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Digital file copyright by Cornell University
Library 1994.ADDRESS
OF
REPUBLICAN MEMBERS
OF THE
Senate and Assembly,
ADOPTED AT A MEETING
AT THE SENATE CHAMBER,
IN THE CAPITOL,
or THE :
1 '■
CITY OF ALBANY,
APRIL 4, 1820.
ALBAX7:
PRINTED BY E. AND E. HOSFORD.
1820.At a Meeting of the Republican Members of the Senate and
Assembly, held pursuant to adjournment, at the Senate Cham-
her, in the Capitol, on the 4th day of April, 1820.
Major THOMAS FROTHINGHAM, Chairman.
JOHN VAN FOSSEN, Secretary.
The following ADDRESS reported by the Committee ap-
pointed for that purpose, v/as read and unanimously adopted.
To the Electors of the State of New-York.
Fellow-Citizens,
The undersigned republican members of the Legisla-
ture, beg leave to address you on the momentous concerns of
the State, in which we have with you, a deep interest for our-
selves and our posterity. In our view the contest preparatory
to the approaching election, is distinguished from all others
which have heretofore agitated the state. It is not a strife be-
tween individuals alike indifferent to the public interest, it is not
a contest between old and disciplined parties for supremacy,
but it is a warfare in which the principles of self government
and the measures produced by a liberal and enlightened policy,
are invaded and opposed by a self created, secret political so-
ciety, which has ranged under its banners a few deluded fol-
lowers, and which now seeks to dictate a system to the state
and officers for your government, A great commercial capital
is seldom the chosen seat of liberty. She oftener delights in
the mountaiu fastness and in the cultivated plain. A hardy and
intelligent yeomanry, inured to toil and depending on their own
labour for support, are better prepared to be sincere worship-
pers at her shrine, than the busy crouds who are congregated at
a large mercantile Exchange, many of whose pursuits arc ne-
cessarily selfish, whose intelligence is often confined to those
pursuits, and who can possess little or no knowledge of the
great agricultural interests. A distinguished philosopher whose
name and opinions, we are accustomed to revere, Mr. Jeffer-
son, considers “ large cities as sores upon the body politic
The irritation and excitement which always exist in them, are
calculated to attract the gross humours of the system ; and thus
it is that the popular sentiment in those places, is rather the re-
sult of inflamed feeling than of calm deliberation* To take
advantage of such feelings, to bring them-t|i> bear on any given
point, and to render their agency effectual^ the organization of4
a secret political Society, is the most powerful as it is the most
dangerous means. On this subject, the language of the Fa-
ther of ou* country should not be forgotten, nor his admonitions
disregarded. “ They are likely, says he, in the coarse of
* time and things, to become potent engines, by which penning,
“ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert
“ the power of the People, and to usurp for themselves the
“ reigns of government; destroying afterwards the very en-
“ gines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.”
What was thus predicted by Washington has become histo-
ry in our State. A dangerous and secret political Society ex-
ists in the city of New-York, which has for years dictated eve-
ry election in that city, which has nearly annihilated the influ-
ence of the wise and virtuous portion of the citizens, and whose
boast it is to have dictated every Governor to this State ex-
cepting two ! Emboldened by success and vainly confident m
its supposed strength, it now seeks to control the government
and to bring you and your sons in subjection to its will. * Nurs*
ed into a vigorous maturity by the hot-bed which gave it growth*
and strength, it endeavours to extend its roots and to strike
them into other and different soils. Unless its first approach
be firmly resisted, the sturdy oak and the humble plant, must
equally yield to its supremacy, or be uprooted by its intru-
sion.
These are not the idle declamations of partizans, but solemn
truths. The opposition to the present Executive commenced
in that Society, before he was elected to office. But a few
years before, the same men opposed his election as Lieutenant
Governor after he had received an almost unanimous, nomina-
tion, and the result exhibited their folly as well as their daring.
