese troops. Koxinga was asked ‘‘ whether he was for peace, or war.’’ He replied that, “he had not the least thought of war against the company, ”’ and sent some trading junks to Taiwan, but as he still continued his preparations at Amoy, and Quemoy, the Governour’s suspicions were not removed. The majority of his council, however, were of opinion that there was no present danger, and the ships were ordered to their respective destinations. The Ad- miral returned to Batavia, and accused the Governor of unreasonable apprehensions, and he was suspended from office, and ordered to Batavia, to defend himself. M. Clenk, his successor, sailed for Formosa, in June 1661. Shortly after the departure of the ships, Koxinga with a large fleet, and 25,000 of his best troops, appeared off forts Zelandia, and Province; and, assisted by thou- sands of his countrymen, on shore, began to land. He was first attacked by 240 Dutch soldiers, and by four ships. He met the attack of the former, with skill and bravery, and succeeded in turning their flank, on which (16) they gave way, became panic striken, and were so routed, that only half the division regained the fort, one captain, and nineteen men, being abandoned tc the enemy. The ships fared no better, they sank a few junks, but one was destroyed by a fire ship, another escaped to Batavia, and the fate of the other two is not stated. No further opposition was offered, and in four hours the Chinese landed, cut off all communication between forts Province and Zelandia, and between the latter fort, and the open country. The instant surrender of the forts, was now demanded, under the menace that if not complied with, all would be put to the sword. A depu- tation from the Dutch waited on the chief, to offer, rather than lose all, the surrender of fort Province. It was received with some state, but was told that, “‘ Formosa had always belonged to China, and now the Chinese wanted it, the foreigners must quit the island imme- diately. If not, let them only hoist the red flag.”? Next morning the red flag was flying on fort Zelandia, but fort Province, with its garrison and cannon, was surren- dered. All the Dutch capable of bearing arms, were now taken into fort Zelandia, and the city fired, but not so effectually, as to prevent the Chinese from saving many buildings, which afforded them shelter. They brought up twenty-eight cannon, to bear against the fort. Its fire was, however, so sustained and well directed, that numbers were killed and wounded in this attempt, and the besiegers, making a sally spiked the guns. Koxinga, baffled in all his attacks on the fort, began a close blockade, and vented his rage on the open country. He made _ prisoners of all the Dutch he could lay hands on, especially clergymen, and schoolmasters, alleging that they secretly encouraged their parishioners, to kill the Chinese residing among them; some were crucified, their crosses being erected in their respective villages, while others were put to death ina more merciful manner. One of the prisoners taken, Mr. Hambrocock, a clergy- (17) man, was sent by Koxinga, to the Governor, to propose terms for the surrender of the fort, the alternative being vengeance on the Dutch prisoners. His wife and two children were detained as hostages; and he had no hope but that death would be his portion, if he failed in his negociations. Yet instead of urging surrender, this noble man cheered the garrison on to make a gallant defence, by hopes of relief, assuring them that Koxinga had lost many of his best ships, and soldiers, and began to weary of the siege. Two of his daughters who were within the fort, flung themselves upon him, and implored him to remain ; their entreaties were seconded by the council of war, but with unselfish devotion he replied that, unless he returned, his wife and children would perish, and that, he hoped to be of service to his poor fellow prisoners. So saying he left with the Governor’s refusal to surren- der. Koxinga listened sternly to the answer, and then ordered all the Dutch male prisoners, to the number of five hundred, to be put to death. This was done, many of the women and children were also slain, though it is stated, ‘some of the best, were preserved for the use of the commanders, and the rest sold to the common soldiers.’”” Messrs Hambrocock Mus, and Win- shaim, clergymen, and several sohoolmasters, perished in this massacre. ‘Two days after the council at Batavia had censured Coyet for his fears, and despatched his successor, Clenk, to Formosa, the ship which had escaped, arrived with the news of the attack on that place. They revoked the censure and suspension, and fitted out ten ships, with 700 soldiers, for the island, but Clenk arrived first off fort Zelandia, where he saw, instead of the rich and peaceful Governorship he had flattered himself with obtaining, the red flag flying, and hundred of Chinese war junks an- chored in the north roads. Thereupon he sent his des- patches, on shore, and, without landing, sailed for Japan. When the succours from Batavia arrived, the besieged, began to act on the defensive, and an unsuccessful at- tempt was made to dislodge the enemy from the town, (18) in which two ships, and many men, were lost. The gar- risons of Kelung, and Tamsui, were ordered to reinforce the besieged, and the women and children, and other helpless persons, were sent to Batavia. These preparations checked the approaches of Koxinga; but the inexplicable imprudence of the Dutch, lost them their advantage. The Governor, received letters from the Tartar Viceroy of Foh-kien, requesting his cooperation in expelling the remains of Koxinga’s forces from the coast, and promising his aid, afterwards, to the Dutch in Formosa. Five ships were accordingly sent away for this service, but of these, three were lost in a storm, and the other two returned to Batavia. These circumstances were such, as Koxinga, in his wildest dreams, could scarcely have hoped for, while to the besieged, they brought utter despair. Desertion com- menced, and a deserter pointed out to Koxinga’s forces, the weakest spots; they were assailed from three batteries, a breach was made, and a redoubt gained, and the assault was evidently about to be given. On this the Dutch held a.council of war, and the majority having decided that the fort was untenable, it was surrendered, after a siege of nine months, and a loss of sixteen hundered men. The Dutch embarked for Java, where the Governor, and his council, were imprisoned, their goods confiscated, and the Governor, hizself, condemned to perpetual imprison- ment on one of the Bandaisles. In such wise, after thirty years duration, ended in 1662, the Dutch territorial possessions in Formosa, and in the Chinese seas. * Koxinga now constituted himself king of the island, assumed sovereign style, fixed his palace and court, at Zelandia ; and distributed his garrisons, with skill, over the western region of ‘l'aiwan. The island assumed a new social aspect, Chinese laws, forms of government, cus- toms, and industry, were introduced ; and at the same * According to other accounts they did rot abandon possession of the port of Keelung, on the northern extremity of the island of Formosa, until 1668, (19) time, expeditions were fitted out, to lay the inhabitants of the sea coast on the mainland, under contribution for whatever supplies were necessary. The Imperial govern- ment, was utterly powerless to check these incessant, and intolerable, acts of spoliation and murder; and as the fate of the wretched 4,000, was too fresh to hope anything from the employment of military force, recourse was had to a measure peculiarly Chinese, which could not, perhaps, have been put in force in any other country in the world. In 1662, an Imperial edict came forth, commanding “all the people upon the coast of the maritime provinces, to remove themselves and their effects, into the interior, to a distance of thirty 11(10 miles) from the shore, on penalty of death; also, that the islands be abandoned, and commerce utterly cease.” This remark- able edict, was actually carried into effect; and for seven years, all the rich, and populous cities upon the coast, were deserted; and whole villages crumbled into ruin, and disappeared. Meanwhile Koxinga was devising plans for the extension of his power and dominion, he cast his eyes towards the rich Phillipine islands, and an expedition was in course of preparation against the Spaniards there, when it was cut short, by the death of this redoubtable chieftain.* His possessions passed to his son, who did not inherit his father’s great military ability. Ten years later, when the provinces of Kwangtung, and Foh-kien, revolted against the Emperor Kanghi, this son resolved to join the king of Foh-kien; but the latter refusing to acknowledge him as a sovereign prince, he declared war against him, defeated him in several battles, and so destroyed his power that he was compelled to tender his submission to the Emperor. The Emperor Kanghi, abolished the title of king, and appointed a Governor over Chekiang, and Foh-kien, ‘This officer seized the Pescadores, a group of islands about twenty * Killed by the Dutch ina sea fight in 1663, according to other accounts. (20) five miles from Formosa, and proclaimed an amnesty, to all who submitted to the Imperial rule. His policy had its desired effect, thousands of Formosan emigrants, being induced to return to China, thereby weakening the enemy on the island, until, finally, it could no longer be held; and Formosa was surrendered to Kanghi, by the grandson of Koxinga, in 1683. In their ancestral hall at Shih ching 4,Jf, there is a figure of Koxinga; and it is said, that the front door of the hall, is not allowed to be opened, except on New Year’s day, lest the dreaded chief should go forth, and be born again, to bring trouble and disaster on the ruling dynasty. After the loss of Formosa, the Dutch equipped a fleet of twelve vessels at Batavia; which they despatched to Foochow, to enter into a treaty for the recovery of the island. ‘They possessed themselves of a sea port, and being reinforced. by sixteen other ships, most of them East Indiamen, attacked, in conjunction with the Manchus, Amoy, and Quemoy, both of which places they captured, but they were not permitted by the Manchus, to retain possession of them, and after much profitless negociation, their fleet returned to Batavia, having achieved nothing. After the period of internecion, and misery, narrated, the province appears to have enjoyed many years of peace, in which it recuperated itself, and regained its prosperity. The next calamity which befell it, of sufficient importance to call for note, is the capture of Amoy, by the British. This was brought about by a series of irritating grievances, under which Great Britain has been smarting for years, terminating in the troubles and complications, arising out of the Opium trade at Canton, in 1837-40, which led, as had been foreseen, to war, and on the 23rd June 1840, the van of the British naval and military forces, arrived off Macao, and a notice of the blockade of Canton, was published. Commander Sir Gordon Bremner, in the Wellesley, 74, his fleet consisting of three steamers, four ships, and twenty-one transports, sailed northwards : on (21) the 5th July, Ting-hai, was taken and occupied, and on the 6th, the joint Plenipotentiaries, Admiral Sir G. Elliot, and Captain Elliot, R.N., arrived at Chusan, in the Melville, 74. They sent a copy of Lord Palmerston’s letter to the Emperor, setting forth the grounds of com- plaint, to the authorities at Amoy, and Ningpo, for them to forward to Peking, both of whom declined taking the responsibility. The visit to these two cities, shewed that the Chinese were preparing for defence, by arming the forts, making rafts, and posting troops.* Amoy, was forthwith blockaded. This act on the part of the British, induced an unsuccessful attack on one of the blockading ships. Strenuous endeavours on the part of the Chinese were now made to bring their forts, and defences, into the most efficient state possible, and a large reward was offered for the heads of ‘‘ rebellious barbarians,”’ and the capture of their ships. Fourteen months later, all negociations with the Governor General of Chihli, and Imperial Comissioner, Kishén, at Taku, and Canton, having proved fruitless, and hostilities having been resumcd by the Emperor, the forts of Chuenpi, Taekotan, the Bogue, and those at the First Bar, together with all the forts, rafts, batteries, camps, and stockades, between the ocean and Canton, were destroyed, or taken by the British. The city of Canton, which lay at the mercy of the invaders, was ransomed for $6,000,000, on the 26th or 27th, May, 1841. The terms of abstention from ag- gressive acts on both sides, which had just been agreed to, was followed, on the 30th, by an attack from 1,500 villagers, and dispersed troops. The villagers having assumed a still more menacing attitude, Sir Hugh Gough, told the Prefect that if they were not instantly dispersed, he would fire on the city. On this, one of the Commissioners, and the Prefect, accompanied by an English Officer, went out and coaxed them to retire. Yih-shan, a nephew of the Emperor, and chief * Williams’ Middle Kingdom p. 529. (22) generalissimo, at the same time proclaimed a victory, and rewarded his troops with decorations for driving the English out of Canton; the fact being, that he was compelled by the victors, to march these same troops sixty miles into the interior, and disband them. During the war, trade at Canton continued without any serious interruption, the usual duties and charges being paid, as if the two nations were at peace. The expedition for the capture of Amoy, and for military operations in Cheh-kiang, left Hongkong on the 2)st August 1841. The attack had been anticipated here, from the visit of the Blonde, the year before, with the letter for Peking, which showed that the barbarians, “sneaking in and out like rats,’’ were aware of its existence; and the forti- fications had been increased, and every island and protecting headland, overlooking the harbour, had been occupied and armed. The measures taken were useless, and its capture on the 26th August 1841, is thus des- cribed in the Chinese Repository Vol. x. p. 621: ‘The capture of Amoy, was chiefly a naval operation, and the little that was left for the troops to do, was done by the 18th Royal Irish.. Scarcely had the fleet taken up their position opposite the batteries of Amoy, when a boat bearing a white flag was seen to approach the Wellesley. An officer of low rank, was the bearer of a paper demand- ing to know what our ships wanted, and directing us to make saii for the outer waters, ere the Celestial wrath should be kindled against us, and the guns from the batteries annihilate us. The line of works, certainly, presented a most formidable appearance, and the bat- teries were admirably constructed. Manned by Euro- peans, no force could have stood before them. For four hours did the ships pepper at them without cessation. The Wellesley, and Llenheim, each, fired upwards of 12,000 rounds, to say nothing of the frigates, steamers, and small craft. Yet the works were as perfect when they left off, as when they began, the utmost penetration of the shot being 16 inches. The cannonade was certainly (23) asplendid sight. The stream of fire and smoke, from the sides of the liners, was terrific. It never, for a moment, appeared to slacken. From 20, to 30, people, were all that were killed by this enormous expenditure of powder and shot. It was nearly 3 p.m. before the 18th landed, accompanied by Sir Hugh Gough, and staff. They landed close to a high wall, which flanked the mainline of batteries, covered by the Queen, and Phlegethon, steamers. The flank companies soon got over the wall, driving the enemy before them. They opened a gate, through which the rest of our men entered, and advancing along the batteries, they quickly cleared them, killing more men, in two minutes, than the men of war did during the whole day; three of our fellows were knocked over, besides others injured. One officer (Chinese) cut his throat in the long battery, another walked into the sea and drowned himself, in the coolest manner possible. The enemy fled on all sides, so soon as our troops approached. We bivouacked, as best we could, during the night, and next morning, took posses- sion of the city without hindrance. Much treasure had been carried away, the mob leaving only the boxes which had contained it. Immense quantities of military stores, were found in the arsenals, and the foundaries were in active operation. One two decker, modeled from ours, and carrying 30 guns, was ready for sea, and others were on the stocks. But few war junks were stationed here, the Chinese admiral being, at this time, absent with his fleet. During the engagement the Phie- gethon, stcamer, was very severely handled. She came suddenly opposite, and close to, a masked battery, the guns from which, having the exact range, opened on her. Fortunately for the steamer, the water was sufficiently deep to come close to land. Captain McCleaverty immediately landed his men, advanced directly on the battery, and took possession of it, killing a great por- tion of the garrison. This was a very spirited affair, and created universal admiration.” (24) That gallant old fire-eater, Sir Hugh Gough, con- sidered the resistance of the Chinese, ‘‘ more feeble,”’ than he had anticipated, yet itis stated, by others, that “the Chinese did endure the fire right manfully,”’ stand- ing to their guns, antil they were shot down by musketry in their rear. The attacking force consisted of H. B. M.S. Queen, Sesostris, Blonde, Druid, Modeste, Bentinck, Wellesley, and Blenheim, supported by seven more ships of war, and fifteen transports, bearing the 18th, and 55th, regiments, and detachments of the 49th, and 26th, regi- ments, with engineers, and artillery. The Chinese officer, who walked into the sea, and drowncd himself, “in the coolest manner possible,” was the Tsung-ping, or General, then commanding, in the absence, of Ad- miral Tao-chin-pin, windbound to the northward; he is described in a memorial to the Emperor, as having fallen into the water, and died, in endeavouring to drive back the British troops, as they were landing. Four other officers, Colonel Sing-chi, and lieutenants Hwa- kwo-ching, Yang-shan-chi, and Li-chi-ming, are reported killed, and two lieutenant colonels, and one major, wounded; while amongst the soldiers, “‘ very many,” are reported to be killed and wounded; and 3,900,000 taels of silver, (£1,000,000) are craved, for immediate use. Yen-pih-t‘ou, the then Governor General of Fuhkien, and Chekiang, who was at Amoy at the time of the attack, gives, 1n a memorial to the throne, dated the 28th August [841, a verson of the affair, that is highly ecredi- table to his imagination. This mighty man of valour, relates how, at the head of his invincible braves, he attacked and sunk, one steamer and five ships of war, killing an innumerable number of the rebellious barba- rians. But, (as with the paper braves in his native fables) the more he slew, the more came on, so a strategic advance, in a direction contrary to the enemy, was necessary. This evolution, known in later days as the skedaddle, was executed with promptitude and despatch, 25) and his seals of office saved, but only when the office had been set on fire by the rebels. He is discreetly silent about the loss of 500 guns, stores, and shipping; and adds that, matters were not to be left long in this state, as more than 100 villages had combined, and over 10,000 warriors were mustered, ready for the battle. On this is founded the inevitable demand, springing forth from every occurrence in China, and Taels 3,000,000, are asked for. His Imperial Master replies, and strips him of his rank and office, but spares his head, because Amoy had been recaptured. So its evacuation by the British forces, appears to have been represented. The long batteries, of whose capacity for hard usage such honourable mention is made, were, according to an inscription of one Lin-mao-shih, cut into a rock at Bel- lamy’s Dock, erected in the first moon, of the third year of the Emperor Tien-chi, or about March 1622, by Colonel Li-kung-hwa, as a defence against foreign bar- barians (meaning, probably, the Japanese, Dutch, and the Chinese pirate Chief, Koxinga.) They are ordered to be fifty chang long; and the gallant Colonel is to receive nineteen taels, or about £6.6.8, for executing the work; it is naively added that, he was compelled to spend 100 taels more, out of his own pocket, to complete the bat- tery. Why such a statement should be cut into the rock, it is impossible to say ; the works being of granite, and of great extent and thickness, must have cost nearer Tls. 119,000 than Tls. 119. Previous to this, hostile measures had been resorted to. On the 2nd July 1840, one of the boats of H. M S8. Blonde, under a flag of truce, and bearing the letter from Lord Palmerston to the Emperor, before referred to, was warned off the beach, with haughty threats and insults, by the military authorities, and as she obeyed, was fired into. This treacherous and wanton act, was promptly responded to, by a couple of 32 pr. round shot, from the frigate into the crowd, which caused a general flight. Small Knife Rebels, Capture of Amoy. (26) The Blonde, then opened fire on the fort, and on some mandarin junks. This was kept up for nearly two hours, until the fort was unroofed and riddled. An attempt was made to set on fire a large junk, this proving unsuccessful, the Blonde did not take further trouble, bat, thinking the lesson given sufficient, quietly de- parted without doing further injury. In August of the same year, the Alligator, and Bremar, sunk 16 or 17 junks in the outer harbour, with, supposed, considerable loss of life to the Chinese; but being themselves struck several times from the batteries, and one vessel having her mainyard arm shot away, and a shot lodged in her hull, they retired out of range. These operations were followed by the opening of the port to foreign trade, by the treaty of Nanking, signed in 1842, and by the establishment of Mr. Henry Gribble, as British Consul at Amoy, on the 2nd November 1843. During the succeeding eleven years the trade of the port was gradually developed, and little occurred worthy of special record, until Saturday the 14th May, 1853, when it became known to the Mandarins, that there was an armed band of 3,000 or 4,000 men, at Hai ching hsien, about 22 miles distant, who were on their way to attack this city. At 8 o’clock on the morning of the 18th, a party of men advanced in front of the city gates, and opened fire on the soldiers on the walls. This was returned, and the firing continued, at intervals, until one o’clock, when the Mandarins and soldiers fled, and by four o’clock in the afternoon, some four thousand ill-armed men, who had been joined by about the same number of the roughs of Amoy, had taken almost unop- posed possession of city. The insurgents behaved with order and moderation, doing no injury to private property, and plundering only powder magazines, and arsenals. Patrols were distributed throughout the city, to prevent pillage, and, at night, they stationed a guard for the protection of the foreign Hongs, express- (27) ing, at the same time, towards foreigners, the most pacific intentions. No vessel of war being at the port, the safety of the foreign residents, devolved on the receiving ships of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co. and Dent & Co. which had, on the first note of danger, moved into the inner harbour. This step, curiously enough, was afterwards disapproved of by Sir George Bonham. No time was lost: on the 19th rebel bands were despatched for the capture of Chin-chew, and of Formosa; and contri- butions for the support of the rebel troops, were levied on the citizens of Amoy, to their great disgust ; one wealthy firm being ‘requisitioned,’ to the tune of $40,000, A. glance should now be taken at the nature of the force, that had so rapidly obtained possession of the city. It was the Hsiao-tao-hui, -) 7J@, or Dagger Socicty, There had existed for many years amongst the Chinese at Java, Singapore, Malacca, and Penang, a secret society, the ostensible object of which, was mutual assis- tance and protection. It contained men of all classes, and its rules were so strictly observed, that, it is said, piratical members, meeting on the high seas the vessels of trading members, were content to accept the sign of the Society, and to allow the vessels to pass on unmolested. This society was originally called San-ho-hui, =4@, or the society of the three (persons) united, or as it has been aptly translated, the Triad Society. The three referred to, are FHA tien, ti, jén, heaven, earth, and man, the three great powers of nature, according to the Chinese doctrine of the universe. It became the Tien-ti-hui, FR uh, or Society of Heaven and Earth, during the reign of Chien-lung, (about 1795) when it was distinctly poli- tical, and had attained such magnitude and power, as to serious endanger that monarch’s government. And it was not until eight years after, that the snake was scotched, but not. killed, by the seizure and execution, of many of its members. This society, or an offshoot of it, was introduced (28) into Amoy, during the years 1848-9, by a Singapore Chinaman, named Tan-kéng-chin [RIE a compradore in the employ of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson &Oo. The society rapidly took root, and in 1857, numbered some thousands of members; when the suspicions of the provincial government at Foochow, being excited, the Viceroy despatched to Amoy to investigate its character, and to suppress it, a resolute old anti-foreign Taotai, named Chang, §, the same who served as Wei-yuan to the Governor General Lin, when 20,291 chests of Opium were surrendered by the British, and burnt at Canton in 1839, Chang’s first act was to arrest ‘Tan- kéng-chin, on a charge of conspiring against the government, the only evidence against him, was a book, found in his house, containing the names and residences of the members of the society; but this was deemed sufficient, and Tan was subjected to horrible tortures, to make him confess further particulars. Meanwhile Tan- kéng-chin, being a British born subject, the English Consul, on hearing of his arrest, went, accompanied by three other gentlemen, to the Taotai’s Yamen, to demand his rendition. He was told that the prisoner was at the Hai-fang-ting’s (the Magistrate’s), although itis said that he was then under torture at the back of the Yamén. At the Hai-fang-ting’s he was told that the man was at the Taotai’s. The Consul was not successful in obtaining possession of Tan, who was tortured to death. His body was found on the following morning, on opening Jardine, Matheson’s hong, dressed as usual, and seated in a sedan chair, opposite his master’s door. The leader- ship of the society, now appears to have fallen on a man of low extraction, but of great energy and force of character, named Hwang Wei, or in the local dialect Ng-wee }ifiz. At this time there dwell at Amoy, one Hwang-té-mei, or locally Ng-teck-bi fy /#3€, a mer- chant, once possessed of great wealth. This man bore a high character for charity and benevolence, and was exceedingly popular amongst the poor classes. He had (29) been compelled to accept the post of salt monopolist of the prefectures of Chang-chou-fu, and Chin-chew-fu, an office then greatly dreaded, on account of its holder having to return annually to the Salt Commissioner, a certain fixed sum, far above what he could collect, (the Salt Commissioner, being, himself, in precisely the same position vis-a-vis the Board of Revenue, usually com- pelled one of the richest merchants to accept the post.) This office resulted in losses to the amount of $800,000, itis said. Smarting under these, and ata second at- tempt to force the post of monopolist upon him, he probably, although this is not admitted by my informants, joined the society. At all events it is certain that he advanced money to it, and was on terms of intimacy with Hwang, otherwise Ng-wee. The second attempt to impose the detested office upon Ng-teck-be, was seized upon by Ng-wee, as a means of securely enmeshing this wealthy and influential man in the society ; about 2,000 of its members, now styled the Hsiao-tao-hui /)y 7] #7, or Dagger society, rose under Ng-wee, at his native village, Gin-tai Y5E, and proclaiming that they sought to right Ng-teck-be (without his authority and against his wishes, he always declared) marched on and captured Hai-téng-hsien, /f7 7/84, Chioh-bei, 44%§, Chang-chou fu, YAN, (which they only held for three days), and finally Amoy, where, soon after arrival, the society was found to consists of about 8,000 men, controlled by a Council of six persons, three of whom were Singapore Chinamen, and at whose head was Ng-wee. Many of the subordinate positions, such as centurions, and leaders of ten, were also held by Singapore Chinese. The pay of private soldiers was 100 cash, or about five pence per diem. This was the force that captured Amoy, and retained possession of it, until the 11th November follow- ing. On the 29th May, a fleet of Imperial junks entered the port, and landed some 500 or 600 soldiers, who marched on the city. They were met by the rebels, and after a brief skirmish, driven back to their boats, which (30) immediately left. This defeat, considered by the rebels as an auspicious omen, greatly elated them, and strength- ened their numbers. Preparations for extending their conquest were made, and requisitions issued for the stores, ammunition, &c., stolen from the arsenals, at the capture of the city, for which compensation was promised to the holders. Proclamations for the repression of disorder, and the administration of justice, in which nearly all breaches of regulations were punishable by death, were put forth by the rebel T‘ou or head, Hwang or Ng-wee, who now styled himself, Appointed by Imperial Decree, of the Emperor of the Han (Chinese) Ta Ming dynasty, commander-in-chief of the forces for the con- quest of the Fuhkien province. As an earnest of his intention to carry out the proclamations, one Chin-kien, an educated man, the first offender, whose tongue was longer than his discretion, was promptly decapitated. On the 4th July, the Imperialists landed between 4,000 and 5,000 men, some 10 miles to the north east of Amoy ; the rebels responded by erecting a barricade at their ad- vanced station, 6 miles from them, and on the 7th, the Imperialists having approached, a melée took place, when the Imperialists were driven back with a loss of eighteen heads. On the same day about forty two Imperial junks, appeared off the harbour, and attacked some twenty five rebel junks. After two hours fighting, in which it has been computed, by eye-witnesses, that about one shot in a thousand took effect, the fleets parted, the mandarins standing out to the six Islands, and the rebels returning into harbour. On the following morning the rebel junks went out to the six Islands, and engaged the Imperialists. The action was fought ata sufficient distance to avoid injury to each other, and the Imperialists left next day. About this period the contributions to the rebel coffers falling short, an attempt was made to raise funds by the levy of port charges. As the proclamation, and tariff, are curiosities in their way, I shall perhaps be pardoned for inserting a translation of them here :— (31) ‘* By Kwang, appointed by Imperial decree of the Emperor of the Han, (Chinese) Ta-ming, Dynasty, Com- mander-in-chief of the forces for the conquest of Fuhkien province. ‘‘ An order for the guidance of the Merchant Shipping, I, the Commander-in-chief, received an Imperial order to come to Amoy to relieve the people, not to harm them, to put down, not to commit, oppression, for by means of their strength, and by a display of power, these Tartar miscreants, have embittered the whole living population; people of all classes asserted their innocence to the Gods both above and below, and merchants, too, had long been suffering their cruel injuries. ‘Tn the absence of a new code of port regulations, which weightier military duties, at this pressing moment, leaves no time for framing in your behalf, I have, for present use, drawn up an abstract of the rules heretofore in force here, for the merchant shipping, which, in com- parison with the port charges, levied by the Tartar brigands, will be found considerably reduced. My chief aim being to procure for the people, those benefits which are to their advantage. Accordingly I beg hereby to notify to the merchant shipping of Amoy, that all such ships as are engaged in Import, or Export, trade, are to be duly provided with passes or papers, which will enable them to leave, or enter, the port, on their voyages to and fro, without danger of cbstruction. “ Annexed is a scale of charges temporarily fixed upon, to which every one is called upon to obey. “Dated 3S P44 Kwei-chow, Cycle year, 5th moon, 27th day, (Ist August 1853.) Scate or Amoy Port CaarceEs. 