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NARRATIVE
OF THE EXPEDITION OF
THE MARQUIS DE NONVILLE,
AGAINST
THE SENECAS,
IN
16 87,
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY NOTICE AND NOTES.
BY
t
• ORSAMUS II. MARSHALL.INTRODUCTION
The following Journal of the Expedition of the Marquis De Non-
yille against the Senecas, was communicated by him to the French
Government, in the month of October, 1687. It was copied from
the original in the archives of the Marine Department in France,
under the supervision of J. Romeyn Brodhead, Esq., the agent sent
to Europe by the state of New York, to procure documents relating
to its early history.
The copy, of which the following is a translation, may be found
among the “ Paris Documents,” deposited in the State Department
at Albany. It has never been published before, either in the orig-
inal French or in English.
The Baron, La Hontan, who travelled extensively along the
Northern Lakes, near the close of the 17th century, was in the ex-
pedition, and has given a brief account of it in his “ Travels,” a
translation of which will be found in the appendix.
Colden, in his History of the Five Nations, and Smith, in his
History of New York, each give an account of the incursion, in
which they follow La Hontan almost verbatim.
The Journal of De Nonville will be found to be a minute diary
of what transpired from the commencement to the close of the ex-
pedition, and corrects many of the errors into which the above
named historians have fallen.
The Marquis was a colonel in the French dragoons, and suc-
ceeded M. De La Barre, in the year 1685, as Governor General of
Canada, or New France, as it was then called. The age and in-
firmities of M. De La Barre, and the unfortunate result of the ex-
pedition he undertook against the Iroquois, in which he was so sig-
nally overmatched by the shrewdness and eloquence of the famous152
DE nonville’s EXPEDITION.
Gazangula* at La Famine, or Hungry Bay, induced the French
Government to recall him, and to send in his place a man, who,
according to the testimony of Charlevoix, was equally esteemed for
his valor, his wisdom and his piety.
When the new Governor assumed the direction of affairs in the
Province, he found it necessary to restrain the ferocity, and curb
the pride of the Iroquois, who maintained atone of insolent defiance
towards the colony. To accomplish this purpose, he resolved upon
an expedition to lay waste the fields and destroy the villages of the
Senecas, then located near the Genesee river, and to construct a
fort at the mouth of the Niagara, which in connection with Fort
Catarocouy ,f would not only hold that warlike tribe in check, but
give the French complete command of the Lakes, and of the valua-
ble fur trade which was then an object of contention between them
and the English.
At this period, the northern, middle and western parts of the state
of New York were a howling wilderness, and the Five Nations
ranged their hunting grounds in unmolested freedom.
The English claimed jurisdiction over them as subjects of the
crown, and information in regard to the hostile preparations of the
French, was soon carried by the watchful Iroquois to the ears of
Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York. The latter immediately
wrote to the Marquis De Nonville, that from the great collection of
provisions at Catarocouy, the Iroquois were persuaded an attack
was meditated against them—that they were subjects of the crown
of England, and any injury to them would be an open infraction of
the peace which existed between their two Kings. He also stated
that he understood the French intended to construct a fort at Ni*
agara, which astonished him exceedingly, as no one could be igno-
rant, that it lay within the jurisdiction of New-York.
M. De Nonville replied to this letter, that the Iroquois feared
chastisement, because they knew they deserved it; that the pro-
visions collected at Catarocouy were required for the large garri-
son necessarily kept at that point5—that the pretensions of England
to the lands of the Iroquois were unfounded, as the French had taken
* His name is thus written by La Hontan. It appears to be a corruption of
the French words La Grande Gueule, or “ the big mouth,” by which he was
known to the French. This noted chief was a Seneca, and was called by his
people Haaskouan.
t Now Kingston.INTRODUCTION.
153
possession of them long before there was an Englishman in New
York. He further stated, that while their Kings and masters were
living in perfect amity, it would be unwise for their Lieutenant
Generals to embroil themselves in war.
It does not appear that Colonel Dongan took any measures to
counteract the designs of De Nonville, except by giving warning to
the Iroquois of their impending danger, and by supplying them with
arms and ammunition.
It not being known upon which of the tribes the blow would
fall, no effectual measures could be taken to avert it. As the se-
quel proved, the French kept their own counsel, and made their
attack at a point which had hitherto escaped invasion.
It will appear from the Journal, that the first open act of hostility
committed by the French, was the seizure of a number of the
Iroquois, including some chiefs, at Catarocouy, and in their villages
in its vicinity.
To lure them within his power, De Nonville made use' of the
influence of the Jesuit Father Lamberville, who acted in ignorance
of his design. They were seized for the alleged purpose of prevent-
ing them from communicating intelligence to their tribes of the
movements of the French.
News of the seizure soon reached the Onondagas, among whom
Father Lamberville was then residing as a missionary, and for
whose safety much solicitude was entertained.
The chiefs immediately assembled in council, and sending for
the Father, related the above transaction with all the energy which
a just indignation could arouse, and while he expected to feel the
full effects of the rage which he saw depicted in every countenance,
one of the old men unexpectedly addressed to him the following re-
markable language, as related by Lamberville himself:
“ It cannot be denied,” says he, “ that many reasons authorise us
to treat you as an enemy, but we have no inclination to do so. We
know you too well not to be persuaded that your heart has taken
no part in the treachery of which you have been the instrument, and
we are not so unjust as to punish you for a crime of which we be-
lieve you innocent, which you undoubtedly detest as much as we
do, and for having been the instrument of which we are satisfied
you are now deeply grieved. It is not proper, however, that you
should remain here. All will not, perhaps, render you the justice
which we accord, and when once our young men shall have sung
SECOND SERIES, VOE. II.	11154
de nonville’s expedition*.
their war song, they will look upon you only as a traitor, who has
delivered over our chiefs to a cruel and ignoble slavery* They
>> will listen only to their own rage, from which we will then be un-
able to save you.”
Having said this, they obliged him to leave immediately, and
furnished guides to conduct him, by a safe route, who did not leave
him until he was out of danger.
It appears from a speech of Colonel Dongan, delivered at a
council held with the Five Nations, at Albany, soon after the expe-
dition of De Nonville, that Lamberville gave immediate notice to
the French Governor of all communications and propositions which
were made to the Onondagas by the English, one of the letters,
which he had entrusted to an Indian, having been intercepted and
carried to Colonel Dongan.
De Nonville’s plans and arrangements seem to have been judi-
ciously conceived. His army was well supplied with the neces-
sary provisions and munitions of war, and commanded by able of-
ficers. So perfectly were his orders obeyed, that his own army,
and the reinforcements from Niagara which he had directed to meet
him, arrived simultaneously at the outlet of Irondequoit bay, a co-
incidence which his savage allies considered ominous of the success
of the expedition.
Some difference of opinion has existed as to the precise point
where the battle between the French and Senecas occurred.
Col. Stone, late editor of the New York Commercial Advertiser,
and William H. C. Hosmer, Esq., author of “ Yonnondio,” a poem
of which the expedition of De Nonville is the theme, locate the place
near West Avon, on the eastern banks of the Genesee. Governor
Clinton, in his Discourse on the Iroquois, published among the Col-
lections of the New York Historical Society,* states that “ the place
on which the battle was fought, was formerly owned by Judge
Porter, of Grand Niagara. On ploughing the land, three hundred
hatchets and upwards of three thousand lbs. of old iron were found,
being more than sufficient to defray the expense of clearing it.”
The field referred to by Governor Clinton, was located about six
miles northeast of Avon, and half a mile west of the Honeoye Falls.
At the time of the first settlement of the Genesee country, it exhib-
ited conclusive evidence of having been the site of a large Indian
* Voi. II. p. 67.INTRODUCTION.
155
village. Judge Porter became the owner of the tract in 1795, and
in 1800 ploughed a field of forty acres and sowed it with wheat.
An Indian burying ground was embraced within its limits, and so
uneven was the ground, occasioned by the numerous graves, that
they were compelled to level it with the spade before the teams
could pass over it. In ploughing the whole field, they turned up
hatchets, gun barrels and locks, lead, and pieces of brass kettles,
weighing in all about one thousand pounds. Around the graves
were beds of ashes, and small mounds of black earth, such as are
formed near dwellings by the accumulation of chips. From these
indications, Governor Clinton was led to conclude it was on this
spot that the French army was met by the Senecas.
Not being able to reconcile either of the foregoing locations with
the account given by De Nonville, and as the villages he visited
had long been abandoned, and their names had ceased to be used
at the time of the settlement of the Genesee country, it became im-
possible to ascertain their locality, without recourse to the descen-
dants of the tribe by whom they had been inhabited.
Although the Senecas have long since yielded to the white man
the beautiful valley of the Genesee, and the fertile fields they ranged
so long, still many of their old men are now living, who, having
hunted over that territory in their youth, possess an intimate know-
ledge of its topography, and have treasured up many stories and
traditions connected with the lakes and streams, valleys and hills
which diversify its surface. The principal part of the tribe are
now concentrated on the Cattaraugus reservation, about thirty miles
southwest of the city of Buffalo. The remainder are located on the
Tonnewanda and Alleghany reservations.
It was considered an interesting subject of inquiry, whether any,
and if so, how correct an account of De Nonville’s Expedition had
been handed down among the traditions of that people, and inqui-
ries were first made for that purpose among the old men residing
on the Cattaraugus reservation. The result was altogether un-
satisfactory. It seemed to have almost faded from the memory of
the nation during the lapse of less than two centuries. One old
man who appeared familiar with the topography of the country in
question, related a tradition which undoubtedly refers to the French
invasion. It is incorrect, however, in most particulars, but as an
interesting specimen of Indian narration, it is presented to the read-
er, in the style in which it was communicated. The speaker had156	DE nonville’s expedition.
never heard of De Nonville’s expedition, except from the oral an-
nals of his nation.
On being asked if a French army had ever invaded the territory
of the Senecas, he immediately, in a very animated manner, related
the following tradition, which he said had been handed down among
his family connexions, who had resided near where the events oc-
curred.
“ A long while ago, perhaps almost two hundred years, a large
army of French came into the bay and landed at O-nyiu-da-on'-da-
gwat.* There were several vessels full of soldiers, perhaps as
many as ten, but the exact number I do not recollect. At first they
traded peaceably with our people, but soon it was discovered that
they were intending war. Our warriors were all absent, fighting
with the Gwah'-gwah-ge-o-noll, in the country between the head
waters of the Eighteen-mile Creek and the Alleghany river. Only
the old men, too old to fight, and the young men, too young to go to
war, and the women and children were at home. Of these there
was a vast multitude, for the population of their chief town, Ga-
o-sa-eh'-ga-aali, was so great, that a kernel of corn for each person
made a quantity sufficient to fill five vessels containing one gallon
each. As soon as the old chief learned that the French were in a
hostile attitude, he said,4 We shall die now, for our warriors are not
here to defend us, but let us do what we can to help ourselves.’