But previous to the last election, the representatives from that
city, professing a willingness to submit to the will of the ma-
jority, acceeded to a convention for the purpose of nominating
a candidate for Governor. The result again disappointed their
wishes, and they retired breathing hostility and scattering dis-
traction. A newspaper, the alternate organ, tool, and tyrant
of the Society, commenced its assaults upon the candidate who-
bad been nominated at that convention with unexampled unan-
imity. Notwithstanding which, he was elected by a majority
before unknown in this State, while a surreptitious candidate,
received the votes of the members of the Society and of those
whom it could privately influence. The open assaults of its
venal press were, however, continued ; errors were anticipated,
faults were foretold, .aud unprincipled coalitions were charged,6
before the administration had had time to merit either censure
or praise; In the mean while, the secret machinations of the
political club in New-York were incessant, and from that time
to this th^have waged an active, insidious, and interminable
warfare against the administration and all who supported it*
Our opponents in their late address to you, boast that “ a ma-
jority of the Senate now is and ever has been opposed to the
State administration.5* If this be true, it establishes the fact
for which we contend, that opposition was commenced before
thereWere any measures to censure, and that condemnation was
pronounced before even the opportunity to commit error had
been given. Thieir opposition and that of their associates, at
this time therefore, is not because the administration has failed
to promote the public interest, but because the persons who
compose it are not the favourites and instruments of the Tam-
many Society. And thus the question is now brought directly
to the People, will you be governed by a self-created Society
in New-York, or will you have rulers of your own selection ?
Their favorite rule of warfare is to proscribe all whom they
Sannot deceive. They commenced by the denunciation of Mr*
Clinton; their next step was to proscribe all who would not
abandon him at their dictation, and thus a torrent of calumny hag-
been poured upon the most distinguished men of our state, who
had been endeared to their fellow-citizens by a long course of
public services, and by a patriotic devotion to the best interests
of the country. Neither conspicuous station, age, services, or
character have been sufficient to prevent their being thus made
the victims of this political Moloch. Alarmed by its daring, and
apprehending consequences the most fatal from its progress, we
have taken a determined stand against its further ravages. For
so doing, for refusing new victims to glut its rage, we too are
denounced as man-worshippers, and as clinging to the fortunes
of an ambitious chief. If such an argument were to prevail,
and terror should induce us to yield what principle forbade, we
should not only surrender our rulers to their mercy, but our lib-
erties also. But it is not so much the individual for whom we
contend, as for the vital principles of freedom which are assail-
ed in his person; we protest against such dictation and usur-
pation y we pronounce it tyranny the most undisguised and pal-
pable, we resist it as destructive of the fundamental principles
of our government, and we shall continue to resist it, while the
constitution allows us an inch of ground to stand upon ; and we
solemnly call upon you to un^le with us in restraining its further
progress, and in preventing it from inundating our country like
6
a mountain torrent, and sweeping before it the virtue, talent,
and independence of the state.
While therefore we disclaim any improper attachment to the
person of our chief magistrate, or any blind devotidnCtb his for-
tunes, we at the same time bear testimony to the excellence of
his administration. We venture to assert without the fear of
contradiction, that no three years in the history of our state, are
marked by so many measures of profound wisdom, by so many
improvements in the civil and money departments, by so many
successful projects for the promotion of the industry of the peo-
ple, and by such bold and magnificent designs for the develope-
ment of our resources, and to furnish markets for our products,
as have distinguished the present administration. We claim
not that the exclusive merit of these measures, belongs to the
executive, but we do contend that he had the wisdom to perceive
them, the firmness to recommend them although some were at
the time unpopular, and the energy and industry to execute them.
He recommended the establishment of agricultural societies, and
urged the necessity of encouraging the in iustry and rewarding
the exertions of that meritorious class of co mmunity. He was
met with ridicule and contumely. Again he recommended thesb
subjects for consideration. He was successful; a law was pass-
ed, and the experiments under it have justified his recommenda-
tions, and afford the most gratifying hopes of extensive and per-
manent benefits. The expenses of litigation in our courts of
justice and the improper practices of some who disgraced the
profession of the law, had long been subjects of complaint*
These expenses had constantly increased year after year, and
every new revision of our laws only gave opportunities to in-
crease them still more. He was the first governor of this slat#
who brought those subjects to the notice of the Legislature and'
pointed out the necessity of reform. In doing so, he encounter-
ed the hostility of that part of the profession whose profits were
affected, but he met also with a success which more than com-
pensated that hostility, in the good which it produced to the peo*
pie. The projects of the Erie and northern canals had been sug-
gested by him and others, and a law was passed authorising the
routes to be explored. At this time his old and inveterate ene-
mies identified him with those projects, which they pronounced
chimerical and ridiculous. No effectual steps were taken towards
their completion, until he entered upon the duties of his office.
Life and vigor were then imparted to the system, and one hun-
dred and twenty miles of inland navigation have been finished.