1.—Vessels belonging to Lung-kee, Tung-an, Hai- ching, Ma-siang-ting, T'sin-kiang, Nan-an, Hui-an, leaving Amoy and loading beancake, oil, rice, &c., at Luk-chow, (32 ) Tamsui, and Woo-tiaou-kiang, in Formasa, and returning with that cargo to Amoy, for entering and leaving the port To pay, if of 2,000 piculs and under 4,000 piculs, $60. 9) ”? K ) ”? 2,000 ” 830. 2.—Vessels from Lung-kee, Tung-an, Hai-ching, Ma-siang-ting, Tsin-kiang, Hui-an, Nan-an, taking in sugar and like produce, at Amoy, and going with it to Kin-chow and Kai-chow, in Tientsin, or to Keiou-chow, in Shantung, for every such voyage and back To pay each such vessel 850. 3.— Vessels belonging to Lung-kee, Tung-an, Hai- ching, or Ma-siang-ting bound from Amoy to Tae- tsing, Wen-chow, Tai-chow, Ningpo, Shanghai, and returning to Amoy, for each such voyage, per ship 814. 4,.—Vessels belonging to Lung-kee, Tung-an, Hai- ching, or Ma-siang-ting, bound from Amoy to any port of Formosa, and thence trading to Kui-chow, Kai-chow, and Keaou-chow in Tientsin and Shantung, and returning to Amoy, for every such voyage, per ship 8100. 5.—Ships from Tsin-keang, Nan-an, Hui-an and sail- ing from Amoy to Formosa, and thence proceeding to Kin-chow, Kai-chow and Kiaou-chow, in Tientsin, and Shantung, and returning to Amoy, for every such voy- age (inwards and outwards), $100. 6.—Ships from Yiine-siao, Chang-poo, and Shao-an, sailing out of port to Formosa, and returning to Amoy with a cargo of beancake, oil and rice, for each such voyage (inwards and outwards), each ship $50. 7.—Ships from Yiine-siao, Changpoo, and Shao-an. sailing out of Amoy harbour, and returning to Amoy, with a cargo of foreign goods and sundries, from Shang- hai, Cha-poo, Wan-chow, Tai-chow, or Chan-tou, Chang- lin, for each such voyage (outwards, and inwards) each ship 820. (38 ) 8.—Vessels from Yiine-siao, Chang-poo, and Shao-an, with cargoes consisting of groceries, spices, salt and dried fish, salt pomfrets, sprats, &c., for entering and leaving the port, each vessel 810. 9.—Native Amoy boats, and those of neighbouring districts, trading to Fuchow, and returning hither by way of Ning-an, or Ning-teh, for each voyage or every boat, #10. 10.—Ships, such as the Fiihwan, and Sanpwan vessels, from neighbouring provinces, or the Woo-tsaou junks, from Cha-poo, or the Teen-tsaou boats from Pang-hoo, in Formosa, and all like out province vessels, for entering and leaving the harbour, each £20. 11.—Boats from Ho-koo, of the island Tung-shih, Pang-hoo, Tsen-kiang, For entering and leaving the port, each boat £20. 12.—Coasting junks from Canton, and Chang-lin, laden with foreign cargo and miscellaneous goods, on every junk, For entering and leaving the port 820. 18.—Junks engaged in Foreign commerce belonging to this port, as well as the Hung-t‘ow-ling vessels (with red bows) by the old tariff taxed 81,000, afterwards reduced after the barbarian (#%) disturbances to the fol- lowing scale, viz. :— For vessels of 5,000 piculs and upwards 8500. less than 5,000 piculs £250. 14.—Natives of Amoy, engaging square rigged ships from Singapore, or other foreign places, to pay for enter- ing and leaving the harbour, port dues on every ship, according to the following rate, viz. :— For every 3 masted vessel (ship) $300. 24 ,, (barque) 8200. 2 ,, (brig or schooner) $150. ” ” (34) The rebels had now been in possession of the city for four months, and although foreigners were in the habit of riding, and walking, through it at all hours of the day, no case of molestation or insult had occurred. On the 9th September an intimation of the approach of a large squadron of Imperial junks, and of troops, was given, and foreign shipping moved out of the harbour, and took up a neutral and safe position, at the back of the island of Kulangsoo. After some three weeks’ delay, the junks and troops arrived, and a series of harrassing attacks were commenced; the opposing forces chiefly using the matchlock, at some hundred paces, and being concealed behind embankments, rocks, &c., the casual- ties were few; but the Imperialists being assisted by the guns of their fleet, the balance of advantage of their daily fights, was theirs. At night each side retired with regularity to its quarter to enjoy the reasonable indul- gence of a night’s undisturbed repose, for there was an honorable abstention from night attacks, surprises, and such barbarian-like attempts to take a mean advantage of each other. On the 12th September, the fleet of the Imperialists got under weigh, and the army advanced on the city. The wind failing, and the tide receding, the junks had to drop anchor, and the troops met with a signal defeat, a portion of their camp falling into the hands of the Siau-tao-hui. On the 15th, the Imperialist Admiral got his whole fleet of some 70 sail, under weigh, to attack the rebel fleet of 15 or 20 vessels. The attack would no doubt have been successful, but on his bearing down on his enemy, he was only supported by three or four junks, the remainder, disregarding his signals to come into action, did not firea single gun. A precisely similar attempt on the following day, was attended with a precisely similar result. ‘Thus the combat continued on land, and water, with varied fortune, apparently, but in reality steady success to the Imperialists, who were persistently carrying out their favourite ponderous stratagem of (35) wearying out, and disheartening, their enemy, by inces- sant menates and petty attacks, until their confidence in themselves failed, and obedience to their leaders was lost, when, panic, disorganisation, and flight, being the result, the Imperialists would march on to, to themselves, a bloodless victory. On the 11th November, this end was gained. The previous night the fire on either side was heavier than usual, and at daybreak, the rebel junks were found warped out into the stream, and a cloud of small vessels, crowded with people, already underweigh. The large junks soon joined them, and stood up the river, the Imperial junks standing down to the anchorage off the town, passed them, and a few shots were exchanged. It appears that the rebel chiefs had, the previous evening, ° made preparations for abandoning the place, of which the Imperialists were aware, so the troops at daybreak marched on the city, when finding no opposition, they scaled the walls, and Amoy was once more in Imperial possession. The panic was terrible, hundreds were en- deavouring to escape in all kinds of boats, some on rafts, some on boards, some even on doors. and numbers were attempting, and drowning in the attempt, to swim to the opposite island of Kulangsu. Hwang escaped in the fleet, and is, itis said, living at Saigon at the pre- sent time; his Admirals, Ma E and Wen-kuan, also effected their retreat, with the greater portion of the fighting men in the junks, abandoning the rest of their miserable dupes to merciless slaughter. And merciless it was. Men and boys, were brought in batches of twenties, to the jetties next those opposite the foreign hongs, and decapitated, or half decapitated, and tambled over into the mud; this process proving too tedious, they were attacked with swords, billhooks, spears and clubs, and destroyed like rats by the dozen. The same grisly work was going on in the junks, and the harbour was covefed with chopped, slashed, and struggling human creatures, many of them boys of 12 years of age. (I have quoted from an eye witness.) This monstrous inhumani- Capture of Chang- chou-fu by a remnant of the T‘ai-ping Rebels. (36 ) ty, had been going on from morning until three in the afternoon, when Mr., now Sir Harry, Parkes, Her Britannic Majesty’s Consul, throwing to the winds the chafing fetters of that official Féng-shuey, the responsi- bility of interference, told the officials, he had previously begged to desist, that he would not permit the carnage to go further. The stout words of the Christian gentle- man, backed by the presence of H. M. 8. Hermes, and Bittern, stopped the slaughter then, and must have saved the lives of hundreds, though on the following day the bloody work went briskly on, at the Northwest side of the city, away from European houses and shipping. Regarding Ne-teck-be, he tried to escape, but his own relations detained, and delivered him over to the mandarins, to meet with such a death as may be ima- gined., Eleven years only, had elapsed since the suppression of the Dagger Society, when a second insurrection came, like a blight, upon this region. On the night of the 13th October, 1864, no one thought of disaster, on the morning of the 14th the passage boats from Chioh-bei (Shih-ma 47§§) brought in many wounded, men, women, and children, and the news that Chang-chou-fu wa j)|| FF, a large walled city, distant 24 miles from Amoy, of 700,000 inhabitants, had been swept down upon, and captured, by a band of rebels, called indiscriminately Hung-t‘ou-hui, and Chang-maos, (the Red headed, or Long haired rebels) who, came, no one knew whence, and of whose existence, in or about the province, no one had an idea. The rich city had fallen to a few men armed with gingalls, swords, pistols, and spears, only; little or no resistance had been offered, and the only casualty on the Imperialist side, was that of the Chén-tai, who had been shot in his chair; the Taotai, Sub-prefect, and Colonel commandant, escaped to the adjacent villages. The inhabitants, who were either unable, or unwilling, to quit their property, suffered (37) severely, being slain by thousands, irrespective of sex or age, the city was fired in several places, and the atrocities of the Northern insurrection, ré-enacted. Day after day, came boatloads of wounded, mostly by the sword, many of whom had deep gaping wounds on the back of the neck; (which, strange to say, even then, in spite of exposure and dirt, looked healthy, and were subsequently, in most instances, rapidly cured by Dr. Jones, in his Chinese hospital.) These men said they had been led to execution, but the executioners being boys, they had escaped with a wound, on receiving which, they had fainted, or simulated death, until in the darkness, they had found an opportunity to creep away. Many of the wounded were Roman Catholic converts, and the Spanish priests, their pastors, went round and raised a subscription for their immediate necessities, and then, with a simple devotion, for which they will always be honoured by foreigners here, hurried up to the vici- nity of Chang-chou-fu, to succour and save, or perhaps perish with, their flocks. Meantime alarming rumours of the fall of the city of Yiine-siaou, 60 miles to the south of Chang-chou-fu, of the capture of many large and populous villages, and of the intenticen of the rebels to march on Téng-hwa, and to attack, Chin-chew, Amoy, and Foochow, were received; and the people of Téng-hwa, 16 miles from here, alwaysaturbulent piratical set, fired with the reported gains of the rebels at Chang-chou (820,000,000 according to the rumours), were said to be desirous of allying themselves with them. These rumours created amongst the Chinese population here, an utter panic, no one spoke of resistance, only how to get away, vessels were chartered by the wealthy, and arrangements made for instant flight. It js tolerably certain that, if at this time two or three hunaied resolute men had made a dash at this city, it would have been carried, without scarcely a single blow being struck by its 350,000 inhabitants, in its defence. The helplessness, and infirmity of purpose of the rulers, (38) and the utter worthlessness of their system, in face of an emergency, was painfully apparent. The defensive mea- sures adopted, were the mustering of a few hundreds of militiamen, armed with rusty bills, tridents, matchlocks, flags, and other obsolete weapons : the subsidising of two or three neighbouring villages, with Taels 600, and the distribution of a mace a day, to each of the ruffians in the city, to keep quiet, who were then, as now, numerous and greatly feared. Their real reliance for the protection of the city, was on H. B. M. Surveying vessels Swallow, and Dove, which happened to be in harbour. Foreigners had not been idle. Kulangsoo, and the settlement, were pa- trolled nightly, by volunteers and a hired patrol: and a small company of 25, or 80, men, had been formed out of the Customs employés, and drilled by the Commissioner, the present writer, and assistance had been written for to Hong Kong. It is to the great promptitude with which this appeal was responded to, by the instant despatch of H. B. M. Gunboats Janus, and Flamer, to the arrival of the Bustard, Lieut. John Tucker, from Foochow, who, on his own responsibility, brought his vessel here, on hear- ing that the city was menaced, and to the fortunate accidental arrival of H. B. M. 8. Pedorus, 22 guns, that its safety may be attributed. This vessel, subsequently, by shelling the neighbouring turbulent and disaffected villages of Pan-t‘oo, jfk, Kwan-hsiine, fj, and Choo-t‘ou, #18A, for firing on her boats when search- ing for pirates, gave a great shock to the rebel cause. At the same time, 100 men of the Foochow Franco- Chinese force, with two guns, under Colonel de Mercy, were sent down in the armed Customs cruiser, Vinder, . by the Tartar General, at the instigation of the Baron de Meritens, Commissioner of Customs at Foochow. This force, afterwards supplied with two more field pieces, might have done good service, but its presence evoked nothing but intrigue and jealousy, and it had to be sent back to Foochow.in a few weeks. Troops from Formosa, under the command of the Ti-tu, Tsén, and (39) from the North, under the command of Ti-tu’s Kwé6, and Wang, also soon arrived, and were sent forward to the vicinity of Chang-chou: and now commenced a long and tedious investment of three sides of the city, during which the besiegers, were as frequently the besieged, varied by victories, or defeats, of which the following will serve as a fair specimen for all. “On the 25th February, during a fog, 2,000 rebels attacked Tang-chou, (5 miles above the city of Chioh-bei), but were repulsed with heavy loss, by the forces of Ti-tu’s Tsén, Kwo6, and Wang. This repulse was greatly owing to the judg- ment of the Tang-chou villagers, in destroying a bridge, by which act, the rebels were caught as in a trap,” and 76 prisoners, 254 heads, and 231 ears, and queues, are reported to have been the fruits of this achievement. It should be stated that the conduct of the villagers throughout contrasted favourably with that of the dwellers in cities; they were loyal, willing to fight for their poor homesteads, and they displayed considerable intelligence in cutting up roads, opening sluices, des- troying bridges, and in doing all in their power to embarrass the movements of the rebels. The rebels had with them at Chang-chou, some ten foreigners, at whose head was a Prussian, named Rhody, sometime a Colonel in the Imperial forces, under Gordon. This man succeeded in establishing communications with another Prussian, named Gerard, a storekeeper, and with another foreigner, a Swede, at Amoy, by whom he and his companions were visited, and supplied with whatever necessaries they required. These visits, although made clandestinely, were known to the authorities here, and were a cause of great disquiet, particularly as several foreigners had lately joined the rebels, and amongst them a Customs tidewaiter, named Patrick Shiel, for- merly a plumber at Hong Kong, who was engaged to make shells. This man afterwards perished miserably, as did most of his companions, victims to the suspicions of their employers. In order to put a stop to these (40) visits, and to prevent some sixty Shanghai, and Ningpo, foreign roughs, attracted here by the rebels, from join- ing them, the Customs lorcha, Kiang Hoo, was stationed at a narrow part of the river leading to Chang-chou fu, called Tin-tou, and armed junks were placed at the entrance of the Pechuiya a river, and at other points, leading in the same direction. These measures were successful, and it was no longer found possible to pass the Imperial lines, by donning some article of naval uniform, or by flying the Union Jack, or Naval Reserve ensign, (these flags were taken from foreign boats, which accompanied a rebel attack on Tang-pu, on the 25th February.) One of the first captures made, was by the. junks stationed at Pechuiya of three Americans, (one being nephew of the late Imperialists General, Ward,) and a Chinese rebel officer. They were taken at night in a sampan, in which were arms, and a rebel flag, after a sharp tussle, in which two Chinese soldiers were wounded. ° The present writer had just returned to Chioh-bei, from a visit to the Imperial camp, before the walls of Chang-chou-fu, when, at 11 o’clock p.m., hearing that these men had been brought to Chich-bei, and fear- ing that their lives might be in danger, he caused a letter to be written to the Tao-t‘ai Tséng, with whom, fortunately, he was intimate, urgently requesting that they should not be injured, and that he might be allowed to be present at their examination. These requests were complied with, and on the following day, the men were examined at the magistrate’s Yamén, at Chioh-bei; the rebel officer, first, who crouching on his knees, cooll told his story making admissions, each of which, he must have known, would consign him to certain death, and quietly munching sugarcane, and cakes, which the Tao-t‘ai, himself, strangely enough, handed him from our table. The foreigners were next separately inter- rogated, their statements taken down in writing, and they were then questioned together. The behaviour of two of them, was so insufferably insolent, their com- (41) plicity so apparent, and the falsehood of their statements, so gross, that the Tao-t‘ai, touching the writer’s knee several times beneath the table, made a short sharp signi- ficant chop with his hand. At last, at one outrageously mendacious and insolent statement, he sprung up saying: If these men’s ears can hear what their mouth say, they must know themselves to be liars,” and again he made the significant gesture. The writer, thoroughly alarmed, then warned the men that he had come there to endea- vour to aid them, but that, beyond persuasion, he was as powerless as themselves, and that an order given to the soldiers and Yamén runners, thronging the room, would be executed before human aid could reach them, and earnestly cautioned them against the folly and danger of their behaviour. This speech had its effect on all, but particularly on young Ward, who shed tears, and acknowledged that they were, when seized, en route to join the rebels, &c., &c., and who then pleaded earnestly not to be left in the Yamén. The writer succeeded in taking this man away with him, and in obtaining a pro- mise that no injury should be done to the other two. The three men were afterwards sent to the United States Consul General at Shanghai, to be dealt with. On the 13th February, just four months after the occupation of the city, an official party, with whom was the man Gerard, before mentioned, left in the gunboat Flamer, to visit Chang-chou-fu. They were well received by the rebels, and returned on the 15th, bringing with them a rebel officer, who remained on board the Pelorus until the 19th, to the great consternation of the Chinese, who thought they saw in this, an intention on the part of the British government, to espouse the rebel cause. How- ever when this man, recognised by a gentlemen here as his former chair coolie at Hongkong, was sent back in the Flamer, on the 19th, the feeling of disquiet abated. As Gerard’s name will not be mentioned again, it may be well to state that shortly after this, when visiting Chang-chou by himself, he was, after leaving his coun- (42) trymen in their employ, cruelly put to death by the rebels at one of the city gates. About 6 o’clock on the evening of the 14th January 1865, a linguist, residing at the Custom House, noticed great excitement amongst the servants attached to the building. On enquiry he found it caused by the presence of a fine looking old man, who said he was one Chén-chin-lung, bearer of a letter from his brother by adoption Li-sze-hsiin, the Tze- wang, or rebel king at Chang-chou-fu, to the Haikuan at Amoy. Her Britannic Majesty’s Consul, and the Com- missioner of Customs, are both called Haikuan, by the common classes, and he had mistaken the Custom House, for the residence of the Consul. The linguist did not undeceive him, but offered him all those little courtesies, usual to educated Chinese life, and ended by inviting him to dinner at his house in the city. The old, old, decoy, which like the invitation to skittles, or cards, to the British yokel, seems irresistible. The invitation was accepted, and half an hour afterwards, Chén, was walk- ing to the Taotai’s Yamén, to meet his fate. It was soon decided; the Hai-fang-ting (local magistrate) was summoned, and after a brief examination, Chén was decapitated, by torchlight. On the 13th May 1865, an American named Burgevine, formerly in command of the Imperial disciplined Chinese troops at Shanghai, and subsequently a leader of rebels at Soochow, arrived in the General Sherman. As this person had been deported some three months previously by the United States Consul General at Shanghai, and as his object in coming to Amoy was sufficiently apparent, application was made to the United States Consul kere, Mr. Irwin, for his arrest; and the Consul issued a warrant for the apprehen- sion of any suspicious person, claiming to be a citizen of the United States. This warrant was taken to the Ge- neral Sherman, where there is reason to believe Burgevine was at the time. But the master of the vessel refused to allow search to be made. A search warrant was then applied for, this, the Consul for sufficient reasons no (43) doubt, did not see fit to grant, and Burgevine, unfor- tunately for himself, remained unarrested. On the 14th it was known that Burgevine, and one or two other foreigners, had made arrangements to join the rebels at Chang-chou-fu, and orders were issued to the officers in command of the vessels stationed for the purpose of preventing supplies, and persons, reaching the rebel city, to keep a strict watch, and to examine every sampan that attempted to pass up the river; the result was that during the same night Burgevine, and an Englishman, named Crane, were found concealed under the bottom boards of a large native boat, and handed over to the safe keeping of the Commander-in-chief of the Chinese forces, Kwo-sung-ling, who had been directed, in the event of any foreigners being captured, to have them well treated, in addition to which, an European had been ordered to sce that they were properly lodged and cared for. The two men were forwarded to the Taotai of Amoy. On hearing of their arrival, the Acting Com- missioner of Customs, Mr. Porter, waited on the Taotai at midnight, and begged him to hand them over to their respective Consuls. To this he replied that he could not accede, his instructions being to forward them to the Viceroy at Foochow. Early next morning, the Acting Commissioner, hearing that they had actually left Aimoy, communicated the fact to the British, and Ame- rican, Consuls. In the mean time, a man supposed to be the owner of the General Sherman, and a friend of Burgevine, collected about twenty roughs, and proceeded to the Hai-fang-ting’s Yamén, where Burgevine was sup- posed to be confined, fully determined to release him. Burgevine, as has been shewn, was not there, but another prisoner named Johnson, who stated that he was an American, was forcibly released. The subsequent death of Burgevine, by the capsizing of a boat, when en route to Foochow, will be fresh in the recollection of most residents in China. Meanwhile the investment of the city, had been (44) growing steadily closer and closer; and the rebels finding it no longer tenable, made their preparations to evacuate it, which they did, on the night of the 14th May, by the East gate. lt was not, however, occupied by the Im- perial troops, until the 17th, the rebels having left a small force to cover and conceal the retreat of the main body, by keeping up the usual skirmishing to the eastward of the city, on the 15th, and 16th. With the suppression, or, more properly speaking, the dissolution of the rebel movement at Ch‘ang-chou-fu, the long chapter of blood- ines in this department of the empire, for the present, closes. Part 11. Geographical. Amoy. Physical peculiarities, climate, disposition and cus- toms of inhabitants. Infanticide Antiquities. Aids to navigation. Chang chow fu. Chiang tang bridge. Polam. Ch‘uan chow fu. An hai. Tea plantations of Ankoi. Tung An. Quemoy. Faune. Hsia mén Jaf (the Gate, or Harbour of Hsia) or amy. the Port of Amoy, is situated in Lat. 24° 28’ N. Long 118° 4 KE. on a thickly inhabited island about twenty-five miles in circumference, and of the same name, apper- taining to Fuch‘ien province. The city is of the third class only, but on account of the importance of the trade of the port, is the residence of a Taotai, who is Intendent of the circuit of Hsing-hua fu (#44 )fF) Chuan chou fu (SPER) and Yung ch‘un chou (9K 4#R IH). It is in the district of Tung an, ({aJ XR) belonging to the depart- ment of Ch‘iian chou fu, and is situated on the south western corner of the Island of Amoy at the mouth of the Dragon river, leading to the city of Chang chou fu (WSN). The approach from sea is between the Chih hsii (Sef) and Ching hsii (79 A) Islands, (in which passage there are from 11 to 14 tathoms of water), two of a group called the Six Islands. On entering the bay or outer harbour, the scenery is picturesque and striking, ranges of savage grey, and brown barren, rocky hills and mountains rise on either side. One, the Nan t‘ai wu, (#4 4ezL) surmounted by a Pagoda, towers 1720 feet in the clear blue sky. A ruined fort, and a long line of stone fortifications stretch away to the right; to the left are a pagoda topped Island and chain of hills, and in frout the island of Kulangsu, and the inner harbour, which is set, a sparkling gem, in a back ground of range upon range (46) of the grey, brown, or misty blue, mountains, of the mainland. The inner harbour extends from a rock, called the Cornwallis Stone, on the S.E. at Hsia mén chiang (JEfF¥§ A mng kang Native dialect), along the N.E. face of the city until it joins a large estuary running some four miles into the island and skirting the northern side of the city, which, consisting of a citadel and a city, lies on a neck of land with one-third of its circuit protected by fortified walls. The city is about eight miles in circumference, including the outer town, and the North eastern environs; it contains about 350,000 inhabitants. The outer town is called in the native dialect A mng kang (JE P4#§) and is separated from the city by a chain of rocks having a fortified wall along their sum- mit, a paved pass connecting the two. Rugged and brown hills of barren rock, of from five to seven hundred feet in height skirt the city; and the dwellings and warehouses of the inhabitants are built in the valley. Aimoy was once exceedingly well fortified, as may be seen by the vestiges of batteries on the Islands of Wu su, and Ch‘ing su, at the entrance of the outer harbour; on Kulangsu, at Red Point (once mounting 42 guns), and at the White Fort ; and from the strength and magnitude of the long line of sea batteries at A mng kang, 1,100 yards in length, and once mounting 96 guns, yet remaining, though denuded of their guns, and with embrasures, and even walls, fast disappearing under mounds of sand. The citadel, which is about a mile and a third in circumference, commands the inner town, and is sur- rounded by a turreted wall varying in height from eighteen to thirty-three feet. What the sea batteries and fortifications once were, may be gathered from Mr. Mc- Pherson’s description of them at the time of the British attack in 1841. ‘The defences appeared to be of vast extent and strength ; every spot from whence guns could bear on the harbour was occupied and strongly armed. From the point of entrance into the inner harbour, the great sea lines of defence extended in one continued (47) battery of granite upwards of a mile. This battery was faced with turf and mud several feet in thickness, so that at a distance no appearance of a fortification could be traced. The embrasures were roofed and the slabs thickly covered with turf so as to protect the men while working the guns.”” And he states, that for four hours the ships cannonaded these enormous batteries without a momeht’s cessation, the Blenheim and Wellesley alone firing up- wards of 12,000 rounds each, and yet that the works were as perfect when they left off as when they began. The troops, however, assaulted and carried the batteries, when they, together with 500 guns, were rendered so far as then pogsible, unserviceable. The outer harbour, affords a safe and commodious anchorage for ships windbound, or on the point of departure, but it is too distant for the shipment or discharge of cargo. The inner harbour, is capable of affording secure anchorage, within a short distance of the beach, to about 100 vessels. The hidden dangers, the Coker, Brown. and Harbour rocks, and Kellett spit are marked by five buoys, and the position of other rocks, by stone beacons and perches.