They then collected all the boys who were big enough to handle
the club, and went to a place where the cliffs shut in the valley of
the Genesee, into a long defile through which they perceived the
enemy intended to pass. Here they sat down under the cliffs, two
deep, and kept concealed until the front of the enemy were just
passing out of the defile. They then rose with a yell which was
answered by the French. A desperate conflict ensued. The In-
dians had no arrows, nothing but the war club. The French army
was so long, that the rear reached back almost to the harbor. They
rushed on. The dead fell in heaps—at length the French gave
way, fled to their vessels, and left the country. Their rout was
complete and effectual. Their bones filled the defile and whitened
all the valley, like the seeds where a heap of pumpkins have been
broken or rotted on the ground. This the boys accomplished with
their clubs, under the direction of the old chief, in the absence of
the warriors.”
* Irondequoit bay. See note page 176.INTRODUCTION.
157
Tit'-ho-yoh', the interpreter, who is called. William Jones by the
whites, married a relative of Red Jacket and knew him intimately.
He states that the chief often mentioned, that when a boy, he used
to hear the old men speak of a large party of.French soldiers, who
penetrated the Indian country along the Genesee, to a place called
in the Seneca language Sgoh'-sa-is'-thali. He did not admit, how-
ever, that the Indians suffered any serious defeat, which may be
readily accounted for, from the known fact, that they seldom speak
of disastrous occurrences, with which any mortifying recollections
are associated. Red Jacket was misinformed as to the route pur-
sued by the French, as will fully appear in the sequel.
In the course of the inquiries made among the Senecas on the
Cattaraugus reservation, frequent reference was made by them to
Dyu-neiho-gaah'-wah,* the principal chief of the Tonewandas, who
is better known to the whites by the name of John Blacksmith. He
hunted in his youth over the country embraced within the limits of
the present counties of Monroe, Livingston and Ontario, and thus
acquired an intimate knowledge of the old Indian localities. This,
added to a remarkable memory for one of his age, rendered it
probable that he was possessed of the desired information. An in-
terview was accordingly had with him at his residence on the banks
of the Tonewanda, and much interesting information was obtained.
Without apprising him of the object of the inquiry, he was asked if
lie had ever heard that a French army penetrated the Genesee
country in olden time ? In answer to which he related the follow-
ing tradition.
About four generations ago, a French army landed secretly and
unexpectedly at a place called by the Senecas Gan-nye-o-dat'-haR,
which is a short distance from the head of O-nyiu'-da-on'-da-gwat',
or Irondequoit Bay, as it is called by the whites. They immedi-
ately marched into the interior towards the ancient village of the
Senecas, called Ga-o-sa-eR'-gl, aaR, following the main beaten path
which led directly to that place.
As soon as the Indians residing at the village received intelli-
gence of their approach, they sent news to the inhabitants of the
neighboring town of GaR-a'-yan-duk. On being reinforced by them
* The meaning of this name is, " at the open door” it being the title of the
sachem whose station is at the western door of the “ Long House” of the Six Na-
tions, and has been applied to Blacksmith, since the deposition and death of Lit-
tle Johnson.158
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION.
they met the French as they advanced towards the former village,
and a severe battle ensued. On account of their inferior numbers,
the Indians were defeated, and fled to a village then located near
the foot of Canandaigua Lake. The French advanced, burned
the village, and laid waste the adjacent cornfields. As soon as
they had accomplished the above object, they retraced their steps
towards the landing. Runners having been despatched by the
Senecas to their principal towns, to give notice of the presence of
the enemy, a large force was soon collected to defend the village,
and capture the French. When they reached Ga-o-sa-eh'-ga aah,
nothing remained of that village but its smoking ruins. They im-
mediately pursued the French, and arrived at the bay a short time
too late. The expedition had left the shore and were not yet out
of sight.
The place where the battle occured was near a small stream
with a hill on one side, and was long known to the Senecas by the
name of Dya-go-di'-yu, or “ the 'place of a battle”
For the purpose of identifying this point, a map of the country
overrun by the French, on which the lakes, rivers, and creeks were
correctly delineated, was laid before the chief, on which he was
requested to designate the battle field. After examining it atten-
tively for a short time, during which he recognised the various
places with which he had become familiar in his youthful rambles,
his finger rested upon a point near the present village of Victor, in
the County of Ontario, about ten miles north-west of Canandaigua.
As this was an unlooked for location, it having been generally sup-
posed that the engagement took place either in the vicinity of Avon,
or between that village and Irondequoit Bay, Blacksmith was
questioned particularly upon the subject, and found to be very
positive as to the locality. Although his knowledge is derived only
from tradition, the peculiar facilities he has possessed for obtaining
correct information, entitle him to much credit. His ancestors re-
sided at Ga-o-sa-e]l'-ga aah, the village nearest the battle ground,
and it was natural that they should transmit to their descendants
an accurate account of the disasters they experienced from such
unusual occurrences, as the invasion of their territory by the
French, and the destruction of one of their principal villages.
The Etymology of the name, Ga-o-sa-efr'-ga-aali, as explained
by Blacksmith, will also throw some light upon the identity of this
place. He says that the whole village was supplied by one spring,160
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION.
on the south part of the great lot number four, in the same town,
that, by reason of the scarcity of iron in the new settlements at that
early period, it became an important acquisition for the supply of
the blacksmith shop. Thousands of graves were then to be seen,
many of which are yet visible, and rude implements, of savage
construction, are often found on opening them. On the site of the
old village, large quantities of charred corn have, been turned up
by the plough, showing that the village was destroyed by fire.
The precise place where the battle occurred, is a short distance
west of the present village of Victor, on the north-eastern edge
of a large swamp, and on the northerly side of a stream now call-
ed Great Brook. On the first settlement of the country, it was
partly covered with a thick growth of timber, and dense under-
brush, forming a very advantageous place for an Indian ambus-
cade. It is about a mile and a quarter north-west of the site of
the old Indian village on Boughton’s Hill, called by De Nonville
“ Gannagaro,” which is a Mohawk word.
Its identity with Ga-o-sa-efr'-g^ agdMhe Seneca name of the same
village, as given by Blacksmith, is not obvious, but the changes
which the former has undoubtedly undergone in receiving its
French dress, may possibly account for the discrepance. That
both names refer to the same place, there can be no doubt.
Wentworth Greenhalp, in his journal of a u voyage from Albany
to the Indians in 1677,” says that“ the Seneca village, Canagorah,
is situated on the top of a great hill, much like that at Onondaga.”
This description corresponds with the situation of the old village
on Boughton Hill.
The “ Fort,” mentioned by De Nonville, “ of eight hundred
paces in circumference, and situated on a very advantageous
height, distant half a league from Gannagaro,” is still an object of
much interest to the antiquarian. Although the plough has level-
led its trenches, and nearly obliterated the evidences of its former
occupancy, enough remains to identify the spot. The same solita-
ry spring referred to by De Nonville, as the only one by which the
fort was supplied, still oozes from the declivity of the hill, a living
witness of the locality. The height on which the fort was situated,
is about a mile and a quarter westerly from the site of Gannagaro,
a wide valley intervening. It has long been known by the name
of “ Fort Hill,” among the inhabitants in its vicinity. Its summit
is perfectly level, embracing an area of about forty acres. ItsINTRODUCTION.
159
which issued from the side of a hill. To procure the water more
conveniently, the Indians made troughs or conductors of basswood
bark, which, when stripped from the tree, curls readily into the
proper shape, and with these they conducted the water to a point
where it could be caught in their vessels.
The fact that this was the only spring in the vicinity, gave pro-
minence to the use of the basswood bark, and hence, according to
the Indian custom, arose the name, Ga-6-sa-eh. ga aah., or the bass-
wood bark lies there.
On the western declivity of the hill on which the village was
situated, now called Boughton’s Hill, is a spring which was known
to the earliest settlers.
For many years after the first settlement of the town of Victor
by the whites, a plain and deep path was to be seen leading from
the site of the Indian village to the spring in question. The Indian
trail leading from Irondequoit bay to the same village, being the
one pursued by the French, was also then distinctly visible.
The distance of the battle field from the mouth of Irondequoit Bay,
agrees with that given by the Baron La Hontan, who calls it seven
leagues, or twenty-one miles, though distances given under the cir-
cumstances in which the Baron was placed, are not always relia-
ble, and are generally overstated.
On making inquiry of some of the first settlers of the town of
Victor, residing in the vicinity of the point indicated by Blacksmith,
it was ascertained that a tradition of a great battle between the
French and Senecas at that place, was still current among them.
One individual stated, that about fifty years ago, Captain Brandt,
the celebrated Mohawk Chief, while on his way to his residence in
Canada, stopped at Boughton’s Hill, then called Castle Hill, and
went out with Mr. Boughton and others, to view the “old French
battle ground,”—that the place which he pointed out has ever since
been thus designated by the inhabitants. Brandt further stated,
that his grandfather piloted the French and Indians from the mouth
of Irondequoit bay to the Indian village.
There are now many indications of the former existence of ex-
tensive Indian settlements in the town of Victor, above mentioned,
within the circuit of three miles, and Indian hatchets, gun locks of
rude construction, gun barrels, beads, pieces of brass kettles, stone
pipes, &c. &c., have been frequently found. So great a quantity
of gun barrels, hatchets, &c., were many years ago ploughed upINTRODUCTION •
161
eastern and southern declivity is quite precipitous, along the top of
which a trench was visible for many years after the first settle-
ment of the country. A deep path led from the southeast angle
of the fort toi the spring in question, and was probably protected
by the “ advanced entrenchment,” mentioned by De Nonville.
The Senecas called the fortification, Gafr&'-yan-duk, which means
literally, “ there was a fort there.”
Three other villages were also visited by the French expedition,
to wit: Gan-no-ga-rae, Totiakto and Gannounata. The first is
described as being a short league from Gannagaro. It must have
been situated southerly from that place, as numerous indications
of an ancient Indian village in that vicinity existed at the first set-
tlement of the country. The only one which answers to De Non-
ville’s description, is Chi'-nos-hahZ-geh, which was located in the
north-east part of the present town of East Bloomfield, about three
and one half miles south-east of Boughton’s Hill, near where the
old Indian trail crossed Mud Creek. Its name and location is well
preserved by Indian tradition. When first discovered by the
whites, this site bore many evidences of former Indian occupancy,
and there is but little doubt that the Gannogarae of De Nonville,
was at this point.
To-ti-ak-to is described as a large village, four leagues, or
twelve miles, from Gannagaro. On searching for a village about
that distance, it was ascertained that one of considerable impor-
tance formerly existed in the north-eastern-most bend of the
Honeoye outlet, near West Mendon, in Monroe County. This
village is called by Blacksmish, De-yu'-di-haak'-doh, which he
says, signifies “ the bend,” from its location in a bend of the
Honeoye. Its site is just eleven miles from Gannagaro. Its iden-
tity with To-ti-ak-to, will be perceived, whe n t is remembered that
the French, in spelling Indian words, change d to tf and often
omit the y when it comes before a vowel. They also, seldom, if
ever, insert the nasal sounds of the vowels. The distance of this
village from Gannagaro, corresponds with sufficient exactness with
the four leagues given by De Nonville.