The same enemies now claim to be the warm friends and advo-7
cates of measures, which they either opposed or coldly neglect?
ed; and after having as they supposed added to their party
strengt h Jhy, enlisting the local feelings of those who were oppos-
ed to Canals, they now desert the terms pf the alliance and un-
blushingly claim credit for their friendship.
But the limits of an address forbid the detail of the many mea-
sures which have advanced the reputation, secured the interest
and promoted the prosperity of the State. Indeed the very op-
ponents of the administration in their late address, admit, that it
has been distinguished for the utility of its measures. But while
they make this admission, they seek to detract from its value by
asserting that u it is not to the wisdom of our Chief Magistrate,
but to the felicity of the times, the intelligent views of the peo-
ple and to the ability of the State, that we are to ascribe most of
what has been done in the last three years for our general pros-
perity.5’ What is meant by the “felicity of the times” we,
know not. But if it is intended to be asserted that a change
from a state of war to one of peace, the sudden scarcity of mo
ney and the diminished value of every domestic product, were
propitious to those.schemes for the public welfare which are,
usually produced in long periods of repose, then do we deny the
assertion. And if the views of the people became more intelli-
gent on the subject of internal improvements, we have a right
tp demand, who were most instrumental in producing such a re-
sult? Whatever discordant opinions may be entertained res-
pecting the merits of those-undertakings, one thing is certain ;
that Mr. Clinton at all times and under all circumstances, in pri*
yate life and in public service, has constantly devoted the ener-
gies of his mind, his time and talents for more than thirteen
years past, to obtaining and diffusing information on those sub-
jects. With regard to the ability of the state, a few facts will
prove that to his sagacity and public spirit we are much indebt*
ed for the developement of our strength. In 1807 the public,
debt pf this State amounted to $105,000; in 1817 it had encrea-
sed to $2,905,355, and for the purpose of paying the interest,
a tax of two mills on the dollar on the valuation of all the real
property within the State, was imposed. In Gov. Clinton’s first
speech to the Legislature in 1818, he pointed out a mode of re-
ducing our debt, by selling a quantity of three per cent United
States stocks and by creating a state stock. This was done, the
State gained $12000 by the operation as a premium on the
stock-—the debt was reduced to $1,730.,000, and the tax was
lessened one half,—to one mill on the dollar. If after having
thus effected the reduction in oordebt of more than one million8
erne hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars, and with one
half of the former tax, the state had yet sufficient “utility” to
complete one hundred and twenty miles of internal navigation ;
surely nothing but the blind spirit of party could refuse a grate-
ful applause to the wisdom that discerned and the energy which
executed such noble schemes for the welfare of the State. To
be satisfied that the statements we have given you are perfectly
correct, you have only to refer to the Comptroller’s reports for
the years 1807, 1817 and 1819. This reduced tax is still con»
tinued for the payment of the interest of the debt, to which the
faith of the State is pledged. And this easy tax, whilst it fulfils
our public engagements affords the basis of the almost unboun-
ded credit of the State. Such is the confidence of your own
fellow citizens and of strangers, in the management of your fis-
cal concerns, thatthey bid against each other for the privilege
of lending to you, and actually pay yoa a premium for the loans
they make. That the same devotion to the public welfare, the
same desire to improve your finances and relieve you from tax-
ation, continue to animate your State administration, is proved
by the recent recommendation of the Executive to reduce the ex-
penses of Government, and the salaries of its officers, and to
shorten the session of the Legislature. That the latter object
has not been accomplished, is attributable to causes over which
the Governor and we could have no control. A tedious enqui-
ry was set on foot by' our opponents, and it has answered
the purpose of procrastinating the" session. Pursuant to those
recommendations, the governbr’s salary has been reduced two
thousand dollars, and retrenchments have been made in the pub-
lic expenditure and in the compensation of officers, by which a
saving to the State has been made of twenty seven thousand se-
ven hundred dollars annually. For ourselves we claim no me-
rit in adopting those recommendations.*—The pressure upon the
community required them, our constituents demanded them and
we approved them. But we ask you whether another instance
is to be found in the history of this or any 'Other government,
where the political party in power have been the first to propose
and agree to a reduction of their own official emoluments ? And
with regard to our own compensation, it is our determination to
reduce the wages which have been allowed for several years past,
and if we are successful, an additional saving to the people of
fifteen
made.