* The rise and fall of the tide, is from 14 to 19 feet. The western boundary of the harbour, is formed by the island of Kulangsu, the channel being 675 to 840 yards wide, ‘This island is about four miles in circumference, has two distinct ridges upon it, and is composed chiefly of granite and disintegrated granite. Its highest point is 280 feet above the sea, and it has detached rocks lying off nearly all its circuit. It is dotted about on all its best sites with handsome houses, the private residences of the Merchants, Missionaries and Officials worth, perhaps, in the aggregate $150,000. It contains four Chinese ham- lets, and has an increasing population of probably 4,000 or 5,000 souls. After the capture of Amoy in 1841, a garrison of detachments from the 18 and 26" regiments, and the Madras Artillery, occupied this island, until it was * See list of Aids to Navigation in the Amoy District, sub. page. Kuiangsu. Amoy (continued) (43) restored to the Chinese in December, 1845. They were encamped on its northern extremity in a hollow, shut out by high hills from the south west breeze, and facing a large bay, which, at low water, becomes a muddy flat. At one time the mortality amongst the troops from these causes, was so great, that Chinese watchmen were em- ployed to guard the military stores. After the departure of the troops, the houses they had occupied were torn down, the roads they had made cut up, and every vestige of their presence obliterated by the Chinese as far as possible. On the north eastern end of the island are three ancient tombstones, bearing the following inscrip- tions: ‘Here lyeth the body of John Duffield, son of Henry Duffield, Comm’. of the Trumbull obt. Sept. 6™ anno cet. xm. An. Dom. 1698.” ‘Here lyeth the body of Capt. Step". Baker, who was late Comm’. ofy? Suecess, who departed this life Octob. y° 18% Anno Dom. 1700, aged 49 years.” ‘Sepultura de Domingo de Pangasinan y otros dos Indios de Filipinas que fallecieron en Octubre afio 1759.” A fourth has succumbed to time, its site only being faintly marked. These graves have in nowise been desecrated by the Chinese, and are in a good state of preservation, with perfectly legible inscriptions, due no doubt to some kindly hand. Itis to be hoped that they will not be suffered to fall into decay. In another spot a monument marks the resting place of a Roman Catholic bishop, and near are the graves of some Spaniards, buried during the early intercourse of Spain with China. The centre of the island of Amoy is in lat 24° 30’ N. Long. 118° 7 E. It is of an irregular oblong square form, intersected on its south west face, by a deep estuary ; its greatest length from North to South is some- what under eight miles ; its extreme breadth from east to west is about six and a half miles; and its circumference, measured from point to point, is twenty-five miles. Eight insignificant streams called the Kwei hsing ho #8} Ri yay, 9) Woong chai‘ho ZE3e jay, Kwan tao ho #4 JJ jay, Yen ts‘ao ho Ri et jay, Hsi ma ho PE BG yay, Hwang choo ho $F JE ay, Kuai chih ho 4 ¥-jaJ, and Hsi pu ho Ef jay, form its water supply ; and it possesses, besides the city of Amoy, one hundred and eight villages and hamlets ; the principal of which are Hou cho 4 FR T’séng cho an SEE, Mu hou 34%, Tien chien [Ejyj, Lew pan iby, Ma chou j#FkE, Wu hoo 7 jy, Féng shan hsé Jal [ya and Pan wei hsé HyFeit- Its population has been variously estimated at from 350,000 to 800,000; but, including that of Amoy city, 550,000 persons will probably be about the correct number. Its surface is very uneven, huge and fantastic boulders frequently cropping out of the earth; and bluffs, hills, and brown arid granite mountains abounding. All the vaileys are most carefully Productions, cultivated, indeed no spot capable of production is wasted, and cultivation is carried, terrace above terrace, far up the sides of the rugged mountains; or if there be a natural ledge a few feet long and broad, its poor soil of sandy earth and disintegrated granite, will surely be found to be planted with sweet potatoes. Rice, wheat, barley, maize, sugar cane, groundnut, beans, peas, sweet potatoes, yams, cabbages, turnips, onions, carrots, radishes, lettuce, melons and other vegetables are tended with the greatest care; not a weed is to be seen, and the system of manuring with human ordure (for which there is a regular market, and market day here) is to judge by results as perfect, as it is offensive to the nose. Pomeloes, pineapples, mangoes, oranges, grapes, bananas, limes, arbutus, plums, peaches, lichies, lungngans, pears, per- simons and other fruits are cultivated here and in the surrounding districts. Irrigation is carefully attended Irigation, to. Where streams are absent, wells are sunk, and a simple contrivance, an upright post, crossed see saw fashion by a long bamboo, with another at right angles, a bucket at one end anda heavy stone at the other, enables a single man to rapidly fill the little artificial Agricultural Implements. Farm stock. Climate, (60) channels leading to his rice or other field. If the water is to be conveyed up from a stream over the high embankment, wherewith the thrifty agriculturist has reclaimed his rich land from the river, an equally simple, efficacious and inexpensive wooden chain pump, fitted upon two cylinders and worked by one, two or three men, is used. The agricultural implements are few and rude, a strong hoeshaped pick serves as a spade; an iron sharepoint, attached to a rough piece of bent wood, without colter or wheel, and drawn by a pretty little Amoy cow or bullock, and not by an ass and two women as I have seen at Peking, serves as a plough; and a large tub, against the edge of which the stalk of the cereal is beaten, with a mat screen to keep off the wind, takes the place of the flail or threshing machine. The winnowing apparatus, where one is used, is onthe same principle and not unlike in form, that in use in England some twenty years ago. Notwithstanding these rude imple- ments, the appearance of the crops and land, and the absence of waste of space or material, denotes excellent agriculture, such as would gladden the heart of Mr. Mechi, or any other scientific farmer, Grain is not cut but pulled up by the roots. The farm stock consists of very small and beauti- fully shaped cows and bullocks, hideous water buffaloes, pigs and goats, geese, ducks, and fowls, and on Kulangsu, created by a local want of the foreigner, a fine breed of turkeys; which however are not indigenous, but were imported from Manila. The Amoy horse is a very small, and handsome pony, it is never used for agricultural purposes. The climate, I notice, is described by several writers, aud in a recent Blue book, as highly insalubrious. From the personal experience of myself and other residents here, I think this isa mistake, and that, although the length of the summer is trying, the climate is exceedingly healthy, and that from the beginning of November to the end of March, itis equal to any in GL) China. The highest temperature during 1871 in the shade, in the verandah of the Custom House, was 96° Fahr., on the 3lst Aug. and the lowest 37° Fahr., on the 13th December; when there was ice half an inch thick on certain spots on the island of Kulangsu. To find ice here is very rare however, for although it is not unfrequently piercingly cold, it seldom freezes. Little rain usually falls, but the past year was exceptionally wet, the heaviest falls were on the 7, 8, 9 and 10th October. Doctors Miiller and Manson in their report on the health of Amoy for the half year ended 80th September i871, write as follows: ‘This part of the province of Fokien is very hilly. The hills are of granite and partly from the want of soil, but principally from the false economy of the people, who cut down nearly every tree and shrub, and grup up the natural grass, they leave a bleak and uninviting appearance. Enormous masses of granite absorb and radiate the heat, storing it up during the day, to return it to the air during the night. For- tunately several large rivers and estuaries intersect the country, and open aroad through the hills for the sea breezes and monsoons. These and the great rise and fall of tide facilitate the circulation of air, rendering what would otherwise be « hot and unhealthy country, comparatively mild and salubrious. By the industry of the people every available spot has been brought under cultivation. The alluvial flats along the banks of the rivers and the narrow gorges among the hills, where water can be obtained, are occupied by rice fields, while in the drier soils, sweet potatoes, ground-nuts, sugar cane and a variety of suitable crops are raised. ‘The rain fall is very capricious. For the most part the climate is dry, frequently several years passing without a sufficiency of rain, famine or great distress is the consequence, and epidemic disease of some form is sure to follow in their train. After three years of drought we have this summer had abundance of rain; and tanks and wells are again filled, after remaining useless or stinking for a long time. The following table will give an idea of the temperature (62) for the summer months, though perhaps it represents a lower range than generally obtains for the season :— Table of Temperature during Six months, April to September. Instruments on a wall facing N.E. on Kulangsu. April Max. 82° Fah. Min. 60° Fah. Aver. 69°7. Fah. 3 days of rainfall. May oa 89° ” ” 67° gy 9 77°5. a 13 7 id June 3 88° ” ad 75° ced oD 79°3, Pe 14 6 a ” July ed 91° o? ” 76° sf ey 83°3. a 3 cI 0 August ,, 88° ,, 3 TEBE ay ~ 82% 4, LL x, a Sept. ,, 89° ,, a AB gy i SEB. 45 “Eg PP During the other half of the year the climate is much cooler. Then the clear cool air goes far to reinvigorate the victim of the summer heats, outdoor exercise is possible, and the high living usually indulged in by Europeans can be borne with comparative im- punity. The people though industrious are poor in the extreme, and their earnings small. From 60 to 100 cash a day for an ordinary labourer, to 120 to 150 cash a day for a mechanic are about the general wages. ‘To support a wife and family on this, must bea hard task even for the most economical. Very little can be saved against the rainy day, and sickness or a rise in the price of rice, must cause incalculable distress. Rice, or a mixture of rice and sweet potatoes, flavoured with. pickled vegetables or salt fish, is the staple food ; pork and beef are the luxuries of the few. In the coun- try the people are chiefly agricultural: along the coast they employ themselves in fishing and are sailors, occa- sionally combining these occupations with farming. In Amoy and other large towns, manufactures of various kinds engage large numbers. The town of Amoy, as most Chinese towns are, is superlatively dirty. The streets, narrow and irregular, are filthy in the extreme and redolent of every impurity. Pigs and dogs are the sole representatives of the elaborate machinery of sani- tation in use in European towns, and a scientific sanita- rian, with only home experiences to guide him, would confidently predict the reign of epidemics and death. Yet the Chinese manage to live and thrive, where he would hardly dare to lodge his pigs. There is no typhus, (58) no typhoid, or other disease considered the inevitable con- sequence of defective sanitation, although Amoy is full of typical typhus dens. Luckily, filth overcrowding and bad food, are not the only factors necessary for the manufacture of a typhus epidemic, were they so, we should live here in perpetual dread. Typhus, and typhoid, are not the only fevers whose absence we have remarked. Indeed, with the exception of small pox, we have met with no representative of the class of continued fevers which claims so large a number of victims in Europe. We have never met a case of scarlet fever, measles, or relapsing fever, either here or in Formosa. Diphtheria, so com- mon in Peking, does not exist, or is very rare, yet other diseases of an epidemic character, such as mumps and whooping cough, are common enough. The petechial fevers are, we think, with the exceptions mentioned, en- tirely wanting. Considering this, and reflecting on the rarity of the atheromatous and fatty degenerations with the numerous dangerous diseases they entail, one may be at a loss to account for the mortality. When we consider, however, the prevalence of small-pox in a population completely unprotected by vaccination, and learn that almost every one, should he live long enough, is sure to contract the disease, while the mortality from the unmodified form is about one in three, we dispose at once of a part of the difficulty. Then, as second in fatality, we might rank malarial diseases, as remittent fever, ague, diseases of the spleen and liver, anzemia and their consequences. Cholera might come next; then perhaps leprosy. These are the principal causes of death, but ordinary diseases of neither an epidemic nor endemic character are common here as in Europe. Phthisis, bronchitis, pneumonia, cancer, &c., are rife enough. For Europeans, as they are now housed, the climate cannot be considered unhealthy. Their places of business, and a few of their residences, are situated along the foreshore of the town,—rather a hot locality, but People. (54) for the most part they have their private houses on Kulangsu. This, a small rocky island quite close to Amoy, affords excellent situations for building. These have been carefully selected by the residents, and houses in every way suitable to the climate built upon them. In the summer they have the full benefit of the strong sea breezes blowing during the greater part of the day, and of the land winds at night. The cold of winter is never so intense as to make their exposed situations uncomfortable. Did the residents display as much wis- dom in the furnishing of their tables as they have in the building of their houses, they might live as comfortably here—as far as health is concerned—for eight or ten years, as they could in Europe. The inevitable sherry and bitters, brandy and soda, and full animal diet indulged in three times a day, combined with want of exercise, and a rather high temperature, induce disease which is hardly climatic, although tne victim may call and think it so. All do not err in this way, but most of those who sicken, have indulged in too high living. Those who are temperate and exercise discretion in exposing them- selves to the sun and rain keep their health. A little languour by the end of summer, becoming more pronounced, as a rule, the longer one stays here, is perhaps the only climatic disease a sensible man need suffer from.”’ The characteristics of the people have by some been described to be boldness, pride, and generosity ; and by others, to be quarrelsomeness, rudeness, and intense dis- honesty. My own experience of them is that they differ but little from their fellow countrymen generally. I have ever found them civil, industrious and, according to the Chinese standard, honest; they are certainly keen in pursuit of the dollar, and sight that coin from afar, lead- ing up to it with unerring accuracy. They are shrewd traders, bold and fearless fishermen, good sailors, and they emigrate freely ; tens of thousands going annually to Manila, Singapore, Penang and elsewhere. Most of the Chinese in Java, Siam, and the Straits Settlements, (55 ) are Amoy, or Fohkien men, and, in proof of their character for energy and ambition, I have somewhere read that, during the last century, a Fohkien man ascended the throne of Siam, In appearance they are middle sized, and well built, strong, active and hardy, and they endure the extremes of temperature with, apparently, no discomfort. Regarding their morality, one of the worst, and at the same time most prominent, crimes laid at their door is that of female infanticide. That this crime exists to a fearful extent, there is unfortunately no reason to doubt. I have inquired of gentlemen engaged in missionary labours in this, and the surrounding districts, and they all concur in stating that it is common, and generally committed by the women. One gentleman told me that, from statistics he had made, he calculated that not less than 25 per cent of female children were destroyed at their birth. Proclamations against the practice are issued by the authorities, but they are disregarded, and so little shame, or fear of punishment, is felt by the perpetrators of this atrocious inhumanity, that, I am told, in several instances ahmahs, or female nurses in foreign employ, have admitted that they have put to death one, two, or even three, of their children. One of these ahmahs, named Kioh,—literally ‘the picked up one ’—was herself cast out on some stones, on the night of her birth: but, being found alive and uninjured on the following morn- ing, superstition, or some better feeling, induced her parents to save and rear her. Another woman, lately married here, was rescued from death about eighteen years ago by a Reverend gentleman, in a singular and providential manner. Soon after his arrival, seeing from his boat an earthen jar floating by and fancying he heard a wail, he asked his boatmen what it contained, and was unconcernedly told ‘piecy smalla girlee.’ That night the young and reverend occupant of the boat, had the pleasure of adding to his varied accomplishments, some of a character not embraced in his academic curriculum. Infanticide. (56) I, myself, a short while ago, met a stout, well to do looking man of the coolie class, carrying twe neat and clean round baskets slung at either end of a pole he bore on his shoulder. Hearing the cry of a child, he was stopped, and it was found that he had two infants in each basket; which, he said, he was going to sell. A girl is saleable at the Foundling hospital only, and is worth but 100 cash or 10 cents, while a healthy boy, two or three days old, will fetch readily $15 or over £3. Since Mr. Abeel wrote on this subject, some considerable diminution in the number of children put to death, must have occurred, from the reestablishment of a Foundling Hospital here, with branches at ''ung-an and Quemoy, through the exertions of Tuck-suey, a philanthropic and intelligent native merchant, for many years compradore to Messrs. Dent & Co. This hospital is supported by fees, charged to the Chinese charterers of foreign vessels, of 88 on a ship or barque, and 86 on a brig or schooner, 87 per chest on the buyers of Opium, and one cent per half chest on the sellers of Tea, besides other minor charges. It is stated that between 2,000 and 3,000 children are received annually, for each of which the institution gives the bringer one hundred cash. Each nurse has to nurse two children, for which she receives her food and 1,000 cash per month. For children put out to nurse, 500 cash only are paid for each. Any person desirous of obtaining a child from the hospital, can do so without charge, by giving a receipt for it, and lodging a guarantee from a known person, that he is a respectable man. The annual expenses of the hospital are said to be about 830,000. Information, however, is difficult to obtain, and I have been unable to ascertain the number of children who yearly die in it. Speaking of infanticide at Chiian Chou fu, and its five districts, in 1843, the Rev. David Abeel states :—‘‘ From a compari- son with many other parts of the country, there is reason to believe that a greater number of children are destroyed at birth in this district (Tung An [Rj 2/84) than in any other part of the province, of equal extent and (57) populousness.’? He states that, he has enquired of persons from forty different towns and villages, and gives asa result that: ‘the number destroyed varies exceedingly in different places, the extremes extending from seven to eight-tenths, to one-tenth: and the mean of the whole number, the average proportion destroyed in all these places, amounts to nearly four tenths or exactly 39 per cent.” He adds that: ‘In seventeen of these forty towns and villages, my informants declare that. one-half or more, are deprived of existence at birth.”? Of the seven districts in the department of Chang chou fu, he writes that, from enquiries he has made of the inhabitants of eighteen towns and villages, in the district of Lung hsi #£ yA 18%, six in that of Chang pu yay RR, four in that of Nanch‘ng Fyne, and from more limited enquiries in the other four districts, ‘‘ there is reason to fear that scarcely less than a quarter of those born, about 25 per cent, are suffocated almost at the first breath ;’? and that in the course of his investigations, he has frequently questioned visitors from some of the other departments of the province, from Fuchow fu, Ting chow fu, ¥J JF, and Yen p‘ing fu, FE-PE KF, who have all testified to the existence of the evil in their respective departments; but gave ground to hope that it prevailed to a less extent than in this vicinity. He con- scientiously adds that the data from which these results are obtained, may be fairly questioned as to entire accuracy, as being ‘opinions rather than facts; ”’ but there is, unfortunately, little room to doubt that his painstaking investigations, are too near the truth. He also states that the Haifangting of Amoy, (District Magistrate) mentioned that before the English came here, but few children were killed at birth; but since that time (1841) the Foundling hospital had been shut, poverty had increased, and infanticide, had prevailed to a far greater extent. And he cites several cases in which the inhuman parents admitted to him, that they had put to death from one to five of their female offspring; but (58 ) he adds, that the horrible crime is declining, owing, in a measure, to the exertions of literary men who write against it, and placard the admonitions in the most public places. The Revd. W. McGregor, in answer to my enquiries on this subject, has favoured me with the following statement: ‘ Throughout the entire Hsien, female infanticide is exceedingly prevalent. In this respect, however, Tung an does not differ from any other part of the Chang chew, and Chin chew prefectures. No one who speaks the language of the people, can freely mix with them, without learning that this is a barbarity practised to an almost incredible extent. A good deal of careful observation has convinced me: Ist That this practice is by no means confined to the families of the poor. In well-to-do families, if two or three girls be born in succession, often only one will be saved alive. 2nd. That while educated Chinese will, in conversation, denounce the practice; they do not, in reality, look upon it as a thing morally wrong, and will very likely (after talking of it as an evil) practice, or allow it to be practiced, in their own families. 3rd. That although the mandarins, from time to time, issue orders for its discontinuance, they never take any steps to secure attention to such orders. 4th. That while educated Chinese will not defend the practice, the great mass of the population do not consider it in the least blame- worthy, or a thing to be ashamed of. 5th. That women are still more ready to defend it, than men are. Few women of the labouring classes, feel any hesitation in answering, if asked whether they have put any of their female children to death, or not. Often women seem to think they have, in so doing, acted meritoriously. The would, of course, consider it a crime to put to death a male infant. 