The distance which the expedition travelled in returning from
To-ti-ak-to, to the point where they landed, is stated by De Non-
ville at eight leagues. He undoubtedly pursued a somewhat cir-
cuitous route on his return, in order the more effectually to lay162
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION.
waste the fields of the Senecas. The distance may thus have been
easily increased to eight leagues.
As a further evidence that the To-ti-ak-to, mentioned by De
Nonville, and the De-yu'-di-haak'-doh of Blacksmith, refer to the
same village, it may be mentioned, that Mr. Greenhalp, in his
journal above quoted, mentions “ Ti-o-te-hat-ton,” as a Seneca vil-
lage lying to the westward of Canagorah, “ near the river Ti-o-te-
hat-ton, which signifies99 “ lending 99 The resemblance in ortho-
graphy of the last name, with that given by De Nonville, and its
similarity in meaning with the name given by Blacksmith, refer
both to the same locality.
The remaining village mentioned by De Nonville as Gannou-
nata, two leagues from To-ti-ak-to, has not been positively identi-
fied. There was a village about two miles south-east of East
Avon, at the source of the small stream which empties into the
Conesus, near Avon Springs. This place was called by the Sen-
ecas “ Dyu-do'o-sot,” from its location “ atthe Spring.” Seneca tra-
dition has not preserved the name or location of any other village
that answers so well to De Nonville’s description of Gannounata,
and it is quite probable that this is the identical site.
The Baron La Hontan, in his account of the expedition before
referred to, gives the names of two of the villages visited by the
French as “ The-ga-ron-hies,” and “ Da-non-ca-ri-ta-rui,” the for-
mer being the same village visited by Father Hennepin in 1679,
eight years previous. Neither of these names are mentioned by
De Nonville, and there seemed to be a discrepance wholly irrecon-
cilable. It is very probable, however, that they are intended for
two high Seneca Sachems of the Snipe Clan, called in the Seneca
dialect, “ De-ga o-yes,” and “ Ga-noli'-ga-ilx'-da-wili.” They were
very distinguished men, and when the names of the villages were
sought for, they were probably described to La Hontan as the re-
sidences of the above named chiefs. It is remarkable that La
Fiteau, in describing the Indian custom of “ calling their lands af-
ter their own names,” adduces the name of this identical chief as
an example.
“ Parmi les Tsonnontouans, Tsonnonkeritaoui et Teionninnoka-
raouen, sont des noms affectez au pays, et a quelques-uns des
Chefs, particulierment a celui qui est le maitre du village.” La
Fiteau Mceurs des Sauvages. T. II. p. 172.
It is very probable that the names mentioned by La Hontan,INTRODUCTION.
163
were given to the two chiefs in commemoration of their exploits,
for at the commencement of the war between the Iroquois and the
Adirondacks or Algonkins, it was agreed, that the clan which
should cross the lake seven times, and return with the trophies of
victory, should be entitled to the highest honors.
The Snipes under these two Sachems accomplished this feat,
and their names, like official titles among civilized nations, have
been transmitted to their successors, who are invested, even at the
present day, with something of the glory of their predecessors.
It may also be stated in this connexion, that Father Gamier,
who was long a missionary among the Iroquois, being found in
one of their villages by Hennepin in his embassy to the Senecas
in 1679, mentions a Seneca Chief by the name of Shon-non-ke-ri-
ta-oui,* and in writing from the Seneca Country in 1672, he calls
the same chief On-non-ken-ri-ta-oui, and says “ he is the most dis-
tinguished chief of the Senecas,”*)*
At the period of De Nonville’s invasion, the Iroquois were com-
posed of five nations only, the Tuscaroras not having as yet been
received into the confederacy. The French Jesuits, who visited
them at an early day, and established missions in their principal
villages, designated the respective cantons by the following names :
Mohawk,
Oneida,
Onondaga,
Cayuga,
Seneca,
Anniegu^.
Onneiout.
Onnontagu6.
Oioguen.
Sonnontouan.
Father Le Mercier states that in 1665, the Mohawks numbered
3 or 400 warriors, the Oneidas 140, the Onondagas 300, the
Cayugas 300, and the Senecas 1200, making 2340 men, capable
of carrying on war.J
In 1667, Colonel Courcey, agent for Virginia, estimated the
number of warriors belonging to the Five Nations as follows.
Mohawks,	300	Cayugas, 300
Oneidas,	200	Senecas,	1,000
Onondagas, 350	-------
Total,	2,150§
* La Fiteau, T. iii. p. 159.
t Relation, 1664—5. p. 45.
t Relation, 1671—2. p. 84.
§ Chalmers’ Political Annals, p, 606.'04.
164
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION.
These two estimates differ but little from that of De Nonville,
who gives their number at 2000. Taking both for a basis, the
whole population must have exceeded 7000 souls.
The French gained little honor and no advantage in their expe-
dition. Their inefficiency disgusted their Indian allies, one of
whom, an Ottawa, said they were only fit to make war oh Indian
corn and bark canoes.
The writer cannot conclude without acknowledging the many
obligations he is under to the Rev. Asher \Vright, of the Cattar-
augus Mission, for the information which his critical knowledge
of the Seneca language enabled him to supply, particularly in re-
gard to the orthography and meaning of the Indian geographical
terms noticed on the map.
Also to the Hon. Augustus Porter, of Niagara Falls, one of the
early pioneers of Western New York, who communicated some
valuable details respecting the topography of that part of the Gen-
esee country embraced within the operations of De Nonville.
Acknowledgments are also due to Messrs Dwyer, Aylworth, and
•Moore, of Victor, in Ontario County, for interesting information,
and local traditions, which their early residence in that region ena-
bled them to furnish.
Buffalo, Oct. 1847.THE MARQUIS 1)E NONVILLE’S JOURNAL
OF HIS EXPEDITION AGAINST THE SONNONTOUANS,* ENEMIES OF THE FRENCH COLONY,
UNDERTAKEN BY ORDER OF THE KING.
The strength of the enemy consists in the firm union
which exists among the five great Cantons of the Iroqouis
nation, each of which is in many respects dependent on
the rest. They number altogether more than two thousand
armed men, capable of carrying on war, and for many
years have been held in such dread by all the nations
of North America, that we expected every day to see all
the savager allies and friends of the Colony join them,
through fear of so formidable an enemy.
The above reasons, and also because religion, through
the opposition of these enemies, has made no progress for a
long time, induced the King to send me orders to wage war
against them.
We were all winter getting ready for that purpose, and
providing ourselves with everything necessary for an enter-
prise so arduous by reason of the remoteness of the
enemy, and the difficult navigation of the river St. Law-
rence, (which, for the space of thirty leagues, is full of cas-
cades, waterfalls, and rapids,) and also of the great Lake
Ontario, a sea of two hundred leagues in circumference, on
which violent and frequent winds prevail.
These cantons of the enemy are situated on the south
side of said Lake, widely separated from each other, and
surrounded with small lakes, swramps, woods, and rivers.
They are at unequal distances from Lake Ontario, so that
one cannot reach them, except by land through the forests,
carrying his provisions on his back during all the time he is
compelled to be away from said Lake.
In aid of the prosecution of this war, we resolved to place
in security the post of Catarocouy,f which is a small re-
* The Senecas were so called by the French.
t Fort Catarocouy, or “ Cadaracqui,” as the English called it, was built by the166	bfc KONVILL^S EXPEDITION
doubt built by M. de Frontenac, at the foot of Lake On-
tario.
This plan is also necessary for the establishment of a
magazine, and for the security of three barks, which were
in very bad condition. Two of them were built for the
Sieur de La Salle, for the fur trade on said Lake, and the
third by M. de la Barre, for the service of the King.
During all the summer of the preceding year, I was
very desirous of establishing a magazine of provisions and
munitions at that place, but was restrained from doing so,
through fear of alarming those barbarians, who, incited
and instigated by the English to make war upon us, in or-
der to obtain control of the fur trade, were at that time on
the point of falling upon the colony. They would undoubt-
edly have done so, had it not been for the care and shrewd-
ness of the Reverend Father de Lamberville, a Jesuit mis-
sionary in one of their villages, who by his influence,
averted the storm which would have been the more fatal,
from our being unprepared to protect ourselves against their
incursions. We were daily on the eve of great misfortunes.
But Heaven ordered it otherwise, since it willed that we
should ourselves be the assailants.
Thus all the last summer was passed in negotiations,
which terminated in an agreement that both parties should
meet at Catarocouy, to take measures for the conclusion
of a general peace. But the pride of that nation, accus-
tomed to see others yield to its tyranny, and the insult which
they have continued to heap both upon the French and on
our savage allies, have induced us to believe there is no use
in negotiating with them but with arms in our hands, and
we have all winter been preparing to pay them a visit.
After the ice thawed in the spring, we determined to send
flour to Catarocouy, with the bark canoes we were able to
collect, and urged the habitans to hasten the sowing of their
seed, that they might be ready to march with the eight hun-
dred troops which have been in the country for two years.
The levies upon our habitans amounted to eight hundred
men, besides more than a hundred of the most skilful, des-
tined for an escort.
The first mustering of the habitans from the environs of
Count de Frontenac, in 1673, as a check upon the Iroquois, and was for a long
time called after his name. It was situated near the present city of Kingston,
in Canada West. In 1678, it was rebuilt by La Salle, with stone, in the form of
a square, flanked by four bastions. It was about three-fourths of a mile in cir-
cumference.A8AIN9T THE SENECAS.
167
Quebec, took place on the 24th day of May, but being de-
layed for eight days by a furious northeast wind, we could
not muster the eight hundred soldiers and the eight hundred
kabitans at Montreal, until the 10th of June, and we then
distributed among them the batteaux, designed to carry
eight men in each, with their provisions for two months.
Our troops were arranged for the march as follows :—
Eight platoons of two hundred men each, were under the
Command of eight of the best officers, as well of the troops
as of the habilans. Six batteaux formed a company, each
batteau carrying eight men. Each commandant of two
hundred men, had charge of twenty-four batteaux, which
were arranged and numbered up to twenty-four, and
carried in the first the flag by which the twenty-four bat-
teaux were distinguished.
The names of the four commandants of the troops, were
D’Orvilliers, St. Cirq, De Troyes and Vallerennes, veteran
captains of infantry, and good officers. The four captains
of the kabitans were Berthier, La Yalterge, Granville, and
Longueil Le Moyne, all four very competent for the com-
mand.
The four commandants of the troops had with them M.
Le Chevalier de Yaudreuil, recently arrived from France to
take command of the King’s forces in this country. The
four commandants of the militia had for their commandant
General the Sieur Duguay, a veteran officer of the Carig-
nan,# a long time established in this country.