Indeed, Fellow-Citizens, it is remarkable, that a party should
be arrayed against any administration, whose measures bid de-
thousand eight hundred dollars and perhaps more will be9
fence to the most rigid scrutiny, whose policy is acknowledged
to be enlightened and beneficial, and whose system extorts the
unwilling applause even of its enemies. So far from any dilap-
idations having been committed on your treasury, a strict ac-
countability has been enforced ; every effort has been made to
compel former defaulters to render justice to the state, and the
improvement of your finances has been the necessary resulr.
Men, who pay taxes, do these facts furnish no ground for your
support of such an administration ?
But it is alleged, that in the pursuit of this enlightened policy,
party interests have been forgotten, and men whose chief merit
consisted in empty professions and noisy clamors, have not
been promoted to office. If indeed it be true, that the interests
of any party, are invaded by promoting of the welfare of the
whole community, and that it cannot exist without excluding
from the public service, all the talent, virtue, and patriotism,
which may not be ranged under its banners,—then do we un-
hesitatingly say, that such a party is a curse to the republic, an<$
that its utter extinction should be the first wish and the greatest
object of every good citizen. But if, as we firmly believe, re-
publicanism consists in a studious, vigorous, and constant effort
to promote the great interests of the whole, without distinction
of rank or wealth, in exertions to diminish public expenditure,
and consequently, public taxation, in a never ceasing vigilance
to defend the liberty of the citizen, and to protect our property
and our rights; then do we challenge for the present adminis-
tration, the proud name of republican. Beware, then, fellow-
citizens, of the attempts made to mislead you by party names 5
they are often the resort of weak minds, or of bad hearts. Look
at things, as they are, and distrust the man who would forbid
the exercise of your understanding, when called on to judge of
the conduct of your rulers, and who would operate on your pas-
sions by pronouncing the shiboleth of party, as if it possessed a
magic potency that would bereave you of sense and memory,
and render you the willing dupes of a demagogue.
Such* fellow-citizens, are some of the reasons which induce
us to declare that we shall support De Witt Clinton for the
office of Governor, at the ensuing election. We have not
united in any Legislative caucus, to nominate candidates. Our
reasons are, that we could not associate with those who had al-
ways heretofore refused submission to the will of the majority,
who, while professing harmony would not consent to any union
but upon the sacrifice of every man who had dared to oppose
the unhallowed dictation of Tammany-Hall; and who in their
21©
invitations to meetings had insulted us by discriminations which
no honorable mind could sanction. Besides, we doubt much
the propriety of an exclusive legislative nomination of candi-
dates for t>e chief magistracy, by persons sent to the Capitol for
other and different purposes. However sanctionedIbyocustom,
in other times, when the discipline of contending parties: requir-
ed them, they are always dangerous, and at the present period
are as unnecessary as they are tnischevious. The spirit of our
institutions is hostile to these attempts, by the combination of a
few leading individuals to control, direct, and overawe the pub-
lic will. For the vindication of our conduct, we confidently
appeal to die impartial sentiments of our constituents. We do
not admit the right of our fellow-members to sit in judgment
upon us, and least of all do we acknowledge their authority to
dismember us from the republican party, and to arrogate to
themselves an appellation which they would prostitute to the
basest purposes of a faction. Such proceedings are of a char-
acter with the origin of their party, and are dictated by the same
spirit which presides over Tammany-Hall;—which while it
dares to denounce men whose whole lives have been devoted
to the republican cause, and whose characters and talents have
Ijiven triumph to principle, and permanence to conquest;—pro-
claims to the most unprincipled of its former opponents, pardon
for the past and rewards for the future, on the sole condition of
unlimited submission to its behests,—ranges under its banners
the most discordant materials, men of conflicting parties, old
enemies, and new converts, and abandoning principle, seeks
its ow n elevation on the ruins of your treasury, and on the wreck
of the first principles of your government.
We deeply lament that while our fellow-members should thus
cling to the name of republicans, they should have so far forgot-
ten the dignity of their stations, and the appearance of impar-
tiality, as to have prematurely prejudged Mr. Tompkins’claims
on the Treasury, by presenting him as a candidate for office,
before those claims had been investigated, before even the com-
mittee of their friends in the Senate, had reported, and before
any opportunity had been given for that calm reflection, which
a subject so deeply interesting to the State demanded at their
hands. It is true this was not done officially, although they
assumed toact in their character of members of the Legislature.