6th. That probably half the children born in these two prefectures, are either put to death at their birth, or die very soon, in consequence of the studied neglect with which a female infant is treated. Many Chinese give the estimate at two-thirds, but Iam induced (59 ) to think they err, through thinking only of families, where some have been put to death, and some spared, forgetting the families in which none have. been put to death at all. The extreme prevalence of this crime, 1s most fully shewn by the callousness with which the Chinese talk of it to each other. Even those whom affection for their children has kept from this atrocity, do not seem to feel the hide- ousness of the practice as prevalent around them. It is evident that this crime is more prevalent in some parts of China, than in others, and also among some Chineso tribes, than in others. In the Canton province, it seems almost unknown amongst the Puntis, while it is prevalent among the Hakkas, and Hoklos. These facts suggest several subjects for investigation, such as what connection has this practice with the beliefs, prevalent in different localities, on such subjects as metempsychosis ? Does the mother kill her female infant in the affectionate hope that it will again be born a male, or does she do it in anger, because the birth of female children exposes herself to obloquy ? What is the nature of the connec- tion’ between Chinese of different localities? In the province of Canton, for example, the crime is prevalent among the Hoklos. Now the traditions of the Hoklos, and linguistic affinities unite in indicating Hing hoa (LAL if), in Fokien, (jq%94), as the neighbourhood from. which they came. From personal observation at Swatow. I have found their dialectical affinities to be not with their immediate neighbours in the Fokien province, but with Chinchew and the region to the north of it. Here then we have a barbarous custom indicated as dating from a period anterior to the Hoklo migration.” Jxcuses for this detestable practice, must be utterly insufficient, but those put forth by the people here, are weak to a degree. Poverty, fear that ifthe children are sold, or given to the childless, they may be illtreated, or brought up for immoral purposes, and the sordid dread of the trouble and expense, that might, hereafter, spring Antiquities, (60) from placing them in an asylum, are amongst the reason given. The crime of infanticide reflects no disgrace upon the poor, if it does upon the rich even, and there- fore thousands of human beings are annually abandoned to meet a cruel death by the roadside, or in a pipkin by the river; or perhaps, more mercifully, the foul deed is done by smothering the little atom in a jar of lime, or by slinging it into the water. There isa pool in Amoy at the Ching nan kuan gate called the dead infants pond. This wholesale murder of female children has had the effect of causing a very great disparity between the sexes in Amoy, and, more especially, in the country around. Even though every Chinaman, here, were inclined, and in a position to marry, it would be impossible to do so, owing to the scarcity of woman. Another natural consequence is that the state of morality is exceedingly low, and adultery, which is committed to an enormous extent, has to be submitted to as a necessity by the husbands. Amongst the still existing antiquities in this neigh- bourhood, there are, so far as I am aware, but few anterior to the present dynasty, if inscriptions on rocks, temples, memorial arches, and graves be excepted. Many of these inscriptions, date from the Mongol, and some from the Southern Sung, dynasty. On the island of Amoy, on the Chin-pang-shan, 4>##[[], are inscribed on the rock 4>}44 from which the hill takes its name, the following characters §% % 4, which are said to have been written by the celebrated Confucian commentator, Chu-hsi RE. Belonging to the present dynasty are several inscriptions of some historical importance. In front of the Nan-pu-té Fae, a Budhistic temple of great beauty, though fall- ing into decay, at Hsia mén chiang, are a series of large stone tablets, on which is engraved in Chinese and Manchu, an account of the subjugation of the Pescadores. Near here on the Ching nan kuan, $75, road is also a tablet containing some account of the expulsion of the Dutch from Formosa by Coxinga. A large grave on (61 ) the same road, ornamented with stone figures of men and horses, as ofa high military official, is that of a cousin of Coxinga; and a yet more elaborate tomb of the same description, on the road from Tung-an to Chin- chew between Ta ying 7. and Wuling 7[# is the final abode of one of Coxinga’s uncles. Scattered over the island are some sixteen Joss-houses, several of which possess considerable beauty, particularly the already men- tioned Nan pu to, this building contains some charming octagon shaped temples of stone, covered with carvings of most delicate tracery and exquisite finish. The Tiger’s Mouth, the Hsin tung yén, or Grotto of the Hill fairies, the Temple of Ten thousand rocks, and the White stag temple, which is said to be the oldest here, are all noteworthy as fine, well preserved temples, nestling in picturesque Banyan shaded nooks far up the rocky hills. Tung lai yén, another temple, bases what claim it has to celebrity, on a hazy story of an Emperor of the Tung dynasty, having drank at a pool in its close vicinity. Many of the inscriptions in these temples enjoin the reader in phrases such as the following: ‘ Live well and die happy,” “ The chief aim of life should be the practice of virtue,” &., all highly moral sentiments, and no doubt very improving to the artless beings to whom they are addressed. During the cool season these temples are a favourite resort of the Barbarian for the -performance of his rife of the picnic : here in the courts of Budha, amidst the images of Wu Jai shen, the scowling god of Thunder, Kuan yin, the goddess of Mercy, or the simpering Tien how, empress of heaven, appear the long table and gay guests looking so incongruous and out of harmony with all their surroundings, except, perhaps, with the effigy of jovial old Budha, himself, who, in easy sitting posture, with vinous leer and ample stomach, looks, as I have sometimes thought, no unfit- ting presiding deity: the effect may be somewhat marred by his ears hanging down to his shoulders and his toes being as long as his fingers, but who has not Local peculiarities of religious belief. (62 ) seen other presiding deities who have, or ought to have, very long ears. It is only in the direction in which they grow that his are singular. Upon the subject of the local peculiarities of religious belief, the Rev. J. Macgowan writes: “ Amid the multiplicity of gods worshipped in Amoy, there are two that hold a specially prominent place. These are the god Yuhwang =; & and the god- dess Ma tsaw po #i§jifjY both of which belong to the Taouist calendar. “The former of these is looked upon by the Chinese almost universally as the great Supreme Ruler, and by the majority is identified with the heaven and the god of the classics. His power is believed by the common people to be unlimited, and to him is assigned the con- trol of the physical universe. The abstruse speculations of the leaders of the three systems, are entirely unknown to the people ; and therefore we find the most unwavering faith in a being who once lived as a man upon earth, and whose birthday is celebrated with unusual rejoicing, as it periodically comes round. He is believed to have the control of all the other gods, who are commissioned by him to act as his deputies on earth, to watch the moral behaviour of men, and, to a certain extent, restrain the passions of the wicked. ‘These gods ascend to heaven once a year, to give him an account of their stewardship ; and after remaining a few days in heaven, return to their various posts, to carry out their peculiar functions. “Ma tsa again, is the goddess especially of the sai- lors; although she is very universally worshipped in Amoy and its neighbourhood. This woman originally lived in the province of Fokkien, and was believed to have miraculous powers. by which she was able to assist mariners in distress at sea. It is related of her that she had four brothers, who were engaged in seafaring life, and that one day having fallen into a trance, by some wonderful magic, her spirit went to the assistance of her (63) brothers, who were each in distinct ships, and who were in danger of being wrecked by a terrific gale. Being aroused from her trance before she was able to render assistance to them all, the consequence was that one of them was lost, and but three of them passed through the gale in safety. The sailors never think of going to sea without invoking her blessing, and no voyage is ever supposed to be prosperous without the special interven- tion of this goddess, “The worship of these two, whilst very extensive, must not be supposed to include all that is actually paid by the Chinese to their gods. ‘T’o enumerate all that are worshipped on special occasions, would not only be extremely wearisome, but hardly possible within the limits of these pages. Standing out in bold relief, how- ever, and almost apart from the endless ceremonies connected with the worship of the gods, we have what may be termed the religion of the Chinese, and that is the worship of ancestors, already alluded to. Their religious life, whilst developing itself and striving to obtain satisfaction in their various forms of belief, appears to find a more congenial resting place in this ancestral worship. It is practised, not merely by the respectable and well behaved, but also by the most vicious of the community, and whilst numbers profess their utter disbelief in the idols of the country, it would - be impossible to meet with a single individual who would express a want of confidence in the efficacy of this wor- ship. We can here but simply hint at the prevalence of this worship, and the amazing hold it has upon the entire nation. It will be for the missionary, in his residence among the people, to mark how the religious element inanifests itself in an infinite variety of ways, and to observe the restlessness of the faith, which is observable even in reference to these gods, which are more univers- ally trusted in.” * * Remarks on the social life and religious ideas of the Chinese by the Revd. J. Macgowan, Amoy. Aids to Navigation. (64) Premising that Chapel Island Lighthouse and build- ings,were erected by Captain Bisbee, Divisional Inspector, aud myself, by order of the Inspector General of Customs, and the Light exhibited for the first time on the 16th November 1871, I, on the following page, annex a List of aids to Navigation in the Amoy district. (63) Proceeding from Amoy by water in a South westerly direction, past Pagoda Island, topped with a crumbling ruin, that gives it its name, and entering a passage formed by the mainland anda small island, a view, equal to some in the Highlands of Scotland is disclosed. It.isa large oblong bay, perhaps six miles long, by four broad, whose margin is fringed with thriving and pretty looking villages embowered in fine trees, and whose boundaries are highly cultivated plains, most of which have been reclaimed from the river, stretching to the base of blue and grey mountains. In the season this bay abounds with geese, teal, widgeon, ducks of almost every description, pelicans, herons and other wild fowl. It is the favourite shooting ground of the sportsmen of Amoy. Into this bay are discharged two branches of the Dragon river, and the North river. Following the course of the Chang chou river for about three miles, a large walled town called Hai téng hsien /f¢7!8%, is reached, and two miles further on, a second, larger, and more busy, more prosperous town or city, called in the local dialect Chioh bei (444% Shih ma), which is densely populated ashore and afloat, and maintains a large and brisk foreign and native trade, with Amoy. . Winding through a charming, thriving and well populated country, rich in corn, rice, and sugar cane, and in hilland plain, for ten miles further, the city of Chang chou fu is reached. The prefecture of Chang chou fu ya SNF, contains seven districts or Hsiens, namely Lung chi #EyAR, Chang pu WayPR, Hai téng ETE R, Ping ho PAN, Chao an 7A RR, Chang tai $e4s!8%, and Nan ching 7 Its chief city Chang chou, is in lat. 24°31’ 12 N. and long. 117° 59 E. of Greenwich, or 1° 24’ E. of Peking. It is approached by several broad and well made, partially Chang chou fu. (66 ) paved roads, and by a bridge some 750 feet long, built upon 25 piers about 30 feet apart, and 25 feet in height ; pieces of heavy timber stretch from one abutment to another, and are again crossed by smaller pieces, which are covered with earth and paved with brick and stone: some of these stones are over 40 feet long. The entire structure is of the rudest description : and at either extremity there are hucksters’ shops extend- ing, perhaps, cne-fourth of the length of the bridge. Chang chou fu, following the course of the river, is distant 244 miles due west from Amoy, and is situated upon the banks of the Lung or Dragon river. It must have been a very fine city, it is walled, and is described as having been well built, and its streets paved with granite, sorne of the slabs being twelve feet wide. It is now a picture of the abomination of desolation : literally a heap of bricks and charred ruins. When the city fell into the hands of the Chang mao rebels in 1864, from 200,000, to 250,000, persons, are said to have perished by the sword, or from disease : and some $20,000,000 worth of coin and property, to have been the spoils of the rebels. It was vacated by them in May 1865, and during the succeeding seven years, sufficient energy has been found to repair or rebuild, one long straggling street along the river front of the city. The surrounding scenery, as in many other spots in this district, is really beautiful. It is thus aptly described by Mr. Lourie in the Chinese Repository Vol x1 p. 506: “Imagine an amphitheatre 30 miles in length and 20 in. breadth, hemmed in on all sides by bare, pointed hills, a river running through it, and an immense city at our feet, with fields of rice, and sugar cane, noble trees, and numerous villages, stretching away in every direction. It was grand and beautiful beyond every conception we had formed of Chinese scenery. Beneath us lay the city, its shape nearly square, curving a little on the river’s banks, closely built, and having an amazing number of very large trees (67) within and around. The guide said that in the last dynasty, it had numbered 700,000 inhabitants, and now he thought it contained a million, probably a large allow- ance. ‘The villages around also attracted our attention. I tried to enumerate them, but after counting twenty- nine of large size, distinctly visible in less than haif the field before us, I gave over the attempt. It is certainly within the mark to say that within the circuit of this immense plain, there are at least one hundred villages, some of them small, but many numbering hundreds and even thousands of inhabitants.” This city was, prior to its capture, famous for its sugar, and sugar candy, manufactures, tea, silk, velvet, silk and cotton manufactures, and iron manufacture ; and was the richest and most important in this vicinity. Itis the residence of a Taotai, Prefect, the Magistrate of Lung Chi #EYAR, a Chen-t‘ai or General, a Colonel, and other military mandarins. On the north, and northeast, is the district of Chang-t'ai $= 4s, Tiohto‘a, locally, in which exists coal in undeveloped abundance. The specimens seen are very poor. ‘This is no doubt owing to the fact that the people are allowed only to use what may be easily procured on the surface; and are not permitted to open mines. Quantities are brought down in baskets to Chioh-bei (4,!§ Shib-ma) for sale, and are purchased by native blacksmiths. To the northwest, is the district of Nan-ching. The district of Hai-téng, is between Lung-chi and the sea, and its chief city stands upon an island. Nearest to Chang- t‘ai on the coast, is the district of Chang-pu, next to Yune siau, while Chao an, lies to the extreme south. North of the last named district, is that of Pingho. The inhabitants of the department, once had a most evil reputation for destroying their female offspring, and for rudeness and cruelty. Infanticide was said to be more prevalent here, than in any other part of the empire. Chiang tang bridge. (68) The prefecture of Chang-chou, constitutes the sou- thern portion of the province of Fuhkien, and is of a triangular shape, having the departments of Ting-chou, Yi, Lung Yen, HERE, and Chuan-chou Jey, for the northern line, the sea coast for the southern, and the de- partment of Chao-chou-fu HA /))|)RF, in Kwan-tung, for the western. The line of coast stretches from Namoh, (fA) to Amoy. In the district of Lung-chi, is one of the curiosities of this neighbourhood; it is the Chiang-tung-chiao, YL RG, or Polam bridge FAH. This bridge is distant nineteen and a half miles from Amoy; through it must come all the Teas destined for the Amoy market. It is very picturesquely situated at a sharp angle of the North River, where it turns into a savage, rocky, gorge, with seemingly, no outlet. The approach to it is for miles charm- ing. Rich alluvial plains, bright with young paddy, wheat, and sugar cane, dotted about with numerous large, prosperous-looking villages, set generally in clumps of venerable banyan trees, greet the eye on every side, and in the distance the plains swell up, with easy sweep, to the base of a chain of fantastic and many-hued moun- tains. The bridge is 354 paces long, by 6 broad, and has a small building on its centre, it is built of stone on 20 buttresses; three grouped together to form two small arches, while the fourth is placed at nearly treble the distance, and forms an arch of good span ; these buttresses are spanned by huge blocks of roughly hewn granite, mostly from 54 feet to 66 feet long, and from 3 to 6 feet thick. The largest block, from a rough measurement, we calculated to weigh 80 tons. By what means these enormous stones, were got into their position, it is difficult to imagine. Although they are polished with the foot- steps of seven centuries, much of their original inequali- ties yet remain. The ends of the arkshaped buttresses, (69) are being forced upwards by the enormous weight rest- ing on their centres, and two huge cross blocks of stone, have already slipped from off one of their end supports into the water.. The bridge was once defended at its southern end, by a well built stone battery, and by a cir- cular stone fort, on the top of a steep bluff some 350 feet high, covered at its base with handsome copperbeech, banyan, lung-ngan, and other trees, festooned, here and there, with gorgeous red hued creepers. No guns are now in these fortifications. It is the station of a small military mandarin, and of a taxing establishment, at either end there are a few wretched shops and houses. On the oc- casion of the visit of myself and party, the inhabitants, beth male and female, told us, with much gesticulation, that large tigers frequently crossed the bridge at night, perhaps as often as 40 or 50 times a year; that one car- ried off a dog two nights before from the house against which we were standing, and also that a short time pre- viously, a man had been killed near there, and they ur- gently begged us to come and shoot them, offering the use of a small temple, and to tether a young goat near it, to attract the tigers by its bleating. They also stated that there are wild pigs in the ad- jacent mountains. Ten miles beyond this bridge, is the town of Polam, which is under the jurisdiction of the magistrate of Chiang-tung-ss’u 7L}€ fi], and is the residence of a mili- tary mandarin. The number of its inhabitants, is estimated to be from two to three thousand. Its principal articles of trade, are those produced in the neighbourhood, and sur- rounding districts, namely: tea, sugar, paper, oranges, and pomeloes; the two latter are celebrated for a pecu- liarly delicious flavour, and form one of the articles of tribute sent hence, annually, to the throne. Before its capture by the rebels, this place was said to contain a po- pulation of about 10,000 inhabitants. It is now in ruins, and its formerly fine warehouses, have never been rebuilt. Polam. (70) The greater part of the place is still desolate and unin- habited. Twenty-five miles distant from Polam, is the com- mencement of the Tea district. No less than seventy ra- pids have to be ascended in this region, and the richly wooded highland scenery, has been described to me as beautiful in the extreme. I have not yet had an oppor- tunity of exploring this part of the country, but when I do so, it will form the subject of another paper. The following interesting account of the Prefecture of Chang chou, has been kindly furnished me by the Rev. John Macgowan. “The region embraced under this name was known to exist as far back as the time of the Hea dynasty (B.C. 2169-1756.) At that period it was a wild uncultivated district, inhabited mainly by the natives of the country, who, like the aborigines of Formosa, were altogether uncivilised, and who maintained themselves by the chase. Very few of the Chinese had penetrated thus far, and we may presume they were the more daring and adventurous spirits of the age, who acting as pioneers had pushed their way into the wild and unexplored regions that lay to the South. “The history of these early times is necessarily of the vaguest possible character. The accounts of them are scanty, and, moreover, mixed up with so much that is fabulous, that we cannot rely upon them very much for giving us an insight into the state of things then exist- ing, or of the process by which the country finally became cleared. All we know for certain is that the Chinese, for century after century, continued to spread themselves further and further Southwards, driving the aborigines before them, till, at the commencement of the Ysui dy- nasty, (3.C. 243-201) we find them occupying the district of Chang chou. At this time vast numbers of the natives had retired further South and West, whilst a good number of them had submitted to their conquerors, and were quiet- ly adopting their manners and customs. Mandarins were (it) appointed by imperial authority, so that this region be- came, to all intents and purposes, a portion of the kingdom of Tsin. Matters continued in this state until the time of Woo te, (B.C. 81) of the western Han dynasty, when a change in the mode of government took place. The people of Chang chou region, like most people inhabiting a frontier country, were of a turbulent and independent character. The fierce conflicts in which they were con- tinually involved with the original inhabitants, had neces- sarily developed a spirit within them, that made them very unwilling to submit to the control of the law. The region, moreover, was nothing like it is now. Many parts were still uncleared. Very little comparatively had been done to develop the resources of the country. The soil was considered poor and unfruitful, and the country instead of producing the rich harvests that now sustain millions of people, was so poorly cultivated, that the vast resources that lay dormant within it, had not yet even been suspected. In consequence of the character of the people, whom it was found almost impossible to restrain, and of the fact that the revenue to be derived from the district was almost nothing, Woo te determin- ed to relinquish the direct government of it by himself. He consequently selected a man belonging to one of the principal families in the district, and appointed him Prince, giving him the provinces of Fohkien, and Canton, as the territory over which he was to reign. He allowed him the fullest control within his dominions, and excepting that he was obliged to pay tribute to the Emperor, as his liege lord, he was to all intents and purposes an indepen- dent sovereign, “The Prince thus appointed, proved before long to be an ambitious, and unscrupulous character. Before many years had elapsed, he had not only determined to ignore the allegiance he had promised the Emperor, but he had also formed a bold scheme for invading his dominions, in order, if possible, to gain possession of his kingdom. The Emperor when he became aware of his designs, assembled an army, and having utterly routed (72) the forces of his antagonist, carried off by main force no less than six tenths of the inhabitants of the whole district. These he distributed, in various directions, throughout his own dominions. He was prompted to this act, by the utterly unruly character of the inhabi- tants, and because he deemed that nothing but an utter depopulation of the country, would secure the safety of his own dominions. Those of the inhabitants who had escaped this wholesale seizure, had taken refuge amid the hills, and forests, where the soldiers of Woo te, could not follow them. After the departure of the invading forces, the people ventured out from their hiding places, and gathered once more around their former homes. Little indeed was now left them. Their houses had been burned, their property had been either plundered or destroyed, and their friends and kindred, had been ruth- lessly carried off, without the remotest hope that they should ever see them again. The destruction had been very thorough and complete. The Imperialists, indeed, were under the impression that they had cleared the whole region of inhabitants, for they relinquished the government of it; and abandoned it to the care of itself for the future. The miserable remnant that had escaped, being unmolested from without, began again to grow and flourish. During the two succeeding dynasties, viz. the Eastern Han, (A. D. 30-226) and the later Han, (A. D. 226- 260) we have very few authentic details concerning them. Whatever rulers they may have had must have been of their own election, for none of the sovereigns of the abeve two dynasties, claimed allegiance from them in any respect. “At the beginning of the Western Tsin dynasty, (A. D. 260-313) the place had grown so much in impor- tance, and the inhabitants had become so numerous, that it was deemed valuable enough to be once more annexed to the empire. It was accordingly taken possession of by the emperor, who delegated suitable men to take charge of its government. During this, and the succeed- (73 ) ing, dynasty, the country remained in quiet submission to the supreme authority: nothing of any special note occurred, sufficient to attract the notice of the historian : for we have no record beyond the simple statements regarding its internal regulations, which are of no interest to the general reader. “At the commencement of the Tang dynasty, (A. D. 622-897) we find the whole region involved in civil war. This was waged between the purely Chinese inha- bitants, and the civilized natives of the country. The war continued for upwards of thirty years, with varying success, but in the end, the Chinese were beginning to find themselves unable to cope with their half civilized antagonists. In this emergency they prayed the emperor Tae tsung, (A. D. 654) to appoint a wise and powerful mandarin, who would have authority to put an end to the intestine struggle going on, and who would be able, by his wise measures, to restore peace and tranquil- lity to the country. The Emperor consented and nominated Chén chéng, [RE to be a Prince, with the the same powers, and under the same conditions, that governed the appointment of the first Prince during the Han dynasty. The man appointed, proved to be one of great wisdom and firmness. The civil war was put an end to, and the internal resources of the country, under his wise management, were gradually developed. He gained such a strong hold upon the affections of the people, that the supreme government seemed by right to be securely vested in his family. For a period of three hundred years, his descendants ruled as Princes in the country. At the end of that time their incapacity, and their corruption, became so marked, that the people chose a prince from another family. From the time that this change occurred, there began to be dissensions in the state. Political parties gradually arose in the country. The most powerful families, naturally, thought that they had as much right to rule, as the one that had lately been (74) selected. The consequence. of all this was that the minds of men were exceedingly unsettled, and the aspect of affairs was anything but satisfactory. Chén hung chin, BRYEYE, who happened to be Prince at the begin- ning of the Sung dynasty, (A. D. 950-967), seeing that a struggle was inevitable, and that he would have to succumb before the various powerful parties that were aiming at dominion, placed his territories at the disposal of the Chinese emperor. He proposed that they. should no longer be held independently of the empire, but that they should come under its direct government.. The proposition was accepted by the emperor, and Chén hung chin was reinstated in his authority, with powers very similar to those of a Governor General. At once peace was restored to the country. The various parties, seeing that they would now have to cope with the whole force of the empire, silently melted away, and during the next two dynasties, no serious event marks the history of this region. After it came under the control of the Sung dynasty, the present city, which up to that time had been an open town, was surrounded with a mud wall, four li in circumference. One hundred and fifty years after, the mud walls, which had fallen into serious decay, were replaced by stone ones, which for purposes of defence and general utility, must have been a vast improvement upon the old ones. “‘ Nothing eventful occurred in the history of Chang- chou till the beginning of the present dynasty, (A. D. 1643). At the time Amoy, and the surrounding districts, were held by Koksenga, who was in open rebellion against the rulers of the new dynasty. In the 12th year of Shun che, (1655) Koksenga attacked Chang-chou, and took it with the greatest ease. He was not destined, however, to keep it long. Hearing that large bodies of troops were on their way from Foochow, for the purpose of attacking him, and knowing that he was in no condi- tion to withstand them, he demolished the city walls, and, it is said, carried the stones of which they were built, and (75) threw them into the sea. The Imperalists rebuilt the walls again next year, but ona much larger scale than previously, Formerly they had a circumference of only four li, now they extended to between nine and ten li. Twelve years after, it was again besieged by Koksenga, who, however, was unable to make any impression on the place. The early soldiers of this dynasty, have the reputation of having been exceedingly skilful in repelling attacks upon their walled towns. ‘The ability with which they successfully defended two or three places in the Chang-chou prefecture, would seem to prove that their reputation on this point, was well deserved. It is said that, during this last siege, no fewer than 700,000 persons, died-of starvation within the city. I fancy that these numbers are greatly exaggerated. Still they imply that there must have been an unprecedented degree of distress and mortality, to have given rise to such a statement. “‘ Again the tide of history rolls on till 1864, when the prosperity of Chang-chou, again received a sudden shock, from the capture of the city by the long haired rebels. During their occupation of it, they seem to have been filled with a spirit of destruction. ‘Temples, public buildings, and official residences, were the first to feel the effect of their presence. Large portions of the town were reduced to ruins. The population, which was reckoned at 400,000, was scattered in every direction. Immense numbers of them were murdered, and the whole business of the place was completely paralysed. It will be long before the town will recover its old prosperity. Even now (1872) it is in many places a vast heap of ruins, The former inhabitants have either been killed, or they have been so impoverished, that they have not the means of rebuilding. It is only in the more business quarters, that there isany sign ofa return to the state of things that existed before its capture by the -rebels. “‘ Size—In reference to the size of the Chang-chou prefecture, it is difficult to speak with extreme accuracy. (76) I should say, that it is about 70 miles in length, and 240 miles in circumference. Very much of this area, however, is unavailable for the cultivation of the cereals, It is intersected in every direction, by ranges of hills, some of them rising to a considerable height. Many of these are exceedingly barren, and are comparatively of little value to their owners, others, again, are covered with trees, which are specially cultivated, with the object of being cut down for firewood, to be sold throughout the prefec- ture. In this latter case, the hills are a very fruitful source of gain to great numbers of the population. ‘“* Products——The people of this prefecture, seem, on the whole, to be much better off than those outside of it. In the neighbouring prefecture of Chinchew, the people are much poorer, and seem to have a harder struggle for life, than their more favoured neighbours, This is owing, no doubt, to the fact that the Chang-chou region, is an exceedingly productive one, Most of the most impor- tant articles of general consumption, are produced in it, and the revenue derived from their sale, brings in wealth to vast numbers of the community. Its chief products, are as follows: rice, wheat, tea, sugar, oil, ginger, honey, hemp, tobacco, paper, varnish, dyestuffs, camphor, timber, charcoal. The fruits are very abundant, viz: laichi, dragon’s eye, oranges, melons, plantains, persim- mons, peaches, pears, olives, dates, grapes, mulberries, pomeloes, pomegranates, &c. _ _ “ Population.