M. De Callieres was commander-in-chief of both divi-
sions under my orders. The order of march throughout the
entire voyage, was a battalion of troops, succeeded bf?one
of militia, alternately, that they might be in readiness to af-
ford each other assistance, our kabitans being the most ex-
perienced in this mode of travelling.
In respect to our savage allies who live in the Colony, and
who followed us to the number of about four hundred,
their order of march was not prescribed, that they might
serve as scouts, or in the detachments we should send out,
or in facilitating the march, according to the necessity of
the case, reserving them for such use as is made of dragoons
in France.
* The name of this officer is spelled “ Da Gue,” by Charlevoix. He is pro-
bably the person of that name who accompanied Father Hennepin, in his early
exploration of the Mississippi, seven years previous. There was a regiment in
the French service called the regiment of “ Carignan Salieres” which is pro-
bably the one referred to in the text.168
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION
On assembling our troops at Montreal, we received news
of the arrival at Quebec, of M. D’Omblement,* with a
King’s ship, called the Arc-en-ciel, which arrived from
France in thirty-three days, a thing unprecedented since
the settlement of Canada. He brought us news of the re-
inforcement of eight hundred men, which was sent by the
King, and remained in place of the habitans, whom we had
drawn from their homes.
Notwithstanding the haste we made, our little army did
not set out from Ville-Marie,f in the island of Montreal,
until the 13th day of June.
On the 14th, in the morning, we passed the rapids and
the Saut St. Louis, and all the troops encamped, a part in
the isle of Perrot, and a part at Chateaugtii, where our Chris-
tian savages awaited us.
The latter sung and danced the war dance all night, at a
feast which was made for them by means of two lean cows,
and some dozen dogs, roasted in their skins—which are the
true enrolments for a vigorous prosecution of the war. We
were? obliged to rest on the fifteenth, by reason of very bad
weather, storms and contrary winds, which prevailed all
day, and prevented our passing in Lake, which is very dan-
gerous.
We feared any increase of wind, on account of the two
currents of two large rivers which meet there, and the ex-
istence of a great number of rocks and shoals.
On the morning of the J 6th, our little fleet, composed of
three hundred and fifty sail, appeared in a body upon the
Lake, and favored by a fair wind and fine weather, reached
the foot of the cascades,! where a portage of all the
luggage, munitions of war, and provisions became neces-
sary.
It was there that our soldiers and Canadians, stripped to
their shirts in the water, as deep in many places as their
arm pits, worked like water dogs, drawing with cords or
pushing with their shoulders, the batteaux and canoes, to
overcome the rapidity of the stream. We found our Indi-
ans of great service on this occasion.
* La Hontan writes this name “ D’Amblemontarid says the passage was
made from Rochelle in twenty-eight days.
t Ville-Marie is the ancient name bestowed upon Montreal by its founders.
Charlevoix says it was used in his time in public acts, and that the Lords-pro-
prietaries were exceedingly jealous of its retention.
t These rapids or falls are situated at the upper end of the island of Perrot
which lies opposite the mouth of the Utawas river.AGAINST THE SENECAS.
169
This day’s work was severe on account of three difficult
passages. The great vigor of our men surmounted all the
impediments, the least of which would have appalled the
stoutest heart in Europe; showing what man can accom-
plish when he undertakes an object.
This same day we passed the Cascades, Le Trou, and Le
Buisson.* We encamped at evening in three different divi-
sions, separate from each other. The first two battalions
were at the foot of the rapids, called Coteau des Cedres,f
the next two a little below, and the other four a little lower
still.
On the 17th, our troops began their march at day-break,
and the most we could accomplish was to pass the rapids
of the Coteau des Cedres and those of the Cedres. Nearly
all unloaded their boats at the former, but the remainder,
more courageous, passed them very safely without that
trouble. We encamped half a league above the latter. This
day’s advance was only about two leagues, by reason of the
length of the last rapid, which is nearly three quarters of a
league, and where it was necessary to pass all the boats
and canoes in single order. We lost two batteaux in this
difficult passage, which were swung around by the current
and swamped, also two sacks of biscuit which got wet.
On the 18th we encamped a good quarter of a league
from Lake St. Francis, after passing the Coteau du Lac,
which is the most difficult rapid to surmount. We were
obliged to make a portage of all the loading, and even of
the greater part of the batteaux, aided by our good friends,
the savages. We advanced three leagues this day.
On the 19th, we were able to proceed only three leagues,
on account of a heavy rain and storm, which obliged us to
encamp on the borders of the above named lake, at a place
called Pointe a Baudet. The Sieur Perre arrived in the
evening with four Iroquois, their women and two children,
whom he had captured fifteen leagues below, at a place
where I had sent him for that purpose.
Two of these Iroquois are the most influential of the nation
of Goyogouens,J open enemies of the colony, and strongly
attached to the Sonnontouans. One of them named
Oreouati, cruelly maltreated and persecuted the Reverend
Father De Careilt, when he was a missionary in their vil-
* Le Buisson, or “ the fall of the thicket”
t Coteau des Cedres. These form the third rapid in ascending the river from
Montreal, and are about nine miles above Le Buisson.
% Cayugas.
SECOND SERIES, VOL. II.
12170
DE NONVILLE’s EXPEDITION
lage, besides committing many robberies on him, and on
many of our French and savage allies. They also charge
upon him the expedition of the last year against the Hurons.
On the 20th, all the captives were sent to the prisons of
Montreal, to join four other Iroquois who had been sur-
prised in that neighborhood, whither they had gone as spies.
In the mean time we set out from our camp, after a heavy
rain, and accomplished the remaining traverse of the lake,
amounting to five leagues. The bad weather detained us
the remainder of the day, and compelled us to encamp
among the islands at the end of the lake.
On the 21 st, we encamped at the foot of the Petits Ches-
neaux, a little below Pointe Maligne, and advanced only
three leagues, being delayed by the severe storms which
prevailed.
On the 22d, we passed the rapids of Petits Chesneaux
and of the Long Saut, except two battalions which were
obliged to encamp at the foot of the latter. We were com-
pelled to tow the batteaux for more than two leagues, and
did not advance more than two leagues and a half.
I will say nothing of the difficulties we had to surmount
in passing these rapids. They must be seen and passed in
order to conceive their force. Many of our men wrere
crippled there in their feet and legs. We had but three
batteaux carried down by the current, which were safely
brought to land, having escaped with only a few pails of
water in them, some biscuit wet and guns lost. It cost the
life of a poor soldier, who, being less expert than the rest,
was drowned after surmounting all these rapids.
We were obliged on the 23d to remain in the same place,
waiting for the two battalions which were unable to pass
the Long Saut on the 22d. The day was employed in caulk-
ing the broken batteaux. We were unable to finish them
by reason of the heavy and incessant rain, and of the great
number which were injured. On this same day, two ca-
noes, sent out to reconnoitre, brought an Iroquois savage,
of some note among the Goiogouens, together with three
women and two children. The man had been sent to
watch our movements, and he informed us that Oreouatit,
of whom we have already spoken, had descended to Mon-
treal, with the intention of discovering what was passing
among us, and of carrying off some French prisoners on
his return. We found among his booty some cords with
which they are accustomed to bind their prisoners, and
which they do not carry, except on warlike excursions.AGAINST THE SENECAS.
171
On the 24th, M. L’lntendant sent a canoe, to advise us
that many Iroquois savages were fishing at the isle of Oto-
niato* and also on the main land, south of, and opposite
said island.
At twelve leagues below Catarocouy, I sent a detach-
ment of a hundred savages, commanded by the Sieur de
Ste Helene Le Moyne, to capture the said Iroquois. The
heavy rain of the preceding day not having permitted us
to mend the leaky batteaux, we were unable to set out from
our camp until noon. We were still obliged to leave be-
hind us a part of our habitans, who were more accustomed
to the navigation, to join us the next day under the com-
mand of M. de Callieres. We advanced this day only
three leagues.
On the 25th we set out from the camp and passed the
Rapide Plat, a little above which we encamped, having
accomplished but three leagues and a half. These rapids
occasioned the loss of a soldier who was drowned. In the
evening we had news from Catarocouy, by a canoe sent by
M. L’Intendant, that he had seized all the savages, to pre-
vent them from carrying news of our march to the enemy,
and that he had engaged the savages which were at Oto-
niata, to meet him at Catarocouy, where they would also be
seized. This same day, ten Algonquin savages, on hearing
of our march, came to join us, being from the region of
Temiscamins, towards the north, and told us that others
would come with the same design. M. De Callieres could
not join us this day, but arrived within half a league.
On the 26th we passed the rapids Des Galots, which are
the last, and thenceforth we entered a more gentle current.
After this, our navigation was much easier, because the
soldiers were relieved from getting into the water, and we
advanced by the aid of our oars and sails alone. We en-
camped a good league and a half above Des Galots, and
gained this day four leagues.f
On the 27th, a severe and contrary wind from the south-
east obliged us to remain, and we passed the day in refit-
ting those batteaux which were found out of order. M.
L’Intendant arrived at our camp, from Catarocouy, on his
return, to give the necessary orders for the regulation of the
* This island is about a mile and a half long, and 15 or 16 miles above La
Galette, and is now called “ Tonihata”
+ This encampment was at or near the place subsequently called La Galette,
and which was recommended by Charlevoix as a far preferable site for a Fort
than Catarocouy.172
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION
colony. He informed us of the manner in which they had
arrested all the Iroquois savages in the environs of the Fort,
to the number of 120, thirty of whom were men, the rest
being women and children. In the evening of the same
day, to retrieve lost time, the wind being calm, we pro-
ceeded all night, and encamped eight leagues from where
the rain commenced.
The 28th passed amid severe storms and continued rain
during the whole day, which obliged us to remain.
We set out on the 20th, early in the morning, with fine
weather, and advanced nearly nine leagues. On reaching
our camp, we had the pleasure of witnessing the arrival of
the Reverend Father Lamberville, of the company of Jesus,
missionary to the Onnontagues,* whom I had sent for in-
formation, under the pretence of bringing the most influen-
tial of the Iroquois to negotiate a settlement of our differ-
ences. On the last day of June, we arrived within half a
league of Catarocouy, and I proceeded there the same day,
to arrange every thing, and procure what provisions we
should need until the end of August.
On arriving at the Fort, I thought proper to send to the
village of the Onnontagues, the son and brother of a sav-
age named Hotrehouate, one of the most distinguished and
influential in the said village, from whom we had derived
great assistance in checking the incursions which the Son-
nontouans, and other Iroquois had made the year past, un-
der the instigation of Colonel Dongan, Governor of New
York. Father Lamberville used the influence of the above-
named person, as well as that of his other friends, to coun-
teract the ill designs of the said colonel.