But it would be idle to suppose that men would pledge their
names as mere citizens to the correctness of the conduct of an
officer, and that the same men, at the same time, in their char-
acter of Legislators, would reverse their own decision as indi-
viduals. The trappings of office do not alter the characters of11
men, or alter their opinions. We confess that this proceeding
struck us with amazement; which was increased by ascertain-
ing the fact that forty-two of the persons who thus compromit-
ted themselves were not members of the last Legislature, and
could nor have been even as well acquainted with the merits of the
controversy as their associates. And every subsequent event
which has occurred in relation to those accounts, has convinced
us how difficult it is for men who make up their opinions with-
out examination, to retract those opinions and to publish their
own inconsistency, whatever additional light may be thrown on
the subject.
It is not our intention now to enter into a detail of the merits
of the controversy which has arisen upon those accounts. We
deem it our duty, however, to present you & few facts which
recent developements have established. The report of the
Committee of Ways and Means to the House of Assembly on
that matter, has been the subject of much debate, and no im-
portant fact contained in it, has been in the least discredited.
Other facts have been ascertained since that report was made.
And it is proved, as well as any fact in our history is or can be
established, that Mr. Tompkins is indebted to this State in the
sum of One Hundred and Twenty-five Thousand Six Hundred
and Twenty-nine Dollars and Fifty Cents, for monies which he
drew out of the Treasury for public purposes, but which, there
is no evidence has ever been applied to those purposes, and for
which he has never accounted. He has himself repeatedly ad-
mitted an indebtedness to the amount of one hundred and twen-
ty thousand dollars ; it has been proved by the books of the
Treasury, which exhibit the precise sums drawn by him ; and
although it is now pretended to be denied in genera! terms, yet
no one has had the hardihood to contest the aceuray of those
books, or to point out a single instance of an erroneous charge
against him.
The only attempt to excuse this defalcation is the allegation,
that in the hurry and confusion of the war, regular vouchers
could not be preserved, and that many of those which had been
obtained, were lost by the comptroller, to whom they are said to
have been delivered before the 3d April, 1813. It appears on
examination that thirty-five thousand dollars of this defalcation,
existed before the war commenced, and that sixty-six thousand
two hundred and eleven do /ars and forty-one cents of it, occur-
red in monies drawn from he treasury after October, 1814, ot
course after the period whe rthe vouchers are pretended to have
been lost. So that neiihe, jhe war nor the comptroller, can be12
charged with being the causes of the want of vouchers for those
sums. We cannot believe, therefore, that vouchers to any im-
portant amount, have been lost. And there is not av.,shadow of
foundation for the wanton and cruel charge whiq^Kas been
made against that faithful and independent officer,ifie comp-
troller, that he has suppressed any such vouchers. On the con-
trary there is the strongest reason to believe that not only those
pretended to be lost, but other vouchers to a large amount,
which have been charged to this state, have also been credited
to the late governor at Washington. Many have been detected
already. Mr. Tompkins possesses a list of those which he al-
leges were delivered to the comptroller. He has been challen-
ged to produce that list, and permit a comparison between it
and a statement of bis charges at Washington. He has been
repeatedly invoked by his regard to his own character to bring
it forward. He declines doing so, he refuses to furnish the evi-
dence, which if his allegation was true, must convict the comp-
troller and exonerate himselr; and if his allegation be incorrect,
must entirely acquit that officer ; and he thus exposes himself to
the inference which every intelligent man must draw.
It is perfectly well ascertained that the most important repre-
sentations made to the joint committee at the last session, and
which must have induced the passage of the act for the settle-
ment of the accounts of the late governor, were entirely unfounded.
Thus, it was supposed that the late governor had lost his vou-
chers. We have already shown you how incorrect, was that
idea. It was believed also, that he had sustained heavy
losses on the sale and deposit of treasury notes. But it is now
admitted on all sides that there is but one instance of such a
loss, and in that case, the amount was paid to him by the gene-
ral government, on the 7th day of November, 1816, three years
before that representation was made. And it is no.vy no longer
pretended, by even his adherents, that in a solitary case he
ever lost a single cent. It is impossible, fellow-citizens, that
any of you can have forgotten the appeals which were made to
your sympathies, on this topic during the last summer, and the
impressions which this fancied tale of wrong by the general gov-
ernment, and of suffering by the individual, produced on your
minds. It was also supposed by the last legislature, that Mr.