—The population of the entire district, is estimated at between three and four millions. “ Antiquities—In the prefecture of Chang-chou, there are scarcely antiquities of value. Indeed, it is a re- markable feature in the Chinese empire, that so few remains of the past, exist. There seems to have been no care taken to preserve anything that would have explained the customs of the past, or that would have served to illustrate any peculiar fact, or feature, of their remote history. In Chang-chou, we scem to have abso- (i7) lutely no relics of anything in existence before the time of the Sung dynasty, and those that do remain, have escaped the general decay, simply because they were essential to the general community, and, therefore, must be preserved. I refer to their cities, and bridges. Any- thing that the public could get along without, has been allowed to fall into ruin, and decay. Wherever the conservation of anything interesting, or curious, has been left to private enterprise, the result has been most disas- trous. The only relic in the prefecture, really worth mentioning is the very fine bridge called the Chiang-tung- chiao, or Polam bridge, which spans the North River. The point at which this bridge has been built, is an exceedingly beautiful one. It is a kind of gorge, through which the river finds its exit from the great Chang-chou plain, on the opposite side of the hills. The hills at this place, rise very high on both sides of the river, which, of course, add much to the grandeur of the scene. As there are no villages, and no inhabitants, in the immediate vicinity, the scene around the bridge is one of quiet beauty. “The first notice that we have of any bridge at this place, is at the beginning of the Sung dynasty. In the year 1190, a floating bridge was erected, which did ser- vice for 35 years, when it was replaced by a permanent wooden one. This was burnt down in the year 1265, that is 30 years after its erection. The prefect of Chang-chou headed a subscription list with five hundred thousand cash, in order to the building of a stone one. The requisite funds having been subscribed, a stone bridge was built. It was 2,000 feet long, and the distance between each of the piers, 80 feet, Chinese measurement. With very slight repairs this lasted for 300 years, when it had to undergo a thorough repairing in the year 1565. In 1590 a stone railing was built along each side of it. ‘Two archways were also built, one at each end of the bridge. On the western one were inscribed four characters = 2, ‘a public road (78) for the three Provinces.’ In the great rebellion under Koksenga, this bridge suffered very severely. In order to cut off the advance of the Imperial troops, the bridge was destroyed in four places. ‘This happened in 1673. Soon after it was rebuilt of wood, but in 1678, one of Koksenga’s generals destroyed it again with fire. In 1679, the Gevernor General of the Province rebuilt it of wood, but this was found so unsatisfactory for general use, that in 1685, it was rebuilt of stone by the Admiral of Amoy. During the present dynasty it has been repaired several times. This bridge is an exceedingly remarkable one. Its arches are not round, they are simply immense slabs of stone reaching from one pier to another. Some of these slabs are seventy-six feet long, eight feet in thick- ness, and three feet in width. Unfortunately we have no history of the builders of the bridge, or of the mauner in which they laid the foundation of the piers. The river, generally, isa pretty rapid one, and during the rainy seasons there are freshets, which cause a rise of from twelve to fifteen feet. On such occasions the waters absolutely roar as they rush down upon the bridge and even over it, and yet, though these piers have, probably, been in existence since the year 1265, they appear as strong and as firm as ever. “ Roads.—One of the great roads of China, that passes through the Canton, and Fohkien, provinces, runs through the plain on which the city of Chang-chou is situated, and crossing one of the spurs of the hills, passes over the bridge just described. ‘This road is in fact the only practicable one, for commerce, which exists in all this region. ‘l’he mountains are so high and inaccessible, that nothing but bye paths are found on them. The great stream of people that moves North, and South, must necessarily pass along this great road, as the only con- venient one the Chinese have yet constructed. “‘ Literary.—The prefecture of Chang-chou, has not yet attained a very high literary reputation. In this respect it ranks far below the neighbouring prefecture of (79 ) Chin-chew. The number of scholars that assemble for the literary examination, cannot be less than 11,000, but of course comparatively few of these could, by any possi- bility, obtain their degree at any one examination. The number that can pass each time is absolutely fixed. Of the seven heens, or districts, within the prefecture, five are allowed twenty each, and the remaining two, fifteen each. In addition to these the city of Chang-chou, has the privilege of having twenty of its scholars graduate at each examination. Although the prefecture does not stand high ina literary point of view, it still is not absolutely without some celebrities. One graduate from Chang-chou, succeeded in obtaining every degree the empire could confer. He passed with distinction the examinations at the Hanlin college, and finally became a member of one of the Six Boards He was on a visit to Chang-chou, in 1864, when the rebels took the city, when he was unfortunately murdered by them. Another from the town of Punan 7PM, has been equally success- ful in attaining the highest literary honours, His name stood the first among the candidates for the Doctor’s degree. Chang-t‘ai 2 4§ similarly can boast that one of its citizens has risen to the same proud position. This fact is perpetuated in one peculiar feature of their idola- trous worship. In all this region the worship of a parti- cular idol named Wang yeh is very widely celebrated. This idol, besides having a regular place in some of the temples, is brought around at certain periods in a gaily painted boat. Wherever this boat approaches, it is received with the greatest honour and ceremony, and there is the most unbounded faith in its efficacy to heal deseases, drive off evil spirits, &c. The city of Chang- t‘ai is an exception to all this. There this idol is held in the lowest possible estimation, and it is never mentioned without the vilest epithets being launched against it. Usually the Chinese are terribly afraid of saying anything against their idols, but in this case they seem to be unrestrained by the remotest feeling of dread. Chiian chou fu. ( 89) The reason of this is as follows: This Wang-yeh before he was deified, was simply a Chin shih 3f€-—, thatis a scholar of the third literary degree, Ch‘ang-t‘ai in the mean time, however, had produced a man who had gained the highest degree, the Chuang-yuen 47g in the empire. Wang-yeh must therefore, in point of position, be far inferior to their celebrated townsman. Officially, there- fore, he has no standing in their town. The spirit of their townsman, they believe to be presiding over their district, and can it be supposed that one who is his inferior, would presume to come in to exercise an autho- rity, which rightly belongs to his superior. They have no dread of his power, since a stronger than he stands by to defend them. We have in this fact, a singular illustration of how the Chinese believe that there is an exact analogy between the present world, and the world of spirits, and that the same gradation of rank, &c., prevails equally in them both. ‘““The only really world wide celebrity that the pre- fecture can boast of, is the famous Chu-wén-kung. 4e 3 AK. ‘This man is the celebrated commentator of the Chinese “Four Books.” His fumily really belong to the province of Honan, but as he was born in this province, he is claimed as one of its worthies. He was prefect of Chang-chou and died there.” The prefecture of Chiian-chou-fu 5) fF, Chin-chew local dialect, lies to the north east of, and is distant by sea, 60 miles, and by land, 40 miles, from Amoy. It possesses five districts, or Hisens namely Chin-chiang YL, Tung-an fal ZR, Nan-an Fg ZR, Hui-an | HAS and An-chi #/Z4R. It is bounded on the south and east, by the sea, on the north by Hsing-hua-fu 4h fi}, on the northwestby Yung-ch‘ing-chou 7 #R VI], and on the west, by Chang-chou-fu fa yN RF. It is on a narrow (81 ) tract of land, exceedingly well watered by several rivers. Its chief city is called Ch‘iian-chou-fu Fti/}|/FF, and is built on a plain on the northern bank of the Chin-chiang, about 10 miles from its mouth, on a cape, in lat. 24° 56 12” N. and long. 118° 47 40” E. of Greenwich or 2° 22 40” E. of Peking. An-chi (Ankoi), known for its teas, lies due west from the chief town of the depart- ment, and is reached by road, and by an extremely narrow river, fed by mountain streams, called the Pei-chi 4LyZ- The district of Hui-an, is situated to the north-east from Ch‘iian-chou ; and Nan-yan to the north westward. Tung- an, and Machiang-ting, lie to the southwest, forming the southern portion of the department. The islands of Chin-mén, (Quemoy,) Hsia-mén, (Amoy) and Kulangsu, fall within the jurisdiction of Tung-an. The Revd. W. T. Swanson, has favoured me with most of the following account of this prefecture. ‘A mass of myth and fable,: surrounds the early history of most Chinese cities, and in consequence it is exceedingly difficult to ascertain anything definite regarding their founding, and almost impossible to eliminate the real from the mythical. This seems to be specially the case in regard to the city of Chin-chew. It is a prefectural city, and its inhabitants are very proud of its beauties, and are much given to talking of its emience. To those who know anything of China, and the Chinese, the fact just stated, will be seen to increase the difficulty of ascertaining definitely and exactly, the facts of the early history of the city. It is stated that it was certainly in existence during the Tung dynasty, but all that can be gathered about its history, in the remote past, seems to be shadowy in the extreme. It appears certain, however, that during the reign of Sun-te, the first Emperor of the Ching dynasty, the city was much enlarged and its wall almost entirely rebuilt. The wall was then made 20 feet broad at the base, and 23 feet high. These are its present dimensions, and it looks as strong to-day, as when it was first built. Its circuit is 20 li, or about 6 English miles. The people (82 ) say that it is somewhat more than the circuit of the city wall of Fuhchow, and that it was made so, that Chin-chew might excel even the capital of the province. This magnificent wall encloses a large space, which has not been, hitherto, entirely occupied by buildings, and there seems little prospect of its ever being so. At the north and northwest corners of the city, inside the walls, there is a considerable space of ground which has never been built upon, and is constantly under cultivation. Be- tween the south gate and the river, a distance of one mile, there is a densely populated suburb. The approach to the city from the south, is over a massive stone bridge spanning the river, which, at this point, appears, as nearly as can be judged, to be over 300 yards wide. The city, itself, is for a Chinese city, remarkably clean. The streets are wide, and well paved with granite slabs. The street leading from the south, to the west, gate, seems to be the only busy one in the city. The others are remarkably quiet with few, if any signs, of business being done in them. There are no manufactures of any impor- tance, and from reasons of state policy, the traffic that naturally should have passed through the city, has been diverted to other channels. At present retired mandarins, the acting government officials, and an innumerable host of literary men, or rather aspirants to office, and their dependants, form a very large proportion of its inhabitants. The existing house accommodation is by no means fully occupied, and, in consequence, house property in Chin-chew, is cheaper than in any other part of this region. Chin-chew was at one time the provincial city, it is now the residence of a prefect, a general and of the magistrate of Chin-chiang. Its population, toge- ther with that of its suburbs, number between 200,000 and 250,000 persons. The celebrated Koxinga, after obtaining possession of Quemoy, Amoy, and Tungan, in the Chin-chew prefecture, and of Hai-téng, in that of Chang-chow, pressed on to the gates, of Chin-chew, but he failed to take the city, and was forced to fall back (83 ) upon what he had already won; and of these places, he held possession for years. Inability to get supplies ultimately compelled him to evacuate them, and he went to Formosa and took it, the Manchus quietly coming, and occupying what he left. The ‘small knife’? rebels never approached nearer to Chin-chew than Tungan, which place they held for only a few days. Chin-chew has produced many officials of ability and note. Among the latest is Huang-tsung-han ar4c7, at one time Governor General of the two Kwangs. He, and seven other mandarins, were appointed guardians of the pre- sent Emperor. At the time of Prince Kung’s coup d'état, two of these were executed, and Huang-tsung-han, with others, was disgraced. The usual number of women have had memorial arches erected to them for their chastity, filial piety, and devotion to deceased husbands. At Tang-chioh 944, a small port lying at the head of Hui-t‘ou bay, there is a brisk trade in salt, carried on in junks, with Fuh-chow, the return cargoes are poles, charcoal, and bamboos. At Siong-si ff, a port at the mouth of the Chin-chew river, and on its southern bank, there is a large trade with Formosa. Rice, in considera- ble quantities, is carried over from Takao, in Formosa, and transhipped at Siong-si, for Chin-chew, Amoy, and other places. A similar trade, but not by any means so extensive, is carried on at Eng-leng 7x, and Chim-ho Beye, two ports a few milcs to the south of Siong-si. Before the opium ships were allowed to anchor in Amoy harbour, one or more of them were stationed at Ch‘uan- t‘ou, an anchorage near the mouth of the Chin-chew river, and onits northern side. From the districts of Ankoi, there isa large export of Tea. The other pro- ductions, are salt, peanut oil, and sugar. From Tungan district, there is a small export of indigo. In this district, during late years, there has been a considerable cultivation of the poppy, and it is stated, that it is annu- ally on the increase. There are extensive granite quarries, about 10 miles above Chin-chew, and quite (84 : close to the river. The stones are of a superior kind, and are used all through the prefecture. The great road from Peking, to Canton, passes through the Chin- chew prefecture. From Hui-an, it goes to Chin-chew, and thence through Tung-an, to Chang-chou, and the South. Over this road there is an immense traffic. An endless concourse of passengers, from the highest man- darins, to the lowest coolies, are constantly using it. It is kept in a fair state of repair, and there are inns, of the ordinary Chinese kind, at regular intervals. For a long time this road was so infested with robbers, that travelling for ordinary passengers had become almost impracticable. But about six or seven years ago, General Lo, was appointed Thetok. He was an old Taiping, and a man of great energy and resolution. LHe rested neither night nor day, till he had cleared the whole district of these pests. He burnt their villages, and killed their inhabi- tants, whenever, and wherever, he could lay hands upon them. This vigorous action was scon followed by the most beneficial result. There are no robbers on the great road now, and even the bye roads, are perfectly safe. General Lo has been removed, and his successor does not seem to possess either his activity, or his reso- lution, and it is said that there are indications that would lead one to infer the possibility cf a recurrence to the old state of lawlessness. From the five districts of the prefecture, the numbers of literary condidates, and graduates, are, approximately, as follows :— Chin-kang.........about 2,500 Lam-an............ » 1,800 FUtHraih veces cei ise » 2,000 Tong-an ........... » 1,800 An-khoe............ 9 4,200 The fixed number of graduates for the whole pre- fecture is 180. Amongst the most notable objects in this prefecture is the bridge of Wu-hai, which is over a ‘mile long, and most substantially built of granite,” (83 ) The spots where the Tea is cultivated at An-chi ZyZ (An-koi) in the Ch‘tian-chou prefecture, are scattered over a great part of the country, but there are no hills appropriated entirely to its culture. The ground of the Tea plantations is not terraced, but formed into carefully tended beds, each little plantation, being surrounded by a low stone fence and trench. There is no shade, but the places selected for cultivation, are generally in the hollow of hills, where there is a good deal of shelter on two sides, and the slope comparatively easy. The highcst plantation is computed to be 700 feet above the plain, but those at half, and even less than, that height, appears to be more thriving, probably from better soil, although the best is little more than mere sand. No manure is, however, used, nor are the plants irrigated. The plant is not cultivated on an eastern exposure, al- though it is sufficiently hardy to bear a severe amount of cold. Hoar frost is common here in the winter months, and snow falls occasionally, but does not lie long, nor to a greater depth than three or four inches. The seed now used for propagating the plant, is all produced on the spot, though the original seed was brought from Woo-e- shan (#t¥%|1]). Several seeds are put in a hole three or four inches deep, and the sprouts appear three months afterwards, they are subsequently transplanted, and as the plant grows, the earth is gathered up a little round the root; the leaves are taken from the plant when they are three years old, and there are from most plants, four pickings in the year; the green leaf yields about one fifth of its weight in dry tea, and each shrub may yield about a tael of dry tea annually, (about the 12th of a pound) and a mow of ground may contain about 300 or 400 plants. The plant attains its greatest sizes in 6 or 7 years, and thrives from 10 to 20 years. It is sometimes destroyed by a worm which eats up the pith, and converts both stem and braches into tubes, and by a grey lichen, which principally attacks very old plants. Tea plantations. Tung-an-hsien. (86 ) Some of the plants are but a few inches in height, yet are so bushy that the hand can scarcely be thrust between their branches, they are thickly covered with leaves about 2 of an inch long. In the same beds are other plants with stems four feet high, far less branchy and with leaves 13 to 2 inches long. ‘The produce of great and small is said to be equal. The distance from centre to centre of the plant is about 4$ feet, and the plants average about two feet in diameter.* The other productions of this district, are salt, peanut- oil, and sugar. Tung-an-hsien, [aj 448% (local dialect Tung-oa) con- taining another somewhat important city, is situated at the bottom of an inlet about 30 miles to the northwest of the island of Amoy. I am indebted to the Revd. William McGregor for the following particulars: “ This hsien extends southwards to the island of Wu-sew 7H, near the foot of the Tai-wu-shan Frptl], and includes the belt of islands that guard the entrance to Amoy harbour, the islands of Quemoy, little Quemoy, Amoy, and Kulangsoo. Inside the island of Amoy, a shallow creek runs up to Tung-an city. The hsien thus consists of a border of mountains towards the north, a strip of level ground, indented by creeks along their base, and a large bay containing a number of islands. An extensive range of mountains bounds the district towards the north, separating it from Ankoi, and on the northeast from Nan- an. The extreme spurs of this range to the eastward, are the Hun-chien shan, #&}#f[L], and the Chi‘chi-shan liaj22 [Ly laid down in the Admiralty charts as West Peak and Hast Peak. A road passes from Tung-an to Ankoi, through the intervening mountains, and thence down the river to Chin-chew, but it is not much frequented. The teas grown on the Ankoi hills, either go down to * Abridged from a memorandum of an excursion to the An koi Tea districts in the Chinese Repository, by Mr. G. J. Gordon. (87) Chinchew, or come to Amoy, by the North river. The high road from Chang-chou to Chinchew, passes through Tung-an city. As there is an alternative road by water from Chang-chou to Amoy, and thence to Chin-chew, over Aimoy island, (joining the other road at Sha-chi yhyZ) this one is not so much frequented as it otherwise would be. The road from Tung-an to Chinchew was, up to a recent date, much infested by robbers; the villages in the neighbourhood levying blackmail on all passers, but the number of northern soldiers at the disposal of the mandarins, during the rebel occupation of Chang-chou in 1864-5, enabled them to suppress this brigandage, and from that date the road has been free from danger. The city is said to date from the time of the Southern Sung Fak, but the first notices of it which seem to possess any historical value, do not go further back than the Mongol dynasty, 7C#4. Under the Mongols it wasknownas Ta-lun, ii, a name derived from a wheel shaped hill in its neigh- bourhood, now generally called Han-tien-shan PSF iL. During the conflict between Coxinga and the present dynasty, the city of Tung an, changed hands several times. On one occasion its inhabitants were all massacred by the Manchus, and on another the city wall was demolished by Coxinga. Kho-sun-chi 2#)IB Z, a disciple and assistant of Chu-hi 44, the celebrated commentator on the Con- fucian writings, is said to have been born here under the Southern Sung; and also Lim-hi-goin #k#§7t, the author of acommentary on the Yih-king AAREFFRE, who flou- rished under the Ming dynasty. The only man of note that this destrict has of late produced, is So-ting-yueh ff g£-f, who, some forty years ago, in thereignof Taukwang, was viceroy of Szchuen. In his old age he retired to Chinchew, where members of his family still reside. Of persons, not natives of the district, who have lived in it, the most noted is Chu-hsi 4¢-&, who, in his younger days, held office in Tung-an as =F 8} under the Southern Sung. In character the natives of Tung-an, are more energetic and (88 ) violent, than their neighbours of the Chang-chou prefecture, to the west. This applies especially to the people of the villages on the Tung-an creek, and on the coast inside Quemoy, and Amoy, Islands. These villages were, up to a recent date, more or less nests of pirates. On the coast of the mainland, inside Quemoy islands, a consi- derable quantity of salt is manufactured, but of the ordinary products of the country, rice, sugar, indigo, &c., this hsien does not produce more than is required for local consumption; indeed the rice crop is never sufficient for local necessities. Of late years, however, there has been a considerable cultivation of the poppy for the manufacture of opium: and it is stated that this is annually on the increase. At Shih-hsien 47, (Chioh jeim local dialect) the sea port of Tung-an, there is con- siderable local traffic. As compared with the Chang-chou prefecture Tung- an stands high in regard to literature, but its reputation in this respect is quite eclipsed by Chin-kang-hsien F/T, in which is situated Chinchew city, which, as a literary school, is inferior to few in the empire. Up to the time of the small knife rebellion, ~) 7J@, in the third year of Hsien-Féeng, Az ##!, the number of literary graduates was fixed at 22. The number for the various hsiens in the prefecture, being Chin-kang #7T. 32, Tung- an fj 22, Nan-an Ax 22, An-koi HZ 22, Hui- an HiZ 22; but on account of the large contributions in money raised by Tung-an, (including Amoy) to put down the local rebellion, the number of graduates was for one year made 72, and afterwards fixed at 32. which still continues to be the fixed number. The addition to the number of graduates at that time, gave an impulse, to education, which is to some extent still felt. The num- ber of candidates attending the examination is about 1,600, or 1,700, of these, the number that really write essay, is about 500 or 600, and the number of those so proficient as to have a chance of success, is about 100, or (89 ) 150. Some villages in this hsien, have a curious custom of going out to the fields on or about the 15th of the first moon, and then pelting each other with stones, lump of earth, sticks, or whatever comes to hand. One clan, #8, residing at, 44 RHE, regularly set thus to maul each other at the close of a feast in the ancestral hall. The idea seems to be that a certain amount of suffering is fated to fall on the clan, or village, during the year, and they prefer to take it in the form of broken heads, lest otherwise it may come in the shape of fever, cholera, or famine. The same custom prevails at Chioh-bei 4qfR (Shih-ma) in the Chang-chou prefecture. Throughout the whole of this district there is during the latter half of the 7th moon and the first half of the 8th, a great pilgrimage to a temple called Tung-shan-sen’ $al[ LU in the district of Nan-an FgZX. This temple is at the grave of a certain sacred King Kwoh 3)}32-— who seems to have done nothing remark- able during his life, (he died when only 13 or 14 years of age), but whose grave has somehow become famous. As his birthday approaches (in the 8th moon) pilgrims arrive from north and south, to the number of several hundreds of thousands, attracted by the fame of this grave, from the province of Canton on the one side, and from Cheh- kiang, on the other: and at such times the roads in the neighbourhood of Chinchew, get quite populous with pilgrims in companies of from 10 to 40, marching gravely along, distinguished from ordinary travellers by their carrying a number of small flags, and having a small idol tied in front of their persons. Large numbers also pass through Amoy, crossing from the south by boat. Some add to their pilgrimage (which seems in many instances to be undertaken in fulfilment of a vow) other hardships, such as kneeling down once every three or ten steps of the journey. The temple at the grave con- tains a large number of priests, who improve the occasion of the pilgrimage to carry on a flourishing trade in small flags, lamps, ¢ andles, incense sticks, &c, Quemoy, aL ie (80) To the eastward of-Amoy, and separated from it by a channel of from five to seven miles wide, in the middle of which is little Quemoy island, is situated in lat 24° 20’ 30” N. long 118° 16’ 30” E, the island of Chin-mén 4>F or Quemoy, on which is a city of the same name, carrying on a small native trade, and containing, it is said, about 10,000 inhabitants, This island forms the south western side of a harbour (having the mainland on the north east of it) called the bay of Quemoy. Ts‘ai-ching-hsien 2&7 Ek, a man famous in history for having held high office in the reign of the Ming Em- peror, S4ijy as ruler over five of the thirteen provinces into which the empire was then divided, was born at Quemoy. The faune, with the exception of the tiger, in this and the regions around, is but little known to foreign- ers, and my investegations on this subject, enable me to add but slightly to the information already possessed. It consists, so far as I have been able to ascertain, of tigers, leopards or panthers, called by the natives pah, an animal, I believe, to be the lynx; and in the large natural forests at Yung-chiin 7<#x, wolves are stated to be found. The rocky hills or mountains, extending from Polam, and forming the highlands of this vicinity, are said to contain wild pigs. In nearly all the hills, foxes, wild cats, badgers, armadillos, porcupines, hedge- hogs, stoats, rats, guinea pigs, etc., are more or less numerous. Formerly, tigers confined their depredations to the sparsely populated neighbourhoods of their rock fastnesses amidst the hills. Of late, they have become so numerous and daring, that scarcely a week passes without some account reaching us, of attacks made on natives, on the cultivated and peopled plains, sometimes