The first day of July all our troops arrived at Catarocouy,
where they occupied themselves in unloading whatever
they had in the batteaux for the Fort, or for fitting out the
three barks, one of which had already gone to carry pro-
visions and ammunition to the Sieurs De La Durantave and
Du Lhu.f The two latter have had orders for a year past
to repair here on the last of June, with all the French they
could collect, who were in the forests on leave, for the
beaver trade, and those of our savage allies, enemies of
the Iroquois, whom they could induce to join them. The
remainder of the day was passed in examining and re-
placing the provisions which had been damaged by the rain
* Onondagas.
t Charlevoix spells this name “ Du Luth.”AGAINST THE SENECAS.
173
and other accidents incident to navigation, which we were
unable to finish that day.
Being advised by the Sieur Perre, who had been sent in
a party with some savages, that he had not force enough to
seize and carry off all the Iroquois savages of Ganneious,*
I sent thither a detachment of forty Canadians, in bark ca-
noes, under the command of Captain Repentigny and Lieu-
tenant Portneuf to hasten that expedition, with orders to
return the next day, although Ganneious is ten leagues dis-
tant from Catarocouy, because I wished to set out on the
third. On this same day, the Sieur De La Foret arrived at
Catarocouy. He is a resident of Fort St. Louis, among the
Illinois, where the Sieur de Tonty is in command. He in-
formed me that he had come from Niagara by the way of
the northern shore of Lake Ontario, although it is more
than eighty leagues by that route. He brought me letters
from the Sieur de Tonty, and from Messieurs De La Du-
rantaye and Du Lhu, who had arrived at Niagara on the
27th of June, with about 180 of the most active men of the
colony, and about 400 savages, and were waiting impa-
tiently for news from me by the bark which I had promised
to send them, loaded with provisions and ammunition.
This bark had left Catarocouy on Friday, the 26tjj of June,
and favored by the northeast wind, should have arrived at
Niagara on the 2d day of July.
The Sieur De La Foret informed me that the Sieur De
La Durantaye had seized thirty English who, escorted by
some Iroquis, were on their way to trade at Missilimaquinak,
as they did the past year, under the pretence that post be-
longed to them ; although we have held it for more than
twenty-five years as the entrepot of all our commerce.
Those thirty Englishmen were taken in Lake Huron, twenty
leagues from Missilimaquinak, where they were deprived
of their effects and made piisoners without any other in-
jmy, although it would have been lawful to have treated
them more severely, as they were taken in arms with our
enemies.f He further informed me, that the corps which
were at Niagara, had met another party of thirty English,
also escorted by savages hostile to us, who were likewise
going to Missilimaquinak under the guidance of some
French deserters. They w’ere met by our people at the
* An Iroquois village on the north side of Lake Ontario, 8 or 10 leagues west
of Catarocouy.
t This party of Englishmen was commanded by Major Gregory.174
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION
Strait of Lake Erie, near the Fort* * * § which we occupy there,
and were treated like the others.
I directed the Sieur de La Foret, to return immediately,
having charged him with the necessary orders for the junc-
tion of the said corps of French and Savages from Niagara,
with ours at the rendezvous which I appointed near the
mouth of the river of the Sonnontouans,f but the wind be-
ing too violent, he could not set out until the evening of
the next day, so that he went only two or three leagues.
The 2d day of July passed in distributing the provisions,
and in repairing all the leaky batteaux,it being our intention
to leave the next day. We arranged the two large batteaux
for carrying in each a small cannon, some long guns, Arque-
buses a croc,% and twenty men, with which to cover our
landing when we should arrive in the enemy’s country.
We waited on the 3d for Perre, who, by reason of contrary
and severe winds, had not been able to arrive on the 2d, as
he had been directed. He arrived about 10 o’clock in the
morning, with eighteen savage warriors and a multitude of
women and children, making in all about eighty persons.
The men were all confined in the Fort. The whole party
numbered fifty-one able bodied men, and a hundred and
fifty women and children.§ Orders were given to embark
in the afternoon of the same day, but the wind did not per-
mit, so the remainder of the day was employed in loading
the provisions, ammunition and implements into the two
remaining barks, to send them to the general rendezvous
near the Sonnontouans.
We embarked early in the morning of the 4th day of
July, and took the route by the way of La Famine,|| coast-
ing along the south side of Lake Ontario. We made many
traverses, favored by a calm which continued all day, and
* Fort Pontchartrain, on Detroi triver, now the site of Detroit.
t Irondequoit Bay.
X An arquebuse is an ancient fire arm, the barrel of which is very large and
heavy.
§ Some of the Iroquois who were thus treacherously seized by the French,
were subsequently sent to France and confined in the galleys. This perfidious
conduct on the part of the French towards those who had taken no part in the
hostilities against them, contributed in no small degree to exasperate the Iroquois,
and provoked the horrid cruelties they subsequently inflicted on the French, for
nothing could be more degrading in their estimation, than to make them galley-
slaves. Count Frontenac brought back the captives from France at the request
of De Nonville, and endeavored to use their influence in establishing a peace
with their nation, but without success.
|| La Famine, or Hungry Bay. So called from the scarcity of food which the
French army experienced there in 1684, in the expedition under La Barre.AGAINST THE SENECAS.
175
by which we happily profited. We advanced this day more
than ten leagues, and encamped on an island named Des
Galots, which we reached very opportunely, for hardly had
our batteaux arrived, when a wind from the southeast arose
with such violence, that we would have been obliged to
land on the nearest shore, had it commenced sooner. It
continued all night with such violence, that the waves
compelled us to draw our batteaux upon land.
On the 5th the same wind continued all day, and con-
strained us to remain on said island. The next day, July
6th, the wind abated a little in the morning, but we could
not undertake the traverse until one o’clock, at which time
the wind suddenly ceased. We encamped a league from
thence, at a river named Cataragarenre.* While on our
way our savages discovered the footprints of some fugitive
Iroquois, whom they pursued without success. They left
behind them some sacks of provisions, and their canoes.
We resumed our march on the morning of the 7th, and
encamped a league and a half from the river Onnontagues.f
The distance was ten leagues. We also perceived this day
some men who were stationed to watch our march, but
who escaped in the woods by the path which leads over
land to Onnontague lake.
On the 8th wre advanced only five leagues, by reason of
storms and severe winds. We encamped two leagues from
Chroutons. J
On the 9th, we advanced only four leagues on account of
the incessant rain and the difficulty of approaching the
land. We encamped two leagues above Chroutons.
On arriving there we perceived at a distance the bark,
which, after having landed provisions at Niagara, had
come to advise us that the detachment of savage allies
would leave Niagara on the 6th, with all the French, to
reach the river of the Sonnontouans on the 10th, pursuant
to the orders I had given. This same evening a savage of
our company having wandered a little distance into the
woods, was captured by three Iroquois scouts, who, having
tied him, kept him prisoner a day and a night, without per-
ceiving that he had a knife suspended from his neck, which
by chance remained concealed on his back under his dress.
The second night the prisoner did not fail to use the knife
in cutting his bonds while his guards were fast asleep. He
* Probably Sandy Creek, in Jefferson county.
X Oswego river.
X Chroutons. It is difficult to identify this place \ probably little Sodus bay.176
DE NONVILLE’s EXPEDITION
returned to our camp without any other injury than the
blow of a tomahawk which they had struck very lightly on
one of his shoulders.
On the 10th, we set out at daylight, in order to reach the
rendezvous at Ganniagatarontagouat# the same day, al-
though the wind was rather strong, the waves high and the
Lake rough. We made such fortunate progress, that just
as we arrived at the above named Marais, having first ex-
amined it, in expectation of finding the enemy there, we
perceived at a distance our French and savage allies who
were coming under sail from Niagara. They arrived at
the same time with ourselvesf at the embankment of said
Lake, where we spent the rest of the day in seeking a posi-
tion suitable for intrenchments, and capable of affording
protection while we were gone over land in search of the
enemy in their villages, the largest of which is distant only
nine or ten leagues.
We passed the 11th in constructing palisades, fascines and
pickets, for intrenching the dike which separates the Lake
from the Marais in which we had placed our boats.
On the 12th at 3 o’clock, after having detached four hun-
dred menj to garrison the redoubt, which we had already
put in condition of defence for the protection of our provi-
sions, batteaux and canoes, we set out with all our savage
allies, who were loaded like ourselves with thirteen days pro-
visions, and took the path which leads by land through the
* This is now called Irondequoit bay, and is situated about four miles east of Gen-
esee river. It is about five miles long and one mile wide. Various names have
been applied to it by English writers, such as “ Trondequat,” •* Rundegut,” and
“ Gerundegut.” Spafford in his Gazetteer says, the Iroquois name is Teoronto ;
pronounced “ Tcheorontok,” signifying the place where the waves breathe and
die, or gasp and expire. This meaning is highly poetical, and were not truth of
more importance, it would perhaps be ungracious to correct it. The true signifi-
cation of the word is said to be a place where there is a jam of Jloodwood !
The name is not Seneca, but Mohawk. The Seneca name is “ O-nyiii-da-on-
da-gwat,” and means a bay or cove ; literally a turning out or going aside of the
Lake; compounded of Ga-nyiu-daeh, Lake, and O-da-gwah, it turns out or goes
aside. The name given by De Nonville is the same word in the Mohawk dia-
lect. Gerundegut, or Irondequoit, is undoubtedly a corruption of the Seneca
name above given by De Nonville. It is spelled “ Andiataroataount,” on the
Jesuits’ map, published in 1664, and “ Ganientaraguat,” on Vaugondy’s map,
published in Paris, A. D. 1753.
t Colden and Smith erroneously state that the expedition of De Nonville left
Catarocouy in two divisions, one by the north side of Lake Ontario, and the
other by the south side, both of which met at Irondequoit bay. It clearly appears
from De Nonville’s narrative, that the party which he met at the mouth of the
bay, was composed of French and Indians from the far west, who had sailed
from their rendezvous at Niagara, to join the expedition pursuant to his orders.
X These men were left under the command of the Sieur D’Orviliers. La Hon-
tan’s travels. Vol. i, p. 96. See appendix. No. II.AGAINST THE SENECAS.
177
woods to Gannagaro.* We advanced only three leagues
this day, among tall woods, sufficiently openf to allow us
to march in three columns.
The next day, being the 13th, we left in the morning, with
the design of approaching the village as near as we could,
to deprive the enemy of the opportunity of rallying and
seizing upon two difficult defiles upon two rivers, which it
was necessary for us to pass, and where we should un-
doubtedly meet them. In the mean time we passed those
two defiles unmolested, no one appearing but some scouts.
There still remained a third defile, at the entrance to said
village, at which it was our intention to halt, for the pur-
pose of passing the night, and of resting our troops, who
were much fatigued through the extraordinary and sultry
heat of the weather, but our scouts having seen the trail of
a considerable party which had been in the neighborhood
of this defile, warned us to keep our troops together.
About three o’clock in the afternoon, a short time after
we had resumed our march, M. de Callieres, who was at
the head of the three companies commanded by Tonty, De
La Durantaye and Du Lhu, and of all our savages, fell into
an ambuscade of Sonnontouans, posted in the vicinity of
the defile.