Tompkins had pledged his personal responsibility, for loans
made in the name and for the benefit of the United States, to
the amount of 1,110,000 dollars. This sum he has himself re-
duced to 1,050,000 dollars. And it appears most conclusively,
that by the greatest latitude of construction, which could possi-13
bly be indulged, there was no such responsibility for seven
hundred thousand dollars of the amount. Equally incorrect
was the representation so manifestly unjust, that the state had
in its possfesSibn the means of compelling the United States to
allow to it‘ whatever sum it should grant to the late governor*
The arms which were said to be in our arsenals, are not there.
We will not enquire whether such a tissue of misrepresentations,
could be the result of mistake or of design. We leave it to the
understandings of all to draw their own inferences.
By virtue of this law, passed under these extraordinary
circumstances, at a late stage of the session and with a precipi-
tancy illy comporting with its importance, Mr. Tompkins now
claims a compensation by way of premium on monies borrowed
for the United States, without the request or authority in any
way of this State. The amount of his claim is intended to cov-
er his defalcation, and if successful, will draw a large surplus
from the treasury. His friends in the Senate have propo-
sed to give him the amount which he is now indebted to
the State, and in addition thereto a sum of more than eleven
thousand dollars. We do not enter into the question how far
the magnanimnity of the State would be justified in allowing
such an amount to be retained out of the Treasury, because we
do not know that we have any right to be magnanimous at your
expense, and we are not certain that it is the proper business
of a Legislature to give away the money of its constituents. It
has been our wish to leave the late Governor with the same ad-
vantages which every other citizen enjoys, of appealing to the
regular and ordinary tribunals of his country for the vindica-
tion of his rights under the law, and we are unwilling to give
him any other or greater privileges than those which the laws of
the Slate confer equally on the rich and the poor—on the
most exalted officer and the humblest citizen. Wretched must
be the condition of that country whose laws can be made to
bend to the power or influence of any maj).
We can not omit the remark, that whether this defalcation of
the late Governor, arises from a misappropriation of the public
money to private uses, or from the pretended loss of vouchers
which however can not be credited until his list of those vouch-
ers is produced, in either case, the individual by whose means
it has occurred, ought not again to be entrusted with the power
of repeating the experiment upon the public indulgence.
His passionate appeals to the public on a subject which ap-
pertained entirely to the legal tribunals or to the Legislature,
his wanton and unprovoked insults upon the judiciary of the state,u
and his recent outrage upon your immediate representatives^
would seem to prove that he has forgotten the duties'of a citizen
tohis Government; and we should apprehend tha^ff In power
he would equally disregard the obligations of S^¥uler to his
fellow citizens.	_
We therefore, cannot concur in the nomination of Mr. Tomp-
kins as a candidate for governor. He expresses himself con-
tented with the situation which he holds in the general govern-
ment, and we can see no reason why he should leave it. Es-
pecially when we recollect that a generous and confiding people,
elected him governor of this state, when he had already accept-
ed a nomination for the vice presidency. He chose to abandon
the concerns of the state for those of the union, and now before
the expiration of the term for which he was elected, he seems
willing to abandon that office for the chief magistracy of this
state. Such vascilating conduct is unworthy the character of an
upright and honourable public officer, and justifies distrust in
his motives and suspicion of his objects.
The charge of coalition with former political Opponents, has
been reiterated with a boldness necessary to give currency to
an assertion totally unfounded in truth. We give a simple, firm
and unequivocal denial to it. And in that denial we pledge our
character to those who have known us for years, and can there-
fore estimate the reliance to be placed upon it. That persons
heretofore known as federalists, have on various occasions
voted with us, is as true as that many of the same description of
persons have also voted with our antagonists. That former
federalists have been appointed to office, is as true as that they
have been elected to honorable stations by our opponents.—
We promise no rewards for adhesion, and we threaten no de-
nunciations for opposition. We leave these means to the very
persons who charge us with coalition. The truth is, that those
who have heretofore called themselves federalists, have divided
in opposition to and in support of the present administration.
We need scarcely warn you against this stale and clumsy arti-
fice of our antagonists, wdio while they are denouncing us for
pretended coalitions with former opponents, are continually en-
ticing those opponents into their own ranks, with splendid prom-
ises of reward, and who boast that their party has become
strengthened by the acquisition of the most violent federalists,dis-
tinguished as much by their hatred of every measure of the gem
eral government, as for their opposition to the late war. Loot
into their ranks in every county of the state, and you will fine
the men of that description, now the most vociferous in claim
ing exclusive republicanism. It is impossible that such grqsfrntonsistencies and such palpable contradictions between the
professions and the conduct of our opponents, can for a moment
deceive the .most unwary.