two or three hours after daybreak. Such is the terrdf that they have inspired, that the inhabitants of one small hamlet, (91 ) . at the foot of the hills, have deserted it, and sought the safer shelter of a populous village; and it is significant that the little matsheds, formerly on the ground, in which the Chinese lie to watch their growing crops at night, are now all raised many feet above it, on bamboo poles. When moving about, or travelling at night, torches, and braziers full of lighted wood, are carried. Tam informed by several gentlemen, whose duties as Missionaries, constantly take them into the surrounding districts, that, on an average one man in five days, is killed by these ferocious beasts, while goats, pigs and dogs are continually being carried off, by them. Last year the Rev. W. McGregor, at early morning, was unable to leave his Chapel for some two hours, owing to a tiger, which had apparently “set,” his coolie, when outside, prowling and roaring round it. I have before me, seve- ral instances of men, and women, being attacked by these animals, some instances occurring only a few days, or weeks since. The first, is the death of a military man- darin of low rank, and the wounding of two men near Chang-chou, in their endeavour to kill a tiger; the beast escaped. ‘The second refers to the finding of his wife dead, and in such condition as may be supposed, by the husband on his return from work. The murderer was still in the room with his victim, and assistance being procured, was subsequently despatched, from the roof. Two men are reported to have been mauled by a tiger at the stone quarry village, near Haimén, on the main- land opposite Kulangsoo. A man is reported to have been seized by the shoulder, in the presence of his wife, and others, she with great courage and devotion, flew to his aid, and seized the tiger by the ears, and tried to pull him off; it instantly turned on her, and bit her also in the shoulder. It was surrounded by the villagers, and killed. In a populous neighbourhood, at the back of the island of Woo-seu, (the entrance to the outer har- bour) two tigers were lately seen, their lair, a cave, was marked, the entrance blocked up, and the tigers smoked ( 92.) throughout the night; next morning two men went in, expecting to find the animals suffocated, they were how- ever alive; the men fired killing one, the other retreated further into the cave, and was not followed. A man on the top ofa hill, or bluff, a few weeks since saw ¢hree tigers (probably a tigeress and her cubs) advancing parallel to a field, in which a man was working. He shouted to the man, without at first attracting his atten- tion, at length he was heard, but too late for escape, for one tiger had turned off into the field and made at the man. In utter desperation-he stood his ground, and met the attack with a swingeing blow from the heavy hoe shaped pick he was working with; the tiger is said to have come at the man four times, when the latter by a providential blow, succeeded in laying him dead at his feet. Next follows a dreary story of a woman being taken from her own door, in the gloaming, and horribly mangled, within a short distance. In this case the tiger was also killed. A place called Kthe be, 3 §, about fifty miles distant, is said to be infested with them; and it may be that, owing to this region being devastated and nearly depopulated, by the Tai-ping rebels, in 1864, and 1865, they have so increased, asto be driven by want of food, thence to this neighbourhood. Certain it is that they have been met with near Peh-Chui-ya, Wo-seu, on the Nan-tai-wu, near Hai-mén, and at other places, where they have rarely, if even, been seen before. Tales of their depredations at Hai-ching /ff/A just at the head of the inner harbour, are also common. I have, myself, on several occasions tracked the foot prints of tigers, along the damp sandy beds of the nullahs, among the inner range of mountains at this place, and also found their excrement. ‘There are some caves said to be their lair, near, but I never found a guide who could, or who would, point them out. That tigers are numerous may safely be inferred from one, two, and sometimes three, of their cubs, being (93) brought here, occasionally, for sale. The animal is des- cribed as being marked in the same manner as the Bengal tiger, but longer in the legs, and shorter in the body. Judging from one which I have seen, and froma cub, I once possessed, I should say that this description is generally correct. There are in the interior, pheasants, a kind of part- ridge, called by the Chinese, Chuh Chi, or Bamboo fowl, quail, pigeons, snipe, geese, duck of almost every descrip- tion, curlew, pelicans, herons, and an endless variety of water fowl, including, as I have now and again seen, the sea eagle. Amongst the birds which are not game, are most of those varieties, from the rook down to the sparrow, common alike in China and England. One beautiful bird, rare and valuable with us, the Hoo-poo, is found here in numbers; kites, hawks, minas, and the hwa-me-chéao, or painted eyebrow’d thrust, are also here, as elsewhere in China. Of fish, and shell fish, I am informed there are nearly one hundred varieties sold in the Amoy market. Within the last month, or so, a curious circumstance has been noticeable. Large numbers of fish, have been found floating on the surface of the water in the cuter harbour, either dead or dying. At first this was difficult to account for, but latterly it has been discovered that a kind of leech has been the cause. In many instances these leeches have been found attached to the fish. After sucking the blood of the fish, they detach themselves from it, to go in pursuit of other prey. This leech, when at rest, is about an inch anda half in length, but it has the power of elongating itself to fully twice that length. In addition to its mouth, it is provided with a sucker at the other extremi- ty, with which it holds on to its prey with great tenacity. The presence of this creature is looked upon by the uneducated classes, as an inauspicious omen to the reign- ing dynasty. Birds, Fishes. Reptiles, (94) The reptiles consist of snakes, some specimens of which have been killed, and. found to be six, and even eight, feet, in length. They are mostly harmless. A small whiplike snake, and a particular variety of the water snake, of which there are great numbers in these seas, are said to be venomous, as is also a snake, called by the Chinese from the shape of its head, the spoon headed serpent, (probably the cobra) and another known as the banded adder. The centipede, and the scorpion, are common. ‘ Parr m1, Trade. General sketch of its history under Sung, Yuan, Ming, and Tartar, dynasties. First arrival of European vessels. Superintendency of Revenue on oversea trade, entrusted to Commandant of coast guard. Institution of a tariff, Amount of collection. Misappropriation by Supe- rintendents. Control transferred to Nai-chien, or bureau charged with control of the Eunuchs in Imperial Palace. Given to the local autho- rities. First establishment of Custom House at Amoy. Institution of present system, whereby Superintendency of Customs, devolves on Tartar General at Foochow. Early tradal relations with European nations. Interesting memorial by Minister on this subject. Hast India Company’s tradal relations with Amoy district. Trade with foreign countries prohibited. Amoy reopened by treaty of Nanking. Trade under the foreign Inspectorate. Values of Import, Export, and Re-export trade 1862-1872. Dues and Duties collected during same period. General remarks on trade. Tea Trade between Amoy and Formosa. It is difficult to fix a precise date to the opening of trade at Amoy with foreign countries, but Dr. Williams, in his Middle Kingdom, p. 418-9, writes, ‘‘ The first recorded knowledge of the Chinese, amongst the nations of the West, does not date further back than Ptolemy, the celebrated geographer, who seems also himself to have been indebted to a Tyrian author, named Marinus. Previous to this period, however, the account of the existence of the land of Confucius, and an appreciation and demand, for the splendid silks made there, had reached Europe. It is a difficult, and almost profitless, endcavour, to attempt to identify the names of the places mentioned in these early records. The emporium called Cattagara, may have been Canton; it may also have been Fuhchou, or Amoy, for the places are all natural entre- pots.”” Sir John Davis, p. 19, says, “ Abundant evi- dence is afforded by Chinese records, that a much more liberal, as well as enterprising, disposition, once existed in respect to foreign intercourse, than prevails at present. (96) It was only on the conquest of the empire by the Man- chus, that the European trade was limited to Canton.” He further speaks of Chinese junks being seen as far West, as the coast of Malabar, about the end of the 13th century ; and adds, that even before the seventh century, it appeared from native records, that missions were sent from China, to the surrounding nations with a view to inviting mutual intercourse. The earliest attempt at intercourse between Great Britain, and China, was in the year 1506, when three ships, bearing letters from Queen Elisabeth, to the Emperor of China, were despatched, but they were lost on the way, and the project was not then renewed; and the oldest record of the Kast India Company at Canton, is dated the 6th April, 1637. It is, however, certain that tradal relations have existed from a remote period, between Amoy, the Philippines, the Dutch and English settlements of Batavia, Sourabaya, the Straits of Sunda, Padang, Sumatra, and in fact with the entire Malay Peninsula, the Gulf of Siam, the coast of Borneo, and even as far as Timor, in the far east of the Sunda Islands, and Dutch possessions. At this date, it appears that the port of Amoy was at Haiténg, (Haitien), a large town up the Nanchiang, or Southern river, about fourteen miles from the present port, for in the Hsia-men- chih (Chinese History of Amoy,) the following passage occurs: Before the opening of Amoy as a port of trade, junks from seaward, on entering, passed the island of Taitan, and proceeded to Haiteng, where, after reporting to the District Magistrate, they were allowed to move up to Shih-ma (Chioh-bei), when compliance with the port regulations being secured, by certain native hongs, they were allowed to discharge, and load cargo. Of the nature and value of this trade, no authentic record is ob- tainable. The silting up of the estuary below Chioh-bei, (44%%,) and Haiteng, probably necessitated the removal of the port to Amoy. The notices of this region contained in Chinese his- tories, topographical works, and itineraries, which alone (97) form the source of the information, historical, and geographical, possessed by occidentals, for the ages preceding the visit of the Roman Catholic propagandists, shew that the existence of Amoy, as an emporium of trade, dates but from a, comparatively, recent period, some 190 years. The maritime and foreign trade, for which this portion of the empire has been so preeminently distinguished, was, prior to that date, divided between the two prefectural cities of Chang-chou, and Chuan-chou. During the reign of Yuan-yu, 7th emperor of the Sung dynasty, (from 1085 to 1100 A. D,), the province of Fuckien, was first opened to foreign, or oversea, trade, and an official was appointed to superintend (as is evident from his title, THASPEYR ],) the collection of duties upon, and other matters relating to, the commerce in, goods brought from abroad. The trammels by which this branch of trade had been confined, having been now removed, the people found a new, exciting, and, though dangerous, highly profitable, means of gaining wealth. They flocked to it, intercourse increased, and traders came in such numbers, that this single official, was quite unable to maintain anything like a useful surveillance. To remedy this state of things, the government entrusted the examination of goods, to the ordinary local officials at the various ports of entry, (viz. the Xn), 342P), FR EF), who acted under the supervision of an officer specially appointed to watch the transport and shipment of goods, whose title was H#ijqi fi). The trade appears to have gone on developing in much the same manner, under the succeeding dynasty of Yiian. And about the commencement of the 13th cen- tury, * it had attained such proportions that the local * The exact date is not known. The Pa-min-t‘ung-chih, or “ Uni. versal gazeteer for the province of Fuckien” fixes it at 1316, while the Chiian-chou-li Kuan-chih, or “Category of officers who have held appointments with the prefecture of Chiian-chou,” gives the date at some time between 1298 and 1309. (98) authorities found it impossible, while attending to their own duties, to superintend the collection of the revenue, and legislate on the matters incidental to such extensive commercial transactions. They were, therefore, relieved of this burden, and replaced by a staff of seven officers, specially appointed to take cognizance of all such mat- ters. Under the Ming dynasty, owing probably to the depredaticns committed on this portion of the seaboard, in the first instance, by the Japanese, and subsequently by Chéng-chih-lung, and his son Chéng-kung (Koxinga), this trade appears to have declined. For the three supe- rior officers of the staff, established by the preceding dynasty, were dispensed with, and three subordinate officers were found sufficient to maintain an effective control. And when an entire cessation of trade was caused by these troubles, this small staff was removed to Fuchow, from Chiian-chow-fu, known to foreigners as Chinchew, to which it was originally appointed. It is stated in the Tung-hsi-yang-kdo, a sort of com- pendium of notices of Foreign countries, that it was the custom under the Sung dynasty, to send an official on board every vessel leaving the port, whose duty it was to see her beyond its limits. An inscription was then cut upon some rock in the neighbourhood, giving the vessel’s name, date of departure, her destination, &c. This practice would seem to have been maintained under the two succeeding dynasties, but gradually fell into desuetude. The first notice of the arrival of an European vessel, would appear to date from about the commencement of the fifteenth century. As it is stated that, during the reigns of Chéng-hua, (jj) and Hung-chih, (5474) the 8th, and 9th, emperors of the Ming dynasty, whose reigns dated from 1465-1486 and 1486-1506, respectively, amongst the foreign vessels that arrived, some were (99 ) observed of an immense size. Aided by the natives, who were of course the chief gainers,the supercargoes of these vessels, appear to have carried on an extensive system of smuggling, till the outbreak of troubles with Japan put a stop to the collection of all revenue. Soon afterwards the prohibition of oversea trade, was promul- gated afresh, The first notice of their arrival, expressly stating them to be European vessels, does not appear, however, until some years later. In 1548 (26th year of Chia Ch‘ing, the 11th emperor of the Ming dynasty) Frankish vessels arrived with foreign merchandise at Wuc-hsii, an island situated some 7 miles seawards of Amoy, at Chuan-chou- fu, and Chang-chou-fu. A brisk trade sprung up with the natives, but it was looked upon with unfavourable eyes by the officials, who, it would appear, conceived the idea that these attempts on the part of foreigners to effect an opening for their commerce, were but the pre- lude to further and more forcible designs of possessing themselves of the country, and therefore, determined to crush itin embryo. A force was, therefore, despatched by Ho-chiao 41) #, the Hsiin-hai-tao, or Intendant com- manding the Coast guard contingent, to put a stop to the trade; but as this produced no result, a censor named Chu-wan 4x, seized over 90 of the merchants, and struck such fear into the mercantile body, generally, by their summary execution, that all commercial opera- tions were suspended, and trade brought to a stand still. It was, however, merely a temporary cessation, and wefind about twenty years later, the native officials, themselves, awakening to the importance of international commerce, and of the advantage to be derived from it. In 1567 Tu-shih-min, Wry Fe, a Censor, and Governor of the province, addressed the throne praying that the prohibi- tion restricting the coast-landers from the free use of the sea, be abolished, and commerce with all foreign nations, Japan alone excepted, be legitimised, The request was (100) granted, and a large trade was again created, which appears to have been carried on vid Meiling, in Nanchao, Pa ESA, until the frequent piratical depredations compelled a change of course to Hai-téng. The new port prospered so rapidly, with this fresh influx of trade and wealth, that, say its chronicles, in 1564, a Tung- chih, a magistrate, of very subordinate rank, it is true, but still the superior of any the district had yet been able to boast of, was added to the staff of collectors, and two years later Hai-téng was erected into a Hsien, or district town. The collection of duties on the foreign trade, does not appear to have been entrusted to any regular branch of the Civil Service, prior to 1573, but to have been handed over to a set of officials, appointed, certainly, for this express purpose, but now under the control of one chief, and now of another. In this year, however, a Custom House, charged with the collection of these duties, was established by Lo-ching-hsiao 475 #7, the Prefect of Chang-chou, and its superintendence handed over to the subprefect commanding the Coast guard. This addition to the duties of Commandant of the Coast guard, had been made six years earlier, in conse- quence of a proposal made by Wang-chi-tsung, -E dite, the then controller of Customs, to establish a branch office at Kuia-hsii 32, a small island lying nearly opposite Hai-téng. This change appears, though such is not stated to be the case, to have been decided upon, partly, to avoid the expense of maintaining another esta- blishment in such close proximity to that of Hai-téng, but chiefly, from a desire to ensure, as Superintendent of Customs, by the appointment of an officer holding a military command and entrusted with the disposal of troops, a person not only whose interest it would be to puta stop to the smuggling, always prevalent in this district, and to clear the approaches of the port from the piratical craft which infested it, but who would, at the (101) same time, have the means at his disposal for effecting these ends, which hitherto with divided authority and conflicting interests, it had been impossible to secure. In 1576, it was decided, at the proposal of the Governor, Liu-jao-hui, @i)zezf, to devote the ship- ping duties, to the payment of the troops. In order then, to bring the total collection as much as possible under control, and to fix a sum, upon the receipt: of which they could depend, the authorities drew up a sort of tariff, consisting principally of three des- criptions of duties. Amongst these, first comes the license fee, which is subdivided into two classes, according as the license includes, or not, the right to trade with the northern Formosa ports of Tan-shui, and Chilung (Keelung.) To understand this arrangement, it should be borne in mind that, at this time, and prior to 1683, Formosa had not been incorporated into the Chi- nese empire, and was consequently dealt with as a for- eign country. Fora license to trade with any foreign port, Formosa excepted, a fee of 8 taels was levied. Were it desired to include the two ports of Tan-shui, and Chilung, as well, an endorsement to this effect was made on the original document, (both documents being the same in the first instance,) and an additional fee, of 2 taels, collected. The most important of these duties, as returning the largest sums to the treasury, are the Export duty 7<#t, and Import or Inland tax MERE. It is exceedingly difficult to trace, accurately, the nature of these taxes after the lapso of so many years, and with the sparse records kept in statistical works. But as far as can be judged. the Export duty would appear to have been levied upon the owner, or charterer, of the vessel, and to have been computed according to her size, so that, as far as the manner of levying be regarded, it would correspond more nearly with our Tonnage dues, than Export duty. Import duty, on the other hand, was levied on the salesman, and the amount proportioned to the quantity of goods disposed of. It would thus (102) seem probable, that a lump sum was levied roughly, on each vessel leaving, or entering, the harbour, the dues in the former case, to be paid by the charterer alone; and in the latter, by the purchasers of goods, in proportion to the amount purchased. An “ Additional tax,” JJ 4M, of 150 taels, would appear to have been levied on every vessel, probably, though I have been unable to discover whether such is the case or not, upon her entering and leaving the port, in addition to those above mentioned, in order to recoup the government, for the loss they would, otherwise, have sustained from impurities, or alloy, in the Philippine, and Japanese silver, which had to be received in payment of duties from vessels coming from those countries, just as, previous to the ratification of the treaty of Tientsin in 1860, a meltage fee of 1.2 per cent, was levied on the total amount of duties, from the for- eign merchants established in China. The amount of duties to be accounted for annually, was, at the same time, fixed at 6,000 taels: four years subsequently, this sum was raised to 10,000 taels, and in 1594, this latter amount, was almost tripled, and the col- lection fixed at 29,000 odd taels. This system of a fixed return, gave rise, however, to an immense amount of embezzlement ; for the collector, after paying the amount required annually, into the treasury, instead of reporting any surplus there may have been, to the higher authori- ties, retained it as his own perquisite. With an extensive and flourishing trade, this was a very considerable amount, and in all probability, the sum which the collection might by law attain, was but a small portion of the actual total receipts. For, in spite of the fact that this sum was, 01 one occasion, increased to three times what it had previously been, the enormous fortunes amassed by the collectors, proved such a public scandal, (which culminated during the holding of Ying-so jim) that the authorities found themselves compelled to insist upon the literal execution of a law, passed to regulate (103) the appointment to the post of collector, many years previously, but which had been allowed to fall into disuse, whereby the Superintendent was to be changed annually : and it was decided that, in future, a sub-pre- fect should be elected from some one district within the province, annually, to fill the post. It seems probable that when the proposal made by Liu-jao-hui to apply this revenue to the maintenance of the troops, was acceded to, the sum collected by the Hai-téng Custom House, alone, was devoted to meet the expenses of the troops under the orders of. its superin- tendent, the Commandant of the Coast guard. For mention is made in the local records, that some time subsequently, when the military treasury of Chiian-chou became exhausted, a proposal was made by the Intendant of the circuit of Chang-chou-fu, and Chuan-chou-fu, to establish an officer meanway between the two places at Chung-tso-so FH Aff, as Amoy was then called, whose duty it would be to determine whether the vessel came from the Eastern sea, i.e. Japan or Formosa, or from the Western, i.e. Manila, or one of the many islands in the Malayan archipelago, which maintained tradal relations with this port. In the former case the duties were to be received by the Chiian-chou treasury; in the latter by that of Chang-chou. But this was, of course, found to be impracticable, so matters remained in statu quo until 1600, when a general enquiry and examination was insti- tuted by the Emperor Wan-li, throughout the empire, into the manner of conducting public business, as then followed by the officials. One of the eunuchs attached to the palace, a body who throughout this dynasty, and especially during the later reigns, enjoyed posts of vast influence and great emolument, named Kao-ts‘ai Ey2%, was commissioned by Imperial decree to inspect the Superintendencies of Customs, both Inland and Mari- time. A man of considerable ability, he laid bare a number of the abuses, which had of late disgraced (104) the system. He proposed, and carried, some radical changes, but as he had the aggrandisement of his own order more at heart, than any patriotic desire to serve his government, or ameliorate the condition of the peo- ple, the abuses continued in much the same state as previously, the only difference in result, being, that the eunuchs, instead of the local officials, enriched them- selves at the expense of the revenue. The principal changes effected were, reversion of the collection upon all the natural produce of the province, and of the sea, to the Nai-wu-fu, a metropolitan office charged with the direction of all matters of the Imperial household ; and the transference of the control of the revenue derived from foreign, or oversea, trade, to the Nai-chien, or bureau charged with the control of the eunuchs belonging to the Imperial Palace. This officer lost no time in despatching members of his own class, to take up the appointments throughout the province. Thesys- tem, however, did not enjoy along life. Fourteen years after, Kao-t‘sai fell into disgrace, and with him collapsed the supposed reform, whose real end, it was now seen, had been little else than to extend the power of the eunuchs. The Nai-chien was deprived of its control of the revenue, which was simultaneously reduced to one third its previous amount, and entrusted to an officer, to be appointed yearly, from among the ordinary local autho- rities. All matters of particular importance, however, he had to refer to his superior, the prefect, for decision. So matters continued till near the close of Chung-chén’s reign, the last emperor of the Ming dynasty, when Chéng-chih-lung commenced his harassing descents upon this portion of the empire, as has been detailed above, seized upon the revenues, and in short caused an entire cessation of commerce. When in the 22nd year of Kang-hsi, 1683, Formosa was incorporated with the fifteen provinces, and the Imperial authority firmly established on the mainland, (105) the local magistrate, through the medium of the Board of Works, pointed out to his Majesty, the advantages the people were deprived of, by the maintenance of the old prohibitions against oversea trade; and prayed that the province of Fuhkien might be opened to this trade, as, three years earlier, had been done with that of Shantung. In consequence of these reports, the prohibition was withdrawn, and the sea opened up to the coastlanders, for both fishing and commercial purposes. This necessi- tated the establishment of another port, for, during the troublous times that were just finished, the alluvial deposits brought down by the river Lung, had so shoaled its bed as to render its navigation by vessels of such a size, as had previously frequented it, impossible. Amoy, situated just at the mouth of the river, and possessing admirable harbour accomodation, was, notwithstanding its political insignificance, its paucity, in fact, almost absolute want of commercial resources, the spot fixed upon, and a Custom House was opened there the same year. The same spirit of adventurous daring, which had always distinguished the inhabitants of this portion of the empire, coupled with the necessity of seeking an escape from the calamities caused by famine, and the ravages of buccaneers, induced considerable emigration to Manila, and the islands of the Malayan archipelago. A large and: flourishing trade arose in consequence, indeed, the dimensions it attained, in so short a space of time, are quite remarkable, and shew how lucrative it might have been, had it been properly fostered and looked after. But after flourishing and increasing for thirty-six years, oficial opposition again interfered with its usual baleful influence, and put a stop to it, on the ground that cargoes of rice were, in violation of the trade regulations, being smuggled away to Manila, and Batavia. , During the next few years, deprived of their méans of gaining a livelihood, and harassed by failure of crops (106 ) and other distresses, the people were forced to resort to brigandage and robbery to escape starvation. Recog- nising the fact that the only means of alleviating the distress, was to find some new occupation for the idle and destitute; and that the removal of the oversea trade prohibitions, by finding a profitable outlet for native produce, by the employment of large numbers on the shipping, &c., and by the stimulus it would afford to local manufacture and emigration, would be most calcu- lated to attain this end, Kao-chi-cho, governor of the province in 1727, prayed his Majesty to legalise this branch of commerce. His request was based upon two reasons, first, that the wealth of the people would be greatly increased, and the provincial treasury filled with the revenue derived from it; and, secondly, be- cause rice, to compensate the constant failure of crops, might be obtained from abroad. His prayer was granted, and from this date sprung up a flourishing and lucrative trade with the South, which has not, except by such indirect means as excessive