They were better received than they anticipated, and
were thrown into such consternation, that the most of them
threw away their guns and clothing, to escape under fa-
vor of the woods. The action was not long, but there was
heavy firing on both sides.
The three companies of Outaouaies,J who were stationed
on the right, distinguished themselves, and all our Christian
savages farther in the rear, performed their duty admirably,
and firmly maintained the position which had been assigned
to them on the left.
As we had in our front a dense wood, and a brook bor-
dered with thickets, and had made no prisoners who could
tell us positively the number of the enemy who attacked
us; the severe fatigue of* the march which our troops, as
well the French as the savages, had undergone, left us in
no condition to pursue the enemy. They had fled beyond
* When the'Genesee country was first surveyed, in 1789, there was an old Indi-
an trail or path leading from the outlet of Irondequoit bay along its eastern side
into the interior of the country. This is undoubtedly the path which the expe-
dition pursued.
t Their route lay through oak openings which abounded in that part of the
Genesee country.
t Ottawas.178
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION
where we had sufficient knowledge of the paths, to be cer-
tain which we should take, to lead us from the woods into
the plain.
The enemy left twenty-seven dead on the field to our know-
ledge, who had been killed on the spot, besides a much larger
number of wounded, judging from the traces of blood which
we saw. We learned from one of the d}dng, that thev had
more than eight hundred men under arms, either in the ac-
tion or in the village, and were daily expecting assistance
from the neighboring Iroquois.
Our troops being very much fatigued, we rested the re-
mainder of the day at the same place, where we found suf-
ficient water for the night. We maintained a strict watch,
waiting for day, in order to enter the plain, which is about
a league in extent, before proceeding to the village.
The Reverend Father Emabran,* missionary among the
Outaouas savages whom he had brought to us, was wounded
in the action. It cost us also the death of five habitans, a
soldier, and five savage allies, besides six habitans and five
soldiers wounded.
The next day, which was the 14th, a heavy rain that
lasted until noon, compelled us to remain until that time at
the place where the action occurred. We set out in battle
array, thinking to find the enemy intrenched in the new
village, which is above the old.
In the meantime we entered the plain, without seeing
any thing but the relics of the fugitives. We found the
old village burnt by the enemy, and the intrenchments of
the new deserted, which were distant from the old about
three quarters of a league. We encamped on the height of
the plain, and did nothing this day but protect ourselves
from the severe rain, which continued until night.
On the 15th, the savages brought us two old men, whom
the enemy had left in the woods in their retreat. Two or
three women came to surrender themselves, and informed us
that for the space of four days, all the old men, women and
children had been fleeing in great haste, being able to carry
with them only the best of their effects. Their flight was
towards Goiogouen,j* behind the Lakes. They were sorely
troubled for the means of subsistence, and one woman in-
* Both La Hontan and Charlevoix give the name of this Jesuit as “ Angel-
ran ” which is undoubtedly correct, as the name is indistinctly written in the
“ Paris Document.”
t The Canton of the Cayugas, which was situated in the vicinity of Cayuga
Lake, about twenty-five miles from where the battle was fought.AGAINST THE SENECAS.
179
formed us they were obliged to kill the Oumiamis prison-
ers, which was the reason of her escape.
One of the old men who had been of note in the village*
and was father or uncle of the chief, told us the ambuscade
consisted of two hundred and twenty men, stationed on the
hill side, to attack us in the rear, and of five hundred and
thirty in front. The two hundred and twenty men directed
a part of their efforts against our rear battalions, where
they did not expect such strong resistance, as those battal-
ions drove them back more rapidly than they came.
In addition to the above, there were also three hundred men
in their fort, situated on a very advantageous height, into
which they all pretended to withdraw, having carried there
a quantity of Indian corn. This same old man told us he
had seen the enemy retire in great disorder and consterna-
tion. He informed us there were none but Sonnontouans;
that two hundred Goiougouens were about to join them, and
that they had sent to the Onnontagues, and other nations*
to invite them to unite against us.
After we had obtained from this good man all the in-
formation he could impart, he was placed in the hands
of the Reverend Father Bruyas,* who, finding he had
some knowledge of the Christian religion, through the in-
strumentality of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers, missionaries
for twenty years in this village, he set about preparing him
for baptism before returning him to the savages who had
taken him prisoner. He was baptised, and a little while
after, at our solicitation, they contented themselves wTith
knocking him on the head with a tomahawk, instead of
burning him according to their custom.
Our first achievement this day, was to burn the fort of
which we have spoken. It was eight hundred paces in cir-
cumference, well enough flanked, for savages, by an in-
trenchment advanced for the purpose of communication with
a spring on the declivity of a hill, it being the only one
where they could obtain water.
* Although the Senecas were visited by the Jesuits as early as 1657, no
permanent mission was established among them until 1668, in which year Father
Jacques Fremin, Superior of the Iroquois mission, arrived there on the first day of
November. The chiefs received him with distinguished honors, and built a chapel
for his use. He found them all disposed to receive his instruction, particularly
some aged Hurons whom they held in captivity. Father Bruyas, the Jesuit men-
tioned in the text, was long a missionary among the Iroquois. We read of him
among the Oneidas, in 1668, and find him subsequently engaged in important
negotiations with the Onondagas. Relation, 1667-8, p. 83*180
DE NONVILLE’s EXPEDITION
The remainder of the day was employed in destroying
Indian corn, beans and other produce.
On the 16th we continued the devastation. Our runners
brought us from time to time, the spoils of the fugitives,
found scattered in the woods.
hi the afternoon of the same day, we moved our camp to
approach those places where there was corn to destroy. A
party of our savages, about whom we had been anxious,
arrived in the evening with considerable booty, which they
had captured in the great village of Totiakton, four leagues
distant. They iound that village also abandoned by the
enemy, who, in retrealing, had set it on fire, but there were
only three or four cabins consumed.
On the 17th, w^e were also occupied in destroying the
grain of the small village of Saint Michael, or Gannogarae,
distant a short league from the large village, and continued
it on the 18th, after having moved our camp in order to ap-
proach those fields which were concealed and scattered in
the recesses of the forest.
On the night of the 19th, we had a slight alarm from a
shot fired by a sentinel at an Illinois woman, a captive for
nine years among the Sonnontouans,* and who had fled
from the hands of the enemy. She escaped with only a
wound in her thigh. She confirmed the report that the
Sonnontouans, being much frightened, had fled to the Onnon-
tagues and to the English.
She informed us there were forty men killed in their at-
tack upon us, and fifty or more severely wounded. She
added that all the old men, women and children, were dis-
persed in the woods on their way to the Goyogouens, but
severely straightened for want of food, which they were un-
able to carry with them by reason of their sudden flight.
On the morning of the 19th we moved our camp from near
the village of St. James or Gannagaro, after having destroy-
ed a great quantity of fine large corn, beans and other veg-
etables, of which there remained not a single field, and af-
ter having burned so large a quantity of old corn that I
dare not tell the amount, and encamped before Totiakto,
called the great village, or village of Conception, distant
four leagues from the former. We found there a still
greater number of cultivated fields, with which to occupy
ourselves for many days.
* A sanguinary war was waged for a longtime between these widely separa-
ted nations. La Salle witnessed a battle between them near the Illinois river in
1679, in which the Iroquois were victorious.AGAINST THE SENECAS.
181
Three captives arrived this day, a young girl and two
women of the Illinois nation. They told us that many
prisoners of their nation had profited by the defeat of the
Sonnontouans, to escape from their hands. They also con-
firmed what had already been told us, that the Sonnontou-
ans had broken the heads of the most of their prisoners,
and had passed beyond Goyogouen and taken refuge among
the English.
On the 20th we occupied ourselves in cutting down and
destroying the new corn, and in burning the old.
We went, on the 21st, to the small village of Gannounata,
distant two leagues from the larger, where we caused the
destruction the same day, of all the old and new corn, al-
though the quantity was no less than in the other villages.
It was at the entrance to this village, that we found the
arms of England, which the Sieur Dongan, Governor of
New York, had placed there contrary to all right and rea-
son, in the year 1684, having ante-dated the arms as of the
year 1683, although it is beyond question that we first dis-
covered and took possession of that country, and for twenty
consecutive years have had Fathers Fremin, Gamier, &c.
as stationary missionaries in all their villages.
One would hardly credit the quantity of grain which we
found in store in this place, and destroyed by fire.
This same day, a Huron of the Mission of St. Lorette,
arrived alone with two scalps of a man and woman whom
he had knocked on the head, having found them near the
Goyogouens, where he had gone alone for that purpose.
He told us he had noticed a multitude of paths by which
the enemy had fled.
We left the abovenamed village on the 22d, to return to
Totiakto, to continue there the devastation we had com-
menced. Notwithstanding the bad weather and incessant
rain, we continued all day to make diligent preparation for
our departure, which was the more urgent as the sickness
increased among the soldiers, habitans and savages,* and our
food and fresh provisions diminished rapidly. Besides which
the impatience of the savages to return, with a great num-
ber of sick and wounded, gave us no hope of retaining
them against their will, some having already left the pre-
ceding day without permission.
It w^as on this same day that four Iroquois of Montreal,
. * Charlevoix states that this sickness was in part occasioned by the great num-
ber of hogs which were killed by the French army.182
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION
stimulated by the example of the Huron of Lorette, who
had brought away the two scalps, left without our know-
ledge to go in a party towards Goyoguen.
On the 23d, we sent a large detachment of almost all the
army, under the command of M. de Callieres and of M. de
Le Chevalier de Vaudreuil, to complete the destruction of
all the corn still standing in the distant woods.
About 7 o’clock in the morning, seven Illinois, coming
alone from their country to war against the Iroquois, arrived
at the camp, stark naked, with bow in hand, at which those
whom the Sieur de Tonty had brought to us were much re-
joiced.
About noon of the same day, we finished destroying the
Indian corn. We had the curiosity to estimate the whole
quantity, green as well as ripe, which we have destroyed
in the lour villages of the Sonnontouans, and we found that
it would amount to 350,000 minots# of green, and 50,000
minots of old corn, by which we can estimate the multi-
tude of people in these four villages,! and the suffering they
will experience from the devastation.
Having nothing further to accomplish in this country, and
seeing no enemy, we left our camp in the afternoon of the
same day, to rejoin our batteaux. We only advanced two
leagues. Cn our way a Huron surprised a Sonnontouan,
who appeared to be watching our march. He was killed
on the spot, because he refused to follow us. I would have
preferred to have had him brought along alive, in order to
obtain Irom him some news of the enemy.
We reached our batteaux on the 24th, after travelling six
leagues. We rested there the next day, in order to make
arrangements for leaving on the 26th, after we should have
destroyed the redoubt we had built.
We despatched on the 25th, the bark for Catarocouy,
which we had found with the other two at Ganniataronta-
gouat, to advise M. L’lntendant of the result of our Expe-
dition, and by the same mode I sent back those of our camp
who were suffering the most with sickness.