The pnfsggt Lieutenant Governor, John Tayler, has been
again nqfpjHgted for that office. With a mature understanding
and with the same vigorous intellect which always distinguished
him, this venerable revolutionary patriot, the bosom friend of
George Clinton, has given the last and best sacrifice which he
can offer to the interests of the state, in consenting to be a can-
didate on this momentous occasion. Anxious to retire from
the bustle of public life and to seek that solitude so congenial
to his age, he has yet thought it his duty not to desert the ship
of state which he has so long assisted in guiding, at the moment
when shoals and quicksands appear in view. He has identified
his name and venerated character with the principles of the pre-
sent administration and he who was a whig in 1776, a repub-
lican in 1793, and who has been repeatedly elected to the most
distinguished stations by the republicans of this state, pledges
himself to you and to the world, that the enlightened policy
which he approves and the administration which he supports,
are republican. Is this pledge to be disregarded, and are the
mushroom republicans as they please to call themselves, of yes-
terday’s growth, . to be credited in opposition to this veteran in
the cause, this father in the party ? This is probably the last
occasion in which we shall have an opportunity to give to this
venerable sage, the only evidence of public esteem which he
can receive. Familiar with every minute fact in our history,
faithful in the discharge of the duties of a commissioner of the
land office and of the canal fund, and able and impartial in the
chair of the Senate, these considerations were not sufficient with
our opponents to outweigh what they deem a deadly sin, in re-
fusing to yield to the dictation and denunciation of Tammany
Hall. He has dared to resist that tyranny as he did that of
George the 3d, and the consequence is, that he too is proscribed
and denounced ; and the political axe has been raised to termi-
nate his official existence. We trust in your virtue and inde-
pendence, that this victim at least, will not be offered up on the
altar of the self-created political club which disgraces our state*
No, fellow-citizens, we are confident that you need only to be
apprised of your enemy, to be prepared to meet him ; we know
that there is a redeeming spirit in the state which will come
forth in majesty and in strength,-^-which will set bounds to
usurpation, whether it be attempted by a single tyrant or by
a club of tyrants : and which spurning the dictation which we10
have depicted, will roll backt,upon its authors, the indignation
of an enlightened and a virtuous people, and will consign them
to that obscurity where only they can be harmless., Then, re-
leased from a domestic foe which has long distracted and divid-
ed, that it might rule us, united within our borderland contend-
ing only who shall be most useful in promoting the interests of
this great state, with a wise, prudent, and economical adminis-
tration, happy in ourselves and contented with our rulers, under
the smiles of a beneficent Providence, we shall go on in the
march to wealth and prosperity, and shall attain that station
among our sister states, to which our population, our resources,
our territory, and our character entitle us.
Senate-Chamber, April 4, 1820.
LEVI ADAMS,	ISAAC ELTING,
GAMALIEL H. BARSTOW,	ELIAL T. FOOTE,
THOMAS FROTHINGHAM,	OLIVER FORWARD,
GIDEON GRANGER,	NORMAN FOX,
JABEZ D. HAMMOND,	LAWRENCE GROSS,
EPHRAIM HART,	JOHN HARING,
JOHN LOUNSBURY,	JACOB HEES,
DUNCAN MARTIN, Jr.	HEMAN HICKOCK,
LYMAN PAYNE,	JAMES HILL,
WILLIAM ROSS,	JOHN HOFFNAGLE,
GEORGE ROSECRANTZ,	HUDSON JENNINGS,
WILLIAM ALLEN,	JOHN KIRTLAND,
DAVID AUSTIN,	ROBERT M‘KAY,
PELEG BRAGG,	NATHANIEL MERRIAM,
SAMUEL CALDWELL,	JEDEDIAH MILLER,
HERMAN CAMP,	JOHN MILLER,
SETH CHASE,	PLATT NEWCOMB,
FITCH CHIPMAN,	JOSHUA PHILLIPS,
BILLY J. CLARKE,	CHARLES H. RUGGLES,
WILLARD COYE,	JOHN C. SPENCER,
CLARK CRANDALL,	PETER SWART, Jr.
SAMUEL DILL,	JOHN VAN FOSSEN,
JOHN DOW,	JOSEPH YORK,