taxation, and extortionate fees, been since interfered with, The collection of the Revenue, was, as has been stated, entrusted to the local officials subsequent to 1614, and it’ would appear, continued to be so (if indeed the collection was attempted at all, during this unsettled period; it certainly was not during the latter portion,) at the time of the reduction of Formosa, and the establish- ment of a Custom House at Amoy in 1683. The follow- ing year, however, in Fuhkien and Shantung, the two provinces, in which oversea trade had been legalised, two Superintendents of Customs, one Manchou, and one Chinese, were appointed to control the collection: but in 1729, after the prohibition, issued in 1719, had been rescinded at the instance of the governor, it was en- trusted to him. « This arrangement continued up till 1788, when the General commanding the Tartar garrison of Foochow, (107) was appointed Superintendent of Customs for the whole province, and deputies, appointed by him, had control of the subordinate posts. This is the system, which ob- tains at the present time. To the Portuguese belong the honor of being the pioneers of foreign trade in China. In 1516 Raphael Perestrello, came to Canton; and in the following year, a fleet of eight ships, under the command of Fernao Peres de Andrade, arrived on the coast. Their trade spread rapidly, and at an early period they traded at the neigh- bouring port of Chinchew, here, and at Ningpo, for in 1545, ancient records state, that the provincial govern- ment attacked the native Christians and Portuguese at Ningpo killing 900 of the former, and 300 of the latter and that, four years later, the Portu- guese were driven from their newly formed settlement at Chinchew. The character of these early traders appears to have partaken more of the gentleman rover, or adventurer, than of the steady merchant and scrivener; and they seem to have been far more conversant with the sword, than with the peaceful ways of commerce, There was a want of prudence in their bearing towards the Chinese. They were intriguing, arbitrary, and ageressive; having gained a footing on shore, they proceeded to erect Forts, then usually followed an attempt to levy taxes, or other exactions, and otherwise they so conducted themselves, as to sow in the Chinese mind, that distrust of foreigners and their motives, which occasionally makes itself manifest at the present day. The Spanish, Dutch, and English, who followed them pursued much the same course. Speaking of the transfer to the American people of a full share of all the suspi- cion, distrust, contempt, and hatred, which had been excited in the Asiatic mind by the acts of the Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, English, &c., committed chiefly in the 16th, and 17th, centuries, the writer of an article on American influence on the destinies of Ultra Malayan Asia, in the Chinese Repository, 1838, Vol. 7, p. 77, says: (108 ) “Tt is a matter of history that Taiko, Gengin, and their successors on the Japanese’ throne, the sovereigns who gave its present shape to the foreign policy of that nation, were fully aware of the extent of HKuropean aggression on the soil of eastern Asia. Wherever the enterprising Japanese of those centuries, and their Chinese contempo- raries, wandéred, from India to Acapulco, they gathered and brought home one concurring story of European designs and conduct, varying only in the illustrations of their fraud, cruelty, and highhanded usurpations. The veil of many years-is now drawn between us and those days, and the actors and their deeds are generally forgotten. But we have only to look into such records as still remain, only to look on the map, in fact, to see how true it is that scarce a spot on the then known world of the eastern Asia, entirely escaped European ageression. The weaker portions were seized on by right of discovery and conquest, sanctioned by the highest ecclesiastical authority; and where the native states were too powerful to be assailed, each trader sought to gain the same selfish ends by blackening, vilifying, and plundering, his rival of other nations. There was no restriction laid on one which had not been recommended by another. The Spanish denounced the Dutch, as the revolted subjects of his sovereign; and the Dutch told, in secret, of Cortes, Pizarro and Alva. No European people: wanted an accuser while a subject of another European state was by; and had it pleased these pagan monarchs to pass sentence accordingly, none would have lacked an executioner. Such was the character of the times when Europe first came into contact with eastern-Asia. Such were the impressions then made and ever since transmitted; engraven in literature, interwoven with tradition, identified with education, entering into every conception of the term, rising involuntarily at every mention of the name, European. Such is the sad entail, which is, as the East- erns suppose a part of the lawful patrimony of the (109) Americans; under such ideas of descent they are driven from the harbours of Japan, and restricted in those of China.”’ The immediate result of these injudicious and high handed measures, here, was that foreigners were driven from the mainland ; on which they resorted to For- mosa, Lum-pu-co, and to illict trade on the China sea. That the value of foreign trade was fully appreciated by the local authorities, and the native traders, even at a very early date, may be gathered from what precedes, and from the following memorial to the Throne, from the censor Ki-shih-chung, which is such a liberal and statesmanlike paper, that I may be pardoned for insert- ing an abridged translation if it here. “Tn the third month of the 12th year of Chung- wi chen jf, of the Ming dynasty (1640) the Minister or Censor, Ki-shih-chung (#@33"H1,) a Foo-yuan-choo {4 709, memoralises the Throne for the removal of the prohibition against oversea trade, and to make an addi- tional port of entry at Amoy, so as to legalise the traffic in the province of Fuhkien. He represents that funds must be raised for mobilizing and provisioning the army, and that already, for this purpose, agriculture is taxed to its utmost by leviesin kind. He therefore recommends that what might be argued in the abstract as either detri- mental, or beneficial, is not to be considered at so critical a period as the present; and that some modification in practice must be tried. With the merits of a case such as the extension of maritime trade in Fuhkien, he being a native of that Province, is well prepared to speak, and knows that he has a precedent for his action, in the memorials of the Minister Ho-Keao-yuan, who several times, urged this measure, but was always met with Im- perial commands to the effect that such innovations could not be sanctioned. The information he has been able to gather of the history of this sea border traffic, is shortly to this effect. (110) “In 1573, the annual oversea revenue of the district of Yue-keang, the harbour of Hai-téng, amounted to Tls. 20,000, being quite sufficient to maintain during a series of years its quota for local garrisons ; no additional troops being required to take the field during that period of tranquility, yet no surplus funds were laid by to meet subsequent demands for the repulse of pirates, who, later on, infested the neighbourhood, carrying pillage into all surrounding districts. About the same time western buccaneers made their appearance, causing general con- sternation by piracy and robbing junks. The local Officials then memoralised the Throne, on this state of affairs, which led to trade being stopped, and this source of revenue had to be abandoned. Writers of books have indulged in the literary conceit of describing the Fuhkien peasantry, as a seafaring race, who look upon | the broad sea as their pasture lands, owing to their de- pending mainly on its products for their sustenance. Such resources in ordinary times, although precarious in their nature, might suffice, but in times of scarcity, it is distressing to witness the signs of extreme poverty amongst the people, who for relief are tempted to join gangs of desperadoes, and, utterly regardless of life, engage in piracy. ‘These marauding forays along the coast, seem to be the immediate consequence of enforcing the prohibition against trade, for each time it is proclaimed, the people, whose ordinary sources of employment are thus cut off, and who would, otherwise, starve, are driven to resort to these desperate courses, and whole villages are destroyed by them, unresisting and helpless men and women, are cruelly murdered, the youth of both sexes carried off into captivity, and all the portable wealth of the place made away with in a remorseless manner. Since the return to allegiance of the piratical chief, Koxinga, the country has become somewhat tranquilised by the frequent defeats the rebels have sustained at his hands, and the people have had leisure to resume their ordinary occupations ; yet such is the attraction of the (111) chances of acquiring rapid gain, that they are entrapped, like silly geese, into breach of the laws by resorting to clandestine traffic with foreigners, which is either carried on at some distance from the coast, or by lurking about the Formosa coast, and visiting the dens established there by foreigners, since the ports on the mainland have been closed to the latter. This they are the more readily enabled to do, as the distance from Formosa to the principal towns of Chang-chou, and Chiian-chou, (in the Amoy district) is but a voyageof a couple of days and nights. The responsible Imperial Officers for preventing this, who reside in the south of Formosa, at Tai-wan-foo, content themselves with announcing the prohibition, and forbidding access to their port, but wink at the Portuguese, and Frankish establishments at Keelung, and Tamsui, in the north of the Island. Thus foreign trade may have been prohibited in name, but it still exists in point of fact, owing to the connivance of petty officials, and the eagerness for gain on the part of the native traders. These facts which are well known, being the common topic of conversation in his native place, although attended at present with results much to be regretted, admit of a remedy by pursuing a different course. (The memorialist’s plan is to legalise and foster, the maritime and junk trades, the character of which he proceeds to describe, as follows:) The character of the trade carried on with foreign vessels, and junks, from distant countries, may be thus classified: Besides the traffickers from the western seas, and the Japanese, there are also the Siamese, and Peguese, who bring products much needed, and consumed, by China; such as sapan- wood, pepper, ivory, and rhinoceros horns, whereas the Franks and Spanish, whose (chief) possessions are silver mines, bring coins very dexterously cast. Our people when trading with these different foreigners ; in the one case, barter their goods in exchange for those above men- tioned, whilst from the Spaniards and others, they receive nothing but silver dollars. These foreigners are well (112) ‘pleased to obtain our Chinese Silks, in exchange, and as in their countries they do not rear the silk-worm, they are glad to get the raw silk, with which they are able to weave the most exquisite fabrics, wherewith to adorn the person with rich garments. It is a profitable venture for them, as the celebrated silk of Hoo Chow, even here sold for its weight in silver, is, in their countries, worth double that sum. There is likewise much demand, from all comers, for the porcelain of Keang-se, and for the pre- served fruits, and delicacies, produced in Fuhkien. Now here is a fine field for profitable commerce for our own people, for we possess those much coveted articles, which are readily handled, and with such we might easily go abroad and successfully compete with them, had we but a fiftieth part of the energy and cleverness of these Franks. The people are prevented from having a share in these good things, and yet have every temptation thrust in their way to misbehave, and involve themselves in all the consequences of being engaged in illicit trade. As to the remedy above alluded to, there is not wanting a precedent, (the reverse of the course now pursued,) for the Imperial sanction was given permitting external trade, shortly after the commencement of the Ming dynasty, when the people of both the Eastern and Western, seas, on being summoned to send _ tribute, brought it to the Capital, and gave constant evidence of their loyal and respectful feelings, without leading to any rioting or disreputable results. In fact, nothing occurred to disturb the even course of the trade thus sanctioned, even during the disastrous times when all the countries to the west, and the states of Eastern Europe, were suffering disruption, from the Tartar hords - under Tamerlane. (The period when Moscow was sacked and burnt, and Bajazet, the Ottoman Emperor, was captured in 1402, appears to be the time to which the Memorialist alludes, for in his next paragraph he makes a significant allusion to troops being sent to guard the frontiers, against an expected invasion of China, for (113) which Timour, in his capital at Samarcand, had been making immense preparations, and was actually on his way for its conquest, when he was fatally attacked by fever.) ‘In these times, amicable tradal communications, were uninterruptedly maintained with neighbouring states, and China incurred no embroilment with them, although she had to move armies of observation to guard © her frontiers, against threatened invasion, (by the com- mon enemy.) Subsequently, on serious complications arising in Formosa, and on the neighbouring coast, the Ming dynasty became so apprehensive for the safety of those portions of the empire, that they prohibited all access to the coast, and the prohibition not having been since rescinded, the trade has been at the mercy of reckless people, and has become the monopoly of the freebooters of the Coast, involving a needless sacrifice of derivable revenue, to the extent of, at least, Tls. 20,000, annually; and to the great detriment of the legitimate trader. ‘lhe mere loss to the state is severe enough, and that the benefit should be absorbed by the law breaking freebooter, is deplorable; but these circum- stances are not so irritating, as to have to witness the acts of a horde of conniving officials, and petty officers, gloat- ing over their share of the spoils obtained by winking at the trade, and professing, meanwhile, to ignore the tinkling of the. dollars, which proclaims its existence to all others less deaf than themselves. Those who under the existing state of things are benefited, are the base illegal traders, who absorb the gains; also the corrupt officials, who, usurping authority, extort a full share for themselves ; and such are the consequent evils of keeping the trade closed. Whereas were foreign trade thrown open, with the exception of a prohibition against trading in munitions of war, sulphur and saltpetre ; and the traders of Fuhkien, allowed to deal with all comers, and were other traders from Che-keang, and the northern pro- vinces, encouraged to bring their silks, &., and the (114) porcelain dealers from Keangsi, allowed to resort here, the sum named would not only suffice for the troops, but many estimate that there would be produced T's. 50,000 to Ts. 60,000 instead, which would admit of a surplus, beyond the provincial requirements, being re- mitted to Peking. The poor people on the coast would accumulate funds, to enable them, in times of scarcity, to buy food, instead of being, as now, so poor that they are driven to piracy. A third benefit would arise, in breaking up the opportunities afforded these minor officials, of employing their perquisites in investments for storing contraband, of which pirates, and others, stand in need, and who are enticed and prepared to pay any prices for such articles. To meet those changes, should it be permitted to again open the port to trade, all that would appear to be necessary, would be to issue a special Junk clearance on proceeding to sea, or else to reestablish Yue-cheang Fj #&, the port of Hai-ting, $08, as the port of entry ; or to allow it to be fixed at Amoy in the Tung-ngan district. On leaving port, the junk’s clearance or pass would suffice; on returning from abroad, the vessels would have to put into Canton, or Macao, to guard against their running their cargoes else- where on the coast. It would be necessary to entrust the prefects of Chang-chou-foo and Chiian-chou-foo, together with the sub-prefect of Amoy, as Maritime Superintendent, with the control of the trade. The Intendant of these prefectures, should be made the responsible head, reporting to the Lieutenant Governor the annual amount of collection ; and all surplus sums, beyond Tls. 20,000, should be transmitted by him to Peking, under voucher cover to the Board of Revenue, to devote to Imperial purposes. The memorialist here makes mention (with a view to obtaining an appointment for him) of an official of his district, who has render- ed meritorious services in the suppression of piracy and protection of the junk trade, and then proceeds to say that in the old times, as recorded in the local (115) topographies of the districts, there was a government anchorage at Chiian-chou-foo for junks arriving from sea, and that there is still one in existence in the Canton waters, at Macao, in the Heang-shan district, and that, in the opinion of many others besides him- self, there need be no distinction between the pro- vinces of Canton, and Fubkien, for all Fuhkien people, feel alike on the subject; and he respectfully solicits, that orders be given to the Fohkien Governor, and Pro- vincial Judge, to investigate, whether, or not, it be really practical to entirely suppress maritime trade ; and if not, whether there would not arise beneficial results from throwing that trade open, and that they should consult with the most enlightened amongst the traders of Chiian-chou-foo and Chang-chou-foo as to what the best regulations would be for properly legalising the trade, so as to terminate the illicit traffic carried on by the lawless ; and, at the same time, husband the resources for maintaining the troops.” There are records that, in 1651, the Dutch were trading here, and that they lent assistance to the government in attacking Koxinga at Quemoy, and Amoy. About 1664, the East India Company opened a trade at Amoy, and at Formosa, with Koxinga’s son, “but this rude chieftain had little other idea of traffic than as a means of helping himself to every curious commodity the ships brought, and laying heavy imposts on their cargoes.’’ A treaty was entered into with him by which freedom to go unattended where they pleased, access to the King, liberty to trade with whom they pleased, and to choose their own clerks, was conceded. It was also agreed “that what goods the King buys shail pay no custom; that rice imported pay no custom, that all goods imported, pay three per cent, after sale; and all goods exported, be custom free.’’ * In 1678, a factory was ordered to be established ; and * Vide Williams’ Middle Kingdom, Vol. 1. (116) trade was continued fur several years, apparently with considerable profit, though the Manchus continually increased the restrictions under which it laboured. The investments here, and at Zelandia, were £30,000 in bul- lion, and $20,000 in goods; the returns were chiefly silk goods, tutenague, rhubarb, &. In 1681, the Com- pany withdrew their factory ; and two years later, in the 22nd year of Kang-hi, the Marquis Hi-lang memori- alized the Throne, to re-establish a Custom house. In the following year a Custom house for the collection of duties on foreign vessels, and on native junks, was established. In 1685 the Company’s trade was again renewed by the arrival of the ship Delight. In 1689 the Supercargoes at Amoy were put in confinement, and not long after, one was chained in his own factory ; heavy bribes were paid for their release. About 1702, both at Amoy, and Canton, the foreign trade was granted by the Government, as a monopoly, to a single privileged merchant. But it became so hampered with illegal exactions and extortions, that, in 1725, the Emperor Yung-ching published the first Tariff of duties, in the shape of a: code, which was enjoined on the officers of all the Custom houses. The Tariff was not regarded, and “heavy duties, arbitrary, and haughty conduct towards the supercargoes, extortions and ruinous delays” were persisted in. Speaking of these improprieties “A visi- tor to China”’ writes: ‘‘ Had a proper representation of these abuses been conveyed to the Emperor, there can be little doubt that redress would have been obtained. The Edict published at Amoy proved that the cabinet of that time was well disposed towards the promoting of foreign trade, and to the removal of any obstacles to its prosecution that were brought under their cognizance. The difficulty was to find means of communicating with the Court on the subject of wrongs. committed by the very parties, who were the regular channels for the transmission of petitions.” In 1701, the Company’s investment at Amoy, amounted to £34,400 only; but (117) trade was continued here, long after the greater part of it had been transferred to Canton, as, in 1723, Captain Hamilton loaded here. The extortions prevailing, toge- ther with the dangers of the Formosa Channel, probably induced the Company to withdraw. By 1720 the duties at Canton had risen to four per cent on all goods exported, and on imports, to aboat 16 per cent, besides a heavy measurement duty on ships, a present of Tls. 1,950 to the Collector of Customs, and a large fee from purveyors of provisions to ships; and, in 1728, an additional duty of 10 per cent was added on all exports, and it was not until 1736, that this impost was removed. These charges also obtained here. In 1725, the Hsia-mén-chih, speaks of the Spaniards as trading here, and paying tribute. The tribute paying is also ascribed to England, Holland, &c. In the collected statistics of the Ta-tsing dynasty, it is also stated that in the 58th year of Kien-lung, (about 1798,) Great Britain, first brought tribute, F757) Bl ¥ow Fr + /4E ED AB. Spain appears to have been especially favoured by China, for when the commerce of Great Britain was _ restricted to Canton, she enjoyed the privileges of trade , at Macao, and of access to this Port and Canton. She does not appear to have fully profited by the privileges she then, and subsequently, enjoyed; nor from the geographical positions of her fertile and beautiful insular possessions in the Philippines. With the wants of the teeming population of China within four or five days easy sail, India and the Malayan archipelago on the west and south, and the islands of the Pacific, and the rising Empire of the New World on the east, Spain possessed advantages for trade, with which few rivals should have been able to cope. In 1734, one English ship, the Grafton, was sent to Amoy, but the extortions were found to be greater than at Canton ; as, in addition to the regular duties, there was an extra charge of 20 (118) per cent for the Haikwan: she therefore withdrew. In 1744, the Hardwicke, East Indiaman, having received intelligence that three Spanish ships were lying off Macao to intercept her, sailed away for Amoy, she was compelled by the Mandarins to deliver into their charge her arms and ammunition, and to anchor in the inner harbour, without conditions. where she remained fifteen days, when finding no disposition to trade, and that she was being subjected to intolerable exactions, she was obliged to proceed to India without a cargo, and against the monsoon. Sir John Davis, writes of Canton, at this time, p. 55-56: ‘The extortions increased in spite of all representations on the part of the supercargoes. The Hong Merchants used every endeavour, and at length succeeded, in preventing the access of Europeans to the officers of government, finding that by that means, they could exercise their impositions on both, with the greater success and impunity. To the foreigners, they alleged that the Mandarins were the authors of all exactions on trade; to the Mandarins, that the foreigners were of so barbarous and fierce a temper, as to be incapable of listening to reason.*** The grievances suffered by our trade led to a remonstrance, in which the principal , points were the delay in unloading ships; the plunder of goods; the injurious proclamations annually put up by the Government, accusing foreigners of horrible crimes, with the intent to expose them to the contempt of the populace; the extortions under false pretences of the inferior officials ; and the difficulty of access to the man- darins.”” He adds: ‘1t is to be apprehended that the want of union among the Europeans, had the usual effect of frustrating their attempts at redress.” It was, in those days, the practice on the arrival of a ship here, to despatch a boat to demand her name, nation, and business, an exact account of the number of her crew, and guns, her cargo, and the time she intended to stay. .This being complied with, her arms, and muni- (119) tions, were handed into the care of the authorities, a payment of about 81,700 for Port charges demanded, and a permit to remain in the harbour issued. The Mandarins appear to have adjudicated on matters con- cerning the internal economy of foreign ships, as in the case of the Success, in 1720, the Hai-fang-ting enter- tained a complaint from the sailors against her Captain, and directed the distribution cf prize money as under: Capita 6 BNOTE: sais: unde rnammmenemwns has £1,466.10.10. Second Captain’s share, .................. 73838. 5. 5. Captain of Marines, Lieutenants of the Ship, atid SURSOON, pp cvsnssecaderseaee 488.16. 8. Ore WS t-W cacassien: su cnneesscaa a oeyies 97.15, 4. But before compelling the Captain to this distribu- tion of shares, “he ordered one half the cargo to be secured, for the benefit of the owners; which, in ready money, wrought silver, gold, and jewels, amounted to between £6,000 and £7,000 sterling. This he caused to be immediately put on board a Portuguese East India- man, called the Queen of Angels, Don Francisco La Vero commander. This ship was unfortunately, burnt at Rio de Janeiro on June 6th, 1722, so that of these effects the owners received no more, the charges of salvage deduc- ted, than £1,800.” A British ship from Madras, the Ann, having been. severely squeezed by the purchasers of the major “part of her cargo, (who, it is stated, were recom- mended by officials,) becoming bankrupt, ’ shortly after obtaining about Tls. 1,500 worth of goods; her Cap- tain did not trumpet forth his wrongs, but on receiving his port clearance and his guns, loaded the latter, cleared ships, beat to quarters, and seized a Japanese Junk, worth twice the value of his cargo, and bore off with her into the bay. Some twenty or thirty boats, crowded with men, went in pursuit; but the stout Captain fired into them with his stern gun and put them to flight. This affair coming to the ears of the Emperor, the officials were ordered to be punished, and their Trade since the esta- blishment of the For- eign Inspectorate of Customs, (120) property confiscated, after satisfaction had been made to the Japanese owners of the Junk. This well merited severity induced, for a time, more care in their dealings with British ships. It is unnecessary to particularise details further, and it will be sufficient to state that trade continued, with various checks and stoppages, until the issue of the Im- perial edict ordering the Kast India Company’s agents to withdraw, as all foreign trade was, in future, to be res- tricted to Canton. This edict was obeyed, and the port was closed against foreigners until legally reopened by the 2nd article of the Treaty signed at Nanking, the 29th August 1842, Of the events which led to this Tréaty, and subse- quent Treaties with Great Britain, America, France, etc., etc., it is not necessary here to allude. It will be suffi- cient to take a brief glance at the progress of trade since the establishment of the Foreign Inspectorate of Customs. Although the Treaties with Great Britain and France were signed at Tientsin in June 1858, and ratified at Peking in October 1860, it was not until the 1st April 1862, that the Customs was first opened at Amoy under the Foreign Inspectorate. During the following nine months, a trade was car- ried on represented by 394 vessels, 129,677 tons, entered, and 364 vessels, 119,412 tons, cleared, conveying merchandize, which represented an import trade valued at 85,042,307, or, at the then rate of exchange, £1,177,242, and an export trade valued at 82,226,251, or £522,199. The import of Treasure amounted to $405,170; and its export, to 909,612. The total amount of duties, coast trade duties, and tonnage dues, collected, was Tls. 306,210 or £102,070. The importation cf Cotton piece goods of all descriptions, was 70,593 pieces: of Woollens, 5,866 pieces; of Raw Cotton, 15,468 peculs; of Cotton Yarn (121) 5,721 peculs, and of Metals 18,953 peculs ; that of Opium amounted to 2,047 chests, or 2,384 peculs, of which 273 peculs were re-exported. The re-export trade, the value of which was noé at that time deducted from the gross total of the import trade, was $519,829, or £121,933. It consisted chiefly of Cotton piece goods, Woollens, Raw Cotton, Metals, Opium, and native Sundries. The principal staples exported, were black Sugar 39,921 peculs, white Sugar 8,898 peculs, Sugar Candy 46,781 peculs, Tea 5,329,283 pounds, of which Great Britain, only took, direct, 345,886 pounds, against 3,318,752 pounds taken by the United States. Paper 15,963 peculs, Chinaware 6,956 peculs, &c., &c. The most important statistics, and articles of commerce are thus briefly enumerated, as no report on the trade of the port, was made for the nine months in question. The following tables will show more readily than words at length the values of Imports, Exports, and Re-exports, together with the amounts of Duties collected, since the opening of the Custom House, under foreign inspectorate, to the 3lst December 1871. Imports. Exports. RE-EXPORTS, $ £ $ £ $ £ 1st April to 31st December 1862] 5,042,307] 1,177,242 |2,226,251|522,199| 519,829] 121,933 Year ended 1863 | 8,430,991 12,048,036 | 4,092,574 | 994,129| 382,447] 92,369 3 » 1864| 9,419,625) 2,276,409 [3,773,811] 912,004) 774,877 |187,261 5 » 1865 |12,974,724 12,919,313 | 2,699,286 | 607,339 | 1,225,636 | 275,768 i » 1866 |12,004,531 | 2,701,019 |3,989,843 | 897,714 | 1,251,288 ) 281,539 » a_:1867| 9,814,144} 2,208,182 | 3,597,057 | 809,337 | 1,019,092 | 229,295 » -~—«1868| 7,421,750] 1,669,894 | 3,226,078 725,867 | 1,017,357 | 228,846 » 93_-—«21869| 9,136,900] 2,055,802 | 4,147,893 | 933,275 | 1,168,244 | 626,854 % » 1870] 8,513,009} 1,915,616 |3,410,710| 767,486 | 1,673,938 | 376,673 » 1871 | 8,511,074| 1,844,066 | 4,583,576 | 993,108 |1,713,883| 371,341 (122) EGL'FLI | , 0932S | 9198'S | OSE LT G2Z‘99I | SL49'86b| E96'9 | Bgs‘oz 89F'G8I | FOF‘9GG | eeg'9 | LET6T SIO‘ZEL | FEO'OTH | FE8'b | ZOG'FT GLL‘LOT | Lze'e0¢ | ece‘9 | 0980 9ILLLT | 6FL‘eeS |] EEez'2 | 869'IZ 9ZELS1 | SLE'ILE| LEC‘OL| ZOL‘TE €OS‘SST | 6O6‘'FLE| OOF'L | 0022 L66‘9ST | Z66‘0Lb | Z9S‘9 | 989'6T 890°ZOT | O1Z‘90€| est‘ | TOF‘ST ‘F “SLL ‘F “SLL “IVLOY, “ADVNNOY, . 