On the 26th we set out for Niagara, resolved to garrison
that post as a protection for all our savage allies, and thus
afford them the means of continuing, in small detachments,
the war against the enemy, whom they have not been able
* A minot is a French measure of three bushels, making the total amount of
corn destroyed by the Expedition, 1,200,000 bushels!
t In 1677, ten years prior to De Nonville’s Expedition, the Senecas lived in
four towns, containing 324 houses. Wentworth Greenshulp’s Journal.AGAINST THE SENECAS.	183
to harass, being too distant from them and having no place
of refuge.
Although it was only thirty leagues from Ganniataronta-
guat to Niagara, we were unable to accomplish the dis-
tance in less than four days and a half, by reason of con-
trary winds, that is to say, we arrived there on the morn-
ing of the 30th. We immediately set about choosing a
place, and collecting stakes for the conslruction of the Fort
which I had resolved to build at the extremity of a tongue
of land, between the river Niagara and Lake Ontario, on
the Iroquois side.*
On the 31st of July and first of August, we continued
this work, which was the more difficult, from there being
no wood on the place suitable for making palisades, and
from its being necessary to draw them up the height. We
performed this labor so diligently, that the Fort was in a
state of defence on the last mentioned day. We learned
on this same day from a Chaouanon\ deserter from the Son-
nontouans, who was himself in the battle of the 13ih July,
that there were eight hundred Sonnontouans in ambuscade,
of which six hundred were stationed at the rivulet we were
obliged to pass, and who fired upon us, and two hundred
were in a bottom for the purpose of attacking us in the
rear. He assured us they had twenty killed on the spot
by our fire, whom they buried,J in addition to the twenty-
five which fell into our hands, and more than sixty mortally
wounded. They considered this check so decisive, that we
saw no more of them.
The 2d day of August, the militia having performed their
allotted task, and the Fort being in a condition of defence
in case of assault, they set out at noon, in order to reach
the end of the lake on their return to their own country.
On the morning of the third, being the next day, I embarked
for the purpose of joining the militia, leaving the regular
troops under the direction of M. de Vaudreuil, to finish
what was the most essential, and to render the Fort, not only
capable of defence, but also of being occupied by a detach-
ment of a hundred soldiers, which are to winter there under
* De Nonville’s journal removes the doubt which has been entertained as to
the location of this fortress, some having supposed it to have been first built at
Lewiston. Bancroft's U. S. vol. iii. p. 342. It occupied the site of the present
Fort on the angle formed by the junction of the Niagara with Lake Ontario.
For the derivation of the word Niagara, see appendix No. III.
t Shawnese.
t It was an Indian custom to bury or conceal their slain companions during a
battle, to prevent the enemy from taking their scalps.184
J)E nonville’s expedition
the command of M. de Troyes,# a veteran officer, now cap-
tain of one of the companies stationed in this country. We
advanced thirteen leagues this day, and encamped on the
point at the end of the lake, where there is a traverse of
four leagues from the southern to the northern shore.
On the morning of the 4th, fearing the day breeze, we
embarked as soon as the moon rose, and accomplished the
traverse of four leagues. We advanced fourteen leagues
this day.
On the 5th the storm, wind and rain, prevented us from
leaving in the morning, but at noon, the weather clearing
up, we advanced seven or eight leagues, and encamped at
a place to which I had sent forward our Christian savages
from below. We found there two hundred deer which they
bad killed, a good share of which they gave to our army,
which thus profited by the fortunate chase.
On the Cth, having a light favorable wind, we encamped
two leagues below Gannaraske, a place where salmon is
very abundant, and accomplished this day about fifteen
leagues. We met on the same day the bark which was
coming from Catarocouy, bringing provisions for the gar-
rison we had left to winter at Niagara. On the 7th we
advanced twelve good leagues and encamped two leagues
below Keutt.
On the 8th, favored by a light wind from the southwest,
we advanced fifteen good leagues, and encamped near the
island of La Foret.
On the 9th, notwithstanding a contrary wind, we ad-
vanced nine leagues, and arrived at Fort Catarocouy, where
we remained the rest of that day and a part of the next,
to give the necessary orders for the wintering of the garri-
son we have left there, composed of a hundred men under
the command of M. D’Orvilliers. We set out from the
Fort on the afternoon of the 10th, and encamped at point
A la Mort, distant five leagues from Catarocouy.
On the 1 Ith we advanced eighteen leagues, and encamp-
ed two leagues from La Galette.
On the 12th we passed a portion of the rapids much
* De Nonville left De Troyes with provisions and munitions for eight months.
A sickness soon after broke out in the garrison, by which they nearly all per-
ished, including their commander. The cause of the sickness was ascribed to
the climate, but was probably owing to the unwholesome food with which they
were provided. They were so closely besieged by the Iroquois that they were
unable to supply themselves with fresh provisions. The fortress was soon after
abandoned and destroyed, much to the regret of De Nonville.AGAINST THE SENECAS.
185
sooner than we ascended. We encamped at point a Bau-
det in Lake St. Francis.
On the 13th, we reached Montreal at an early hour, where
we were impatiently expected, and, what is surprising,
without once having in all our voyage heard any news of
our Iroquois enemies.
SECOND SEEIES, VOL. 1U
nI
EXPLANATION OF THE MAP.
The names of the ancient and modern Indian villages within the
bounds of the accompanying map, were furnished by Blacksmith,
as mentioned in the introduction, and their exact localities were
ascertained as near as possible. The original terms are descrip-
tive of locality, or significant of some quality appertaining to the
respective villages, but have nearly all been corrupted, or entirely
changed by the white man.
In writing them down, Pickering’s system of orthography has
been in the main pursued; a, sounding like a in fall; a, like a in hat;
e, like e in they ; i, like i in machine ,* o, like o in note ; u, like u in
but. The horizontal mark underneath a vowel indicates a nasal
sound. When t and h come together they must be sounded sepa-
rately, as the h only adds a rough breathing to the t. The cross
on the h (h.) denotes a sound similar to the close of the interjection
oh! when repeated impatiently, approaching the sound of k, but
not quite reaching it. It is almost impossible to represent the
sounds of Indian words by the English alphabet. If, however,
the sounds of the letters, as above indicated, are strictly observed,
and the accents properly attended to, a near approximation to the
correct pronunciation will be attained.
A.	Sgoh'-sa-is'-thali. This is the Indian name of a great re-
sort for fishing, which formerly existed on the Irondequoit Creek,
a short distance above the head of the bay. The meaning of the
word is, “ the swell dashes against the precipice ” referring to the
fact that a heavy swell sometimes beats against the ledge over
which the falls pour.
B.	Ga-o'-sa-eli'-ga-aahL. “ The lass wood lark used to lie there.”
A more particular notice of this word will be found in the intro-
duction.EXPLANATION OF THE MAP.
187
C.	Chi'-nos-haR'-geh. “ On the slope of the valley” In allu-
sion to the location of the village. The stream now called “ Mud
Creek,” was formerly known by the same name among the In-
dians.
D.	Ga'-non-daa-gwah'. “A chosen town,” compounded of
Ga-non-daR, “ town,” and Gaa-gwah, “ it was selected ” The lake
was also known by the same name, now called, by corruption,
Canandaigua.
E.	HaR'-nya-yaR'. “ Where the finger lies” This name is
compounded of HaR'-nyaR, “ his finger,” and ga-ySR> “ it lies
there,” and originated from the following circumstance, handed
down by Indian tradition. An Indian was picking stAwberries
near the foot of the Honeoye Lake. A rattlesnake, coiled in the
grass, bit the end of his finger. The Indian fearing the effects of
the poison, cut off* the wounded end with his tomahawk, and left it
lying in the grass. The whites call the name Honeoye, which is
much less musical than the original.
F.	Sga'-nyiu-dais. “ Long Lake,” now called Scanitice.
G.	Nafi'-daafi. “ Hemlock,” compounded of O-naR-daR, “ hem-
lock,” and ga-aR', “ it is upon ” Referring to the abundance of
that tree which grew on the borders of the lake.
H.	GaR'-nyuh-sas. This name, according to Wm. Jones,
takes its origin from an old "scoop-net fishing ground, at the outlet
of the lake. Blacksmith pronounces it GaR-neh'-sas, and says it is
derived from the abundance of sheep-berries which formerly grew
on the western borders of the lake. There was a village of the
same name at the head of the lake.
J.	GaR-a'-yan-duk. Literally, “ there was a fort there” This
was an ancient Indian village situated on the top of an eminence.
For a further description, see the introduction.
K.	Ga-non'-da-eR. “ A village on a hill” It was located on
the eastern bank of the Honeoye, near where the present mail
road crosses that stream.
L.	Sga-his'-ga aaR. Literally, “ It was a long creek” There
was an Indian village formerly located on the stream where Lima
is now situated, and which bore this name.
M.	Dyu-do'o-sot. u At the spring ” This village, according
to Blacksmith, was one of the four principal ancient villages of the
Senecas, the other three having been located at B. C. & N.
N.	De-yu'-di-haak'-dgh. “ The lend” This ancient village188
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION.
was situated in a large bend of the Honeoye, north of the present
village of West Mendon. A more particular description of its lo-
cation may be found in the introduction.
O.	Gali-ni'-gah-ddt. “ The pestle stands there.” This was a
more modern village, and was situated at or near the site of East
Avon.
P.	Ga-no'-wa-gas. Literally, “it has the smell of the scum ”
A foetid substance which rises on the surface. Descriptive of the
odor of the mineral springs near Avon.
R.	Gafi-da'-oh. “Bluff.” Now calledGardow. This place
was for many years the residence of Mary Jemison, the white
woman.
S.	De-yu'-it-ga-oh. sc Where the valley widens.”
T.	Sho-noh'-jo-waali-geh. “ At Gen. Morris’s.” The Gener-
al was called by this name, without the suffix geh, which denotes
locality. The place is now called Mount Morris. This, and the
four villages last named, were comparatively modern.APPENDIX.
NO. I.
The following copy of the Procds verbal of the act of possession of the terri-
tory of the Senecas by the French, was translated from the Paris Documents at
Albany, vol. iii. p. 209. Taken in connection with De Nonville’s Narrative,
it is a paper of much interest.
“ Record of the taking possession of the country of the Iroquois, called Son-
nontouant.
“ On the 19th day of July, in the year 1687, the troops commanded by the
Honorable Rene de Brisay, Chevalier, Seigneur Marquis of De Nonville and
other places, Governor and Lieutenant General for the King in the whole ex-
tent of Canada, and country of New France, in presence of Hector, Chevalier
de Calliere, Governor of Montreal in the said country, commanding the camp
under his orders, and of Philip de Rigand, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, command-
ing the troops of the King, which being drawn up in battle array, there appeared
at the head of the army, Charles Aubert, Sieur de la Chenays, citizen of Quebec,
deputed by the Honorable Jean Bochart, Chevalier, Seigneur de Champigny,
Horoy, Verneuil and other places, Counsellor of the King in his councils, Intend-
arit of Justice, Police and Finances in all Northern France, who asserted and
declared, that at the requisition of the said Seigneur de Champigny, he did take
possession of the village of Totiakton, as he had done of the other three villages
named Gannagaro, Gannondata, and Gannongarae, and of a Fort distant half a
league from the said village of Gannagaro, together with all the lands which are
in their vicinity, however far they extend, conquered in the name of his Majesty;
and as evidence thereof has planted in all the said villages and Forts, the arms
of his said Majesty, and has proclaimed in a loud voice, ‘ vive le roi/ after the
said troops have vanquished and put to flight eight hundred Iroquois Tsonnon-
touans, and have laid waste, burnt and destroyed their provisions and cabins.
And on account of the foregoing, the Sieur de la Chenays Aubert, has required
evidence to be granted to him by me, Paul Dupuy, Esquire, Counsellor of the
King, and his Attorney at the Court of the Provost of Quebec.
“Done at the said village of Totiakton, the largest village of the Tsonnon-
touans, in presence of the Reverend Father Vaillant, Jesuit, and of the officers
of the regulars and militia, witnesses with me the said attorney of the King.
Subscribed the day and year above mentioned, and signed in the original by
Charles Aubert de la Chenays, J. Rend de Brisay, Monsieur De Nonville, Le
Chevalier de Calliere, Fleutelot de Romprey, de Desmeloizes, de Ramezay,
Francois Vaillant of the Company of Jesus, de Grandeville, de Longueil, Saint
Paul and Dupuy.
" Compared with the original remaining in my hands, by me, the undersigned,
Counsellor, Secretary of his Majesty, and Chief Register of the Sovereign Coun-
cil at Quebec.
“ Signed,
PENURET.5190
DE NONVILLe’s EXPEDITION.
NO. II.
Account of the Expedition of De Nonville as related by the Baron La Hon-
tan in his " Travels in America.” Translated from the French edition pub-
lished a LaHaj'e, in 1715.
" On the third day of July, 1687, we embarked from Fort Frontinac, to coast
along the southern shore, under favor of the calms which prevail in that month,
and at the same time the Sieur de la Foret left for Niagara by the north side of
the Lake, to wait there for a considerable reinforcement.
“ By extraordinary good fortune we both arrived on the same day, and nearly
the same hour, at the river of the Tsonnontouans, by reason of which our Sav-
age allies, who draw predictions from the merest trifles, foretold with their usual
superstition, that so punctual a meeting infallibly indicated the total destruction
of the Iroquois. How they deceived themselves the sequel will show.
“ The same evening on which we landed, we commenced drawing our canoes
and batteaux upon land, and protected them by a strong guard. We afterwards
set about constructing a Fort of stakes, in which four hundred men were sta-
tioned, under the command of the Sieur Dorvilliers, to guard the boats and
baggage.
“ The next day a young Canadian, named La Fontaine Marion, was unjustly
put to death. The following is his history. This poor unfortunate became ac-
quainted with the country and savages of Canada by the numerous voyages he
made over the continent, and after having rendered his King good service, asked
permission of several of the Governors General to continue his travels in further
prosecution of his petty traffic, but he could never obtain it. He then deter-
mined to go to New England, as war did not then exist between the two Crowns.
He was very well received, on account of his enterprise and acquaintance with
nearly all the Indian languages. It was proposed that he should pilot through
the lakes, those two companies of English which have since been captured.
He agreed to do so, and was unfortunately taken with the rest.
“ The injustice of which they were guilty, appears to me inexcusable, for we
were at peace with the English, besides which they claim that the lakes of Can-
ada belong to them.
“ On the following day we set out for the great village of the Tsonnontouans,
without any other provisions than the ten biscuit which each man was com-
pelled to carry for himself. We had but seven leagues to march, through immense
forests of lofty trees and over a very level country. The Coureurs de hois formed
the vanguard, with a part of the savages, the remainder of which brought up the
rear—the regulars and militia being in the centre.
“ The first day, our scouts marched in advance without making any discover-
ies. The distance which we accomplished was four leagues. On the second
day the same scouts took the lead, and advanced even to the fields of the village,
without perceiving any one, although they passed within pistol shot of five hun-
dred Tsonnontouans lying on their bellies, who suffered them to pass and repass
without interruption.
“ On receiving their report we marched in great haste and little order, be-
lieving that as the Iroquois had fled, we could at least capture their women, chil-
dren and old men. But when we arrived at the foot of the hill on which they
lay in ambush, distant about a quarter of a league from the village, they began to
utter their ordinary cries, followed with a discharge of musketry.
“ If you had seen, sir, the disorder into which our militia and regulars were
thrown, among the dense woods, you would agree with me, that it would require
many thousand Europeans to make head against these barbarians.
“ Our battalions were immediately separated into platoons, which ran without
order, pell mell, to the right and left, without knowing whither they went. In-
stead of firing upon the Iroquois, we fired upon each other. It was in vain to
callc help, soldiers of such a battalionfor we could scarcely see thirty paces.APPENDIX.
191
In short, we were so disordered, that the enemy were about to fall upon us, club
in hand, when our savages having rallied, repulsed and pursued them so closely,
even to their villages, that they killed more than eighty, the heads of which they
brought away, not counting the wounded who escaped.
“ We lost on this occasion ten savages and a hundred Frenchmen ; we had
twenty or twenty-two wounded, among whom was the good Father Angelran,
the Jesuit, who was shot in those parts of which Origen wished to deprive him-
self, that he might instruct the fair sex with less scandal.
“ When the savages brought the heads to M. De Nonville, they inquired why
he halted instead of advancing. He replied that he could not leave his wounded,
and to afford his surgeons time to care for them, he had thought proper to en-
camp. They proposed making litters to carry them to the village, which was
near at hand. The general being unwilling to follow this advice, endeavored to
make them listen to reason, but in place of hearing him, they reassembled, and
having held a council among themselves, although there were more than ten
different nations, they resolved to go alone in pursuit of the fugitives, of whom
they expected to capture at least the women, children, and old men.
"When they were ready to march, M. De Nonville exhorted them not to
leave him or depart from his camp, but rest for one day, and that the next day he
would go and burn the villages of the enemy, and lay waste their fields, in con-
sequence of which they would perish by famine. This offended them so much
that the greater part returned to their country, saying that * the French had come
for an excursion rather than to carry on war, since they would not profit by the
finest opportunity in the world ; that their ardor was like a sudden flash, extin-
guished as soon as kindled; that it seemed useless to have brought so many war-
riors from all parts to burn bark cabins, which could be rebuilt in four days ; that
the Tsonnontouans would care but little if their Indian corn was destroyed,
since the other Iroquois nations had sufficient to afford them a part; that finally,
after having joined the Governors of Canada to no purpose, they would never
trust them in future, notwithstanding any promises they might make.’
“ Some say that M. De Nonville should have gone farther, others think it was
impossible for him to do better. I will not venture to decide between them.
Those at the helm are often the most embarrassed. However, we marched the
next day to the great village, carrying our wounded on litters, but found nothing
but ashes, the Iroquois having taken the precaution to burn it themselves. We
were occupied five or six days in dutting down Indian corn in the fields with our
swords. From thence we passsd to the two small villages of The-ga-ron-hies
and Da-non-ca-ri-ta-oui, distant two or three leagues from the former, where
we performed the same exploits, and then returned to the borders of the lake.
We found in all these villages, horses, cattle, poultry, and a multitude of swinec
The country which we saw is the most beautiful, level and charming in the world.
The woods we traversed abounded in oak, walnut and wild chesnut trees.”
NO. III.
DERIVATION OF “ NIAGARA/’
It appears that the orthography of this word was established as early as the
time of De Nonville’s expedition—it having been written by him as now spelt.
Its derivation, having recently been a topic of discussion in various quarters, is of
sufficient interest to merit investigation.
Lakes Erie and Ontario, and the Strait by which they are connected, are laid
down, but not named, on the map annexed to Champlain’s voyages, published in
1613. A fall of water is indicated on the Strait, near Lake Ontario, and is
there called “ Chute d’eau,” or waterfall. This is the earliest notice on record
of the Falls of Niagara.
Father L’Allemant, in his relation of Brebeuf’s visit in 1640, to the Neutral
Nation, which was then in possession of both borders of the Niagara, calls the
iiiver, “ Onguiaahra,” and states that one of the villages of that nation was192
DE NONVILLE’s EXPEDITION.
known by the same name. It is not probable that Brebeuf visited the cataract,
as no mention is made of it in the narrative.
It is in this word, “ Onguiaahra,” that we undoubtedly have the germ of Ni-
agara, and it is interesting to notice the changes and modifications which it has
undergone.
It next appears as “ Ongiara,” on Sanson’s Map of Canada, published in 1657,
seventeen years after Brebeuf’s visit, and is there applied to the Falls.
On Ducreux’s latin map, attached to his Histories Canadensis, published in
1660, the Falls are called “ Ongiara Cataractes,” or the Cataract of Niagara.
In 1687, we find De Nonville using the present orthography, and since that
time, all French writers have uniformly written the word “ Niagara.” The
English, on the other hand, were not uniform in spelling it, until about the
middle of the last century.
The following are some of the changes which occur among different English
writers:
1687, Oneagerah—London Documents, Albany, vol. iii. p. 177.
“	Onygara—	do.	do.	do.
1747, Iagara—Colden’s Five Nations, Appendix, p. 15.
“	Oniagara— do. do.	do. p. 79.
1757, Ochniagara—Smith’s History of New York, vol. 1. p. 220.
1769, Ogniogorah—Knox’s Historical Journal, vol. 2. p. 139.
Onguiaahra and Ongiara, are evidently identical, and present the same ele-
ments as Niagara. They are undoubtedly compounds of words expressive of
some meaning, as is usual with aboriginal terms, but which meaning is now lost.
The “ o ” which occurs in both the French and English orthography, is probably
a neuter prefix, similar to what is used by the Senecas and Mohawks.
One writer contends that Niagara is derived from Nyah'-gaah', or as he
writes it “ Ne-ah'-gah,” said to be the name of a Seneca village which formerly
existed on the Niagara River below Lewiston, and now applied by the Senecas
to Lake Ontario.
This derivation, however, cannot be correct, for Onguiaahra, and its counter-
part Ongiara, were in use as names of the River and Falls, long before the Sen-
eca village in question was in existence. The Neutral Nation, from whose lan-
guage the words were taken, lived on both borders of the Niagara until they
were exterminated by the Senecas in 1643.
It is far more probable that Nyah'-gaah7, is a reappearance of Ongiara in the
Seneca dialect, and this view is strengthened by the fact, that the former, unlike
most Iroquois names, is without meaning, and as the aborigines do not confer
arbitrary names, it is an evidence that it has been borrowed or derived from a
foreign language.
The conclusion then, is, that the French derived Niagara from Ongiara, and
the Senecas, when they took possession of the territories of the Neutral Nation,
adopted the name Ongiara, as near as the idiom of their language would allow,
and hence their name Nyah'-gaah7.