496'9 | 028'0% | FP9'L8 | Gee‘z9z| oee'FL | L00‘ezz 82Z'9 | e89‘sI | esr‘on | ogt‘ezz| I¢s‘9ZL | ec9'ezz 86'L | ceL‘es | e9e'be | OG0‘Esz| TE8Z'9L | zEE‘0es 8eL'g | FIZ‘LT | 998'%¢ | Leg‘scT| zg¢‘s2 | TL9‘G¢e% 6198 | LG8‘ce | sFe‘OL | Bzg‘ZIz| 09z‘I8 | Igz‘erZ Cool | g66‘Fe | GeL‘t, | FOz‘FZz| Es0'ss | O¢z‘zez 6666 | 868'2% | eL4'cg | SIg‘Z9T | 299‘°18 | O00‘GEZ 868‘8 | €69'9 | ses‘so | FIS‘90z| L9T‘EZ | Z0S‘6IZ FEL'6 | 1026S | 8ze‘6L | P8G‘LES | ELE‘T9 | IZ1‘FST G6S'> | L8L‘€I | 9900 | B9T‘OST | F9z‘zh | E6L‘9ZT ‘F “SLL ‘F ‘SLL ‘F ‘SLL ‘aaVuy, LSVOQ *LHOdX ny "“LYOdNT TZ8st"° ee “ce ozst"'"* “ 6 69st" 898T L981 “a a 998T"" cost : : F98T €98I'*** pepue 1ve G98T “OOM TE 0} [AW ‘CHLOWTION SHILAC GNV SsHnda (123) Au eXamination of the preceding statistics of the annual value of the Import trade, since 1863 (1862 being a broken year of nine months is omitted) to 1871, does not afford so satisfactory a view of its progress, as could be desired. Although it rose from $8,048,544 net, that is deducting re-exports, in 1863, to 811,749,088 net in 1865, and to $10,753,273 net in 1866, it has gradually decreased to 88, 5Y1, 074 in 1871. The value of the Export trade, exclusive of Re- exports, reached $4,092,574 in 1863, from which date it fell to 82,699,285 in 1865, and since -has fluctuated at between three and a half, and four and a half, millions of dollars. Its value in 1871 was 84,583,576. It is in the value of the Re-export trade that deve- loped between this port and Formosa, principally that the most significant increase is apparent, it having risen from $382,447 in 18638, to 81,713,883 the largest value it has yet attained, in 1871. The dues and duties collected, amounted to Haikwan Tls. 470,992, or £156,997, in 1863, and remained at near that amount until 1866, when the collection reached Haikwan Tls. 533,149, or £177, 716. In the next two years it had fallen to Haikwan Tls. 426,144, or £142,015; from which it rose to Haikwan Tls. 556, 404, or £185 488. the highest amount it ever attained, in 1869. In the fol- lowing year, it had fallen to Haikwan Tls. 498,675, or £166,225; and in 1871 it again rose, and reached Hai- kwan Ts. 524,260, or£174,753. During nine years the variation between the lowest amount collected, that of 1863, and the highest, that of 1869, is only Haikwan Ts. 85, 412, or £28,471. Having made ‘hots few remarks on the value of trade, and on the duties collected since the opening of this Custom House, I shall confine my observations to a brief retrospect of the trade of 1871, selecting where ne- cessary the two previous years to illustrate its i increase or decrease. 1 Import trade, (124) The value of this trade in foreign goods, (exclusive of Re-exports,) during 1871, amounted to 84,587,611. That of foreign Re-exports to $1,278,850. The value of the import trade in native produce, (exclusive of Re-exports,) amounted to $2,209,580. ‘That of native Re-exports to 435,033. To take, first, the important articles of commerce here, Yarn, the import was in 1869, peculs 10,235, in 1870 it increased one half, or to peculs 15,724, and in 1871 it reached peculs 17,940. (Thus nearly doubling its import in three years. It may be worthy of remark that previous to the establishment of the Foreign Custom House, the trade in Yarn has been known to amount to 18,000 peculs per annum.) A similar increase is perceptible in Cotton Piece Goods of all descriptions. The aggregate import was in 1869, pieces 107,914 ; in 1870 it increased sixty three per cent, or to pieces 171,016, and it now amounts to pieces 195,160, an increase of over eighty per cent in three years. The preceding figures will probably be contrary to the expectations of those interested in the foreign trade at Amoy, but they are carried out by the actual consump- tion in 1871, as shewn by sales, which when compared with 1870, give an increase in Ae scpitecsaeeenden ee of 20 per cent. DIFIN ES pgs saensarncy a HOE gs T-Cloths ............0. 2D The importation, as will be seen, shews a much greater percentage than the above; but large stocks of unsold goods yet remain to be carried into, and form a portion of, the consumption of the year 1872. Raw Cotton.—During the last three years, the im- ortation of this article from India, has quadrupled itself. Tn 1870 it amounted to peculs 19,195, or about double that of 1869; and in 1871, it reached peculs 38,3138. Of (125 ) this quantity peculs 630, only, were re-exported to Chi- nese ports. Speaking in round numbers, the consump- tion may be said to have increased from 7,300 bales in 1869, to 14,600 bales in 1871. The cause of this is found in the comparatively low price of Indian Cotton, as com- pared with that of Chinese Cotton. The importation of Chinese Cotton, peculs 24,872, from Shanghai, Ningpo, and Hongkong, also shews an increase, although a small one, over the impcrtation of 1869, and 1870, namely peculs 20,191, and peculs 20,631. The entire quantity imported during the past year, went into consumption here, none being Re-exported. Woollen Manufactures.—Consisting principally of Cam- lets, Lastings, and Woollen and Cotton fabrics, show also an increased importation as compared with 1869; and 1870; the two years being nearly ona par, namely 5,532 pieces imported net, and 1,708 pieces re-exported. 'The past year’s Import was 6,113 pieces, of which 3,016 pieces were Re-exported. The consumption of the port however shews a decrease. Opium.—The Imports, and Re-exports, during the past three years, stand thus: 1869 1870 1871 e-~ -——_ ns Imports .....sccerccceevecseeveees peculs 5,709 4,995 4,808 Re-exports .........cseeeeeee » 1,388 1,869 1,751 From the above figures, it is apparent that there is a small decrease in this branch of commerce. Deducting the re-export to Formosa from the quantities imported during the last three years, the actual quantity required for annual consumption at the port, would seem to be be- tween 3,721 and 3,057 peculs. During six years, namely from 1866 to 1871, the quantities imported only varied peculs 66,081, the largest import peculs 546,669, was in 1866, and the smallest in the year under review. The Re-export dwindled to peculs 1,091 in 1868, and attained to peculs 1,896 in 1870. The prices for Opium offered here, during most of last year, but more especially the (126) latter part, have been below the equivalent of those at Hongkong, whence Amoy is supplied; consequently a very large stock remains unsold, and will be carried into the year 1872, (probably lessening that year’s importation of the drug) to be held for a rise in price ; which however is unlikely to occur until the end of March, or beginning of April. In my report on the trade of Amoy during 1870, I wrote so fully on the action of the Le-kin taxes, upon Opium, and Cotton Manufactures, that any but a casual reference to it, must be irksome and unnecessary. It is, however, proper when reviewing commerce here, that it should be stated that, as trade in Opium has been legalised, and a fixed uniform tariff rate put upon its importation, it would be well if the same principle were applied in Le-kin taxation. The entire removal of the Le-kin impost cannot be, and is not, expected by reason- able persons. Most of the wishes that I have heard ex- pressed, would be met by the issue of a fixed uniform and just tariff, by the Imperial government, instead of leaving the provincial authorities to impose what tax they please, limited, it would appear, not by necessity, or by any system of valuation, but by the temper of the people they govern, the highest tax being inflicted that they aro likely to bear, without risk of disturbance. Thus at Swatow, where the people are turbulent and aggressive Opium is taxed to the extent of only Tls. 14.7.6.0 per chest, against Tls. 90.2.6.6, the amount imposed here, where the people are peaceful, and order loving. An un- iform Le-kin tariff on the great staples of European import, and export, would, I feel convinced, be as beneficial to the Imperial Exchequer, as it would be to foreign trade. _ The grain supplies imported, consisting of foreign rice, peculs 50,498, native rice, peculs 69,254 (of which peculs 3,936 only were re-exported) and native wheat peculs 36,242, are in the aggregate, much the same as in 1870. But a very considerable deficit, nearly 90 per cent, is apparent in the receipts of foreign rice. This (127) is, however, more than balanced by an increase, of nearly 130 per cent, in Native grain. The prices of tnese cereals during the latter part of the year, have been slightly above the usual average, though not to the extent an- ticipated by Chinese, who predicted scarcity and high prices, as they now do for the present year. Beans and Peas, peculs 228,487, and Beancake, peculs 159,442, aggregated, have been used as manure to about the same extent as in 1870; but the importation of Peas shews an increase of about 55 per cent, replacing a decrease of nearly the same amount in Beancake. The former having ruled relatively cheaper in the North.. Metals are an unimportant branch of this trade. In 1871, peculs 6,273 of iron were imported, against peculs 8, 367 in 1870, and peculs 5,454 in 1869. Lead reached peculs 5,688, Quicksilver peculs 431, or nearly the same as the two. preceding years. Nail rod iron, peculs 2,879, shews an increase of ninety per cent, as compared ‘with the importation of 1869. Itshould be observed that there exists a monopoly, here, of the Trade in this article. Foreign importers find the utmost difficulty in dis- posing of their stocks for that reason, and this branch of trade cannot reach its limit of expansion so long as the monopoly is maintained. ‘The increase above alluded to in Nail rod iron, does not extend to consumption, but merely to importation. Shipping.—566 vessels, representing an aggregate ton- nage of 215,651 tons, entered; and 570 vessels, representing 219,038 ‘tons, cleared in 1871. These figures shew an increase of 9 vessels entered, and 19 vessels cleared, as compared with 1870, although in regard to tonnage there is a slight decrease both in vessels entered and cleared. The statistics in 1869, are so nearly the same that com- parison is superfluous. The number of steamers visiting the port has greatly increased, and leads to the inference that were permission obtained to work the rich Coal mines of this Empire, they would soon entirely supersede sailing (128) vessels. The supply of shipping up to about the middle of November was very large, and poor freights only, were procurable; but this supply falling off here, as appears to have been the case at other ports, at the same time, very high rates of freights obtained in December, with every prospect of their rising still higher during, at least, the early part of 1872. The Charters made were 162, against 171 in 1870. Had there been more vessels here in December, they would have been eagerly char- tered. Export Trade-—The total value of the trade in native produce exported, and removed coastwise, during 1871, amounted to $4,583,576. That of native Re-exports, to $1,713,883. Of the articles of which it is comprised, it will perhaps be sufficient to enumerate but two or three. Tea being the most important export, and the one in which foreign merchants are most interested I have prepared a return of the quantities expurted since the opening of the Amoy Custom House up to the present date. The figures in the return, include the quantities ex- ported by Chinese to the Straits, and to sundry ports ; but are exclusive of the Tamsui Teas sent here for convenience of shipment to the United States. Exports. To Forzien Ports./To CuinesE Ports.| Tota Export. P. 0. P. G. PP, ©, 1862 Peculs 32,830:39 7,139:25 39,969:64 1863 $5 50,429:20 13,715:81 64,145:01 1864 - 35,897 :27 17,735:37 53,632:64 1865 _—C,, 34,224:00 9,523:00 43,747:00 1866, 49,560:54 9,782:36 §9,342:90 1867S, 53,224:21 7,570:70 60,794:91 1868 _s,, 22,409:40 13,312:58 35,721:98 1869, 78,799:55 7,168:96 85,968:51 1870 a, 56,100:47 8,670:04 64,770:51 1871 a 66,198:57 1,882:39 68,080:96 Total Peculs ] 479,673:60 96,500:46 576,174:06 Og (129) The great deficit in the export of 1868, and increase in that of 1869, arises from a very considerable portion of the 1868 crop not being shipped until 1869. The progress of this trade will, however, be better conveyed to those interested in it, by basing my remarks on the quantities exported during the mercantile Tea season, 7. e. from the 30th June to the 30th June, within which period the season is closed by the shipment of the entire crop, (generally completed before the end of Janu- ary) than by basing them on the Customs year, ending ‘the 31st December, which has hitherto been the practice. I therefore subjoin another table containing the quanti- ties exported by foreign merchants to foreign ports only, that is exclusive of the quantities exported to the Straits, &c., and removed coastwise, by Chinese. EXPORT OF TEA BY FOREIGN MERCHANTS SINCE THE OPENING OF THIS CUSTOM HOUSE. Seasons 1862-1863, . . 2. . 2. es ee Pounds 7,856,122. i 1863-1864, . ....... » 6,224,635, _ 1864-1865, . , . .« .:s..- » 6,918,671. 5 1865-1866, . ...+.... » 6,979,555. s 1866-1867, . . 2. 2. 2. ew eee » 7,284,826, 4 1867-1868, . . . . ww ee » 8,006,384. 1868-1869, . ..... hee » 8,691,058. % 1869-1870, . . 2. . es wee » 6,763,868. < 1870-1871, 2. 2. 1 1. ew ew 4 © * 6,823,399. i. 1871-1872, wk wh » =* 8,171,494. * Including Ibs. 917,795 lost in “ Taeping ” and “ Cengala.” The Teas in the preceding table are almost entirely composed of Oolongs, and Congous, the only other des- cription ever in this market being Orange Pekoe, which, when it comes at all, comes in too small quantities to be of consequence. During the last four seasons it has been altogether absent from the market. Oolongs.—The export of this description of Tea, which had fallen in the season 1869-70 to 3,491,206lbs. rose in 1870-71, to 5,443,593lbs. and in the season just closed, 1871-72, it attained to 7,766,534lbs. the largest export (130) that has ever been made from this port. Of the entire quantity exported, the United States took 7,393,258lbs. against 5,073,484lbs. in season 1870-71. The export to Great Britain was 176,665lbs. against 380,109Ibs, in the season 1870-71. It is worthy of remark that Amoy Oolongs, price considered, are now prefered in the New York market, to Foochow teas. Congou.—The export of this kind of tea reached its highest amount in the season 1869-70, when some 50,000 half-chests or 2,109,232lbs. were shipped. Since then the export has fallen to 1,216,878lbs. in 1870-71, and to 353,5141bs. in 1871-72. This may, in some measure, be accounted for by the fact that the teamen finding high prices ruling for Oolongs, and but a limited market for Congous, have made most of their leaf into the former tea. This, 1871-72, season’s Congous, were almost entirely of good quality, and 297,91 6lbs. were exported to the United States, leaving the export to Great Britain at 55,598lbs. against 1,799,542lbs. in the 1869-70 season, and775,419|bs. in the season 1870-71, This decrease is attributable to the quality of the commoner Congous, which has caused their expulsion from the London market, while for the superior kinds, America is a mere liberal purchaser than England. Owing, perhaps, to a small supply during the season under revicw, no shipment has been made to the Colonies, which received, in 1870-71, 145,790lbs. of this tea. In the coming season the export will probably re- commence. Amoy Teas, which, two or three years since, were unfavourably viewed on account of the large quantity of dust they then contained, are now steadily recovering their position in the American Market, (where, as has been shewn, most of them go) owing to a combination of the Hongs here in 1868, when they agreed not to purchase teas containing over 20 per cent of dust. This margin will in the season 1872-73, and in future, be still further (131) reduced to 15 per cent. Before this combination was centered into, the teas contained sometimes as much as 60 per cent of dust, and the consequence was that Japan teas, which are singularly free from this defect, were gradually superseding them. At the present time, Amoy teas have co far regained favour, that according to the last advices received, they appear to have been the only ones that have benefitted exporters. Tamsui Teas, which are mostly, shipped to New York via this port, have shown a remarkable expansion. In season 1869-70 the export to New York was 370,238 Ibs. » 1870-71 - 2 778,242 ,, » 1871-72 r 7 1,502,000. ,, and next season it will, it is expected, be much larger. The reason these teas are becoming such favorites is, that they are, in the first place, beautifully made and contain a very trifling proportion of dust (some 5 or 6 per cent) ; and secondly, they possess a very fine natural perfume, which probably results from the youth of the plants, and the almost virgin soil in which they are grown. The common grades of Formosa tea, do not pay the cost of exportation, and are chiefly used by the natives them- selves. The Export of Amoy Sugar was as under : 1871 1870 «18691862 9 months only. “as oo ewn—~ eo Brown Sugar . . peculs 155,335 58,723 50,733 39,921 White _,, ee ia 25,553 13,158 13,378 8,898 Sugar Candy .. % 83,519 61,416 60,438 46,781 These figures are very satisfactory, shewing that the export of Brown Sugar has trebbled itself, that of White Sugar nearly doubled itself, and that of Sugar Candy has increased about 35 per cent, in one year. The increase since the opening of this Custom House in 1862, is noteworthy. (132) The export of paper, peculs 24,300, has increased 3,000 peculs, since 1870; but the increase in its export since 1862, is only about 9,000 peculs. The export of Chinaware, peculs 380,312, shews a decrease of peculs 16,000 when compared with that of 1870, and an in- crease of peculs 24,000, when compared with the export of 1862. Trade between Amoy and Formosa.—The following figures will show the valuable trade that has developed between the Amoy, and Takow, Tamsui, and Keelung, in Formosa. 1871. 1870 TFT Foreign Imports Re-exported to Formosa value $1,127,438 1,242,946 Amoy produce Exported 4 a 3 63,459 34,281 Native Imports, Re-exported __,, is 9 14,854 19,350 $1,205,751 1,296,577 In 1869 the value of this trade was 1,031,375. The nature and extent of this trade during the past year, can be ascertained by an examination of the Tables numbered 1, 2 and 3 which follows. (138) No. 1~TABLE OF FOREIGN GOODS RE-EXPORTED FROM AMOY TO FORMOSA DURING THE YEAR 1871. ToTaL Quantity] VALUE. - VALUE. Corton Piecr Goons. Widens: | Deilers: Shirtings, Grey, .....sceecevecseeeeeeees pieces. | 50,500 | 135,692 wy White, ..sssssesesnnes goals a 2,296 | 8,132 Sh, Spe deesatcaateuteapssnnatins . 100 386 9 » Figured ess 246 1,064 T-Cloths, ....sscceeees ea 5 4,498 8,982 Turkey Reds,” si 1,890 | 4,772 Drills, American, ..........06 ere ae gs 570 2,036 » nglish, .......... deideosinavecie 6 1,460 5,822 CHintZ65, -sssvevccssseccsssccees sseeeemeaw. .%5 100 236 pieces, 61,660 _ 167,122 Total..... Cotton Yarn, .......cceecsseescees peculs, 60 2,241 2,241 Woo .uen Piece Goons. Camlets, English,.......sssscsssseres pieces. 660 | 10,485 Lastings, ........ ars 180 2,828 Long Hills, ........... Suhiesieveueese sae! sty 1,719 | 13,718 Spanish Stripes, ......ssssesseeeseees ¥s 72 1,874 Total......pieces. 2,631 —_ 28,905 Opium Benares, .....s.0006 eve de date sueeesaae peculs. /1,058.40 | 577,914 Patnay - vassavvscevesesvsteasieveevsevess 5 234.00 | 134,901 POrBiany, cerignmecceteececasiasgeceeersawe i 320.40 | 184,257 TULkey,. ssevessiesesesssasescseasscesevies i 14.16 8,202 Total...... peculs. 1,626.96 — 905,274 SUNDRIES. Flour,.....cecsceeee ae ube stewe's jasehesscas peculs, 78 348 Tieadeoraticascedrssisertacetarnriien z 1,976 | 13,454 Window Glass, ....s.csscssscscenensees boxes. 120 447 Various Goods, .....ssecccscecsersesves value. — 9,647 23,896 Grand Total........ eeeeees eoeeeValue $ {1,127,438 (134) No. 2—TABLE OF AMOY PRODUCE EXPORTED, AND NATIVE RE-EXPORTED TO FORMOSA, DURING THE YEAR 1871. : Exports. Re-Exports. Quantity.) Value. | Quantity.) Value. Bricks, ses sas vee eeepieces. | 366,500 |$ 2,133 — es Earthen Ware, ... ... ese 45 1,137 1,310 — Bek Hemp Bags, ... 660 wee 5 237,780 | 10,755 a == Tron Ware,... ... .. +-peculs. 1,518 | 10,176 = —_ Medicine, fee! “eee! Meee _ 8 183 — — Nankeens, ... 66. see eee 225 | 13,841 — — Paper No. 1, ... see we os 81 1,176 38/8 573 Sl ghee eee oer d 156] los9f — = yy Oiled, 04. cee ane 49 —_ — 34 1,185 Sugar, Brown, 1. we 350 1,022 = ane » Candy, asa Pee a 97 806 — : Tea Mats, ... pieces. — _— 86,600 3,402" Tobacco, Prepared, ... ..-peculs. 577 | 10,647 113 3,279 Sundries, ... ... .. «Value. — 10,321 — 6,415 Total value......ceccesceeseseoeee $63,459 $14,854 The value of Formosa produce imported at Amoy for home consumption, and re-exportation, amounted to $515,775, in 1871, to $290,207, in 1870, and to 8405,245, in 1869. (135) No. 3—TABLE OF NATIVE PRODUCE IMPORTED AT AMOY FROM FORMOSA DURING THE YEAR 1871. | Quantity. | Vatu. $ Camphor, ...0 4.0 6. wee eee vee peu 950 13,134 GaSe a5 deed abn Gadel ae Paws i 25,150 12,407 Ground Nuts, ...0 20.0 ee cee cee 58 — — ‘6 Cakes. sus. wen suai Gee =i 21,088 33,109 Hemp, See tater ~Shemar vadan eee —oaee ay 497 7,850 Rice, ... ler: ales - “adie eee es 17,301 31,898 Seeds Indigo, | ia) wes aa Ha 5 100 570 sy «©eSaMUM, 0. cee eee wee 3 1,637 6,453 Sesamum Seed Cakes, ... ... 0 ee es 570 951 Tea Oolong,... . Sys oe, “Ree is 12,290 403,314 Hard Wood Planks,... ses eee eee pleces 1,969 1,626 Sundries, ... aa Re value —_ 3,374 Camphor Wood Planks, . see eee pleces 726 1,189 Total value.......cscescersseseeceneeseeeees $515,775 It should be observed that of the above imports, tea to the value of $403,314, was merely sent here for convenience of shipment, and was re-exported in due course to the United States. In closing this sketch of trade during the past year I may be permitted to say a few words regarding its mode of conduct. For some years the system of credit extended to Chinese by Foreigners, in their dealings with them, made commerce appear very unsafe. Credits became at last so extended that, in place of advances on sales being from 25 to 35 per cent, in many instances credit was given for the entire sale, and in consequence when due date arrived, asa rule, hardly any payments to account had been made; and the time allowed for clearing the goods, two months, had generally to be doubled, and often to be allowed to exceed even that period; the purchaser, meanwhile, paying no interest on the overdue prompts. This objectionable systei has of late received a check, by all the foreign merchants (136) agreeing, and binding themselves under a penalty of 81,000, not to give credit beyond twenty per cent, and fixing the time for payment at two months’ prompt. This remedy was apparently the best that could be applied, the native dealers having too little capital to do business without a certain amount of credit; and without some credit being given the trade would have been at a standstill. The Statistics of Treasure present an important and curious feature in the trade of the port. Treasure Imported 1870. $1,355,395 Treasure Exported $762,835. * a 1871. $2,116,069 ¥ “6 $682,738. » (9 months) 1862. $ 405,170 i x $909,612. This enormous increase in the import of Treasure during 1871, amounting to more than three quarters of a million of dollars, has been caused by foreigners pouring it into the port, for the purpose of meeting Bills of Ex- change drawa from Manila, and the Straits. But no one knows what becomes of it. Notwithstanding the receipt of the large sum shewn above, it has been found that there is every day more and more difficulty in obtaining dollars from Chinese merchants. They will give in ex- . change, or do anything rather than pay up in coin, yet the amount sent to Formosa has fallen ten per cont. It seems evident, therefore, that the whole increase must have gone into the interior, or have been absorbed here ; and unless there be some at present unknown outlet for it, the supposition remains that it is hoarded by the Chinese for purposes, and in a manner, of which for- eigners know nothing. It may here be remarked that the Chinese have, at last, begun to realize the advantage of using foreign Bills of Exchange in making their remittances to Hongkong, instead of adhering to their old custom of sending treasure. Fris. ERRATA. —__»—___ 1—for...... are so obscured by are obscured by state- statements obvi- } read | ments so obviously un- ously untruthful truthful. I— 4, reese Jeh-pen oi... ceeceeee aA Jih-pén. D5 aéniwe former province...... ,, first named province. Do geesees two latter wo... 9 other two. 2— ,, ......ilfated i ill-fated. a eight years .. eighth year. 3—,, ..... bought... ve brought. 5—,,......Ta-Hu Tai-Hu. Psp sicpees deseend descent. 7— after ...in the van and. 8—for...... Pescadors Pescadores. Ba jee sete conclude ...... concluded. Bs ceed has fallen ross had fallen. Qe gaeeretis CHING: sccscessawsvacrer 3 Chéng. 11l—,, ......jrresistable,.........66 oo irresistible. 12—after...the Manchus .........insert on. 13—for......8at at liberty ......... read set at liberty. 16—after ...and NOW .......eseseee insert that. 17—for......defensive ........+....read offensive. 18—.,, ......hundered ... Doha as hundred. 20— ,, ....--has DCN ......secceveee 59 had becn. 20— 45 eens Commander Sir Commodore Sir Gordon Gordon Bremner \ a Bremer. QT yy cscees BETIOUS) ci siceiiecevesees Gp seriously. 2B— ,, ceeeee dwell ... siheanieid gs dwelt. 34—after ...but in reality . acoeiieate insert with. 35— ,,_ ...crowded with people ,, were. 38—for...... was painfully, &c....read were painfully, &c. 40— ,, ......munching .........065 — munched. 41— ,, wee mouth ........ rae mouths. 45 — 4, covecePAUNR..cceccscsesceeees Be Fauna. ed by a local want of the foreigner... 56— ,, ...... Hearing the ery of a child he was stop- 50— ,, -. ‘on Kulangseu creat- | | PE oc secseeeee ences 60—,, ......Ching-nan-kuai...... 24 64 ,, coreee pimacle ..........eeee as 64— ,, wee. at 8s Wes wwcpacamepaacen 5 and, created by a local want of the foreigner, on Kulangseu, &e. Hearing the cry of a child we stopped him. Chén-nan-kuai. pinuacle. at low water. 103— ,, ...... Liu-jao-hui ... 116— ,, ...... Zelandia........ ll 64—for..... Buoy lays .......06 read es at fathoms distance ,, 64— 4, ceaeee horizontal strapes... ,, B4— gy seceee fustrium of a cone... ,, 64— ,, weveee market by a .......6+ a 64— ,, ......a second larger, and ,, B4— 4, cseeee more busy &. ..... zs 68— ,, ..... Kwan-tung wsececcee oy FO yy; seen NSU, sevtencsex eievece $5 FA, cewnssbDOO DIME .occesnensevees S BO == 55, cxvnen thatis ‘ p BO ai eevee Hisens sscsesesscses 35 B0— ,, vase Yang-Chiing-Chou ,, BB— 4, cevees two Kwangs ....ee. a 83—,, settee FETE, serseeesensens es B4— ,, eee Theétok sssiscssseavves 4, 85— ,, -..0. appears to be........ 4, B5— ,, -..ee praches .......666 4s 87— ,, -e0ee Kho-sun-chi .... a 8B— ,, «20... write essay...... cay BO wedsesae lump of earth......... + 90—.,, asses Found ssisescesctsens $9 D0 Hi5 5 wees Yung-Chiin ......... 3 91— ,, wees the husband ......... ‘5 DI— ,, ceceee Hai-ching ....... a O35 45 seniared thrust ........... eras 95—after...under .........05 insert 96—for...... Elisabeth ..... read O7— 4, ceseee Fuckien ........ * cee 131—,, .... trebbled .......... . 1325-5 y)anease which follows......... ,, 134—,, ...... Native re-exported _,, 136— ,, ..... tem per Cont wrreceee 4s Buoy lies. at a fathom’s distance. horizontal stripes. frustum of a cone. marked by a. a second larger, more. busy and more, &c. Kwang-tung. Tsin. that time. that is. Hsiens. Yung-Ch‘un-chou. two Kwang. 7k ig T’e-tu. appear to be. branches. Usii-sun-chi. write essays. lumps of earth. Fauna. Yung-Ch‘un. a husband. Hai-tsang. thrush. the Sung, Ming, &e. Elizabeth. Fuhkien. Jui-chao-hui. Zelandia (in Formosa.) trebled. which follow. Native Imports re-ex- ported. ten per cent. See SE SS= SSS SSS See a eee SD = ———— SSS SS SS eres ee = ee eS as SSS SS SSS